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CHARLES I. IN 1646.
KING CHARLES THE FIRST
QUEEN HENRIETTA MARIA.
EDITED BY JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A.
DIB. CAMD. SOC.
PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY
J B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PRINTERS,
COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR 1855-6.
THE RIGHT HON. LORD BRAYBROOKE, F.S.A.
WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A.
JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A. Director,
JOHN PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. V.P.S.A. Treasurer.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.
BOLTON CORNEY, ESQ. M.R.S.L.
JAMES CROSBY, ESQ. F.S.A.
SIR HENRY ELLIS, K.H., F.R.S., Dir. S.A.
THE REV. LAMBERT B. LARKING, M.A.
PETER LEVESQUE, ESQ. F.S.A.
FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas. S.A.
LORD VISCOUNT STRANGFORD, G.C.B., F.S.A.
WILLIAM J. THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A., Secretary.
ALBERT WAY, ESQ. F.S.A.
HIS EXCELLENCY M. VAN DE WEYER.
REV. JOHN WEBB, M.A., F.S.A.
The Couifcii^ of the Cambbn Societt desire it to be under-
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa-
tions that may appear in the Society*s publications; the Editors of
the several works being alone responsible for the same.
Sixteen hundred and forty-six, to which the following letters
relate, was a year of peculiar moment to Charles I. It was the
turning period of his personal fate.
Cromwell's charge at Naseby determined the Civil War. When
the grim Ironsides rode down the more splendid cavalry that mus-
tered under the royal standard, they destroyed Charles's last chance of
keeping the open field. Thenceforth, all he could do was to move
about amongst his strongholds, the reduction of which was the
only work that remained to be accomplished by the victorious army
of the parliament. One after another, some by storm and some by
famine, garrisoned cities, towns, and fortified mansions fell into the
hands of Fairfax and Cromwell, and as the year 1645 approached
its termination, the parliamentary forces began to hem in the king's
last place of retreat, the loyal and beautiful Oxford, the capital of
the Cavaliers. The Roimdheads were first discerned from the old
tower of Oxford Castle, crowning the heights at a distance fi:om the
city. They soon approached nearer, commanding every road, and
seizing every defensible point; but it was not imtil Fairfax had
cleared the West, and had driven the Prince of Wales to Scilly, that
he returned northward with the main body of his troops, and pre-
pared to invest Oxford in due form.
The question then arose : — ^What was the king to do ? His Mends,
even the most sanguine, deemed his cause irretrievably lost. Without
money, his supporters mined by the sacrificeH they had already made,
his garriaong compelled to plunder as their only means of support,
and the country consequently universally disaffected towards the royal
cause, it was impoaaihlc that the king could caiTy on the contest any
longer. What then was he to do? He had now tried almost all
possible courses. He had endeavoured to govern with a parliament,
and had failed. He had striven to do bo without a parliament : in that
also he had failed. Again, he had been induced to call a parliament
by which he had been driven into concessions, but they were made
grudgingly, in bad faith, and with the clear intention of being
resumed as soon as possible: in this course he had also failed.
Lastly, he had appealed to the final arbiter of national disputes,
and again the result had been adverse to his hopes. His subjects,
esteemed the most loyal people in Europe, had met him, front to
front, in the open field. His choicest troops, commanded by some
of the bravest of the English nobility, had been beaten in many
successive engagements, and, finally, had been cut to pieces and
utterly destroyed. What now remained for him to do? Peace,
upon the best terms that could be obtained, was the ardent longing
of every one. The etanchest Cavaliers saw that submission was
a bitter but an unavoidable necessity. The victorious party must
have its way. The cause had been decided in their favour. The
losers roust submit.
Such was the feeling and the reasoning of the Cavaliers, but not
of the king. Submission was a thing to which Charles could never
be brought. It was his candid avowal with respect to his own cha-
racter, that he could never yield in a good cause; — which every man
thinks his own cause to be. True, it was no longer possible for him
to gain his ends by active measures ; but he had not ceased to
be a power in the State. If he could not govern, he might prevent
his enemies from doing so. The weary and exhausted country
could have no peace without him. If those who were opposed to
him desired tranquillity, they must have it upon his terms. He
was beaten, vanquished, ruined, but no earthly power could induce
him to sacrifice his royal dignity by yielding the principal points
which were in dispute.
These points, the ultimate issues in this great contest, were
gradually reduced to three, which were shortly designated from the
matters to which they related, as those of the Church, the Militia,
and the King's Friends.
The parliament had gone some way in altering the ecclesiastical
constitution. They had substituted a church government by pres-
byteries in the place of that by bishops. They insisted that the
king should acquiesce in this alteration. He was urged to do so
by his wife. His ordinary official advisers put the matter before
him plainly thus: — " The question is, whether you will choose to
be a ting of presbytery, or no king, and yet presbjrtery or perfect
independency to be ? In this case, the answer is as easy as it is
to judge that a disease is to be preferred before dissolution; the one
may in time admit of a remedy, the other is past cure." « Even
two bishops whom he consulted advised him that he could not
"trespass in point of conscience" by ** permitting that which he
could not hinder."*' But nothing could move him. He believed
that bishops held their authority jure divino, and he refiised.
This was the point respecting the Church.
Again, the parliament insisted that such regulations should be
» Clarendon's State Papen, ii. 263. t> ibid. ii. 268.
made for the fiitizre government of the militia, as would prevent the
king from drawing the aword a second time, and at some conve-
nient season revenging himself upon those by whom he had been
defeated. On this point, if he had been left to his own judgment,
he would probably have yielded sufficiently; but the exact character
of the question was misunderstood by the queen. He acted upon
her counsel and refused.
The remaining point stood thus. The king, in the language of
the parliament, Lad been abetted in his contest by a multitude of
evil counsellors. It was insisted that the parliament should have
the power of preventing their doing harm in future, by regulating
their future access to him, and otherwise dealing with them at its
pleasure. Acting under foreign counsel and guided by what he
esteemed to be a point of honour, the king protested that he would
never desert his friends.
With anything like sincerity on the part of the king, means
would easily have been discovered of settling such disputes as these.
But he had no desire that the points in dispute should be settled,
except upon the terms of submission to himself. He hcheved that
the machine of government could not act without him ; that if he
could only keep the public affairs long enough in the condition
of dead-lock to which they were reduced, his enemies would be
wearied, or would be forced by the people, into yielding to his
terms. His mind was as full as ever of the most exalted notions
of the sacred and indefeasible character of his royal authority. All
who opposed him were, in his estimation, wicked rebels whom God
would judge.* It was hia place to govern, and that of his people
' Even 90 late aa the treaty of Uxbridge (Febniuj, ISdi-S] CharleB knew » little
of his np[Kini>nti, and was bo blindly peniuaded of the divinity which hedged him in,
to submit. His sins of misgovemment never occurred to him.
Regret that for many years his course of action had been totally
wanting in the kingly virtues of justice and fair dealing never
entered his mind. It never troubled him that he had sought to
^ govern in defiance of his own concessions, in opposition to the even
then acknowledged principles of the constitution, and in breach of
his coronation oath. The only things which grieved him were his
concessions to the popular fury which himself had roused.
Whilst such was Charles's state of mind, peace was out of the
question. On the side of the parliament, it was clearly seen that
when a king sets up his standard against his people, he must
conquer or submit; and that if, having failed to conquer, he refuses
to submit, he must be deposed. To have yielded to him on the
ultimate points of the contest, would have been to have relinquished
the fruits of the warfare in which the parliament had been victorious.
What then was to be done? Simply to follow him through
a succession of messages and answers, vmtil it became apparent
to the people that the country must be governed without him.
That was the course for the parliament; but what remained for
the king? Nothing but to fall back upon his old course of
Without much talent for intrigue, or even much dexterity in its
practice, Charles had great fondness for being engaged in it. In
all difficulties it was his resource, and at the time with which we
are dealing he was fanatically sanguine that some one or other of
that he wished his commissioners to insinuate to those of the parliament, in their
"private discourses/* that they were '* arrant rebels, and that their end must be damnation,
ruin, and infamy, except they repented and found some way to free themselves from the
damnable way they were in.** He thought such representations *' might do good.**
(Eyelyn*8 Diary, iv. 137, ed. 1852.)
CAMD. SOC. b
his little subtle stratagems would ultimately succeed. We have said
that he was " fanatically sanguine," because the basis of his hopes
of success was purely fanatical. We are accustomed to associate
the notion of fanaticism with the opposite party only. They con-
cluded that the cause of the parliament was righteous and favoured^
by God because it was successful. Every one sees this to have been
a dangerous judging of the ways of Providence from partial results.
We can all join in condemning conclusions so presumptuous and so
illogical. But the same reasoning was equally rife at Oxford as at
Westminster. Charles attributed his want of success in the war to
God's anger against him for his concurrence in the death of StraflFord.
He confidently anticipated the approach of a time when he should
have drained the cup of vengeance. Mercy would then, he pre-
sumed, take the place of justice, and the storm of heavenly wrath,
transferred from him, would fall heavily on the heads of his ene-
mies. To help on the ends of Providence, to expedite, as he sup-
posed, the coming of that happy day, and to gain time until it
should dawn, were the objects of the many intrigues in which
he was involved during the year 1646. All these intrigues are
more or less illustrated in the letters now published. During their
course they exhibit Charles dealing with all the parties in the State,
not successively, but altogether, and not candidly nor sincerely with
any one of them.
He amused the parliament by holding out hopes, expressed in the
most solemn words, that, if permitted to come to London, he should
be able, upon mutual explanations, to make such concessions as would
be satisfactory. It is clear, upon the correspondence now printed,
that he never entertained any such hopes. He mad« the offer as a
subterfuge, the '* best put-off" (p. 50) he could devise. It was a
mode of avoiding a direct answer to the parliamentary proposals.
He thought the suggestion plausible. It would sound well in the
ears of the people. Its refusal would be deemed harsh, and would
therefore tend to render the parliament impopular. If ho had been
allowed to visit London, his hope was, not to have made peace, but
to have touched the hearts of the people, to have drawn them to his
side by an exhibition of majesty in distress, and to have sown dis-
cord amongst his enemies (pp. 9, 11). \
With this latter object he intrigued with the Independents. He ^
knew they were the bitter enemies of monarchy, but they were
equally strenuous in their opposition to Presbyterianism. If he could
have gained their support, the English army would have been
divided, the league between England and Scotland would have
been broken, and the Eoyalists might again have lifted up their
heads. They might have held the balance between the rival parties
in the camp of their opponents, and ultimately have destroyed
At the same time, he intrigued with the Presbyterians. He
fomented their political jealousy of the Independents, and sought to
take advantage of their love of monarchy, professing to be willing
to throw himself into their arms, although really hating them
(see pp. 19, 22, 27), with an intensity which was one of the most
prominent features of his character.
Another of his contemporaneous schemes was that of a French
invasion. He urged upon his wife to procure the government of
France to land 5000 men in Kent He indicated their place of
embarkation, and pointed out their line of march. He supposed
that the English people would have assisted a foreign power to
replace him upon his throne.
But foreign aid in a far larger measure was the subject of a wider
and better-known intrigue. Since the too celebrated Irish insur-
rection and massacre in 1641, the Roman Catholics of that country
had stood out in rebellion. They had remained in possession of a
large part of Ireland, and had held the field with a considerable
army. In defence of Protestantism and of the English authority
in that country, the Lord Lieutenant had also on foot a considerable
force. A peace with the Irish Roman Catholics would have re-
leased both these armies, and have allowed them to be transferred
into England to support the royal cause. But this object could
only be effected by an arrangement of the religious privileges
of the Roman Catholics. To gain his end, Charles was ready to
consent to/ terms so liberal to the Roman Catholics both in England
and Ireland, as to induce the pope and the leading Roman Catholic
princes to unite for the re-establishment of the Church of England
and the king (p. 24). An army of 6,000 foreign troops was to
have been landed at Lynn, at the same time that 10,000 Irish
were to have been thrown on the opposite shore at Chester, and
a similar body into South Wales.* In this way — that is by the aid
of the pope and the Roman Catholics — Charles imagined that he
could have re-established his own authority, have suppressed the
Presbyterian and Independent ** factions," and have preserved the
integrity of the Church of England (p. 25).
The earl of Glamorgan was Charles's agent in endeavouring to
carry out this wild and fatal scheme. To enable him to accom-
plish it, powers the amplest and the most irregular were granted to
him. A dukedom and the garter were rewards promised to him-
* Clarendon^ State Papers, ii. 202.
self; blank patents of nobility were intrusted to his disposal ; a mar-
riage was guaranteed between his son and the princess Elizabeth ;
and Charles bound himself, on the word of a king and a Christian,
to confirm whatever engagements Glamorgan entered into, however
informal, illegal, or unfit to be made publicly known.
Acting on his authorities, Glamorgan concluded a peace with the
Irish Roman Catholics, surrendering to them the ecclesiastical
supremacy over a great part of Ireland, and releasing them fi:om all
statutory pains and penalties. Preparations were entered upon for
carrying out a further portion of the scheme. Men were muster-
ing to be transported to Chester, and an application was made to
the prince of Orange for the loan of vessels to convey them from
Ireland. Of a sudden an accident disclosed to the world this most
foolish and wicked business. The parliament published the facts
which came to their knowledge, including a copy of the treaty
between Glamorgan and the Irish Roman Catholics. The outcry
was universal : Cavalier and Roundhead united in condemnation of
the joint sacrifice of Ireland and of Protestantism. Now also became
fully apparent the consequences of Charles's having acted through-
out his reign in opposition to the religious feelings of his people.
The support which, in times past, he had given to anti-protestant
innovations had led many people to doubt the sincerity of the king's
own belief. By such persons the authorities given to Glamorgan
were deemed conclusive proofs of the king's inclinations towards
Romanism. They viewed them, not as the efforts of a drowning
man ready to catch at anything, but as the disclosure of a deliberate
treachery to the national faith; a treachery as needless as it was
complete, for it did not escape observation that Glamorgan's powers
were dated before Naseby, at a time when the king's affairs were
far from deapetate. Even if his cause had been at the very worst,
Ireland was a jewel of the English crown which the king had no
right to throw away. But the part of the transaction which moat
excited the English people was the intention of subduing them by
armies of Irish Celts, the idea of whom was, at that time, insepa-
rably connected in the minds of Englishmen with thoughta of
massacre and cruelty, with barbarism the most savage, and supor-
stitiou the most debased.
Of all the false steps taken by the unhappy Charles, perhaps these
powers given to Glamorgan were the worst, and his afi'ected repu-
diation of them tlie meanest and the most extraordinary. The
depths of that transaction have never yet been thoroughly sounded.
I have been favoured with the use of the most important of the
original documents, and hoped to have appended to the present
publication the results of some inquiries which I have made upon
the subject. But the investigation is not complete, and it is not
convenient to delay the volume. Another opportunity will be easily
found for communicating the information to historical readers.
Glamorgan's affair completed the ruin which Naseby began;
and now the French, not willing to see the king deposed, stepped
in to attempt his rescue. The sympathies of France were constant
from of old towards Scotland. The business of Montrouil, who was
sent as a special ambassador on this occasion, was to use this ancient
influence towards inducing the Scots to form a jimction with the king.
But the Scots were in close alliance with the English parhamcnt. A
separate treaty, or any open division of interest, would infallibly
have resulted in a sanguinary quarrel between the two countries.
Such a thing was not to he lightly hazarded, and, accordingly,
when Montreuil consulted the London commissioners, who repre-
sented Scottish interests with the English parliament, he met with
politeness, but no encouragement. At Edinburgh he was equally
unsuccessful, and still more so in the Scottish army. These were
his first attempts ; but, after having seen the king, and fully ascer-
tained the state of utter ruin to which he was reduced, Montreuil
once more entered into negociations with the London commis-
sioners. With undiplomatic want of caution, he probably mistook
the language or the meaning of the civil common-places with which
men have at all times been accustomed to speak of the sovereign.
Acting upon what he fancied, he communicated his presumed success
to the king, and gave him a guarantee, in the name of the King of
France, for his safety in the Scottish camp. From the king Mon-
treuil went to the Scottish army, to settle the minor details of
his arrangement, and there found himself to be utterly mistaken.
The commissioners with the army entirely repudiated any such
agreement. Montreuil's only course therefore was to apprise the
king of this alteration, and strongly to dissuade him (p. 37) from
coming to the Scottish army.
What now was the king to do? His stratagems had all failed.
Neither Presbyterian nor Independent could be induced to side with
him. France would not fight for him, and had been unsuccessful
in her diplomacy in his behalf All hopes of his re-establishment
by the Pope and the Irish were buried under the indignation
excited by the transactions with Glamorgan. Oxford was environed.
If he remained there he must infallibly fall into the hands of the
parliament. He determined to fly, but whither he did not know.
" To eschew all kind of captivity," he says, ** which, if I stay here,
I must undergo, I intend (by the grace of God) to get privately to
Ljmn, when I will try, if it be possible, to make such strength as to
procure honourable and safe conditions from the rebels ; if not, then
I resolve to go by sea to Scotland, in case I shall understand that
Montrose be in condition fit to receive me; otherwise, I mean to
make for Ireland, France, or Denmark; but to which of these
I am not yet resolved." (p. 38.) In this state of utter un-
certainty he abandoned Oxford. His first thought was to get
into London. He advanced nearly fifty miles on the road towards
the city, which was no longer his. As he neared the metropolis,
the danger of his intended course pressed heavily on his mind.
At Brentford his courage failed. He turned ofi* to the north-east
and made his way towards the Scots. After wandering about for
eight days, apparently without aim or plan, he presented him-
self on the ninth morning* after his departure from Oxford in the
camp of the Scots. He was evidently weary of imcertainty, and
simply chose the course in which there was the least present
danger, although he afterwards endeavoured, with his customary
want of candour, to make it appear that he had gone to the Scots on
the faith of the French '* engagement that he should be used like a
king" (p. 42). Nothing is clearer in the present letters than that
Montreuil dissuaded the king from going to the Scots, thereby
clearly withdrawing the engagement which had been entered into.
To those who are not well acquainted with Charles's character, it
must seem marvellous that he did not at this time quit the country.
Why should he have stayed in England? Having made up his
mind not to consent to the offered terms, all that the parliament
could do was to depose him, put him under restraint, and carry
on the government without him : either taking somebody else for
* At p. 40, note *, this period is printed by mistake as only " five days.** The figures
shew the real number.
a king or establishing a republic. To remain in England was
obviously to submit to certain imprisonment. Whether he went to
Westminster or to Newark, to the English or to the Scots, it
mattered not; imprisonment could be the only result. Why then
did he put himself in the way of it? The answer is to be found in
the king's sanguine character, and his daily anticipations of a revolu-
tion in his favour: — " I am most confident," he writes in one of the
letters now published, ** that within a very small time I shall be
recalled with much honour, and all my friends will see that I have
neither a foolish nor peevish conscience." (p. 81.) When the clouds
gathered darkly over his head he seems to have doubted for a
moment whether the anticipated change would come in time to save,
him, but he never doubted that come it would. '* Without pre-
tending to prophecy," he writes to Montreuil in allusion to his
enemies,^ **I will foretell their ruin, except they agree with me;
howsoever," he adds, *'it shall please God to dispose of me."
As a mere mode of gaining time, perhaps it was better to go to the
Scots than to the parliament, but if it had been the king's object to
effect a peace he should have gone to London. There he would have
found men of a multitude of different opinions, especially on subjects
of religion; he would have found, too, many friends, and might
have added to their number. But in the Scottish camp there was but
one opinion on religious matters, and that not merely diametrically
opposed to but as strongly entertained as his own. The English
contest against him was mainly one of law against prerogative; the
Scottish contest was one of fanaticism against fanaticism. The
Scots were as fanatically attached to the covenant as he was
to episcopacy. In the English contest much could be done by
* Glarendon^s State Papers, ii. 213.
CAMD. 80C. C
a mediator, in that with Scotland but little, for each party
rested his argument upon an assumed right divine. Nor did the
Scots, when the king put himself into their custody, do any-
thing to dispose him to regard themselves or their religious
opinions with favour. Without alluding to well-known anecdotes,
the present letters are full of complaints upon this subject. Day by
day the king alludes to the ill-usage which he suffered at their
hands : — " I never knew what it was to be barbarously baited before "
(p. 45) ; " I am strangely and barbarously threatened " (p. 56) ;
** impudent, importunate threatenings and persuasions are used to
me "(p. 57); ** threatening is the only phrase used to me now"
(p. 65). Many similar passages are scattered through these letters;
and, although it may be allowed that a man like Charles, a stem
and solemn person, punctilious and ceremonious, with high notions
of his personal dignity, little accustomed to allow familiarity in
those about him, and quick to repress the slightest expression of an
opinion adverse to his own, may have put a harsh construction upon
what might be merely free and honest talking, yet are there many
indirect evidences that his personal condition whilst among the
Scots was one of great annoyance; — ** every day never wanting new
vexations " (p. 44) is his own description of his continual life. Some
of his allusions to his condition are truly touching: — " I cannot but
again remember thee, that there was never man so alone as I, and
therefore very much to be excused for the committing of any error "
(p. 46); "as for the queen's letters and cjrphers, all day they are
about me, and all night imder my head" (p. 50); "if the queen
once should openly condemn me of wilfulness but in one point, I
should not be able to support my daily miseries" (p. 62); '* God
knows I have but little [comfort] and that little must come from
thee " (p. 77). Such expressions hint more than they tell. There
is that in their melancholy tone which shows how deep the fall to
which he had been already subjected. And yet, even under these
depressing circumstances, such was the almost childish sanguineness
of his character — his aptitude to fancy that good would somehow or
other come out of circumstances the most decidedly adverse — that,
overlooking the agreement. of the Scots in the essentials of the
quarrel, he fixed his attention upon their minor political differences,
and imagined that these were either means through which all of
them would ultimately be brought to join with him, or that they
were a way in which God was punishing them for their opposition
to their king. Thus, in the letters before us written from the
Scottish camp, he goes on amusing himself with the notion of a
speedy restoration as the result of some change in the purposes of
the Almighty, and at the same time nursing and encouraging all
those prejudices which effectually barred the way to peace. His
native Scotland became an object of his deepest aversion. He would
only go thither, he declared — as he was ready to die — for the queen
(p. 62); he would sooner choose the farthest part of the world than
go thither (p. 53); he should abhor the country until the people
evidently and heartily repented of their rebellion (p. 54). Of Pres-
byterianism he could not speak with suflScient bitterness : it is, he
says, absolutely unlawful, adding, as one chief argument of its
illegality, that it never came into any coimtry but by rebellion
(p. 27); the covenant he designates as ** this damned covenant, the
child of rebellion, and [which] breathes nothing but treason: so
that," he adds, " if episcopacy were to be introduced by the cove-
nant, I would not do it."
These letters carry on their valuable disclosures of the state of
the king's mind, and the nature of the advice under which he acted,
until the end of the year 1646. In November of that year the
parliament sent him their new proposals for a peace, suited, as they
supposed, to the circumstances in which the coimtry was placed
by the termination of the war. For the consideration of such
a business Charles's situation seemed most unfortunate. Separated
from his constitutional advisers, whom he left behind in Oxford;
without a single person about him whom he thought he could
thoroughly trust; bound hand and foot by promises to his wife,
which restricted him from acting without her consent — promises
which, it is evident from these letters, he carried out with an
obedience the most complete : in this situation he was called upon
to accept or reject proposals which would not merely determine his
own fate, but would deeply influence the welfare of the whole English
people. The only advisers he had were the two French ambas-
sadors — Montreuil, whose recent mistake gave evidence of his
carelessness, if not of his incompetency, and was so regarded by his
own court; and Bellievre, whose entire honesty to Charles, it is
clear from these letters, was a subject of suspicion. As foreigners,
these gentlemen were imperfectly acquainted with our laws and con-
stitution. In them also the minute knowledge out of which, when
combined with fertility of invention, spring the devices of diplo-
matists, was entirely wanting. Substitutes and expedients in such a
case they were incapable of devising. All they could do with the
king must be done by the direct pressure of appeals to his under-
standing, his interest, and his fears. This seemed unfortimate,
but really was not so. Men who could have followed the king into
the bye-paths along which he loved to wander would have bewil-
dered themselves and him. Montreuil and Bellievre obtained con-
cessions which if they had been proposed to parliament would in
all probability at that time have been accepted. He gave way
to the establishment of Presbyterian government for three years,
subject to an ultimate determination of the question in parliament,
after a conference of divines. He also yielded the government of
the militia for ten years. His answer to this effect was drawn up,
and sent to the queen. Born to be his ruin, she decidedly objected
to his concessions. Although she had herself urged his absolute
submission to the Presbyterian government, she disliked his partial
surrender. She taunted him with having yielded his ground of
conscience, and abandoned his principles of divine right, by his
concession of three years — an argument which touched the king to
the quick. She was equally opposed to his temporary abandonment
of the militia. The last of her letters on these subjects (dated 1646,
Dec. •^^) is printed in the Appendix, p. 97. It exemplifies the fatal \
influence which she possessed and the uncivil way in which it was \
too often exercised. Charles's letters to her are couched in terms of \
entire submission and devoted affection. He would not appoint a bed- j
chamber man without her concurrence. Even Montrose was not to be
admitted to his service unless she approved (p. 39). The reply alluded
to sounds like that of a superior to one who owed the writer due
obedience. His arguments are overruled, almost with contempt.
His little subtleties are laughed at and brought to the light. He is
told, with a peremptoriness which sounds like dogmatism, to do this,
and to be sure never to do that. Advice, which on some points is
substantially good, is conveyed in terms which indicate a total want
of confidence in his judgment and discretion. The effect was as
remarkable as the letter. Charles submitted instantly. '* I have
done," he said, "and willingly yield the argument, when the
question is of holding fast." (p. 85.) The concessions were with-
drawn until they were too late. The intended answer was thrown
aside, and in its place one was transmitted which merely reiterated
the king's wish to come to London. The parliament saw that it
was trifled with. The king was instantly declared to be a pri-
soner, and thus the curtain dropped at the close of 1646.
The letters now published were brought to light through Notes
AND QuEKiES. They are all contained in a small quarto parch-
ment-covered volume, containing eighty-eight leaves, which was
purchased by Mr. Joseph Conway Witton, of Bath, early in the
year 1855, of a dealer in pictures and curiosities, named Walker,
whose shop is in Harley Street, in that city. Walker had bought
the volume some time previously, from a person who was at that
time an auctioneer's porter, and was in the habit of purchasing
small lots of books at sales in which he was employed. In this
way many books passed through his hands. He is not able to
identify the volume in question, and the catalogues of several sales
which he mentioned as likely to have been the one from which
it was derived have been consulted without success. The proba-
bility seems to be that it came out of some such library as that of
Mr. Pigott of Brockley, or Mr. Coates of Sopworth near Didmarton,
sold within a few years past in that neighbourhood.
Mr. Witton, not being able to trace the letters contained in his
purchase as being known to historical writers, communicated the
first of them to Notes and Queries, with a request for information
respecting them. The letters being previously unknown excited
attention, and the Editor of Notes and Queries submitted to Mr.
Witton the propriety of sending up the volume for inspection, and
in case of its being found genuine, for publication by the Camden
Society, as the proper medium for conveying such documents to the
world. Mr. Witton acquiesced in this suggestion with a liberality
well worthy of observation, and the present publication is the result.
The lettets are deemed to be unquestionably genuine. They
prove themselves. Facts, names, allusions, dates,— everything in
them and about them, which is either stated or implied, is so
entirely consistent with our previous knowledge, and is capable of
confirmation in such a variety of ways, that it is not thought likely
that any one will entertain a doubt that they are what they claim to be.
The writing of the volume is entirely in one hand, an ordinary
and extremely legible transcriber's hand, of probably the first
half of the eighteenth century. It is obvious from the mistakes
in the few words of French which occur in three or four parts of
the volume, that the transcriber was a person unacquainted with
that language. It may also be inferred from the variations between
the one or two of these letters which have been published by
Clarendon from King Charles's drafts, and the letters as they stand
in Mr. Witton's MS., that the latter was derived from deciphered
copies of the letters themselves, as ultimately despatched by the
king and received by the queen. It is not improbable that the
letters, afi;er they had been received by Henrietta-Maria and had
gone through the process of deciphering, were transcribed into a
book for convenience of reference, and that Mr. Witton's MS. was
copied from that book. We are not aware of the existence of any
such book, either for the year 1646 or any other period. If any-
thing of the kind is in existence, it is to be hoped that the present
publication will conduce to its discovery.
In publishing from Mr. Witton's MS., care has been taken to
present the letters exactly as they stand. Some obvious faults of
transcription have been pointed out, and some doubtfiil passages are
queried. It is not unlikely that if the originals are discovered, other
variations of the same class will be discovered, but in the main the
letters are unquestionably trustworthy.
In the Harleian MS. 7003, at folio 312, there is a transcript
of a letter from Dr. Charles Hickman, afterwards bishop of Deny,
written in 1690, to Dr. Sprat, bishop of Rochester, from which it
appears that Mr. Bennet, a bookseller, had "last week" left with
Dr. Hickman, " a manuscript of letters from king Charles I. to his
queen,'* telling him, that it was bishop Sprat's desire, and Dr.
Felling's, that lord Rochester (Henry Hyde, son of lord chan-
cellor Clarendon), ** should read them over, and see what was fit to
be left out in the intended edition of them." Dr. Hickman, who
was domestic chaplain to lord Rochester (Wood's Athenae, iv. 655),
informs bishop Sprat that lord Rochester had " read them over, and
upon the whole matter says, he is very much amazed at the design
of printing them ; and thinks that king's enemies could not have
done him a greater discourtesy. He showed me," Dr. Hickman
proceeds, " many passages which detract very much from that
king's prudence, and something from his integrity; and, in short,
he can find nothing throughout the whole collection, but what
will lessen the character of the king, and offend all those who wish
well to his memory. He thinks it very unfit to expose any man's
conversation and familiarity with his wife, but especially that
king's, for it was apparently his blind side, and his enemies gained
great advantage by showing it. But my lord hopes his friends will
spare him, and therefore he has ordered me not to deliver the book
to the bookseller, but put it into your lordship's hands, and when
you have read it, he knows you will be of his opinion." He adds,
that he had turned down some leaves in the places which he thought
chiefly objectionable. After this expression of opinion, we hear no
more of the meditated publication.
The question arises, whether the letters now published are those
which were held back from publication in 1690. I know of no evi-
dence on the point, but I think it not improbable that they are. It
may, perhaps, be thought that the disclosures in this MS. are not bad
enough to justify the opinions expressed by lord Kochester; but it
should be borne in mind, that since 1690 a great change has taken
place in public opinion respecting Charles I. At that time this
monarch's memory was universally regarded with the deepest
affection. Consecrated by the Church of England as a martyr, and
paralleled in that character with the Saviour of mankind, he was
venerated by a multitude of obedient worshippers as the unsullied
victim of an unprovoked and impious rebellion. Disclosures which
exhibited even his human frailties, would give pain to such admirers;
and, if any revelation went the length of impeaching his excellence
as a sovereign, or of calling in question his regard for the interests
of his people, or the dignity of his country, it can be easily under-
stood why the notion of its publication should excite so much
apprehension in the mind of lord Rochester. But in spite of all
lord Rochesters the day at length arrives when sovereigns, like
other men, must submit their reputations to the test of truth. The
application of that test has so far changed the general opinion
respecting Charles I. that there is nothing in the* following letters
which will take any one by surprise. They will be merely found to
confirm what in these days every one has heard, although there still
linger among us persons who uphold the excellence of king Charles
as a part of their religious and political creed.
CAMD. SOO. d
The great lesson to be deduced from the following book is, that
they who set themselves in opposition to Charles I. in his lifetime
judged accurately of his character, and of the dangers to which the
country was exposed under his government. To examine this
matter fully would lead us too far a-field, but we will mention
three particulars in which these letters speak distinctly.
J Charles's opponents alleged that, inheriting the weakness of his
father, and like him continually clinging to some stronger nature
for guidance and support, he selected for favourites and ministers
persons whose opinions and course of conduct were perversely
opposed to the wishes and feelings of the English people. In proof
they cited the extravagant folly of Buckingham, the absolutism of
Strafford, the anti-protestantism of Laud, and summed up all by
referring to the unmanly submission which Charles yielded to his
queen, not merely in his private affairs but in those also of his kingr
dom and government. The letters now printed prove the. accuracy
of these allegations in the instance of Henrietta Maria. Un-Engliah
in her tastes and notions, separated from the people by her religion^
and never able to form the slightest idea of the depth and fervour
of their opinions, it is clear from the letters before us that the
fortunes of England were laid with most abject humility at the
feet of this imperious lady.
Charles's opponents alleged again, that, whilst his people feared
nothing so much as a return to the dominion of Rome, he outraged
the popular feeling, and facilitated that dreaded return, by giving
his patronage to anti-protestant innovators, who dressed up the
national church as a victim ready to be sacrificed to her great adver-
sary ; they added that he protected and encouraged Roman Catholics
in defiance of the law, and shewed direct discouragement, not only
to Protestants at home, and to foreign Protestants, but generally to
that Protestant cause which it had been the policy and the glory of
England, under queen Elizabeth, to uphold. The letters before us
confirm the accuracy of this charge. They prove that Charles wash^
directly bent upon over-riding the opinions of his people, and had i
so little notion of the dignity of his position as the king of an inde-
pendent country, that he was ready, like another John, to abase
himself, and tarnish the honour of the nation, by receiving again
his forfeited crown from the hands of the pope.
Another of their allegations was that Charles was personally un-^
trustworthy : that in his concessions and agreements there was ever
some reservation, some quibble, some Jesuitical verbal distinction,
contrived before hand to deceive those who confided in him. This
was asserted to be a part of his character so intrinsical that it was
not possible for people who used words in ordinary senses to deal
safely with him, or to put any trust in him. The letters before us
contain instances in point. In that of the 18th Jan, 1646 (p. 10), |
after admitting that, in a message on which he is commenting, he
had given the parliament ** leave to hope for more than he intended,"
he refers almost triumphantly to the words in which his message
was couched, pointing out to the queen two minute distinctions
which she had overlooked. He had not, he alleged, undertaken to
give the parliament satisfaction, as she had understood, but merely
to " endeavour" to do so,* and the end aimed at was to be ** their
security," so that any thing which had in view ** his " security, and
not ** theirs," was not comprehended within his engagement,
* He does not state this accurately. The words were, ** he doubts not so to join his
endeavours with his two houses of parliament as to give just satisfaction/^ — Message of
Dec. 29, 1645.
Another example occurs at p. 84. He is commenting upon a
message relating to Ireland. The message ran that he would give
the English parliament full satisfaction " as to the managing of the
war.'* But he was really striving at that very time not to manage
the war but to make a peace, so as to put the Irish in opposition to
the parliament. What if the Irish took him at his word? What
if the peace were concluded, how then could he satisfy the parlia-
ment in the way proposed? Charles bids his queen observe that he
has " so penned that article " that it may be interpreted to suit either
case. If he " finds reason to make peace," he remarks, even at the
very time when he had offered to the parliament to concur with
them in prosecuting the war, " there," he asserts, his ** engagement
ends." This fatal trickery running through all his dealings, gradu-
ally alienated from him the heartiest and warmest of his defenders.
A close examination of these letters will bring to light many
other points, on which it will appear that Charles's character was
thoroughly understood by those who opposed him. The more it
becomes known amongst ourselves, the more will the calm endurance
of these men, who submitted to his course of misgovernment for a
period of fifteen years, excite our wonder and admiration.
5, Upper Oloucester Street ^ Dorset Square^
15 March, 1856.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Charles I. to Hen
The same .
ILVIL The same
The same to the Marq.
Oxford, Jan. 4, 1645-6
Jan. 8, —
Mar. 30, 1646
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXVI. Charles I. to Henrietta Newcastle- May 15, 1646
Henrietta Maria to
Charles I. to Henrietta
The same .
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
• • •
• • •
Newcastle- Nov. 7, 1646
St. Ger- Nov. i^,
Newcastle- Nov. 14,
St. Ger- Nov. f^
Newcastle- Nov. 28,
Paris, Dec. •^.
LXIX. The same
LXX. The same
LXXI. The same
, Dec. ^,
Newcastle- Dec. 5,
I Dec. 12 j
' j and 19, i
-, Dec. 26,
-, Jan. 2, 1646-7
CHARLES I. IN 1646.
KING CHARLES I. TO QUEEN HENRIETTA MARIA.
Oxford, Jan. 4th, 1645-6.
I desired thee to take notice that with the year I begin to new
number my letters, hoping to begin a year's course of good luck. I
have heard of but seen no letters from thee since Christmas Day ;
the reason is evident, for our intelligence with the Portugal's agent *
is obstructed, so that I am not so confident as I was that any of my
letters will come safe to thee. But methinks, if card. Mazarin were
but half so kind to us as he professes to be, it would be no great
difficulty for him to secure our weekly intelligence. And in earnest
I desire thee to put him to it, for besides that, if the effects of it
* Much of the correspondence between Charles and Henrietta Maria was carried on
through the friendly intervention of Antonio de Souza, a diplomatic agent of the king of
Portugal, who continued resident in London throughout the Civil War. The services
rendered by De Souza to Charles I. frequently drew upon him the resentment of the
parliament. Charles II., after the Restoration, rewarded a son of De Souza with a mock
grant of the title of lord Molingar. (King's Cabinet Opened, pp. 24, 31 ; these letters,
p. 13; and Gent. Mag. N. S. vol. xxxYii. 156.)
CAMD. SOC. B
2 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
succeed, it will be of great consequence to me, I shall very much
judge of the reality of his intentions according to his answer in this.
If Ashbumham » complain to thee of my wilfulness, I am sure it is
that way which at least thou wilt excuse, if not justify me in ; but, if
thou hadst seen a former paper (to which being but accessary I must
not blame his judgement), thou wouldst have commended my cho-
lerick rejection of it, the aversion to which it is possible (though I
will not confess it until thou sayest so) might have made me too
nice in this, of which I will say no more; but consider well that
which I sent in the place of it, and then judge.
My great affairs are so much in expectation that for the present I
can give thee but little account of them, albeit yet in conjecture (as
I believe) that the rebels will not admit of my personal treaty at
London, and I hope well of having 2,000 foot and horse, out of my
smaller garrisons. As for the Scots, we yet hear no news of them,
neither concerning this treaty, nor of that which I have begun with
David Lesley.^ And, lastly, that the Duke of York's journey is
absolutely broken,*^ both in respect of the loss of Hereford,^ as that
the relief of Chester is yet but very doubtful.® But upon this design,
» The well-known " Jack Ashburnham," a groom of the bed-chamber to Charles I.
often mentioned in his majesty's letters, and one of the agents in tUe king^s surrender
to. the Scots, and in his subsequent escape from Hampton Court to the Isle of Wight.
His Vindication from the aspersions to which his conduct on these occasions laid him.
open, published by one of his descendants in 1830 (2 vols. 8vo. Lend.), is a well'
*> A general in the Scottish service. He defeated Montrose at Philiphaugh, but^
succumbed to the military genius of Cromwell at Dunbar and Worcester.
^ James, king Charles''s second son, afterwards James II., was now with his Hetther^
cooped up in Oxford. The intended journey here alluded to was into Ireland. (Claren-
don ^s Rebell. Book xiii.)
^ Hereford was taken from the king by stratagem on the 18th December, 1645.
(Whitelocke's Mem. 184, edit. 1732.) '
® The king had despatched from Oxford a body of his small army for the relief of
Chester, but the bridges on their line of march being broken down, and the hedges lined
with musqueteers, they were unable to accomplish their mission. Chester held out most
courageously, and through terrible suffering, until the beginning of February. (White-
locke's Mem. 183, 191, edit. 1732.)
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 3
having commanded S' George Ratcliff^ to wait upon him, I desire
thy approbation that he may be sworn gentleman of his bedchamber,
for which, tho' he be very fit, and I assure thee that he is far from
being a Puritan, and that it will be much for my son's good to have
him settled about him, yet I would not have him sworn without thy
consent So God bless thee, sweetheart.
Even now Montrevil^ is come hither concerning the treaty. The
Queen cannot have a particular account of it till my next
Oxford, Thursday, Jan. 8, 1645-6.
I find by Montrevil that his chief errand here is to try if he can
obtain more from me than S*" Rob^ Murrey© could from thee, for he
rigidly insists upon my consent for the settling of the Presbyterian
government here (indeed he sayth it will be but temporary, for
• The " Ratcliffe " here alluded to was '* Sir George Jladcliffe, the friend of Strafford,"
of whom Dr. T. D. Whitaker published a memoir in 1810 (Lond. 4to.) Radcliffe retired
to the continent on the surrender of Oxford, and did not live to see the Restoration. He
died at Flushing, 25 May, 1657. The duke of York entertained a high opinion of his
judgment, and was much guided by his advice.
*» Mons. de Montreuil was sent to England by the government of France " with some
formal address to the parliament, but intentionally to negociate between the king and
the Scots.*^ (Clarendon, book ix.) Many references to his unfortunate mission occur in
the present collection of letters. Its sad result upon his own fortunes may be read in
Clarendon *s Rebellion, book x.
* Sir Robert Murray was the subsequent first President of the Royal Society, " and
while he lived the life and soul of that body." Burnet, who knew him well, describes
liim as a man of great intelligence and worth. (Own Times, i. 102, ed. Oxford, 1823.)
Evelyn speaks of him affectionately as his ** dear and excellent friend, that good man and
accomplished gentleman.*** Diary, ii. 84, ed. 1850.)
4 CHARLES I, IS 1646.
whicli likewise he can shew me no probability), alledging that lea
will rot be accepted. And when I shew him that it is against mj
conscience, and besides that, though it were not, yet it conld not h
effected, the Indepeiidant being as great an enemy to the Presby-(
terian as Episcopal government, and even all the EngHsli Presby-
terians will never admit of the Scotts' way, his answer is still, tbaji
the Scotts will go no less." For all this, I mean not thna to let this
treaty break if I can possibly go on with it, which I find to be v
difficnit. Wherefore I have proposed the business of Ireland to atay
their stomachs,'' instead of the church's patrimony, which I a
fident is their great case of conscience on which they so much in^st
whatever they pretend ; and to stop their mouths for point of s
rity — their great argument for my abolishing episcopacy here h
that there is no other way to secure their government at home-
have offered to seek the security of the Queen of France," whicl
I desire thee to obtain for me, which I believe will not be difficult;
Montrevil making no doubt of it, that she would answer for me t
I should not invade the church government.
' To " go no less," in the eenae of to " insbt upon nn 1
in several puts of king diarlea's con-ciipandeace.
Letter, No. xjcxiv. and aieo in tlia ClHrenclon State Papers.
>• The treaty In whieli Ibis letter illudea «a* begun by a letter from the king to
epeakei oi tbe Uouae af Lords, dated Oxford, 5 December, 1646, In that dociun
Charles proposed to eend tbe duke of Kichmond and other gEntlemcn
with "such propositiong as his majestj is oonfident will be the foundation of a happy
well-grounded peace," Not receiving an immediate anawar, the king by other leti
dated the ISth and 20tb of December, 1645, proposed that upoo a guarantee for hb
aonal safety he would proceed to Westmioster to have a personal treaty nith the
ment. In the meantime the parliament, in answer to tbe kiug's first and aeoend lett
had declined to receive the king's suggested ambassadors. The king replied, on
29lh Dec. by again ur^ng bia previouB proposal of a personal treaty, and assormg
parliament tlial if it were consented to he doubted
only coneemiog the bueineaa of Ireland," but also for tbe payment of tha public debts
the Scots and the City of London, as he had already in his former message " shewn a
way for tbe settling of the militia." Theee royal meesagea arc printed in king Cbarl
Works, pp. 104—106, ed. 16S7.
•: Anne of Aoatria, queen regent during (be minority of hec son Louia XIV.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 5
This is the result of divers long discour(s)es that have passed in
this business, not knowing what effect it will have, for, though Mont-
revil refuseth not to carry what I propose, I find him very doubtful
of the event. But he hath most willingly undertaken the facili(t)ating
of packet intelligence between thee and me, as also the safe delivery
to thee of Prince Charles and the Duke of York's pictures, and the
Greorge and Garter for the young Prince of Orange." »
There is yet no return of my last message from London, which
makes me much more doubtful of the event than I was, they being
more troubled to answer me than I expected. I have no more to
say but desire thee to hasten the Queen of France's answer for her
security between me and the Scotts, that I may know betimes what
to trust to. So, farewell, sweetheart.
I had almost forgot to tell thee that I propose the business of
Ireland, but only in case there be no other way to save the crown
of England (for which at all times it must be sacrificed), Montrevil
assuring me that France, rather than fail, will assist me in satisfying
the Scotts [for their] ^ arrears. And for Moimtrose,® I have abso-
lutely declared that he and I must come hand in hand in open day-
light, without tricks or devices, which I find will not be much stuck
at, though Montrevil tryed what he could gain upon me likewise in
It grieves me much to find that my intended journey to London
gives thee so much trouble, but I beUeve the rebells at this time
will satisfy thy fears in not suffering me to do it. Howsoever, I
* The " young prince of Orange " was Charles's son-in-law, William of Nassau, married
in 1641 to the princess Mary, and father by her of the future William III. of England.
He was elected a Knight of the Garter at Oxford on the 2nd of March, 1644-5. It has
been stated that the George and Garter were sent to him on the 4th of the same month.
(Beltz's Memorials of the Garter, p. clxxxix.)
^ The words within brackets look as if they have been introduced into the MS. at a
later period, and by some other person than the original transcriber.
*^ Montrose was at this time in arms for the king in Scotland.
6 CHARLES I. IN 1646,
desire thee to believe that that resolution was not so weakly grounded
as thy love to me makes thee apprehend, for although the security
which I have demanded is not to be despised, yet I esteem my safety
to consist in the absence of Prince Charles and the Duke of York,
and in the unquestionable garinosity* between the Presbyterians and
Independants : so that, dear heart, be confident that there is nothing
that I can undertake of so little personal danger, or can be of so
great hopes to give a speedy great turn to the good of my affairs, as
my personal treating in London. As for the sending of a French
ambassador to meet at London, I like it extremely well, and that
the Count de Tilliers should be the man; and for Will. Murray's
coming over I like that well too, so that I may have a pass to send
him or somebody else to Montross,^ whereby he and I may know
the state of one another's condition ; and this I believe may be easily
obtained, to procure Will. Murray to be a negotiator in the Scotch
Oxford, Jan. 11th, 1645-6.
I had no time before Friday last to decipher thine of the 25th
of November, which I must answer how late soever (for kindness is
never out of date), every line in it being but a several way of
expressing thy love to me, even there where we differ in judgement,
which I know we should not do if thou wert not mistaken in the
state of the question ; I mean concerning episcopacy, for I am of thy
opinion to a tittle in everything else. For the difference between
me and the rebells concerning the church is not bare matter of
' So in the MS., with a marginal explanation, ** hatred or animosity/*
^ The " Mountrose " of the MS. has here been altered into " Montross " Iqf a subse-
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 7
form or ceremony, which are alterable according to occasion, but so
real, that if I should give way as is desired, here would be no
church, and by no humane probability ever to be recovered; so
that, besides the obligation of mine oath, I know nothing to be an
higher point of conscience. This being granted, I am sure thy
persuasions will be turned into praises of my constancy. And for the
truth of my affection, the doubt of which is the only argument
against me, I can make it as clear to any not wilful person, as two
and three makes five. But this I am sure of, which none can deny,
that my yielding this is a sin of the highest nature, if I believe con-
stant as I have said, which really I do. And, dear heart, thou
canst not but be confident that there is no danger which I will not
hazzard, or pains that I will not undergo, to enjoy the happiness of
thy company, there being nothing which really conduceth thereunto
which I will not do, which may not make me less worthy of thee.
And to this end I prosecute the Scotch treaty with all the industry
and dexterity which God hath given me, not differing in opinion
concerning it. My intended journey to London is likewise for this.
Than which, believe me, no undertaking can be less hazzardous (the
greatest fear being of my doing some lache * action, which thy love
will hinder thee to apprehend and mine to give the occasion), nor of
so great probability of good success. One of my securities I forgot
in my last to mention to thee, which is, that this Parliament without
doubt determines with my life, if I give it not some new additional
strength, which I protest never to do, but, for the contrary, to follow
precisely thy advice therein.
Upon my word thy information concerning L^ Culpeper ^ is much
* Marginal note in the MS. *' base or low.^*
^ This allusion explains a transaction which is merely glanced at by Clarendon (Rebell..
book ix.), and has not been thoroughly understood by other writers. Clarendon says
that ** Uie gentlemen of the western counties," no doubt alarmed at the state of public
affisurs, held various meetings and consultations whilst the prince was at Exeter, which
terminated in a resolution to petition the prince " to interpose between the king and the
parliamenti ftlid to send a message to the latter with overtures of peace.** The prince's
8 CHAKLES I. IN 1646.
mistaken, if not malicious. For Prince Charles's treaty was begun
with Fairfax before I knew of it, meerly to eschew a mutiny which
otherwise could not be prevented. But there was no time lost in
acquainting me with all the circumstances, the sum of it being only
the demand of a pass for sending to me to have my advice concern-
council took this proceeding in bad part, and determined '' that all endeavoun were to be
used to divert and prevent any petition of such a nature from being presented to his high-
ness/' which, Clarendon adds, ** with great difficulty was at last prevented/* The noble
historian gives no hint at the nature of the ^* difficulty ** alluded to, nor does he mention
that prince Charles at this time sent a letter to sir Thomas Fairfax, who was in command
of the army which was gradually hemming the prince in. In the letter to Fairfax it was
professed that there was nothing which the prince more earnestly prayed for to Almigh^
God than the restoration of a happy peace, and he therefore requested Fairfax to send
him, or to apply to the parliament for, a safe conduct for lord Hopton and lord Cole-
pepper to go to the king with '' some such overtures ^* as he hoped might conduce to
peace. Fairfax remitted the princess letter to the authorities at Westminster, with a
report of his own, in which he stated that he thought it his duty not to hinder the hopeful
blossom of the young peace-maker, which might '* prove a flower in his title more
glorious and sweet to us than the rest of his ancestors.^* (Lords' Journals, vii. p. 600.)
The lords received the proposal favourably, but the commons, probably better informed,
allowed it to die away. In Paris the transaction was turned in some way to the disad-
vantage of lord Colepepper. The king's allusion shews that the dissatisllGtctiou of the
gentlemen of the west amounted to a threatened mutiny, or desertion of the king, and
that the letter to Fairfax was a mere piece of simulation had recourse to for the sake of
influencing public opinion and quieting the mutineers. The " barbarous refusal** which the
king seems to have esteemed a fortunate result of this little manoeuvre, amounted to this.
Application was made to Fairfax for an answer to the letter of his royal highnef>s. Fairfi&z
replied, on the 8th November, that he had not received any directions upon the subject from
the parliament; " perhaps," he remarked, " finding what counsels still prevail about his
majesty, they may justly apprehend any such address to him would be fruitless if not
hurtful to the end you propose [by] it, and yet, being loth to answer any desire from your
highness with a public denial, may choose to suspend rather than give their resolution.'*
He added, that a better way to peace was by the prince*s disbanding his troops and going
himself to the parliament, where " he need not doubt of safety and honorable reception.**
(Clarendon*s State Papers, ii. 194.) Lord Capel replied, on behalf of the prince, that
his royal highness did not believe his overture would have brought him an invitation to
quit his piety and loyalty to his royal father ; that, if his former propositions were con-
sented to, he hoped God would bless his sincere intentions ; if rejected, he should give the
world no cause to believe that he would forfeit his honour and integrity. (Fair&x Cor-
respondence; Civil War, i. 259.)
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 9
ing a treaty, the barbarous refusal of which I am confident did much
settle men's minds in those parts. Lord Digby * writes from Ireland
somewhat hopefully of assistance from thence, and to that end desires
thee to try if an 100 busses may be obtained from the Prince of
Orange, to be in Ireland by the end of next month ; and though I
will not bid thee be confident of great matters from thence, knowing
my author to be most sanguine, yet if his hopes should prove[ true,
it were pitty the effects should fail for want of shipping. This is all
for this time from him who is eternally thine,
Oxford, Jan. 14th, 1645-6.
Because my trumpett is not returned yett, and that it is not
unlikely he will bring such an answer as must oblige me to a very
harsh reply, I have been therefore this day making a message such
as may either cause my journey to London, upon those terms that
I am confident will be extreenJy to my advantage (considering my
condition, as likewise the uiiquestionable differences between the
Independent and Presbyterian faction), or upon refusal will further
my Scotch treaty, or at least breed distractions in London, wliich
> Digby, wayward and inconsiderate but romantic and generous, was at this time
endeavouring to aid the marquis of Ormond in effecting a treaty with the Roman Catholics
of Ireland, by which Charles was to receive assistance out of that country. But, whilst
Ormond and Digby were proceeding in the ordinary course of diplomacy, Glamor-
gan, acting upon extraordinary powers secretly given to him by the king, effected their
object, but at what was considered equivalent to the sacrifice of Protestantism in Ireland.
The indignation which ensued rendered it impossible for the king to avail himself of the
assistance which the Roman Catholics had agreed with Glamorgan to render ; it even
induced the king to disavow the authority under which Glamorgan had acted. This
subject is again alluded to in several places in these letters.
CAMD. SOC. C
10 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
possibly might have been hindered, if I had staid the return of my
trumpet, by the rebels' insolent demands.
1 received yesterday the chearfuUest letter from Jermyn * that I
have seen these many days, and, when I see the effects accordingly,
shall then begin to think well of the cardinal's ^ friendship, but I
must confess, that the fayling of former hopes, and Sabrand's^
declared neutrality here, makes me yet suspect that the cardinal
totally prosecutes cardinal Richelieu's grounds;^ and, seriously, the"
want of assistance from thence hatli not troubled me so much aS'tbe
affliction I know thou hast had, for having been juggled withall, in a
thing thy heart is so set upon for his sake, who is eternally thine,
Oxford, Jan. 18, 1645-6.
Although thou wilt be eased of thy fears from my going to
London by the last answer which the rebels have sent me, yet I
desire to satisfy thee that my proposition for a personal treaty was v
(considering my present condition) fully in order to those grounds ^
that thou leftest me withall, and mainly conducing to the Scotch
treaty, and that if my offer had been accepted, I had great reason to
expect great good effects from it I shall not now mention matters
*■ ZercajVL^ the handsome friend of HeDrietta Maria, and as was generally believed
her husband after the death of Charles, was now at Paris occupied in the management
of her majesty's household, and in constant correspondence with the king.
c Mons. de Sabran was the resident ambassador of France in England. He fixed him-
self in London and intermeddled but little in the English troubles.
<* Richelieu's policy towards England was very unfriendly to Charles I. He encouraged
the troubles in Scotland, and gave countenance to the Puritan party in England, with the
view, as the king''s friends thought, of preventing any union in policy between England
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 11
of security, hoping that my former letters have given thee satisfac-
tion therein, but desire thee to observe, that though I have stretch'd
my wits to persuade them to accept of my personal treaty, yet
examine my words well, and thou wilt find that I have not engaged
myself in anything against my grounds. For first, I am sure that^
there can be no scruple as concerning the church. Then, for
Ireland and the militia, it is true that it may be I give them leave to
hope for more than I intended, but my words are only, to " endea-
vour to give them satisfaction" in either, and, for the latter, the end is
likewise expressed, which is, their " security." And, lastly, I do not
so much as give an hope that I will abandon my friends. Indeed
for places I give them some more likely hopes, yet neither in that is
there any absolute engagement, but there is the condition of " giving
me encouragement thereunto, by their ready inclination to peace "
annexed with it. This I hope will satisfy thee that no new councells
have changed my former resolutions. Now, as to fruits which I
expected by my treaty at London. Knowing assuredly the great
animosity which is betwixt the Independents and Presbyterians, I
had great reason to hope that one of the factions would . so address
themselves to me, that I might without great difficulty obtain my so
just ends, and questionless it would have given me the fittest oppor-
tunity. For, considering the Scots treaty that would be besides, I
might have found means to have put distractions amongst them
though I had found none. _
Thou, howsoever thou esteemest my arguments (which I hope
will satisfy thee), I am sure thou seest clearly that I cannot be con- ^^^^
tented so long as thou art in the least ill satisfied about my inten-^^^
tions, and especially when my constancy may be called in question,
upon which, if importunity could prevail, I should not long brag of
it ; for there is none doth assist me heartily in my steady resolutions
but S*" Edw. Nicholas a and Ashburnham; all the rest are very
* Sir Edward Nicholas, who entered public life as secretary to the duke of Bucking-
ham, was now secretary of state. He continued with the king in that capacity until his
12 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
inclinable to most flexible councels, yet grumbling when they are
not employed, and, when they are, do rather hinder than further
business ; yet, notwithstanding all these difficulties, so long as I have
thee to advise with, I shall no ways doubt but, by the blessing of
God, to overcome all my misfortunes, and that we shall live again
together as we have done, without which no life can be of content-
ment to him who is eternally thine,
Oxford, Jan. 22, 1645-6.
Upon Monday last I received thine of the 1 8th of Jan. wherein
I find that upon very good reason thou hast resolved to send WUl.
Murray to me, and thy judgment is as * right, considering the great
advantages I am likely to have by agreement with the Scots, where-
fore assure 'thyself that I shall endeavour to procure it with all pos-
sible care and industry, not leaving those grounds, which upon no
consideration I must quit ; and upon my word, even in those things,
I shall go as near the wind as I can, according to that wit which
God hath given me. Wherefore I say no more of this, but refer
thee to my two former letters of the 28th of December and 11th of
Jan. Thou hast likewise very well answered the Duke of Courland's
man, by leaving ceremony to wait on substance. Concerning Prince
Charles his marriage, I shall say nothing till the Prince of Orange
gives his positive resolution, and indeed hasten to satisfy thee in
that which I find hath troubled thee, either by much mistaking or
majesty quitted Oxford and delivered himself up to the Scots. Nicholas then went to
Jersey, at that time the place of refuge of prince Charles and his little court,
a So in the MS.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 13
I see thou thinkest me careless in hazzarding to divulge that
which as a secret thou hast recommended to me, I mean the Scotch
treaty. The truth is, I have so precisely kept thy council, that
albeit it came to me from London divers ways, so as I might have
use of it to the Independents (in case the intentions of the Scots had
not been real) without breaking any of thy trust, yet, because it might
look like it, I would not do it. Now for the message which I sent
to the Lord Sinclare^ and David Lesley; thou must understand that
the man which came from them told me all the particulars of the
Scotch treaty with thee, and when at first I seemed to be ignorant,
he in a manner laught at me, telling me that what he said I knew
to be true ; whereupon I thought it might be of more prejudice than
good to the business to conceal my knowledge of it from those Who
were to be active in it, and who knew it before me ; but I desire
thee to observe that none of my letters out of cypher spake a word
of it, and I assure thee that what Ashbumham wrote was not only
in cypher, but also with great conjuration of secrecy. The same I
likewise did to those [I ?] instructed. This, upon my faith to thee,
is the truth of this business, so that, what fault soever hath been in it
for point of secrecy, it must have come from some of the proposers,
and I am sure thou wUt be loath to blame me for other men's faults.
Concerning my Portugal ambassador, I desire thee to send [him ?]
away with all speed, and find some handsome excuse for his deten-
tion all this, time, for I assure thee my honour suffers much in the
delay, as seeming a desire to find a shift to break my promise, which
in this particular will be accompanied with ingratitude, I having
been extreemly obliged to that king and his ministers. From Ireland
there is some hopeful! news, and also from Mountrose, as S^ Edw.
Nicholas will inform thee by his command who is eternally thine,
» John sixth lord Sinclairi a supporter of the covenant but an equally strenuous
upholder of monarchy. This is the lord Sinclair who was taken prisoner at Worcester,
and suffered imprisonment from 1651 to 1660.
14 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
Oxford, Feb. 1st, 1645-6.
Because I desire to insist upon that which I conceive most
necessary for our preservation, I refer thee to S** Edw. Nicholas con-
cerning the late unhappy accident in Ireland,* and my last message
to London.^ And first, I earnestly desire thee to believe that what
I have sent to the rebells will not procure a peace. Secondly, that
as I have not hitherto quitted foundations, so I am resolved to suffer
those afflictions that it shall please God to inflict upon me, rather
than to part with any more. I judge this short preamble necessary to
hinder the greatest mischief which now can befall me, which is, that
supplies should be stopt by thinking them needless, as if peace were
assured on either my present or future concessions.
As at no time I desire to conceal anything irom thee, so at this
it is most necessary to shew the truth of my present condition, which
is that, considering my own weakness, the small or rather no hopes
of supplies from either Ireland or Scotland, and the rebells' strength,
I am absolutely lost if some brisk action do not recover me, where-
fore, having thought of many, I have at last resolved on this.
I shall, by the grace of God, without fail, draw into a body by the
^ The allasion is to the treaty concluded by Glamorgan with the Roman Catholics of
Ireland, which had recently come to the knowledge of the world in a curious way. An
attempt was made by the associated Roman Catholics to retake Sligo, which had been
shortly before taken from them by sir Charles Coote. Amongst the persons killed on that
occasion on the side of the Roman Catholics was the titular archbishop of Tuam. In his
carriage, which was captured by the Protestants, was found a collection of papers relating
to the transactions of Glamorgan. Shortly afterwards an Irish packet boat ran into Pad-
stow without being aware that it was in the possession of sir Thomas Fairfax. Some of
his dragoons seized upon the vessel and captured the passengers. One of them, a captain
Allen, was observed to throw overboard a number .of papers. A few were recovered, and
turned out to be letters from Glamorgan himself, and from various other persons connected
with his transactions. They were immediately published by the parliament, not less to the
amazement of the royalists than of their opponents. (Husband^s Collection, 782, 811,
b The message of the 15th January, 1645-6, before alluded to at p. 4, note ^.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 15
end of this February 2,000 horse and dragoons; with these I resolve
to march into Kent, where I am confident to possess some important
place not far from the sea-side (not being out of hope of Rochester),
where, if I have either time or sufficient strength to settle myself, 1
shall esteem myself in a very good condition ; wherefore I desire
thee, as thou lovest me, to hasten those men which Jermyn promised
me by the middle of March ; they must land at or near to Hastings,
in Sussex. And whereas by mine to Jermyn of Jan. 18, I directed
him how to send the money to Oxford by bills of exchange, now I
desire thee to send it all by the army, and I pray thee divert as
little of it any other way as is possible. Now, it may be thou wilt
be pressed to send these men into the west, for the strengthening of
mj son's army, and if it were not for this my design it were most
counseillable ; but now I assure thee that, even for the prince's secu-
rity, their landing where I have told thee is absolutely the best.
Besides, thou must know that, whether they come or not, I must
venture upon this design : now my danger is least the rebells should
so press upon me as not to give me time to make myself ready,
which they will not be able to do if the 5,000 men come over as I
have said, but if not, then it will be likely that I shall be so prest
as not to stay long in this kingdom, and then all is lost. In a word,
never any man's preservation depended so vissible upon anything as
mine doth upon the seasonable coming of these men, every circum-
stance wliich I have mentioned having full right ; for which, having
said thus much, I know there needs no more persuasion to thee to do
what is possible.
Now, for the Scotch treaty, it is not so much worth as to spend
many words about it ; in short it is all fourbery;* for now I can assure
thee that it was no secret in the Scots army before I knew it.
;^esides, why should Montrevil go into Scotland, since he knows that
they will do nothing for me ? Wherefore thou must excuse me if I
believe that both they and France hath juggled in this, and so long
» There is a marginal note, " knavery."
16 CHAELES I. IN 1646.
as Watt. Mountague* is fast I shall still think, but say no more.
Yet it may well be that they would be loath to see me quite sunk,
for which cause I am not out of hope to have some seasonable supply
from them. So desiring a speedy answer of this letter, I rest
Oxford, Feb. 8th, 1645-6.
There is news that makes the strength and constancy of thine
affection more visible to me than ever, that the prejudice of false
glosses upon my actions hath no power to diminish thy love at all,
tho' thou hast too much submitted thy wonted judgement unto them.
For I desire thee seriously to consider what a strange argument it is,
for me to promise the doing of a thing directly against my con-
science, because of a probability, and that but a weak one, that I
shall not be put to it ; and can'st thou think that ^who would have
thought it ?) is a sufficient excuse for breach of conscience, it being
scarce odds that it will not fall out, for is it not likely enough that
rogues, who look most to their own ends, will submit to anything
(though it were to the Alcorun) when they foresee a great storm
threatening them with the loss of all ? Besides, suppose the event
to be as is laid down to thee, I do not understand how the Independ-
ents' wilfulness against Presbyterian government can free me from
my promise to the Scots, especially since their assistance to me is
grounded on my promise to them concerning that particular. So
that I should esteem myself obliged to the alteration of church
^ Walter Mountague, a younger son of Henry Montague earl of Manchester. He
went over to the Church of Rome early in the reign of Charles I. and was a very busy
person in the intrigues of that period. Standing high in the favour both of the queen
regent of France and of Henrietta Maria, he was promoted to the abbacy of Nanteuil,
and afterwards to that of St. Martin near Pontoiso.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 17
government, whensoever it were in my power, in case I should join
with them upon the conditions desired by them.
But though this be reason at Oxford, whether it will be found so
at Paris I know not ; wherefore, neither desiring victory in argument,
nor yielding to that reason I do not understand, I propose that, so
thou wilt accept of my protestation, as likewise the Q. Regent and
cardinall, that I will not be engaged for the alteration of episcopal
gover[n]ment here in England (more than a toleration of conscience to
the Presbyterians), notwithstanding any agreement that shall be
made with the Scots. I totally refer the conditions to thy making,
for I know thou wilt neither abandon Mountrose, nor any of my
friends; now this I will peremptorily say, that this my proposition
must be accepted, or else my arguments must be confessed to be good.
As for Ireland, I know not from whence it can be said that I have
abandoned it by my answer to Montrevil, the words only being —
<« ^pi lyy j.]^Q business of Ireland, and otherwayes w*^^ his Ma*^® hath
invented (w°^ upon debate hee doubteth not but to make appeare
very faisable), hee is most confident to give them full satisfaction
therein ; " — after I had mentioned the queen of France's willingness
to interpose with them, for their contentment in that point of their
arrears* And I do as much wonder that the freedom of my letters
should be so interpreted, for therein I cleared my intentions to be,
not to make use of Ireland that way, except there be no other
for saving of England. But by this I fear that my last messages to
London will be much more mistaken, wherefore I desire thee seri-
ously to recollect, upon what condition, and with what cautions, I
offered to take their advice for the peace of Ireland ; for observe, my
engagement therein is meerly subsequent to a peace here; not [nor?]
that neither, unless I first know by an express how my word is
engaged in Ireland ; not [nor ?] so much as that, until my personal
treaty be granted on my own conditions. And the truth is, but for
one reason I had done none of this, which is, that infallibly the peace
of Ireland will be absolutely concluded or broken, before I can agree
with the rebels at London so much as to send the mentioned
CAMD. SOC. D
18 GHABLES I. IN 1646.
expresses. And certainly, in point of generosity, I am as litde
obliged to the Irish as I can be to any nation. For all this last
year they have only fedd me with vain hopes, looking upon my daily
ruin, which they might have daily hindered. But, instead of that,
they only trifled with, or at least not accepted, those conditions,
which no reason could warrant them to refuse. But it is no wonder
that these passages should be misinterpreted to thee, since some have
the impudence to tell thee that Marq* Ormond » has declared for the
rebells, and the L*^ Digby prisoner.
As for my trusting of thee, whensoever there may be occasion for
it, I shall run faster to it than thou canst propose ; and, howsoever
I know not how to apply it to this Irish treaty (thy proposition being
grounded upon misinformation), yet, that it may not fail on my part,
I send thee herewith a note, which tho' it be not a new thing, but
known to the Lord Muskerry,^ yet it is the farthest favour I can
shew them in point of religion; giving thee power, if thou find it fit,
to promise the performance of it in my name, in case they wiU con-
clude the peace before I be further engaged to those at London, of
which I believe there is little danger, being certainly informed that
they will seek to make me pass seven bills before they will hear of
my personal treaty, which I assure thee I will not do, nor anything'^
else that shall make thee ashamed of him who is eternally thine,
Oxford, Feb. 19, 1645-6.
Albeit that my personal danger must of necessity presede
thine, yet thy safety seems to be hazarded by my resolution con-
^ The marquis Ormonde, it will be remembered, was at this time lord lieutenant of
^ Lord Muskerry was one of the chief of the confederate Roman Catholics. In that
character he was a party to the treaty concluded by Glamorgan.
CHABLES I. IN 1646. 19
cemiDg church government. I am doubly grieved to differ with thee
in opinion^ though I am confident that my judgment, not love, is
censured by thee for it. But I hope, whatsoever thou mayest wish,
thou wilt not blame me at all, if thou rightly understand the state of
the question. For I assure thee, I put little or no difference between
setting up the Presbyterian gover[n]ment, or submitting to the Church
of Rome. Therefore make the case thine own. With what patience
wouldest thou give ear to him who should persuade thee, for worldly
respects, to leave the communion of the Roman church for any
other ? Indeed, sweetheart, this is my case ; for, suppose my conces-
sion in this should prove but temporary, it may paUiate tho' not
excuse my sin. But it is strange to me how that can be imagined,
not remembering any example that concessions in this kind have
been recalled, which in this case is more unlikely (if not impossible)
than any other, because the means of recovering it is destroyed in
the first minute of yielding, it being not only a condition for my
assistance, but likewise all the ecclesiastical power so put in their
hands, who are irreconcilable enemies to that government which I
contend for, as I shall never be able to master. I must confess (to
my shame and grief) that heretofore I have for publick respects
(yet I believe, if thy personal safety had not been at stake, I might
have hazarded the rest) yielded unto those things which were no less
against my conscience than this, for which I have been so deservedly
punished, that a relapse now would be insufferable, and I am most
confident that God hath so favoured my hearty (tho* weak) repent-
ance, that he will be glorified, either by relieving me out of these
distresses (which I may humbly hope for, tho' not presume upon),
or in my gallant sufferings for so good a cause, which to eschew by
any mean submission cannot but draw God's further justice upon
me, both in this and the next world. But let not this sad discourse
trouble thee (for, as thou art free from my faults, so doubtless God
hath blessings in store for thee), it being only a necessary freedom to
shew thee, that no slight cause can make me deny to do what thou
desirest, who am eternally thine, Charles R.
20 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
For God's sake, as thou West me, see what may be done for the
landing of the 5,000 men, at the place and by the time as I wrote to
thee the 1st of Feb., and with them as much money as possibly thou
canst. I assure thee that the well-doing of this is hkely to save both
my crown and liberty.
Oxford, Mar. 3, 1645-6.
Amongst all the difficulties against which I have struggled in
this unparalleled rebellion, none hath been more prejudice nor of half
that vexation to me, as the causeless stumblings and mistaking of my
friends ; yet whilst I was rightly understood by thee, I despised them
all ; but, since from whence my chiefest comfort come% 1 am now
most mistaken, it may easily be judged how my misfortunes are multi-
plied upon me, and — which is worse — how I am deprived of means
for the supporting them ; and realy I shoidd sink under my present
miseries, if I did not know myself innocent of those faults which thy
misinformed judgment condemns me oflF. However, I shall not want
a greater affliction than the power of the rebells can inflict upon me,
until I have satisfied thee concerning those things mentioned in thine ^
of the 23d of Feb. ; wherefore I conjure thee, as thou lovest me, to
read what follows, with patience and without prejudice.
I am blamed both for granting too much, and yet not yielding
enough, which shows, I confess, to be no contradiction, yet it must be
a strange unluckiness for a man to be guilty in both kinds upon one
occasion ; but I plead Not Guilty to both. For the first, I will not
seek an excuse from a clause in thy letter — " Je vous counseille de
faire paie [paix] a queleque prix que ce soit," — ^for I know it was
never thy meaning by it to persuade me either to go against my
conscience, destroy monarchy, or forsake my friends ; but my
ground is, that these foundations being preserved I cannot overbuy
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 21
a peace, my condition considered ; — which likewise I confess to be
the true intent of that clause of thine which I have cited. Now,
that I have observed this rule, thus I prove it : —
First, for my friends ; I have exposed none to ruin, nor so much
as waved the protecting of any, in any kind, who will not abandon
themselves; that particular concession concerning officers of state
and judges, being wrung from me by the importunity of those w^ho
are chiefly concerned by it, their safeties being the great argument
which they used to me for it As for monarchy; I will positively
say that the root is left entire, and (with God^s blessing) infaUibly to
spring up again as fair as ever, though, I confess, seven years must
be given for it, which I see not how much to mend, though we had
all other probable riches, for all is but loppings, no rooting up, and
being to return as entirely to the crown, after the prefixed time, as
if I had entered London at a breach.
Now, as for conscience ; it must lead me to the second branch, of
not yielding enough, for I believe none will accuse me in this for
having granted too much.
But in this I can say no more to thee, than what is contained in
my two letters of the 8th and 19th of Feb. only I must repeat to
thee, that indeed thou mistakest the question, for it is not whether I
should lay by the bishops for a time (like the militia, for seven
years), but whether I should alter my reUgion or not. And for
God's sake remember, that I love thee so much, that thou wilt far
sooner hinder me, than I will shrink, from hazai'ding or loosing any-
thing for thy sake ; and, beUeve it, thy contentment is so dear to
me, that I will not vex thee with contradiction, in such a point as
this, upon probability, where I see not a clear certainty for my asser-
tions. But consider, that if I should quit my conscience, how un-
worthy I make myself of thy love.
And now I come to answer the particular concerning the E. of
Glamorgan,^ the conclusions whereof are so strangely raised upon
^ See before, p. 9, as to the transactions here alluded to.
22 CHABLES I. IN 1646.
the premises that I know not what to say to them, they are so mnch
against the way of my reason. For must I be thought an enemy to
the Roman Catholicks, because I will not consent to the destruction
of the Protestants in Ireland ; or, because I have disavowed that
which is directly against my constant professions, am I therefore
likely to disavow thee? In a word, my answer is this, that the
same reason which made me refuse my consent to the establishing of
the Presbyterian government in England, hath likewise made me
disavow Glamorgan in his giving away the church lands in Ireland,
and all my ecclesiastical power there, besides my exposing all my
friends to ruin, both being equally and directly against my con-
science, which when I shall forfeit, by giving up the Church of
England to either Papists or Presbyterians, I must not expect to be
esteemed by honest men, or (which is worse^ ever to enjoy GU)d's
Now I come to answer thy advice, which is twofold : — First, to
agree with the Scots, and [in order to?] that to give them their
desire concerning bishops. Secondly, to make the Irish peace.
For this last, I have reason to hope that it is concluded by this
time ; however, I assure thee it shall, if the Irish be not unreason-
able or impertinently slow.
For the Scots, I promise thee to employ all possible pains and in-
dustry to agree with them, so that the price be not giving up the
Church of England, with which I will not part upon any condition
whatsoever. For God's sake, consider well if in this I have not
reason, for since thou sayest — " Que vous avez donn^ au rebelles la
royaut6 pour 7 ans, en vous deposs6dant du pouvoir qu'il falloit
plustost p^rir quedele faire [sic] " — is not the perpetual forfeit of my
conscience more than the suspension for 7 years of any govern-
ment? — although in this thou art much mistaken, for I assure thee
that the temporary granting of the militia, in the terms that I have
done, is far from the dispossessing me of my royalty. Besidesf, the
nature of Presbyterian government is to steal or force the crown
from the king's head. For their chief maxim is (and I know it to
GHABLES I. IN 1646. 23
be true), that all kings must submit to Christ's kingdom, of which
tbey are the sole governors, the king having but a single and no
negative voice in their assemblies, so that yielding to the Scots in
this particular, I should both go against my conscience and ruin my
crown, either of which I know thou canst not persuade me to do.
Notwithstanding this my constant resolution, I desire thee not to
despair of the Scotch treaty, for I cannot believe they will so visibly
hazard their own ruin, for insisting on a pretence of conscience
(which is really no more), when they see that I will not yield to it.
But I heartily wish for W. Murray's coming (though I think his
detension may prove for my service), for I am most confident to
make thee, by his conversation, clearly perceive how truly my reso-
Intions are grounded, and by his persnasions to his countrymen to
have a good issue of the treaty.
To conclude, though sometimes thy words or style may vary
according to thy informations, yet I know that thy love to me is /
firm, wherefore, dear heart, consider well what I have written to
thee, and let not the false paraphrases upon my actions (by those
Tfho have hitherto given thee but words instead of deeds), lessen my
estimation^ with thee, which is the greatest comfort of his life who
is eternally thine,
Oxford, March 12th, 1645-6.
Whatsoever may make thee mistake my actions, yet nothing can
make me doubt of thy love, nor alter my way of kindness and free-
dom to thee, notwithstanding any variation of the [thy ?] stile to me, ^^
and I am most confident that upon second thoughts thou wilt be very ^^
far fix)m blaming me, as concerning the Scotch treaty; my main
ground — ^which is the saving of the church wherein I have been
bred — ^being so infallibly good, that thou must commend me for it.
*• ** estunations ^* in MS.
24 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
Albeit we differ in matter of religion, yet thou must esteem me for
having care of my conscience.
Concerning which, the preservation of the Church of England,
being now the only question, I should think myself obliged to seek
out all possible lawful means for maintaining it. Wherefore, remem-
bring what I wrote to thee last year, upon the 5th of March, by
Pooly — (thou wilt find it amongst those letters of thine which the
rebels have printed*) — I think it at this time fit to renew that motion
unto thee. My words were then (which still I will make good) that
I give thee power to promise in my name (to whom thou thinkest
most fit) that " I will take away all the penal laws against the Roman
Catholicks in England, as soon as God shall enable me to do it, so as
by their means I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so
great a favour, and enable me to do it." And furthermore, I now
add that I desire some particular offers by or in the favour of the
English Roman Catholicks, w^hich, if I shall like, I will then pre-
sently engage myself for the performance of the above-mentioned
conditions. Moreover, if the pope and they will visibly and heartily
engage themselves for the re-establishment of the Church of England
and my crown (which was understood in my former offer) against
all opposers whatsoever, I will promise them, on the word of a king,
to give them here a free tolleration of their consciences. I have now
(which formerly I did not) named the pope expressly, to desire thee
to deal only with him or his ministers in the business, because I
believe he is likely upon these conditions to be my friend, and wish
the flourishing of my crown again, the which I think that France
nor Spain will be sorry to see. I would have thee likewise make as
few acquainted with this as may be, secrecy being most requisite in
this business (until it be so ripe that the knowledge cannot hurt it),
for everybody thinking it be deserted, it would much prejudice me
if untimely it should break out again.
* Note in the MS. ** Letter the 22nd." It is the eighth letter in the King's Cabinet
Opened, printed at p. 7 (edit. 1645) ; but has the number 22 at the top of it, which was
its number in the series of the king's letters to the queen written in that year.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 25
Thou mayst possibly imagine that this my renewed offer proceeds
from my inconstant humour, or out of a desire to please, but I
assure thee that neither are the causes, though I shall not be
ashamed of the latter whensoever there is occasion, for in this I do
only persue my constant ground, of preserving my conscience and
crown, not being ignorant of the great inconveniences (not without
some hazard) which the tolleration of divers sorts of God's worship
bring to a kingdom, which is not to be suffered, but either for the
eschewing of a worse thing, or to obtain some great good ; — both
reasons at this time concurring to make me admit, nay desire, this
For, by this means, and I see no other, I shall hope to suppress the
Presbyterian and Independent factions, and also preserve the Church
of England and my crown from utter ruin, and yet I believe I did
well in disavowing Glamorgan (so far as I did); for though I hold it
not simply ill, but even most fit, upon such a conjecture [conjuncture?]
as this is, to give a toleration to other men's consciences, that cannot
make it stand with mine to yield to the ruin of those of mine own
profession, to which if I had assented, it then might have been justly
feared, that I, who was careless of my own religion, would be less
careful of my word. Whereas now, men have more reason to trust
to my promises, findpng] me constant to my grounds, and thou that
I am eternally thine,
Upon my word, I neither have nor intend to acquaint any with
this business but Ashburnham, wherefore I desire likeways to know
of thee whom thou wilt intrust with it, that if anything come out we
may know whom to blame. Besides, I offer to thy consideration,
whether it be not fit that all the English Roman Catholicks be
warned by the pope's ministers to join with the forces that are to
come out of Ireland.
CAMD. soo. E
26 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
Oxford, March 16th, 1645-6.
Although my condition, without any addition of circumstances,
may too justly challenge any sad thoughts from me, yet I confess,
considering for what I suffer, and how justly in respect of my
former weakness (which now to second with more concessions against
my conscience would be according to human reason unpardonable),
I should be at very much ease of myself if thy misconstruction of my
actions did not give me a new and unexpected cause of grief; but
this lies so heavy upon me, that it were a total abandoning of myself
and cause if I did not seek without ceasing to ease myself of it.
Wherefore, I cannot but still harp upon this string, until I shall
have rectified thy judgment concerning my proceedings in the Scotch
treaty, wherein I believe my niceness to mention matters of religion
to thee, because of the oath I took not to seek to convert thee, hath
been of great prejudice to me. But, as upon better thoughts I have
begun to speak freely to thee (even of this subject also), knowing
that I may open my conscience to thee without breach of my oath
for not altering thine, so now I think it fit to proceed upon this point,
by desiring thee rightly to understand upon what grounds in religion
I go, which being known to thee will I hope satisfy and clean [clear?]
all this misunderstanding concerning me, which are —
That the reformation of the Church of England hath no relation
to the reformation of any other church, and albeit she is unwilling
to censure any of her neighbours, yet none of her true children who
rightly understand themselves, can with a safe conscience so far com-
municate with any of the Calvinists as to receive the sacrament of
the Eucharist with them, there being none of the reformed churches
abroad (except the Lutherans) that can justify the succession of their
priests, which if this could not undoubtedly do, she should have one
son less for me.
Next, I believe that bishops are jure divino, because I find as
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 27
much authority for them as for some articles of the creed ; and for
the Presbyterian government I hold it absolutely unlawful, one chief
(among many) argument being, that it never came into any country
but by rebellion. In a word, a congregation of men that hath form
and calls themselves a church disagrees less with my conscience than
Now, adding unto this (which yet needs not) my coronation oath,
must, I think, change thy blaming into commending my constancy,
wherein, if I should prove faulty, thou might justly suspect me
(which, by the grace of God, thou shalt never have cause to do)
in my profession of being eternally thine,
I received thine and Jermyn's of the ninth of March so late yes-
terday that I cannot yet answer thee.
Oxford, March ISth, 1645-6.
I have now no more time than to tell thee that Montrevil came
hither late last night, that even now I have received thine of the
16th of March, and [one?] of the same date from Jermyn, of all
which the queen shall have a fall account by my next, from him
who is eternally thme,
Oxford, March 22nd, 1645-6.
111 success, mean spirits, and Montrevil's juggling, have so vexed
me, that I cannot give thee so clear or good account as I hoped to
have done when I last wrote to thee.
I find that S*^ Edw. Nicholas his gloss upon the Lord Glamor-
28 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
gan's business hath made thee apprehend that I had disavowed my
hand, but I assure thee I am very free from that in the understand-
ings of all men here, for it is taken for granted the Lord Glamorgan
neither counterfeited my hand, nor that I have blamed him more
than for not following his instructions, as secretary Nicholas will
more at large shew thee.
As for Montrevil's negotiation, I know not what to say to thee,
because he would have me believe his word before thy letters, which
indeed I cannot do, and he makes such interpretations as pass my
understanding. For example, he would persuade me that you will
be content that the peace of Ireland should be sacrificed to please
the Scots ; and that to suflFer my friends to be banished (his phrase
is, "d'estre esloign^s pour-quelque temps") is no forsaking them ;
and in particular Mountrose must run this fortune, or else no agree-
ment with the Scots, but this I will constantly refuse ; for all other
'particulars (religion excepted) I will be judged by thee.
Now I come to that which I believe" \^ trouble thee, for I am
sure it doth me most, which is the message I am now sending to
London, whereof this shortly (leaving the particulars at large to
secretary Nicholas, and Ashbumham), that I am forced to hazard
this upon meere necessity, having neither force enough to resist, nor
sufficient to escape to any secure place, and yet I have not, nor (by
the grace of God) will ever depart from my main grounds.
It is true that my person will not want danger, but I want not
probability of reasonable good security, the chiefest of which is
Pr. Charles his being with thee, concerning whom I desire, as thou
lovest me, first, that thou wouldst not endeavour to alter him in
religion, nor so much [as?*] trouble him upon that point Next,
that thou would not thyself, nor suffer him to be engaged in any
treaty of marriage (for I believe that with the Prince of Orange his
daughter to be broken) without having my approbation.
* A copy of this passage of the king^s letter was sent to prince Charles by the queen,
and in that copy the word " as *' occurs here as transcribed from the original. (Claren-
don's State Papers, ii. 239.)
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 29
At this time I will say no more, but be confident that though
treasonable misfortunes may make me pittied, yet nothing shall
make me do any mean action, for I cannot forget that I am eternally
Notwithstanding the way I am in, I desire thee not to relinquish
that design which I wrote to thee of the 12 th x)f March, for I believe
I may have use of it.
Oxford, March 24tli, 1645-6.
This messenger gives me no more time than to tell the I have
received thine of the 23rd of March, and albeit Mountrevil and I
be not agreed, yet there is some hope that good may rise from the
Scotch treaty. Though my present condition be so sad, that it hath
forced me to send a message far below a king, nevertheless I desire
the queen to be confident I shall never do so mean an action as shall
make me unworthy of being ever thine,
Oxford, March 30th, 1646.
It stiU multiplies my misfortunes to find that I am condemned
by thee to have wilfully rejected my preservation, but I only desire
(which thou canst not deny me) to be judged by thine own words,
which are " ci c'estoit quelque chose de conscience, je serois de vostre
costre [cot^] ;" — if the keeping or breaking of an oath, or the main-
taining the essentials of a church, belongs not to conscience, or that
sacriledge is no sin, I must confess my error ; but I hope that what
I have written to Jermyn upon this subject will satisfy thee, and so
30 CHABLES I. IN 1646.
bring thee to that opinion thou wert of, if my memory does not
betray me more than ever it did, when I had last the happiness of
As for Culpepper a I confess never to have much esteemed him in
religion, though in other things I reverenced his judgment.
But I believe thou mistaketh Ned Hide,* for I am assured he was,
and am still confident that he is, fully of my mind; and thou much
mistakest me if anything hath all this while hindred my conjunction
with the Scots, but their seeking to force my conscience.
Concerning which treaty, I have commanded secretary Nicholas
to give thee a particular account, yet must tell thee, that if Montrevil
had not trifled I had been in the Scotch army long before now,
without sending my last message; but the sending of it made him
open his pack, which he did for fear of my going to London, least I
should there join with the Independents against the Scots. The
messenger stays, and therefore I can add no more, but that I am
Thy proposition in the latter part of thy letter by Montrevil is
a great testimony of thy love to me; but before I give thee an
answer to it, I must desire thee to remember to answer me concern-
* When Charles was told that it was the opinion of Culpepper that his majeety should
yield to what was proposed in the matter of religion, he coldly answered that *' Colq»epper
had no religion." (Rebell. book x.)
*> The future lord Clarendon was at this time with prince Charles. Hyde was almost,
if not altogether, the only person in the confidence of the king who concurred with him
on the point of religion. On the 1st June, 1646, when matters were even worse than at the
date of the above letter, Hyde expressed himself against ** buying a peace at a dearer price
than was offered at Uxbridge,'' and encouraged the notion that it was the duty of the
royalists to submit to a kind of martyrdom. '* It may be," he remarked, " God hath
resolved we shall perish, and then it becomes us to perish with those decent and honest
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 31
ing the queen's freeing me of the oath I did take concerning her
religion, which, if thou wilt do, I make no question but to give thee
satisfaction, not only in this but also in other particulars, which yet
for want of thine answer I cannot.
Oxford, April 2nd, 1646.
I am so surprized with the going of this messenger, that I have
but time to tell thee that this day Montrevil goes to the Scotch
army to prepare and adjust my reception there, I having resolved
(by the grace of God) to begin my journey thither upon Monday or
Tuesday next, before when the queen shall have a particular account
of all, by his care who is eternally thine,
Oxford, April 4th, 1646.
This bearer neither gives me time nor room to write much to
thee, wherefore this can but only tell the, that my next by the usual
way will give thee a full account of my affairs, the sum of which is,
that Montrevil and I are agreed. He went yesterday morning to
the Scotch army, who are to send their horse to meet me at Har-
borough, where I shall be on Wednesday next, resolving to go from
hence the night before. I will trouble you now with no more cyphers,
and the rather (that in case this should be intercepted) to vex the
circamstances that our good fame may procure a better peace to those who succeed us
than we were able to procure for them, and ourselves shall be happier than any other
condition could render us." (Clarendon's State Papers, ii. 237.)
32 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
rebells, by letting them know that no misfortune can take away the
contentment of our mutual constant affections, it being, as is thought
by many, one of the greatest torments of the wicked, to behold the
beauty and reward of virtue, being excluded from attaining to it.
Now, because I cannot vex the rogues elegantly, I will say no more,
but that thou knowest I am eternally thine,
Oxford, April 6th, 1646.
With this thou wilt have a particular account, by secretary
Nicholas, of my agreement with Montrevil, the effect of which is,
that I shall be received into the Scotch army as their natural sove-
reign, with freedom of my conscience and honour, and all my
servants and followers are to be there safely and honourably pro-
tected. Tuesday next is the precise day set down for my parting
from hence, so that, by the grace of God, I hope confidently to join
with the Scotch, on Wednesday, at Harborough ; as for Mountrose,
[and] all the rest of my friends, and upon what terms my conjunction
with the Scots is to be, I refer thee to Nicholas ; yet I must observe
to thee, that Montrevil hath freely approved, that before my parting
hence I shall impart this business freely to all my councell, which, I
believe, (if I miscarry by the way,) will be a means to make the
English rebells and the Scots irreconcilable enemies, for then the
business will be publick. The message likewise, which upon this
occasion I send to London,* is all his own, save the last words which
he also fully approves.
Now I think it not amiss to offer to thee the best ways I can
* This message, prepared to be sent to the parliament, announcing the king^s removal
from Oxford to the Scottish camp, wiU be found in the King's Works, p. 112, ed. 1687.
It ultimately bore date the 18th May, 1646.
CHABLES I. IN 1646. 33
think on for the improving of this thy own design (which for being
80 I hope mach the better of), which, to say more properly, is to
remember thee of what thou hast already thought on, that the
French should now declare that they will assist me, by their ambas-
sador, (desiring the Count of Tillie(r)s may be the man,) for the pro-
curing of an honourable peace, which if by treaty it cannot be had,
then to give me a noble and friendly assistance by arms ; and in all
this the States of Holland and Pr. of Orange to join, and in the mean
time privately to assist me with 8,000 pistoles for my own use, not
to be touched by the Scots, as Montrevil has promised me.
Besides this, I hold it necessary to tell thee that I find, when I
come to the Scotch army, they and I shall differ upon direct points,
in all which I shall refer myself to be judged by thee and the French
queen. They will be the milit(i)a, Ireland, and my friends. For
the two last I say nothing, because I know thou canst not do nor
judge amiss in them; but for the first, I assure thee that more than
what I have offered (nor do I say all that is fit) cannot be yielded
to without great and irreparable loss to the crown, which I know
thou wilt never consent to. As for church business, I hope to
manage it so as not to give them distaste, and yet do nothing against
my conscience, the keeping of which, in time, I am confident, will
bring with it God's blessing to him who is eternally thine,
Oxford, April 13th, 1646.
It much troubles me that I am not parted from hence, as I told
thee in my two last letters ; the reason is, because I have not heard
one word from Montrevil since he went. I cannot say that it is his
fault (for many accidents may justly excuse him), yet I cannot but
think it strange, it being ten days since he left Oxford. This I am
assured of, I have very impatiently expected some return from him,
camd. soc. f
34 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
being resolved to make good my engagement religiously in every
particular ; but, as I am now closed upon all sides, if I should have
hazarded myself without hearing that the Scots horse were advanced
to Harborough according to the agreement, I had been infallibly
ruined. I have sent divers messengers to Montrevil, to show him
the cause of my stay, and how ready I am to go at an hour's warn-
ing. Nay, rather than there shall be any thing wanting on my part
towards this conjunction (though I shall not hear from him at all), I
will not suffer any thing to stand between me and them, but what in
the clear sight of all the world is an apparent impossibility of arriv-
ing at them, so very careful will I be of giving no just cause of
obligation to the crown of France, whereon my whole encourage-
ment and security in the design is fixed.
I am now sending again to Montrevil, to let him know that, in
case there should happen an absolute impossibility of our joining, I
am so faithful to this treaty, and so confident to find them so too,
(the foundations of both our obligations being the crown of France,)
that if he shall judge it necessary to have the force of Mountrose
join with them, or any other assistance by any of my garisons, or
my publick declaration to adhere to them and their party, I shall
very readily comply with their desires therein, and will, upon the
least notice from him, send orders and do accordingly. In the mean
time, the Scots have Newark, I believe, before this time, given up to
them as a pledge of my real intentions to them, which act, I suppose,
will plainly satisfy the rebells at London of the design between us,
and therefore there must be no longer dallying.
Thus thou seest my resolutions. I desire thee to be as active on thy
part, and to acquaint the Q,^ Regent and cardinal of the state of the
business, to the end they may do briskly all things in order to this
conjunction, as effectually as if I were at this present in the Scots
army. Their ambassadour must now hasten over with all possible
dilligence, and likewise a dispatch must instantly go from them to
Holland, to send the like from the states there ; — not forgetting the
pistoles which Montrevil hath promised me.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 3o
There must be no delay in these particulars, the rebells are too
MI of the design.
This is all thou canst have for the present from him who is eter-
I must not omit to remember my hearty thanks to the Q** Regent
and cardinal for their nobleness to Pr. Charles, which I find in
Culpeper's letters to Ashburnham; all that I shall say is, that, if
ever God enable me, I will faithfully pay the great debt I owe to
that crown for the kindness it hath shewed to thee and Pr. Charles ;
to both whom, if I should miscarry, or be taken prisoner by the
rebells, in my attempt to join with the Scots, or otherwise, they will
give full assistance to Pr. Charles in all kinds, as they have pro-
mised, and I as little doubt of thy gratitude, or his to them, when
thou and he shall have power.
Oxford, April 15th, 1646.
Since mine of the 13th to thee, not having yet heard anything
from Montrevil, I find myself hke to be drawn into very great
streights ; and being absolutely resolved, God willing, never to fall
into the rebells' hands, as long as I can by any industry or danger
prevent it, I have also resolved to run all diflBculties and hazards
that can occur, to my deliverance, and not to flatter myself in this
purpose ; whether [I be obliged] to go to the Scots, or what other
course soever I shall be forced to take, they will be great enough to
invite me to think of those things which will be of essential necessity
in case I do not save myself, one of which, though not the only
* This letter has been published in Clarendon^s State Papers, ii. 230, from a copy sent by
Henrietta Maria to prince Charles, which is among lord Clarendon's MSS. in the Bodleian.
36 CHABLES I. IN 1646.
necessary in that case, is the having my son with thee in France.
I do therefore charge thee, as soon as thou shalt receive this, if then
he shall not be with thee, which I would not willingly doubt of,
that thou sendest mine and thine .own possitive commands to him to
come imto thee. And this I write to thee without any scruple, for
that, in every event that my present purpose can possibly produce,
this is not to be disputed, for whether I be taken prisoner, or save
myself, my son can be nowhere so well, for all the reasons I have to
look upon, whether in consideration of thee, myself, or him, as that
he should be now with thee in France. Therefore, again I recom-
mend to thee, that, if he be not with thee, thou send immediately for
him, assuring thee most certainly that if God let me live, I will,
either privately or by force, very suddenly attempt to get from
hence. I have not now time to tell thee of the rest of the particulars
I have in my thoughts, in case I hear from Montrevil that things
are prepared for me in the Scotch army, or that I be forced to take
any other course, but shall send thee an express to inform thee at
large ; so I conjure thee to pray for him who is eternally thine,
I do again recommend to thee the hastening of the ambassadour I
proposed in my last, of the 13 th. His being at London is, like my
son's being with thee, fit at all events.
Oxford, April 21st, 1646.
I must not loose, though I cannot make much use of, this oppor-
tunity, this messenger giving but very little time. In short, the
Scots are abominable relapsed rogues, for Montrevil himself is
ashamed of them, they having retracted almost everything which
they made him promise me, as absolutely refusing protection to any
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 37
of my friends longer than until the London rebells shall demand
them, only they will give them warning enough to run away, not
suffering any of my forces to join with them ; and for Mountrose,
banishment in their wills must be his easiest condition. In a word,
Montrevil now dissuades me as much as he did before persuade my
coming to the Scotch army, confessing my knowledge of that nation
to be much better than his. I have not now time to tell thee the
rest of this business, particularly that I intend to dispatch an express
to thee to-morrow with them, as likewise to shew thee that I neither
spared pains, nor would have eschewed danger, to have made this
Scotch conjunction, and also what course he means to take who is
Oxford, April 22nd, 1646.
Since Monday was fortnight, I have not received any letters
from thee, which I only impute to the obstruction of passages, having
failed of my ordinary intelligence from London, so that I am very
doubtful how this will come to thee, which is the dispatch of the
greatest importance, and the saddest, that I ever sent thee. Finding
now my condition much worse than ever, by the relapsed perfidious-
ness of the Scots, which I so little suspected before Sunday last that
I received account of that business from Montrevil, as I did not care
what hazard I undertook for the putting myself into their army, for
I resolved from hence to venture the breaking thro' the rebells'
quarters (which, upon my word, was neither a safe nor easy work)
to meet them where they should appoint ; and I was so eager upon
it, that, had it not been for Pr. Rupert's backwardness, I had tryed
it without hearing from them, being impatient of delay. And when
the rebells' forces came so thick about, so that I found that way of
38 CHARLES 1. IN 1646.
passing impossible, then I resolved and had laid my design how to
go in a disguise. And, that no time might be lost, I wrote a letter
to Mountrose to make him march up and jojna with them, in case he
found by Montrevil, by whom I sent the letter, that they were really
agreed with me.»
Thus thou seest that I neither eschewed danger nor spared pains
to have made this conjunction with the Scots, which thou so much
desiredst, and which I think the fittest for my affairs ; and thou will
as plainly see, by what secretary Nicholas sends thee, their base,
unworthy dealing, in retracting of allmost all which was promised
Montrevil from London, even to the being ashamed of my company,
desiring me to pretend that my coming to them was only in my way
to Scotland. But the pointing at their falshood must not make me
forget to give Montrevil his due, who seriously hath carried himself
in this business with perfect integrity (for the least slip of honesty in
him had been my ruin), of which the burning of my warrant for the
rendering of Newark being sufficient proof, if there had been no
All this doth plainly shew thee how my condition is, the difficulty
of resolving of what to do being answerable to the sadness of it ; but
the renewing of thy advices upon all kind of suppositions hath in a
manner directed me what to do. Wherefore; to eschew all kind of
captivity, which, if I stay here, I must undergo, I intend (by the
grace of God) to get privately to Lynn, where I will yet try if it be
possible to make such a strength, as to procure honourable and safe
conditions from the rebells ; if not, then I resolve to go by sea to
Scotland, in case I shall understand that Mountrose be in condition
fit to receive me, otherwise I mean to make for Ireland, France, or
Denmark, but to which of these I am not yet resolved ; desiring, if
it may be, to have thy judgement before I put to sea, to dii-ect my
course by. In the meantime, I conjure thee, by thy constant love to
me, that if I should miscarry (whether by being taken by the rebells
* The letter to Montrose will J^ found printed in the Appendix.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 39
or otherwise), to continue the same active endeavours for Pr. Charles
as thou hast done for me, and not whine for my misfortunes in a
retired way, but, like thy father's daughter, vigorously assist Pr.
Charles to regain his own. This thou canst not refuse to perform,
knowing the reality of thy love to him who is eternally thine,
If I should go into Scotland, though I know thou wilt be willing
that I swear Mountrose of my bedchamber, yet (to be punctual in
my word to thee) I desire thy approbation to it, as also to the rest of
my letter, with all possible speed. If thou hearest that I have put
myself into Fairfax's army, be assured that it is only to have the
fittest opportunity for my going to Lynn in a disguise, if not by other
New-Castle, May 15th, 1646.
The necessity of my affairs hath made me send Jack Ashburn-
ham unto thee, who at this present is the most (and with the greatest
injustice) persecuted of all my servants, and meerly for his fidelity to
me, which is so well known to thee, that I need neither recommend
him to thy care, nor take the pains of setting down the present state
of my afiairs, and how they have changed since I came from Oxford,
and why it is so long since I wrote to thee, referring all to his faithfiil
relation, as likewise what I desire thee to do for my assistance ; so
transferring at this time the freedom of my pen to his tongue, I rest
I owe Jack £9,200, which I earnestly recommend thou wouldst
assist him in for his payment
40 CHARLES T. IN 1646.
New-Castle, Wed. May 20th, 1646.
Albeit I may well hope that Ashburnham (who this morning
went to sea) may be with thee before this letter, and therefore need
say little to thee at this time, /he being fully instructed in all things
which concern my business, yet I must not let this occasion pass
without giving thee a short account of my condition. Upon what
terms I went from Oxford,* and how I came to the Scots' army, I
shall leave totally to Ashbumham's report, and likewise the barbarous
usage I have had ever since. First, then, know that every one here
(both of the committee and army) flatly disavows any treaty, and
threatens the punishment of all those who have had any hand in it ;
and now I can assure the queen, there is nothing the Scots appre-
hend more than breaking with the rebells. Of many, I will give
thee but two clear evidences; and first, the Scots have quit their
pretended part in the English militia ; and then the Scots have hindred,
by proclamation, all men to come near me who have borne arms for
me, whereas I did find many of that kind protected in their army.
Next, it is more than apparent that the Scots will absolutely hinder
my being any more king in England than they have made me in
Scotland. For this there needs but one proof, the Scots having
declared that the militia should not be in the king alone, but that the
two houses of parliament are to have an equal share in it ; and, for
my friends, I need say no more than that they declare to adhere
closely to their covenant.
Thus have I given thee a short but true account of the Scots' in-
tentions, which also shews thee clearly what my present condition is,
desiring the queen to consider that her trouble for it will much
* The king quitted Oxford very early in the morning of the 27th April, aooompanied
by Ashburnham and Dr. Hudson. After wandering about for five days, apparentiy in a
state of entire irresolution, he entered the Scottish camp on the 5th May. Hudson^s
account of their course is printed in Peck^s Desiderata Curiosa, ii. 350.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 41
hinder her endeavours to bring me out of it. For which I offer the
queen no opinion until Ashburnham hath made all things known
unto her, only I believe that what heretofore thou judgedst me wilful
in, will be found the best (if not only) means for my restitution. As
for my messages, both south and north, I remit to Montrevil, pro-
mising thee hereafter a weekly account from him who is eternally thine,
New-Castle, May 28th, 1646.
I have found it most necessary for my service that Montrevil
should carry this dispatch, because I am confident he will have that
credit to make clearly appear the false juggling of the Scots, and the
base usage that I have had since I came to this army, which 'tis not
to be expected that anybody else can have, and I desire thee to
avow that the queen of England concurs with me in this advice,
which is Montrevil's desire.
It were a wrong to this trusty bearer to tell thee anything of fact,
wherefore I shall at this time only make my observation to thee, and
the groimds of my resolution. It is daily more and more evident
to me that the Scots resolve to clipp the king's power in England,
just answerable to what it is in Scotland, to which end (it is vissible)
they can never attain without the setling of Presbyterian govern-
ment in England, for the obtaining of which the Scots care not what
they quit of your [their ?] particular interests, as they have begun in
that concerning the English militia, and I doubt not but they will go
on, by abating the greatest part of their arrears. Wherefore, as my
constancy to episcopacy is best to my conscience, so, believe me, it is
more counseillable in point of politico [sic] ; for, as I formerly told thee,
the difference in point of church government is not that which the
Scots look more at, although they make it their great pretence, but
CAMD. SOC. G
42 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
it IS the taking away of the church's dependance from the crown,
for their chief meaning is to make it independent from any civil
authority ; but I beUeve their taking it from the king would content
them for this time. Now, the foreseeing that this point would be
more prest upon me, and that it was the likeliest rise for my restau-
ration (not only for reason of state, but also in respect of God's
blessing), was the cause I wrote to thee to invite the pope and other
Roman Catholicks to help me for the restitution of episcopacy in
England, upon condition of giving them free liberty' of conscience,
and convenient places for their devotions. Then I desire thee not
to communicate this motion to any of the French ministers of state;
but I would have thee to acquaint the cardinal with it, requiring his
assistance, for certainly France is as much obliged to assist me as
honour can make it: I being prisoner (I must think myself so,
since I cannot call for any of my old servants, nor chuse any new
without leave, and that all my friends are forbidden by proclamation
to see me,) by following their advice, upon their engagement that I
should be used like a king.
And, indeed, to deal freely with thee, my condition is such, that I
expect never to see thee, except, by the queen's sending to me
persons of secrecy and dexterity, I find means to quit for a time
this retched country. Wherefore I earnestly desire thee to think
of this seriously and speedily, for, upon my word, it will not admit
of long delay.
I think not Pr. Charles safe in Jersey ; therefore send for him to
wait upon thee with all speed (for his preservation is the greatest
hope for my safety), and in God's name let him stay with thee till it
be seen what ply my business will take, and for my sake let tlie
world see that the queen seeks not to alter his conscience.* As for
his going to Ireland I am not for it, yet if the queen should command
him to go 1 will avow her in it ; for I know if the queen does it she
* The steps taken by the queen to enforce the king's wishes respecting prince Charles
may be seen in Clarendon's Rebellion, book x. and State Papers, ii. 238-9. In the latter
place will be found extracts from this and a following letter.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 43
will have good reason for it. All my letters must close, as I mean
to end my life, assuring that I am eternally thine,
I desire thee to shew this to Ashburnham, that he may remember
thee of the particulars in it, which I desire thee to do.
I have desired Montrevil to tell thee some particulars concerning
the Pr. of Wales and me, which I have not time to write.
New-Castle, May 28th, 1646.
This is the second letter that I have written to thee by the
London post since I came here, besides those by Ashburnham, Hud-
son, and this day by Montrevil ,^ which is so full that I hope the
shortness of this will be excused. I have had no letter from thee
since I came to this army, but 3 from Jermyn ; to wit, of the 20th
of April, the eleventh and fifteenth of May, this last being delivered
to me the ninth day after the writing of it. So, desiring thee to
command Pr. Charles to wait upon thee speedily (for I think him
not safe in Jersey), I rest eternally thine,
New-Castle, June 3d, 1646.
Though I dispatcht Montrevil upon Thursday last, yet he went
but this morning out of this river, which makes me fear that lie will
not come time enoucjh for formintr the ambassadour's instructions, who
is to be sent to me ; but I hope there may be additionals sent after
44 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
him, if reason be found to alter them upon hearing Montrevil. In
the mean time, I earnestly desire tliee that whosoever is sent may
come to me before he go to London (for the first impressions are of
much importance), assuring thee that they will be most falsly given
at London ; and also that Montrevil may be sent to me again, with
or presently after the ambassadour.
The answer to my messages is not yet come from London ; where-
fore I have little to say of any publick business, only I find these
people very firm in their way, still careful not to. displease the
London rebells, never going about to oblige me, unless it be by
making all men far the worse that I take notice of, and doing the
contrary in whatsoever I advise; so that I cannot but expect the
worst of events, unless the gathering of a storm from abroad make
them alter their minds. I find that their stile somewhat changes
whensoever they speak to me of the Pr. of Wales, expressing a great
desire that I should have the comfort of his company, which, God
knows, is not for my sake, but for their own ends. I clearly see that
they much apprehend his' being in France, which is the place I think
the fittest for him to remain in (all things considered), whether it be
for contributing to an happy peace or a gallant warr ; wherefore now
command him, in my name, to wait upon thee, and not to go to
Now, for myself, know that none are suffered to come about me
but fools or knaves (all having at least a tincture of falshood), every
day never wanting new vexations, of which my publick devotion [s]
(which ought and used to be a Christian's greatest comfort) are not
the least. This being my condition, and (as I have already shewed
thee) not like to mend, I believe that thou wilt not think it strange
that I desire to go from hence to any other part of the world (as I
wrote to thee by Montrevil) ; but I assure thee, sweetheart, I would
never think of this, but that I know my personal preservation is
desired by thee, and that 1 may the better shew myself eternally
CHABLES I. IN 1646. 45
New-Castle, June 3d, 1646.
Albeit I have written to thee this morning, I cannot omit this
opportunity, which I shall make use of only to press to thee the
necessity of what I then wrote; — that, concerning the Prince of
Wales, France is the place I think the fittest for him to remain in,
all things considered, whether it be to the contributing to an happy
peace or a gallant war ; wherefore now command him in my name to
wait upon thee, and suffer not thyself to be persuaded to the contrary
by any pretence whatsoever. For the safety of me and my affairs
is so much concerned herein, that I must needs make a judgment of
thy affection to me, more from this particular than any other that
can happen. Insomuch that, if this finds any opposition at the place
where he now is, I would rather have thee endure the trouble of
going to fetch him thyself, then to suffer him any longer to be absent
from thee, it being the thing which in the whole world I conceive to
be most necessary for the safety of him who is eternally thine,
New-Castle, June 10th, 1646.
These two last weeks I heard not from thee, nor any about
thee, which hath made my present condition the more troublesome,
but I expect daily the contentment of hearing from thee. Indeed I
have need of some comfort, for I n ever knew what it was to be
barbarously baited before, and these five or six days last have much
surpassed, in rude pressures against my conscience, all the rest since
I came to the Scotch army ; for, upon I know not what intelligence
from London^ nothing must serve but my signing the covenant
46 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
(the last was, my commanding all my subjects to do it), declaring
absolutely, and without reserve, for Presbytreian [sic] government,
and my receiving the Directory in my family, with an absolute com-
mand for the rest of the kingdom; and if I did not all this, then
a present agreement must be made with the parliament, without
regard of me, for they said that otherways they could not hope
for peace or a just warr. It is true they gave me many other
fair promises in case I did what they desired (and yet for the
militia they daily give ground) ; but I answered them, that what
they demanded was absolutely against my conscience, which might
be persuaded, but would not be forced by anything they could speak
or do. This was the sum of divers debates and papers between us,
of which I cannot now give thee an account At least [last?] I
made them be content with another message to London, requiring an
answer to my former, with an offer to go thither upon honourable
and just conditions.* Thus all I can do is but delaying of ill, which
I shall not be able to do long without assistance from thee. I cannot
but again remember thee, that there was never man so alone as I,
and therefore very much to be excused for the committing of any
errour, because I have reason to suspect everything that these
advised me, and to distrust mine own single opinion, having no living
soul to help me. To conclude, all the comfort I have is in thy love
and a clear conscience. I know the first will not fail me, nor (by
the grace of God) the other. Only I desire thy particular help, that
I should be as little vexed as may be ; for, if thou do not, I care not
much for others. I need say no more of this, nor will at this time,
but that I am eternally thine,
» The message waa dated on the same day with this letter. The king proposed that he
might come to London, where " he resolves to comply with his houses of parliament
in every thing which may be most for the good of his subjects." (Works of Charles I.
CHABLES I. IN 1646. 47
New-Castle, 16 June, 1646.
Having not heard from thee these last 3 weeks (albeit I lay it
to nobody's fault, but my own misfortune), my impatience hath
made me find out this express to go unto thee (thou knowing him so
well that I need say nothing of him), that I may have the more ways
of hearing from thee.
Argyle * went yegterday to London with great professions of doing
me service there ; his errand (as is pretended) is only to hasten down
and moderate the demands which are coming to me from thence, of
which one is that no mass may be said in my house, to which I will
never consent, except (as I believe thou wilt not) thou shouldst
advise to yield to it, for the meaning of it is meerly to debar thee
the liberty of thy conscience, which, though it be differing from
mine, yet I will maintain to the last drop of my blood, being there-
unto doubly bound ; — first by oath, then by love.
I am glad that Montrevil arrived in France 10 days ago (though
I have heard nothing from Jack Ashburnham, who went hence long
before him), which makes me hope to have shortly a full dispatch
from thee ; wherefore at this time I will only desire (as thou lovest
me) to let m^.hear often from thee, and to give me a particular
answer to the 2 last clauses in my letter to thee from Montrevil,
for to-morrow I shall write again to thee by London, which will be
the first that I have sent thee that way since I came hither, who am
I think fit to send thee my answers to Argyle's queries, because it
is an epitome of all our main business. The letter which it mentions
that I have written to Ormond is only to stop further treating there,
after the receipt of it, but meddles nothing witli what was done
^ Archibald Campbell, ninth earl and first marquess of Argyll.
48 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
before. Remember that I trust none here, wherefore let this bearer
know no more than thou carest. But use him him well and return
him full of gazette news. Absolute necessity made me admit Dum-
ferling* to wait in my bedchamber; but he is not, nor shall be sworn
without thy free consent, which I desire to know.
New-Castle, June 17th, 1646.
I think it fit, for change, to give thee a particular account of the
several humours of the Scots. I divide them into 4 factions;
Mountroses, the neutralls, the Hamiltons, and the Campbells. The
second hath no declared head, but Calander^ may be said to be chief
of them ; as for the other, it is ignorance to ask who were theirs.
The three first seem to correspond, the two last are avowed enemies,
the second keeps fair quarter with all, and none of them trusts one
At the committees in Scotland the Hamiltons are strongest, but
here the Campbells. Most of the nobility are for the Hamiltons,
because they correspond with the first ; but most of the ministers,
gentry, and towns, are for the Campbells, so that in voting these are
strong enough for the other three, the first being totally excluded,
and many of the second. Now, for the particular persons. They
all seem to court me, and I behave myself as evenly to all as I can.
* Charles second earl of Dunfermline. He had taken the side of the covenanters firom
1639, and therefore was out of favour with Charles, but he was nevertheless sincerely
attached to monarchy, and after Charleses decapitation went abroad to wait upon Charles II.
(Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, i. 482.)
b James first earl of Calendar was second in command of the army raised by the cove-
nanters under general Lesley in 1639. He held the same position in Hamilton's ill-fiited
attempt to rescue Charles in 1648. Although he had seen much service abroad, his
generalship in Scotland and England did little credit to his military skill. (Douglas^
Peerage of Scotland, i. 304.)
CHARLES I. IN 1 646. 49
The Lord Chancellor * of Scotland hath more satisfied me than I
expected. If he truly act for Mountrose's party, as he hath pro-
mised (he being now where he may do it), I shall give some belief
to his professions. Argyle is very civil and cunning, but his journey
to London will shew whether he be altered or not (if he be, it must
be for the better), being gone with much professions of doing much
for my service. Lannerick ^ and Lindsey ^ (I mean the Scot) brag
much to me, for having done great services to several of Mountrose's
friends, of which they have indeed given me some good proofs,
Calander is discreet and cautious, but he hath given me very good
advice, which is to trust no one farther than I see their actions.
Louthian*^ and Balmerino® (who are Campbelins) I will say
nothing off, but leave their description to Montrevil. Dumfermling,
who is a neutral, makes me believe that I govern him, and I verily
think he tells me all he knows.
My opinion upon this whole business is, that these divisions will
either serve to make them all join with me, or else God hath pre-
pared this way to punish them for their many rebellions and per-
fidies. I hope God hath sent me hither for the last punishment that
lie will inflict upon me for my sins, for assuredly no honest man can
prosper in these people's company.
So, longing to hear from thee, and that Pr. Charles is safe with
thee, I rest eternally thine,
* John first Earl of Loudoun.
^ Lord William Hamilton, brother of the marquess Hamilton, appointed secretary for
Scotland and created earl of Lanerick in February 1 640-1.
c John tenth lord Lindsay of the Byres and earl of Crawford-Lindsay. He was sent
4rom Scotland to the king, with Hamilton and Cassilis, to entreat his majesty to agree to
"khe propositions of the English parliament.
^ William third earl of Lothian, a zealous covenanter, but no less zealous protester
^gunst the trial and execution of the king. He and the earl of Cassilis were the bearers
of the invitation of the Scottish parliament to Charles II. to come to Scotland in 1649.
« John second lord Balmerinoch, a principal leader amongst the covenanters. As
the adviser of the letter to Louis XIII. he was of course unpopular with Charles. He
followed Argyll in his opposition to Hamilton's rising, known as ** The engagement.^*
CAMD. SOC. H
50 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
New-Castle, June 24th, 1646.
I cannot express the contentment I had by thine of the 22* oi
June a (which I received Saturday last), it telling me, in a few words*
almost all wliich (for the present) I would know, for the queen ha tin
secured the prince, and made a full dispatch to me of my busine^^*
Albeit my misfortunes be such as make my friends mistrust
constancy, yet thy securing [?] their doubts does me no little servic*
as for the queen's letters and cyphers, all day they are about
and all night under my head, and what I cannot so keep, upon
word, shall be burnt.
The first of the two things which the queen desires of me (whii
is to keep myself from engagements till I shall hear from the que
by Montrevil), 1 shall precisely observe, but except thou, by tfcmy
kind frequent letters, assist to preserve my health, I shall not so w^^U
answer to the queens [queen ?] for it.
For seriously, without compliment, thy love preserves my life, ai
I tell thee that those words of thine, " tout ira bien a la fin,'* ai
*^ nous encore," did extremely chear me, because I hope the que en
had some reason to write it, besides her desire of comforting
Yet I desire her not to mistake my condition, for the best I
expect is to have propositions from London (wherein the Scots
only join in point of church government), such as I can never yi(
to, as the militia for twenty years, and many others as ill ; and nc
it is a folly to think they will go less ^ so long as they see none
resist them, knowing that the Scots will not; so that all my end^^^a-
vours must be the delaying my answer (till there be considera^^fe
parties vissibly formed), to which end I think my proposing to go to
London, if I may be there with safety, will be the best put-off, if (wh£^A
I believe to be better), I cannot find a way to come to thee. I re/^i*
* See note post, p. 62. ^ See p. 4, note *.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 51
me freely to thee to judge which of these are best, or whether there
"be a better ; but be confident that my business cannot be done here,
^where, if I stay any time, I am lost I earnestly desire thee that
"thou w^ilt freely admit Ashburnham into all councills which concern
my business, and fully intrust him therein, that he may be ready at
an hour's warning to be returned to him who is eternally thine,
New-Castle, July 1st, 1646.
I had the contentment to receive thine of the 28th of June upon
Saturday last. The same day I got a true copy of the London propo-
sitions, which ('tis said) will be here within ten days, and now do
assure thee that they are such as 1 cannot grant without loss of my
conscience, crown, and honour; to which, as I can no way consent,
so, in my opinion, a flat denial is to be delayed as long as may be,
and how to make an handsome denying answer is all the difficulty.
For which I shall take the advice of Montrevil and the French
ambassadour, delaying my answer (if it be possible) until one or both
of them come ; but if I cannot, I intend to make my delay upon my
going to London (upon condition I may be there free and in safety),
there to be better informed with the reasons of their propositions,
and to make mine own.
Concerning Prince Charles, I have fully declared my resolution
formerly ; yet, least there may be need (hoping there will not), I do
enjoin thee, as thou lovest me, to command him expressly to wait
upon thee, and stay with thee, 'til he shall receive my further orders,
and all his council and servants that they assist him to obey this my
command, as likewise that he do nothing without the queen's advice,
knowing that the queen will encourage his councill to debate things,
as they used to do, the better to prepare her judgements. For
52 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
Ireland, I promise to do nothing till I speak with Montrevil ; in the
meantime, all I can say is, that when he comes, I shall therein give
thee full satisfaction.
But I must not forget the king. Assuredly my case will be,
that I shall not be admitted to London, nor will the Scots (upon
any termes) declare for me, but will retire their army,. and restore
their garrisons very speedily. Now, when this shall come to pass
(as I am yery confident it will within six weeks), how I shall
[shall I?] dispose of myself? Here I cannot stay without being a
prisoner ; and, for going to Scotland, I can only do it, as I am ready
to die, for the queen, but not otherways. Wherefore, if the queen
shall councel me to take some other courses, believe me she must
very speedily, and quickly go to prepare things to that end. Trust
me, sweetheart, I have very truly stated my case, whereupon I
desire to have thine opinion as soon as may be, for it will ftdly
satisfy him who is eternally thine,
Assure Digby that he still stands right in my opinion, and all my
other friends that I am and will be ever constant to them.
New-Castle, July 8th, 1646.
Upon Friday last I had letters from the queen, Digby, and
Jermyn (by the way of Amsterdam), all dated the 8th of June, and
the next day I had thine of the 6th* day of July by the ordinary, in
both which all thy advice, whether negative or affirmative, is fully
to my sence ; and albeit, that (since I grant all) I need not answer
any particulars, yet I cannot but speak of the covenant, because it is
much mentioned to me ; the which I hope thou hast named rather to
• The queen's letters were dated by the new style, the king's by the old style, in accord-
ance with the general custom of the countries in which they wrote.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 53
confirm than for any fear of me, and by this the queen may see her
fourmer error in pressing me to give way for Presbyterian govern-
ment, for then, of necessity, I must have done this (which the queen
rightly judges to be my ruin, if I do it), or the doing of that would
have done me no good, for it is daily plainly told me, that nothing
can content Scotland but my commanding all my subjects to take the
covenant (which I esteem all one as doing it myself), without which
all other things are nothing.
I have not written to thee concerning the yielding of Oxford,* not
having been fully (as now I am) informed thereof; but now I must
make my observations to thee upon it. In a word, all that had any
directing power (except the governor, secretary Nicholas, Dor-
chester, and lord Hatton^), did look only upon themselves, without
regard to my honour or interest; but this mean fayling in friendship
looks so scurvily, that it rather animates then discourages me in
being firm to all who will not forsake themselves, of which there
was, I assure thee, many in Oxford. It is the confident opinion of all
men here (according to your [our?] best and latest intelligence) that
any delaying answer from me to the London propositions will be taken
for a denial, in which case the rebels will go to all extremities, and
that upon no condition the Scots will break with the English rebell
parliament ; wherefore, I both earnestly desire thee to be confident,
that I will never yield to these base propositions, and also that the
queen would sadly and speedily consider how to councel me in this
case to dispose of myself, for in England I cannot stay, and I would
sooner chuse the farthest part of the world than go into Scotland,
*■ On the 10th June, 1646, the king ordered the governors of Oxford and the few other
places in his possession, to surrender the towns in their charge, and to disband the forces
under their command. The reason assigned for this order was that his majesty had
resolved to " comply with the desires of the parliament in every thing which may be for
the good of his subjects.'' (Works of Charles I. p. 113, ed. 1687.)
b Henry Pierrepoint second earl of Kingston, created marquess of Dorchester 25 March,
1644, and Christopher Hatton, the heir of sir Christopher, chancellor under Elizabeth,
created baron Hatton 29 July, 1643, are the two peers thus distinguished. They retired
from England on the surrender of Oxford.
54 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
where I can never expect to see thee, and which I shall abhorr until
they do evidently and heartily repent of their perfidious rebellion.
And, for God's sake, do not flatter thyself to think that my con-
dition is anything better than what is now told thee by him who is
eternally thine, Charles R.
Thursday, July 9th. — Montrevil is newly come, but I must remit
thee to my next for answer to what he brought, for I have not now time.
New-Castle, July 15th, 1646.
Albeit I wrote to thee yesterday by an express, yet I cannot
omit this way also to acknowledge the contentment (tho' I cannot
express it) which I received by the several testimonies of thy love
that Montrevil brought me from thee, of which I will say no more^
to eschew the saying of much too little, but I desire thee to thank^ in
my name, the Queen Regent and cardinal for their expressions o£
friendship to me, for really I am very well satisfied of what I have
heard of the embassadour's instructions, which is only by relation.
Marquis Mountrose is not yet disbanded, in which business if
there be any error committed (upon my word), it shall not be mine
alone, for I will do nothing therein but by Montrevil's advice, as
likewise concerning Ireland; and have dispatched to Marquis
Ormond, as thou wilt find by my letter yesterday.
I expect the London propositions upon Saturday next, to which I
promise thee to make no concessions but such as (I do not sajr
all that) the French ambassadour shall advise me to. And now Z
earnestly desire thee (even as thou lovest me) not to be startled or
do anything, for the threatning of the rebells concerning my person,
which may be to the dishonour or prejudice of Prince Charles in.
respect of that kingly authority to which he is born. Excuse me,
sweetheart, if in this only I can suspect the queen's courage, but
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 55
shall trust to her promise, which I expect, for it will be of very great
satisfaction to him who is eternally thine,
New-Castle, July 23rd, 1646.
Saturday last did recompence the former week^s failing, for
then I received the dispatch of both, which gave me the more pains ;
but that was fiilly recompenced by reading thy letters, being thereby
confirmed (but I assure thee not altered) concerning my op[in]ion of
the London propositions, and be confident that no importunity nor
threatning shall stagger my constancy.
This day the London lords will be here, but I will use all pos-
sible industry to differ their audience, to expect the French ambas-
sadour, and those particular advices which were promised me by the
letters that Jermyn, Culpepper, and Ashbumham wrote to me by
the queen's command.
As for the things which thine of the 12th of July accuse me of, I
only say this ; I believe the queen will find, upon good examination,
that I have not erred, unless it were concerning Ormond, for which
I have since made amends. I have sent such commands to
Pr. Charles as the queen desires ; and for any other particulars, my
former letters have answered them all, and tell Jermyn, from me,
that I will make him know the emminent service he hath done me
concerning Pr. Charles his coming to thee, as soon as it shall please
God to enable me to reward honest men. Likewise thank heartily,
in my name, Culpepper, for his part in that business ; but, above all,
thou must make my acknowledgements to the queen of England (for
none else can do it), it being her love that maintains my life, her
kuidness that upholds my courage, which makes me eternally hers,
56 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
New-Castle, July 30th, 1646.
Albeit thou dost hear that I am strangely and barbarously
threatned, for God's sake be not disheartned; for I do not believe
that the Scots dare do what they say, for already they begin to be
more calm. And though the worst should come, yet I conjure thee
to tm'n thy grief into a just revenge upon mine enemies, and the
repossessing of Pr. Charles into his just inheritances.
I pray thee thank the Queen Regent, from me, for sending me so
aflfectionate a man to my service as Monsieur Bellieure,* who hath
much obliged me by his coming here post, upon my desire, by whom
the queen will receive a copy of my answer to London, which he
likes, and so I hope wilt thou. Within two or three days the queen
shall have a full dispatch from him who is eternally hers,
New-Castle, Aug* 3rd, 1646.
It was a great comfort to me to find by thine which I received
Saturday last, that I shall not be condemned by thee for my answer
which I have made to the London propositions, for indeed it would
have broken my heart if thou hadst thought me wilful, as every one
here doth; and now I know thou wilt not want thy assaults for
yielding, of which though I am obliged to warn thee, yet I noways
fear that they will have any operation upon the queen, since I find
by her last dispatch that thou hast a true sence of my honour.
^ Mons. Pomponne de Bellievre, grandson of the ambassador to Elizabeth of that
name, patron of Montreuil, and a man no less distinguished for philanthropy than as
a judge and a statesman, was the ambassador sent to England on this occasion.
CHARLES I. IN 1646.
As for the French ambassadour, if I had not found him out before,
thy advertisement liad come too late ; and yet do not wonder at him,
for, believe me, thou canst not imagine what impudent, importunate
threatnings and persuasions has been used to him and me; but I
found it easy to rectify him, for I made liim at first confess that it
was only number, not reason, that was against me, so that now I
believe he does as I would have him.
Having fully instructed Montrevil, I will trouble thee no more at
this time, but only to desire thee to ask him what I have bidden him
tell thee concerning cyphers and letters — disposing of myself —
why and how a second message— the making of an answer in par-
ticular [to] the propositions for church — great seal — and Ireland —
alao a draught for my demands — Duke Hamilton — Dunfermling —
Percy — Byron — S'' James Hamilton — Will. Legge — Walker —
Nicholas; — these being the particulars which he is to apeak to thea
at large about, from him who is eternally thine,
Nem-Caatle, Aug' 5th, 1646.
Upon Saturday last I received thine of tho 2nd and 3rd of
August, in answer to which I dispatcht Montrevil with full instruc-
tions Monday last," but the wind yet staying him, I will mention
some things. I find the queen is uiformed that the Scots will be
content with Presbyterian government without pressing the cove-
nant, which may be true, that is to say, for my personal signing and
sealing it j but if ever they were, or will be, content without having
my consent for the forcing it upon all my subjects (until they see a
powerful formed party for me to make them hear reason), say that I
abuse thee, or tliat (upon my faith-to thee) I shall be able, either to
58 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
make them serve me without extirpation of episcopacy in England;
for less will not serve them than the establishing of the covenant in
all my kingdoms (which, if it be, will ruin this monarchy), desiring
thee to believe that I would not (for all the world) thus possitively
affirm this to thee, unless I knew it to be assuredly true.
For this French ambassadour, as the queen did warn me of him, y
so I must now do the same to thee, for I suspect that he hath given '
hope of procuring thee to persuade me to grant most of these damned
propositions, the which if either the queen or he do (but formally) I
am ruined : wherefore, as I am confident that the queen will not, so
I desire thee to take care, that the cardinal not only refuse to
persuade me, but also send brisk instructions to this French ambas-
sadour, in case either of the nations declare against me, or put
aflronts upon him who is eternally thine,
If thou see Pr. Rupert tell him that I have recommend him
to thee, for albeit his passions may sometimes make him mistake,
yet I am confident of his honest constancy and courage, having at
least Past ?] behaved himself very well.
I have dispatcht to Ireland as the queen desires.
New-Castle, Aug* Sth, 1646.
If this bearer, colonel Blague,* had not been hurried awa;
from hence, I would have imparted many things to him to hav^^
spoken to thee, but as it is, I can only recommend him to thee a^^
one that hath served me with courage and fidelity, for which thor:^
knowest that I have given him a place in my son^s bedchamber '^
* Governor of Wallingford, which at this time he had just surrendered to the parliament; <•
He was father of Mrs. Godolphin, whose life hy Evelyn was published in 1847f under th^
editorship of the bishop of Oxford.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 59
wherefore I desire thee to command his admittance therein, and
because I believe him but a slow messenger, I will neither trouble
thee at this time with cypher nor business, but only concerning my
son ; that as I am confident thou wilt not sufier him to loose his time
in idleness, so that thou wouldst command somebody to give me a
particular account how he employs his time. My next (which I
believe will be spedier than this) will be a full dispatch ; from him
who is eternally thine,
New-Castle, Augt 12th, 1646.
The taking of Montrevil will give us more trouble at this time
than otherwise needed. One of the chief things that I bad him tell
thee was, that the ambassadour and Montrevil so importune me for
a second message (in case the other should not be admitted), that I
could not refuse them, it being only to promise them a particular
answer to the propositions by the 15th of September.* This, I
beheve, had been rather well than ill done, if confiding men had
carried it, but (considering the persons) I was not for it, fearing they
would labour more for my second than first message. But I was
loath to displease the ambassadour in a circumstantial point ; where-
fore I desire thee to assist me with thy opinion (as soon as thou
mayst), in making of my particular answers, wherein I conceive no
concessions are to be made, but hope given, that when I shall come
to London more may be expected from me. Likewise that thou
wouldst draw a draft of demands for me, wliich is almost of as much
importance as the other, and within two days thou shalt hear again
dfrom him who is eternally thine,
* The Eing^s Works contains only one of these messages, dated 1st August, 1646,
p. 114, ed. 1687.
60 CHARLES L IN 1646.
New-Castle, Aug* 19th, 1646.
Thine of the 16th of Aug* gave me great contentment, finding
that my answer to the London propositions will not displease thee,
promising to satisfy thee by my letters if I came to London, as I
have done here ; but I wonder to hear that my letters by Ashbum-
ham's man are lost, for this French ambassadour did tell me that he
understood by one Dubose^ valett-de-chambre to the Queen R^ent,
that I had sent the queen the copy of a letter of Augies to the party,
which is true, for it went in that dispatch which is said to be mist,
as also to one [one to?] Pr. Charles without cypher, which was an
order to him, which I am sure would not displease thee, which
makes me chiefly desire it may be received, as I hope it may, by
what I have now written.
I am assured by a long letter from Digby that the peace is made
and proclaimed in Ireland, which will infallibly hinder all acconmio-
I say this meerly that the queen may know how to manage busi-
ness where she is, for be confident that no danger shall make m^
revoke or disavow that peace. That were to break my word witha
thee, which, by the grace of God, shall never be done by me, wh
am eternally thine,
That the London dispositions may be the better known to thee, I
send this inclosed letter, which I assure thee shall nothing alter me.
New-Castle, Aug' 24th, 1646.
Since mince [mine], which was upon Wednesday last, I have
little to add, the ambassadour*s packet of this week having no
CHABLES I. IN 1646. 61
letters to me from thee, or from any about thee, yet I will not omit
the occasion, if it were but to tell thee, that Ashburnham's man is
returned with thine of the 8th of August, and a duplicate from
Jermyn's, Culpepper, and Ashbumham. What more I have to say
is, that I am daily more and more threatned from London, yet
nothing is resolved on; but, be assured, that they can neither say
nor do anything, which (by the grace of God) shall shake my con-
stancy. I have returned two messengers into Ireland with my
aproving the peace there, to which I shall fi[r]mly stick.
I have now no more business to trouble thee with, but, I believe*
my next dispatch will be of great importance ; so farewell, my dear
heart, Charles R.
New-Castle, August 26th, 1646.
I cannot but give thee the continual trouble of recommending
every one to thee whom I send to wait upon my son Charles, and
therefore I advise this my honest and faithful servant, Doct^ Steward,*
unto thee, desiring thee to command that he be admitted to wait on
my son in the same place as he did on me (which is dean of the
chapel), until I may recall him to wait upon me, and that thou wilt
protect and countenance him, because I believe few about my son
knows him, and that now-a-days churchmen are despised by most ;
for I assure thee that he is a discreet good man, and much esteemed
by him who is eternally thine,
* Dr. Stewart was a great authority with the king in all ecclesiastical matters. Claren-
don says, he ** was a very honest and learned gentleman, and most conversant in that
learning which vindicated the dignity and authority of the church.*' (Life, part vi.) He
served Charles II. as dean of the chapel until he went to Scotland ; after which Dr.
Stewart transferred his services to the duke of York. The letter in which the king
recommended Dr. Stewart to the prince, of the same date with this letter to the queen, is
printed in the Clarendon State Papers, ii. 253.
62 CHABLES I. IN 1646.
Xew-Castle, August 31st, 1646.
Albeit the Irish peace will take away the question whether
Presbyterian government shall be granted by me or not (for, as I did
formerly tell thee, that alone hinders all accommodations infaJUbly),
yet I cannot but return thine own words upon thee, which is, to
desire thee not to let the queen be surprized by false hopes, that if
the Scots be satisfied in religion they will make me a great and
glorious king ; for, believe me, they care nothing for religion but as
it makes for their damnable ends, for proof of which I will remit
thee to my next Only I must tell thee, that the queen will break
my heart if she any more undertake to obtain my consent for Pres-
byterian government (to which end I know all possible art and
industry will be used) ; for if she once should openly condemn me of
wilfulness, but in one point, I should not be able to support my daily
I expected by this time to have given thee intelligence of great ill
news from London, but yet there is nothing resolved, at least pub-
lickly, of importance about me, which I do not take as a good sign,
because it is said that the parliament means to do their work without
any more taking notice of me. This I believe to be the likliest of
many several reports, for it is the best way of eschewing to drive the
Scots upon extremities, and yet secure enough to the obtaining of
their wished ends, knowing that the Scots, indeed, dare not break
with them. Now, if we can make use of this delay of time to
persuade France and others of my friends, to resolve, and realy to
prepare, with speed, for my restitution, then, and not before, there
will be life in my business. For do not expect that the Scots will
declare for me, upon any condition whatsoever, until they see a
strong formed party (which, I conceive, must begin beyond sea)
made for him who is eternally thine,
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 63
I give thee power, and desire thee to fill up blanks, either for the
Turkey business, or for the Irish, as the queen shall find fit for my
I send thee this inclosed paper to make thee judge the better of
the Scotch intentions.
New-Castle, Sep. 3rd, 1646.
This is only to recommend my lord to thee, which I do very
heartily, for he has served me most faithfully, having lost (for the
present) a great estate for my sake, and is a man of right founda-
tions ; indeed, for his particular suit to be of my son's bedchamber,
albeit I promised to name it to thee, I will not absolutely say it is fit,
but leave it to thy judgment; however I desire thee to find out some
way whereby the world may see that we esteem him, and that he
may live out of contempt ; but I will not hold thee longer on this
subject, for I know one word Is enough to make thee countenance
honest men who have suffered for their fidelity to him who is eter-
Newcastle, Sept. 7th, 1646.
I am freshly and fiercely assaulted from Scotland for yielding
to the London propositions, likewise Will. Murray is let loose upon
me from London for the same purpose : yet I desire thee to be con-
fident in my constancy, for I assure thee, that (by the grace of God)
nothing can be said or done to me which shall make me quit my
grounds ; as, for instance, neither to grant the London propositions
64 GHABLES I. IN 1646.
as they are (without great amendment), or sign or authorize the
covenant, without which, I must again tell thee, I am more and more
assured that nothing can be expected from the Scots ; besides, I find
the Irish peace angers them much. It is true I want not hope that
the earl of Calander, with some others, may be persuaded to
preserve my liberty, in case I should be demanned [demanded ?] by
the English ; but I have too much cause to believe that the Scots
will only be desired by the English to keep me safe, which will be
granted, so that I shall be an absolute prisoner, and yet it will be
denyed ; and, in that case, Calander, I doubt, will do nothing for me.
Wherefore, if this (as is most likely) shall be my condition, I ear-
nestly desire thee to consider what is to be endeavoured ; now, all
which (for the present) I can propose is, that the queen should T"
persuade the French to demand my liberty from the Scots, power- y
fiiUy, by the French engagement.
I have now no more to write, but concerning some particulars;
the first is, that the secretary of my Portugal ambassadour hath com-
plained to me against his master, the particulars of which Ashbum-
ham will shew thee; another is here enclosed about the Turkey
company ; both which I desire thee to determine as thou shalt find
best for his service who is eternally thine,
Believe not that I have made offer, or will come to London, on
base conditions, or that this French ambassadour hath said that he
hath or will persuade me to grant the London propositions.
New-Castle, Sep. 14th, 1646.
I have now resisted all the assaults which my last letters men-
tioned, and they say that I shall have no more by any publick way.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 65
This is no compliment but threatning (which is the only phrase
used to me now), albeit duke Hamilton brags that he hath hindred
much, and particularly that their boastings were not made authen-
tick by writing, but for this (nor the truth of any of his actions) I
will not answer, nor any that I can speak with, but those who are
absolutely his creatures, and Will. Murray less than any (for he
plainly inclines more to Argile), concerning whom I cannot make a
clear judgement, but leave it to thee, upon what I shall now inform
thee of him. He hath been so far from pressing me to a total com-
pliance (as I did expect), that he protests against breaking the Irish
peace and abandoning my friends. He presses even those too many
points of religion and the militia more moderately than any have yet
done, for he confesses that I must not sign or establish the covenant,
and that I ought not totally to abandon the militia; and as for reli-
gion, he and I are consulting for the best means how to accommodate
it without going directly against my conscience. Two things I have
made him grant, that the Scots are not to be satisfied without the
covenant, then that the monarchy cannot stand with Presbyterian
government; for we are consulting to find such a present compliance
as may stand with conscience and policy, which are in this case
undoubtedly inseparable; but, albeit he hath [not?], I have hope
that there will be time given to reap the fruit of our councells ; how-
ever, it is likely (but not yet resolved) that I shall send him to
London, to try what may be done ; yet I must observe to thee, that
I find this to be his design before he came hither, which he still con-
ceals from me, and therefore I cannot answer so freely for him as
otherwise I would, for, as the French ambassadour says (without
whose advice I do nothing), whether he be honest or not, he should
in discretion do as he doth. However, I am confident to make very
good use of him.
I have thy letter of the 14th of Sep., with the draft of an answer
to the London propositions, to which I cannot answer until my next,
but only desire thee to believe I can better than any body inform thee
of the Scots' dispositions, being now with them, where I hope the queen
CAMD. SOC. K
66 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
will not believe any informations concerning what will content them, /
at least better than his who is eternally thine,
New-Castle, Sept. 21st, 1646.
I never desired, nor was in more expectation of, any man's
coming than I am of Montrevil's ; in the mean time all that I can tell
thee of my business is, that the Scots have not yet fully concluded
their bargain with the English, nor have they entred upon any
pubUck debate concerning me ; and I am confident that the chief
cause which hath made the Scots hinder all this time any sharp
declarations against me is, to make the better conditions for them •
selves ; but that which is now the likeliest course that will be taken
with me, is to send a kind of summons to me, by commissioners only
enabled with some arguments to persuade me to grant the proposi-
tions, and upon refiisal (which will be so taken if I shall deny any
thing, albeit I should consent to most,) to secure me, either by the
Scots delivering me to the English, or by sending me to Scotland to
be made fast there.
Will. Murray and I have not yet concluded upon our private
treaty, but by the next the queen shall hear a particular account of
it. In the mean time I have but one thing more to trouble thee
with, it is, that I have received lately a letter from my Lady
Osboume, which tells me that her husband,* who is governor of
Gurnsey, is in much want and extremity, but yet without my leave
will not yield up his government; wherefore she hath earnestly
desired me either to shew him some hopes of relief, or to give hini
*■ Sir Peter Osboume. For the transactions in Guernsey and Zqtws^ at this period refe-
rence should be made to " Charles II. in the Channel Islands/' by Dr. S. Elliott Hoskins.
2 vols. Svo. 1854.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 67
leave to make his own conditions. To this I have answered, that I
would (as I do) recommend his relief heartily to thee, commanding
her to direct her husband to observe-*he queen's orders.
So, praying God to bless thee, and longing to hear from thee, I
rest eternally thine,
- , New-Castle, Sept. 26th, 1646.
I have but this day received thy first English letter, of the 21st
of September. I hear of Montrevil, Davenant,^ and Lesley ; but
none of them are yet come. 1 cannot (as I thought) give thee
account of my treaty with Will. Murray, because I have not seen
him these four days. Colonel Bamfield is come newly from marq^
Hertford.^ All these will swell my next dispatch, and be a just
excuse for the shortness of this.
I hppe the queen will easily excuse my many recommendations for
servants to the prince, it being all which, for the present, I can do
*■ Sir William Davenant arrived soon afterwards. His^ mission was extremely unsuccessful .
He chanced to speak of the church of England as if its establishment were not of sufficient
importance to weigh down the benefit which would result from the peace which the king
could make by conceding the ecclesiastical question. " His majesty,^* says Clarendon,
" was transported with so much passion and indignation, that he gave him more reproach-
ful terms, and a sharper reprehension, than he ever did towards any other man, and
forbad him to presume to come again into his presence. Whereupon the poor man, who
had in truth very good affections, was exceedingly dejected and afflicted, and returned into
France to give an account of his ill-success to those who sent him.** (Rebell. book x.)
^ Colonel Bamfield was the person who in 1649 contrived and effected the escape of the
duke of York, who fell into the hands of the parliament on the surrender of Oxford.
From the present notice of Bamfield, and the subsequent allusion in this letter to a scheme
for the duke's escape at this time, it may almost be inferred that Bamfield was already
engaged in this service, and that he was recommended for the purpose by the marquess of
68 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
for such who have freely sufired for me ; but my meaning was not to
burthen thee with more charges, but that most of them should only
have the honour of waiting upon him, and that they might be
favoured by thee as occasion shall serve.
I have not told thee, nor had yet but that the French ambassa-
dour tells me that he hath acquainted the cardinal, of my design to
send the Duke of York to thee, for things of this nature if they hit
are ever well, and I was loath to make thee expect so uncertain a
business, the secrecy of which is earnestly recommended to thee by
him who is eternally thuae,
New-Castle, Oct. 3d, 1646.
I must needs begin by telling thee that kindness came never
more seasonable to man than thine to me this week, by thy dispatclies
(sent by Montrevil, Lesley, Davenant, and Moubray), the various
expressions of thy love clearly shewing the excelency of thy affec-
tion ; and at this time, when I am generally condemned of wilful-
ness, and even by thyself, yet to be still the same to me doth infal-
libly demonstrate the excellency of thy affection ; and I hope to
make it evident to thee, that I am neither faulty nor singular in my
opinions, except other men's base fears be a good argument against
me (I do not by this mean any who are with thee), and I am sure
the queen will not like me the worse, that threats have no power to
persuade me against my reason or conscience.
Now, as for my answer to thine by Montrevil. Fii*st, I thank
thee for taking the pains to put it all in cypher thyself, then I give
thee order to treat for any of those three marriages for Prince Charles
which you mentioned, as thou shalt find best for my business, upon
consultation with Jei-myn, Culpepper, and Ashburnham. Next,
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 69
whereas the queen says, " I assure you, mon cher coeur, que si ri
estoit [n'estoit?] la passion que j^ay pour vous, I should desire to
retire myself from all business, estant trop franche dans mes opinions, '*-.*^
but I will endure all if you think it for your service," these being y/^
the queen's own words, I do not only thank thee for the kindness of
them, but must also bind thee to the promise in them, for I assure
thee, both I and all my children are ruined, if thou shouldst retire
from my business; wherefore I conjure thee, by thy love to me (if I
knew a greater I would name it), that thou wilt never retire thyself
from my business, so long as I have a child alive, whatsoever
becomes of me ; and that thou wilt give me the contentment to be
confirmed in the assurance of this by thy next letter to me. As to
the latter part of it, I remit thee to this inclosed note, which I desire
thee to decypher thyself.
Prince Charles hath desired me to make S' Geo, Carterett his
vice-chamberlain,* which I think reasonable if thou dost; so give
order for it ; otherwise it shall pass in silence for me, because of thy
desire that I should put none about the prince without thy advice.
Before the next I cannot give thee my particular resolution concern-
ing the great business, but thou shalt have it several ways from him
who is eternally thine,
New-Castle, Oct. 12th, 1646.
Not having been able before this day to make Will. Murray's
dispatch, I cannot, until the next post, send thee my answer to the
propositions. Will, seems to me to be very right set concerning all
my friends in general, and even to those who he conceives have not
* Sir George Carteret had the command of Jersey under lord Jermyn. He defended
it bravely until 1653, when the valour of Blake annexed all the Channel Islands to the
dominions of the protector. (Dixon's Life of Blake, pp. 178 — 184.)
CHARLES I. IN 1646.
obliged him (albeit he names them not to me, I think he means
Digby, Culpepper, and Ashbuniham), saying, because he ki
them faithful and useftil servants to me, he thinks himself obliged to
sei-ve them for my sake, and tliat if lie were not confident to get me
satisfaction concerning them he would not deal at all in this business,
The Irish misfortunes trouble me more than any one particular,
and yet I hope it is not so very ill as is said, for I have been excea-
aively (indee<l unmannerly) pressed by the marq' of Argyle to
persuade Ormond to submit to the parliament, which I have abso-
lutely refused, as he did me to send to Ireland for my right infor-
mation of my affairs tliere.
I have now no more to trouble thee with, hut only to conjure thee
to believe, that as there is nothing in this world I love equal to the^
so that it is really matter of conscience (and no superficial scruple)
which bath liindred me from fully complying with thy desires, (as I
have at large expresat to Jermyn and Culpepper, whose opinion, in
points of religion, I will no ways subnut to), yet thou wilt find I
have used all my invention to comply with thy judgment, with
which if thou be not satisfied, I am the miserableat man in the
world. But I know thou canst not be so unjust or unkind to him
who is eternally thine, Charles R,
New-Castle, Oct. 17th, 1646.
As I know thou canat not doubt of my perfect, real, and un-
changeable love to thee, and that there is uo earthly thing I study
more (indeed none so much) then thy contentment (for it must
always return to me with interest), so it would infinitely add to my
afflictions if thou shouldst not be satisfied with that account whidi
Davenant and this inclosed copy will give thee ; nor can I doubt bnt
" Printed in Clarendaa's State Piipsn. ii. 277,
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 71
thou wilt, when thou considerest that if I should forsake my con- ^^
science, I cannot be true to or worthy of thee ; nor should I forgive
myself, if by misinformed or strait-laced conscience I should preju-
dice thy just ends. Wherefore I assure thee, that the absolute esta-
blishing of Presbyterian government would make me but a titular
king, and this is confessed by both the Wills. (Davenant and Murray);
but then they say, that a present absolute concession is the only way
to reduce the church government as it was ; but I hope this argu-
ment will not be thought good by Jermyn and Culpepper, for they
confess that a flower of the crown once given away by Act of Parlia-
ment is not reduceable, and if the supremacy in church affairs be not
one ; I know not what is. For thou must understand that (which I v^
find absolutely mistaken by you all in France) the difference between ^^
the two governments (Episcopal and Presbyterian) is one of the least
disputes now among us, even in point of religion; for, under the
pretence of a thorough reformation (as they call it), they intend to
take away all the ecclesiastical power of government from the crown,
and place it in the two houses of parliament (and of this there is no
question). Moreover, they will introduce that doctrine which
teaches rebellion to be lawful, and that the supreme power is in the
people, to whom kings (as they say) ought to give account, and be
corrected when they do amiss.
This, I am confident, will satisfy thee that I have reason, (besides
that great argument of conscience), to endure all extremity, rather
than to suffer (by my consent) the absolute establishing of that
government which brings with it such great and ruinous mischiefs ;
and certainly, if they will be content with any thing less than the
destruction of the essential of monarchy, I have done that which
must satisfy them, and make them declare, in case my offer be
refused at London, which I expect
Thus, I hope (whatsoever becomes of me) to have this comfort,
that I shall not in any kind be lessened in thy opinion, which is the
only thing that can make him truly miserable who is eternally thine,
72 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
New-Castle, Oct. 24th, 1646.
I cannot tell thee more concerning my answer to the propo-
sitions then what I have done until the next week, not having heard
from Will. Murray since he came to London. Indeed, from War
[Ware?] he wrote me a fine epistle, being only full of unjust accu-
sations, and seeking more powers ; but, though I satisfied him in the
one, I gave him nothing in the other, which I find was chiefly to
make me give way for the establishment of the covenant, with which
opinion Davenant goes fully persuaded, but not to the satisfaction of
the French ambassadour, he and I being still constant against it,
and nothing could trouble me more than to find the queen's judg- ^
ment debauched in this particular.
The parliament of Scotland being shortly to sit, I have offered
and desired, but am refused, to send a commissioner thither, only for
fear of breaking their league with England ; albeit I have no question
with them concerning any business of that kingdom. Their intentions
to assist me are easily seen, but most of all (in my judgment) by
their rigid sticking to the covenant, which S"" Rob. Murray told me
(not above five days ago) was ever meant in his treaty with thee ;
and all the reason he gives me why it was not mentioned is because
it was thought needless, as being necessaryly understood, so that it
will be easily seen that my conscience is neither the only nor chief
impediment of their joining with me.
I find that the business concerning the Duke of York is suspended
until the queen's advice be had ; but if there had been no wiser than
I, it should have been done before her opinion was asked ; but since
her opinion is requisite, I desire thee to hasten it.
My Lady Aubigney* hath desired me to recommend her business
^ The celebrated intriguante in state matters lady Catherine Howard, married first to
lord Aubigney and afterwards to the young lord Newburgh. Her interference in plots
brought her on one occasion into great danger from the anger of Cromwell. (Clarendon^
Rebell. books xi. and xii.)
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 73
to thee, which I do heartily and earnestly, because I think it very
equitable. It is to hinder (what thou mayst) my lord Lodovick
from selling the lands of Aubigney, and that her children (for the
omission of some formalities) may not be put by from succeeding to
their father, who died in my service just yesterday four years.
I cannot end without lamenting that these two weeks I have had
no letters from thee, and this last none at all from France. For it
is the queen's kindness that keeps him in heart, who is eternally
New-Castle, Nov. 1st, 1646.
I send thee herewith the draft of an answer to the propositions
sent me by the Scotch commissioners at London (they not suffering
Will. Murray to deliver that which I sent by him), chiefly to shew
thee what a fine king they would make me, and that it is not only
my strictness of conscience which hinders the Scots to joyn with me,
hoping that the queen cannot suspect my approving of this, either
concerning the militia or my friends, besides divers other particulars.
They also tell me from London that they will neither declare against
monarchy nor my posterity, but meerly against my person ; and I
believe the vote of the higher house (where it was resolved that I
should not be disposed of but by consent of both kingdoms) was to
induce the Scots to join with them against me, which I think will be
no hard work, for neither the Hamiltons nor Campbells will warrant
to protect me, unless I establish the covenant.
I hope thou wilt excuse me for not having immediately addresst
the propositions to thee, which I have made in my letter to Jermyn,
Culpepper, and Ashburnham, thinking it fitter for others to express
to thee my melancholy thoughts than myself, because thou art so
CAMD. SOC. L
74 CHABLES I. IN 1646.
far from being the author of them, that without thy Icindness I
should be sunk by them. And this I will say, that even in those
sad expressions, the juncture of my love to thee is most evident,
which I assure thee doth and must necessarily be seen in all my
actions, who am eternally thine,
I thank thee for thy kind encouraging letter of the 19th of Octo-
ber, which I received but yesterday, being much joyed to find thy
judgment so right concerning the covenant, assuring thee of my
constancy in all those other particulars which thou mentionedst.
But, for God^s sake, let no man's information make thee believe that
ever the Scots were content, or are likely to do any thing for me
without the establishing of the covenant
New-Castle, Nov. 7th, 1646.
Albeit it trouble me (more than I will express), to find that
nothing I have written hath given thee any satisfaction concerning
our divisions here about religion, that herein I am so condemned by
thee as that my rigidness will be the ruin of all that is dear to me,
yet I will not dispute further with thee in it, hoping that my last
week's propositions will, without more ado, satisfy both our opinions,
only I cannot but tell thee that the queen very much mistakes the
state of the question ; for it is the whole frame of religion (the difier-
ence between the governments is but one, and I may say the smallest
part, as mine of the 17th of October hath particularly expressed),
and therefore I will only desire thee to consider well that letter of
mine, assuring thee, upon my faith to thee, that what I have [stated?]
therein is punctually true. Hoping (whatsoever thou think'st of
my judgment) thou believest that I will not abuse thee with any
CHABLEB I. IN 1646.
fidse Informationa, which indeed I will not do to Have my life, much
' less to gain an argument; nor in this must I be excused by mia-
I taking, for I esteem it as much as a lye to take upon me to undor-
, stand what I do not, as if I told thee that I were now at London.
But I know thy love to me is much steadier than so to suspect
him who is etei-nally thine,
Newcastle, Nov. 14th, 1646,
Will. Murray being returned without having made any publick
use of what I sent by him to London, he pretends that the cause
was, that the Scots comm''^ hindred him to do any thing therein, for
the little hope be could give them of my ratifying the covenant;
whereupon he thought fit to return, being useless there without new
and absolute instructions from me, which he thought impossible for
me to give him (for my best advantage) without he gave me that
account he durst not write, which is : —
That he finds none of the Enghah Presbyterians do care for tlie
covenant, and that they have some fear of the Scots joining with me,
so that if the English might have something to say for religion, and
reasonable security concerning the militia, he is confident that a
considerable prevailing party will declare for my coming to London
with honour, freedom, and safety (of this I desire thee not to speak
to any). How much of this is true I will not answer for, there
being none that I do or can treat withall here, who, in my opinion,
are to be trusted no farther than one sees. Yet there is a necessity
that such for the present must be employed, and with seeming con-
fidence. Wherefore, finding it necessary for me to make an answer
to the propositions, thereby either to put business in a better way, or
(at least) to make their proceedings appear the more (as they ai'e)
76 GHABLES I. IN 1646.
damnable, I thought it most fit to frame a new answer, wherein I
have sought to content Will. Murray what I may without going
from my grounds, as thou wilt find by the copy herewith sent thee,
of which I will only observe, concemmg Ireland, I think not fit to con-
tradict him, because it is believed how that Ormond hath submitted
totally to the parliament; nevertheless, having [hearing?] yet not cer-
tainly neither from thee nor Ireland concerning it, I will not (unless
I find it absolutely necessary for my business) engage myself in it
before I know thy opinion, which I desire thee to send with all
possible speed to him who is eternally thine,
I cannot but recommend the lord Cottington and secretary
Nicholas earnestly to thee, being two who hath faithfully served me
and suffered much; not to have any thing from thee, except thy
favour, but to try if thou canst get some supply for their necessities
from the Queen Regent, until I may restore them to' their own.
I have received thine of the eighth and of the 10th of November,
to both which I cannot answer until my next ; yet I must now tell thee
that I find some of thy opinions grounded upon misinformations, and
assure thee that I will never quit my right in the militia, abandon
my friends to the unjust justness of the- parliament, nor take or
authorize the covenant, desiring thy estimation of me but according
to my constancy in these,
I desire thee to send me word what answer I shall make concern-
ing the Turkey company, for I am daily importuned with letters
from them, and to say nothing does prejudice me in that particular.
New-Castle, Nov. 28th, 1646.
Whatsoever chiding my wilfulness (as the queen may think)
may deserve, for God's sake leave off" threatening me with thy desire
CHABLES !• IN 1646. 77
to meddle no more with business ; and, albeit I am confident thou
doest not really intend, because I know thou canst not in any kind
forsake me (of which this were a sort), or leave to love me, as thou
lovest me give me so much comfort (and God knows I have but
little, and that little must come from thee) as to assure me that thou
wilt think no more of any such thing, otherwise than to rgect it ;
and I pray do this as cheerfully for me, as I have written that
letter to Prince Charles which thou hast desired ; heartily thanking
thee that thou wilt put me upon any thing which may comfort thee ;
assuring thee that I will refuse to do nothing to content thee, but of
such a nature as if the queen should be desired to renounce all
spiritual obedience to the pope.
As for thy London intelligence, I hope thou believest nothing
concerning me but from me, for I am so far from concealing any
thing from thee (that if necessity of time does not otherwise force
me), I consult all things first with thee; at least thou art truly adver-
tized of all, and to this instant, there is not a tittle whereof thou hast
not had notice. Whereby thou wilt find that I have made no such
offer as is informed thee concerning Ireland. Wherefore I hope thou
wilt not hereafter give the least trust to such intelligence; and
excuse me to tell thee, that I believe the queen would not have so
much condemned me for what I have not done, if she had not given
too much credit to misinformations, as chiefly touching the Scots'
intentions of assisting me, concerning which (albeit I have always
told rightest) yet I find thou hast thought I have been deceived.
I now come to advertise thee of that which (I believe) thou partly
knowest already by secretary Nicholas, it is, that Hudson * (he who
was my guide to the Scots army) was sent expressly to assure
me, that most of the eastern, western, and southern countries [sic]
are resolved to rise in arms, and declare for me, with putting a great
body of men into the field, and possessing all the important places.
They propose to themselves the ending of this parliament and my
* The fate of Hudson^s endeavour to effect a rising in favour of the king, which did not
come off until June, 1648, is detailed in Peck^s Desid. Curiosa, ii. p. 378.
78 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
restitution^ for which they have desired my approbation by commis-
sioners^ the disposing of my rents for the maintaining of their armies,
pardon to all who now recant haying been formerly rebells ; and that
(upon my restoration) I would ease my subjects from the excise, and
all other unlawful taxes, not to bring in forreign forces, not to
dispose of delinquents' estates to private uses, nor that the Scots
should come over Trent Lastly, that Prince Charles should be your
[their?] general. To all this I have sent away Hudson well satisfied.
Only for the last I told him, that I thought fittest to hazard the king
before the prince, but that he should come over when I saw a good
foundation well settled, but not before, and in the mean time (as
soon as they could give me a place of safety) would endeavour to
come unto them. With this answer he is, and says all my friends
will be, fully content
Now I assure you, I neither have nor do build any thing on this
design (though I could but embrace it), for I go on in my afiairs as
if this were not I desire thee not to take notice, only command
S*" Tho. Glemham * to come to Lynne as soon as he can, where his
friends and mine will tell him what to do. The French ambassadour
knows of this, but will promise to impart it to none but the Queen
Regent and cardinal, conjuring thee also with secrecy.
I desire thee to command Ashburnham to give me a particular
account from time to time how Pr. Charles observes my directions
in that letter which I now send him, for it is said that every one's
business is never well done. This is all for this time from him who
is etenially thine,
I have received, but have not time to answer, thy two letters ©f
the 23rd and 30th of November.
^ Sir Thomas Glemham had served the king throughout the war, and had finally been
governor of Oxford at the time of its surrender. His answer to Fairfaxes sunmions is
printed in the Fairfax Correspondence (Civil War), i. 292.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 79
New-Castle, Nov. 30th, [21st?] 1646.
Albeit, in writing to thee, preambles according to the ordinary
use of obtaining a favourable attention are not needful, yet, before I
answer to thy two last letters, I assure thee that I clearly see it is
thy love to me which makes thee press me to do that which is so
unpleasant imto me. Wherefore be confident, that no man can study
any thing more than I have, and shall always do, to give thee con-
tentment, for if my judgment were as perfect as my love to thee, I
might with reason pretend to infallibility. However, I hope my
errors in the former will be excused by the latter, yet I am confident
that it is only misinterpretations or mistakings which causes in most
things our differing in opinion ; for, am I not misapprehended, when
the queen thinks I have but little esteem of the militia? Must my
heightening the cause of religion be the abasing of the other? No, ^^
sweetheart, for I will defy the cunningest sophister to prove by any ^
of my letters I ever shewed any, the least, inclination to yield any
thing about the militia more than the queen would have me. Indeed I
am still of the opinion that, unless religion be preserved, the militia will
not be much useful to the crown ; nay, without that, this will be but a
shaddow. For though it be most true, that the absolute grant of the
militia to the parliament dethrones the king, yet the keeping of it is
not of that importance (I am far from saying none) as is thought,
without the concurrence of other things, because the militia here is
not, as in France and other kingdoms, a formed powerful strength,
but it serves more to keep off ill than to do much good ; and certainly
if the pulpits teach not obedience (which will never be if Presby-
terian government be absolutely established), the king will have but
small comfort of the militia ; but my resolution is firm, never to part
with the least title of right, or to admit any co-partner with me in
» See post, p. 82, note ».
80 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
Also, I am much mistaken about my three years' concession of
Presbyterian government, for neither was it wrung from me by
importunity, or by the finding out of the discovery of a new neces-
sity, nor have I thereby abandoned the great and not to be forsaken
argument of my conscience. For, upon my faith to thee, my earnest
desire of satisfying thee was the chief and (I may say) the only
cause, that made me find this way to shew thee, and as I thought
demonstratively, that the Scots will not joyn with me but upon
conditions destructive to monarchy ; for, if it were not for adhereing
to the covenant, this could not but satisfy them.
Then, for my disclaiming the argument of my conscience by
this offer, it is so strange a construction that I think either at London,
Edinburgh, or this place, none makes it, but rather than [that?] my
constancy to religion is by this more believed, and I never heard that
any right was yielded so long as the claim was kept up, which is
done clearly in this case, by having a debate of divines how the
church shall be governed, the determination being still free to me and
the two houses ; so that if my conscience be wrong'd, I can blame
nothing but my own want of courage.
Now, for what thou and I do fully concur in opinion, as not
abandoning my friends, and not taking the covenant. I hope the
naming is enough to assure thee of my constancy, seeing thou art
only affraid that I may be couzen'd in them, as I was concerning the
perpetual parliament. Indeed, with grief I must acknowledge the
instance, nor can I promise not to do the like again, when I shall (as
I then did) suffer myself to sin against my conscience ; for the truth
is, I was surprised with it instantly after I made that base sinful
concession concerning the earl of Strafford, for which, and also that
great injustice to the church in taking away the bishops' votes in
parliament, though I have been most justly punished, yet I hope
that God will so accept of my hearty (however weak) repentance,
and my constant adhering to my conscience, that at least [last ?] his
mercy will take place of his justice. But a new relapse, as my "^
abjuration of episcopacy, or my promise without reserve for the y
CHARLES T. IX 1646. 81
establishing of Presbyterian government, will both procure God's
further wrath upon me, as also make me inconstant in all my other
grounds, such a careless dispair must, in such a case, possess my
spirit; wherefore (dear heart), altho^ thou mayst be sorry for my
persuasion, yet I know that what I have said will make thee desire
me rather to be constant than to change my resolution.
And the rather because the queen will find what she desires me
to do will not produce the expected effects, for (if I can judge of any
thing) the Scots will not engage for me, except I promise to authorise
the covenant (and in this opinion the French ambassadour and Mon-
trevil fully concur with me), to which I hope the queen will not
persuade me. This is the reason which hath made me (as the queen
hath observed), make my answer rather conducing to a peace than
to please the Scots, who (confidently) will not assist me, but upon
conditions destructive to regal authority; so that, under favour, I
think I have not swerved from my foundations, the contenting of the
Scots being only in order to their assisting me.
All this I have said, rather to clear my conscience to thee, than
out of much hope of making thee of my opinion, or freeing myself in
thy judgment from the heavy censure of destroying by my wilfulness
all that is dear unto me. Upon which consideration I have prest the
French ambassadour to go to the Scotch parliament, in pursuance of
that way which the queen hath laid down to me ; but, indeed, [with ?]
the condition that I shall have nothing to do with the performance of
any capitulation he was to make, more than to give Pr. Charles full
power to exercise my authority ; this he hath absolutely refused, not
having power to engage for any body but myself. Besides, that it
is against his opinion, that I should on any terms put off my autho-
rity, though it were but for a time.
Now, upon this, my very earnest desire to thee is, either to get the
French ambassadour a command to accept this my offer, or else thou
wilt heartily join in my way without more dispute. And really I
shall be glad for the trying of thy own way (so I may sit by),
because I am most confident that within a very small time I shall be
CAMD. SOC. M
82 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
recalled with much honour, and all my friends will see that I have
neither a foolish nor peevish conscience, whereas otherwise I shall
(I know not how long) lye under (excuse me to say) an unjust
I cannot end this long letter without conjuring thee, by all that is
dear unto thee, that thou wilt seriously consider all that I have
written unto thee, being confident that, as thou canst not mistrust
my love, so at last thou wilt not much blame the judgment of him
who is eternally thine,
I liave received, but [have] not time now to answer, thine of the
16th of November.
New-Castle, Dec. 5th, 1646.
Thine of the 23rd of Novem. did much comfort me to find
thy judgment of affairs so right in all foundations, not without some
wonder that in some particulars the queen can be so mistaken ; for, **■
whereas she rightly perceives that she is likely to be made use of to /
my hurt, it is strange she sees not how, which to me is very visible,
there being nothing they can work by in this kind, but only the
^ This letter is printed in Clarendon^s State Papers, ii. 297, from the king's original
draft, with the date of November 21. From a consideration of its contents, and a com-
parison of them with the king^s letter of November 28, printed at p. 76, and the queen^s
letter of December 14, printed in the Appendix, I am inclined to conclude that the date
really was November 21, but I have thought it right to print it with the date and in the
order assigned to it in the MS. which is my authority.
^ Printed in Clarendon's State Papers, ii. 304, from the king^s draft, between which
and our MS. there are considerable variations, consisting mainly of such alterations of
phrase as would be likely to be made by the king when writing out his final copy to be
despatched to the queen.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 83
Presbyterian government. In all other things they know the queen
is too clear sighted ; see if ever they trouble the queen concerning
the militia or my friends. I warrant thee not. But if by the queen's
means they could get the Presbyterian government settled, they
would be confident, and with reason, piece by piece, to work all
their own ends. So that it is strange to me, that she who so wisely
warns me not to loose my crown by little and little, yet is still
persuading me to do that which is the only way to fall into that
error which she warns me to avoid. Wherefore, I plainly see, that
'tis only misinformations which cause mistakings that make us differ ^^**^
in opinion ; for otherwise the queen could not call my three years' ^r
concession a dispensing with my conscience, when, indeed, it is but a
temporary permission to continue that unlawful possession (which,
for the present, I cannot help), so as to lay a ground for a perfect
recovery of that, which, to abandon, were directly against my con-
science, and, I am confident, destructive to monarchy.
Now, as for thy negative councells, I fully approve, and will be
constant to them all, being particularly glad that the queen under- y^
stands the covenant so well as to know I must not authorize it; but
let me tell thee, that an act of oblivion may go near to satisfy the
queen's reason. But that which makes it never to be yielded unto
is, that (albeit all the promissory part of it were not against honest
men's consciences, yet) the frame of it is such, as the establishing of
it is a perpetual authorising of rebellion.
I have done my part concerning Davenant's proposition for the
sending of some from thee to me, with fit assurances for their safety,
for I was fain to interpret his letter, albeit I could not read it, as well
as recommend the business, because the cypher was mistaken.
I will, according to thy conjuration, not think of an escape untill
the Scots shall declare that they will not protect me, and now I see
the opinion (I say not thine), that it is less ill for my affairs that I
should be a prisoner in my own dominions than at liberty anywhere
else, for I cannot escape if I stir not before the Scots declare against
me ; and, indeed, it^ay well be so, if my friends, upon my restraint.
CHARLES I. IN 1646.
declare inimetliately and freely for my reatitution ; of which I know
the queen will iiave a care, aud therefore will say no more.
The French ambassadour (at my deaire) bath premised to write at
large to the Queen Regent and cardinall, that such offices may be done
upon the conclusion of the general peace aa to make all the princes
know, that my case is not only minoj but that it concerns all the
Christian kings to advert unto, and that somewhat may be done to
oblige the King of Spain not to meddle with Ii-eland, desiring thee
to assist these motions with the Queen Regent and cardinal in my
I am so pressed to send my answer to London, that my last way
of denial is to send it first to my friends in Scotland, which 1 did
yesterday, to try bow far I can engage them, so tliat I know not
how to shun the sending it to London sometime the next week, if in
the mean time somethuig from tbee do not Iiluder me, for I much
desire tliy opinion concerning Ireland ; and yet I have ao pen'd that
article, tbat if the Irish give me cause, I may interpret it well
enough for them ; for I only say that I will give full satisfaction as
to the managing of the war, so that if I find reason to make peace,
there my engagement ends.
I desire thee to make this my interpretation known to the Irish,
assuriitg them that what I do is no meaning to abandon them, nor
will I so long as there can be any reason to do otherways. This ia
all at present from biin wlio is eternally thine,
New-Castle, December 12tb and lOtli, 1646.
I have not received any letters, or news from tbee, this last
week, of wliich I do not complain, for, aa I have not miat one week
' Printed in Olarenilon'a atala Papers, ii. 313, (roiii llic king's ili^afi, ivbicli vorics
ogiuideniblf from tlie laUar at it standa in the MS. from wtiicb we print.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 85
since I wrote first from hence, and I know that thou hast been several
times two weeks without receiving any of mine, so I believe thou
hast taken the pains, albeit I want the comfort of hearing from thee.
My return from Scotland is, that my intended answer to London
is absolutely disliked and disapproved there; the main reasons are,
that I am not found altered in my conscience, and that I will not
authorize the covenalkt, without which (I tell the very words) all
that can be offered will not satisfy : yet, for their personal duty, I
have much assurance from duke Hamilton and earl of Lamerick
[Lanerick]. If they make good what is promised in their name (and
I will put them to it), my game will be far from desperate, but,
having little belief that these men will do as they say, I will not
trouble thee with particulars, until I give the (e) some more evidence
than words of their realities.
When I had written thus far, I was desirous to stay for thy
answer to my letter of the 14th of Nov., thereby the better to make
my message to London, the which not receiving before Wednesday,
it made me spare one week^s writing to thee, which I hope thou wilt
easily excuse, since it is the first. Nor shall I now make a particular
answer to thine of the 11th and 14th of December, albeit it may be
thou wilt think it full enough, for this assures thee that my intended
answer to the London propositions is not gone, and that I have sent
another message (the copy of which the queen wUl receive by the
French ambassadour *), the substance whereof is to adhere to my
" The message alluded to is the one dated the 20th December, 1646, printed in the
king^s Works, and in all historical collections relating to the period. It reiterates his desire
to come to London, concluding more rhetorically than had been customary in his com-
positions of this nature : — " 'Tis your king who desires to be heard (which if refused to a
subject by a king he would be thought a tyrant for it), and for that end which all men
profess to desire ; wherefore his majesty conjures you, as you desire to shew yourselves
really what you profess, even as you are good Christians and subjects, that you will accept
this his oifer, which he is confident God will so bless that it will be the readiest means by
which these kingdoms may again become a comfort to their friends, and a terror to their
CHAKLES 1. IN 1
former answer, made the first [tenth ?] of August last; so that all thy
fears conceniiiig the militia are saved, wherein I confess I thought not
I had fundamentally erred, notwithstanding that the particular poases-
e ffor the preflxt time) in the two houses, when I kept the
return entire to the cruwn without associates, and that I still stuck
to my right, which I did by the preamble, for I did, and yet do,
B that the temporary power of managiflg it is meerly circiim-
stantial, and not material. But I have done, and willingly yield the
argument, when the question is of Jiolding fast, and shall only wish
that all those whose advise the queen takes in business be but as
constant to foundations, and as little apt to be couzened or frighted
out of them, as I shall be. For those that make thee believe any
alteration can make the covenant passable can stick at nothing, and
excuse me to tell thee that whatsoever gives tliee tliat advice is
either fool or knave ; for this damn'd covenant is the child of rebel-
lion, and breaths nothing but treason, so that if episcopacy were to
be introduced by the covenant, I would not do it, because I am as
much bound in conscience to do no act to the destruction of monarchy
as to resist heresy, all actions being unlawful (let the end be never
so just) where the means is not lawful.
I conclude this, conjuring thee never to abandon one particular
good friend of ours, which is a good cause, be t!ie Scots never so
false, even as thou lovest him who is eternally thine,
By the next I will give thee a full account why I could not send
my particular answer to London, and, I believe also, what may be
expected from Scotland.
No security can be had for any to come to me from thee.
CHARLES I. IN 1646. 87
New-Castle, Decern. 26th, 1646.
I having nothing this week to say, but to desire thee that tliou
wilt publickly profess that thou wilt no more press me in matter of
religion, because thou findest that I have oSered as much in that
point as I can with a safe conscience, which, in thy opinion, ought
not to be forced upon any terms.
The reason of this I shall expound by my next (which I believe
will be a dispatch of good importance), how much it concerns the
safety of him who is eternally thine,
I have received, but have no time to answer, thine of the 21st of
I. Letter from Henrietta Maria to Charles I. dated Oct. -3^,
n. The same, Nov. f|, 1646
m. The same, Nov. |^, 1 646
IV. The same, Dec. ^, 1646
V. The same, Dec. -^j 1646
VI. Letter from Charles L to Henrietta Maria, Jan. 2, 1646-7
VII. The same to the Marquis of Montrose, April 18, 1646
HENRIETTA MARIA TO CHARLES I.
[1646, October ^. Clarendon State Papers, ii 271.»J
MoN CHER COEUR,
Je n'ay point receus de vos lettres cest semaine, que me met fort en
peine ; car nous entendons de London que les Scots sont resolus de vous
delivrer entre les mains de Parlement. J'espere toutefois que la venue de
Montreull les empeschera, quand ils verront que la France prend vos
interests, comme Montreull a ordre de leur tesmoigner. H est vray que
Bellievre mande qu'il les faut contenter dans ce qui touche les Evesques ;
laquelle chose je scay est tout-k-fait centre vostre coeur, et je vous jure
contre le mien aussi, si je voiois un seul moyen de les sauver, et ne vous
pas perdre. Mais si vous estes perdus, ils le sont sans resource ; ou, si
vous vous pouves encore mettre a la teste d'une arm^e, nous les remet-
trons : et pour moy, si je croiois que cela n*en estoit pas le moyen, je n*en
parlerois jamais. Conserves vous la Militia, et n'abandonnes jamais, et
par cela tout reviendra ; et Dieu nous envoyera les moyens de nous
remettre, comme il commence desja a y avoir quelque esperance; Car,
Maz. m*ayant asseur^e que la paix generale seroit faite devant Noel ; et
cela estant, Ton vous assisteroit puissament. Je depeche in Irland, pour
tacher y composer les noveaux desordres qui y sont, et j*en ay tres bon
esperance. Milord Craford est arriv^, qui m'a port^s de fort grand offres
de la part de vostre party en Scot : Nous ferons tout ce qui sera necessaire
la dessus. Amb. de Suede, qui est arriv^ depuis peu, m'a faites des grands
tesmoignages d'amiti^ de la part de sa maitresse. H y a toutes les appa-
* These letters are printed aa they stand in the Clarendon State Papers, 'and the notes
are derived from that work, except the few signed B.
92 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
rences du mond, que si vous voules estre constant, comme vous aves est^,
et comme je crois vous seres dans la Militia et vos Amis, et ne point aller
a London, sans pouvoir en sortir, que nos affaires n'aillent bien. H faut
tacher a avoir les Scots pour nous, sans pourtant prendre le Covenant, ni
rien faire que soit deshonnorable. Je scay les peines dans lesquelles vous
estes, et j'en ay une pitie, qui me fait autant de mal qu'a vous: mais
puisque que nous avons tant souffert, il faut resoudre d*achever avec hon-
neur. Prenes garde d'accorder les propositions qu'ils vous font devant
que vous pensies la voir fait ; et soies bien resolu la dedans, quoyque Ton
vous puisse promettre. Mes esperances sont grands; pourveu que vous
soies constant et resolu, nous serous maistres encore; et nous nous rever-
rons avec plus de joye que jamais. A Dieu, mon cher coeur! *
A copy, by the king, probably from the original in cipher;
endorsed by him, " From my wyfe ^ Oct. receaved 31 Oct."
HENRIETTA MARIA TO CHARLES I.
[1646, Nov. ^. Clarendon State Papers, ii. 294.]
MoN CHER COEUR, St. Germaine, ce ^ No.
Depuis ma derniere lettre par Tordinaire, j'ay receue une des vostres,
par laquelle vous mandes que W. Murray vous demand des nouveaux
pouvoirs, et vous persuade de prendre le Covenant J'ay est^ ravie de
voir que vous estes si resolus a ne le pas faire. Car pour moy, je suis
d'avis que vous estes ruin^s si vous le faites. Cest pourquoy je vous
conjure de continuer firm dans ceste resolution. Et prenes garde aussi
dans autres choses de vous laisser aller petit a petit, comme sont les
esperances de ceux de Londre, et s'en tiennent asseur^s que vous leur
accorderes toutes leur propositions insensiblement. Et j'apprehende, et
*■ The king received this letter on the 31st October, and alluded to it in the postscript of
his letter of November 1. See ante, p. 74. — B.
avec raison, que leur dessein est de se servir de moy pour nostre mine, et
de me faire travailler aupres de vous autant que se peut. Car ils sont
bien asseures que je n'iray plus IoId que ce que je crois ne vous peut pas
faire du mal; comme j'ay fait, considerant le temps ou nous sommes.
Mais eux sous ombre de cela pretendeut gaigner le reste de tout ce qu'ils
desirent. C'est pourquoy, soies tousjours sur vos gardes, et prenes une
constante resolution de ne plus rien accorder du tout plus que ce que vous
aves fait par W. Murray, quoyque Ton vous puisse persuader, si ce n'est
dans le governement Presbyteriall ; dans lequel je crois vous deues con-
tenter les Escossois, pourveu qu'ils se veulent joindre avec vous, ou pour
une bonne paix, ou pour une guerre. J*avoue que je ne le voudrois pas
donner pour rien, comme vous aves fait pour 3 ans; et permettes moy de
vous dire, que je crois, si je me pouvois dispenser d'une chose que je
croiois centre ma conscience pour 3 ans, et pour rien, j'irois plus loin
pour sauver mon royaume. Mais pour toutes autres choses, n'accordes
plus rien. Vous n'aves desja que trop accord^ en la donation des toutes
les places. Vous devies garder»cela, pour en tirer quelque profit a la fin
de tout, et vous leur aves donn^ a cette heure pour rien; aussi que les
evesques pour 3 ans. J*entend que W. Murray desire que vous authorisies
leur grand S9eau, qui est une chose que vous ne deves jamais faire; car
en ce faisant vous confesses et attires sur vous les malheurs d' Angleterre :
et si dans une conclusion du tout il estoit trouv^ k propos de la faire, il
faudroit que ce soit pour quelque chose de fort avantageux, que je ne vois
point encore. Mais s'en est fait de I'un, il ne faut pas faire Tautre; et
taches a remedier a ce qui est fait; qui est, de ne plus rien accorder de
d'avantage. J'oserois dire que, quand vous aves fait ce message que vous
aves, ne faire rien fort desavantageux pour vous, et que vous aves est^
tromp^s. C'est pourquoy il faut avoir un grand soign. Voici le dernier
coup de la parti, et sans resource, songes y tousjours; et je repete encore,
de ne plus rien accorder, et tout souffrir plustost que de donner la Militia
autreraent que vous aves fait ; ou d'abandonner vos Amis, sous ombre de
leur faire du bien, comme Ton vous pourra persuader; ni Irland (je la
considere comme une resource); de ne point prendre le Covenant; no
point approuver leur grand S9eau, ni nullifier le vostre. A Dieu, mon
Vous ne deves non plus imposer le Covenant aux autres, que de la
94 CHABLES I. IN 1646.
prendre vousineBme. Car tous ceux qui le prenderont jurent de punir
tous ceux qui sont delinquents, et cela est tous ceux de vostre parti, et
moy la premiere.
A copy, by the king, taken probably from the original in cypher ;
Oft A T^AA
endorsed by him, " From my wyfe ^ Nov. receaved ^^ov
to be kept."
HENRIETTA MARIA TO CHARLES I.
[1646, November |^. Clarendon State Papers, ii. 297.]
My DEARE HAET, No. f§, St. Jermain.
Davenant hath given me a large ac^oimt of the business where you
are; upon which I must conclude with more feare then hope. Yet I may
belive that i^ the Scots could fynd secureity in performing theire duty,
they will not consent ta desert you, much less basely to deliver you up to
them at Westminster. That which they have proposed concerning the
coming of persons from me to you (upon the occasion of giving you satis-
faction, and receiving the lyke from you) may be of great use to your
affaires in many respects ; therefore I have appointed him (by a letter to
W. Murray, who will acquaint you with the particulars) to encorage them
in it; that they may again invite those persons with such asseurances as
are fitt for theire safty and the business. Pray doe your part therin; and
it may be an ease to you to refer the consideration of other things (unfitt
for you ether to grant or deny) to theire coming. The last night I
receaved yours of the 1 of Nov.* and your other melancholy one to Jer.
Cul. and A.** together with the copy of the answer to the propositions sent
you from London. To the later I am very ready to give you my opinion,
which is, that you were better at once to grant all the propositions than
send this, it being in effect the same thing, only with this difference, that
» See p. 72.— B.
^ Neither of the letters here mentioned occur in the collection.
in the other there is theire ingenuity of plain dealing in askings and your
grace in granting; but in this there is the reproach of desygne to couseti
you into what they would have. For by it you do no less than totally
abandon yourselfe, your authoryty, and your frends; therfore I shall
therein rely upon the promis of your constancy to those principles which
alone can preserve you.
For the other (your sad proposition), it is of that nature that you must
not expect any present answer. I have appointed L. Jer. and L. Cul. (for
J. A. is immediately to goe to the Haghe, the Jewells will otherways be
lost, and to setle a frendship between P. C. and P. of Or.) to attend Car.
Maz. and to take his opinion concerning that business, and then you shall
heare farther from me by an express. In the mean tyme communicat it
to no body else, for it may be misinterpreted. I have one thing more to
ad, which is to conjure you that *till the Scots shall declare that they will
not protect you, you doe not thinke of making any escape from Eng. They
are startled heere at the naming of it ; and in so doeing you would destroy
all our hopes (besydes the dang^ in the attempt) in the generaU peace,
which ^ weU asseurs me is lyke to be made very suddainly. This is all
for the present God keep you, my deare hart.^
A copy, by the king, probably taken from the original in cipher;
endorsed by him, "From my wyfe ~ No. receaved ^^^ to
be kept, being the advyce, not stur before," &c.
HENRIETTA MARIA TO CHARLES I.
[1646, December ^if. Clarendon State Papers, ii. 300.]
MON CHER COEUR, Pa™, De. ^.
•Tay recue vostre lettre dat^ du 14 No. avec vostre response aux pro-
positions de Lend, qui m'ont fort surpiis^e de voir que vous aves accord^
* Here seems to be a name omitted, probably Car. Maz.
■> The king acknowledges the receipt of this and the preceding letter in his letter of the
28th Noyember. See p. 78.— B.
96 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
la Milice pour 10 ans entre les mains du Pari, et non pas selon que vous
nous avions escrit si souvent; qui estoit, de leur permettre la nomination
de personnes ; ainsi le pouvoii* eut demeur^ tousjours entre vos mains, ou
a cette heure ils ont tout entier. Et par cela aussi vous leur aves confirm^
le Pari, pom* 10 ans; qui est autant a dire, que nous [ne] verrons jamais
une fin a nos malheurs. Car tant que le Pari, durera, vous n'estes point
Roy. Et pour moy, je ne remettray pas le pied en Ang. Et avec le biais
que vous aves accord^ la Milice, vous vous este coup^ la gorge. Car leur
ayant donn^ ce pouvoir, vous ne leur pouves plus rien refuser, pas mesme
ma vie s'ils vous la demandent; mais je ne me mettray pas entre leur
mains. J'oserois dire que si vous eussies suivi nos avis, que vos affaires
seroient dans un autre estat qu'ils ne sont. J'espere que vos offres [ne]
les satisferont pas a Londres ; et si nous sommes si heureus que cela soit,
je vous conjure pour la derniere fois, de ne plus accorder rien du tout. Si
vous tenes bon, je vois une apparence de retour a nos uffaires ; mais abso-
lument, il ne faut rien plus accorder que ce que vous aves fait, puisqu'il
n'y a plus moyen de le rappeller. Et s'il est encore possible de rappeller
la Milice hors de mains du Pari, et que ces propositions ne soient pas
encore parties, ne le pas faire. Mais s'ils le sont, et soient refuses, de ne
plus hazarder de leur dedonner de cette fa9on, quelque condition que vous
puissies jamais avoir pour cela. Je vous ay ecrit tant de fois la dessus, de
ne plus rien accorder et insensiblement vous vous engages a le faire.
Croyes vous que lors que je vois que vous estes si resolu dans Taffaire
d'Evesques, et si peu dans ce qui vous concerne et vostre posterity, que je
n*ay pas des grands desespoirs, apres vous avoir si souvent adverti coname
j'ay fait, et que cela ne produise rien ? Voici pour la derniere fois que je
vous dirai encore, que si vous accordes d'avantage, vous estes perdu, et je
ne retoumerai jamais en Eng. mais j'irai prier Dieu pour vous. Vous
demandes mon opinion pour Taffaire d'Irland : je vous en ay escrit desja
plusieurs fois. II ne faut point abandonner Irland, si premierement vous
ne voies une paix et advantageuse et asseur^e, mais dire la reponse que
nous vous avons mand^. Je m'estonne que les Irlandois ne se donnent a
quelque roy estranger ; vous les y forceres a la fin, se voiants offerts en
sacrifice Je me remets a L. Jer. et L. Cul. a vous dire d'avantage, et
aussi a Mons'^ Bellievre, qui recevera des ordres de France tres advan-
tageuses pour vous. Et si vous voules estre aussi resolu dans Taffaire de
la MiKce, que vous estes pour les Evesques, j'espere que tout ira bien
encore. Pour le Covenant, je ne vous puis donner conseil de Timposer sur
personne. Je crois qu'il y a autant de mal de le faire prendre aux autres,
qu'a so3niiesme; et je crois que vous ne le pouves prendre sans vous perdre.
Soies done constant la dedans, comme aussi de ne vous fier a nul promesse
que Ton vous puisse faire pour la seurt^ de vos amis, que par un Acte
d'ObKvion. Je finis, ayant prise medecine, priante Dieu de vous assister.
Adieu, mon cher coeur!
A copy, by the king, probably from the original in cipher.
HENRIETTA MARIA TO CHARLES I.
[1646, December ■^. Clarendon State Papers, ii. 303.]
The 14 of De.
This day I received yours of the 21, to which, being streightened in
tyme, I shall answer in Eng. that it may be soonest put into cypher. In
the first place you conclud right, that nothing but the abundance of my
love could make me take upon me the harsher part of pressing things
which are inacceptable to you. But where I find youi* interest so much
concerned as it is in your present resolution, I should be faultier then you
if 1 would suffer you to rest in such an error as would prove fatall to you.
Therefore you may safly belive, that no duty which I performe to you is
accompanied with more kyndness then when I oppose those opinions. I
acknowledge that mistakes ar the grounds of our differences in opinion,
otherwais you woidd not so confidently thinke that your an. to the propo-
sitions sent me last weeke grants nothing about the militia but according
to the advice you have had from hence. Therin I shall refer you to the
duplicat heerwith sent you, to which I will only add my desyres that you
will carfully compare the draught sent you from hence with the other ;
and then you will find to what purpose the preamble serves, and what care
there was taken here to make it and the grant to persons of trust to be of
CAMD. SOC. O
98 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
a peice. If your message be not gone there is no hurt done ; if it "be, get
off from this rock as well as you can, according to the advice in those
duplicats, and to your resolution expressed in your letter, not to admit any
copartners therein. Touching the pulpits and Pres. govemement, &c. I will
not any more enter into disput with you, finding that arguments of that
nature have nether done you nor your business any good ; only I may
conclud that if your offer shall not satisfy the Presbiterians, whom you
desire to make yours, you must begin againe, or leave the worke undone.
Nether can you expect this your subtillty in reserving the last determina-
tion, after three years, to you and the two houses will doe the feate; no,
they with whom you have to doe * will be cunning enough to put you [to]
explaine yourselfe. I shall rest confidently upon your resolution now ex-
pressed touching your frends, because you sufficiently know how much
your honor and justice, as well as policy, is in the case. All I desyre
therein is, that you recede not from your demand of [a] generall act of
oblivion, for nothing less can secure you and them. The lyke was done
to you in Scotland ; which will be a generall president here. For the
Covenant, you know my opinion ; after the entire consideration of it, we
both fully agree therein ; nether as we are advertised from London, will
it be stifly insisted upon there ; yet possibly if the Scots shall prevail,^
and that only difference were in the case, they may consent to such altera-
tions in it as may satisfy all of us, and confirme such a conjunction as
you ought to desyre. Therfor I againe desyre you, upon conference with
Will. Murray, or otherwise, to use your utmost endevurs that some
[per] sons may be admitted to come privatly to you and the Scots, to see
upon a full debate with them if all things may not be reconciled to your
and theire satisfaction. If the[y] would consent to such a meeting, I
would have some ® hopes of good success : for the present there appeares
to be poison in the pot ; do not trust to your owen cooking of it. For
the proposition to Bellievre, I hate it. If any such thing should be made
publick, you are undon ; your enemis will make a malicious use of it.
Be sure you never owen it againe in any discource, otherwais than as
intended as a foile or an hyperbole,^ or any otherways except in sober
» MS. you hast tell doe.
*> MS. prpuereal; a mistake probably in the cipher.
• MS. such. d MS. hoperbole.
earnest. Consider well what I have written of; away [with] your message
presently without sharing the Militia, and abandoning Irland, Strike out
the 10 years out of the clause concerning offices, or the clause itselfe,
which you will ; it may be added in the close, and the naming 10 years
implys that this pari, should sit so long; obtaine the admitting* of persons,
and then we shall agree in the whole business; [n] either shall I then
despaire of seeing you againe with comfort, which is the fullest happiness
I wishe for in this world. A Dieu, mon cher coeur!
Concerning the business of Constantinople, nothing can possibly be done
'till we heare further from Sir S. Crow, to whom I have sent some papers
in your name may perhaps doe him good. You must avow it, if it come
to be questioned. But if Sir S. Crow be of necessety to be recaled. Sir
W. Ealligrew['s] pretence is next; and he vmts that he shall get the
consent of the company and the pari. And next to him, you are engage4
for Sir K. Brown.^
A copy, by the king, probably from the original in cipher;
endorsed <^ by him, " From my wyfe Decem. -j3L and -^,
re. \^y to be kept, it being the reason that part ans. went
CHARLES I. TO HENRIETTA MARIA.
[1646-7, January 2. Clarendon State Papers, ii. 324.]
Deare hart, Newcastell, Saterday, 2 Jan.
I must tell thee that now I am declared what I have reaUy beene
ever since I came to this army, which is a prisoner (for the go. towld me
some 4 days since, that he was commanded to secure mee, least I should
make an escape): the difference being only this, that heeretofore my
escape was easie anufe, but now it is most difficult, if not impossible.
^ MS. miting.
^ See the king^s comments upon this and the preceding letter at p. 85.
^ This endorsement refers to both the last letters, which are written on the same paper.
100 CHARLES I. IN 1646.
That wliicli now is to be done is, tliat 351 [the queen] and 364 [Prince
Charles] declare publikely that my offers hath been more reasonable, and
that nether of you will persuade me to goe further, but rather disswade me, s^^
if I had a minde to grant more ; because it is now cleare that the demands ^
concerning religion are destructive as well to my crowne as conscience;
assuring thee that somewhat fiilly to this sence (I say fully, for it must
not be minced) is absolutely necessary for my preservation. For if there
be the least imagination that 364 [Prince Charles] will grant more, then
I shall not live long after. This is not my opinion alone, for the F. amb.
and MontreuU fully concur with me in it.
Having, as it is i;iecessary, showed thee this sad truthe (which to me is
nether new nor strange), I shall need to say no more. For I know thy
love wiU omitt nothing that is possible for my freedome. Yet I cannot
but conjure thee never to dispare of a good cause, and to remember that
364 [Prince Charles] justly claims from thee a never giving over care of
him, even as thou loves me, who am
The Fr. amb. goes from hence Munday next, with my approbation. For
he can have nothing more to doe heere : and I belive he will be usefull to
me in France ; being no lesse confident of his affection to me, then of his
knowledge of thease affaires, of which on my word there is no doubt.
Wherfore I desyre thee to give him all the countenance thou can.
A rough draught by himself, endorsed by him,
** To my wyfe, 2 Jan. by London.'*
CHARLES L TO THE MARQUIS OF MONTROSE.
[1646, AprU 18. Clarendon State Papers, ii. 224.]
Having, upon the engagement of the French king and queen regent,
made an agreement to join with my Scots subjects now before Newark,
and being resolved upon the first opportunity to put myself into that army,
they being reciprocally engaged (by the intervention of Mons. de Mont-
reuil, the said king's resident now in the said ^rmy,) to join with me and
my forces, and to assist me in the procuring a happy peace: I have
thought it necessary to acquaint you herewith ; (being here so close begirt
as without much hazard and difficulty I cannot suddenly break from hence to
come to them ;) desiring you, if you shall find by the said de Montreuil that
my Scots army have really declared for me, and that you be satisfied by
him that there is by them [not only] an amnestia of all that hath been done
by you and those who have adhered unto me, but very hearty, sincere,
friendly, and honourable resolutions in them for whatsoever concerns
your person and party, that then you take them by the hand, and use all
possible diligence to unite your forces with theirs for the advancement of
my service, as if I were there in person, and I doubt not but you, being
joined, will be able to relieve me here ; in case I shall not find any possible
means to come to you, which shall be still endeavoured with all earnest-
18th Apr. 1646. Ch. R.
A copy by Mr. Edgman.
Allen, capt. 14
Anne of Austria, queen regent of France 4, 16,
17, 33, 34, 35, 64, 56
Argyll, Archibald marq. of 47, 49, 65, 70
Ashbumham, John 2, and allusions to in almost
every subsequent page
Aubigney, lady 72
Balmerinoch, John lord 49
Bamfield, colonel 67
Bellievre, Pomponne de, mons. 56, and many
allusions to in subsequent pages
Bennet, Mr. xxiv
Blague, colonel 58
Blake, admiral 69
Buckingham, George duke of 11
Calendar, James earl of 48, 49, 64
Gapel, Arthur lord 8
Carteret, sir George 69
Cassilis, lord 49
Charles I. letters of, see "Table of Contents;*'
letters to ibid.; his condition in 1646 iii — v;
the principal ultimate points between him and
the parliament vii; his intrigues xi; transac-
tions with Glamorgan xii; with Montreuilxiv;
his escape from Oxford xvi; his treatment in
the Scottish camp xviii; concessions obtained
from him by Montreuil and Bellievre xx; his-
tory of the MS. of the letters now published
xxii; similar coUectioai submitted to the inspec-
tion of lord Rochester xxiv; proofs from these
letters that the persons opposed to Charles I.
judged rightly of his character xxvi
Colepepper, John lord 7, 8, 30, 35, 55, 61, 68,
70, 71, 73
Coote, sir Charles 14
Cottington, John lord 76
Courland, duke of 12
Crawford-Lindsay, eari of 49
Davenant, su- WilUam 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 83
Digby, George lord 9, 18, 52, 60, 70
Dorchester, Henry marq. of 63
Dunfermline, Charles earl of 48, 49, 67
Evelyn, John 58
Fairfax, su- Thomas 8, 14
Glamorgan, Edward earl of 9, 14, 18, 21, 22,
26, 27, 28
Glemham, sir Thomas 78
Godolphin, Mrs 68
Hamilton, James marq. of 48, 49, 67 ; duke of
sir James 67
lord William 49
Hatton, Christopher lord 53
sir Christopher 63
Henrietta Maria, letters to, see Table of Con-
tents ; letters from, ifnd. ; references to, passim
Hertford, William marq. of 67
Hickman, Dr. Charles xxiv
Hopton, Ralph lord 8
Howard, lady Catherine 72
Hudson, dr. 40, 43, 77, 78
Hyde, Edward 30
Jcrmyn, Henry lord 10, 15, 27, 29, 43, 62, 65,
61, 68, 69, 70, 71, 73
Lanerick, William earl of 49, 86
Legge, Wm. 67
Lesley 67, 68; general David 2, 13, 48
Lothian, William earl of 49
Loudoun, John earl of 49
Lynn 38, 39, 78
Manchester, Henry earl of 16
Market Harborough 31, 32, 34
Mary, princess, afterwards queen 6
Mazarin, card. 1, 10, 17, 34, 35, 42, 54, 68
Molingar, lord 1
Montreuil, mons. de 3, and references to in almost
every subsequent page
Montrose, James, marq. of, letter to 100; allu-
sions to 6, et passim
Mountagne, Walter 16
Murray, sir Robert, 3, 72
■ WilL references and allusions to throughout
Muskeny, Charles lord 18
Nanteuil, abbey of 16
Newark 34, 38
Newburgh, James lord 72
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, letters dated from, see
the Table of Contents.
Nicholas, sir Edward 11 » and allusions to in
almost every subsequent page
Orange, William of Nassau, prince of 6, 9, 12,
Ormond, James, marq. of 9, 18, 47, 64, 66^ 70, 76
Osboume, lady Q^
sir Peter ^Q
Oxford, letters dated from, see ** Table of Con-
tents ;^^ Charleses flight from 40; surrender of 53
Samuel, bishop of 68
Pelling, dr. xxiv
RadclifTe, sir George 3
Richelieu, card. 10
Richmond, James duke of 4
dr. Sprat, bishop of xxiv
Henry lord, xxiv
Rupert, prince 37, 68
Sabran, mons. de 10
St. Martin, abbey of, near Pontoise 16
Sinclair, John sixth lord 13
Souza, Antonio de 1
Stewart, dr. 61
Strafford, Thomas earl of 80
Tilliers, count de 6, 33
Tuam, archbp. of 14
Wales, Charles prince of, afterwards Charles 11
references to passim
William III. 6
York, James duke of, afterwards James II. ^
London: Printed by J. B. Nichols and Sons, 26, Parliament Street.
■ i . ■ '
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