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CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

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THE LIFE

CHAKLES STBWAET PARNELL

I846- I 89I

E. BARRY O'BRIEN

OF TUE MIDDLE TEMPLE, BARRISTER-AT-LAW
AUTHOR OF *FIFTY YEARS OF CONCESSIONS TO IRELAND ' ETC.

IN TWO VOLUMES-VOL. I.

HAEPEE AND BROTHERS

PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK
1898

CONTENTS

THE FIEST VOLUME

CHAPTEB PAGE

I. Parnell's Ancestors ...... 1

IL Birth and Early Days 82

III. The Home Bule Moyement 58

IV. Public Life 70

V. In Parliamekt . 80

VI. Gathering Clouds . . . . . . . 89

VIL Wab 106

VIII. The New Depabture . 158

IX. The Land League . . . . . . . 175

X. The Clan-na-Gael — The Général Election . . 198

XI. Leader 226

XII. Coebcion and Bedress. ...... 266

XIII. KlLMAINHAM 819

XIV. The New Bégime 851

Portrait of Charles Stewart Parnell . Frontispiece

THE LIFE

CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

-*o«-

CHAPTEE I
parnell's ancestors

The founder of the Parnell family was Thomas Parnell
1 mercer or draper,' who became Mayor of Congleton,
Cheshire, in the reign of James I. He had four sons —
William, Thomas, Richard, and Tobias. Of William
and Thomas little is known, but Eichard seems to hâve
been the most remarkable of the brothers. He was a
staunch Cromwellian, the friend of Bradshaw, and thrice
mayor of the town. Tobias was a gilder and décorative
painter, and also stood high in the esteem of his fellow-
citizens. He passed away with the Commonwealth.
At the Bestoration, his son Thomas, quitting the old
home, purchased an estate in Ireland, and took up his
abode there. This Thomas Parnell — the first of the
Irish Parnells — was the ancestor of an illustrious off-
spring. Dying probably in 1685, he left two sons —
Thomas, the poet, the friend of Swift, Pope, Gay
Bolingbroke, and other famous wits; and John, who
vol. i. B

2 CHARLES STEWART PA1UŒLL

died one of the judges of the Irish Court of King's
Bench. 1

Thomas, the poet, was boni in Dublin in 1679. A
bright lad with a remarkable memory, h<?attracted the
spécial attention of Dr. Jones, to whose school he was
first sent, and afterwards sustained his early réputation
by a distinguished career at collège. Matriculating
at Dublin University in 1693, he took his degree in
1697. Then, entering the Church, he was ordained
Deacon in 1700, and Priest in 1703. In 1704 he
became Minor Canon of St. Patricks, and in 1706
Archdeacon of Clogher. Soon afterwards he married
Miss Anne Minchin, of Tipperary — a beautiful girl, to
whom he was passionately attached. His life was soon
divided between literary pursuits and Church affairs.
In 1709 Convocation appointed a comrnittee to consider
the best means for converting the Irish Catholics, and
Parnell was made its chairman. But his heart was in
literature. He now paid fréquent visjts to London, aud
mingled in tbe society of the wits of the 4ay. He was
yery popular, prized for his conversational gifts and
3cholarly attainments. With Pope he was a spécial
Javourite, while Swift held hiru in high esteem. The
former was always impatient of his absence in Ireland,
and would often write to urge his return to his English
friendg.

' Dear sir,' says Pope in one of thèse letters, ' not
only as you are a friend, and a good natured m an, but
0# you are a Christian and a divine, corne back speedily
and prevent the increase of roy sins ; for at the rate I
hâve began to rave, I shall not only damn ail the poets
&nd commentators who hâve gone before me, but be

1 Head, Congleton, Past and Présent.

THOMAS PABNELL 3

dainned myself by ail who corne after me. To be
eerious, you hâve not only left me to the last degree
impatient for your returo, wbo at ail times should hâve
been so (though never so much as since I knew you
in best health hère), but you baye wrought several
miracles upon our family. You hâve made old people
fond of a young and gay person, and inveterate papists
of a clergyman of the Cburch of England. Even nurse
berself is in danger of being in love m her old âge ; and,
for aught I know, would evep marry Pennis for your
sake, because he is your man, and loves his master. In
short corne down forihwith, or give me good reasons
for delaying, though but for a day or twp, by the next
post. Jf I find them just, I will come up to you,
though you must know bow precious my time is at
présent ; my hours were never worth so much money
before ; but perhaps you are not sensible of this, who
give away your own works. Ypu are a generous
author ; I, a hackney scribbler. Ypu are a Grecian and
fcred at a University ; I a poor Engbshman, of my own
educating. You are a révérend parson, I a wag. In
short, you are a Doctor Parnelle (with an e at the end
pf your name), and I your obliged and affectionate
friend and faithful servant.'

In August 1711 Parnell lost his wife, and her
death seems to hâve overwhelmed him with grief.
Nearjy a year later Swift wrote in his ' Journal to Stella ' :
9 On Sunday Archdeacon Parnell came hère to see me.
Jt seems he has been ill for grief of his wife's death,
and has been twp months at Bath. He has a mind to
gp to Punkirk with Jack JEU, and I persuaded him to
it, and hâve spoke to Hill to receive him, but I doubt
be won't hâve spirit tP go.'

Towards tbe end of 1713 Parnell wrote a poetical

B 2

)
I

l
»

I 4 CHARLES STEWAItT PARNELL

essay on the « Différent Styles of Poetry.' Swift made
him insert 'some compliments ' to Bolingbroke, and
then seized the opportunity of introducing him to the
Minister. On December 22 the Dean notes in his
1 Journal to Stella ' : ' I gave Lord Bolingbroke a poem of
Parneirs. I made Parnell insert some compliments in
it to his lordship. He is extremely pleased with it,
and read some parts of it to-day to Lord Treasurer,
who liked it much ; and, indeed, he outdoes ail our
poets hère a bar's length. Lord Bolingbroke has
ordered me to bring him to dinner on Christmas Day,
and I made Lord Treasurer promise to see him, and it
may one day do Parnell a kindness/

' Dec. 25th. — I carried Parnell to dine at Lord
Bolingbroke's, and he behaved himself very well, and
Lord Bolingbroke is mightily pleased with him.'

' January 31 st. — I contrived it so, that Lord Trea-
surer came to me and asked (I had Parnell by me)
whether that was Dr. Parnell, and came up and spoke
to him with great kindnesç, and invited him to his
house. I value myself on making the ministry désire
to be acquainted with Parnell, and not Parnell with the
ministry. His poem is almost fully corrected, and shall
be out soon.'

February 19th. — I was at Court to-day, to speak
to Lord Bolingbroke to look over Parneirs poem since
it is corrected, and Parnell and I dined with him, and
he has shown him three or four more places to alter a
little. Lady Bolingbroke came down to us while we
were at dinner, and Parnell stared at her as if she were
a goddess. I thought she was like Parneirs wife, and
he thought so too.'

But despite Parneirs literary distractions, the death
of his wife still seriously affected his health and spirits.

SWIFT AND PARNELL 5

On March 6, 1713, Swift says in his 'Journal': 'I
thought to hâve made Parnell dine with him (Lord
Treasurer), but he was ill ; his head is out of order
like mine, but more constant, poor boy.' And again,
on March 20 : ' Parnell's poem will be published on
Monday, and to-morrow I design he shall présent it to
L:>rd Treasurer and Lord Bolingbroke, at Court. The
poor lad is almost always out of order with his head.'
The poem was now published. ' [It is],' says Swift,
'mightily esteemed ; but poetry sells ill/

In 1714 we find Parnell, who was still in precarious
health, at Bath with Pope. In 1715 he was once more
in Ireland. In 1716 he was presented to the Vicarage
of Finglass, which he retained until his death two
years later. Towards the close of his life he seems to
hâve suffered more acutely from fits of dépression, to
which he was apparently subject for many years. At
thèse times he kept himself away from his friends,
withdrawing to a remote part of tfce country, and there
enjoying a 'gloomy kind of satisfaction in giving
hideous descriptions of the solitude ' by which he was
surrounded. In the surnmer of 1718 he paid his last
visit to London, and met some of his old friends. But
his health was now rapidly failing, and, on his way to
Ireland in October, he fell suddenly ill at Chester and
there died : pre-deceased by two unmarried sons, and
leaving one daughter, who, it is said, lived to a ripe
old âge. His remains rest in Holy Trinity church-
yard, not far from the home of his ancestors. 1

In 1721 Pope raised the most enduring monument
to his famé by bringing out an édition of his works,

1 Goldsmith, Life of Thomas Parnell ; Johnson, Livcs of the Poets
(éd. Cunningham) ; Swift's Journal to Stella ; The Dictionary of
National Biography.

6 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

and dedicating the volume in immortal lines to the
Earl of Oxford :

* Such were the notes, thy once-loved poet sung,
'Till death untimely stopp'd his tuneful tongiie.
Oh, just beheld, and lost ! adinired and mourn'd,
With softest nianners, gentlest arts, ttdorn'd I
Blest in each science, blest in eyery strain 1
Dear to the muse, to Harley dear in vain !
For him thou oft hast bid the world attend,
Fond to forget the statesman in the friend :
For Swift and him, despis'd the farce of state,
The sober follies of the wise and great ;
Dext'rotis the craving fawning crowd to quit,
And pleas'd to 'scape from âattery to wit.
Absent or dead, still let a friend be dear
(A sigh the absent claims, the dead a tear) ;
Recall those nights that closed thy toilsome days,
Still hear thy Parnell in his living lays :
Who careless, now, of int'rest, famé, or fate,
Perhaps forgets that Oxford ère was great,
Or, deeming meanest what we greatest call,
Behold thee glorious only in thy fall.'

The family property (including land in Àttnagh,
which the poet inherited from his mother) nowdescended
to the poet's brother John. Beyond the fact that he
was a barrister, a member of Parliament, and a judge,
little is known of the détails of John Parneirs life.
Married to the sister of Lord Chief Justice Whitshed,
he died in 1727, leaving one son, John, who became
member for Bangor in 1761, and was created a baronet
in 1766. He married the second daughter of the Hon.
Michael Ward, of Castleward, in the County Down, one
of the judges of the Court of King's Bench, and, dying
in 1782, was succeeded by his famous son, Sir John
Parnell, Chancellor of the Excheqtter in Grattan's
Parliament.

SIR JOHN PARNELL 1

Sir John Parnell was born about 174S. At first
intended for the diplomatie service, he ultimately gare
himself up wholly to Irish politics. Becoliling &
student of Lincoln's Inn in 1766, he was neve* called
to the Bar either in England or Irelaïid; though
elected, many years later, a bencher of the King's Iims,
Dublin. He entered the Irish Parliament about 1776,
and waô appointed a Commissioner of Customs and
Excise in 1780.

ParnelFs position was now unique. Holding office
under the Crown, he possessed the confidence of
Grattan and the Nationalists ; a supporter of the
Government, he was in touch with popular feeling.
He commanded a volunteer corps during the great
crisis of 1780-82, and cordially identified himself with
the struggle for législative independence. In 1783,
however, he opposed Flood's Scheme of Parliamentary
Reform, and later ôtill he declined, like many other
patriotic Irishmen of the time, to follow Grattan's
lead on the Catholic question. Standing high in favour
with the authorities, he became Chancelier of thé
Exchequer in 1785, and Privy Councillor in 178G.
In 1788 he won popular applause by reducing the
interest on the National Debt from 6 to 5 per cent.
After the admission of the Catholics to the parlia-
mentary franchise in 1793, he was drawn more into
sympathy with them, and apparently looked upoû
complète émancipation as inévitable.

In 1794 he, Grattan, and some other Irish poli-
ticians visited London and conferred with Pitt on Irish
affairs. At a dinner party at the Duke of Portland's,
Parnell, who sat next to Pitt, took the opportunity of
introducing the subject of Catholics and Protestants
in Ireland. He said that the old feeling of ilJ-will was

8 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

disappearing, and that he looked forward hopefully to
the establishment of more cordial relations between
the members of both creeds. 'Yes, Sir/ said Pitt,
' but the question is, whose will they be ? ' A union
between Catholics and Protestants in the English
interest would hâve been gratifying enough to the
English Minister, but a union for the purpose of
building up an Irish nation was not to his taste. It
was, however, rather of the Irish nation than the
English interest that both Grattan and Parnell were
thinking, and Pitt no doubt shrewdly suspected the
fact. ' What does Ireland want ? ' he said to Grattan.
' What would she hâve more ? ' ' Mr. Pitt does not
like Ireland/ Grattan observed afterwards. ' She is
not handy enough for hini/ And handy enough, indeed,
she was not for Mr. Pitt, nor has she been for any
other English Minister. Before leaving England
Grattan told Pitt that the time had corne when the
Catholics should be completely emancipated, and, as we
know, in 1795 Lord Fitzwilliam was sent as Viceroy
to emancipate them. Parnell, at Grattan's urgent
request, was retained in office, a fact which shows how
thoroughly the Nationalist leader believed in the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. The sudden recall
of Lord Fitzwilliam and the breach of faith with the
Catholics are amongst the best known and the most
discreditable transactions in the history of the Eng-
lish in Ireland. Rébellion followed, and when it
was crushed Pitt determined to destroy the Irish
Parliament.

In November 1798 Sir John Parnell was in London,
and Pitt broached the subject of the Union to him. Par-
nell dealt cautiously with the subject, saying, 'that
before any decided step was taken communications

THE UNION 9

ought to be opened with the leading men in Ireland
and public opinion sounded.'

In Deceniber 1798 Lord Cornwallis wrote to the
Duke of Portland : ' I trust that the Speaker [Sir John
Foster] and Sir John Parnell will not hâve left London
before Lord Castlereagh's arrivai, as I consider it highly
important that he should hâve an opportunity of hear-
ing them state their opinions before the king's minister
on the question. Some of the king's servants appeared
to be amongst the most impracticable in their opinions ;
and I feel confident that your Grâce will leave no means
untried to impress thèse gentlemen more favourably
before they return to this kingdom.' But Sir John
Parnell was not ' impressed favourably,' for we find
Cornwallis writing to Portland on January 16, 1799 :
' On my finding from a conversation which I had
with Sir John Parnell soon after he landed that he
was determined not to support the Union, I hâve noti-
fied to him his dismission from the office of Chancellor
of the Exchequer.' Parnell now flung himself heart
and soûl into the struggle against the Union. On
January 22 he opposed the measure in limine,
though in what Cornwallis described as a 'fair and
candid ' speech, avoiding ' topics of violence.' ' I hâve
only now to express my sincère regret,' Cornwallis
wrote to Portland on January 23, ' to your Grâce that
the préjudices prevailing amongst the members of the
Commons, countenanced and encouragea as they hâve
been by the Speaker and Sir John Parnell, are infi-
nitely too strong to afford me any prospect of bringing
forward this measure with any chance of success in
the course of the présent session.'

In 1800 the struggle was renewed, and Parnell
fought against the Government with increasing vigour

10 CHARLES STEWAllT PARNELL

and véhémence. On February 17, 1800, we learn
froni Cornwallis that ' Sir John Parnell rose at eleven
and went into the détails of the measure, on which he
commented with severity.' On March 13 he moved
that ' an address be presented to his Majesty, to reqtle&t
his Majesty to dissolve the présent Parliament and call
a new one before the measure of législative Union
should be concluded.'

After a fierce debate the motion was defeated at
three o'clock in the morning by a majority of 150
to 104.

On May 26 we find Parnell defending Grattan from
the imputation of treason cast upon him by Lord
Castlereagh. Grattan had said that the Union was a
measure of slavery, but that liberty was immottal, and
that the nation would yet rise to recover its rights.
' Eebellion, treason,' cried Castlereagh. ' No/ retotted
Parnell, ' for we shall recover our rights by consti-
tutional means. The Sovereign himself will yet appeal
to the people to vindicate the freedom of which they hâve
been robbed.' But there was no such appeal. The
people were not consulted. The Parliament was de-
stroyed by force and fraud. The nation was cheated by
intrigue and falsehood. Immediately after the Union
Parnell took his seat in the English House of Commons
as member for the Queen's County. But he did not long
survive the Irish Parliament, dying somewhat suddenly
in Clifford Street, London, on Deceînber 5, 1801. There
were few members of the old Irish Parliament more
universally esteemed than Sir John Parnell. Frank,
upright, honourable, courageous, he won the confidence
of friends and the admiration of foes. Moderate in
opinion, firm in résolve, he entered every struggle with
délibération and fought every issue without flinching.

Slit HENRY PARNELL 11

Called to high office in corrupt days, he neyer used his
position for the adrancement of a single member of
his faînily ; he never under any circumstances allowed
Personal considérations to interfère with his lofty
conceptions of public duty, He was no orator; but
his speeches cotnmanded the attention and respect
always given to a man who speaks with the authority
which knowledge, sensé, and honesty confer. À
short time after his death the Prime Minister, Mr.
Addington, paid a just tribtite of esteem to his memory,
describing hini as a man 'whose loss they deeply
deplored and whose memory would be reverenced by
ail who set any value on a Sound understanding,
extensive information, and a benevolent heart.'

8ir John married Letitia Charlotte, second daughter
and co-heiress of Sir Arthur Brooke, Bart., of Cole-
brooke, County Fermanagh, and had six children,
amongst whom were Henry, the first Lord Congleton,
and William, the grandfather of Charles Stewart
ParnelL

Henry Parnell had a distinguished career. Born
in 1776, he was educated at Eton, and Trinity Collège,
Cambridge* In 1797 he entered the Irish Parliament,
and took his place in the National ranks, in the struggle
against the Union. Gn his fathér's death in 1801 he
succeeded to the family estâtes which had been settled
on him by Act of Parliament in 1789, owing to the
incurable mental and physical disabilities of his eldest
brother, John Augustus. Entering the English Parlia-
ment in April 1802, he retired before the end of the
year; only, however, to return to active life early in
1806 as member for the Queen's County. Appointed
a Commissioner of the Treasury in Ireland under the
short-lired Grenville Administration (1806-7), he found

* 12 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

•

himself again in Opposition after enjoying the sweets
of office for less than a twelvemonth. In Opposition
as in power he was a staunch supporter of the Catholic
claims, and threw himself into the struggle for émanci-
pation with persistence and energy.

In 1809 he called the attention of Parliament to
the Tithe Question, and moved for an inquiry ; but
the motion was rejected by a large majority. In 1810
he returned to the subject, but again failed to awaken
the interest of the House of Commons in it. During
the hard fight for the removal of the Catholic dis-
abilities, he stood side by side with Grattan until 1815,
when the two friends for a time parted. Grattan had
expressed his willingness to accept émancipation,
subject to the condition that the Crown should hâve a
veto on the appointment of the Catholic bishops. But
O'Connell, who was now rapidly rising to power, de-
manded émancipation unfettered by any such restric-
tions, and carried the country with him. In this crisis
Parnell supported O'Connell, and thenceforth became
the représentative of the Catholic Board in the House
of Commons.

In July 1815 Sir Henry moved for a commission
to inquire into the nature and effects of the Orange
Society in Ireland. ' I voted for the question,' says
Sir Samuel Romilly in his diary, ' and, as is always the
case in important questions of this kind relative to
Ireland, in a very small minority. We were only 20,
the majority being upwards of 80.' We get some
more glimpses of Parnell in Sir Samuel Komilly's
diary :

'May 21, 1817. — Mr. Peel moved and obtained
leave to bring in a Bill to continue the Irish Insurrec-
tion Act. I intended to oppose it, but, knowing that

COERCION 13

Sir Henry Parnell meant to oppose it too, I waited for
him to rise, as he meant to do. But the question
having been put hastily, it was declared by the Speaker
to be carried before he had risen ; and it was therefore
passed without opposition.

1 May 23. — I opposed on the second reading the
further progress of the Bill for continuing the Irish
Insurrection Act, on the ground that a measure of such
extraordinary severity ought not to be continued, but
in case of absolute necessity ; and that that necessity
could not be apparent without an inquiry into the
state of Ireland. That it was quite unjustifiable to
persévère in such a System, upon no better grounds
than the mère statements of the Irish Secretary. None
of the members for Ireland supported me in this
opposition except Sir Henry Parnell and General
Matthew.

' June 13. — On a motion for going into committee
on the Irish Insurrection Bill I again resisted the
further progress of it, and supported a motion of Sir
Henry Parnell for an inquiry into the facts which
were stated as the grounds of proposing the measure.
General Matthew and Sir William Burroughs were
the only other members who opposed the Bill now,
as they were the only members who had, together
with myself and Sir Henry Parnell, opposed the second
reading.'

In 1825 Parnell opposed the Bill for the suppres-
sion of the Catholic Association, urging that Ministers
should adopt not a policy of coercion, but of redress.

After the concession of Catholic Emancipation, in
1829, Parnell co-operated with the Libéral party ; and,
indeed, it was on his motion to refer the Civil List to a
Select Committee that the Government of the Duke of

î 14 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

! Wellington was defeated and drjven from office in

\ November 1830. On the accession of the Grey

Ministry, Parnell was made Secretary of War and
Privy Councillor. But he proved a restive subaltern.
He differed from the Postmaster-General on the subject
of postal reform, he prepared army estimâtes which
the Ministry would not accept, and, finally, be was dis-
missed from office in January 1832 for refusing to vote
in favour of paying the dividend on the Russian-Dutch
Jjoan, contrary to treaty stipulations. 1 On leaving
office be wrote to Brougham, urging him to induqe tbe
Government of Lord Grey to corne to tenas witb
O'Connell and to take up the Irisb question. ' Becurring
to Ireland/ be said, ' I must press on you the urgency
of your taking an active and decided part in its affaire.
You are the only member of the Cabinet who at ail
comprehends the case. Most of your colleagues are
not only ignorant of it, but, as it seems to me, incapable
of understanding it/

Parnell did not contest Maryborough at tbe gênerai
élection of 1832, but in 1833 he was returned for
Dundee.

In 183B he became Paymaster-General of the Forces
in the Melbourne Administration, a post which he held
until his élévation to tbe peerage as Lord Congleton in
1841. He now ceased to take interest in public affairs.
His health became seriously impaired. His mind Wfts
ultimately affected, and, in August 1842, he died by his
own band at his résidence in Cadogan Place, Chelsea.

Sir Henry Parnell was an advanced Libéral of inde-

1 During the French war Russia had borrowed from a Dutch house
in Amsterdam the sum of 25,000,000 florins. After the war, the Iftng o|
the Netber|ands and Great Brjtain agreed to bear ope-half of the charge
until Holland and Belgium were separated — a contingency which hap-
pened in 1830.

DEATH OF SIR H. PARNELL 15

pendent views and a sturdy spirit. At first interesting
bimsejf chiefjy in Jrish and financial questions, he
sopn pushed forward along the whole line of Libéral
jreform. He advocated the extension of the franchise
and vote by ballot, the sbortening of Parliaments, the
repeal of the corn laws, and a rigorous policy of retrench-
inent in ail public departments. Nearly half a century
later his grand-nephew took a leading part in the agita-
tion for the abolition of flogging in the anny. But Sir
Henry anticipated the movement, and, in office and out
of office, condemned the lash with uncompromising
hostility. Like bis father, he was no orator, but a
plain, bi^sinesslike, matter-of-fact speaker, who, how-
cver, possesçed a complète mastery of every subject on
which he touched, and was always listened to with
attention and respect. His appearance in the House of
Çommons is thus described by a contemporary autho-
rity : ' Sir Henry Parnell is a respectable, but by no
means a superior, speaker. He has a fine clear voice,
but hé ne ver yaries the key in which he commences.
He is, however, audible in ail parts of the House. His
utterance is well timed, and he appears to speak with
gre^t ease. He delivers his speeches in much the same
way as if he were repeating some pièces of writing he
bad committed to his memory in his schoolboy years.
His gesticulation is a great deal too tame for his speeches
to produce any effect. He stands stock still, except
when he occasionally raises and lets fq.ll his right hand.
Even this he does in a very gentle manner. What he
excels in is giving a plain, luminous statement of com-
plex financial matters. In this respect he has no supe-
rior. Sir Henry is gentlemanly in his appearance ; so
is he also in reality. His manners are highly courteous.
His stature is of the middle size, rather inclining to

» >
t

16 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

stoutness. His complexion is fair, his features are
regular, with a mild expression about them ; and his
hair is pure white.' l Sir Henry published several
books, the most important of which is a ' History of
the Pénal Laws against Irish Catholics from 1689 to
the Union ' — the best work, perhaps, on the subject.

He married Lady Caroline Elizabeth Dawson, eldest
daughter of the first Earl of Portarlington, by whom
he had five children, three daughters and two sons.

Sir Henry's youngest brother, William — the grand-
father, as has been said, of Charles Stewart Parnell —
was born about 1780. Of his early years little is
known. But in 1801 he succeeded, under his father's
will, to the property of Avondale, which had been
settled on Sir John Parnell by a friend and admirer,
Samuel Hayes, barrister-at-law. William Parnell was
a modest, retiring man, fond of his books and his home ;
and, though keenly interested in political affairs,
unwilling to take active part in public life. An
enemy of the Union, a friend to the Catholics, a good
landlord, a just magistrate, amiable, benevolent, sym-
pathetic, he was very popular amongst the people in
whose midst he lived, and whose welfare he studied.
From his quiet retreat near the beautiful Vale of
Avoca he watched the political struggle beyond, and
even sometimes gave signs of the faith that was in
him. In 1805 he published a pamphlet, entitled, 'An
Enquiry into the Causes of Popular Discontent,' setting
out the causes thus :

1 lst. The recollections which exist in Ireland of
being a conquered people.

1 2nd. The great confiscation of private property.

1 Randam Recollectiotu of the House of Comtnons.

WILLIAM PARNELL 17

1 3rd. The distinctions between Protestants and
Catholics.

' 4th. The distinction between the inembers of the
Church of England and the Presbyterians.

'5th. Tithes.

' 6th. The degraded state of the peasantry.

' 7th. The influence of a Eepublican Party.

'8th. The Union/

He dévotes many pages to a vigorous condemnation
of the Union, putting the case at one point very happily,
thus : ' The reasoning and practice of the Union was
very like a transaction in " Mon Oncle Thomas." A
grenadier sold his son's teeth to a dentist. The only
difficulty was to persuade the child to part with them.
The contracting parties took the f avourable opportunity
of a severe fit of toothache and reasoned the matter
thus : " This tooth y ou are going to hâve drawn gives
you a great deal of pain ; ail the rest will decay in
their turn, and give you as much pain; therefore,
while you are about it, you had better hâve them ail
drawn at once." " Oh, but," said the child, " how should
I be able to chew my victuals? " " That is easily settled,"
said the father ; " I will chew them for you." The
English,' said Parnell, ' hâve the disposition of a
nation accustomed to Empire. Anything that com-
promises their own dignity is out of the question.
But the dignity of any other nation never makes any
obstacle to their measures.' A few years later he
published the work by which he is best known, 'An
Historical Apology for the Irish Catholics/ This is a
remarkable little book, showing an intimate knowledge
of Irish history, and displaying both literary skill and
logical acunien. Taking up the argument that Irish
disaffection springs from religious causes, he proves

vol. i. C

; t
• •

u
t •.

* •

18 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

that the Irish were rebellions before religious différ-
ences arose. The English came, he says in effect,
to rob and kill, and the Irish fought for property and
life. ' Contemporary writers never mentioned religion
as a cause of rébellion till long after the Reformation ;
on the contrary, their fears are always expressed against
the Irishry, not against the Papists. They found the
greatest opposition in national pride, not in religion.'
He thus deals with the Protestant oligarchy, though he
himself belonged to that oligarchy : ' The Protestants,
in their terror of persécution, hâve become persecùtors,
their alarm at Catholic atrocities has made them atro-
cious. To hear them speak, one would imagine that
they had been the patient and uncomplaining sufferers,
from the reign of William till George III. ; that they
had borne this long and cruel test with loyal résig-
nation ; that they had been deprived of property, of
arms, of every légal and honourable right. No, it is
not suffering, but it is power, it is pride of artificial
ascendancy, it is the jealousy arising from exclusive
privilège that corrupts the understanding and hardens
the heart.' Sydney Smith reviewed the book very
favourably in the ' Edinburgh,' saying : ' We are truly
glad to agrée so entirely with Mr. Parnell upon this
great question ; we admire his way of thinking, and
most cordially recommend his work to the attention of
the public.'

A warm f riendship existed between William Parnell
and Thomas Moore. It was at Avondale that the poet
wrote 'The Meeting of the Waters,' and the exact
spot from which he is supposed to hâve viewed fche
scène was pointed ont to me by Mr. John Parnell
germe time ago.

' Tom Moore's tree ' — under whose wide-spreading

THOMAS MOORE 19

branches the poet sat, it is said, when he penned his
famous sang — is still shown as one of the sights of
Avondale. But there has always been uncertainty
and mystety on the subject — uncertainty and mys-
tery which, even at the request of William Parnell,
Moore declined to clear up. Fourteen years after
Parneirs death he revisited the scène, and notes with
a touch of pardonable vanity in his journal : ' August
25, 1835. After breakfast the landau and four was
again at the door, and with a most clear morning, pro-
mising a delicious day, we set ont for the Vale of Avoca
and the meeting of the waters. I had not been in this
beautiful région since the visit (âges ago it seems)
which gave birth to the now mémorable song, " There
is not in the wide world." How wise it was of Scott
to connect his poetry with the beautiful scenery of his
country. Even indiffèrent verses derived from such an
association obtain a degree of vitality which nothing
else could impart to them. I felt this strongly to-day
while my companions talked of the différent discussions
there were afloat as to the particular spot from which
I viewed the scène ; whether it was the first or second
meeting of the waters I meant to describe. I told
them that I meant to leave ail that in the mystery beat
suited to such questions. Poor William Parnell, who
now no longer looks upon those waters, wrote to me
many years since on the subject of those doubts, and,
mentioning a seat in the Abbey churchyard belonging
to him where it was said I sat while writing the
verses, begged me to give him two lines to that effect
to be put on the seat. " If you can't tell a lie for me,"
said he, " in prose, you will, perhaps, to oblige an old
friend, do it in verse." '

But Moore did not comply with the request.

o 2

20 CHARLES STEAYART PARNELL

Though little inclined to take an active part in
politics, Parnell was induced to enter Parliament as
member for Wicklow in 1817. But his public career
was of brief duration. In 1821 he died in the prime of
life, deeply mourned by true and loving friends, and
keenly missed by a f aithful and sorrowing tenantry. He
married the eldest daughter of the Hon. Hugh Howard,
of Castle Howard, County Wicklow, by whom he had
two children, John Henry and Catherine.

John Henry Parnell led an uneventful life. Kesid-
ing on his estate at Avondale and interesting hiinself
chiefly in questions of agricultural iinprovement, he
sought by every means in his power to promote the
well-being and happiness of his people. A good land-
lord, a staunch Libéral, a kind friend, he was respected
and esteeined by ail classes in the country. In his
youth he was fond of travel, and during a visit to the
United States, in 1834, he met, loved, and married
Miss Délia Tudor, the daughter of Commodore Charles
Stewart, of the American Navy. This was the one
notable event in the life of John Henry Parnell.

Délia Stewart was the daughter of a remarkable
man. About the middle of the eighteenth century
there were agrarian disturbances in Ulster ; and thou-
sands of tenants, smarting under a sensé of wrong and
despairing of the future, fled across the océan to seek a
refuge and a home in the British colonies of North
America. Among thèse emigrants were the parents of
Charles Stewart. They settled in Philadelphia, and
there he was born on July 28, 1778. Two years
afterwards his father died, and Mrs. Stewart was left
to face the world alone with a young and helpless
family. But her forlorn position excited the pity and
the love of a generous man, and after the lapse of some

COMMODORE STEWART 21

tirae she became the wife of Captain Britton, a member
of Congress and Commander of Washington's body-
guard. Britton was more than a stepfather to the
little Stewarts, and to Charlie he took spécial fancy, as,
growing up, the lad showed a brave spirit and a warm
heart. In 1790 Britton introduced him to Président
Washington, an incident in his life which Charles
Stewart never forgot. In old âge he often spoke of
this famous interview, dwelling particularly upon the
effect which it produced on his playmates at Phila-
delphia. 'Not one of them,' he would say, 'dare
knock a chip off my shoulder after that.' Britton
intended to hâve young Stewart trained for some quiet
and honourable post in the public service. But the lad
had his own plans. He resolved to go to sea. His
mother and stepfather protested; but Charlie settled
the question one day by running away from school and
becoming cabin boy in a coasting schooner. Britton,
like a sensible man, accepted the inévitable, and deter-
mined to help the youth along the lines he had marked
out for himself. With his own brains and grit, and by
Britton's influence, Charlie went rapidly ahead, and
before he was twenty-one rose to the command of an
Indiaman. Then he left the merchant service, and
in 1798 entered the navy as lieutenant on board the
frigate ' United States.' Thenceforth his success was
steady and remarkable.

In 1800 he was sent in the ' Experiment ' to deal with
French privateers in West Indian waters. During this
mission he displayed the fighting qualities which were
destined to make him famous, seizing privateers and
warships, re-capturing American vessels, scouring the
seas, and scattering his enemies. Nor was he less
mindful of works of humanity, for this same year he

22 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

rescued a number of women and childen who had
been wrecked while escaping from a révolution in Ban
Domingo. This gallant action brought a despatch of
grateful acknowledgment from the Spanish Governor of
tbe island to the Président of the United States.

In 1803 he was despatched on a graver mission.
The United States had made war on Tripoli for insults
offered to the American flag, and Stewart was sent to
co-operate with Captain Trible, who commanded the
American squadron in the Mediterranean. In the
opérations which followed (1803, 1804) Stewart again
distinguished himself ; supporting Lieutenant Dicatur
in his successful efforts to re-capture the frigate
1 Philadelphia,' which had fallen into the hand of the
Tripolitans ; seizing a British and a Greek vessel,
which had attempted to run the blockade of the
harbour ; and leading the attack on the enemy's flotilla
in the bombardment of the town. For thèse services
he was promoted to the rank of niaster-commandant.

He was next sent in the ' Essex ' to Tunis, where
fresh troubles had arisen. Tbe American Consul,
fearing an attack on the consulate, had fled to the fleet.
A council of war was held. Opérations against the
town were suggested. But Stewart said, ' Jîo.' War
had not been declared by the United States against
Tunis, and the fleet, therefore, could not act. The
fleet could not déclare war. Congress alone could do
that. Negotiations, he urged, should be re-opened
with the Bey. This advice was taken. Negotiations
were re-opened. They were carried to a successful
issue. The Consul was sent back, and peaceful rela-
tions were established. Thus Stewart proved himself
a skilful diplomatist as well as a hard fighter. His
sound constitutional views and admirable tact on this

ENGLAND AND AMERICA 23

occasion won the high commendation of Président
Jefferson.

In 1806 he was promoted to the rank of captain,

and, a season of peace having supervened, he returned

to the merchant service. But on the breaking out of

the war with England in 1812 he once more joined

the navy. England claimed the right to search

American vesBels for English sailors. The United

States repudiated this claim, and resolved to resist it

by force. The Government at first decided to act on

the défensive, collecting the fleet close to the American

shore to await events. Stewart and Captain Bam-

bridge, however, pointed out that this would be a fatal

policy, and proposed instead that the vessels should

put to sea and attack the Britisher wherever he was

to be found. Their views finally prevailed, and in

January 1813 Stewart was ordered to sail in the

frigate ' Constellation ' from Washington to Norfolk,

and thence to the open sea. But on reaching Norfolk

he fonnd a British fleet in the offing. Dropping down

the river, the American captain anchored abreast of

Craney Ialand, to cover the fortifications which were

in course of construction» There he was greatly

exposed to the enemy. But he prepared a plan of

defence which baffled his foes and won the admiration

of naval experts. The ' Constellation ' was anchored in

the middle of a narrow channel. On each side of ber

were seven gunboats. A circle of booms protected

the gunboats from being boarded, and enabled them

at the same time to maintain a fianking fire on ail

assailants of the frigate. On board the frigate herself

the gréâtes t précautions were taken. The gun-decks

were housed, the ports shut in, the stern ladders taken

away, and the gangway cleats removed. Not a rope

24 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

could be seen hanging over the side, while every
means that ingenuity could suggest were devised for
embarrassing, bewildering, and out-manœuvring the
enemy, should he succeed in coming to close quarters.
Then the carronades were chargea to the muzzle with
musket-balls and depressed to the nearest range, in
order to sweep the water around the ship. ' As the
frigate was light and unusually high out of the water,
it was the opinion of the best judges that, defended as
she would certainly hâve been under the officers who
were in her, she could not hâve been carried without
a loss of several hundred men to the enemy, if she
could hâve been carried at ail.' l

This was clearly the opinion of the English admirai
too. For, after reconnoitring several times with great
care, he came to the conclusion that no attempt could
safely be made to attack the ' Constellation ' ; the
English officers confessing that the vigilance of the
ship was too much for them, and insisting that Captain
Stewart must be a Scotchman, he was so actively
awake. 2 So Stewart remained abreast of Craney
Island until the fortifications were completed, when he
returned to Norfolk Harbour.

Soon afterwards he was given the command of the
' Constitution/ and in the summer of 1813 sailed in
her for the West Indies. In this cruise he captured
the British war schooner ' Piéton,' a letter of marque
under her convoy, and several merchant vessels.
Keturning to America for repairs, he fell in with two
British ships, which gave him chase, but, skilfully evad-
ing them, he ran his craft under the guns of Fort
Marblehead, and a few days afterwards reached Boston
Harbour in perfect safety. There, for a moment, he

1 Fenimore Cooper, History of the American Navy. * Ibid.

NAVAL BATTLE 25

deserted the god of battles for the god of love, and
married Délia Tudor, ' the belle of Boston,' daughter
of Judge Tudor, who had fought against the British
in the War of Independence. But the wedding was
scarcely over when the * Constitution ' was once more
ready for sea, and Stewart bade farewell to his bride.
* What présent shall I bring you home ? ' he asked as
they parted. 'A British frigate,' was the prompt
reply. ' I shall bring you two,' said Stewart. In
December 1814 he set sail for Europe, seizing two
British vessels on the way, destroying one, and sending
the other, which had a valuable cargo, to New York.
On February 19, 1815, at 1 p.m., the 'Constitution'
was off the coast of Spain. A sail was sighted some
twelve miles ahead. The first lieutenant reported that
she was probably a British ship of 50 guns. ' What-
ever may be the number of her guns,' said Stewart,
' Fil fight. Set every stitch of canvas ; lay me along-
side.' With studding sails alow and aloft the ' Con-
stitution ' sped through the waters, and by 4 p.m. she
had shortened the distance between herself and the
enemy by one-half. Then a second ship hove in sight,
and she was soon pronounced to be the consort of the
first. But the ' Constitution ' sped on. ' Before sunset,
my lads,' said Stewart, ' we must flog thèse Britishers,
whether they hâve one or two gun-decks each.' The
' Constitution ' now came up hand over hand, and it
was soon seen that the British ships — for so they
turned out to be — were ready for action. AU three
vessels formed (as Stewart put it) an equilateral
triangle ; the British ships — the ' Cyane,' 34 guns, and
the ' Levant/ 21 guns — making the base, the ' Consti-
tution ' the apex. Stewart began the action by firing
between the British ships. The British responded

26 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

with a broadside, which was, bowever, ineffective owing
jto the American's excellent stratégie position. Stewart
now concentrated his fire on the foremost vessel, the
1 Levant/ raking her fore and aft. The British replied
gallantly, and a hot combat ensued. At this juncture
the sternmost ship, the ' Cyane/ crept up to the
' Constitution ' and endeavoured to take her on the
weather side. But Stewart, handling his ship with
admirable skill, out-manœuvred the Britisher, and
getting to close quarters poured a tremendous broad-
side into her. Both ships now maintained a running
fire until about 6 p.m., when the enemy, raked, bat-
tered, and disabled, was forced to surrender. Stewart,
putting a crew on board the frigate, bore down on
the * Levant,' passing under her stern and delivering
a well-directed broadside. The ' Levant ' briskly re-
turned the fire, striking the ' Constitution ' amidships ;
but another broadside froni the American brought
down the British colours, and made Stewart the victor
of the day. He had kept his word with bis bride.
He had captured two British frigates in less than
two months since they had parted. When the battle
was over the British commanders sat in the cabin
of the ' Constitution ' and discussed the action in
the présence of Stewart, each blaming the other for
the dis as ter which had befallen them. 'Gentlemen/
said Stewart, ' it is idle to discuss the question. You
both fought gallantly, and neither of you is to blâme.
No matter wbat you had done the resuit would hâve
been the same. If you doubt it, go back to your ships
and we will fight the battle over again.'

Stewart now made for home with his two frigates.
On the way back he rested in neutral waters at Porto
Praya in Santiago, the largest of the Cape Verde

PJ3ACE WITH ENGLAND 27

islands. But a British squadron Boon hove in sigbt.
Stewart knew that the British would not respect the
neutral waters of a weak Power like Portugal ; so he
slipped his cable and, followed by bis prizes, set sail
for America. Tbe British squadron gave chase and
quickly overhauled the Americans. Fighting was out
of tbe question, for tbe ' Constitution ' was under-
manned, her crew being distributed in the prizes.
Stewart 's only plan, therefore, was to escape the enemy.
Signalling tbe ' Cyane ' and the ' Levant ' to vary their
courses so as to distract and scatter the pursuers, he
succeeded in getting ail tbree vessels out of range of
tbe squadron's fire. Tbe ' Constitution ' and the
' Cyane ' reached New York in safety, but the ' Levant,'
pressed by two of tbe British ships, re-entered Porto
Prayo and anchored under tbe shelter of tbe forts.
The Britisb squadron, ignoring neutral rights, sailed in
and recaptured her, and tbus the affair ended.

On reaching New York Stewart was welcomed with
honours. Congress voted him thanks, a sword, and a
gold medai, the State of Pennsylvania thanks and a
sword, New York the freedom of the city, wbile the
masses of the people greeted him with tbe appropriate
sobriquet of ' Old Ironsides.' l

In September 1814 peace was made with England,
and Stewart spent the rest of his life in tranquillity,
althougb he remained still for nearly fifty years in the
public service. From 1816 to 1820 he commanded
the American squadron in the Mediterranean, from
1820 to 1825 he guarded American interests in the
Pacific with characteristic tact, skill, and patriotism.

Afterwards he continued to fill important posts

1 This was a name first given to the * Constitution ' ; it was now
traosCerred to her captaio.

28 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

afloat or ashore until 1862, when he was placed on
the retired list as rear-admiral. The remainder of his
days were serenely passed in his house at Bordentown,
New Jersey, where he died, full of years and honour,
on November 9, 1869. His personal appearance is
thus described :

' Commodore Stewart was about five f eet nine inches
high and of a dignified and engaging présence. His
complexion was fair, his hair chestnut, eyes blue, large,
penetrating, and intelligent. The cast of his counte-
nance was Koman, bold, strong, and commanding, and
his head finely formed. His control of his passions
was truly surprising, and under the most irritating
circumstances his oldest seamen never saw a ray of
anger flash from his eyes. His kindness, benevolence,
and humanity were proverbial ; but his sensé of justice
and the réquisitions of duty were as unbending as fate.
In the moment of great stress and danger he was cool,
and quick in judgment, as he was utterly ignorant of
fear. His mind was acute and powerful, grasping the
greatest or smallest subjects with the intuitive mastery
of genius.'

Commodore Stewart was predeceased by his son-
in-law, John Henry Parnell, who died in Dublin in
1859 ; but his daughter, Délia Tudor Stewart Parnell,
lived until 1898. r In the autumn of 1896 I called on her
in Dublin. She had just arrived from America and was
recovering from a severe illness. She looked pale and
délicate, but was bright and even incisive in conversa-
tion, taking a keen interest in political affairs. Her
face suggested no likeness to her remarkable son, but
she had the calm, determined, self-possessed manner
which always distinguished him. She knew her own
mind, too. Her views might hâve been right or wrong,

PARNELL'S MOTIIER 29

sensible or the reverse, but she had no doubts. She
held her ground firmly in argument, and could not
easily be moved from her opinions. She was certainly
a woman of convictions, independent, fearless, resolute ;
indiffèrent to established conventions and animated by
one fixed idea, a rooted hatred of England ; or rather,
as she herself put it, of ' English dominion.' ' How
came it,' I said, ' that your son Charles had such an
antipathy to the English ? ' ' Why should he not ? '
she answered, with American délibération. ' Hâve not
his ancestors been always opposed to England ? My
grandfather Tudor fought against the English in the
War of Independence. My father fought against the
Ejglish in the war of 1812, and I suppose the Parnells
had no great love for them. Sir John Parnell fought
against the Union and gave up office for Ireland, and
Sir Henry was always on the Irish side against
England, and so was my son 's grandfather William.
It was very natural for Charles to dislike the English ;
but it is not the English whom we dislike, or whom
he disliked. We hâve no objection to the English
people ; we object to the English dominion. We would
not hâve it in America. Why should they hâve it in
Ireland ? Why are the English so jealous of any out-
side interférence in their affairs, and why are they
always trying to dip their fingers in everybody's pie ?
The English are hated in America for their grasping
policy ; they are hated every where for their arrogance,
greed, cant, and hypocrisy. No country must hâve
national rights or national aspirations but England.
That is the English creed. Well ! other people don't
see it ; and the English are astonished. They want
us ail to think they are so goody goody. They are
simply thieves.'

ï
i

l 30 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

5 Although there was no physical resemblance that

I could discern between Mrs. Parnell and Charles
Stewart Parnell, there were mental traits of likeness
which could not be mistaken, and the opinions and
sentiments of the mother were certainly the opinions
and sentiments of the son.

The living members of the Parnell family are —

John Howard, who now résides at Avondale ;

Henry Tudor ;

Emily, who married Captain Dickinson ;

Theodosia, who married Lieutenant Paget, R.N. ;

Anna, who played an important part in the Land
League agitation.

Those who hâve passed away are Fanny, a poet«ss
of considérable ability ; William ; Hayes ; Délia, who
married Mr. Livingston Thomson ; Sophia, who
married Mr. MacDermott, and Charles Stewart, the
story of whose life I hâve now to tell.

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£ 32 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1846

CHAPTEE II

BIRTH AND EARLY DAYS

From Dublin to Eathdrum is a pleasant run of an hour
and a half by the Dublin, Wicklow, and Wexford
Eailway along the edge of the sea. Eathdrum is a
neat little village, the centre for visiting the Vale of
Avoca, Glendalough, and other scènes of infinité beauty
in the county of Wicklow.

Avondale lies close by, and thither one day in the
September of 1896 I drove to visit the home of Parnell.

The one pervading influence of this beautiful spot
is melancholy. Perhaps it is difficult to dissociâtes the
place from the sorrowf ul memories which linger around
the naine of its late owner. But, however that may
be, a feeling of sadness and gloom possessed me as
I drove up the avenue leading to the house — a spacious,
even in some measure a noble, résidence. There was
an appearance of neglect— a look, indeed, as if death
had been there, and as if his shadow still overhung the
stricken home.

As I alighted I was met at the door by the présent
owner, Mr. John Parnell — a quiet, courteous, hospitable,
kindly gentleman. He, too, looked sad and thoughtful,
and there was for a moment in his eyes that far-away
look which those who knew Charles Stewart Parnell
will never forget

Mt. 1] AVONDALE 33

On entering the hall, which has quite a baronial
appearance in miniature, there was a warm, pleasant
feeling. There was no fire to be seen, but a génial,
comfortable atmosphère which made me at once think
of what Parnell used often to say, ' I likç a warm house.'
In this respect Avondale is perfect. Above the hall is a
little gallery, and hung ail around are mementoes of
the dead Chief. ' In the old days,' said Mr. Parnell,
' we used to hâve dances in this hall, and the band used
to be placed in that gallery.' We lingered for a while
in the hall. It is the distinguishing characteristic of
the Parnells that they seem to be like no other people.
They are absolutely unconventional. They ail give you
the idea of having pre-occupations quite outside their
immédiate surroundings. How often did one feel in
walking with Parnell that he really was unconscious of
your présence, that his thoughts were far, far away
from you, and from anything of which you were think-
ing or talking ! He did not strike you at thèse moments
as a practical statesman. He looked a visionary, a
poet, a dreamer of dreams — anything but the Charles
Stewart Parnell that the world knew him to be. You
felt that those eyes, with their inward look, took little
notice of anything that was going on around. But,
suddenly you said something that specially fixed the
attention of the Chief. He at once woke up; the
eyes were turned full upon you, the whole body was
swung round, and you soon found that not only had the
immédiate remark which produced this effect been fully
taken in, but that ail you had been saying for the past
half-hour had been fully grasped and most thoroughly
considered. Well, ail the Parnells hâve that pre-occu-
pied look that distinguished Charles, but they lack the
practical skill and the genius which made him famous.

VOL. I. D

34 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1840

We walked through the house. Everywhere there
was an exceptionally warm, agreeable atmosphère (in
very pleasant contrast to the damp outside), but an
inexpressible air of sadness ail the time. There was
absolu te silence. The house might hâve been almost
deserted. Indeed, one felt as if one were being shown
over the castle or mansion of a great chief who had
pafesed away long ago, and as if nothing had been
touched since his death. There was furniture, there
were bookcases and books, ail looking anoient, ail appa-
rently belonging to another time. In the hall hung a
pioture of the Irish House of Commons. The scène
painted was an important debate. Curran was address-
ing the House. Around sat Grattan, Sir John Parnell,
and other well-known figures of the day. But the
memories which this picture awakened did not, as it
were, belong more completely to the past than did the
memories awakened in walking through the rooms at
Avondale. We stood at a window : what a beautiful
BÎght met our eyes I The house stands on an eminence ;
around rise the Wicklow hills ; beneath runs the little
river Avonmore, through glens and dells that lend a
delightful charm to a glorious scène. For quite ten
minutes we exchanged not a word. It is the genius
of the Parnells to invite silence and to suggest thought.
I was thinking how beautiful everything was, and
how sad. I said at length exactly what I thought.
' It is most sad to wander through this house and to
think what might hâve been.'

We walked about the grounds, and new glimpses of
interest and beauty constantly caught the eye.

We passed through a wooded way close to the river's
side — a delightfully solitary spot to commune with one-
self. ' This/ said John, ' was Charlie's favourite walk.

M*. 1] AVOCA 30

He was fond of Avondale. "There is no place like
Avondale, Jack," he would say/

After a ramble around the grounds we returned to
luncheon. We sat in the library. It was still a dampish
day outside, and there was a nice log fire which gave a
pleasant air of comfort to the room. When luncheon
was over, John rose, and said, * Let us walk to the Vale
of Avoca, You hâve never seen it, and it is very beau-
tiful.' To Avoca we strolled along the river-side, and
I beheld for the first time the charining spot which
Moore has made famous. Gleams of brightness lighted
up the beautiful scène, and valley and waters lay bathed
in the subdued light of the autumn sun. It was, indeed,
a glorious panorama, and Moore's lines wçre readily
recalled, not only by the picture on which we gazed,
but by the appropriateness of the concluding lines to
what might well hâve been the aspirations of Parnell
amid the storms which closed his checkered life.

There is not in the wide world a valley so sweet

As that vale in whose bosom the bright waters meet ;

Oh ! the last raya of feeling and life must départ

Ere the bloom of that valley shall fade from my heart.

Sweet Vale of Avoca ! how oalm oould I rest

In thy bosom of shade, with the friands I love best,

When the storms that we feel in tins cold world should

çease,
And our hearts, like thy waters, be mingled in peace.

At Avondale, within ten minutes* walk of the Vale
of Avoca, Charles Stewart Parnell was born on June 27,
1846.

As a lad he was délicate but wiry, nervous but
brave, reserved but affectionate, thoughtful and delibe-
rate, but bright and cheery. He was fond of home life,

36 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1846-64

and wannly attached to the members of his family,
especially to Emily, Fanny, and John, he had few
companions outside the home circle, and was very shy
with strangers. Delighting in ail sorts of gaines —
outdoor and indoor — his favourite pastime was playing
at soldiers. He never liked to be beaten at anything,
and was resourceful and ingenious, though not too
punctilious or scrupulous, in the adoption of ineans for
out-manœuvring his opponents. One day he had a
gaine of soldiers with his sister Fanny. ' He com-
manded one well-organised division, while she directed
the movements of another and opposing force. Thèse
never came into actual conflict, but faced one another
impassively, while their respective commanders pep-
pered with pop-guns at the enemy's lines. For several
days the war continued without apparent advantage
being gained by either side. One morning, however,
heavy cannonading was heard in the furthest corner
of the room (produced by rolling a spiked bail across
the floor). Pickets were called in, and in three
minutes from the firing of the first shot there was a
gênerai engagement ail along the line. Strange as it
may seem, Fanny's soldiers fell by the score and hun-
dred, while those commanded by her brother refused
to waver even when palpably hit. This went on for
some time until Fanny's army was utterly annihilated.
It was learned, from his own confession, an hour after
this Waterloo, that Charles had, before the battle
began, glued his soldiers' feet securely to the floor.' l
He also liked the game of ' follow-my-leader.' ' Charlie,'
says a member of the family, ' liked playing the game
of " follow-my-leader," but always insisted on being

1 This story is told in Mr. Sherlock's clever little sketch of Parneil.

JEt. 1-8] AT SCHOOL 37

the leader.' * He was very fond of fighting,' says his
brother John, ' and would fight with me if he had
nobody else.' But there was no malice in his com-
bativeness. He liked fighting for fighting sake, and
was quite good friends afterwards with the boy whom
he might hâve thrashed or who might hâve thrashed
him. Insubordinate and headstrong in the hands of
those for whom he did not care, he was obedient and
docile with the people he loved. Even as a boy he
had a keen sensé of justice, and was ever ready to
assist the weak and helpless. * As a little boy,' writes
his sister, Mrs. Dickinson, ' he showed that considéra-
tion for ail things helpless and weak, whether human
beings or animais, for which he was distinguished in
after years.' * One day,' says his mother, * he thought
the nurse was too severe with his sister Anna. Anna
was placed in a room to be punished. Charles got into
the room, put Anna on a table, rolled the table into a
corner, and, standing in front of it with a big stick,
kept the nurse at bay.'

In 1853, when Charlie was just six years, Mr.
Parnell took him to England, and put him in charge
of a lady who kept a boarding-school for girls near
Yeovil, in Somersetshire. It was not the custom to
take boys in the school, but an exception was made in
the case of little Parnell. Mr. Parnell, so he told the
mistress of the school, was anxious that Charlie should
* spend some of his earlier years in England, with some-
one who would mother him and cure his stammering.'
After returning from the mid-summer holidays of 1854
the boy fell seriously ill with typhoid fever. * I nursed
him/ says his schoolmistress, 'for six weeks, night
and day, to an entire recovery,' and she adds : ' this
formed a link between us which has made every event

88 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1864-65

of his life most important to me.' He was a spécial
favourite with this lady, who speakB of him as quick,
interesting to teach, very affectionate to those he loved
(a few), reserved to others ; therefore not a great favou-
rite with his comparions.' He remained at Yeovil
until 1855, and then returned to Avondale. For a time
afterwards he was taught by his sister's governess, and
later on by a tutor. But he got on with neither. He
argued with the governess, defied the tutor, made fuir
of the clergyman who was engagea to give him religious
instruction, and generally infused a spirit of rébellion
into the household. Finally he was despatched once
more to Etigland, taking up his abode first at the Eev.
Mr. Barton's, Kirk Langley, Derbyshire, and next at
the Eev. Mr. Wishaw's, Chipping Norton, Oxfordshire.
At both schools he was idle, read little, resisted the
authority of the under masters (though submissive to
the head of the establishment), disliked his fellow-pupils,
and was disliked by them.

On one occasion he was construing a Greek play
and mistranslated a word. Wishaw corrected him, but
Parnell argued the point. Wishaw said : ' Well, look
the word out in the Lexicon,' passing the book to-
wards him. Parnell looked into the Lexicon, and saw
that it bore out Wishaw's views ; but coolly answered :
' Well, the Lexicon says what you say, but I expect
the Lexicon is wrong.' He cared only for two things,
cricket and mathematics, and was proficient in the
game and in the science. Still, he was not popular,
either with the masters or the boys, though the one
recognised his Bharpness and ability and the other his
manliness and pluck. Even at school he showed the
reserve and aloofness which were among his traits in
after years ; and he was always glad when the vacation

jEt. 8-19] CHIPPING NORTON 89

came round to find himself back at Avondale free and
amoUg friends and favourites.

' I well remember,' saya one who was at Chipping
Norton with Parnell, ' the day the Parnells (for John
accompanied Charles) came. Their mother brought
them. She wore a green dress, and Wishaw came

to me and said : " I say, B , I hâve met one of

the most extraordinary women I hâve ever seen — the
mother of the Parnells. She is a regular rebel. I
hâve never heard such treason in my life. Without
a note of warning she opened fire on the British
Government, and by Jove she did give it us hot. I
hâve asked her to corne for a drive, to show her the
oountry, and you must corne too for protection." So
we went for a drive, but my présence did not prevent
Mrs. Parnell from giving her views about the iniquities
of the English Government in Ireland.'

My informant added : * We liked John, who was a
very good, génial fellow ; but we did not like Charles.
He was arrogant and aggressive, and he tried to sit on
us, and we tried to sit on him. That was about the
state of the case.'

Ât this time, and for many years afterwards, he
was subject to nervous attacks and would walk in his
sleep. When the nervous attacks were on he never
liked to be left alone, and would send for some person
to remain with him. The feeling continued even when
he had grown up to man's estate, and was, indeed, in
Parliament.

One night, in the days when the British Ministets
were at their wits' end to devise means for suppressiilg
the terrible agitation, he was alone at Avondale. No one
was in the house except the old housekeeper (who had
been his nurse) , her husband, and another servant. In

40 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1860-69

the early morning the master's bell was vigorously rung,
and old Peter and his wife caine up. Parnell lay in
bed wide awake, looking nervous and distressed. < I
am sorry/ he said, ' to ring you up, but the fact is I am
not well, and hâve not slept ail night. I am better
now, but feel nervous, and would like someone to stop
with me for awhile.' Old Peter remained, and Parnell
talked away on a variety of domestic topics until a
couple of hours had passed, when he fell quietly asleep.
His somnambulistic habits also continued after he left
school and collège. But he ultimately cured himself
by tying his leg to the bed, an inconvénient but effectuai
remedy. He was at ail times very fond of dogs, but
very much afraid of hydrophobia. One day a f avourite
dog jumped on him in play, and pressed his teeth
through the sleeve of his coat. Feeling the pressure
he thought he was bitten, and ordered a car to drive
for the doctor. ' But,' said his old housekeeper,
' perhaps the dog has not bitten you at ail.' And on
examination that was found to be the case. ' Ah ! I
am glad, Mary/ said he, ' for I would not like to kill
him, which they say you should do if a dog bites you/
1 And foolish to say so/ urged Mary, ' for the harm is
done/ ' You are very wise, Mary/ said Parnell, and he
went off with the dog for a ramble over the fields.

In July 1865 Parnell went to Cambridge Uni-
versity. * He was entered/ says a correspondent, ' as a
pensioner on the boards of Magdalene Collège, Cam-
bridge, July 1, 1865, and came into résidence the
following October. The rooms allotted to him were on
the ground floor of the right cloister in the Pepysian
buildings, looking out on the collège close and im-
mediately beneath the famous Pepysian Library.
Before Parnell came up, Mrs. Parnell forewarned the

^Et. 19-23] AT CAMBRIDGE 41

tutor (Mr. Mynors Bright) that her son was given to
somnambulism. The tutor accordingly instructed the
collège servant to sleep in an adjacent gyp-room. On
the first night of his résidence, however, Parnell,
walking round, but not in his sleep, to take stock of
his new tenement, discovered the intruder, and
promptly expelled him.

'Parnell showed considérable aptitude for mathe-
matics. One of his tutors, Mr. F. Patrick, whose
lectures he attended, used often to describe how
Parnell, when he had been given the ordinary solution
of a problem, would generally set about to find whether
it could not be solved equally well by some other
method.

'On one occasion, after the collège gâtes were
closed, there being some town and gown commotion
in the street outside, Parnell ran up to Mr. Patrick
as he was going to ascertain the cause, exclaiming :
" Sir, do let me go out to protect you." ' But his career
was undistinguished at Cambridge ; and indeed the
place was utterly uncongenial to him. Whether he
would hâve taken more kindly to Irish schools and
collèges may be a matter of doubt. But he certainly
regarded his school and collège days in England with
peculiar aversion. The English he did not like. ' Thèse
English/ he would say to his brother John, ' despise
us because we are Irish ; but we must stand up to
them. That's the way to treat the Englishman —
stand up to him/

Parnell's English training had undoubtedly some-
thing to do in the making of him, and if it did not
make him very Irish, it certainly made him very anti-
English.

In 1869 he left Cambridge without taking a degree.

42 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1869

He was, in fact, ' sent down/ under circumstances
which hâve been related to me by Mr. Wilfrid A. Gill,
Fellow and Tutor of Magdalene Collège, Cambridge :
1 The story of ParneH's being Bent down from collège
has never been authoritatively told, and has often been
misstated or exaggerated. The case came (at first)
before the Cambridge County Court on May 21, 1869,
and the course which the collège subsequently took
was the usual one in such instances of misconduct.
A Mr. Hamilton, a merchant of Harestone, sought to
recover SSL as compensation for alleged assault. To
avoid the appearance of blackmailing, he undertook, if
successful, to dévote the proceeds of the suit to Adden-
brooke's Hospital. He stated in court that on Saturday,
May 1, about 10 p.m., he saw a man lying across the
path in the station road drunk, another man (Mr.
Bentley) standing over hitn. Asking if he could be
of any assistance, Bentley replied to him, " We want

none of your d d help." Parnell then, springing up,

struck witness on the face and collarbone, and kicked
him on the knee. Hamilton's man retaliated by striking
Parnell.

1 This was the plaintiff's statement.

' ParnelFs statement in reply was as follows. He,
with three f riends, drove in a fly to the station befcween
9 and 10 p.m. to take some light refreshment, " sherry,
Champagne, and biscuit," at the restaurant. In half
an hour they prepared to return home. Parnell, with
one of them, sat down and waited in the station road,
while the others went in search of a fly. Meanwhile
two men passing by exclaimed : " Hullo, what's the
matter with this 'ère cove," or words to that effect.
Bentley replied that he wanted no interférence.
Hamilton answered in gross language. Then he

jfe. 23] TOWN AND GOWN 48

(Parnell) first interposed, striking at Hamilton but
missiiig him. Hamilton next struck Parnell, where-
upon Parnell knocked him down. Hamilton's man
then ftttacked Parnell, who knocked him down also,
though he at once offered a hand to raise him. Parnell
never kicked Hamilton. A police constable corrobo-
rated ParnelTs statement that he (Parnell) was perfectly
Bober. After other évidence had been called, ParneH's
counsel admitted to some fault on his client's part, and
etated that he would not resist a verdict. He asked,
however, for nominal damages, little harm really
having been done ; and there also seemed to be some
attempt at ex tort ion.

1 The judge held that, the assault being admitted,
the damages should be substantial. The jury, after
some considération, found damages for twenty guineas.

'On May 26 a collège meeting was convened, at
which it was resolved to send down Parnell for the
remainder of the term in conséquence of the mis-
conduct proved againBt him. There being only two
weeks before the end of the term, the actual punish-
ment was not a severe one, and, had Parnell wished it,
there was nothing to prevent his resuming résidence in
the following term. He did not, however, return to
Cambridge.'

Up to this time Parnell had paid no attention to
Irish affairs. He had probably never read an Irish
history or political tract. He knew nothing of the
career of his great-grandfather, Sir John Parnell, or
his grand-uncle, Sir Henry, or his grandfather, William
Parnell. At Avondale politics were tabooed, and when
Charles was there he spent his time fishing or shooting,
riding or playing cricket. Ireland was almost a closed
book to him. Something he had certainly heard of

44 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1869

the rébellion of 1798 from the peasants in the neigh-
bourhood, but the effect of thèse stories was transient.

How came Parnell, then, to turn his attention to
Irish affairs ? He has himself answered this question.
He has told us that it was the Fenian movement that
first awakened his interest in Ireland.

Most of my readers know that about the year 1859
two men who had taken part in the Young Ireland
rising — John O'Mahony and James Stephens — formed
a political organisation for the purpose of separating
Ireland from England and of establishing an Irish
republic. This organisation, called by its founders
and members the Irish Bevolutionary Brotherhood,
was popularly known as the Fenian Society. It grew
steadily in numbers and influence. Fenian bodies
were scattered throughout Ireland, Scotland, England,
and America, and within five years of its formation it
had already become a power in the land.

In 1863 a Fenian newspaper, the 'Irish Peuple,'
was founded, under the management of John O'Leary,
assisted by Thomas Clarke Luby and Charles Kick-
ham. Its office was within a stone's-throw of Dublin
Castle, and there, under the very shadow of the
authorities, it preached week by week a crusade of
insurrection and war. Among the contributors to the
1 Irish People ' was a handsome young girl, who used
to corne to the office accompanied by a tall lanky youth.
Entering the editor's room, she would place her ' copy '
in his hands and départ. The ' copy ' generally consistée!
of some stirring verses which breathed a spirit of treason
and revolt. The girl was Miss Fanny Parnell, and
the youth her brother John. Fenianism soon invaded
Avondale. The political indifférence which had hitherto

Mt. 23] FENIANISM 45

prevailed there gradually disappeared, and Ireland
came to hâve a foremost place in the thoughts of the
family. Mrs. Parnell especially took a keen interest
in the movement, and did not hesitate to express her
views and sympathies in the Government circles in
which she moved. Lord Carlisle, the Lord Lieutenant
in 1864, was a friend of the Parnell household. Mrs.
Parnell, both at his table and at her own, felt no hési-
tation in condemning British misrule and justifying
Irish discontent. In 1865 there was a cri sis : the
Government swooped down on the ' Irish People,' and
arrested the editor and some of the leading members
of the staff. State trials, the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act, and an abortive insurrection followed.
Fenianism was the question of the hour. People
thought and spoke of nothing else. The whole empire
watched the Fenian trials with interest and anxiety.
In the dock the Fenian prisoners demeaned themselves
like men of faith, courage, and honesty. They neither
faltered nor flinched. Baffled for the moment, they
believed that their cause would yet triumph, and they
boldly told their judges that they neither repented nor
despaired. 'You ought to hâve known,' said Judge
Fitzgerald, in passing sentence on O'Leary, ' that the
game you entered upon was desperate — hopeless.'

Leary. ' Not hopeless.'

Judge. 'You ought further to hâve known that
insurrection in this country or révolution in this
country meant not insurrection alone, but that it
meant a war of extermination.'

O'Leary. ' No such thing.'

Judge. ' You hâve lost.'

0' Leary. ' For the présent.'

Judge. ' It is my duty to announce to you that the

46 CHAULÉS STEWARÎ PARNELL [1860

sentence of the court is such as may deter others — we
hope it will.'

O'Leary. ' I hope not.'

Judge. • The sentence of the court is that you be
detained in pénal servitude for twenty years.'

'As long as there are men in my country,' said
Luby, * prepared to expose theniselves to every difficulty
and danger, and who are prepared to brave captivity —
and even death itself, if need be — this country cannot
be lost.'

Years afterwards Isaac Butt, the advocate who
defended almost ail the Fenian prisoners, wrote of
them :

'Whatever obloquy gathered round them at first,
there are few men who now deny to the leaders of the
Fenian conspiracy the merits of perfect sincerity, of a
deep and honest conviction of the righteousness of their
cause, and of an unselfish and disinterested dévotion to
the cause. I was placed towards most of them in a
relation which gave me some opportunity of observing
them, in circumstances that try men's soûls. Both I
and those that were assooiated with me in that relation
hâve often been struck by their high-mindedness and
truthfulness, that shrunk with sensitiveness from sub-
terfuges which few men in their position would hâve
thought wrong. No mean or selfish instruction ever
reached us. Many, inany, many messages were con-
veyed to us which were marked by a punctilious and
almost over-strained anxiety to avoid even a semblanoe
of departure from the strictest line of honour. There
was not one of them who would hâve purchased safety
by a falsehood, by a concession that would hâve brought
dishonour on his cause, or by a disclosure that would
hâve compromised the safety of a companion. It seems

M% 23] MBS. PARNELL AND THE FENIANS 47

like exaggeration to &ay tbis, but tbis is a matter on
which I can write as a wituess, and theref ore am bound
by tbe responsibility of one. I know that my testimony
would be confirmed by ail who had the same means of
observing them aB myself . The conviction was forced
upon ub ail, that whatever tbe men were, they were no
vulgar revolutionists disturbing their country for any
base or selfisb purpose ; they were enthusiasts of great
heart and lofty minds, and in the bold and unwaveriug
courage with which one and ail they met the doom
which the law pronounced upon their crime against its
authority, there was a startling proof that their cause
and their principles had power to inspire in them the
faith and the endurance which elevated suffering into
martyrdom.'

No one followed the Fenian trials with keener
intereat than Mrs. Parnell. But her interest was not
merely of a passive character. Her house in Temple
Street, Dublin, was placed under police surveillance.
One night a batch of détectives paid a surprise visit
and insisted on searching the premises. Mrs. Parnell
(who was alone with her daughter) protested, but the
police remained ; the daughter lef t, and spent the night
at Hood's Hôtel, Great Brunswick Street. The police
went on with their work, and were rewarded for their
pains by finding a sword, which they carried off in
triumph. The sword belonged to Charles, who was at

that time an offioer in the Wicklow Militia. ' D

their impudence in taking my sword/ he said after-
wards, on haaring the news, ' but I shall make them give
it back precious soon ' (which he did). 'Perhaps one
day I will give the police something better to do than
turning my sister into the street. I call it an outrage
on the part of the Government of this country/

48 CHARLES STEWAKT PAltNELL [18Ô9

But the event which was destined to turn ParnelTs
thoughts fully to Irish politics now occurred. In
September 1867 two Fenian leaders, Kelly and Deasy,
were arrested in Manchester. Their comrades in the
city resolved to rescue them. Accordingly, as the van
conveying them was on its way from the police court
to the jail at Bellevue it was attacked. The prisoners
were liberated, and a policeman, Sergeant Brett, was
shot dead in the struggle. Many Fenians were arrested
for coinplicity in this affray, including Allen, Larkin,
Condon, and O'Brien, who were tried, convicted, and
sentenced to death. In the dock they showed a bold
front, a dauntless spirit, and an abiding faith in their
cause. Ail protested their innocence of the crime of
murder, but did not shrink from the charge of treason.
Indeed, they gloried in it. ' No man in this court,'
said Allen, ' regrets the death of Sergeant Brett more
than I do, and I positively say in the présence of the
Almighty and ever-living God that I am innocent —
ay, as innocent as any man in this court. I don't
say this for the sake of mercy. I want no mercy, 141
hâve no mercy. Fil die, as many thousands hâve died,
for the sake of their beloved land and in defence of it.'

'I was not even présent/ said Condon, 1 'when the
rescue took place. But I do not accuse the jury of
wilfully wishing to convict, but I believe they were
prejudiced. We hâve, however, been convicted, and,
as a matter of course, we accept our death. We are
not afraid to die. I only trust that those who are to
be tried after us will hâve a fair trial, and that our
blood will satisfy the craving which, I understand,
exists. You will soon send us before God, and I am
perfectly prepared to go. I hâve nothing to regret, or

1 Condon was afterwards reprieved.

JEt. 23] THE MANCHESTER MEN 49

to retract, or take back. I can only say, " God save
Ireland ! " ' ' God save Ireland ! ' repeated ail the pri-
soners, and ' God save Ireland ! ' has since become a
political watchword in the country.

Ail England was profoundly moved by this Man-
chester aflfair. Irish discontent and Irish treason were
painfully brought home to the English people. But
the first feeling was one of vengeance and retaliation,
when the mob which gathered round the gaol the night
before the exécution, shouting, cheering, and reviling
the men within, singing ' Eule, Britannia,' performing
break-down dances, and bursting into yells of glee, only
too f aithf ully represented the gênerai feeling of triumph
and satisfaction at the fate of the doomed men. On
the morning of November 23, 1867, Allen, Larkin, and
O'Brien perished on the scaffold. Nothing can, per-
haps, better show the chasm which séparâtes English
from Irish political opinion than the way in which the
news of their exécution was received in each country.
In England it awoke a pœan of joy: in Ireland it
produced a growl of indignation and horror. In the
one country they were regarded as murderers and
traitors, in the other as heroes and martyrs. Up to
this time a section of the Home Bulers was more or less
out of sympathy with the Fenian movement. But the
Manchester exécutions brought ail Irish Nationalists
into line. ' Commemorative funerals ' were held in
almost every principal city in Ireland, and Consti-
tutional-Nationalists and Bevolutionists marched side
by side in honour of the Manchester martyrs. « The
Dublin procession,' say s Mr. A. M. Sullivan, himself a
persistent opponent of Fenianism, ' was a marvellous
display. The day was cold, wet, and gloomy, yet it
was computed that 150,000 persons participated in the

VOL. i. b

60 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1869

démonstration, 60,000 of them marching in a Une over
a route some three or four miles in length. As the
three hearses, bearing the names of the executed men,
passed through the streets, the multitudes that lined
the streets fell on their knees, every head was bared,
and not a sound was heard save the solemn notes of
the " Dead March in Saul " from the bands, or the sobs
that burst occasionally from the crowd. At the cenie-
tery gâte the procession formed into a vast assemblage,
which was addressed by Mr. Martin in feeling and
forcible language, expressive of the national sentiment
on the Manchester exécutions. At the close once more
ail heads were bared, a prayer was offered, and the
mourning thousands peacefully sought their homes.'
To Englishmen thèse démonstrations were only a proof
of Irish sympathy with crime. A policeman had been
killed by a gang of Irish revolutionists, and Ireland
went mad over the transaction. That was ail that
Englishmen saw in the Manchester célébrations. But
Parnell, despite his English surroundings, caught the
Irish feeling on the instant. * It was no murder,' he
said, then and afterwards. It was not the intention of
Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien to kill Sergeant Brett.
Their sole object was to rescue their comrades. And
why not ? Was England to sit in judgment on Fenian-
ism, or upon anything Irish ? The Irish were justified
in overthrowing the English rule, if they could. The
Fenians who rescued Kelly and Deasy had a better case
than the English Government which punished them.
They acted with pluck and manliness. What they did
they did in the open day. A few Irishmen faced the
police and mob of a hostile city, and snatched their
comrades from the clutches of the law — the law to
which they morally owed no allegiance. The rescue

! ■

.Et. 28] ' NO MURDER ' 61

was a gallant act, the exécution a brutal and a
cowardly deed. A strong and generous Government
would never hâve carried out the extrême penalties of
the law. But the English people were panic-stricken.
The présence of Fenianism in their midst filled them
with alarm, and they clamoured for blood. The killing
of Sergeant Brett was no murder ; the exécution of the
Fenians was. 1

That was the Irish view of the case, and that was
the view of Parnell. But, though the exécution of
Allen, Larkin, and O'Brien made Parnell think about
Ireland, he did not for several years afterwards take an
active part in Irish politics. He never did anything in
a hurry. He thought out every question. He looked
carefully around before taking any forward step. But
when once he put his hand to the plough he never
turned back. When I was at Avondale in 1896 I met a
middle-aged man, a retainer of the family, who remem-
bered Parnell as a boy and a man. He said to me : ' You
see, sir, if it was only the picking up of that pièce of
stick (pointing to the ground), Master Charles would
take about half an hour thinking of it. He never would
do anything at once, and when he grew up it was just
the same. I would sometimes ask him to make some
altérations about the place. " I will think of that,
Jim," he would say, and I would think he would forget
ail I said ; but he would corne back, maybe in two
days' time, and say, " I hâve considered it ail," and
would do what I asked, or not, just as he liked.'

1 It is quite clear that it was not the intention of the Fenians to kill
Sergeant Brett. Brett was on guard inside the van. He was asked to
give np the keys, but refused. Allen then fired to force the lock of the
door. The bail penetrated, and killed Brett. Shaw, a police-constable,
swore at the trial that it was his impression that Allen fired to knock
the lock off Annual Register, 1867.

e 2

62 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [18C9

Parneirs favourite pastime was cricket. He became
captain of the Wicklow Eleven, and threw himself
with zest into the game. A strict disciplinarian,
always bent on victory, and ever ready to take ad-
vantage of every chance (which the rules allowed) to
outwit his opponents, reserved, uncompromising, self-
willed, he was obeyed and trusted rather than courted
or liked.

' Before Mr. Parnell entered poli tics,' says one who
knew him in those days, ' he was pretty well known in
the province of Leinster in the commendable character
of cricketer. We considered him ill-tempered and a
little hard in his conduct of that pastime. For
example, when the next bat was not up to time,
Mr. Parnell, as captain of the fielders, used to claim
a wicket. Of course he was within his right in doing
so, but his doing it was anything but relished in a
country where the game is never played on the
assumption that this rule will be enforced. In order to
win a victory he did not hesitate to take advantage of
the strict letter of the law. On one occasion a match
was arrangea between the Wicklow team and an eleven
of the Phœnix Club, to be played on the ground of the
latter in the Phœnix Park. Mr. Parneirs men, with
great trouble and inconvenience, many of them having
to take long drives in the early morning, assembled on
the ground. A dispute occurred between Mr. Parnell
and the captain of the Phœnix team. The Wicklow men
wished their own captain to give in, and let the match
proceed. Mr. Parnell was stubborn, and, rather than
give up his point, marched his growling eleven back.
That must hâve been a pleasant party so returning
without their expected day's amusement, but the
Captain did not care. In later years Mr. Parnell used

Mt. 23] NINETY-EIGHT 63

to use the Irish party much as he used the Wicklow
eleven.' l He was very fond of taking long rides in the
country with his sister, Mrs. Dickinson. ' Used he ever,'
I asked her, ' to talk politics upon thèse occasions ? '
She said : ' No. He was completely wrapped up in his
f amily, and our conversations were chiefly about f amily
matters and country life. The only politicâî! incident
which seemed to affect him was the exécution of the
Manchester martyrs. He was very indignant at that.
It first called forth his aversion for England, and set
him thinking of Ireland. But he rarely talked politics
to any of us. He brooded a great deal, and was always
one to keep things to himself.' ' Did you ever see him
read in those days ? ' I asked another member of his
family. ' The only book I ever saw him read,' he said,
* was that (pointing to Youatt's " The Horse "), and he
knew that very well.'

Within a few miles of Avondale was Parnell's
shooting - lodge, Aughavannah. Aughavannah was
originally a barrack, built in 1798 for the soldiers
who scoured that part of the country for rebels. The
barrack ultimately fell into the hands of the Parnells,
and was converted into a shooting-lodge ; hère Parnell
spent several weeks in the autumn of each year. At
the back of the barrack was a granité stone, where
— so runs the tradition — the rebels sharpened their
pikes. Parnell was very fond of showing this stone
to his friends, and would, when in the humour, tell
them stories of '98. Hère is one of them. A rebel
was seized by the soldiers. He was court-martialled,
and ordered to be whipped to death. The sentence
was carried out, but the lashes were inflicted on his
belly instead of on his back. The old lodge-keeper at

1 Pall Mail Budget,

54 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1869-71

Avondale, who had witnessed the scène, would say
how the man shrieked in his agony and cried for
mercy, calling upon the colonel of the régiment,
Colonel Yeo, until his lacerated body fell, bleeding and
torn, lifeless to the ground. Parnell seeins to hâve
had some knowledge of the rebel Holt, picked up, no
doubt, îrdtoi the tradition of the peasants rather than
the memoirs of the insurgent himself. Holt was a
Wicklow man and Protestant, and had led the rebels
in his native county with courage, skill, and chivalry.
Parnell always felt that if there had been many chiefs
like Holt the rébellion might hâve had a différent
termination. But Parnell was very proud of Wicklow
and Wicklow men. ' I am,' he would say, ' an Irish-
man first but a Wicklow man afterwards.'

In 1871 he went to America on a visit to his
brother John, who had settled in Alabama, and there
he remained a twelvemonth. ' While he was with you
at that thne,' I asked John, ' did he show any inclina-
tion to go into politics or take up any career ? ' John
said : ' No, he never talked politics. But he was never
a good man at conversation ; and you could never very
easily find out what he was thinking about. If some-
thing turned up to draw him, then he would talk ; and
I was often surprised to find on those occasions that he
knew things of which he never spoke before. Sonie-
thing practical was always necessary to draw him.
One day we called to see a State Governor. When we
came away, Charlie surprised me by saying, " You see
that fellow despises us because we are Irish. But the
Irish can niake themselves felt everywhere if they are
self-reliant and stick to each other. Just think of that
fellow, where he has corne from, and yet he despises
the Insh." That always stuck in Charlie — that the Irish

Mi. 23-25] IN AMERICA 55

were despised. You see,' continued John, ' none of
us take in many things at once. But we are awful to
stick to anything we take up. The idea that the Irish
were despised was always in Charlie's mind. But you
would never know it if some particular thing did not
happen to stir him up at the moment. In those days
he was ready to take offence, and was even quarrelsome,
though he worked himself out of ail that afterwards.
One day I took him to see a house I was building for a
man, an Irishman too. The man complained of some-
thing I had done. I did not object. It was quite fair,
and we were very good friends. While he was pointing
out thèse things to me, Charlie went quietly over the
house, and then, coming back, walked up to the man
and said very coolly : "I tell you what it is, the house

is a deal too good for you." " You're a d d liar," said

the man. In an instant Charlie's coat was off, and it
was only by the greatest effort that I prevented them
from flying at one another. We then ail went off to
luncheon, and were as hearty as possible. We ail
laughed at the row, and I said there was no doubt but
we were ail Irishmen. The man — his name was Ryan,
a very good fellow — told us that in America they always
say "it takes two Irishmen to make a row, three to
make a revolt, and four to make an insurrection/'
Charlie said if we knew our powers we could make
ourselves felt in America and everywhere else.'

While in America Parnell was nearly killed in a
railway accident. He and John were travelling
together. There was a collision on the line. John
was flung to the bottom of the car with great violence,
and there he lay bruised and unconscious. Parnell
was unhurt. Seeing John on the grotfnd, he said to
the other occupant of the car, * My brother is killed.

66 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1871-78

I expect we shall be killed next, for this car is certain
to tumble down the embankment.' The car, however,
did not tumble down the embankment, and Parnell
escaped without a scratch. John was laid up with a
severe illness after the accident, and Parnell nursed
him ail the time. * No one,' said John, ' could hâve
been a better nurse than Charlie ; he was thoughtful,
patient, and gentle as a woman.'

In 1872 Parnell, accompanied by John, returned to
Avondale. Vote by ballot had just been extended to
Ireland. The measure drew Parnell's attention once
more to politics. He thought it was of greater prac-
tical importance than either the Irish Church Act or
the Land Act, forit emancipated the voters. ' Now,' he
said, ' something can be done if full advantage will be
taken of this Ballot Act/ His sympathies had gone
out to the Fenians after the Manchester exécutions.
But he did not see how Fenianism was to be practically
worked. The Ballot Act first suggested to him a
mode of practical opération. The Irish voter was now
a free man. He could send whom he liked to Parlia-
ment. He was master of the situation. An in-
dependent Irish party, free from the touch of English
influence, was the thing wanted, and this party could
be elected under the Ballot Act.

One morning in 1873 the two brothers were at
breakfast at Avondale. John, who was essentially a
Democrat, said, ' Well, Charlie, why don't you go into
Parliainent ? You are living ail alone hère, you re-
present the family, and you ought to take an interest
in public affairs. Our family were always mixed up
with politics, and you ought to take your place. Go
in and help the tenants, and join the Home Kulers.'
Parnell answered — knocking the tip of an egg and

Mt. 25-27] TH1NKING OF POLITICS 57

peering into it suspiciously, as if its state was much
more important to him than Parliament — * I do not
see my way. I am in favour of the tenants and Home
Eule, but I do not know any of the men who are
working the movement.' John replied : ' It is easy to
know the men. Go and see them/ 'Ah,' replied
Parnell, ' that is what I don't quite see. I must look
more around for myself first ; I must see a little more
how things are going ; I must make out my own way.
The whole question is English dominion. That is
what is to be dealt with, and I do not know what the
men in thèse movements intend. ' Then, with a little
banter, in which he occasionally indulged, he added,
i But, John, why don't you go into Parliament ? Why
should not we make a start with you ? You are the
head of the family. In fact, Avondale is more yours
than mine. Do you lead the way.'

This little conversation satisfied John that Parnell
had been thinking more of politics than his family at
ail suspected, though with characteristic réticence he
kept his own counsel. Nor did he even after this
show any disposition to résume the subject. He
relapsed into his old state of apparent indifférence,
devoting himself mainly to family and local affairs.

He had, indeed, become a member of the Synod of
the Disestablished Church, but he took more interest
in the mining opérations which he had then com-
menced on his estate than in the affpirs of that
institution. And so the last days of the year 1873
found Parnell still living the life of a quiet country
gentleman, still leaving politics severely alone.

58 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1874

CHATTEE III

THE HOME BULE MOVEMENT

' Well/ said an Old Irelander to me towards the end
of the year 1870, ' out of evil cornes good. The un-
fortunate Fenians hâve made the English disestablish
the Church (1869) and pass the Land Act (1870).
But, poor devils ! what good hâve they done for them-
selves ? Pénal servitude and the gallows.' ' You are
right enough, sir/ said a Fenian who was standing
by. * The différence between the Whigs and Fenians
is, the Fenians do good for Ireland but no good for
themselves, the Whigs do good for themselves and no
good for Ireland.' 'Begad, I believe you are right,'
said the Old Irelander, who was a frank and génial old
fellow.

Old Irelander and Fenian were both right. Fenian-
ism had roused the Fjnglish conscience, had ' rung the
chapel bell,' and the resuit was disestablishment and the
first grcat measure of land reform. Mr. Gladstone has
made the matter very plain. ' It has only been since
the termination of the American war,' he said, ' and the
appearance of Fenianism that the mind of this country
has been greatly turned to the considération of Irish
affairs. ... In my opinion, and in the opinion of
many with whom I coinmunicated, the Fenian con-
spiracy has had an important influence with respect to
Irish policy ; but it has not been an influence in

Mt. 27] MR. GLADSTONE AND FENIANISM 59

determining, or in affecting in the slightest degree, the
convictions which we hâve entertained with respect to
the course proper to be pursued in Ireland. The
influence of Fenianisrn was this — that when the
Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, when ail the con-
séquent proceedings occurred, when the overflow of
mischief came into England itself, when the tran-
quillity of the great city of Manchester was disturbed,
when the Metropolis itself was shocked and horrified
by an inhuman outrage, when a sensé of insecurity
went abroad far and wide — the right honourable
gentleman [Mr. Gathorne-Hardy] was, better than we,
cognisant of the extent to which the inhabitants of the
différent towns of the country were swearing them-
selves in as spécial constables for the maintenance of
life and property — then it was when thèse phenomena
came home to the popular mind, and produced that
attitude of attention and preparedness on the part of
the whole of the population of this country which
qualified them to embrace in a manner foreign to their
habits in other times the vast importance of the Irish
controversy.'

Again, answering Mr. Gathorne-Hardy in the
House of Commons on April 3, 1868, he said :

'The right hon. gentleman says, "Why did you
not deal with the Irish Church in 1866, when you
asked for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ? "
My answer is, for a perfectly plain and simple reason.
In the first place, circumstances were not ripe then as
they are now. Circumstances, I repeat, were not ripe,
in so far as we did not then know so much as we know
now with respect to the intensity of Fenianisrn. '

But though Fenianisrn forced disestablishment and
land reform, the Fenians cared little either for the

60 CHARLES STEWAKT PARNELL [1873

Church or the land. Their movement was purely
political, and none of the leaders at that time saw any
advantage in associating a struggle for national free-
dom with an agitation for the redress of material
grievances. Accordingly, while the Constitutionalists
pushed forward their demands for Church and land
reform, the Fenians concentrated themselves on a
movement for the release of their comrades who had
been sent to pénal servitude in the years 1865, 1866,
and 1867.

In 1868 the first Amnesty Association was formed.
Isaac Butt became its président.

Butt was one of the most remarkable men who
hâve appeared in Irish politics during the past half-
century. Born at Glenfin, in the County Donegal, in
1813, he was educated at the Boyal School, Raphoe,
and entered Trinity Collège, Dublin (as a scholar) in
1832. He took his degree in 1835, became LL.B. in
1836, and M.A. and LL.D. in 1840. As one of the
founders and for a time editor of the Dublin ' Uni-
versity Magazine,' he showed the culture and literary
skill which always distinguished him. In 1836 he was
appointed Whately Professor of Political Economy at
Dublin University, and in 1838 he was called to the Bar.
In 1841 he gave up his professorship, and thenceforth
devoted himself absolutely to law and public affairs.
Chosen in 1840 by the Municipal Corporation of
Dublin — then a Tory stronghold — to défend their
privilèges before the House of Lords and to oppose
the Irish Municipal Reform Bill, he was, in récognition
of his able but unsuccessful efforts, elected an alder-
man of the Reformed Corporation. He now became
one of the leading champions of Conservatism in the
City, and was singled out to confront O'Connell in

.Et. 27] ISAAC BUTT 61

the famous three days' debate on Repeal, which took
place in the City Hall in February 1843.

In 1844 he was called to the Inner Bar, and in the
same year he founded the ' Protestant Guardian/ l which
became a leading Tory organ in the Press. But his
Toryism did not prevent him from defending the Young
Ireland leader, Gavan Duffy, in 1848, or indeed from
showing a gênerai appréciation of the Nationalist posi-
tion. He first entered Parliament in 1852 as the Tory
member for Harwich ; but in the gênerai élection of the
same year he was returned as a Libéral Conservative
for Youghal, which borough he continued to represent
until 1865.

In 1865, when the Fenian prisoners looked around
for leading counsel to défend them, they at once fixed
on Butt. He stood in the front rank of his profession,
he had been associated with the Young Ireland trials,
and his politics were nothing to men who despised
Whig and Tory alike. Butt flung himself zealously
into the cause of his clients. He practically gave up
ail other business at the Bar, and his advocacy of the
hopeless case of the rebels was among the most earnest
and brilliant of his forensic efforts. From 1865 to
1869 thèse Fenian trials dragged on, and towards the
end Butt became the friend as well as the advocate of
the prisoners. The purity of their intentions, the
uprightness of their aims, their courage, their honesty,
their self-sacrifice, produced a deep impression on the
generous and impulsive advocate, and made him feel
that there was something essentially rotten in the
State when such men were driven to such desperate
courses.

1 Àfterwards incorporated in the Wardcr, See article on ' Butt ' in
Dictionary of National Biography.

62 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1873

4 Mr. Gladstone,' he exclaimed, ' said that Fenian-
ism taught him the intensity of Irish disaffection. It
taught me more and better things. It taught me the
depth, the breadth, the sincerity of that love of father-
land that misgovernment had tortured into disaffection,
and misgovernment, driving men to despair, had ex-
aggerated into revoit/ And again he says : * The con-
viction forced itself upon everyone that the men whom
they saw meet their fate with heroism and dignity were
not a mère band of assassins actuated by base motives,
but real earnest patriots, moved by unselfish thoughts,
and risking ail in that which they believed to be their
country's cause. The lofty faith of their principles
and their cause which breathed through the words of
many of them as they braved the sentence which closed
upon them ail hope made it impossible for anyone to
doubt their sincerity — difficult even for those who
most disapproved of their enterprise to withhold from
them the tribute of compassion and respect/

Butt was not content with advocating the cause of
the Fenian prisoners when they stood in the dock.
He followed them to the prison cells, and finally led the
movement which was initiated towards the end of 1868
to obtain their release. One of the first of the great
amnesty meetings was held at Cabra, near Dublin, in
October 1868. Butt took the chair. It was an extra-
ordinary gathering. Quite 200,000 people were présent.
Butt himself describes the scène : ' Words of far more
power than any I can command would fail to give
expression to émotions I can but faintly recall, when I
stood in the présence of 200,000 human beings, and was
conscious that every eye in that vast assemblage was
turned upon me, and felt that every heart in that
mighty multitude — far, far beyond the limit to which

Mr. 27] AMNESTY 63

the human voice could reach — was throbbing with the
belief that I was giving utterance to the one thought
that was actuating ail. That scène was worth the
memories of a life. Into every human form in that
great multitude God had breathed the breath of life as
each of them became a living soûl. In the voice of
that multitude spoke the spirit which that breath had
sent into the heart of man. There was an awe and
solemnity in the présence of so many living soûls.
Dense masses of men, outnumbering the armies that
decided the fate of Europe on the field of Waterloo,
covered a space of ground upon the far-off verge of
which their forms were lost in distance. Around that
verge the gorgeous banners of a hundred trades'
unions, recalling to the mind the noblest glories of the
Italian free republics, glistened in the brightness of a
clear autumn sun. Words fail to describe — imagination
and memory fail in reproducing — the image of a scène
which, like recollections of Venice, is so différent from
ail the incidents of ordinary life that it seems like the
remembrance of a vision or a dream.'

Amnesty meetings were now held throughout the
country. Amnesty became a rallying cry. Constitu-
tional-Nationalists and Fenians stood shoulder to
shoulder on the amnesty platforms. No word was
now raised against the Fenians by any Home Euler ;
and even outside the Nationalist ranks altogether there
was a feeling of admiration and pity for the men who
had shown their readiness to sacrifice liberty and life
in the cause they held dearer than both. Many people
did not see that thèse amnesty meetings were making ail
the time for Home Eule. They were bringing ail Irish
Nationalists, constitutional and revolutionary, together.
They were inspiring Isaac Butt, they were inspiring

64 CHARLES STEWART PARXELL [1873

the whole country, with intense national feeling. The
farmers might be content with land reform ; the old
Catholic Whigs might be content with disestablish-
ment; but outside there was a new génération who
believed that ail would be lost if national freedom were
not gained. Accordingly, neither disestablishment nor
land reform checked for one moment the flowing
tide. Indeed, the first measure served only to accelerate
it by driving discontented Protestants into the National
ranks. The upshot was the establishment of the
* Home Government Association of Ireland.' l On
May 19, 1870, a remarkable gathering met at the
Bilton Hôtel, Dublin. There were Protestants and
Catholics, Tories and Libérais, Orangemen and
Fenians — ail corne together to protest against the
législative union with Great Britain.

Speaking, some years afterwards, to a Fenian
leader who was at this meeting, he said to me : * I went
under an assumed name to watch the proceedings.
The suppression of the rising in 1867 and the imprison-
ment of our people did not damp our énergies a bit.
We kept working away just the same as ever, with this
différence, that we had thousands of sympathisers in

1 To show the influence that Fenianism had gained in the country
the case of the Tipperary élection of November 1869 may be cited. The
Libéral candidate was Mr. Héron, a popular Catholic hamster. The
Fenians suddenly started in opposition a Fenian convict, O'Donovan
Bossa, who was actually undergoing his term of pénal servitude. Of
course he was an impossible candidate, and everyone knew it. But he
was started as a protest against Whiggery, to rally the Fenians. He
was elected, to the amazement of the loyaliste, by 1,311 votes to 1,028.
Of course the élection was declared void, and in January 1870 a new
élection took place. Mr. Héron stood again. There was a différence of
opinion now among the Fenians. Some said enough had been done for
honour in Bossa's candidature. Othera said * No ' ; and thèse latter put
up Kickham, who had just been liberated on aocount of serious illness.
However, Kickham declared he would never enter the English Parliament.
Nevertheless, the Fenians demanded a poil, with the resuit — Héron,
1,668 ; Kickham, 1,664.

Mt. 27] A FENIAN CENTRE 65

1870 who would not touch us at ail in 1865. In fact,
we had a stronger hold on the country after the rising
than we had before. We were anxious to follow the
new movement carefully. Even at that date the idea
of the "new departure" had occurred to some of us.
We felt that we might hâve a long time to wait before
we could put 20,000 or 30,000 men into the field to
fight England ; but we thought that by taking part in
every political or semi-political movement that was
going on we could exercise much influence, and mould
thèse movements to our own ends. An Irish Parlia-
ment was certainly the next best thing to absolute
séparation, and many of us would be quite content to
close the account with England on the basis of légis-
lative independence. But then we had to see that this
Parliament would not be a sham. If the Home Eule
movement were a genuine affair, we would help it ail
we could. But we had to take care it should be
genuine ; we had to take care that there should be no
backsliding on the part of the Parliamentarians. So I
went to watch and report. I gave the name of James
Martin, and I was greatly amused afterwards to find
myself figuring in A. M. Sullivan's book as "James
Martin, ,, J.P., ex-High Sheriff. I believe Martin, who
is an old Catholic Whig, was very indignant at finding
his name in such doubtful company. What would he
hâve said if he had known that it had been used as a
blind by a Fenian centre ? ' 1

The first resolution of the meeting— carried by
acclamation — was :

' That it is the opinion of this meeting that the true
remedy for the evils of Ireland is the establish-

1 Before the meeting at the Bilton Botel ( Mr. Martin ' met Butt at
the lodgings of another Fenian, when an understanding was arrived at

VOL. I. F

66 CHARLES BTEWART PAÎINELL [1878

ment of an Irish Parliament with full control
over our domestic affaira.'

The objects of the new association were then defined
specifically thus :

I. — This association is formed for the purpose of pbfcaining fpf
Ireland the right of self-gQvernment by raeans of a National
Parliament.

II. — It is hereby declared, as the essential principle of this
association, that the objects, and tpe only objects, contemplateç}
by its organisation are :

To obtain for our country the right and privilège of managing
our own affairs, by a Parliament assembled in Ireland, corn-
posed of her Majesty the Sovereign, and her successors, and
the Lords and Commons of Ireland ;
To secure for that Parliament, under a fédéral arrangement, the,
right of legislating for and regulating ail matters rsjating J>o
the internai affairs of Ireland, and control over Irish re-
sources and revenues, subject to the obligation of contributing
our just proportion of the Impérial expenditure ;
To leave to an Impérial Parliament the power of dealing with
ail questions affecting the Impérial Crown and Government,
législation regarding the Colonies and otber dependencies pf
the Crown, the relations of the United Empire with foreign
States, and ail matters appertaining to the defence and the
stability of the empire at large ;
To attain such an adjustment of the relations between the fcwo
countries, without any interférence with the prérogatives of
the Crown, or any disturbance of the principles of the
constitution.
III. — The association invites the co-operation of ail Irishmen
who axe willing to join in seeking for Ireland a fédéral arrangement
based upon thèse gênerai principles.

iy. — The association will en4eavour to forward |>he oj>ject it
has in view, by using ail legitimate means of influencing public
sentiment, both in Ireland and Great Britain, t>y tatinç ail
opportunities of instructing and informing public opinion, and by
seeking to unité Irishmen of ail creeds and classes in one nationa

that the Fenians would at least assume an attitude of beneyolent
neutrality towards the ' open movement.'

JSt. 27] HOME KULE LEAGUB 67

mpvejnent, in ftuppprt of the great national object hereby contem-
plât^.

V. — It is 4eclared to be an essçntial prinçiple of the association
that, while every member is understood by joining it to concur in
its gênerai object and plan of action, no pèrson so joining is com-
mitied to any political opinion, ezcept the advisability pf seeking
for Ireland tfce ajnount qf self-gpyernment contemplated in the
objects of the association.

ThuB was the Home Rule movement launched.
The words ' Home Eule ? were the invention of Butt.
He thought the old cry of * Repeal ' would frighten the
English ; but that the phrase ' Home Rule ' would com-
mend itself to everyone as reasonable and innocent.

The new movement was opposed by the orthodox
Libérais and the orthodox Tories ; by the ' Freeman's
Journal/ the most powerful newspaper in the country ;
and, more important than ail, by the Gathoiic Ghurch.
But it nevertheless grew and prospered. In 1871
came the first trial of strength. There were four by-
elections — Meath, West Meath, Galway (city), and
Limerick (city). Home Rulers were returned for ail:
John Martin for Meath, P. J. Smyth for West Meath,
Mi tchell -Henry for Galway, and Butt himself for
Limerick. In 1872 there were two more important
by-elections, Kerry and Galway (county). Home
Rulers were once more put forward for both, and were
returned — Mr. Blennerhassett for Kerry, and Colonel
Nolan for Galway.

Great préparations were now made for the General
Election, which it was felt would soon corne. In
November 1873 a Home Rule Conférence was held in
Dublin ; the name of the organisation was changed
from the ' Home Government Association ' to the
' Home Rule League.' The ' Freeman's Journal ' and
the Church gave in their adhésion to the movement ;

F 2

68 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1874

and further resolutions were passed defining the object
of the society. It was declared, among other things :

' That as the basis of the proceedings of this con-
férence we déclare our conviction that it is essentially
necessary to the peace and prosperity of Ireland that
the right of domestic législation on ail Trish affairs
should be restored to our country.

' That in accordance with ail ancient and constitu-
tional rights of the Irish nation we claim the privilège
of managing our own affairs by a Parliament as-
sembled in Ireland, composed of the Sovereign, the
Lords, and the Commons of Ireland.

' That in claiming thèse rights and privilèges for
our country we adopt the principle of fédéral arrange-
ment which would secure to the Irish Parliament the
right of legislating for and regulating ail matters re-
lating to the internai affairs of Ireland ; while leaving
the Impérial Parliament the power of dealing with ail
questions affecting the Impérial Crown and Govern-
ment, législation regarding the Colonies and other
dependencies of the Crown, the relations of the empire
with foreign States, and ail matters appertaining to
the defence and stability of the empire at large, as
well as the power of granting and providing the
supplies necessary for Impérial purposes.

' That such an arrangement does not involve any
change in the existing constitution of Impérial Parlia-
ment, or any interférence with the prérogatives of the
Crown, or disturbance of the principles of the con-
stitution.

' That to secure to the Irish people the advantages
of constitutional government it is essential that there
should be in Ireland an Administration of Irish affairs,
controlled according to constitutional principles by the

Mt. 28] THE GENERAL ELECTION, 74 69

Irish Parliament and conducted by the Ministers con-
stitutionally responsible to that Parliament. '

In February 1874 the General Election came like
a boit from the blue. The Home Eulers were taken
by surprise, but they rallied vigorously, and, to the
astonishment of everyone, carried over fifty-nine seats
ail told.

Four Fenians were subsequently returned.

The return of thèse Fenians was not pleasing to
the leaders of the I. E. B., who believed that an oath
of allegiance to the Queen (which every member of
Parliament was bound to take) was inconsistent with
the oath of allegiance to the Irish republic (which ail
those men had taken) ; but some of the rank and file
were not troubled by scruples about the double oath.
The Fenian members were, however, ail ultimately
expelled from the organisation by the chief executive
authority.

The General Election of 1874 was, then, a great
Home Kule victory. While it was pending Parnell
resolved to enter public life.

70 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1874

CHAPTEE IV

PUBLIC} LlfcE

One night dttring the General Election of 1874 Pamell
diried with his sister, Mrs; Dickinsûn, in Dublin.
Aftër ditllier Captadn Dickihsoh said : ' Wëll, Charlefe,
why don't you go into Parliamefct ? Why don't you
stand for your native county?' ïd the surprise of
everyône at the table, Parnell said quickly : ' I will.
Whom ought I to see ? * ' Oh ! ' said Difckinson, ' we
will see about that to-morrow. The great thing is you
have decided to stand/ ' I will see àbout it at once/
said Parnell. ' I have tnade up my mind, and I Won't
wait. Whom ought I to see 4 ?' 'I think Grajr, of
the " Freeman's Journal," ' said John, who was also
présent. 'Very well,' said Parnell, rising from the
table, ' I shall go to him at once. Do you corne with
me, John.' The two brothers then went away together.
It was now eleven o'clock, and they found Gray at
the ' Freeman's ' office. He was amazed when Parnell
entered and said : ' I have corne to say, Mr. Gray, that
I mean to stand for Wicklow as a Home Euler.'
Gray was much pleased with the intelligence, and he
and the two Parnells sat down to consider the situation.
• You know,' said Parnell, ' I am High Sheriff of the
county, but then I can be relieved from the office by
the Lord Lieutenant.' ' Then,' answered Gray, ' the

jEt. 28] WICKLOW ELECTION 71

first thing to do is to see the Lord Lieutenant. Seë
him in the monling, and if he releases yôu start at
once for Wicklow, and the Home Eule Leaguë will
send you ail the hèlp they can. We hâve alreàdy a
candidate in the field, Mr. O'Byrne/ Next day Paniëll
and John wëht to Dùbhn Castle and saw the Lord
Lieutenant. But his Excellency would not relievë
Parnell from his duty as Sheriff. 'Very well/ said
Pârnell, as he and John walked away from the Castle,
' but We shall ndt be batilked. You shall stand, John.
We shall start for Eathdrum this evening, arid begiii
the campaign at once.' Having advised the Home
Bule League of their intefationsj they proceeded thàt
etening to Eathdrum. The news ôf John's candida-
ture had travelled before them, and a crowd was
collected at the village to givè thetn à hearty récep-
tion. ' Chàrlië/ sàys John, ' rdounted a cart or a barrel
and made a speech. He was not much of a speaket
then* but he said things which caught on. I Was
rather surprised at his trying to speak at ail. But
he knew what td say; thbugh he said little* and they
cheered him. It struck me at the time that what he
said was rather wild, ànd on the way to Àvondale I
said to him: "You know you ought not to make
sjteeches, you dught not to interfère at ail. You will
get into troublé." "What can they do to me?" he
asked. " Tuin you out of the office of Sheriff, for one
thing/ ' I replied. " What I want," said he, smiling.
However, he finally agreed ndt to interfère agàin, and
to act properly as Sheriff, and this he did. Well, the
élection came off, and I wds left at the bottom of the
poil/ ■

But the Wicklow élection was prfccticalty the

1 Afr. 0. Bjrrtle (H.B.) and Mr. Diok (Libéral) tère elebied.

72 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1874

beginning of Parneirs public career. He was now
bent on plunging headlong into politics at the first
opportunity.

The opportunity soon came. Colonel Taylor, one
of the rnembers for Dublin County, had become Chan-
cellor of the Duchy in Mr. Disraeli's Ministry, and
had to seek re-election on his appointment to office.
The Home Rule League, of which Parnell was now
a member, resolved to contest the seat. It would,
they knew, be a hopeless battle. Still they felt that
the contest would rally the Home Eulers of the county,
and be an incentive to action as well as a test of
strength. But who would enter the list for this
desperate conflict? A strong candidate, a candidate
of means, was essential. Parnell offered to jump into
the breach. But his offer was not quite regarded with
satisfaction. He was a landlord and a Protestant, and
he came of a good old stock ; in addition, he would be
able to pay his own élection expenses. Thèse things
were in his favour. But would he in other respects
make a good candidate? Personally he was hardly
known to the council of the League. A few Home
Eulers had, indeed, met him. But they had formed an
unfavourable opinion of him. He was at this time a
tall, thin, handsome, délicate, young fellow ; very diffi-
dent, very réticent, utterly ignorant of political affairs,
and apparently without any political faculty. His
whole stock of information about Ireland was limited
to the history of the Manchester martyrs. He could
talk of them, but he could not talk of anything else.
Still, it must be allowed that even this limited know-
ledge helped him. ' Did Parnell/ I asked one who was
familiar with Irish politics, 'ever meet any Fenians
about this time ? ' ' Yes/ was the answer, ' I some-

^t. 28] DUBLIN ELECTION 73

times saw him with . They used to talk about

the amnesty movement, so far as Parnell ever talked
at ail, but he was a better listener than a talker. He
knew nothing about Home Kule, but he was interested
in Fenianism. For that matter,' my friend added,
'so was Butt. Butt often said to me at the begin-
ning of the movement that the Fenians were the best
men in Irish politics.' Fenianism and Home Bule
were certainly a good deal mixed up ; and at a dinner
party at Butt's, when the question of the Wicklow

candidature was practically decided, was présent

and supported Parnell, though a leading Constitutional-
Nationalist said 'he would ne ver do.' Butt himself
was favourable to Parnell.

One morning about this time I called on Butt at his
résidence in Henrietta Street, Dublin. He came into
the library in his usual génial radiant way, looking well
pleased and in excellent humour. Without any formai
words he rushed up to me and said : ' My dear boy, we
hâve got a splendid recruit, an historié name, my friend,
young Parnell, of Wicklow ; and unless I am mistaken,
the Saxon will find him an ugly customer, though he is
a good-looking fellow.' But the council of the Home
Bule League had yet to pronounce judgment. When
the question came forrnally before them there was
much misgiving. ' Will he go straight ? ' one of the
members asked. ' If he gives his word,' said the '48
vétéran, John Martin, 'I will trust him. I would
trust any of the Parnells.' ' Still,' says Mr. A. M.
Sullivan, who was présent, ' there was hesitancy, and
eventually we said, "Let us see him." The gênerai
council adjourned for the purpose, and on re-assem-
bling I saw Mr. C. S. Parnell for the first time. I do
not Wish to prétend that I possessed any marvellous

74 CHARLES STEWARt PÀRNELL [1874

power of divination, btit when thfe young néophyte
had fretifrëd I riot only joined John Martin irl espousin&
hië catise, but undettook icf inoTe hi8 addption tot a
public meëtihg which it waà dëcidfed tô hdld in thé
Rdtttnda.'

Àt thls public meeting farfaell màdfe his début.
Mr. Sullivah dëscribes thé scène. « Thfe resolution
which I had iftoved in his favour hatihg bfeén âdopted
With acclamation, he caihë forward to àddress the
àssëihblàge; Tô ouf disinay, he brbke dottai uttërly.
Hé fàlterëd, he paused, went dii, gdt confused, and, pale
With intense but subdued herVôUs àniiëty, catised every-
ôîie to feel deep s^mpathy fdr him. Thë audience 6aw
it ail, and cheered him kindly atid heartiiy ; but many
on the platform shook their hëads, sagely prophesjring
that if ever he got to Wefttîninster, nô matter how
long he fctayëd thëre; he Would eithef bë a "silent
meIhber ,, ot be khown as " single-speeëh Pahiell." '
* What waâ thought of Pàrhëll at that time,' I àsked
dnotheir p'rominent Nationalisa • Well,' he answered,
' we thought him a riice gefatlemahly fellow who would
be an orhaineht but tib use/ ' I flrst met Parnell,' said
Mr. T. W. Eussell, ' in 1874, whën he was standing
fdr Dublin. I wàs thëh sttuck by What I thought his
extraotdiharjr politicàl ignoratlcè and incapacity. He
khew nothingi and I thought he Would tiever do any-
thing. I iritervieWed him on behalf of the Tempérance
people. He pfoinisfed to vote fot the Sunday Closing
Bill; and he kept his Wdrd. I fotmd him very straight
ih what I had to do Witfa hiin.'

1 1 met ParnelV says Mr. O'Cdnnor Power, ' in 1874,
the time of the Dublin élection. He seemed td me a
nice gfentlemtoly fellbw, but he was hofcelessljr igild-
ratit, and seemed to iné to haVë nd politieal fcagafcity

Mr. 28] AN UNPKOMISING CANDIDATE 75

whatever. He could not spèàk àt ail. He \fras hafdly
able to get up and say, " Gentlemen, I am a candidate
for the représentation of the county of Dublin." We
Ail listened to him with pain while he was on his legs*
and felt immensely relieved when he sat down. No
onfc ever thought he would eut a figure in politics. Wei
thought he would be a respectable mediocrity.' So
much for early proniises.

On March 7 Parnell issued his address td the
electdrs of thé county of Dublin, and on March 9 the
parish priest of Bathdrum wrote supporting his can-
didature, saying : * His coolness, sound judgmentj great
prudence and modération, as well as eapàcity as a
practicfcl man, will be a greàt acquisition tô thé
National Party should he be retumed for the edunty
of Dubliii.'

A few days later the Tories circttlated a tepori
that Patnell had treated some of his tenants with
harshuess.

' It hds been sought,' Parnell said in si public lettfet
dealing with the inatterj ' to côtinect the with some
diffetence betweèn Mr. Henry Patnell and his tehaiits.
In reply to this trândpaï-èflt electioneerihg ttick, î iti
the most èmphatic màtlîier publicly déclare thdt î
was in no way, diteetfy ot indirectly, conhected With
or mixed up in any iriaiiner with the sàid disptttë,
nor could I iri âfay ^ày côtittol or influente thè
mat ter.'

As John had been left at the bottom of the pdll in
the Wicklow élection, so Charles ^as left at the bottom
of thfei poil iù the Dttbliti; 1

1 Parnell received 3002. from the Home Rule League to contest this
élection. When the élection was oyer he handed back the 3002. to the
Lekfcdë. The contesi cosi Ëiin 2,tXMH.

76 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1875

* I well remember,' said one of the retainers of the
Parnell family at Avondale, 'the day Master Charlie
came home when he was beaten at the Dublin élection.
He walked up hère, looking so handsome and grand
and devil-may-care. "Well, boys," he said, "I am
beaten, but they are not done with me yet." The
driver, sir, who brought him home said to us after-
wards, " That's a regular devil. He talked ail the way
about fighting again and smashing them ail, and he
looked wild and fierce." And, sir, Master Charles
was a regular devil when his blood was up, and no
mistake.'

Parnell now resumed once more his quiet life at
Avondale, attending to his mines, his sawmills, and
his other country avocations, and so he remained for
a twelvemonth. Then an event occurred which drew
him from his retreat.

John Mitchell returned to Ireland. He had been
sentenced to fourteen years' transportation in 1848 for
treason-felony. In 1850 he escaped from Tasmania,
and fled to the United States. There he remained
for twenty-four years. Just about the time of his
arrivai in Ireland in February 1875 a vacancy occurred
in the représentation of Tipperary. The Nationalists
resolved to nominate Mitchell, and he was elected
without opposition. The House of Commons quashed
the return on the ground that Mitchell was a félon
who had neither received a free pardon nor purged his
crime by serving the term of his imprisonment. A
new writ was accordingly issued in March 1875. But
the Nationalists resolved to defy the House of Commons,
and to nominate Mitchell again. In this crisis Parnell
reappeared.

Writing to the ' Freeman's Journal,' and inclosing

JEt. 29] MEATII ELECTION 77

a chèque for 25/. towards Mitchell's expenses, he said
he hoped that Mitchell would again be returned for
Tipperary, and that the * party vote of the House of
Commons ' would be thus ' reversed,' adding, ' Let the
légal question be fought out calmly and fairly after-
wards.'

The second Tipperary élection took place on March
11. Mitchell was opposed by a Tory, but was returned
by an overwhelming majority. He, however, never
took his seat. A few days afterwards he fell seriously
ill, and died in his native town, Newry, on March 20.
Nine days later his old friend and comrade, John
Martin, passed away, and a vacancy was thus created
in the représentation of County Meath. Parnell, who
was now a member of the council of the Home Eule
League, was put up by the Nationalists.

A short time prior to the élection Sir Gavan DuflFy
arrived in Europe from Victoria. He had scarcely
landed at Brindisi when he received the following tele-
gram from an old friend, Father Peter O'Keilly :

' John Martin dead, telegraph will you stand for
Meath. At a conférence in Kells on Monday twenty-
four priests présent, much enthusiasm, the bishop not
disapproving. Corne home, success certain.'

This telegram was followed by another, purporting
to be signed by William Dillon, the son of John Blake
Dillon, one of Duffy's colleagues in the '48 move-
ment :

1 John Martin dead. Parnell, candidate of Home
Eule League, would probably retire if you join League
and stand. Wire reply. Wm, Dillon, 15 Nassau Street,
Dublin/

78 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1875

This telegram was a forgery. It was never signed
by Mr. William Dillon, nor in any way authorised by
him. But Sir Gavan Duffy naturally believed it to be
genuine, and sent the following reply :

' Thanks. I do not seek a constituency, but I am
a rppealer, as I frave been alj my Ufe, and if Meath
elept me I will do my best in concert with the Irish
members to serve the Irish cause. Should the con-
stituency be dissatisfied with me at any time I will
resign. But if it be made a condition that I shall join
the Jjeague and adopt its novel formula instead of the
pri|iqiples held by me in common with O'Connell,
Q'Brien, Davis, Dillon, Dr. Maginn, Meaghej:, and ail
tjie Nationalists in my time, that I cannot do.'

This telegram was read immediately to the Home
Bule League. A rumour was spread that Duffy meant
to repudiate the League, and to destroy it ; and in
order to avoid a split in the Nationalist ranks, his
friends in Meath did not press his candidature.

Parnell, however, was opposed by a Tory and by
an Independent Home Buler. But in April 1875 he
was placed at the head of the poil, amid a storm of
popular enthusiasm. ' There was tremendous rejoicing
in Boy al Meath,' says a contemporary wri^er, ' oyer the
victory. Enthusiastip crowds assembled in thoijsands
to give vent to a common feeling of delight. Bonnes
blazed in many quarters ; and the populace of Trim,
in which town the déclaration of the poil had been
made, having digpovergd Mr. Parnell walking down
from the parqchial house to his hôtel, laid lovingly
violent hands on him, carried him in triumph round
their own spécial bonfire in the Market Square, and

Mx. 29] MBATH ELECTION 78

finally set him standing on a cask,' where he said a
few words of thanks for his return and of congratu-
lation for the Nationalist victory. The hour of the
future leader had at length corne. 1

1 Sir Gavan Duffy objected to Butt's Home Rule plan as a retreat
from the historical position taken up by O'Connell and the Young
Irelanders, and complained that the policy of independent opposition,
initiated by him and the Tenant Right Leaguers of 1852, was not carried
out. * I strove,' says Sir Oavàh Daily, ' to familiarise the people with
the policy by which alone the cause might be carried to success — the
policy of independent oppositjpn ; a pp)icy which meant union with no
English party, and hostility to none which was prepared to advance our
cause.' — North and South.

80 CHARLES SÏEWART PARNELL [1876

CHAPTEK V

IN PAELIAMENT

Parnell took his seat in the House of Commons on
April 22, 1875. He was introduced by Captain Nolan,
member for Galway, and Mr. Ennis, senior member
for Meath.

There were at this time, as we hâve seen, fifty-nine
Home Rulers. The parliamentary attitude of the
great majority of thèse may be described as active
rather than agressive . Butt hiniself was a model of
courtesy and modération. He tried rather to win
English sympathy than force English opinion. He
addressed the House as he would address a jury. He
sought to persuade, conciliate, humour, never saying
or doing aught to shock the susceptibilities of his
audience. He argued, he appealed, he based his case
on facts and reason, he relied on the justice and fair-
ness of England. He respected English sentiment,
and hoped by modération and friendliness to remove
English préjudice. He scrupulously observed parlia-
mentary forms, and conscientiously kept the law of the
land. He was, indeed, a perfect type of the consti-
tutional agitator, seeking by légal methods to change
the law, but doing no violence to it. ' The House of
Commons/ said the late Mr. Henry Richards, ' is like
the kingdom of Heaven in one respect, though it is

yEr. 29] JOSEPH BIGGAR 81

very unlike it in other respects ; but it is like it in this,
it suffereth violence and the violent take it by force.'
Thèse, however, were not the views of Isaac Butt. ' I
am not,' he once said, ' in favour of a policy of
exaspération.' The House cheered the sentiment ; and
for the rest treated Butt with gentle contempt. There
was at this time a member of the Irish party who did
not sympathise with the tactics of his leader. He
believed in a policy of blood and iron. 'Ail non-
sense, sir,' he would say, 'the way Butt goes on.
He thinks he will get something out of the English by
rubbing them down. Nonsense; rub them up, sir,
that's the thing to do ; rub them up. Make them
uncomfortable. That's the right policy.' This amiable
individual was Joseph Gillis Biggar.

Biggar was a wealthy Ulster merchant and a
member of the suprême council of the I. B. B. He
came to the British Parliament practically to see how
much mischief he could do to the British Empire.
He had no respect for the House of Commons; he
had no respect for any English institution. Of course
he had no oratorical faculty, no literary gifts ; indeed,
he could hardly speak three consécutive sentences.
He had little political knowledge, he despised books
and the readers of books; but he was shrewd and
businesslike, without manners and without fear. He
regarded parliamentary rules as ail 'rot,' delighted
in shocking the House, and gloried in causing gênerai
confusion. He had but two ideas — to rasp the House
of Commons, and make himself thoroughly hated by
the British public. It must be confessed that in thèse
respects he succeeded to his heart's content.

Curiously enough, the very day on which Parnell
took his seat Biggar made his first formidable essay in

VOL. I. G

82 CHARLES 8TEWART PARNELL [1875

parliamentary debate. A Coercion Bill was under con-
sidération. It had just reached the committee stage.
Biggar rose to move an amendaient. It would be
absurd to say that he made a speech. But he was on
his feet for four hours by the clock.

'We shall not,' wrote the ' Times,' in commenting
on this performance, ' àttempt to inflict on our readers
a réchauffé of Mr. Biggar's address, and as it was,
indeed, to a large extent inaudible, it must be lost to
the world, unless it be printed in sottie Dublin news-
paper.'

But Biggar's speech is not 'lost to the world.'
It is enshrined in the pages of ' Hansard ' to the
extent of seven columns, and has gained a good
deal — as many another address has gained— at the
hands of a friendly reporter. But as a tnatter of
fact the oration was mainly inaudible and wholly
irrelevant.

Drawing at the start upon his internai resottrces»
but flnding that they did not carry him very far, thè
mfember for Cavan literally took away the breath of
the House by phlnging into Blue Books, newspapers,
and strewing disjecta membra over his discourse. There
is much unconscious humour in ' Hansard's ' account
of this part of the performance :

4 The hon. member then read, in a manner which
made it impossible to follow the application, long
extracts from reports and évidence of the West Mfeath
Commission, and from the Catholic newspapers ôf
Ireland, and from statements and résolutions of various
public bodies and meetings. The gênerai purport
appeared to be to denounce the necessity for any
exceptional législation in regard to Irëland, to assert
the gênerai tranquillity and good order of the country,

Mt. 29] BIGGAR'S SPEECH 83

and the absence of Bibbonism, and to protest agaihst
the invasion of the liberties of the people.'

Having inflicted thèse documents on the Hotlse
until the assembly groaned under their weight, Biggar
once more varied the entertainment by falling back on
original resources, jerking out a number of incohérent
and irrelevant sentences, but still keeping on the eVen
ténor of his way with imperturbable cahuness and
resolution. The more the House groaned, thé more
delighted was the orator. He was sparirig, however,
of original matter, and soon took refuge iri literattire
again. This time, to show the variety of his knowledge,
he abandoned the Blue Books and the public Press,
and gave the House a touch of the ' statutes at large.'

' The hon. member/ says the dignified c Hansard/
' who was almost inaudible, was understood to recapitu-
late Borne of the arbitrary enactments of older statutes,
and to point out that they were in substance or effect
re-enacted in the various Arms Acts ànd Peace Préser-
vation Àcts of the présent reign/

Having completely overwhelmed the House with
this légal lore, Biggar agàin dropped into a lighter
vein, atld treated his listeners once more to some
original observations. Thé House was now almost
enipty ; ahd an hon. metnber called attention to the
fact that 'forty members were not présent/ Biggat
imtliédiately resumed his seat, beaming benevolently
— for be it known thât Biggar was one of the most
beneVôlent-looking men in the Hotise, atid his face
was altnost one perpétuai smile — and observitlg to an
Irish member by his side, ' I am not half done yet.'
The House soon filled, and Biggar agaiti rose. Hé had
now corne absolutely to ah end of ail original ideas ;
he had exhausted his knowledge #f the stàtùtëë, fatit

a 2

84 CHARLES STEWART PARXELL [1875

the Blue Books were still before him. 'The hon.
member/ says ' Hansard/ with delightful gravity,
' proceeded to read extracts from the évidence before
the West Meath Commission — as was understood —
but in a manner which rendered him totally unin-
telligible/ The Speaker at length interposed, saying
that the rules of the House required that an hon.
member should address himself to the Chair, and that
this rule the hon. member was at présent neglecting.
This was the crisis ; but Biggar was equal to it.
He expressed great regret that he had not observed
the rule in question, but said the fact was that feeling
fatigued after speaking so long, and being so far away
from the Chair, he could not make himself heard.
This state of things, however, could be easily remedied,
and he would, therefore, with the permission of the
House, take up a more f avourable position. Accordingly,
leaving his place behind the gangway, he marched right
up to the Treasury Bench, taking with him Blue Books,
Acts of Parliament, newspapers, and in fact a perfect
library of materials, from which, to quote once more
the decorous 'Hansard/ 'he continued to read long
extracts with comments/ But the longest day must
hâve an end, and even Biggar at length released the
House from bondage, and sank complacently into the
nearest seat.

'If Mr. Biggar/ said the 'Times/ 'had devoted
but one hour out of his four to the resolution upon
which he was nominally speaking, he might hâve said
Bomething effective/ But it was not Biggar's intention
to say anything effective. He wanted to do something
offensive, and he did. He proved that one member
could stop the business of the House for four hours,
and make its proceedings absolutely ridiculous. The

.Et. 29] AN APT PUPIL 85

lesson was not lost on Parnell, who sat calmly by and
watched the performance with interest and amuse-
ment. Four days later he himself took part in the
discussion, and made his maiden speech. It was short,
modest, spoken in a thin voice and with manifest
nervousness. However, he got out what he wanted to
say, and what he said, briefly and even spasmodically,
was the kernel of the whole matter. * I trust/ he said,
' that England will give to Irishmen the right which
they claim— the right of self-government. Why should
Ireland be treated as a geographical fragment of
England, as I heard an ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer
call her some time ago ? Ireland is not a geographical
fragment. She is a nation.'

The year 1875 passed quietly away in Parliament and
in Ireland. Parnell remained chiefly a calm spectator
of the proceedings of the House of Commons, watching,
learning, biding his time. He was ignorant of public
affairs, and he read no books. But he was not ashamed
to ask for information, and to pick up knowledge in that
way. 'How do you get materials,' he asked one of
the Irish members, ' for questioning the Ministers ? '
* Why/ said his friend, smiling at the simplicity of the
novice, * from the newspapers, from our constituents,
from many sources/ 'Ah/ said Parnell, 'I must try
and ask a question myself some day.'

With his eminently practical turn of mind he soon
saw that it was absolutely necessary, for the purpose
of parliamentary warf are, to obtain a complète mastery
of the rules of debate. But he did not, as some
suppose, read up the subject laboriously. He never
did anything laboriously. What he knew, he knew
intuitively, or learned by some easy method of his own
devising. Books he avoided. 'How am I to learn

86 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1875

the raies of the House ? ' a young Irish member asked
him in after years. 'By breaking them,' was the
answer. ' Tbat's what I did.' It was true enough.
Parnell learned the rules of debate by breaking them
himself, or by seeing others break them. But he was
very quiet, very unobtrusive, very diffident, during
the session of 1875. He came, he saw, and was for
the time content. He did not, however, altogetber
remain a silent member. He asked some questions ;
he made some speeches, short, sharp, and to the
point.

Before the session closed he had formed his owxi
views of the J3ouse of Gommons and of the position
of Irishmen in it ; and he gave expression to thèse
views during the recess in two brief and pithy sentences.
Speaking at Navan on October 7, he said : ' We do not
want speakers in the House of Commons, but men
who will vote right.' Ten days later he said, at a
meeting at Nobber : ' The Irish people should watch
the conduct of their représentatives in the House of
Commons.' Thèse sentences summed up the Parnell
gospel : a vigilant public opinion outside, and practical
rather than talking members inside Parliament. From
the beginning to the end Parnell disliked speechifying.
The process was absolutely painful to him. Talking
was sometimes necessary to get things done (or to pre-
vent their being done), and he was forced to put up
with it. But he took no pleasure in oratory, and had
not the least ambition to become a great public speaker.
The only occasion on which he made or listened to
speeches with any degree of satisfaction was when
talking obstructed the business of the House. Piggar
was, perhaps, his idéal of a useful public speaker — a
mau who was silent when business had to be done, but

Mt. 29] .' THE TIMES ' ON IRELAND 87

who could hold the floor for four hours at a ptretch
when business had to be prevented.

Parnell from the outset seems to hâve thought that
the atmosphère of the House of Commons was fatal to
Irish activity, and that a healthy and vigorous public
opinion in the country was absolutely neoessary to save
the Irish représentation from inertia and collapse. He
did nothing during the session of 1876 which fixed the
public attention on him; but it is abundantly clear
that even then he had resolved on his Une, and that he
only waited the opportunity to take it. His faith was
not in mère Parliamentarians, but in forces outside,
stronger than Parliamentarianism, which he deter-
mined to influence, and by whose help he hoped to
dominate the parliainentary army. From the moment
he first thought seriously of politics he saw, as if by
instinct, that Fenianism was the key of Irish Nation-
ality ; and if he could or would not hâve the key in his
hand, he was certainly resolved never to let it out of
his sight. We shall therefore see him as the years
roll by standing on the verge of treason-felony, but
with marvellous dexterity always preventing himself
from slipping over. Perhaps this was the secret of his
power. But the year 1875 ended without that power
being revealed, or, indeed, even dreamt of. No one
saw into the future. On the surface Ireland was tran-
quil ; there seemed no signs of coming storm in any
part of the political horizon ; ail was apparently quiet,
peaceful, prosperous. The Dublin correspondent of
the ' Times ' summed up the situation thus : ' The
présent circumstances of Ireland may be briefly summed
up in the statement that at no period of her history did
she appear more tranquil, more free from serious crime,
more prosperous and contented. But few of the dis-

88 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1875

quieting éléments of former times are now at work.
Political excitement has ail but died out with Mitchell
and Martin, whose last effort to revive it exhausted its
impotent fury. There is no longer the agitation which
convulsed the country in days gone by. Home Rule
still keeps a little cauldron simmering, but there is no
fear that it mil ever become formidable ; for, though
there is no want of a Hécate to practise the old spells,
they hâve lost their power over the people. An organised
attempt is made to fan into a gênerai flame the dis-
satisfaction which is felt in some parts of the country
with the working of the Land Act ; but its success has
hitherto been slight, and confined to certain localities.
The relations between landlord and tenant continue to
be generally friendly, and both parties are, with some re-
markable exceptions, adapting themselves with prudence
and good feeling to the change conséquent upon the appli-
cation of a new law. In the north a determined struggle
is made to obtain a larger concession of tenant-right than
the Act has given, and in the other provinces corre-
sponding advantages are sought ; but the tenants whom
it is sought to arouse and combine in gênerai action
are giving but a faint response to the call of their
leaders. The truth is that it is by no means so easy
as it was formerly to make them discontented, and they
are unwilling to be drawn away from more profitable
pursuits to engage in an agitation which offers but little
chance of success.'

Thèse were strange words, written on the eve of a
great convulsion.

iET. 29] 89

CHAPTEK VI

GATHERING CLOUDS

1t is unnecessary to say that the opening of the year
1876 found ail England united against the Irish
Nationalist demand. The Tories were in power. Mr.
Disraeli was Prime Minister, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach
was Chief Secretary for Ireland.

Mr. Gladstone had retired f rom the leadership of the
Libéral party, and Lord Hartington had taken his place.
Differing on almost ail other points, Libérais and Tories
were united in their hostility to Home Eule. The fact
that nearly sixty Irish members had been returned
pledged to the question made no impression on the
House of Commons. The great majority of thèse
members were moderate, respectable men, anxious to
conciliate English opinion, careful not to wound
English sentiment. I hâve said that Butt was a
perfect type of a constitutional agitator. The Irish
party was a perfect type of a constitutional party. But
it was laughed at and despised by the House of Com-
mons. Home Rule was regarded as a suprême joke ;
the Home Bulers were looked upon as a collection of
foolish but harmless ' gentlemen from Ireland.' Biggar
alone stood out in bold relief from the whole crowd,
and his efforts to seize every opportunity for outraging
English opinion not only made him hateful to the

90 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1876

English members, but even brought him under the
displeasure of the majority of his own party.

'Whigs, sir, Whigs, every one of them,' he said,
speaking of his colleagues in moments of relaxation.
No Irish Nationalist, be it said, can apply a more
opprobrious epithet to another than to call him a
Whig. To call him a Tory would be almost praise in
comparison. In Ireland the Tory is regarded as an
open enemy ; the Whig as a treacherous friend. It
is the Whigs, not the Tories, who hâve habitually
sapped the integrity of the Irish représentation. So at
least the Irish think, and in 1876 there was a growing
suspicion in the country that the Irish party was
gliding into Whiggery. Indeed, the Irish members
themselves used sometimes to twit each other on the
subject. 'You know you are a Whig,' I heard one
Irish member say to another in the lobby in 1876.
' To be sure I am,' said S., ' and you are a Whig, and
your father was a Whig, and Butt is a Whig, and
Sullivan is a Whig, and Mitchell Henry is a Whig — we
are ail Whigs.' Poor S. was naked but not asbamed ;
he had indeed been the most orthodox of Whigs ail his
life, until 1874, when the flowing tide swept him into
Home Eule. The Irish parliamentary party was not,
however, as a whole a party of Whigs. There were no
doubt Whigs in its ranks, men who had been f orced by
their constituents to take the Home Eule pledge, but
who did not believe in it. The majority of the party,
howpver, were true Nationalists, albeit sincerely con-
stitutional agitators. ' We sh&ll fight JSngland/ one of
them said, ' not with ballets, but with ballot-boxes ' ;
an4 this was pr$ctically the creed of the whole body.
They believed that the House pf Commons could be
couvipced by reason and modération, that the battle

Mx. 30] THE SESSION OF 1876 91

could be fought within the lines of the constitution
and in accordance with the usages which obtain in a
socie^y of gentlemen. 'I think,' said one of them,
animadverting on Biggar's activity, ' that a man should
be a gentleman first and a patriot afterwards/ and the
sentiment was cheered by Irish members. They did
not think that the House of Commons would ? suffer
violence,' and they certainly had not the most remote
notion of ' taking it by force/ If a body of Irishmen
bent on constitutional agitation pure and simple, eager
to cultivate friendly relations with Englishmen, and
desirous of treating opponents with the courtesy and
respect which they expected fpr themselves, could hâve
made way in the English Parliament, then the foljowers
of Butt ought to haye succeeded. But they did not
succeed. They made no way whatever. They pot
only failed in pushing Home Bule to the front, but
they failed in pushing any Irish question to the front,
though their attention was given to every Irish ques-
tion. They were vpted down by ' brutafinajorities ' or
out-manœuvred by skilful parliamentary tacticians, and
thus ^heiir efforts were unayailing.

On the opening of the Session of 1876 the Irish
^embprs mustered in full strengf;h, an4 nofiipes yeie
given of a goodly array of Bills. The Land question
and Education question were taken in hand- lyfeasures
were announced for dealing with the subjects of
Union Eating, Electoral Counjby Boards, Ppep-sea
Fishing, Eeclamation qi Waste Lands, Grand Jury
Befprtn, Municipal Bpform, farliamentary Jîefojrji}.
But none of the Irish Bills found their way to the
Statute Book.

Butt's Land Bill, a very moderate measure indeed
compared with récent enactments, was rejected by au

92 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1876

overwhelming majority, 290 to 56 votes. 1 The House
of Commons considered that the Land question had
been settled in 1870, and that it was simply an imperti-
nence to revive it. The Irish were not to hâve a
Parliament of their own, and the English Parliament
did not think it worth while to consider seriously an
Irish demand which went to the very root of the well-
being of the people. Such was the sagacious attitude of
British statesmanship towards Ireland in the year 1876.
Biggar, be it said, ' thoroughly disapproved of the
tactics of the Irish parliamentary party. He looked on
the introduction of ail thèse Bills as "mère moon-
8hine. ,, ' 'What's the good?' he would say. 'We
can't get them through, we know we can't get them
through. The English stop our Bills. Why don't we
stop their Bills ? That's the thing to do. No Irish
Bills ; but stop English Bills. No législation ; that's
the policy, sir, that's the policy. Butt's a fool, too

1 The Land Act of 1870, it inay be said, provided that tenants
should, on éviction, receive compensation for improvements, and in
certain cases for disturbance. That Act had not worked well, and Butt
now proposed to amend it. ' I propose,' he said, in introducing his Bill,
4 that every tenant shall hâve permission to claim from the chairman of
his county the benefit of his improvements, and if he does that I propose
that a certificate shall be given him protecting him against éviction
by his landlord. That will in point of time establish a perpetuity of
tenure. The great difficulty in anything of this kind is to get a tribunal
which will fairly value the land. I confess that it is a difficulty which
I hâve found very hard to meet. This idea of a valued rent seems to be
getting largely hold of some of the landlords, and I see that some of
them suggest the valuation should be fixed by a Government valuer.
There are, I admit, some attractions in that proposai. Another sugges-
tion is that the appointaient of the arbitrators should be vested in three
Privy Councillors, and some time ago I proposed that the judges of
assize should appoint them. It is, however, the most difficult thing in
the world to find a tribunal to which you can entrust this task. I
therefore propose, by this Bill, that the landlord and tenant should each
sélect one arbitrator, and the two arbitrators thus appointed shall agrée
on a third. In cases wherc the landlord should not appear I suggest
that the rent should be assessed by a jury, composed of three spécial
and three common juron.'

JEt. 30] JOSEPn RONAYNE 93

gentlemanly ; we're ail too gentlemanly. , There was
at this time an Irish member who shared Biggar's
views, or perhaps it might be more accurate to say that
Biggar shared his views. Any way they thought alike
on the subject of parliamentary tactics. This member
was Joseph Eonayne.

Eonayne had been a Young Irelander, and had sat
for the city of Cork since 1872. He was a shrewd,
business-like man, of quiet and retiring manners.
Unwilling to take a prominent part in debate, he was
helpful and earnest in council, always advising ener-
getic action, but, as he would say, too old — he was only
fifty-four — to put his views into practice. After three
years' expérience in the House of Commons he came to
the conclusion that Irish business could never be done
by the adoption of Butt's conciliatory tactics. ' We
will never,' he urged in 1874, ' make any impression on
the House until we interfère in English business. At
présent Englishmen manage their own affairs in their
own way without any interférence from us. Then,
when we want to get our business through, they stop
us. We ought to show them that two can play at
this game of obstruction. Let us interfère in English
législation ; let us show them that if we are not strong
enough to get our own work done, we are strong enough
to prevent them from getting theirs.'

But, with a single exception, the Irish party were
at this time unwilling to take Bonayne's advice. Butt
would not listen to it. He thought such tactics would
be undignified, useless, mischievous. Bonayne did not
press the point, but he would say to the younger men
of the party : ' Well, it is for you to do the work. I
am too old. But Englishmen will never pay attention
to you until you make yourselves a nuisance to them.'

94 CHARLES 8TEWART PARNELL [1Ô76

' Eonayne is quite right/ Biggar would say. ' We'll
never do any good until we take an intelligent interest
in English affairs.' As Biggar preached, so he practised
to the best of his abilities.

Parnell had heard of Bonayne's advice. He had
seen Biggar at work. He knew that Butt objected to
obstruction. But, without a moment's hésitation, he
backed Bonayne's words and Biggar's deeds. It was
one of the characteristics of this remarkable man that
he never seemed to be taken unawares. If you sug-
gested what you conceived to be a new idea, you found
that apparently it was an old idea with him. ' Yes,'
he would say to you, as you came up brimful of
brilliant thoughts, ' I hâve thought that ovet.' This
would, perhaps, hâve been unpleasant coming from
another man, as it would in a sensé take away the
crédit of the initiative from you — and we are ail very
vain— but it was never unpleasant coming from Parnell.
After talking the matter over with him, he sent you
away with the two-fold feeling: (1) that it was im-
possible to anticipate him in anything ; (2) that you
had done good service in bringing the subject under
his notice, as the resuit might be to quicken his
thoughts into action. He never wearied of impressing
inen with a sensé of their usefulness, though you
never spoke to him without feeling his absolute
8uperiority as a political leader. The one idea which
above ail others he fixed in the minds of those who
had intercourse with him was that he could lead them,
and that they could not lead him.

When the subject of obstruction was brotight bëfore
him, he was ready for it, and went briskly into action.
Biggar was uncouth and brutal, and could scarcely
succeed in getting members of his own party to stand

M*. 80] FIRST NOTABLE UTTERANCB 95

by him in his c assàults ' on the House. But Parnell
was polished and skilful, had a happy knack bf pûtting
other people in the wrong; and used not only to win
Irish support, but would occasioiially obtain English
sympathy.

ParneH's first really notable utterance in the House
was made on June 30, during the debate on Butt's
motion for ail ihquiry into the Hoirie Eule demand.
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, the Chief Secretary for
Ireland, was speaking ; Parnell looked coldly and im-
passively on. How far the speech of the Chief Secretary
interested him, how far he was paying any attention
to the subject, it would be difficult to tell. At length
Sir Michael Hicks-Beach said: 'Of ail the extra-
ordinary delusions which are connected with the
subject, the most strange to me appears the idea that
Home Eule can hâve the effect of liberating the Feniah

prisoners, the Manchester murderers .' ' No ! No ! '

cried Parnell, with a sùddenness and vehenlence which
startled everyone. The House was shocked at what
seemëd to bè a justification of murder, and there Ms
an indignant murmur of disapprobation. Sir Michael
Hicks-Beach paused, and then, looking sttaight àt
Parnell and amid sympatbetic cheers, said solemnly :
' I regret to hear that there is an hon. member in this
House who will apologise for murder/ The Housè
thôùg;ht thdt the youh^ membeir fot Meâth Was crlished,
and the cry of ' Withdtaw ! ' ' Withdraw ! * rang from
ail qliarters.

But Parneil rose with great dignity and greàt
délibération, and sàid in clear and icjr accents : ' The
right hon. gentleman looked at me so directly wheh
he said that he regretted thàt any ihëmber of the
House should apologise for murder that I wish to sajr

96 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1876

as publicly as I can that I do not believe, and never
shall believe, that any murder was committed at
Manchester.' This rejoinder was received with loud
cheers from the Irish benches, and Sir Michael Hicks-
Beach passed from the subject of the l Manchester
murderers.' l

1 On August 1, 1876, a motion for the release of the Fenian
prisoncrs was brought forward by Mr. O'Connor Power. Mr. Bright
took part in the debate, and dealing with the case of the Manchester
men, said : ' 1 hâve regretted that on a former occasion when this
matter was before us 1 did not take the opportunity of saying what
I hâve long thought with regard to the case which is called "The
Manchester Outrage." There was in that case one man killed — one
man shot — one fatal shot fired, and therefore it may be urged positively
that only one man in a certain sensé was guilty of murder. I had,
living in that neighbourhood, a very painful interview with the relatives
of one of the three men who were hanged, and they were not willing
to lay the blâme upon either of the other two, but they felt very con-
fidently that there were no sufficient grounds for believing that the
prisoner in whose fate they were particularly interested was the one
who fired the fatal shot. One of the three, 1 présume, was the guilty
perso n, but the three were hanged. Now, it always appeared to me
that the course pursued by the Home Office on that occasion was an
unwise one. I am averse to capital punishment, as most members of the
House know, but in a case of this kind 1 think to hang three men for
one fatal shot was a mis take— a mistake acoording to the order and
practioe of our law, and a great mistake when we look at it in its political
aspect. On the occasion 1 hâve alluded to, when représentations were
made, it was denied that this was strictly a political case, or that severity
was resorted to because it was a political case ; but I hâve always held
the opinion that I held then, and hold now, that it was solely because
it was a political case that three men were hanged for the murder of one
man. 1 recollect urging it in this way : If thèse three men had been
out on a poaching expédition, and in the conflict that took place one
keeper was killed by one shot, and three men were tried for it, I believe
there is no judge who would hâve sentenced, and no Home Secretary
who would hâve thought it his duty to advise that, thèse three men
should be hanged for the offence. I believe that the three men were
hanged because it was a political offence, and not because it was an
ordinary murder of one man, committed by one man and by one shot.
The other day there was a case in my neighbourhood of an outrage
committed by persons connected with a trade union in the neighbour-
hood of Bolton. Unfortunately a man was attacked by a number of his
fellow-workmen and was killed. No doubt ail who were présent and
maltreated the man were guilty of an illégal act, but it is difficult to
say who it was that was guilty of the offence of destroying that man's
life. Three, I think, were convicted, not of murder, but of manslaughter.

^Et. 30] A FENIAN OPINION 97

This utterance first fixed the attention of the
Fenians on Parnell. Four years later I met a num-
ber of Fenians in a town in the North of England.
I asked how it came to pass that Parnell gained
the confidence of so many Fenians. One of them
answered : ' In 1876 we no longer believed in Butt ;
we thought his way of dealing with the House of
Commons was absurd. The House showed no défér-
ence to the Irish members, yet Butt was always
showing déférence to the House. Of course we had no
belief in parliamentary agitation, but we wished to see
Irish members stand up to the House. The humilia-
tion of England anywhere was, of course, a pleasure to
us, and there were some of us who thought that she
might be humiliated even in the House of Commons,
But it was quite clear that Butt's methods could lead
to nothing but the humiliation of Ireland. We had
grown quite tired of Butt, though we always liked him
for his defence of our people in the State trials. What
we wanted was a fighting policy. Even constitutional
agitators who would defy England, who would shock
English sentiment, who would show a bold spirit of
résistance to English law and English custom, would
help to keep the national feeling alive. But we knew
pretty well that no Irish member would keep up a sus-
tained fight against England unless he was in touch with
us. A Constitutionalist could only do good by drawing
inspiration from Fenianism, and Fenianism had ceased

It was an illégal act, and they were punished by various ter m s of
imprisonment —from, I think, three to fifteen years. Unless this was a
political offence, the évidence of murder was not very much différent
from the case I am now describing. I believe it was a great mistake.
I said it then, and I say it now, and I hâve, I say, always believed
that the eztremity of the law was put in force against three m en,
only one of whom — supposing the one who committed the offence was
captured— caused the death of the unfortunate and lamented policeman.'

VOL. I. H

93 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1876

to inspire Butt. We did not know very much about
Parnell at this time. His defence of the Manchester
men in the House of Commons was a révélation to us ;
but we never lost sight of him afterwards, and I think
he never lost sight of us.'

Parnell certainly did not lose sight of the Fenians ;
and he ultimately rode into power on their shoulders.
But up to the end of 1876 he continued undistinguished,
and almost unnoticed. He had not yet, so to say,
drawn out of the ruck, and no one anticipated his
extraordinary future.

Parnell hated England before he entered the House
of Commons ; and his hatred was intensified by his
parliamentary expérience. He thought the position of
the Irish members painfully humiliating. They were
waiters on English providence ; beggars for English
favours. English Ministers behaved as if they belonged
to the injured nation ; as if, indeed, they showed exces-
sive generosity in tolerating Irishmen in their midst at
ail. This arrogance, this assumption of superiority,
galled Parnell. It was répugnant to his nature to
approach anyone with bated breath and whispering
humbleness ; and he resolved to wring justice from
England, and to humiliate lier in the process. He
wanted not only réparation, but vengeance as well.

In those days he would sometimes sit in one of the
side galleries, and look down serenely on the performers
below. He regarded the whole proceedings, so far as
Irish business was concerned, as purely académie. The
House of Commons seemed to him to be nothing better
than a mère debating society, where Irishmen had an
opportunity of airing their oratory, and were, appa-
rently, satisfied when that was done. A distinguished
Irish advocate once said that a ' speech was ail very

jEt. 80] ADDRESS TO PRESIDENT GRANT 99

good in its way, but that the verdict was the thing.'
In the House of Commons the speech was ' the thing,'
and Parnell despised the speech. He wanted 'the
verdict.' One night an Irish Bill was under discussion.
The member in charge of it acquitted hiniself with
skill and ability. Butt sat near him, and was mani-
festly much pleased with the performance. When the
member sat down the Home Bule leader patted him
paternally on the back and beamed satisfaction. Parnell
smiled on the scène. When the debate was over, and
when the Bill had been handsomely defeated, he met
the member in the Lobby, walked up to him, patted
him on the back in imitation of Butt, and said : ' You
hâve been a very good boy, you did that very well, and
you may now go home — and you won't hear any more
about your Bill for another twelvemonth.' Then (in a
more serious tone), ' Ah, it is not by smooth speeches
that you will get anything done hère. We want rougher
work. We must show them that we mean business.
They are a good deal too comfortable in that House,
and the English are a good deal too comfortable every-
where.*

In the autumn a meeting of * advanced Nationalists '
was held at Harold's Cross, near Dublin. Among other
business transacted, an address was voted to Président
Grant, congratulating the American people on the
centenary of American independence. Parnell and
Mr. O'Connor Power were deputed to présent this
address to General Grant.

They arrived at New York in October. It so hap-
pened that the Président was in the city at the time.
Parnell suggested that they should see him at once.
Grant received them, expressed himself personally
gratef ul for the address, but said it would be necessary

n 2

100 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1876

for him to learn what was the étiquette in matters of
this kind, and that he would communicate with them
on his return to Washington. Grant immediately
returned to Washington, whither the delegates pro-
ceeded too. There they were informed that it would
be necessary to hâve the address presented through the
English Ambassador, but they declined to take this
course.

A correspondence then took place between the
delegates and the American Secretary of State, they
urging that the intervention of the British Minister
was unnecessary and objectionable, he insisting that it
could not be dispensed with.

Parnell returned to England in November, leaving
Mr. O'Connor Power in charge of the address, which
was ultimately accepted by the Législative Asseinbly
over the head of the Président. Immediately on his
arrivai at Liverpool Parnell addressed a Home Kule
meeting. He said :

' You hâve also another duty to perforai, which is
to educate public opinion in England upon Irish
questions, which I hâve looked upon as a difficult and
almost impossible task — so difficult that I hâve often
been tempted to think that it was no use trying to
educate English public opinion. The English Press
encourage préjudice against Ireland. Englishmen
themselves are in many respects fair-minded and
reasonable, but it is almost impossible to get at them
— it requires intelligence almost superhuman to remove
the clouds of préjudice under which they hâve lived
during their lives. I know the difficultés of the
position of the Irish people in England. It is not easy
for people, living as they are in friendship with their
English neighbours, to keep themselves separated from

JÈt. 30] SPEECH IN L1VERPOOL 101

English political organisations, but they hâve never been

àfraid to lay aside private and local considérations in

favour of supporting their fellow-countrymen at home.

Our position in Ireland is peculiar. One party says we go

too far in the Home Eule agitation, while another party

says we do not go far enough. You hâve been told we

hâve lowered the national flag — that the Home Eule

cause is not the cause of Ireland a nation, and that we

will dégrade our country into the position of a province.

I deny ail this. There is no reason why Ireland under

Home Eule would not be Ireland a nation in every

sensé and for every purpose that it was right she

should be a nation. I hâve lately seen in the city of

New York a review of the militia, in which five or six

thousand armed and trained men took part, at least

half of them being vétérans of the war. They marched

past with firm step, and armed with improved weapons.

They were at the command of the législature of New

York, and they could not budge one inch from the

city without the orders of the governor. If in Ireland

we could ever hâve under Home Eule such a national

militia, they would be able to protect the interests of

Ireland as a nation, while they would never wish to

trespass upon the integrity of the English Empire, or

to do harm to those they then would call their English

brothers. It was a foolish want of confidence that

prevented Englishmen and the English Government

from trusting Ireland. They know Ireland is deter-

mined to be an armed nation, and they fear to see her

so, for they remember how a section of the Irish

people in 1782, with arms in their hands, wrung from

England législative independence. Without a full

measure of Home Eule for Ireland no Irishman would

ever rest content.'

102 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1876

One who was présent has given me the following
account of how Parnell delivered this speech. He
says :

'I remember that he came once to speak for us
in Liverpool. It was in 1876. He was a bad speaker
then — had a bad, halting delivery. In fact, it was
painful to listen to him. You would think he would
break down every moment. He seemed to be con-
stantly stuck for want of a word. It was horribly
awkward for the people listening to him, but, oddly
enough, it ne ver seemed awkward to him. I remem-
ber a number of us who were on the platform near
him would now and then suggest a word to him
in the pauses. But he never once took a word from
any one of us. There he would stand, with clenched
fists, which he shook nervously until the word he
wanted came. And what struck us ail, and what we
talked of afterwards, was that Parneirs word was
always the right word, and expressed exactly the idea
in his head ; our word was simply makeshift, for which
he did not even thank us.'

By the end of 1876 Parnell regarded Butt's move-
ment as an absolute failure. Of the innumerable Bills
and resolutions which had been introduced by the
Irish party since 1871 only one measure of any im-
portance had become law — the Municipal Privilèges
Act, which enabled municipal corporations to confer
the freedom of their cities and to appoint sheriffs.
The failure of the parliamentary party was, he
thought, in some respects attributable to a want of
energy and boldness. The majority of Butt's followers
were too apathetic, too deferential to English opinion
and sentiment, too fond of English society — in a word,
too 'respectable.' Biggar was Parneirs idéal of an

Mt. 30] ' NO QUARRELS ' 103

Irish member — a political Ishrnael, who would not
conciliate and who could not be conciliated. Butt's
policy was a policy of peace. Biggar's was the em-
bodirnent of a policy of war, and Parnell believed in a
policy of war. His faith was centred in a policy of
' aloofness ' froni ail English parties, and indeed from
ail Englishmen. He regarded them as enemies, and
he would treat them as enemies. He did not believe
in negotiations. He believed in fighting. The fighting
force in Ireland was the Fenians. Any man, Consti-
tutionalist or Revolutionist, who was prepared to fight
England anywhere or anyhow was sure of Fenian
sympathy, though his methods might not always meet
with Fenian approval.

Were the Fenians to be fought on the one hand,
and the English on the other? Could any party of
Constitutionalists hope to succeed if the Fenians
were actively against them ? Butt himself had
leant on the Fenians in founding the Home Eule
movement. What would become of him if the Fenian
support w T ere withdrawn? There was the Church,
certainly. But what would become of Home Kule if
there were to be an open struggle between the Church
and the Fenians? The one thing Parnell hated
throughout his whole career was quarrels among Irish-
men. 'Parnell's great gift,' Mr. Healy once said,
* was his faculty of reducing a quarrel to the smallest
dimensions/ He was, in truth, a centre of unity and
strength. He was able, if not to reconcile, certainly to
neutralise the antagonism of opposing forces and hos-
tile characters. He was, indeed, a great peacemaker
as well as a great fighter, and herein lay his power.
' No war ' was, we are told, a favourite expression of
Elizabeth's at the council board. ' No quarrels ' was cer-

104 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1876

tainly a f avourite thought, if not a favourite expression,
of Parnell. To hâve any single force which made for
Irish nationality in conflict with any other force which
made in the same direction, or which could by any possi-
bility be brought to make in the same direction, was
utterly abhorrent to him. And yet danger of such a
conflict there was in 1876. The Fenians were getting
thoroughly tired of Home Eule. They had given the
movement a fair trial, and nothing had corne of it. It
was now time, many of them thought, to look to
their own organisation and to that alone. Within the
parliamentary ranks there were divisions and dis-
sensions. Butt had ceased to be a power. The
constitutional movement was drifting on the rocks.
It was a period in the history of the country when
everything depended on the appearance of a man.
O'Connell would hâve got the Church at his back,
broken with the Fenians, and inaugurated a mighty
constitutional agitation. A Stephens would hâve
reorganised Fenianism on a formidable basis, fought
the Church and Constitutionalists, and drawn the
country into insurrection. But there was no O'Connell,
no Stephens. Parnell came ; he was unlike both the
great agitator and the great conspirator. He was not
a son of the Church. He was not a son of the révolu-
tion. But he believed profoundly in the power of the
one and of the other, and resolved to combine both.
This was a herculean labour, but it was not above the
stature of Charles Stewart Parnell. ' Ireland,' he once
said, ' cannot afford to lose a single man/ That was
his creed. To combine ail Irishmen in solid mass and
hurl them at the Saxon, that was his policy. In the
ensuing pages we shall find him pursuing that policy,
steadily, skilfully. We shall find him gradually winning

M*. 30] ' THE UNCROWNED KlNG * 10»

the confidence of the Church and of the Fenians — the
two great forces, be it said, in Irish politics — and
ultimately obtaining an ascendency over both. We
shall find hini forming and dominating a strictly
disciplined parliamentary party, and at length reaching
that position of eminence well described by the titlc
which the people gave him — the * uncrowned King of
Ireland.'

106 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

CHAPTEK VII

WAR

The Queen's Speech in opening the parliamentary
session of 1877 contained the following paragraph
about Ireland :

* You will be asked to constitute one Suprême
Court of Judicature for Ireland, and to confer an
équitable jurisdiction in the county courts of that
country.'

Every question that stirred the nation was calmly
ignored — land, éducation, parliamentary franchise,
Home liule. The people had asked for bread in the
shape of législative freedom ; they were offered a stone
in the shape of a Judicature Bill. Yet Butt showed
no disposition to harass the Government. He was
resolved to bring forward his Irish measures, to fight
them through the House of Commons in accordance
with the ordinary rules of the game, and to abide the
resuit. But Parnell and Biggar were now practically
in revolt and on the war track. ' If we are to hâve
parliamentary action/ said the former in one of those
short, sharp, and décisive sentences which always
meant business, ' it must not be the action of con-
ciliation, but of retaliation,' and on the policy of
rctaliation he was now more than ever inexorably
bent.

jEx. 31] OBSTRUCTION 107

In 1876 Parnell had already fleshed his sword. In
the spring of 1877 he regularly opened the obstruction
campaign. He singled out the Mutiny Bill and the
Prisons Bill for attaek. Anyone reading ' Hansard '
now would see nothing unusual in his proceedings.
For anything that appears to the contrary, he might
hâve been influenced by a bonâ-fide désire to improve
both measures. ' Parnell excelled us ail/ said one of
his obstructive colleagues, ' in obstructing as if he were
really acting in the interests of the British legislators.'
He was cool, calm, business-like, always kept to the
point, and rarely became aggressive in voice or inanner.
Sometimes he would give way with excellent grâce,
and with a show of conceding much to his opponents ;
but he never abandoned his main purpose, never re-
linquished his détermination to harass and punish the
'enemy.' The very quietness of his demeanour, the
orderliness with which he carried out a policy of dis-
order, served only to exasperate, and even to enrage,
his antagonists. One night an Irish member proposed
that the committee on the Irish Prisons Bill should
be put off, as the Irish members ' would shortly hâve
to attend the grand juries at the assizes in Ireland.*
This was barefaced obstruction. But Parnell would
hâve none of it. Eising with the dignity of a
Minister responsible for the despatch of public busi-
ness, he said : * I think the business of the nation
should be attended to before local affairs, and therefore
the attendance at the grand juries is no reason for
postponing the committee.' Who could charge this
man with obstruction ? Upon another occasion he
moved an amendment to the English Prisons Bill.
Mr. Newdigate (who had sometimes gone into the
same lobby with him in the divisions on the Bill, for

idS CIIAfeLËS SÏEWAtîf PAKNELL [187t

Parnell drew his aiBendments with so niuch skill that
he often caught an English vote) asked him to with-
draw the amendment. Biggar (who used to say that
he never withdrew anything) urged Parnell to persé-
vère ; but Parnell, with much show of grâce, said :
4 Out of déférence to the committee I will not press
my amendment, although I consider I shall be doing
wrong in abandoning it. I must, however, say that
it is incorrect for any hon. member to say that I am
chargeable with obstructing the business of the House.
My opinion on obstruction is that when it is employed
it should be like the action of the bayonet — short,
sharp, and décisive/

From February 14, when his Bill for facilitating the
création of a peasant proprietary under the opération of
the Church Act was rejected, up to April 12 Parnell
was constantly in évidence, constantly interfering in
the business of the House, constantly obstructing,
constantly seeking to turn everything upside down
with tantalising politeness and provoking tenacity.
' IIow came Parnell,' I asked one of his obstructive
colleagues, * to lead you ail in thèse fights ? He was
not an able speaker, he was déficient in intellectual
gifts, which many of you possessed, he had little
parliamentary expérience/ ' By tenacity/ was the
answer. * Sheer tenacity. He stuck on when the
rcst of us gave way/

* What was Parnell's distinguishing characteristic ? '
I asked another of his colleagues who loved him not.
He answered, ' He was a beautiful fighter. He knew
exactly how much the House would stand. One night

I was obstructing. S was near me. He was gene-

rally timid, afraid of shocking the House. He said :
" o , you had better stop or you will be suspended."

.Et. 31] IN REVOLT 109

" Oh, no," quietly interjected Parnell, who was sitting
by us, " they will stand a good deal more than this.
You may go on for another half-hour." I did go on
for another half-hour or so. Then there was an awful
row, and I stopped. Parnell had gauged the exact
limit. Another night I was obstructing again. Parnell
came in suddenly and said, " Stop now, or there will
be an explosion in five minutes, and I don't want
a row to-night." In ail thèse things Parnell was
perfect.'

It is needless to say that in ail thèse fights Mr.
Biggar was his right-hand man. It was a rule of
the House that no opposed business should be taken
after half-past twelvc at night. Biggar used this rule
to block every Bill, important or unimportant, which
was introduced after the prescribed hour. * After
every order of the day,' wrote the London corre-
spondent of the ' Liverpool Daily Post ' in March
1877, ' there is this announcement. " Mr. Biggar :
That this Bill be read a second time this day six
months." '

Butt was sadly perplexed by the tactics of his two
unruly lieutenants. He hated obstruction. He believed
it was discreditable and mischievous. And yet the
House by its constant rejection of Irish Bills exposed
itself to this policy of retaliation. Parnell and Biggar
were not without justification. Butt felt this as well
as anybody else. Yet he thought, upon the whole,
that the policy of ' retaliation ' was undignified and
useless, and that the proper remedy was more con-
centration on Irish measures and more persistence in
pushing them to the front. He had, however, this
difficulty to contend with : the Moderate Home Eulers
could not be kept up to the collar, the energetic Irish

110 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

members were unruly, the orderly Irish members were
apathetic. This was Butt's difficulty. While the
House was smarting under Parnell's attacks, much
pressure was used by the Moderate Home Rulers and
by the English members to induce Butt to crush
him. Parnell was aware of this, but he stuck to
his guns, and was resolved, in the last resort, to fight
it out with his leader rather than abandon the policy
of obstruction. In justice to the young member for
Meath this much must be said. While in the main
his object was obstruction pure and simple, yet he did
introduce some amendments with a sincère désire of
improving the measures under considération. I will
give an instance. On April 5 he moved an amendment
on the Prisons Bill to the effect that any prisoners
convicted of treason-felony, sédition, or seditious libel
should be treated as first-class misdemeanants. 'It is
high time,' he said, 'that an attempt was made to
remove from England the reproach that she treated
her political prisoners worse than any other country
in the world. In France even the Communards,
who half burnt Paris, and to whoni were attributed
the most atrocious designs, were not sent to the
hulks or the galleys, but simply expatriated. When
history cornes to be written there is nothing for which
the children of Englishmen now living would blush so
much as for the treatment of the [Fenian] men con-
victed in 1865. ... I hope that this Bill when it
leaves the committee will be so framed that political
prisoners will not be treated as murderers, démons,
and culprits of the worst order.' A long debate
followed, and Parnell ultimately, on the suggestion
of Sir Henry James, withdrew the words 'treason-
felony/ retaining the words 'sédition' and 'seditious

,Et. 81] 'A SCENE' 111

libel/ and with this altération the clause was added to
the Bill.

But there was more of pure obstruction in his
opposition to the Mutiny Bill on April 12. He,
Captain Nolan, and Biggar fought many clauses, and
at length, about twelve o'clock, Biggar moved to
'report progress.' 'Itwasquite too late,' he said, ' to
go on with the Bill, as there were several important
amendments to be proposed.'

Mr. Gathorne-Hardy. 1 1 hope the committee will
pass the unopposed clauses.'

Parnell. * Will the Government undertake to report
progress when Clause 55 is passed ? '

Mr. Gathorne-Hardy. 1 1 propose to take the clauses
up to Clause 93/

Parnell. ' The Government are unreasonable. I
hâve endeavoured to facilitate business. But an ex-
ample of obstruction was set the other night by hon.
members opposite, who would not allow the Bill of the
hon. member for Sheffield (Mr. Mundella) to proceed,
and not only so, but the Government followed their
disorderly supporters into the lobby/ (Cries of ' Order.')

The Ghairman. ' The expression just used is cer-
tainly one that should not be used by hon. members.'

The unimpassioned page of Hansard gives no notion
of the state of excitement into which the House (a full
House) was plunged during this altercation. Most of
the clauses in question were unopposed. Members were
impatient, and anxious to get the business through
quickly. There was really nothing which needed
serious discussion. But Parnell inexorably blocked
the way. The House stormed and raged, but the
member for Meath held his ground defiantly. The
Moderate Home Eulers were as much shocked at hia

112 CHARLES STEWARÏ PARNELL [1877

conduct as any English meinber. Butt was not
présent. He was sitting quietly in the smoking-room.
Thither several Irish members hastened to tell their
leader what was going on, and to urge him to interfère*
English members came to him too, and implored him
to save the dignity of Parliament and suppress his
unnily follower. Butt, after some hésitation, at length
yielded to thèse importunities, rushed into the House
flushed with passion and indignation, and pounced on
the member for Meath. 'I regret,' he said, 'thatthe
time of the House has been wasted in this misérable
and wretched discussion. If at this hour of the night
any member really wished to propose a serious amend-
ment, I would support the motion to "report progress,"
and so also, I think, would the Secretary for War. But
when there was no amendment to a number of clauses,
I must express my disapproval of the course taken by
the hon. member for Meath. It is a course of obstruc-
tion, and one against which I must enter my protest.
I am not responsible for the member for Meath, and
cannot control him. I hâve, however, a duty to dis-
charge to the great nation of Ireland, and I think I
should discharge it best when I say I disapprove
entirely of the conduct of the hon. member for
Meath.'

This speech was received with ringing cheers from
ail parts of the House. But how did the member for
Meath take his castigation ? He sat calmly, cynically
by, watching his leader with a placid smile. Well he
knew that the English cheers which greeted Butt only
sounded the political death knell of the Home Bule
leader. No Irishman who had attacked a comrade in
the face of the ' common enemy,' and because he fought
the common enemy, could ever again command the

AZt. 31] BUÎT ÀND PARNELL lia

sympathy of the Fenian organisations; and without
the help of the Fenians no man could lead the Home
Eule movement. Butt had allowed himself to be
carried away by the English cheers, and had for the
moment thought only of the House of Commons.
Parnell cared nothing for the House of Commons, and
thought chiefly of the extrême men in Ireland and in
England.

Parnell disposed of Butt's oration in a single
sentence : * The hon. and learned gentleman,' he said,
• was not in the House when I attempted to explain why
I had not put down notice of my amendments.' That
was enough. Butt had attacked him without having
heard him in justification of his position. Parnell
knew that the single sentence he had spoken in reply
would filter through the Fenian mind and would arouse
Fenian sympathies ; and, as subséquent events proved,
he did not count without his host. Four days later
he was again in évidence, obstructing as vigorously
and persistently as ever.

On April 16 the Marine Mutiny Bill was under
considération. Parnell protested against the clause
dealing with crime punishable by death. He sug-
gested that there should be some classification of
offences, and that any offence which did not involve
any moral depravity, or any injury to an officer, or
any other person, might be punished by imprison-
ment with or without hard labour instead of pénal
servitude.

Ail his amendments on the Mutiny Bill (Marine
and Army) and on the Prisons Bill were directed to
mitigate their severity, and several of them were
adopted. There was obstruction — plenty of obstruc-
tion, wilful obstruction — in his tactics ; but I feel I am

vol. i. i

114 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

doing him only the barest justice in saying that many
of the amendments were inspired by humane and
manly considérations. 1

On June 5 he said, speaking on an amendment
nioved by Mr. O'Connor Power, that it was unnecessary
for him to go further into the question, for the com-
plaints of the Fenian prisoners were fully established
before the Devon Commission ; but before he sat down
he wished to say that the Irish people were deeply
interested in this question, that it was a question on
which they could go to extremities as they could not go
on any other Irish question.

On June 14, 1877, he returned to the subject. He
reminded the House that the Devon Commission had
recommended that certain relaxations should be made
in the treatment of political prisoners, and that they
should be kept apart from other convicts ; and he
trusted the Home Secretary would see his way to give
effect to that recommendation.

The breach between Butt and Parnell had now
widened much ; and before the end of May the struggle
for the mastery had commenced.

A lengthy correspondence between them appeared
in the ' Freeman's Journal.' Parnell wrote on April 13
complaining of Butt's action in the House of Commons
on the previous day : 2

1 On the motion of Parnell the following clauses were added to the
Prisons Bill on June 14, 1877 : ' It shall not be lawf ul for any jailor to
order any prisoner to be confined in a punishment cell for any term
exceeding twenty-four hours, nor shall it be lawful for the Visiting
Conimittee of Justices to order any prisoner to be punished by con-
finement in a punishment cell for any term exceeding fourteen days.'
In a case where an inquest is held on the body of a person who dies in
prison, no person engaged in any sort of trade or de&ling with the
prison shall be a jnror on such inquest. 1

3 Ante, p. 112.

.Et. 31] CONTROVEttSY WITII BUTT 115

Parnell to Butt

1 On that occasion I yielded my judgment to your
opinion upon a matter regarding which full individual
liberty of action had always been left to each member
of our party. You will recollect that upon the only occa-
sion when you suggested that our party should follow
you on a question of Impérial policy it was, after a long
discussion, decided that each individual should act for
himself. I must then, in future, claim for myself that
liberty of action upon Impérial and English matters
which has hitherto been granted to every member of
the party, while I shall continue to follow your lead in
regard to Irish questions/

Butt replied on April 21 in a very long letter, the
import of which may, however, be gathered from the
following extracts :

* If I rightly interpret your letter, I understand you
to say that, while you owe to me in relation to Irish
measures that which you are good enough to call
" allegiance," your conduct in ail Impérial and English
measures is free from obligation either to me or the
party in whose ranks you hâve enrolled yourself . . . .
I must dissent from your view of the relation in which
each member of our party stands to the rest.

* The pledge which we take is clear, plain, and
distinct :

* " That, deeply impressed with the importance of
unity of action upon ail matters that can affect the
parliamentary position of the Home Bule party, or the
interests of the Home Kule cause, we engage to each
other and the country to obtain that unity by taking
counsel together, by making ail reasonable concessions
to the opinions of each other, by avoiding as far as

i 2

116 CFÏARÎ.ES STEWART PARNËLL [1877

possible isolated action, and by sustaining and sup-
porting each other in the course that inay be deemed
best calculated to proinote the grand object of self-
government which the nation has coinmitted to our

care. ,,

* This pledge carefully defines the limits of our
obligations. The application of that engagement to
our conduct in the House does not dépend upon the
point whether it relates to Irish or English or Impérial
questions, but whether it is such as can affect the parlia-
mentary position of the Home Kule party or the interests
of the Home Bule cause. In ail matters that affect the
parliamentary position of the Home Kule party or the
interests of the Home Kule cause we hâve solemnly
bound ourselves to avoid setting up any private opinions
of our own, to defer to the judgment of our colleagues,
and to sustain and support each other in the course
that may be deemed best calculated to promote the
great object we hâve in view. I am sure you will, on
reflection, see that to limit the effect of this pledge to
our conduct on Irish measures would be an évasion of
its plain and direct terms. Were such a construction
possible, it would reduce the pledge to an absurdity.
It would enable any professing Home Kule member to
intrigue with any English party, to give his vote on
every Impérial or English question to serve the interests
of the faction of which he might be the minion, and to
fullil his pledge to his country by voting two or three
times in the year on questions on which his vote could
not do his masters any harm.'

Butt went on to say that he had no objection to see
Parnell and other Irish members take part in debates
on English and Impérial affairs, provided they acted
bond Jide in the public interests. 'But/ he added, ' it

/Et. 31] CONTROVERSY WITII BUTT 117

is impossible not to see that your action in the House
is considered both by friends and enemies as an
organised System of policy adopted not for English but
for Irish purposes, and one which both friends and
enemies do not hesitate to describe as a policy "of
obstruction.' '

* I feel that I am in a position in which I can judge
of the effect that is likely to be produced by any
" policy of obstrue tion." It must tend to alienate
from us our truest and our best English friends.

* It must waste in aimless and objectless obstruction
the time which we might, in some form or other,
obtain for the discussion of Irish grievances. It must
expose us to the taunts of being unfit to administer
even the forms of représentative government, and even
of discrediting and damaging every movement we
make.

' But, if I urge thèse grounds of prudence, I am not
insensible of that which is higher than ail prudence —
the duty of maintaining before the civilised world the
dignity of the Irish nation and the Irish cause. That
will only be done while we respect ourselves and our
duties to the assembly of which we are members — an
assembly to dégrade which is to strike a blow at
représentative institutions ail over the world, a blow
that will recoil with terrible severity on the very claims
we make for our own country, but which, whatever be
its effects, would be unworthy of ourselves and our
cause.'

Parneirs reply (which I am also obliged to abridge)
was written on May 24, 1877 :

' Your interprétation of the views which I expressed
in my last letter regarding my obligations to yourself
(not to the Home Kule party, as you st^te) is not ty

118 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

correct one, and does not accurately convey either the
expressions used by me or their sensé. I did not say,
or in any nieasure convey, that my conduct on ail
Impérial and English measures is free from any
obligation to the Irish party ; but I did intend you to
understand that I should préserve my individual liberty
of action, unfettered by your control, upon those
English and Impérial questions upon which the Irish
party are agreed not to act as a party ; while I hâve
always been ready cheerfully to surrender my own
opinion to the majority upon any of those questions
that our party decided to take up. You remark that
" were the pledge only to embrace our conduct on
Irish measures " (which I certainly never argued) "it
would enable any professing Home Eule member to
intrigue with any English party, to give his vote on
every English and Impérial question, to serve the
interests of the faction of whom he might be the
minion, and to fulfil his pledge to his country by
voting two or three times in the year on questions
on which his vote could not do his masters any
harni."

' Now, unfortunately, ail thèse things are precisely
what many Home Kule members are constantly doing,
and apparently without remonstrance or even attempt
at restraint by you. It has been rendered perfectly
évident by the expérience of four sessions that " any
professing Home Iiule member may intrigue with any
English party," either Whig or Tory, and yet bring
upon himself neither your denunciation nor those of
that Irish journal which is supposed to be devoted to
your interests. . . .

c Now [to go to another point], my clause on the
Prisons Bill regarding the treatment of the political

Mt. 81] CONTROVERSY WITH BUTT 119

prisoners was supported by ail sections of the English
Libéral party, and the Government were compelled to
accept it lest they should be defeated on a division.
Hère, then, no adverse effect as regards the support of
Englishmen was produced by my course of action.
Subsequently, on the Marine and Army Mutiny Bills,
amendments that I moved were supported by the full
strength of ail sections of the Libéral party présent, as
many as 146 and 150 voting for some of the amend-
ments, although at this very time the English Press
was teeming with complaints of my " obstruction," and
you had yourself thought proper to denounce me pub-
licly in the House on similar grounds a night or two
previously. Hère again no English votes were lost to
me owing to my action. Furthermore, by our action
on the Mutiny Bills I obtained some important re-
strictions of power to inflict cruel punishments, and
the Government also agreed to submit thèse Bills to
the considération of a sélect committee — Bills that for
many years had been adopted as a matter of course
almost without discussion.

' The hours at or after midnight are always reserved
for Irish Bills, and it is a physical impossibility that it
could be otherwise. Consequently no action of mine
can diminish the chances of Ireland obtaining what
she has never had — a share in the Government time.
On the other hand, nothing that I hâve done interfères
with the time at the disposai of private members, as I
hâve not interfered with measures brought in by such
members.

' I cannot sympathise with your conclusions as to
my duty towards the House of Commons. If English-
men insist on the artificial maintenance of an anti-
quated institution which can only perform a portion of

120 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1877

its functions by the " connivance" of those intrusted
with its working, in the imperfect and defective
performance of much of even that portion — if the con-
tinued working of this institution is constantly attended
with much wrong and hardship to my country, as
frequently it has been the source of gross cruelty and
tyranny — I cannot consider it is my duty to connive in
the imperfect performance of thèse functions, while I
should certainly not think of obstructing any useful,
solid, or well-performed work.'

While this correspondence was going on Parnell
wrote the following letter to Dr. Kenny with référence
to the Tipperary élection, then pending :

' My dear Dr. Kenny, — I do not think

would be much use. We hâve too many men of his
stamp already, who consider that they are sent hère
to make a parliamentary réputation and not to attend
to the interests of the country. I quite agrée with
you, it is best to let Mr. Biggar, myself, and others
work along quietly for the présent. If Butt can only be
induced to let us alone, we are quite equal to the task
we hâve set ourselves, which is not a very difficult one.

* Yours very truly,

' Chas. S. Parnell.'

Parnell now resolved to carry on the fight with
Butt to the bitter end. The Home Rule leader had
the Moderate Home Rulers at his back. The member
for Meath relied on the advanced men. The Home
Rule Confédération of Great Britain — a body influenced
by Fenians — took him up, and under its auspices he
addressed public meetings in England and Scotlanc*,
1 We got Parnell a platform,' said the fou»der of this

iET. 31] IRISH IN EXGLAND 121

organisation — himself a member of the Fenian brother-
hood — to nie some years ago ; ' we made him.' It would
not be accurate to say that the Fenians made Parnell.
Parnell made himself. But it would be accurate to
say that in Fenianism he found the lever on which
his power turned. Hère it will be necessary to add
a few words about the Home Rule Confédération of
Great Britain.

In 1873 a member of the suprême council of the
I. K. B., whom I shall call X., asked Butt if he
intended to take any steps for pushing forward the
Home Rule cause in England. Butt said that he was
rather puzzled to know what to do ; he was anxious
to found an English organisation, but afraid that the
Fenians might smash it. X. said that he did not
think they would smash it ; that they certainly looked
suspiciously on Home Rule and disbelieved in parlia-
mentary agitation, but that nevertheless they would
not place themselves actively in opposition to Butt.
It was ultimately agreed between Butt and X. that
a Home Rule organisation should be formed in
England ; and X. set to work to form it. He found
many difficulties in the way. Many Fenians did not
take kindly to the notion of co-operating with the
Constitutionalists ; they said that union with the
Parliamentarians would only weaken their movement.
The minds of the people would be fixed on parlia-
mentary agitation and drawn away from Fenianism.
Parliamentary agitation would end, as it always had
ended, in failure ; the upshot of the whole business would
be collapse, both of Fenianism and Constitutionalism.
X. took a différent view. He said: 'We need not
give up our own principles by joining the Home
Rulers. They go part of the way in our direction;

122 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

why not help them so far ? In addition we will stiffen
their backs by joining them. Hère are the Irish in
England — a great force ; but absolutely lost at présent.
It is our policy to make the English feel the présence
of the Irish everywhere. They don't know what a
power the Irish can be made in their midst. The
English only recognise power. We must make our-
selves troublesome. We can make ourselves trouble-
some by organising the Irish vote in Great Britain,
and by forcing the English candidates to take the
Home Rule pledge. We can control the parliamentary
movement if we go into it. At ail events, let us
try.'

X.'s arguments at length prevailed among a certain
number of the rank and file of the Fenians, and
the Home Rule Confédération of Great Britain was
formed.

Butt had promised to attend the inaugural meeting
at Manchester. Some of the Modérâtes, however, got
at him, saying that the association was in the hands
of the Fenians. He became uneasy, and wrote to
X. just on the eve of the meeting to say that he
was afraid he could not attend. X. wired back a
telegram of nearly 1,000 words, urging Butt not to
fail, saying that the meeting had been got up on
the strength of his promise to attend, that dele-
gates had been summoned from ail parts of Great
Britain, and that his absence would be nothing short
of an insuit. Butt subsequently related to X. the
circumstances under which he received the monster
telegram :

* I was in court at the time ; I was addressing the
judges. The telegram was placed in my hands. I
opened the envelope — in itself a formidable document

JE?. 81] IRISH IN ENGLAND 123

— and ont tumbled a package the like of which was
certainly never seen in télégraphie form before. The
judges looked at it ; everybody looked at it. I said :
" My lords, will you allow me to read this message ? It
may be of importance." They said, " Certainly," and
I sat down and waded through the telegram, turning
over sheet after sheet, to the amazement of the on-
lookers. But it was not your arguments that made
an impression on me— it was the length of the telegram.
" The man," I said, " who has sent me this telegram of
1,000 words must be terribly in earnest, and the men
behind him must be terribly in earnest too," and so I
sent off a reply to you at once.' Butt's reply was short
and to the point. ' Shall be with you if I am alive.'
And so Butt attended the meeting, and the Home
Eule Confédération of Great Britain sprang into being.
'Was the Confédération always under the control of
Fenians ? ' I asked X. ' Always/ he answered. ' They
were well represented on the council ; our best workers
and best organisers were Fenians. Of course, there were
plenty of members who were not Fenians, but the
Fenians were the masters of the situation.' The Home
Bule Confédération of Great Britain did excellent work
for the Home Eule cause in Great Britain. The Irish
vote was perfectly organised ; the Irish voter was
made formidable. Every candidate who stood for a
constituency where the Irish vote was strong had the
following pledge submitted to him : ' To vote for the
appointment of a sélect committee to inquire into and
report upon the motive, extent, and the grounds of
the demand made by a large proportion of the Irish
people for the restoration to Ireland of an Irish Parlia-
ment with power to control the internai affairs of the
country.'

124 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

Between 1874 and 1877 several English candidates
took this pledge and were returned to Parliament. 1
* Did the candidates who took the pledge really believe
in Home Kule ? ' I asked X. ' Not at ail,' he said ; ' they
took it to get the Irish vote. The first rnan who took
it was Jacob Bright. They wired to him from the
central Libéral offices in London not to take it, and he
refused at first. But we held him firm ; " the pledge
or no Irish vote," we said. Then we went to the Tory,
Powell, and he took it right off. The Libérais were in
a devil of a fix ; but Jacob turned round and took
the pledge too. Then we were in a fix, because as the
Tory promised first we ought to hâve supported him ;
but the Irish preferred the Libérais, and they particu-
larly liked Jacob Bright. Butt came and made a
speech. He said that as both candidates had taken
the pledge, the Irish might go for whichever they
pleased. They voted for Jacob and put him in. Jacob
was a good fellow, and would just as soon take the
pledge as not, though of course he wouldn't take it if
it wouldn't get him in. That's ail that most of them
thought about — getting in. Wilfrid Lawson and
Joe Cow T en were exceptions. We had practically no
influence in Lawson's constituency (Carlisle), but he
went Home Kule ail the same. He believed in it. We
had influence in Cowen's constituency (Newcastle),but
it was not our influence that weighed with Cowen.
He would hâve voted for Home Eule anyway. He
was thoroughly Irish in feeling. There was another
respectable man who took the pledge — Joseph Kay, of
Salford. He took the pledge at the by-election at

1 In 1877 the following were the English Home Rulera in the House
of Couinions: Barran (Leeds), Jacob Bright (Manchester), Gourley
(Sunderland), Hibbert (Oldham), Sir W. Lawson (Carlisle), Macdonalcl
(Stafford), Ii. N, Philips (Bury), Cowen (Newcastle),

Mt. 31] SALFORD ELÈCTÎOÎC 1l>5

Salford in April 1877. Of course we meant Home
Rule by the pledge. It was the thin edge of the
wedge. It was as far as we could then go. But I
don't know that Kay meant Home Rule. He probably
meant exactly what the pledge said, an inquiry.'

Joseph Kay, Q.C., was the author of two remarkable
books, ' Education of the Poor in England and
Europe,' published in 1846, and ' Social Condition and
Education in England and Europe/ published in 1850.
In the latter work Mr. Kay showed a keen appréciation
of the evils produced by the Irish System of land tenure.
In fact he was an advanced reformer on ail subjects,
and felt a deep sympathy for Ireland and the Irish.
He married, in 1863, the eldest daughter of Thomas
Drummond, whose administration of Ireland during
the Melbourne Government (1835-40) has given him
an abiding place in the affections of the people. As
X. said, Kay was in favour of an ' inquiry ' pure and
simple ; he wished to see what would corne of it. He
was not sure that it would lead to Home Rule ; but he
did think that it might lead to an examination and
a removal of Irish grievances which might obviate the
necessity of Home Kule. However, his supporters in
Salford and in London thought chiefly of the Irish
vote. With them the question was to get the Libéral
candidate in.

Some extracts from letters written by influential
Libérais at the time anent the Salford élection will
make this very clear. Thus, one writes from the
House of Gommons on April 4 : * I hâve had a con-
versation this evening about the Home Rulers. It is
most essential that the promise to vote for Mr. Butt's
motion should be given cheerfully [by Mr. Kay] and at
once, as both Mr. Butt and Lord Francis Cunningham

126 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

assure me that such a promise will secure the cordial
and thorough support of the Irish voters, and without
such promise, whatever else is said, many will abstain,
and may possibly, under Bishop Vaughan's influence,
go to the other side.'

Another Libéral wrote, on April 6 :

'I hâve had a long talk with S and J

to-day. They are both against any promise to the
Irish faction, but I feel a promise will be necessary if

y ou are to win. 9 Ultimately S and J agreed

that it was ' necessary ' for Kay to make the * promise,'
in order * to win.'

J himself wrote, oddly enough, on this very

6th of April, saying : ' I understand that the Irish
vote is so large that it would be necessary for the
Libéral candidate to support Mr. Butt's motion for an
inquiry on the subject of Home Rule. Of course I do
not know Mr. Kay's views, but I hâve no doubt that
this difficulty can be overcome.'

On April 12 another Libéral wrote : ' I think Mr.
Kay should go in for the inquiry into Home Rule. I
got that up with Mr. Butt at the Manchester élection,
and the Tory, Mr. Powell, swallowed it. If it will get
the Catholic vote I think Mr. Kay should swallow it
too. It means nothing, and I got it up with Mr. Butt
for that very reason.'

Mr. Kay did promise to vote for an inquiry, with
the approbation of the party managers. But he lost
the élection. Then the Libérais were, forsooth,
scandalised, and ascribed his defeat to ' Home Kule
crotchets.' * London and other newspapers at a dis-
tance,' wrote a Salford Libéral, * may attribute the
defeat to the concession to Home Rule. . . . How is
it that. this burning zeal for putting down Home Rule

.Et. 31] PARNELL AND X. 127

crotchets on the part of Libéral newspapers did not
manifest itself when a Libéral Home Ruler was
elected for Manchester ? Verily nothing succeeds like
success.'

'Kay lost the seat,' says X., ' by a small majority,
and then there was a great howl among the Libérais
against Home Eule. They never howled when Libérais
got in on the Home Eule ticket ; but the moment

they lost, then it was the " d d Irish." But we

stuck to our guns. When Waddy stood for Sheffield
some time later we made him take the pledge, and put
him in. Then there was no howl against the Irish.
We showed them our power. We had to be conciliated,
and the only way to conciliate us — the only way to get
the Irish vote — was to take the Home Eule pledge.
That was the root of the matter.'

In 1877 the Home Rule Confédération of Great
Britain was, then, a formidable body, and to it Parnell
came when his struggle with Butt had reached a crisis.
X. and the Fenians within the Confédération,
though warmly attached to Butt, were thoroughly out
of sympathy with his conciliatory tactics. They
believed not in soft words, but in hard blows. I hâve
already said that the Irishman who carries out a
fighting policy against England in any shape or form
is bound to command the sympathy of the rank and file
of the Fenian organisation.

Throughout 1877 X. saw Parnell frequently in
London. Parnell said that in order to keep up the fight
in Parliament he should be supported in the country.
' You must get me a plat form,' he said to X. in the
summer of 1877. ' You must organise meetings in
England. I must show that I hâve something at
my back. A few men in the House of Commons

li>8 CHAULES STEWAllt lURXELL [187?

cannot carry on the struggle alone. We must hâve
encouragement outside.' X. organised the meetings.
' In a very short time/ he said, ' I organised thirteen
meetings. I came to the House of Commons and told
Parnell. I expected to find him very much pleased.
But suddenly he looked quite melancholy. "Oh,"
said he, "that will never do." "What will never
do ? " said I. " Thirteen meetings," said he, with a most
lugubrious look ; " you will hâve to knock one off or put
on one. Don't you know thirteen is a most unlucky
number ? " '

On May 29 Parnell addressed what was practically
a Fenian gathering at Glasgow. Speaking on obstruc-
tion he said :

' 1 am satisfied to abide by the décision of the Irish
people. Are they for peace, and conciliation, or for
hostility and w r ar? (Cries of " War.") Are you for
inaking things convenient for England, and for ad-
vancing English interests ? If so I will bow to your
décision, but my constituents will hâve to get someone
else to represent them.'

On July 2 he was in his place in Parliament, again
carrying on the war with renewed vigour. The second of
July was a famous night in the obstruction campaign.
The House was in Committee of Supply. About mid-
night Mr. O'Connor Power moved to report progress.
1 He declined to vote away the public money at such a
late hour.' This was not quite the mode of obstruction
Parnell favoured. It was too transparent, and gave no
opportunity of amending some particular measure so as
to show T useful results if the charge of obstruction were
made. Nevertheless, he stood by his colleague. The
motion was defeated by 128 votes to 8. But the fight
was kept up. Mr. O'Donnell next moved ' that the

JEt. 31] SPEECH AT MANCHESTER 129

chairman do now leave the chair.' This motion was
defeated by 127 to 6. Then Major O'Gorman came to
the front amid ' strong expressions of disapprobation, '
and moved to ' report progress,' and so the battle went on.
Obstructive motion succeeded obstructive motion, until
the House was thrown into a fever of excitement and
anger. At three o'clock in the morning, when the
obstructives were reduced to five, Parnell, with cha-
racteristic coolness, asked the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer what he wanted. ' Does the right hon. gentleman
want a victory over five Irishmen? What is the
principle for which he is contending ? '

The Chancellor of the Exchequer answered : ' That
a small minority shall give way to a large majority.'

But Mr. O'Connor Power, who led the fight, would
not give way, and the struggle continued. At half-past
three Mr. Whalley protested that the business of the
House ought to be carried on 'in the light of day.'
The House was weary and angry ; but the unconscious
humour of this appeal was too much. It was a brilliant
July morning, and the ' light of day ' was streaming in
through the open windows. The House roared, and
Whalley succumbed. Mr. O'Donnell rose nearly an
hour later to protest once more ' against the shame of
this midnight législation.' The House, however, sat
on steadily voting down the irrépressible five, who kept
alternately moving that ' the chairman do report pro-
gress ' and that ' the chairman do now leave the chair '
until 7 a.m., when the Government threw up the sponge
and left the obstructives triumphant.

On July 15 Parnell addressed a great meeting at
Manchester, one of X.'s thirteen, or rather fourteen
meetings. He said : ' For my part, I must tell you that
I do not believe in a policy of conciliation of English

VOL. i. k

130 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

feeling or English préjudices. I believe that you may
go on trying to conciliate English préjudice until
the day of judgment, and that you will not get the
breadth of my nail from them. What did we ever get
in the past by trying to conciliate thein ? '

A Voice. * Nothing except the sword.' (Applause.)
Pamell. ' Did we get the abolition of tithes by the
conciliation of our English taskmasters ? No ; it was
because we adopted différent measures. (Applause.)
Did O'Connell gain émancipation for Ireland by concilia-
tion ? (Cries of " No.") I rather think that O'Connell
in his time was not of a very conciliatory disposition,
and that at least during a part of his career he was about
the best-abused Irishman living. (Laughter and loud
applause.) Catholic émancipation was gained because
an English king and his Minister feared révolution.
(Applause.) Why was the English Church in Ireland
disestablished and disendowed ? Why was some mea-
sure of protection given to the Irish tenant ? It was
because there was an explosion at Clerkenwell and
because a lock was shot off a prison van at Manchester.
(Great applause.) We will never gain anything from
England unless we tread upon her toes ; we will never
gain a single sixpennyworth from her by conciliation.'
(Great cheering.)

On July 25 there was another encounter between
the Irishmen and the Government. The South Africa
Bill — the Bill for the annexation of the Transvaal —
was in committee. It was opposed, not only by Parnell
and his little band, but by some Britisfr members as
well, notably by Mr. Courtney and M r. Jenkins. On
this particular night Mr. Jenkins and 'other hon.
members ' were chargea by Mr. Monk with ' abusing
the forms of the House.' Mr. Jenkins indiyidually

Mi. 31] THWARTING THE GOVERNMENT 131

repudiated the imputation, and moved that Mr. Monk's
words ' be taken down.'

Parnell. 'I second that motion. I think the
limits of forbearance hâve been passed in regard to
the language which hon. members opposite hâve
thought proper to address to me and to those who
act with me.' Hère the Chancellor of the Exchequer
somewhat precipitately pounced on Mr. Parnell, and
moved that his words 'be taken down.' The House
expected Parnell to withdraw or explain. He would
do neither. On the contrary, he delivered, amidst con-
stant interruption, a séries of short, cutting speeches
which irritated the House, and expressed his own utter
contempt of the whole proceedings. Sir Stafford North-
cote watched him carefully to see if, under the excite-
ment of the moment, he might slip into some incautious
phrase which would deliver him into the hands of
his enemies. At last the moment for which the
Chancellor had anxiously watched arrived. Parnell,
concluding his remarks with apparent warmth and
raising his voice ajmost to a shriek, while the assembly,
wild with passion, surged around him, said : ' As it
was with Ireland, so it was with the South African
Colonies ; yet Irish members were asked to assist the
Government in carrying out their selfish and inconside-
rate policy. Therefore, as an Irishman, coming from a
countrythat had experienced to its fullest extent the
results of English interférence in its affairs and the
conséquences of English cruelty and tyranny, I feel a
spécial satisfaction in preventing and thwarting the
intentions of the Government in respect of this Bill/

There was a roar of indignation from ail parts of
the House as the member for Meath jresunied his seat.
Sir Staffofd at ojipe arose, amid a salvo pf cheers,

K 2

132 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

which were repeated again and again as he moved
' that the words of the hon. member be taken down.'
The Speaker was sent for. Parnell's words were
taken down : ' I feel a spécial satisfaction in pre-
venting and thwarting the intentions of the Govern-
ment.' The wily rebel had at length been caught
napping, his coolness had for once deserted him.
So thought the House, as Sir Stafford moved, amid
gênerai applause : ' That the hon. member for Meath
be suspended from his functions of speaking and
taking part in the debates of the House until
Friday next.' The Speaker at once called on
Parnell to ' explain.' Parnell rose, and in his iciest
manner said that his words had been accurately taken
down ; though he rather thought that he had used the
word ' infcerest ' instead of ' satisfaction.' He regretted
that the whole of his speech was not taken down, as he
wished to emphasise his condemnation of the Govern-
ment policy. ' I need not refer to history to support
the accusation that successive Governments of this
country hâve always treated those whom they thought
they could bully and oppress without référence to their
interest.'

This was not ' explanation,' it was ' défiance,' and
the Speaker called Parnell to order. Parneirs whole
answer was that he condemned the policy of the
Government, and would persévère in his efforts to
thwart it. He then withdrew, and taking up a position
in the gallery looked down on the scène below. He
soon witnessed the complète discomfiture of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer and his own absolute triumph.
It was the Chancellor, not Parnell, who had been
carried away by the excitement of the moment. Parnell
had said that he would ' thwart/ not the business of

jEt. 31] NEW RULES 133

the House of Commons (which was the meaning attached
to his words in the gênerai confusion), but the inten-
tions of the Government — a very différent thing.

Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen, who had not a particle
of sympathy with Parnell, put the case clearly before
the House after Parnell had withdrawn. ' I am sure/
said he, ' that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would
not contend that the member for Meath should be
punished because he wished to thwart the intentions
of the Government. ' ' Certainly not,' said Sir Stafford
with emphasis. The House soon saw the situation.
Sir Stafford had blundered. Mr. Gathorne-Hardy rose
immediately to move that the ' debate (on the motion
to suspend Parnell) be adjourned until Friday.' l The
motion was carried, and Parnell, escorted by Biggar,
returned to the House, and resumed his speech on the
South African Bill just at the point where he had been
interrupted, as if no thing unusual had occurred.

On Friday, July 27, Sir Stafford Northcote proposed
two new rules for dealing with obstruction, the effect
of which was (1) that a member twice declared out of
order might be suspended ; (2) that the motion * to
report progress,' and kindred motions, could only be
moved once by the same member in the same debate.
Parnell offered no serions opposition to thèse rules.
He knew it would be useless. But he made a short
speech in defence of his own conduct, which may be
taken as a fair spécimen of his concentrated style of
argument and gênerai mode of repelling obstructive
accusations.

1 1 suppose every newspaper in England contained
charges of obstruction against me on account of my
action on the Prisons Bill. But what was the resuit

1 The debate was never resumed.

134 CHAJRLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

of my action ? Why, it was that more of the clauses
of the présent Bill bave been proposed and carried by
me than by ail the Conservative members put together.
Those clauses were admittedly useful and good ones ;
and I was told afterwards that if I confined myself to
moving such amendments or to discussing measures
in that way, instead of obstructing them, I would be
filling a good and useful part in the House. Then
came the discussions on the Mutiny Bill. I ventured
to propose some amendments in those time-honoured
institutions, which I suppose hâve not been interfered
with for a quarter of a century, and again I was told I
was obstructing. I moved some amendments in com-
mittee, but, owing to the paucity of attendance, I did
not get many members to support them — not more
than 40 or 50. There was also the disadvantage that
they had been prepared hastily, and that I had not had
time to get them on paper. I determined therefore to
move them again on report. This also was obstruction.
What right had an Irish member to move amendments
on report which had already been rejected? Again
I was justified by the results ; for I was supported by
140 or 150 members, including the whole of the front
Opposition bench, and including gentlemen who had
since been loud in charging me with obstruction.'

Four days after the adoption of the new rules ob-
struction was carried to an extent hitherto unparalleled
in the history of the House of Commons. On Tuesday,
July 31, the HoUse was again in committee on the
South African Bill. The Government wished to push
the measure through the committee stage that night.
The Irishmen were determined to prevent them. About
5 p.m. Mr. O'Donnell began opérations by moving ' to
report progressa Parnell supported the motion, saying

JEt. 31] SOUTH AFRTCAN BILL 136

that there was much information that the House yet
needed on the whole question, and protesting against
rash législation. Sir William Harcourt quickly joined
in the fray, interrupting Parnell, charging him with
deliberate obstruction, and appealing to the House to
put down the small minority who sought to destroy its
utility. When Sir William sat down, Parnell said, in
the most unruffled manner, ' Sir, I will now continue
my observations.' He was greeted with a perfect storm
of yells from every part of the House. He paused,
waited patiently until there w r as a lull, and then went
on with his remarks. The chairman called him to
order, but still he persevered with excellent temper and
great courtesy, complimenting the chairman on the
fairness of his ruling, but nevertheless showing no
intention of giving way. Finally the motion ' to
report progress ' was withdrawn. But other obstructive
motions rapidly followed, and the House was soon
thrown into a ferment of disorder. At one stage of
the proceedings the din was so great that Parnell,
finding it impossible to conmiand the attention of the
chairman, walked very coolly from his place below the
gangway to the table, and there, aniid a lull caused by
his suprême audacity, resumed his observations.

Upon another occasion he warned hon. members
that they were wasting the time of the House in
entering into personal quarrels, instead of sticking to
the Bill. 'As for the threats of physical endurance
held out to me, I can assure the House if hon. members
divide themselves into relays, my friends l and I caii
divide ourselves into relays too.'

At three o'clock in the morning Butt burst in upon

. » -.

1 ParneU's force 4 ail told ' numbered five men — Biggar, O'Donnel,
O'Connor Power, Kirk, and Parnell.

136 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

the scène, denounced the obstructives, and then dis-
appeared. But the fight went on. At 7 a.m. the
Chancellor of the Exchequer asked the ininority to
yield. * They were suffering considérable physical in-
convenience,' he said, and he recognised the gallantry
with which the struggle had been carried on. But
Parnell would not yield. ' The Government are
bringing up reserve forces,' he said, 'the first niail-
boat will bring them from Ireland ; atid even in
London the member for Cavan (Biggar), though now
peacefully asleep, will soon return like a giant re-
freshed.' At 7.40 a.m. Biggar re-appeared and informed
the House that he had had ' a long sleep and a good
breakfast,' and was ready to carry on the fight à
outrance. Parnell retired at 8 a.m., but was back again
at twelve noon, Mr. O'Donnell, Mr. Kirk, Captain
Nolan, Mr. Gray, and Biggar, having meanwhile
kept the obstructive flag flying. At twelve Parnell
pressed the Government to allow progress to be
reported ; but the Government refused. The fight
then went on for two hours longer, when at 2 p.m.
the Bill was passed through committee and the House
adjourned, having sat continuously for twenty-six
hours. Through that long sitting there was one
occupant of the Ladies' Gallery who never deserted
lier post — Miss Fanny Parnell.

Parnell was now one of the most universally
detested men in England. In Ireland and among
the Irish in Great Britain he was a hero. He had
flouted the House of Commons, he had harassed the
Government, he had defied English public opinion.
Thèse were his claims to Irish popularity. ' The
Fenians,' said X., ' did not wish public attention
to be fixed on Parliament. But Parnell fixed it on

iET. 81] CAUTION AND RESERVE 137

Parliament by fixing it on hiniself . Yet many of our
people thought that he was simply wasting his time.
He was a man of energy and resource, that was clear.
But were not his powers lost in Parliament ? Could
not his abilities be turned to infinitely better account
in the Fenian organisation ? So many of our people
thought. And in fact I was, about this time, deputed
to ask Parnell to join us. I did ask him. He said
" No " without a moment's hésitation. He had the
fullest sympathy with us. He wished our organisation
to remain intact. He had no désire to interfère with
us in any way. But he said we ought not to interfère
with him. He felt that he could turn the parlia-
mentary machine to good account. He had no doubt
on the point. He was not disposed to argue the
question. Ail he would say was that he saw his way
quite clear. " Hâve patience with me," he said ; " give
me a trial for three or four years. Then, if I cannot do
anything, I will step aside. But give me a trial and
hâve patience with me ! " That was a favourite phrase
of his, " hâve patience/' '

' What was it about Parnell that struck you most ? '
X. i His silence. It was extraordinary. One
was not accustomed to it. AU Irish agitators talked.
He didn't. He listened with wonderful patience. His
reserve was a révélation. We used to say : " If ever
there was a man for a secret society, this is the man —
he can hold his tongue ! " But I could ne ver discover
that Parnell had the least notion at any time of joining
us. That was just what was so remarkable about him.
He never led any of us to believe that he would become
a Fenian, and nevertheless he gained a complète ascen-
dency over us. Why he gained this ascendency nobody
could very well tell, but that he gained it everyone felt.

138 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1877

Then he was delightful to do business with : so quick,
so ready, so clear-headed, and never in doubt about
anything which ought to be done. He was a great
man of action.'

' Was he at this time pleasant, génial, sociable ? '
X. ' Pleasant, certainly, but génial, sociable —
scarcely. Ail the pleasure was in doing business with
him. He was always at his best when dealing with
practical questions. In gênerai conversation he drooped.
I think he hated talking. However, I hâve seen
Parnell " at play." One evening coming from the
House of Commons, in April 1877, 1 said : " Mr. Parnell,
do you ever go to places of amusement?" "Oh, yes,
sometimes," he said; "would you like to go to any
place now? " I said, " Yes; let us go to the théâtre."
" Oh, no," said he, " let us go and see Dan O'Leary
walk." l And we went to the Agricultural Hall to see
the walking match between O'Leary and Westoli.
Parnell took a keen interest in the match, but the
interest was centred entirely in O'Leary. O'Leary
won and Parnell was highly pleased. The band struck
up " God save the Queen " as soon as the match was
over. " What nonsense ! " said Parnell, " why, it ought
to be ' God save Ireland ' in honour of Dan O'Leary
— the man who won. Make them play * God save
Ireland.' " I said that was impossible ; that it was
the custom of the country to play " God save the
Queen" at the end of thèse entertainments. "Oh,
nonsense ! " said he, " they must compliment the man
who won, that's only fair. Tell them to play ' God
save Ireland ' ; explain the reason. Hère, give thein

1 Dan O'Leary was a native of Cork and a naturalisée! citizen of the
United States. In April 1877 there was a great walking match between
him and Weston (an American), at the Agricultural Hall, Islington, for
10002., or 500/. aside. The match lasted six days and O'Leary won.

.Et. 31] ' AT PLAY ' 139

thèse twô sovereigns." Well, I laughed at the notion;
but he was So earnest that I went ofif to the band.
The bàndmaster was a German. I did not ask him
to play " God save Ireland," for I knew he would not
understand it. But I asked hiin to play " Tramp,
tramp, tramp, the boys are marching," which is the
same tune. He said : " Oh, now we hâve played ' God
save the Queen ' it is ail over." I explained to him that
" Tramp, tramp, tramp, the boys are marching " was
very appropriate, and that O'Leary, who had won, was
anxious to hear it. The German smiled at this, and
seemed to think there was something in it. At the
same time I slipped four sovereigns into his hand (two
from niyself as well as Parnell's two), and the band
immediately struck up "Tramp, tramp," &c, to the
delight of Parnell and to the bewilderment of everybody
else. I remember Sir John Astley was there, and he
was very vexed.'

' Had Parnell any sensé of humour ? '

X. 'Oh, yes, he had, but it was very peculiar.
He would never laugh at the ordinary good story. In
fact, you never could tell what would exactly amuse
him. Certain things used to tickle him very much,
though other people used not to see much fun in them.
For instance, John Barry and Garrett Byrne, two of
the stoutest men of the Irish party, were "paid ofif"
on one occasion to " schedule " the distressed districts.
Parnell used to smile immoderately at this (he never
laughed outright). "Look," he would say, "at the
tellers for the distressed districts," and he would enjoy
the joke very quietly to himself. His face used quite
to beam at the idea when he would see Barry or
Byrne, fat and well favoured, walking across the lobby.
There was a f armer in County Wicklow named Codd —

140 CHARLES SÎEWART PARNELL [1877

Nicholas Codd ; he was popularly called Nicky Codd.
He had a -dispute with his landlord. He offered the
landlord a reduced rent, which the landlord would not
accept. An ambassador was sent to Nicky to see if a
compromise could be arrangea. " But suppose, Mr.
Codd/' said the ambassador, "that the landlord insists
on not accepting your offer, is tHere not some alterna-
tive." " Yes," said Nicky, " there is." The ambassador
was satisfied. He thought that they would at length
arrive at a modus vivendi. " What is the alternative,
Mr. Codd?" said he. " He may go to hell," said
Nicky. I told this story to Parnell and it tickled him
greatly. Afterwards, whenever he was engagea in
negotiations himself, and whenever he made an offer
which was refused, he would say, " Very well ; they
can take Nicky Codd's alternative." Nicky Codd's
alternative became quite a saying of his/

Another informant, one of Parnell's obstructive
colleagues in the House of Commons, corroborâtes,
more or less, X.'s statement about Parnell's 'social
qualities.' This gentleman also said that Parnell was
rather ' pleasant than génial, or sociable, though he
always had a charm of manner which made him a
most agreeable companion. We [the obstructives] used
to dine together at Gatti's in the Strand. He certainly
did not contribute much to the " fun " of the meeting.
He never told a good story, he was not a good con-
versationalist in any sensé, but he was appréciative
and a splendid listener. We ail talked around him,
and he seemed to enjoy the conversation while taking
little part in it. He was only " on the spot " when
something had to be done. One evening he and I
were walking along Oxford Street (I think). We passed
a music-hall. He looked at the people going in and

JEt. 31] THE PARLIAMENTARY RECESS 141

said : " Let us go in to this place," and we went in.
But he took little interest in the performance. He sat
down in a dreamy state and seemed to me to be half
asleep most of the time. But an acrobat soon appeared,
and Parnell suddenly woke up. He watched this man
ail the while, then said to me, " Now, why should that
man be tumbling about on the stage and I sitting hère ?
Why shouldn't I be on the stage and he hère ? Chance,
just that. You see everything is chance."

' This seemed to show the démocratie strain which
ran through the Parnells' character. Aristocratie and
autocratie as he was, he couldn't recognise anything
but chance in the arrangement of things. The accident
of birth was everything.'

Parliament was prorogued on August 14. No
measure of any importance had been passed for Ireland.
Another year of failure had been added to the record
of the Parliamentarians.

Land, éducation, franchise, ail questions great and
small were left unsettled; while, as for Home Rule,
the ' Times ' l well expressed English public opinion on
the subject in the following contemptuous sentences :

4 Parliament will not, cannot grant Home Rule.
The mère demand for it lies beyond the range of
practical discussion. The utmost favour which the
House of Commons can show to its advocates is to
listen to them with patience and courtesy once a year.' 2
England would not legislate for Ireland, nor allow
Ireland to legislate for herself ; that was the situation.

■ Times, April 20, 1877.

* Bntt's annual motion for an inquiry into the nature, extent, and
grounds of the demand for Home Baie was rejeoted in 1877 (April 24)
by 417 to 67 votes. The following English members voted for the
motion : Barran (Leeds), Jacob Bright (Manchester), Gourley (Sunder-
land), Hibbert (Oldham), Lawson (Carlisle), Macdonald ( Staff ord).
Philips (Bury), Cowen (Kewcastle).

142 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

The Irish people were steadily losing faith in parlia-
mentary agitation ; but they watched the career of
Parnell with interest and curiosity. What would
become of hini ? Would he remain in Parliament or
would he glide into révolution ? That was the question
which many men in Ireland asked themselves in 1877.

On August 25 Parnell and Biggar attended a great
meeting at the Botunda, Dublin. ' About this tirne/
says one who was présent, ' it was a question among
advanced men whether Parnell or Biggar would take
foremost place. The Botunda meeting settled it. The
gathering was practically got up by the Fenians.
Biggar and Parnell both spoke. Biggar made a very
long speech and produced no effect'.

* Parnell then came forward. He made a* short,
quiet speech, badly delivered ; but it produced great
effect. We said, talking the matj;er over afterwards :
" Biggar has said ail he had to say, but Parnell h as
barely opened his niind to us ; there is a lot behind." '

Nevertheless, Parnell stated his views with charac-
teristic clearness, and in the language best suited to
the audience he addressed. ' I care nothing/ he said,
' for this English Parliament and its outcries. I care
nothing for its existence, if that existence is to
continue a source of tyranny and destruction to my
country.'

On September 1 the most remarkable event which
had yet taken place in the life of Parnell occurred. On
that day the Home Rule Confédération of Great Britain
held their annual meeting at Liverpool. I must again
fall back on X. for an account of what happened :
1 Butt was at this time our président, but many of our
people had lost confidence in him. We ail were
warmly attached to him ; for he was one of the most

iET. 31] TU E OLD POL1CY r. THE NEW 143

génial and affectionate of men. Then he had defended
the Fenian prisoners, and had afterwards thrown
himself heart and soûl into the amnesty movement.
But his conciliatory tactics in the House of Comraons,
his submission to the House of Commons, his déférence
to English opinion and feeling, made us distrust him ;
not his earnestness, not his anxiety to do the best for
Ireland, but his power to effect anything. He was
courting English opinion, instead of leaning on us. We
thought his policy hopeless. We believed ail the time
that you could get nothing out of England but by
fighting her, by showing her we were a power, and
that if she did not grant our demands we could and
would do her harm. The Irish voters in England had
forced English candidates to take the Home Rule
pledge. It was not love of us ; it was not belief in
Home Rule ; it was simply the knowledge that they
could not do without us. Well, Butt was really
ignoring ail that. He talked in the House of Commons
as if he could, by mère reason and éloquence, persuade
the English to give a Parliament to Ireland. Why, it
was nonsense. Parnell's tactics were very différent.
He did not believe in talk. He did not waste time in
argument. He thought only of one thing (as the
Yankees say), twisting the tail of the British lion.
That was the true policy. But it was not the policy
of Isaac Butt.

' Well, as the time for holding the meetings of the
Confédération came round I saw Parnell, and discussed
the situation with him. He said to me one night : " I
think there must be quite a new departure in our
party. We are only at the beginning of an active
forward policy ; but ij; must be pusfred to extrêmes. A
few men in the House of Commons can do nothing

IU CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

unless they are well supported in the country. Some-
thing striking must be done. Your organisation must
do something striking. You must show plainly you
mean to stand by the active men in the House of
Commons." That was ail he said, but it was enough.
" Something striking must be done." I well remember
how he said thèse words ; what suppressed energy
there was in the voice and manner of the man, and
what a strange voice. And how the words used to be
forced, as if they were too precious to be parted with —
" Something striking must be done " — with outstretched
hands and clenched fists, and eyes that went through
you ail the time. Well, I left Parnell, determined that
Butt should be deposed, and that Parnell should become
président of the Confédération. That was the most
" striking thing" I could think of. It was very painful.
I was very fond of Butt. He was himself the kindest-
hearted man in the world, and hère was I going to do
the unkindest thing to him. I had brought him into
the association, I had made him président, and hère
was I now going to dépose him. But Parnell's words,
" Something striking must be done," rang in my ears,
and I felt he was right. But it was a sad business ail
the same. The meeting took place in September.
There was a great gathering. Of course the Fenians
bossed the show, and they were determined to a man to
make Parnell président. Butt was there, Parnell was
there, everyone was there. And what a contrast
between Butt and Parnell ! Butt with his léonine head,
his beaming face, his sparkling eyes, and the merry
laugh which used to ring out so cheerily and musically.
Parnell, cold and reserved, dignified and almost austère.
" My dear fellow, delighted to see you," Butt would
say, and he would almost take you into his arms. How

/Et. 31] A CRISIS 145

différent Parnell's " How do you do, Mr. ?" with

a handshake which was warm though hard, and a smile
which was sweet and gracious; you felt there was a
gulf between you and him. It was différent with Butt.
You felt he brought himself down to your level. You
forgot his genius in his pleasant homely ways. But
Parnell never descended. No matter how farniliar he
might be, he kept the distance always between himself
and you. He was always encased in steel. Well, the
hour of business came. One of the first items on the
agenda was the élection of président. Parnell was
proposed and seconded, and elected by acclamation.
There was no competitor. The whole thing was done
in a quiet business-like way, as if it were a mère matter
of form. I looked at Butt. There was no mistaking
his feelings. He felt the blow keenly. He rose, after
a little time, and said that he was obliged to go to
Dublin on urgent matters of business, and hoped that
the meeting would excuse his absence. He then
retired. I followed him from the hall. There was no
blinking the fact — he was greatly pained by what had
happened. I determined to tell him frankly the reason
why we had chosen Parnell — that we wanted an ad-
vanced policy, and that Parnell was the man to carry
it out. I came up with Butt near the door. " Mr.
Butt," I said, " I am very sorry for what has happened,
but it could not be helped." He turned round; his
eyes were filled with tears, as he said in the most
touching way, "Ah ! I never thought the Irish in
England would do this to me." Well, my voice stuck
in my throat. I couldn't say anything. Butt took my
hand in both his, pressed it, and rushed off. There
was not a bit of malice in the man. He was full of
sorrow, but I do not think he was angry with anyone.
vol. i. L

146 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

I went back to the meeting. Parnell was there, look-
ing like a bit of granité. But no one could help
thinking he was the man to fight the English ; he was
so like theinselves, cool, callous, inexorable, always
going straight to the point, and not caring much how
he got there, so long as he did get there. There was
one thing about Parnell on which the Fenians believed
they could rely, his hatred of England. They felt that
that would last for ever.'

The élection of Parnell as président of the Home
Kule Confédération of Great Britain was the turning-
point in his career. The Irish in England and Scotland
had practically passed a vote of censure on Butt, had
practically endorsed the policy of Parnell. ' The Irish
in Great Britain,' Parnell said to X., 'must take the lead.
It is easier for the advanced men to push forward
hère than in Ireland. Ireland will follow.'

* How did he corne to rely on the Fenians ? How
did he know anything about them ? '

X. * How did he know anything ? By instinct.
He knew nothing of the détails of Fenianism. He
hated détails— ail détails. But he knew that Fenians
were men who had run risks, and were ready to run
risks again.

' A Constitutionalist was a man who was ready to
go into Parliament for Ireland. A Fenian was a man
who was ready to go into pénal servitude for Ireland.
Parnell grasped that fact. He felt the Fenians were
the men to drive the ship, but he wanted to steer her
himself. That was about the state of the case. Of
course many of the Fenian leaders did not want to
drive the ship for Parnell, but the rank and file of the
Fenians did. They believed that Parnell would not
steer the ship into an English port, and that he would

.Et. 31] A SIGNIFICANT INCIDENT 147

steer her into an Irish port, and perhaps a port not fàr
from the one of their choice.'

The following incident, related to me by an officiai
of the Home Kule Confédération of Great Britain, fehbws
how from the beginning Parnell kept in touch with the
advanced men. ' The first time I saw Parnell was
in 1875 — the time of the O'Connell centenary. The
members of the Confédération resolved to attend the
Dublin démonstration in honour of O'Connell. We
came in great force from Liverpool, Manchester, and
other northern towns. On arriving in Dublin, I was
deputed to call on the Dublin organisers and to arrange
for the place which our men should take up in the pro-
cession. I waited on a gentleman whose name I noW
forget. He met me very bluntly and said, " Oh, we are
not going to give a place in the procession to Fenians."
I replied : " We are not Fenians. We represent the
Home Eule Confédération of Great Britain, and surely
we ought to hâve a place." But he would not givè wày.
Of course there were Fenians amongst us, and there were
a good many Fenian sympathisers ; we apprëciâted
the earnestness and grit of the Fenians, and we
sympathised with the men who had suffered for Ire-
land. But the majority of the men who came froiti
England were not, so far as I know, sworn Fenians.
I came back and told our people what had happened,
how we had been refused a place in the procession.
" Oh ! " said they, " very well ; if they do not give ils a
place, we will take one ourselves." Accordingly, when
the day came we formed in order with our cars and
banners, and took up a position in advance of every-
body else — in fact, we headed the procession — and
marched forward. Some of the Dublin organisers
were much annoyed, and very foolishly told the coal-

L 2

148 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

portera to dislodge us. The coal-porters generally had
the place of honour in thèse processions sinceO'Conneirs
time. In fact they used to be called "O'Connell's
bodyguard." Well, so far as we were concerned we
did not want a front place ; we dropped into the place
as much by accident as anything else. The coal-
porters came forward in great numbers. When they
saw us with our banners flying, " Liverpool Home
Rule Branch," " Manchester Home Rule Branch,"
and so forth, and at the head of ail an amnesty car
with the words '*Freedom for the Political Prisoners,"
they simply cheered us and fell in, in the rear.
Then P. J. Smyth — as a protest, I suppose, against
our insubordination — swooped down on us with a
number of men, and eut the traces of the amnesty car,
and drove off the horses. Then I saw Parnell for the
first time. He dashed to the front with a number
of others — O'Connor Power was there and a lot
more — and they seized the traces and dragged the car
forward themselves, while we ail cheered heartily.
We then got. to the place in Sackville Street where
the centenary address was to be delivered. Lord
O'Hagan had written the address. But we objected
to his reading it. We said O'Hagan was a Whig,
and the proper person to address us was Butt, the
Home Rule leader. Butt could not be found, where-
upon [X.] went off and discovered Butt at the Impérial
Hôtel, brought him along at once, and then he
addressed us from the platform. So altogether the
Irish in England asserted themselves pretty firmly.
But we had plenty of sympathisers in Dublin. The
Dublin Fenians and the Fenians from the country
of course stuck by our Fenians. Afterwards we
adjourned to the Impérial Hôtel, where we ail talked

Mt. 31] RECESS SPEECHES 149

over the day's doings. Parnell was at the Impérial
Hôtel too, but he did not talk. Everybody talked but
him. He seemed to be a shy, diffident, gentlemanly
young fellow. Looking at him in the room at the
Impérial you would never think that he would hâve
flung himself into the work at the amnesty car as
he did/

During September Parnell addressed several meet-
ings in Great Britain and Ireland, dealing chiefly with
the question of obstruction. In thèse speeches he never
failed to impress on his hearers the necessity for
parliamentary action — vigorous parliamentary action.
He never hesitated to tell the Fenians that there must
be parliamentary agitation. He never hesitated to
tell the Constitutionalists that outside Parliament
there must be forces to co-operate with the men
within. ' The followers of Mr. Butt,' he said at Burs-
lem in Staffordshire on September 8, ' say we must
behave as the English members behave ; in fact, we
must be Englishmen. We must go into English
society and make ourselves agreeable, and not cause a
ruffle on the smooth sea of parliamentary life, lest we
forget our position as gentlemen and as members of
the British House of Commons. Mr. Biggar and
myself, however, think that that is a wrong view to
take, and that it is better for us always to remember
that we are Irish représentatives.' At Kilmallock, on
September 17, he sounded another note : ' We none of
us can do any good unless the Irish people stand
behind us ; but if the people stand behind us I care
nothing for the threats of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer — thèse funny old womanish threats ; I care
not for the threats of any Englishman. We shall
show them that with the Irish people at our backs we

160 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1877

shall ineet their threats with deeds.' At Greenock, on
September 22, where the Fenians were in force, he
declared : ' We must carry out a vigorous and energetic
policy in the House of Commons. If that be done,
then I believe we hâve a power in Parliament of which
few men hâve any notion.' Addressing a meeting of
his own constituents, where Fenians were not strongly
represented, on September 24, he said : ' I think that
opposition to English rule is best which is most felt.
. . . O'Connell gained Catholic émancipation outside
the House of Commons. . . . No amount of éloquence
could achieve what the fear of an impending insurrection,
what the Clerkenwell explosion and the shot into the
police van, had achieved.'

In October there was a conférence of Irish members
in the City Hall, Dublin. Hère Butt denounced ob-
struction with impassioned éloquence, and singled out
Parnell for spécial animad version.

Parnell replied briefly and quietly. He said he did
not care whether his policy was called a policy of
obstruction or not. There was no value in a name ; it
was a policy of energy and earnestness, and that was
w r hat the Irish people wanted. Mr. O'Connor Power
and Mr. A. M. Sullivan, two éloquent speakers, de-
fended the * forward ' policy at greater length. Indeed,
Parnell left the talking to them.

Parnell now felt he had many of the rank and file of
the Fenians at his back, and he believed that the future
was with them. Butt's policy of conciliation only
helped to estrange Fenian sympathisera and to under-
mine the influence of the Home Kule leader.

In December an event fraught with important
results in the development of Parnell's relations with
the Fenians occurred. Michael Davitt, a Fenian

;Et. 31] MICHAEL DAVITT 151

convict, was released from Dartmoor Prison. Davitt
was born near Straide, in the County Mayo, in 1846.
When he was quite a child his parents emigrated to
England, settling at Haslingden, near Manchester.
There Davitt grew up. He attended a Wesleyan
school in the town, entered a factory (where he lost
his right arm, which was caught accidentally in
the machinery), became in turn an assistant letter-
carrier, a bookkeeper in the post office, a commercial
traveller, and finally joined the Fenian organisation in
1870. He was tried at Newgate for treason-felony,
found guilty, and sentenced to fifteen years' pénal servi-
tude. Seven years and seven months of this sentence
he endured. He was then, on December 19, 1877,
released on ticket-of-leave. 1 He immediately rejoined
the organisation, and ultimately became a member of

1 Davitt had been engaged in collecting arms, and sorne 14,000
rounds of revolver cartridges and 400 Snider rifles were traced to him.
Apropos of Davitt's release, the officiai of the Home Rule Con-
fédération whom 1 hâve already quoted told me the following incident :
4 There was a local Home Rule association called the " Westminster Home
Rule Union." It was an association for the " respectable " members of the
organisation who did not like to rub shoulders with Fenians and Fenian
sympathisers. Of course, at the central office we were glad of the asso-
ciation; every association in league with us helped. One night
I was at a meeting of the Westminster Union. Suddenly a Fenian

named C popped in his head rather mysteriously, and popped it out

again without saying anything. He returned in about ten minutes, and
brought in a dark, delicate-looking young fellow of about thirty with
him. "Hère," he said, without any ceremony, "is Michael Davitt, who
has just been released from Dartmoor." WeÙ, the " respectables " were
in a fix. They couldn't turn Davitt out, so they asked him to sit

down. He and C stopped for about twenty minutes, and then

went away. When they were gone some of the members of the Union

said : " What the devil does that fellow G mean by coming in hère

and bringing this Davitt with him ?" I said : " You need not turn up
your nose at a man who has suffered seven years' pénal servitude for
Ireland whether you agrée with him or not." They simply sneered.
However, before many weeks thèse gentlemen were on the same platform
with Davitt, and were loud in their praises of the man who had " suffered
for Ireland." You see that is the way Fenianism oolours our political
movements and influences the most constitutional of us.'

152 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

the suprême council. Three other Fenians were re-
leased about the same time as Davitt — Sergeant
McCarthy, Corporal Chambers, and John P. O'Brien.
On January 5, 1878, ail three returned to Ireland.
They were met on their arrivai at Kingstown by
Parnell, O'Connor Power, and others.

The men received a great ovation on reaching
Westland Row, and with the cheers for the ' political
prisoners ' were mingled cheers for ' Parnell/

Parnell invited the four men to breakfast at Mor-
rison's Hôtel, where a tragic scène occurred. As
Sergeant McCarthy, who had suffered much in prison,
entered the room he was seen to grow faint and stagger.
He was immediately helped to a sofa, where, in a few
minutes, he died. Parnell was much shocked, but the
tragedy served to increase the respect and sympathy
which he always felt for those who did and dared for
Ireland. McCarthy, like many another Fenian, had
risked ail, and lost ail, for the faith that was in him.

2En. 32] 153

CHAPTEE VIII

THE NEW DEPABTUEE

On January 14 and 15, 1878, another Home Rule con-
férence was held in Dublin, in the hope of closing the
widening breach between Butt and Parnell.

Butt once more condemned the policy of obstruction,
and Parnell once more defended it. An extract from
the speech of each will suffice.

Mr. Butt. 'I took the liberty some time ago at
Limerick to lay down what I believed was the policy
to pursue, and that was to make an assault ail along
the whole line of English misgovernment, and to bring
forward every grievance of Ireland, and to press the
English House of Commons for their redress ; and I
believed, and believe it still, that if once we got liberal-
minded Englishmen fairly to consider how they would
redress the grievance of Irish misgovernment, they
would corne in the end to the conclusion that they had
but one way of giving us good government, and that
was by allowing us to govern ourselves.'

Parnell. 'If I refrain from asking the country
to-day, by the voice of this conférence, to adopt any
particular line of action, or any particular policy, or to
put any definite issue in référence to it before this con-
férence, I do so solely because I am young, and can
wait ~

154 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

But t. 'Hear, hear.'

Parnell. 'And because I believe the country can
also wait, and that the country which has waited so
long can wait a little longer. Mr. Butt has very fairly
explained the policy that he has carried out during the
three or four years that this Parliament has lasted, and
he has pointed to his speech at Limerick, in which he
described his policy as one which was designed to make
an attack on the whole line of English misgoverninent
in Ireland by laying bare the grievances under which
Ireland suffers. He has also told us his belief that if
he made it clear to Englishmen that we did really suffer
under many unjust laws, that he would be able to induce
fair-minded Englishmen to direct their attention to the
redress of thèse grievances, and that he would be able
to persuade them that the best way to redress our
grievances would be to leave us to redress them our-
selves. Now I gladly agrée with Mr. Butt that it is
very possible, and very probable, that he would be able
to persuade a fair-minded Englishman in the direction
that he has indicated ; but still I do not think that the
House of Commons is mainly composed of fair-minded
Englishmen. If we had to deal with men who were
capable of listening to fair arguments there would be
every hope of success for the policy of Mr. Butt as
carried out in past sessions ; but we are dealing with
political parties who really consider the interests of
their political organisations as paramount, beyond every
other considération.'

This conférence led to no practical results. Parnell,
backed by the advanced men, stood to his guns, and
Butt, ill-supported by the Modérâtes and broken in
health, gradually gave up the struggle. Indeed, before
the end of the year 1878 the young member for Meath

Mr. 32] REPORT ON OBSTRUCTION 155

was virtually master of the situation. Almost im-
mediately on the meeting of Parliament the Govern-
ment took up the question of obstruction, and appointed
a sélect committee to inquire into the subject of public
business. Humorously enough, Parnell was placed
on this committee. The chief criminal was not put
into the dock ; he took his seat among the judges, and
from that vantage ground he cross-examined with
much shrewdness and skill the Speaker, the Chairman
of Committees, and other high authorities on parlia-
mentary procédure. The sittings of the committee
lasted from March until July, when a report was
prepared on which the Government took action early
in 1879.

Parnell drafted a report of his own, which, however,
the committee refused to accept. In this report the
member for Meath (inter alia) said : ' The Committee
cannot shut their eyes to the fact that the House is com-
posed of several différent nationalities who sympathise
little with the aspirations, and who understand less of
the affairs, of each other. Considérable friction, heat,
and ill-feeling is frequently engendered by the inter-
férence of members belonging to one nationality in
the affairs of the others, with the resuit of delay, loss
of time, and obstruction to the gênerai progress of
business. In addition, the affairs of Ireland and India
are neglected, and the représentatives of thèse two
countries, if they attend the sittings of the House, find
themselves in a position of enforced idleness, unless they
occupy themselves with English affairs and so incur
the risk of the ill-will of the majority of the House.'

Leaving the question of obstruction, I must now
turn to Parnell's relation with Fenians during the year
1878. We hâve seen how X. formed the Home Kule

156 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

Confédération of Great Britain, drew some of the
Fenians into it, and made Parnell président. The
difficultés which X. had to encounter from the begin-
ning in reconciling Fenianism with Parliamentarianism
in any shape or form much increased in 1878. I shall,
however, let him tell his story in his own way :

1 1 was always opposed by a party on the suprême
council who wished to hâve nothing whatever to do
with the Parliamentarians. They wished the Fenians
to remain within their own lines, to go on collecting
arms, drilling, keeping alive the separatist spirit,
watching, waiting, preparing. They believed in a
policy of open warfare. Parliamentarianism, they said,
was bound, sooner or later, to undermine the secret
movement. I had no objection to the policy of open
warfare, but open warfare seemed a long way off, and
hère was a new field of activity, which ought not to
be neglected. Our great idea was to keep the spirit
of nationality alive. This could always be done by
fighting England. In Parnell we had a man who
hated England, and who was ready and able to fight
her at every available point. I thought that such a
man ought to be given his head. He had asked for a
fair trial, and I felt he was entitled to it. However,
in the spring of 1878 there was a crisis.

' The suprême council — which was the governing
body of the Fenians on this side of the Atlantic —
consisted of eleven members. It is an open secret
that Kickham was a member of the suprême council,
and the most important man among us. Well,
Kickham was dead against any alliance with the
Parliamentarians. He believed that contact with
thcm was demoralising, and that Parliamentarianism
was nothing more nor less than an Anglicising influ-

CHARLES KICKIIAM

]Ù7

3, In fact he did not think that the question was
lable. It is also an open secret that Biggar and
in were membera of the suprême council. The
îi namea hâve not transpired, and accordingly
oot be published. In 1878 Kickhani and those
) thought with him determined to take action.
:y brought forward a resolution pledging the council
lever ail connection with the parliamentary party.
s resolution wae carried by a majority of one. I
aediately resigned. I said that I did not agrée
i the décision of the council, and as I wished to
e a free hand I would retire. Biggar agreed with

but refused to resign. Parnell advised him to
gn. He said, " No, sir, I never withdraw from any-
ig. Let them expel me." Theydidexpel him. They
i expelled Egan, and othera who voted with me. I

Parnell and told him wbat I had done. He said
ited quite rightly ; that I could not very well remain
îember of a body from which I had differed on a
linal point.'

' Which would be the more accurate thing to say :
t the Feniana helped, or did not help, the Parnell
/ement, so called, in the years following 1878? '
X. ' Oh, helped, certainly. The heada of the I. K. B.
e against Parnell, but many of the ranb and file
it with him. That was just the cleverneBS of the
i. He appreeiated the energy and earneatness of

Feniana, but turned theae qualîtiea to the account
lia own movement. He did not try to weaken the
a of Fenianism, but he diverted it into a channel
lia own chooBing. Had he attempted to break up
lianism he woiild hâve gone to piecea. He therefore
it on it ; he walked on the verge of treaaon-felony,

so won the hearts of many of the rank and file.

Mi. 82] THE CLAN-NA-GAEL 159

Because Fenianism had held aloof from them. The
land question was a vital question ; the Fenians should
not leave it wholly in the hands of the Constitutionalists.
Every man would not become a Nationalisa because
nationality was a high idéal. Most people were not
influenced by high ideals. They were influenced by
selfish considérations, and thèse considérations had,
unfortunately, to be worked upon. If the Fenians
helped the farmers, the farmers would help the Fenians.
By co-operating, then, with the ' open movement,' by
mingling in the public life of the country, by directing
the current of agitation into channels favourable to
Fenian expansion, the cause of nationality would best
be served. Let the Fenians go into the constitutional
movement and keep it on national lines. That was the
true policy to follow.

'In the spring of 1878 one of the heads of the
Clan-na-Gael, being in London, desired to bring about
a meeting between Parnell and some of the Parliamen-
tarians, and himself and some of the most influential
among the Fenians. The meeting took place at the
Clan-na-Gael man's lodgings in Craven Street, Strand.
There were présent Parnell, an Irish member (who, it
may as well be said, was selected by the Fenians
because he had never been a Fenian and was not open
to the fatal fault in their eyes of having taken two
conflicting oaths), the chief officiai of the suprême
council, one of the three most prominent Fenians then
living, and, of course, the Irish-American gentleman
himself. What occurred that night was shortly this.
Parnell was mostly silent, but certainly impressively so.
The Fenian officiai scarcely spoke at ail, and the Clan-
na-Gael man said but little. Ail the talking, roughly
speaking, was done by Parneirs colleague and the

160 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

prominent Fenian, with the resuit that after much
argument things remained very much as they had been
at the beginning, the M.P. producing little or no effect
upon the possibly too uncompromising Fenian, and the
Fenian probably producing no effect whatever on the
M.P. In fact the chasm between them was too wide
to be overleaped. What effect either, or anything that
occurred, produced upon Parnell it would be hard to
say ; but most certainly Parnell, silent as he was, and
possibly somewhat because of his silence, produced a
very great effect upon everyone présent. The Clan-na-
Gael man met the M.P. some days after, and, no doubt,
Parnell more than once. The prominent Fenian also had
a long talk with Parnell some short time afterwards,
without their coming any nearer to each other in policy,
though then, as before and even after, this Fenian
was strongly impressed by the striking personality of
Parnell; l

Parnell had, as we hâve seen, the strongest
sympathies with Fenianism, but he was resolved not to
be managed by the Fenians — nor, indeed, by any force
whatever. He believed profoundly in Fenian help,
but saw the danger of Fenianism swamping the con-
stitutional movement. His policy was to keep Parlia-
mentarianism well in front, and to mass the Eevolu-
tionists behind it. The Fenians were to be his reserves.
He certainly had no objection to an alliance between
Fenianism and Constitutionalism, but he was deter-
mined that he should be master of the alliance. ' A
true revolutionary movement in Ireland,' he said
publicly, ' should, in my opinion, partake both of a
constitutional and illégal character. It should be both
an open and a secret organisation, using the constitu-

1 This account has been given to me by one who was présent. Mr.
44 Martin " (anU\ p. 65) was at this Craven Street meeting.

JET. 32] THE PARLIAMENTARY MACHINE 16l

tion for its own purposes, but also taking advantage of
its secret combination. , l

At this time another attempt was made to draw him
into the ranks of the I. R. B. A Fenian agent was once
more deputed to call on him, and ask him to join the
organisation. He again refused firmly. ' I think,' he
said, ' I can do good with the parliamentary machine.
I mean to try it, at ail events. Purely physical-force
movements hâve always failed in Ireland.' The Fenian
reminded him that purely constitutional movements
had always failed too. Parnell agreed, saying : ' But I
do not want to break up your movement. On the
contrary, I wish it to go on. Collect arms, do every-
thing that you are doing, but let the open movement
hâve a chance too. We can both help each other, but
I am sure I can be of more use in the open movement.'
On another occasion he said to another Fenian : ' I
am sure I can do something with the parliamentary
machine. I cannot explain how I am going to do it,
but I am quite satisfied I can do it. I see my way
clearly.'

Despite the attitude of the leaders of the I. R. B.,
Parnell was gaining some influence over the rank
and file of the society. I asked the officiai of the
Home Rule Confédération of Great Britain from whom
I hâve already quoted 2 how far the Fenians were
helping the Home Rule movement in England in 1878
and 1879. He said : * The leaders opposed us, but the
rank and file were divided. Some supported us,
others did nothing. When there was nothing particu-
lar doing, very few of the Fenians troubled them-
selves about us. But when there was something
spécial afoot— a parliamentary élection, a municipal

1 New York Herald, January 2, 1880. * Ante, p. 145.

VOL. I. M

162 CHARLES STEWART PABNELL [1878

élection, anything of that kind — then certainly many
Fenians came in and helped us. They were full of
energy ; they were about the beat workers we had. It
always seemed to me that they could not help having
a " go " at England whenever an opportunity of any
kind offered; and they certainly felt that in fighting
for a Home Bule candidate against a Unionist they
were striking in some way against English authority in
Ireland. I had rather a curious expérience myself of
the Fenians about this time. There was a working
inen's club composed entirely of Irish. I came in
contact with the members, as I was always knocking up
against Irishmen in London and other parts of England.
Thèse working men asked me to do some secrétariat
business for them — to keep their books, &c. I agreed,
and used to attend their meetings occasionally. Look-
ing through their books I found there was a fine lot of
names, and they were a fine lot of fellows too, and I
did not see why they should not join the Confédération.
So one day I sent a circular to ail the members of the
club inviting them to join. Some time afterwards I
went to the club as usual, but I was met with scowls.
As every man dropped in he looked at me askance and
suspiciously. I could see that I was in some sort of
disgrâce, but I could not make out what it was ail
about. At last one of them got up and said : " What

I suspected has happened. I was against Mr.

coining in hère and doing anything for us. He is
a Home Rule agent, and I knew he would be inter-
fering with us. I am as thankful to him as anyone
hère for the work he has done for our club. But we
are not Home Rulers. We are Fenians, and we do
not want to be interfered with, that's ail." The cir-
cular was the cause of the whole row. I expressed

Mt. 32] AN EX-FENIAN'S VIEW 163

regret for sending it, said I thought there was no
harm, and so forth. The upshot of the whole business
was that, after mutual explanations, they asked me
still to corne and help in the business of the club, but
to leave Home Kule alone. This I did. But when-
ever there was an élection on, or whenever there was
fighting to be done, I used to ask thèse men to give
me a hand, and they always did. They did not join
the Confédération, but they gave us outside help,
and we got lots of assistance from Fenians in that
way.'

An ex-Fenian who had suffered in the cause also
throws some light on the effect produced by ParnelTs
vigorous parliamentary action. He says : ' When I
came out of prison I went back at once to the organi-
sation. I began to collect àrms, to conceal them, to
organise. Then my attention was turned to what was
going on in Parliament, and to Parnell chiefly. This
was something new. Hère was a handful of men
fighting the British Government on its own ground.
People do not become Revolutionists for the fun of the
thing. Every Fenian carried his life in his hand.
There is not much fun in that. Why were we Fenians ?
Because in Fenianism was the only hope for Ireland.
Parliamentarianism had always been contemptible. It
was worse, it was mischievous. The London Parlia-
ment was simply a school for Anglicising Irishmen.
We hated the thing. But if there were the slightest
chance of getting an Irish Parliament by constitutional
méans, the vast majority of Fenians would be Con-
Btitutionalists. A real Irish Parliament, not a sham,
would hâve satisfied the great majority of our people
ail the time. But we saw no chance of getting an
Irish Parliament or anything else by constitutional

H 2

164 CHAULES STËWART PARNELl, [1876

nieans, and we became Revolutionists. But hère was
a new departure. Hère was a new man with new
niethods. There was no chance of English society
seizing him, for he was making himself détestable to
ail Englishmen. Ought he not to get a trial, ought not
his methods to get a trial ? That is what I thought,
and as the years passed Parnell impressed me more and
more with his power, and ultimately I left the Fenian
organisation and joined him.'

While, then, the Fenian mind in Ireland and America
was much exercised by Parnell's manœuvres, Michael
Davitt landed in New York in August 1878. Why
had he gone? First, to visit his mother at Phila-
delphia ; secondly, to meet the members of the Clan-
na-Gael, and to discuss the political situation generally.
Davitt was still a Fenian ; but there can be no doubt
that he was gradually, perhaps unconsciously, drifting
away from the movement. He took a keen interest
in the land question. 1 He had corne from the peasant

1 I hâve elsewhere given some account of the relation between land-
lord and tenant in Ireland, and may hère repeat what I hâve written.
4 The tenant, " scrambling for the potato " and left without any resource
but the land, offered an exorbitant rent, which the landlord accepted
and exaoted to the uttermost farthing. Freedom of contract between
landlord and tenant there was none. The tenant came into the market
under circumstances which left him entirely at the mercy of the land-
lord. The "bit of land" meant life to him, the wantof it death; for
in the absence of commercial industries the people were thrown upon
the land mainly for existence. " The treaty between landlord and
tenant [in Ireland]," says Mr. Nassau Senior, " is not a calm bargain, in
which the tenant, having offered what he thinks the land worth, cares
little whether his offer is accepted or not ; it is a struggle, like the
struggle to buy bread in a besieged town, or to buy water in an African
caravan." In truth, the landlord had a monopoly of the means of
existence, and he used it for his own aggrandisément, regardless of the
tenantes fate or the public weal. " The landlords in Ireland," said
Lord Donoughmore in 1854, " hâve been in the habit of letting land, not
farms." Ne ver has a happier description of the Irish land System been
given than this. The landlord let " land "— a Btrip of bog, barren, wild,
dreary. The tenant reclaimed it, drained, fenced, reduced the waste to
a cultivated state, made the " land " a " farm." Then the landlord

JEt. 32] DEVOY AND DAVITT 165

class ; he f elt their wrongs acutely, and longed to right
them. He has sometimes been credited with the
invention of what came to be called the ' new de-
parture,' the combined action of Constitutionalists and
Eevolutionists for the common purpose of national
independence. But the fact is the ' new departure '
was in the air bef ore Davitt arrived in America. James
O'Kelly, John Devoy, and others had been thinking it
out while Davitt was in jail. ' Had Davitt corne to
America in the beginning of 1877/ said a member of
the Clan-na-Gael to me, ' he would hâve found a few
men ready to discuss the new departure and to f avour it.
But neither he nor we could hâve dared broach it at a
public meeting of the clan. But a change had taken place
in a twelvemonth. Parneirs action in Parliament had
made people think that something might be done with
the Parliamentarians after ail. Parliamentarianism
was apparently becoming a respectable thing. It
might be possible to touch it without becoming con-
taminated. Parnell had, in fact, made the running for
Davitt, and Davitt arrived in New York just in the
nick of time. Many influential members of the Clan
were full of the notion of an alliance with the Consti-
tutional party, and were now ready to co-operate with
Davitt in bringing it about.' Davitt had, of course,

pounced upon him for an inoreased rent. The tenant could not pay ;
his resources had been exhausted in bringing the bog into a state of
cultivation, he had not y et recouped himself for his outlay and labour.
He was evicted, flung on the roadside to starve, without receiving one
shilling compensation for his outlay on the land, and the " farm " whioh
he had made was given to another at an enhanced rental. What did
the evicted tenant do ? He entered a Bibbon Lodge, told the story of
his wrong, and demanded vengeance on the man whom he called a
tyrant and an oppressor. Only too often his story was listened to and
vengeance was wreaked on the landlord, or the new tenant ; and some-
times on both. This is briefly the dismal story of the land trouble in
Ireland.'— Thomas Drummond, Life and Letters,

166 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

seen Parnell before he started for America, and Parnell
knew that he would see the leaders of the Clan-na-Gael.
But the cautious member for Meath gave him no code
of instructions, and sent no message to the Clan, as has
sometimes been suggested. That was not ParnelTs way
of doing business. He never wished to know too much,
and was at ail events careful not to let others into the
secret of his knowledge, whatever it might be. On
arriving at New York one of the first men whom
Davitt met was John Devoy — the champion of the
new departure in the Clan-na-Gael. Devoy was a
Revolutionist. He wished to draw the farmers into the
revolutionary movement ; and believed this could be
done by making agrarian reform a plank in the national
platform. Devoy and Davitt agreed at once on a
common programme and worked together as one man
to carry it out ; ' the land of Ireland,' to use the words
of Davitt, ' was to be made the basis of Irish nation-
ality.'

In September both men attended a large public
meeting, composed chiefly of members of the Clan-na-
Gael, in New York, when the following resolutions,
proposed by Devoy, were carried :

' 1. That we deem the présent a fitting opportunity
to proclaim our conviction of Ireland's right to an
independent national existence. That as Ireland has
never forfeited her right to independence, and as no
action on the part of England has given any justifi-
cation for the acceptance of the Union, we hereby
protest against ail attempts at compromise, and renew
our résolve to work for the complète overthrow of
British domination.

' 2. That the landlord System forced on the Irish
people by English législation is a disgrâce to humanity

Mi. 32] DEVOYS POLICY 167

and to the civilisation of the présent century. It is the
direct cause of the expatriation of millions of the Irish
race, and of the misérable condition of the Irish pea-
santry. That as the land of Ireland belongs to the
people of Ireland, the abolition of the foreign land lord
system and the substitution of one by which the tiller
of the soil will be fixed permanently upon it, and
holding directly of the State, is the only true solution
of the Irish land question, which an Irish Kepublic can
alone effect.'

A month later Devoy and Davitt attended another
public meeting in New York, when the former advo-
cated the policy of the new departure in a vigorous
speech. He said : ' I claim that by the adoption of
a proper public policy and a vigorous propaganda the
Nationalists can sweep away the men who misrepresent
us [the followers of Butt chiefly] and obtain control of
the public voice of the country. Every public body in
the country, from the little boards of poor-law guardians
and land commissioners to the city corporations and
members of Parliament, should be controlled by the
National [the Fenian] party, and until it is able to
control them it will be looked upon by foreigners as a
powerless and insignificant faction. . . . Now I believe
in Irish independence, but I don't believe it would
be worth while to free Ireland if that foreign landlord
system were left standing. I am in favour of sweeping
away every vestige of the English connection, and this
accursed landlord system above ail and before ail. But
while I think it is right to proclaim this, and that the
national party should proclaim that nothing less than
this would satisfy it, I know it is a solution that cannot
be reached in a day, and therefore I think we should
in the meantime accept ail measures tending to the

168 CHARLES STEWART PAItXELL [18/8

prévention of arbitrary éviction, and the création of a
peasant proprietary as a step in the right direction.'

This was the policy of John Devoy. This was the
policy of the New Departure. The Fenians were to
hâve a hand in everything that was going on, and
' above and before ail ' they were to hâve a hand in the
land question. Agrarian reform or agrarian révolution
was to be made the stepping-stone to séparation from
England. Devoy did not believe in Home Eule. But
he did not wish to raise the separatist flag publicly.
He suggested that the limits of national independence
should not be defined. Let ' self-government ' and
' self-government ' only be demanded. Then the
Fenians could co-operate cordially with the Constitu-
tionalists. Each section could put its own construction
on the meaning of the words.

Devoy succeeded in carrying many of the leaders of
the Clan-na-gael with him on thèse lines, and in October
1878 he despatched a cablegram to Parnell, setting out
the terms of alliance between the Kevolutionists and
the Constitutionalists ; the cablegram ran as follows :
' The Nationalists hère will support you on the follow-
ing conditions :

' First. Abandonment of the Fédéral demand and
substitution of a gênerai déclaration in favour of self-
government.

' Second. Vigorous agitation of the land question
on the basis of a peasant proprietary, while accepting
concessions tending to abolition of arbitrary éviction.

' Third. Exclusion of ail sectarian issues from the
platform.

'Fourth. Irish members to vote together on ail
Impérial and Home Eule questions, adopt an aggressive
policy, and energetically resist coercive législation.

/Et. 32] DEVOY AND FARNELL 169

' Fifth. Advocacy of ail struggling nationalities in
the British Empire and elsewhere.' l

Thèse were the ternis offered by the Clan-na-gael
to Parnell in October 1878.

What did Parnell do? He never answered the
cablegram. The Clan had shown its hand. Parnell
declined to show his. Devoy, a man of remarkable
energy and grit, was not, however, discouraged. In
December he addressed a letter to the ' Freeman s
Journal ' — the Home Kule organ in Dublin — still
further expounding his policy, and practically urging
the union of Constitutionalists and Eevolutionists for
the common purpose, however veiled, of undermining
English authority in Ireland. Towards the end of the
year he sailed for Europe, resolved to deal with the
Irish situation on the spot.

But to return to Parnell. He had now an esta-
blished position in Parliament. He was a power in the
House. The skill and ability which he displayed on
the committee appointed to inquire into the subject of
obstruction won the admiration of his most inveterate
enemies, and even English publicists wrote that if
Parnell would only apply himself seriously to public
affairs he would soon become a valuable citizen. Of
course there was obstruction during the session of 1878,
but there were f ewer of those ' scènes ' which had
characterised the manœuvres of 1877. Butt had said
that the policy of obstruction would prevent useful
législation for Ireland. This prophecy, however, was
destined to be falsified, for in 1878 an important Irish
measure became law — the Intermediate Education Bill. 2

1 The cablegram was signed by Devoy, Dr. Carroll, Breslin, General
Millin, and Patrick Mahon.

2 A Board, called the ' Intermediate Education Board of Ireland/ was

170 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

Parnell also scored a success by causing the Mutiny
Bill — which he again obstructed — to be referred to a
sélect committee, a step which was followed by im-
portant reforms in the ensuing session. Altogether he
had already proved to the House and to the country
that he was a man with a future.

Outside Parliament he devoted himself industriously
to the cause of Home Eule. As Président of the
Home Rule Confédération of Great Britain he attended
regularly at the meetings of the executive body, and
took a leading part in the transaction of its business.

' Parnell was an excellent chairman,' says the officiai
of the Confédération on whose information I hâve
already drawn. ' He used to rattle through the busi-
ness with great speed. Faith, he allowed no obstruction
in our work.'

' Was he as pleasant a man to do business with as
Butt ? '

Officiai. «There was a great différence between
them. Butt was génial and lovable. You did not feel
you were doing business with him at ail. I used often
to go to his lodgings in London. He always received
you with open arms ; sat you down to a cup of tea, or
a glass of whisky punch, and chatted away as if you
had only called to spend a social evening. He was a
delightful companion, so friendly, and so homely.
He would crack a joke, tell a good story, and gossip
away in the happiest style. I quite loved the old man.
But Parnell was altogether différent. He was certainly
a very pleasant man to do business with, very quick at

formed for the purpose of holding examinations and granting exhibitions
and prizes to students who passed in subjects of secondary éducation.
A sum of 1 ,000,000/., taken from the Irish Church surplus, was devoted
to the objeots of the Board.

Mr. 32] BUSINESS-LlKE QUALITIES 171

seeing a thing, very ready to show the way out of a
difficulty, courteous, agreeable, making the most of
what you did and the least of what he did himself . If
he differed from you it was in the mildest way, and he
always put his points as if it were for you and not for
him to décide. " Don't you think it would be better ? "
" Suppose we say so-and-so," that was his formula.
But, pleasant and even charming as he could be, you
always felt that there was a pièce of ice between you
and him. I used to go to his apartment as I went to
Butt's, but we never had a glass of punch together or
even a cup of tea. It was business ail the time. Occa-
sionally he would take a strong line, but very seldom
However, when he said "That cannot be done," one
knew there was an end of the discussion. I remember
on one occasion reading a report for the executive
when Parnell was in the chair. I stated in the report
that the Catholic clergy in England gave the Confédé-
ration a good deal of trouble, because they tried to
raake the Irish vote Tory. The English priests did
did not care about Home Rule, they only cared about
éducation, and as the Tories were more with them on
that subject than the Libérais, they went Tory, and
wanted to bring our people with them. As soon as I
had read the paragraph he said, " I'm not going to fight
the Church." There was some dissent, but Parnell
was very firm, though smiling and rather chaffing us
ail the time. But the paragraph went out. That was
Parnell's policy. He would not fight with any Irish
force. His aim was to bring ail Irish forces into line.
He would no more fight with the Church than he
would with the Fenians. Parnell never talked freely
with me or with anyone, so far as I could make out.
The only time I ever heard him make any attempt at

172 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

conversation was when someone introduced the subject
of mechanics. Then he started oflf, greatly to my sur-
prise, talking in a lively way, and giving us a lot of
information about mechanics. Then someone referred
to politics, and he stopped in an instant. He would
ne ver talk politics unless something had to be done.'

I asked an Irish member, who had been a Fenian,
on one occasion, if Parnell had been forced to quarrel
either with the Fenian s or the Church, which it
would be ? He said : * The Church, for Parnell liked
the Fenians, but he did not like the Church. He
knew, however, the power of the Church, and he wished
unquestionably to hâve a great conserving force like it
at his back. Parnell would never quarrel with the
Church unless the Church forced the quarrel, there can
be no doubt of that.'

Butt was now breaking fast. One remembers how
in the session of 1878 he moved about the House care-
worn and dejected. He felt that the ground was slip-
ping beneath his feet. He knew the time was gone
when he could hope to lead a united Irish party to
victory. The dissensions among the Parliamentarians
were fatal to his command, if they were not, in truth,
fatal to the triumph of the Home Eule cause itself.
Ail thèse things he saw clearly, and he was bowed
down with sorrow and despair. In April he addressed
a manifesto to the electors of Limerick, condemning
the policy of obstruction, pointing out the disasters
which he believed it would bring on the Home Eule
cause, pleading ill-health as a reason for retirement, and
formally announcing his résignation of the leadership.
But his followers urged him to reconsider his décision,
and ultimately he withdrew his résignation. The
breach, however, between him and Parnell remained

Mt. 32] ' JUSTIFIABLE REBELLION * 173

as wide as ever. In October the Home Rule Con-
fédération of Great Britain held its annual meeting
in Dublin. Butt objected to this proceeding. The
organisation, he felt, ought to confine its opérations to
the other side of the channel. But the Confédération
had corne to Dublin for a spécial reason. By the Con-
vention Act of 1793 no meeting attended by delegates
could be held in Ireland. 'But/ the leaders of the
Confédération argued, 'we shall hold our meeting in
Dublin, and tvc shall summon delegates from England,
and then we shall présent to the Irish and the English
public the extraordinary spectacle of an Irish organisa-
tion with its headquarters in England summoning dele-
gates from England to sit in the Irish capital, while no
organisation in Ireland can summon delegates from
Ireland for the same purpose ; and if that does not kill
the Convention Act we don't know what will/ I cannot
say whether this manœuvre did kill the Convention
Act, but, as a matter of fact, it was repealed the next
year.

Efforts were still made to bring about a modus
vivendi between Butt and Parnell, but in vain. ' You
are in rébellion/ said Prof essor Galbraith to Parnell.
' Yes/ was the answer ; ' but in justifiable rébellion/
' 1 do not want you to become an obstructive/ he said
to Butt ; ' I do not want anyone to become an obstruc-
tive; but there must be a vigorous policy. I am
young and active, and I cannot be kicking my heels
about the English House of Commons doing nothing.
Enghshmen will not give me an opportunity of con-
cerning myself about the affairs of my own country,
and I mean to concern myself about the affairs of their
country/

' Butt/ he said on another occasion, * is hopeless.

174 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1878

He is too niuch under the English influence. He
wants to please the English. But you may be sure
that when we are pleasing the English we are not
winning. We must not care for English opinion.
We must go right on in the way Ireland wants.'
' There is a great force in England,' he said, addressing
the Confédération in Dublin. ' A British force,' cried
a voice in the crowd. ' No,' retorted Parnell, amid
tremendous cheers, ' an Irish force. We must,' he
urged, 'see that the Irish in England think only of
Ireland and vote only for Ireland, and that they
make English candidates vote for Ireland too. I
said when I was last on this platform that I
would not promise anything by parliamentary action,
nor any particular line of policy ; but I said we could
help you to punish the English, and I predicted that
the English would very soon get afraid of the policy of
punishment.'

It was at this time suggested to Parnell that he
ought to address more meetings in Ireland. * Ah,' he
said ; ' but I hâve not an independent platform.'

' If I get up a meeting for you, will you corne to
it?' said a friend. ' Certainly,' answered Parnell.
A great meeting— a land meeting — was organised in
Tralee. Parnell addressed it in November. He made
a vigorous speech, saying plainly enough that nothing
short of a révolution would bring about a change in
the land laws, and urging the establishment of a
tribunal for fixing rents, and the création of a peasant
proprietary. 'It will take an earthquake to settle
the land question, Mr. Parnell,' someone said to him.
' ïhen we must hâve an earthquake ' was the reply.

jEt. 33] 175

CHAPTEE IX

THE LAND LEAGUE

Devoy arrived in Ireland about January 1879. He
was soon joined by Davitt, who had preceded him across
the Atlantic. No one played a more important part in
Irish politics at this crisis than Michael Davitt. He
was still a Fenian. He was even yet a member of
the suprême council of the I. K. B. He possessed
the confidence of the Fenians in America. He was in
touch with Parnell. In a word, he was the Connecting-
link between the American Revolutionists and the
extrême wing of the constitutional party; the vèry
pivot on which the ' new departure ' turned.

The time was ripe for the plans of the Neo-Fenians.
The land agitation had already commenced, ' Tenants'
Defence Associations ' had been formed in various parts
of the country, and public attention was fixed on the
subject. Distress accompanied discontent, and both
causes combined to excite and influence the peasantry.
Rents could not be paid, and non-payment of rent was
followed by éviction. Landlords wçre unreaçonabje,
tenants were exasperated, and soon the flame of agita-
tion was fanned in every part of the country. I hâve
already said that the Land Act of 1870 had proved a
failure. It had been passed to prevent arbitrary evic-

176 CHAULES STEWAKT PARNELL [1879

tions and to secure to industrious tenants compensation
for improvements, and in certain cases for disturbance.
But it neither effected the one purpose nor the other.
The power of the landlords remained practically
unchecked. Between 1876 and 1879 Bills had been
introduced to make the législation of 1870 a reality.
But they were rejected in the House of Commons.
The Irish tenants saw at last that the Irish members
could not help them, and they resolved to help them-
selves.

Devoy had corne to Ireland with the view of
bringing about an alliance between Kevolutionists and
Constitutionalists for the common purpose of under-
mining English authority in the island. The land
question, he felt, was the basis on which that authority
rested. The overthrow of the land System was accord-
ingly, from his standpoint, a matter of paramount
importance. Davitt was also in favour of sépara-
tion, but nevertheless looked upon landlordism as an
evil in itself, which ought, apart from ail other con-
sidérations, to be swept utterly away. Both men now
saw that a bond-fide land agitation had, without any
référence whatever to their aims, commenced ; and the
question was, how could it be turned to the account of
the separatist movement ?

Devoy had two interviews with Parnell in the
présence of Davitt. The member for Meath was as
usual cautious, and took good care not to give himself
away. He entered into no compact with Devoy, but
listened to ail that Devoy had to tell him about the
Clan-na-Gael. The furthermost extent to which he
went was to ask, as he had on previous occasions
asked, for time to work the parliamentary machine.
He did not mind letting Devoy see his antipathy to

Mt. 83] DEVOY AND KICKHAM 177

England and his sympathy with the Fenians. But he
entered into no understanding with the Clan.

At a meeting of the suprême council of the I. E. B.
in Paris, when the question of the ' new departure ' was
fully discussed, Kickham was présent, and offered a
véhément opposition to it. He regarded it as dis-
honest and immoral, and denounced Devoy in vigorous
language. Kickham, it should be said, was very deaf,
and could only be approached through a speaking-
trumpet. As he proceeded in his condemnation of
Devoy's scheme, Devoy and Davitt tried now and
again to get at the trumpet and to put in a word in
reply ; bat Kickham waved them off. He carried the
council with him ; in fact Devoy and Davitt found
only one supporter in that body. One point, however,
Devoy gained. It was agreed that, while no alliance
should be entered into between the suprême council
and the Parliamentarians, ' the officers of the organisa-
tion should be left free to take part in the open move-
ment if they felt so disposed — such officers to be held
responsible for acts or words deemed to be injurious to
the revolutionary cause/ l

Devoy now sailed for America, where, in défiance of
the suprême council of the I. E. B., he threw himself
heart and soûl into the work of the * new departure ' ;
and Davitt stayed in Ireland to co-operate cordially
and vigorously at his end with the American Fenians.

Meanwhile the land agitation grew apace. Tn
Connaught, Davitt's province, the pinch of poverty
was most sorely felt, and Connaught became the
centre of disturbance.

On April 20 a great land meeting was held in

1 This permission was withdrawn in 1880. Davitt attended no more
meetings of the suprême council.

VOL. I. N

178 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

Irishtown, County Mayo. Three Fenians besides
Davitt attended, and they were unquestionably the
ablest and most energetic men présent. There is little
use in mincing words over thèse transactions now.
Officiai Fenianism in Ireland held aloof from the land
agitation. But that agitation would probably hâve
never reached the formidable proportions it assumed
had not individual Fenians flung themselves into it
with characteristic earnestness and daring. 1 The
1 Land League Fenians ' were, no doubt, ultimately
expelled from their own body ; but they carried into
the new movement the fire and energy of the old,
unchastened and unrestrained, however, by that purer
spirit of nationality which animated the founders of
the Fenian organisation.

At the Irishtown meeting was struck the spark
which soon set Ireland in a blaze. But before the
conflagration had yet spread throughout the land
Isaac Butt, perhaps fittingly, passed away. In July
1878 he felt seriously alarmed about his health, and
wrote to his médical adviser and friend, Dr. O'Leary :

* United Hôtel, Charles Street, 8t. Jamcs's,

4 July 4, 1878.

'My dear O'Leary, — You hâve always shown
such kindness and care to me that I would like you
to know every little thing that happens to me. I am
not happy about myself. Yesterday I crossed over in
a good passage. I laid down the latter half of the way.
Before getting up I felt an uneasy sensation at my
heart, with something like palpitation. Getting up I

1 The frecdom given to the Fenian oflicers at the Taris meeting was
of course, very useful to Devoy and Davitt ; the reason, no doubt, why,
it was taken away in 1880.

Mi. 33] ILLNESS OF BUTT 179

had difficulty in breathing, nearly as great as I tised to
hâve at Buxton on the night I came over with you.
It has continued more or less ever since. My journey
to the sitting-room hère — you know the length — has
been a séries of relays and pantings, and ail this is
accompanied by vagueness in my trains of thought.
Now surely, my dear friend, it is useless to say that
this is of no conséquence. Is it not better to accept
the truth that it is the knell of the curfew telling
us the hour is corne when the fire must be put out
and the light quenched? If not, is it not at least
something that requires more care than you or I
or Butcher hâve given it? In other respects I am
improving. You will see in this letter that my hand
is steadier, but does not this give to thèse symptoms
a worse character? I hâve observed latterly that in
writing I very frequently omit a word, far oftener
the syllables or letters of a word. When half-an-hour
in bed last night I had lost ail recollection of wherë I
was, or how I came to be where I was. I had great
difficulty in settling to myself whether the change from
Irish to English time made my watch fast or slow.
Is it not through the want of blood to feed the action
of the brain, or is it only congestion of the ganglionic
nerves ? Do not laugh at this, tell me honestly, and as
a true, because a candid, friend what you think. I will
go to Quain to-morrow, but I fear this is of no use. I
hâve taken a strange notion in my head. I would like
to consult a perfect stranger who does not know me,
and see what he would say. If I were to carry out this
perverse notion, who would be the best man to sélect ?
Can I dépend on you to tell me the truth? I will
write to you to-morrow what Quain says. I am afraid
I must stay hère until the Education Bill passes. If I

N 2

180 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

go over I mu8t come back again. I will know to-
morrow what I will do.

' Yours ever sincerely,

' ISAAC BUTT.'

Parnell and Butt came into conflict for the last
time on February 5, 1879. It was at a public meeting
in the Leinster Lecture Hall, Molesworth Street,
Dublin. The old question of obstruction was again
discussed/ Butt again condemned the tactics of the
forward party, and Parnell spoke once more of the
inaction of Butt. Issue was joined on the following
resolution, proposed by Mr. T. D. Sullivan and seconded
by Mr. Biggar :

' That this meeting highly approves of the décla-
rations made by Mr. Butt at the National Conférence
of November 1873, to the following effect : that " the
more every Irish member keeps aloof from ail private
communications with English ministers or English
parties the better ; " that " there is enmity between
the English Government and the Irish nation ; " and
that " the représentatives of the people must accept this
position; " that "they should hold no private parley
with the power which is at war with the Irish people,
and with which, therefore, the Irish members should
be at war." That this meeting respectfully but
earnestly recommends ail the Home Rule représen-
tatives to act in the spirit of the foregoing déclarations,
and re-affirms (as specially applicable to the présent
time) the following resolution adopted by the National
Conférence held in the Rotunda on January 15, 1878 :
" That, in view of the présent circumstances, we think
it désirable in the interests of the Home Rule cause
that more energetic action should be taken in Parlia-

.-Et. 33] DEATfl OF BUTT 181

ment, and we therefore impress upon the Home Kule
members the necessity of increased activity and more
regular attendance during the ensuing session." '

Butt defended his policy with much of the old fire
and éloquence, and succeeded in defeating the resolu-
tion by eight votes. 1

He was gratified with the resuit and left the hall
in his usual génial pleasant way, leaning on the arm
of a member of the ' forward ' party. He never
appeared on the political stage again. A short time
afterwards he fell seriously ill, and on May 13 sank
peacefully to rest.

The founder of the Home Eule movement has to
some extent been overshadowed by the remarkable
man who was so near bringing that movement to a
successful issue. Nevertheless, Isaac Butt will always
stand in the front rank of the Irish political leaders of
the nineteenth century.

On the collapse of Fenianism there was every danger
that Ireland would sink into the slough of Whiggery.
From any danger of such a calamity he saved her. He
created a great national movement, and led it with
conspicuous ability and in a true spirit of chivalry.
Under his command Ireland sent sixty Home Kule
members to the House of Commons, the Irish vote in
England was organised, and many English parlia-
mentary candidates were constrained to take the Home
Eule pledge. He had, however, the defects of his
qualities. He was a scrupulous constitutional leader,

1 Technically, the division was taken on an amendment, proposed
by Mr. D. B. Sullivan, to the effect that ail référence to Mr. Butt should
be omitted, and that merely the resolution passed at the conférence of
1878 should be re-affirmed.

182 CHAKLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

and instinctively shrank from revolutionary methods.
He revered représentative institutions, and revolted
against ail proceedings calculated to bring them into
contempt. No Englishman respected the House of
(Dominons inore than Isaac Butt, and he fought the
advanced section of his own party in defence of that
vénérable institution.

* No man,' he said, addressing a meeting in Dublin
in January 1879, 'can damage the authority of the
House of Commons without damaging the cause of
représentative government and of freedom ail over the
world.'

It was a misfortune for which he certainly was not
to blâme that, while the House of Commons influenced
him, he did not influence the House of Commons. He
appealed to the reason and justice of Englishmen, but
the English did not respond to the appeal. He was
a loyal citizen of the empire, but his loyalty did not
get him a hearing. He kept the agitation within the
limits of the law, respected the opinions and feelings of
opponents, the conventions of society. But no English-
man took him seriously. ' Do you really mean Home
liule ? ' an old Whig said to him one day in the Four
Courts, Dublin. ' Indeed I do,' he answered, with
génial earnestness. The old Whig smiled and walked
away. No one ever asked Parnell if he meant Home
Kule. There were those who thought that he meant
a great deal more.

And what was Parnell ? A Revolutionist working
with constitutional weapons. We hâve seen what Butt
said of the House of Commons. What said Parnell ?
4 1 said when I was last hcre [in Dublin] that I would
not promise anything by parliamentary action, nor by
any particular line of policy ; but I said we could

&i. 33] THE WESTPORT MEETING 183

punish the English, and I predicted that the English
would very soon get afraid of punishnient.'

Nothing can better show the chasm which separated
the two nien in thought and feeling than thèse two
sentences. Yet the House of Commons despised Butt ;
and Parnell became the greatest figure in it, in his day,
with a single exception.

I hâve said that Butt was a constitutional agitator.
He was also a great advocate. And if pure advocacy
— able, earnest, courteous — could hâve won the Irish
cause he would hâve succeeded. It could not, and he
failed hopelessly.

Constitutional agitation, strictly speaking, disappeared
with Butt. Revolutionary agitation followed. Davitt
preached the new departure in public and in private,
visited the most distressed and disaffected districts, and
swept ail the Fenians he could into the new movement.
On June 7 another great land meeting, organised by
Davitt and the local Fenians, though of course attended
by thousands of tenant farmers who were not Fenians,
was held at Westport, County Mayo. Parnell was in-
vited. He hesitated, for he had not yet gauged the force
of the agrarian agitation. His attention was probably
first seriously directed to the subject in the course of
a conversation with Kickham, the date of which I
cannot give. ' Do you think, Mr. Kickham,' he asked,
' that the people f eel very keenly on the land question ? '
' Feel keenly on the land question ? ' answered Kick-
ham. ' I am only sorry to say that I think they would
go to hell for it.' Finally Parnell resolved to accept
the invitation of the Westport men. The Archbishop
of Tuam, who saw something besides land in the new
movement, condemned the meeting, and indirectly

1& CHARLES STEVVART PARltfELL [1879

warned Parnell not to corne. But he came, and de-
liveréd a stirring speech, which was long remembered
by friends and foes.

' A fair rent is a rent a tenant can reasonably pay
according to the tirnes ; but in bad times the tenant can-
not be expected to pay as much as he did in good times,
three or four years ago. If such rents are insisted upon
a répétition of the scènes of 1847 and 1848 will be wit-
nessed. Now, what must we do in order to induce the
landlords to see the position? You must show the
landlords that you intend to hold a firm grip on your
homesteads and lands. You must not allow yourselves
to be dispossessed as you were dispossessed in 1847.
You must not allow your small holdings to be turned
into large ones. I am not supposing that the landlords
will remain deaf to the voice of reason, but I hope they
may not, and that on those properties on which the
rents are out of ail proportion to the times that a réduc-
tion may be made, and that immediately. If not, you
must help yourselves, and the public opinion of the
world will stand by you and support you in your
struggle to défend your homesteads. I should be
deceiving you if I told you that there was any use in
relying upon the exertions of the Irish members of
Parliament on your behalf . I think that if your mem-
bers were determined and resolute they could help you,
but I am afraid they won't. I hope that I may be
wrong, and that you may rely upon the constitutional
action of your parliamentary représentatives in this the
sore time of your need and trial ; but above ail things
remember that God helps him who helps himself, and
that by showing such a public spirit as you hâve shown
hère to-day, by coming in your thousands in the face
of every difliculty, you will do more to show the land-

Mt. 33] ÈMGLISH INDIFFERENCE 186

lords the necessity of dealing justly with you than if
y ou had 150 Irish members in the House of Commons.'

Davitt also made a rattling speech, full of défiance
and rébellion.

The fire spread, and the Government did nothing
to put it out. They did not concède, they did not
coerce. They listened neither to tenants nor to land-
lords. They unwittingly gave Davitt his head. With
a little wisdom and foresight the fire might hâve been
quenched at the outset. But the Irish Secretary — Mr.
James Lowther — was ignorant, indiffèrent, incapable,
and he faithfully represented English statesmanship
in Ireland. On June 26 the question of agricultural
distress in Ireland was brought before the House of
Commons by Mr. O'Connor Power. He was treated
with disdain by Mr. Lowther, and literally howled
down by the Tories. Hère is the officiai account of
the scène.

' From the time when the hon. member stated his
intention to move the adjournment of the House, and
it appeared probable that a debate was about to be
raised, hon. members ceased to pay any attention to
the hon. member's remarks, and conversation became
so gênerai and so loud that the hon. member could
with difficulty be heard.' l

So disgraceful were thèse interruptions that Mr.
John Bright felt himself constrained to intervene and
to sharply rebuke the Irish Secretary and his un-
mannerly followers. Nothing, of course, was done.
The Government had not the most remote notion of
what was brewing in Ireland; not the faintest con-
ception that by neglecting the demands of the farmers

1 Hamard, 8rd séries, vol. ccxlvii. p. 696.

186 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

they were throwing the country into the hands of the
Revolutionists.

Other work now lay ready to Parnell's hands in the
House of Commons. I hâve said that in 1878 a
coinmittee was appointed to consider the subject of
obstruction. Early in 1879 Sir Stafford Northcote
gave notice of six resolutions for dealing with the
question ; but he had to abandon them ail except one,
which proved of little use. The object of this resolu-
tion was to prevent members from discussing various
miscellaneous grievances before the House went into
Coinmittee of Supply. The House was kept for three
nights discussing this single resolution, and in the end
ainendments were added which much weakened its
force.

So far ail attempts to deal with obstruction had
failed, as Parnell showed when the Army Discipline
Bill came up for considération. Over this Bill — or
rather over one subject included in it, flogging in the
army— the fight of the session took place.

We hâve seen that Parnell had opposed and ob-
structed the Mutiny Bills in 1877 because the Govern-
ment would not abolish flogging. In 1878 he returned
to the charge, succeeded in getting the Bills referred
to a sélect committee, and wrung from the Government
a pledge that before they were brought in again an
amended Army Bill would be introduced. In 1879 this
pledge was redeemed, and the Army Discipline and
ltegulation Bill was introduced. The new measure
contained a clause retaining the punishment of flogging.
Parnell opposed the clause. In 1877 and 1878 he and
his band of obstructives stood almost alone in their
opposition to the l cat.' Now they were supported by
a crowd of Knglish liadicals. Parnell wisely allowed

Mi. 83] THE ' CAT ' 187

thèse Eadicals to take the lead. On May 20 Mr.
Hopwood opened opérations by moving an amendment
abolishing flogging altogether. He was supported by
Parnell and the Irish, opposed by Sir William Haroourt
(who asked what punishment could be substituted for
flogging), and beaten by fifty-six votes. On June 10
Parnell stepped to the front, moving an amendment
which was technically in order, but which practioally
raised the question which had, in fact, been settled by
vote on May 20. ' I was asked the other night,' he
said, ' by the hon. member for Oxford (Sir William
Harcourt) what punishment could be substituted for
flogging. I could not answer the question at the time.
I hâve since consulted military authorities, and I
can answer it now.' He then suggested alternative
punishments ; but his amendment was def eated by f orty-
three votes. Mr. Hopwood next came forward once
more, moving that the number of lashes should be
reduced from twenty to six. Parnell and the obstruc-
tives supported. The amendment was still under
considération when the House met on June 17 — in
some respects the most eventful night of the debate.
Mr. Chamberlain now interposed, condemning flogging
as * unnecessary and immoral,' and calling upon the
Government to put in a schedule specifying the offences
for which it was to be inflicted. Sir William Harcourt
supported this demand. Then John Bright, in a short
but powerful speech, urged the Minister of War,
Colonel Stanley, to show a spirit of conciliation, and
to reduce the number of lashes from fifty to twenty-
five at the least. This suggestion 1 was accepted,
Hopwood withdrawing his amendment in favour of

1 Bright's suggestion later on moved as an amendment by Mr.
Brown.

188 CHARLES SÎEWART PARNELL [\87Ù

it. Nevertheless the battle of the ' cat ' was not yet
over. Mr. Hopwood immediately moved that the
punishment should be inflicted by a 'cat* with one
tail, instead of a ' cat ' with nine tails. Lord Harting-
ton opposed this amendment, which was defeated by
110 votes. An Irish member, Mr. Callan, next pro-
posed that a spécimen of the ' cat ' should be exhibited
in the Library. ' Yes/ said Parnell, fastening upon
this suggestion, ' I should like to see what sort of
an instrument is to be used, for I understand there
are several kinds.' The Government would not, how-
ever, gratify the curiosity either of Mr. Callan or
Parnell. Other amendments were now proposed, and
on June 19 Parnell once more appealed to the Govern-
ment to abolish the cat. ' Let us/ he said, ' as this
day's work abolish flogging. If you do that I will
wash my hands of the Bill and give you no further
trouble.'

' No/ said Sir William Harcourt, supported by
Ministers ; ' as the Bill now stands (with Bright's
amendment) it is satisfactory, and when the schedule
asked for by the hon. member for Birmingham
(Chamberlain) is put in we may feel content.'

' I will not accept the advice of the hon. member for
Oxford/ said Mr. Chamberlain with much warmth ;
'he is far too favourable to this Bill. Nothing can
be done without obstruction/ he added, and then
wound up with this compliment to Parnell : ' I will
only add before I sit down that the friends of humanity
and the friends of the British army owe a debt of
gratitude to my hon. friend the member for Meath for
standing up alone against this system of flogging when.
I myself, and other members, had not the courage
of our convictions. The hon. member had opposed

JET. 33] MR. CHAMBERLAIN 189

flogging in the Mutiny Bill, but unsuccessfully ; he
had opposed it unsuccessfully in the Prisons Bill ; but
now he raises the question again, and I hope his efforts
will be crowned with success.' l

Parnell, with characteristic tenacity, had never lost
sight of Mr. Callan's suggestion that spécimens of the
' cat ' should be exhibited in the Library. ' I should
like to know,' he said, ' what the Government knows
about thèse " cats." I hâve a shrewd suspicion that
they know very little. Let the "cats" be produced.'
But the Government were obdurate. They had given
way on Bright's amendment. They now meant to
stand firm. Parnell, however, kept pegging away. He
moved that when a man received more than twelve
lashes he should be expelled from the army with
ignominy, but the amendment was defeated by 109
votes.

Obstruction, of which there had been very little up
to about June 20, now began, and the Irish pushed to
the front, ' Mr. Parnell,' as the ' Annual Begister '
put it, ' providing them with opportunities by moving
a succession of minute amendments relative to the
provisions for enlisting and bille ting.'

On July 3 Mr. Callan, in an amusing speech, in-
f ormed the House that he had paid a visit to the Library,
and had seen the ' cat ' — in fact, several ' cats ' — which
he graphically described. The Ministers questioned the
accuracy of Mr. Callan's description of the ' instruments
of torture/ ' Produce the " cats," ' said Parnell ; ' then
we shall know who is right.' Ultimately the l cats '
were produced on July 5. Mr. Callan's description

1 • Chamberlain/ said Mr. Justin McCarthy, ( spoke to me with great
admiration of Parnell, and said that his obstructive tactics were the
only tactics to suceeed.'

190 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

was accurate, and the sight of the ' instruments of
torture* proved fatal to the position of the Govern-
ment. ' Abolish flogging,' urged Mr. Chamberlain on
this same day (July 5), ' and your Bill will be passed
at once; otherwise it will be systematically opposed
and obstructed.'

Colonel Stanley asked Mr. Chamberlain to suspend
further opposition until the schedule was put in.
' Agreed,' said Chamberlain, and he appealed to Parnell
to let the clauses then under considération go through.
' No,' cried Parnell, and he moved to report progress
on the instant, showing a relentless front and keeping
the committee sitting for three hours longer.

On July 7 Colonel Stanley announced that the
Government had resolved to abolish flogging in ail
cases except when death was the alternative.

Mr. Chamberlain expressed his dissatisfaction with
this arrangement, and urged that flogging should be
wholly and unconditionally abolished. Lord Hartington
supported the Government, wheb Mr. Chamberlain
denounced him in a bitter speech as : * The noble lord,
lately the leader of the Opposition, now the leader of a
section of the Opposition.' Bright stood by Chamber-
lain, and Parnell and the Irish took the same side.

On July 15 Parnell and Mr. Chamberlain still showed
fight, when Lord Hartington promised that if they
allowed the Bill to pass through committee he would
move a resolution on the report to give effect to their
wishes. They agreed, and on July 17 Lord Hartington,
on behalf of the whole Libéral party, moved : ' That no
Bill for the discipline and régulation of the army will
be satisfactory to this House which provides for the
rétention of corporal punishment for military offences.'
This was the final struggle. The Government stood •

Mt. 33] THE ENNIS ELECTION 191

by their concession of July 7, and defeated Lord
Hartington's résolution by 291 to 185 votes. So ended
the campaign against the ' cat ' in 1879 — flogging was
abolished in ail cases except when the alternative
punishment was death. In 1881 it was abolished
altogether. In the end other men became as anxious
for the abolition of the ' cat ' as Parnell ; but it was
he who began the fight, and who carried it on with a
skill and tenacity which made victory secure.

From Westminster Parnell hastened to Ireland to
take part in the Ennis élection in July. There were two
candidates in the field : Mr. William O'Brien (Whig),
a Catholic barrister and Crown prosecutor, and Mr.
Finnigan (Home Ruler) , Parnell's nominee. The bishops
and the priests supported Mr. O'Brien, the advanced
men stood by Mr. Finnigan. It was the Ennis élection
that tested Parnell's strength in the country. ' If Ennis
had been lost,' hesaid afterwards, ' I would hâve retired
from public life, for it would hâve satisfied me that the
priests were suprême in Irish politics.' Ennis was
not lost. Mr. Finnigan was returned.

Some days later an incident occurred which caused
a good deal of commotion at the time, and gave Parnell
not a little trouble. The Irish University Bill (which
afterwards became law) l was before the House of
Commons. Parnell took an advanced position in the
discussion. He was, in fact, in favour of the extrême
Catholic demand — namely, a Catholic university. Mr.
Gray, the proprietor of the ' Freeman's Journal/ and
other moderate Catholic members were iti favour of a

1 The Bill establishing a Royal uni versity— practically an examining
board. Curiously enough, the Government said they would not deal
with the subject at the beginning of the session ; but, to buy off Parnell's
opposition to their measures generally, they intrôduced and passed it at
the end.

192 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

compromise such as the Government proposed. There
was a meeting of the Irish members to consider the
subject. Some hot words passed between the extrême
and the moderate men, and Parnell was reported to
hâve referred contemptuously to the modérâtes as
' Papist rats.' Currency was given to this report in
the ' Freeman's Journal.' Parnell said the statement
was ' absolutely false,' and several of the extrême
Catholics corroborated his assertion. Still, there was
a good deal of unpleasantness over the matter, and
many people believed that Parnell used the words.
As a matter of fact he did not use them. They were
used by an extrême Catholic just as the meeting had
broken up and when there was a good deal of con-
fusion in the room. ' The first time I ever had a talk
with Parnell about politics,' Mr. Corbett, the présent
member for Wicklow, said to me, ' was about the
" Papist rats " incident. Gray and Parnell had differed
on the éducation question. Gray was in favour of a
compromise ; Parnell wanted the extrême Catholic
demand. Gray succeeded in carrying the party with
him, and Parnell was reported to hâve said, on leaving
the room, " thèse Papist rats." I asked Parnell if
he had used the words. He said : " No. The words
were used, but not by me. Why, Corbett, should I
offend the Catholics of Ireland by speaking insultingly
of them ? Certainly it would be very foolish, to put
the matter on no other ground. An Irish Protestant
politician can least of ail afford to offend the Catholic
priests or laity. No ; I would not insuit the priests." '
The condition of Ireland was now alarming. Dis-
tress was increasing ; évictions were imminent ; agi-
tation, fed by the poverty of the tenants and the follies
of the landlords, spread like wildfire. Towards the end of

Mt. 38] ROUSING THE COUNÎRY 193

April a great land meeting was held in Limerick. Parnell
attended. The chairman — a parish priest — made a
moderate speech, but the meeting was in no temper
for modération. ' The farmers of Ireland,' said the
priest, ' if there are to be peace and loyalty, ought to
hâve free land, as the farmers of Belgium, France, and
Hollande ' We want physical force,' shouted the
crowd. ' We must not hâve Fenianism,' said the
priest. ' Three cheers for the Irish republic, ' was
the response.

Parnell sat calm and impassive while the vast mass
before him surged with discontent. When his time
for speaking came he made one of those cold-blooded,
businesslike speeches which fired the people more than
the wild rhetoric of some of his more inflammable
colleagues. Eepeating the advice he had given at
Westport, he told the farmers to keep a ' firm grip on
their homesteads/ and to show ' a firm and determined
attitude ' to the landlords. ' Stand to your guns,' he
said, ' and there is no power on earth which can
prevail against the hundreds of thousands of tenant
farmers of this country.' On September 21 he attended
another land meeting in Tipperary. There he once
more told the people to rely upon themselves, and
themselves alone.

'It is no use relying upon the Government, it is
no use relying upon the Irish members, it is no use
relying upon the House of Commons. (Groans.) You
must rely upon your own détermination, that déter-
mination which has enabled you to survive the famine
years and to be présent hère to-day — (cheers) — and if
you are determined, I tell you, you hâve the game in
your own hands.' (Prolongea cheers.)

Davitt, who was the soûl of this land agitation,

vol. i. o

194 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

now resolved to sweep the various tenant defence
societies scattered over the country into one great
organisation, and to call it the Land League. His
plan was to hâve a central committee in Dublin, and
local branches in the rural districts. He put his views
before Parnell. Parnell for a moment hesitated. He
had often heard Butt say that organisations of this
kind were attended with a good deal of danger. The
central authority could not always control the local
branches, yet it was responsible for every act of a
local branch. The moderate members of the parlia-
mentary party, while sympathising thoroughly with
the cause of the tenants, shrank from Davitt's proposai.
Parnell, however, with the clearness of vision which
always characterised him, saw that the promotion of
the League was inévitable. The question was, should
it go on without him ?

After the conversation with Kickham, if not before,
he fully realised that the tenant farmers could never be
left out of account ; therefore, to hold himself apart
from a great land movement would be political suicide.
Farmers, Fenians, Home Kulers, bishops, priests —
ail should be brought into line, and he should lead ail.
That was the policy, that was the faith, of Parnell.

' Unless we unité ail shades of political opinion in
the country/ he had said at a meeting of the Home
Rule League on September 11, 'I fail to see how we
can expect ever to attain national independence.' To
hâve a Land League standing by itself and out of touch
with the Home Rule League seemed to him, after a
little reflection, the height of folly. His principle ail
the time was ' unity,' and assuredly it would not make
for unity to hâve Davitt at the head of one league and
himself, or somebody else, at the head of another.

Mr. 38] THE LAND LEAGUE 195

He saw ail the risks of the situation, and he resolved
to face them. A united Ireland was the paramount
considération.

On October 21 there was a conférence of Nationalists
and Land Eeformers at the Impérial Hôtel, Dublin, and
there and then the ' Irish National Land League ' was
formed, for the purpose of ' bringing about a réduction
of rack rents ' and facilitating the création of a peasant
proprietary. * The objects of the League/ so ran one
of the resolutions, ' can best be attained by defending
those who may be threatened with éviction for refusing
to pay unjust rents ; and by obtaining such reforms in
the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to
become the owner of his holding by paying a fair rent
for a limited number of years. Parnell was elected
président of the League ; Mr. Biggar, Mr. 0* Sullivan,
Mr. Patrick Egan, hon. treasurers; Mr. Davitt, Mr.
Kettle, Mr. Brennan, hon. secretaries. Thus of the
seven first chosen officers four were Fenians or ex-
Fenians — Biggar, Egan, Brennan, Davitt — and ail were
in sympathy with Fenianism. The Land League was,
in fact, the organisation of the New Departure. Within
twelve months of his return from America Davitt had
established a formidable association, well fitted in
every respect to carry out the policy which he and
Devoy had planned. Davitt and his colleagues might
be in rébellion against England. They were also in
rébellion against the governing body of the Fenian
society. Land League meetings were now held con-
stantly throughout the country, and speeches of extrême
violence were delivered. The fight between the League
and the Government had commenced in earnest.

The agitators acted with vigour and ability; the
Government with supineness and stupidity. Disbe-

o 2

196 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

lieving in the reality of the land movement, they had
allowed it to grow ; then, suddenly alarmed at the out-
look, they struck at it in the moment of its strength, and
finally recoiled from the impetus of their own blow.
Davitt, Daly (a Mayo journalist), and Killen (a barrister)
addressed a meeting at Gurteen, in the county of Sligo,
on November 2. They made violent speeches, not, how-
ever, exceeding in ' lawlessness ' of tone the calm incré-
ments to ' rebelhon ' which had characterised the
unrhetorical utterances of Parnell at Westport,Limerick,
and Tipperary. Yet the Government resolved to punish
them while letting the wily Parliamentarian go free.
On November 19 the three Land Leaguers were
arrested. Parnell showed his appréciation of this move
by attending a meeting at Balla, County Mayo, a few
days later, summoned to protest against évictions and
to denounce the Government. Brennan, one of the
secretaries of the League, was the orator of the day.
He delivered a furious oration, defying the authorities,
and appealing to the Koyal Irish Constabulary who
were présent to stand by ' their kith and km,* and not
to play the base part of the ' destroyers of their own
people ' by helping on the work of éviction. While the
meeting wildly cheered the fiery sentences of Brennan,
Parnell sat unmoved. Then he rose, congratulated
Brennan on the 4 magnificent speech ' to which they
had listened, and added, with imperturbable gravi ty : ' I
fear very much that the resuit of the lead which Mr.
Brennan has taken in the movement will be that he
will be sent to share the fate of Mr. Davitt, Mr. Daly,
and Mr. Killen/ This proved a true prédiction. On
December 5 Brennan was arrested. What happened ?
In a few days the Government flinched, dropped the
prosecution, and discharged the prisoners. They had

Mr. 33] DEPARTURE FOR AMERICA 197

realised, though rather late in the day for their own
dignity, that no jury could be got to convict the
Leaguers, and they did not wish to risk a verdict of
' not guilty.' Ail Ireland laughed at this performance ;
and landlords and tenants, who had so little in com-
mon, joined in regarding the action or non-action of
the Administration with contempt and ridicule. As
winter approached famine threatened the west, and
committees were formed by the Duchess of Marl-
borough (the wife of the Lord-Lieutenant) and by
the Lord Mayors to collect food and clothing for the
starving peasantry. At the Land League Conférence
of October 21 a resolution had been passed requesting
Parnell to visit America ' for the purpose of obtaining
assistance from our exiled fellow-countrymen.' This
resolution was now put into eflfect, and on December 21
Parnell set out for New York (accompanied by Mr.
Dillon) on the twofold mission of appealing for funds
to save the tenant farmers from immédiate ruin, and of
consolidating the union between the Irish at home and
the Irish abroad.

108 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1879

CHAPTEE X

THE CLAN-NA-GAEL — THE GENERAL ELECTION

1 Well, Parnell has his work eut out for him now, at
ail events. If he can hold his ground with the
Clan-na-Gael, and afterwards hold it in the House of
Commons, he will win Home Eule. The Clan-na-Gael
are the open and avowed enemies of England. Their
policy is to strike her anywhere and anyhow. What
is Parnell going to say to them ? If he speaks with
an eye to the House of Commons his speeches won't
go down with the Clan. If he speaks with an eye to
the Clan his speeches will be used with tremendous
effect against him in the House. It is ail very well
for men who are not members of Parliament to go
among Eevolutionists. But the member of Parliament
has to face the music at St. Stephen's; and how
Parnell is going to face it after his visit to the Clan-
na-Gael I don't know.'

So said an Irish Home Eule member to me on the
eve of Parneirs departure for the United States.

Parnell himself set out on his mission with a light
heart. What the House of Commons would think, or
would not think, gave him little trouble. He was not
in the habit of f orecasting the future to an extent which
would interfère with the opérations of the présent.

JET. 38] A P0L1CY OF UNION 199

* Sufficient for the day is the work thereof ' ; that was
practically his motto. He saw his way clearly to a
given point ; he went straight to that point, and then
surveyed the situation afresh. ' The critical side of
his character is too strongly developed. He can only
see difficulties.' This has been said of an English
Libéral statesman of our own day. It could not be
said of Parnell. No man certainly was so quick in
seeing, or rather in judging, difficulties; but neither
was any man so adroit, so ready, so resourceful in over-
coming them. Difficulties paralyse the mère man of
thought ; they nerve the man of action. Parnell had
the eye of a gênerai. He took in the whole situation
at a glance. He knew when to advance, when to
retreat. He divined with the instinct of genius when
a position had to be stormed, and when it could be
turned with safety.

When the time for action came he made up his
mind quickly ; he did not hesitate, he did not flinch.
His objective now was the union of ail Irishmen, not
only in Ireland but ail over the world, against England.
This was a vital point, and he was prepared to do
anything, to risk anything, for it. The opinion of the
House of Commons was nothing to him. The House,
he felt, would give way quickly enough before a united
Ireland; and of a united Ireland he thought alone.
The Irish in America were a great force. It was
essential to bring them into line with the Irish at
home. The Clan-na-Gael was probably not an im-
maculate organisation. But was the English Govern-
ment in Ireland immaculate ? He would avail himself of
every power within his reach to attack that Government ;
and would show exactly the same amount of ' scruple '
in dealing with England that England had habitually

200 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

shown in dealing with his own nation. If he could he
would hâve preferred to settle the Anglo-Irish question
by open warfare. That was not possible. He would,
therefore, use whatever means were ready to his hand
for out-manœuvring the ' common enemy.' He had
no more intention of giving himself away to the Clan-
na-Gael than he had of giving himself away to the
British Minister. But, after ail, there was something
in common between him and the Clan, however much
they might differ about the modus operandi. They
both hated England. Between him and the British
Minister there was nothing in common. He would
accordingly use the Clan, as he would use every Irish
organisation, to fight the Britisher. For the rest he
would trust to the fortunes of war.

Parnell arrived in New York early in 1880. His
work was indeed eut out for him. The Clan-na-Gael
were not united in favour of the ' new departure.'
There were many important members of the organisa*
tion opposed to the parliamentary movement and
anxious to make war against it. Thèse men had to
bo won over, or their hostility, at least, disarmed.
Success in this respect was, however, only half the
battle. There were thousands of Irishmen who were
not Fenians, yet they had to be brought into line with
the Fenians. Lastly, the sympathy of the Âmericans
themselves had to be enlisted in the cause of Ireland.
How were thèse things to be accomplished ? Most
Irish agitators believe in talking. Parnell believed in
•istening, and by listening, chiefly, he got into thegood
# races of the Clan-na-Gael. He saw the leaders. He
heard what they had to say. He held his tongue.
Ile made no compact ; he entered into no undertaking.
Ile asked only for fair play for the parliamentary

Mt. 34] SPEECHES IN AMERICA 201

movement. ' I believe in it,' he said ; ' give it a chance.'
His path was not a smooth one in America. There
were those in the Clan who said : ' Do not trust
Parnell ; he will use you for his own purposes, he will
make our movement subservient to his.' This was
particularly the opinion of the Fenian agent who had
been sent to Europe in 1878. Then he was more or less
favourably disposed to the ' new departure/ Now he was
vehemently against it. He quarrelled with Parnell.
4 Mr. Parnell,' he said one day with much warmth,
' you are always making inquiries about the Clan-na-
Gael. We don't like it. It shows you suspect us. I
cannot work with a man who suspects me. The fact
is, Mr. Parnell, you want to become the master of the
Clan-na-Gael, to use it for the constitutional move-
ment. That is your aim. Well, I won't work on
that basis.' It was Parneirs luck — if luck it is to be
called — that he almost always succeeded in neu-
tralising the hostility of the men who opposed him;
and this particular Fenian soon found himself in a
minority.

The public platform is the breath of the nostrils of
the ordinary Irish agitator. He loves it. Parnell
detested it. 'I hâte public assemblies/ he once said
to a friend ; ' it is always an effort for me to attend
them. I am always nervous. I dislike crowds/
The public platform had, however, to be used, and,
despite his aversion to it, Parnell used it with effect in
America.

At Brooklyn, on January 24, 1880, he said : ' We
do not ask you to send armed expéditions over to
Ireland (a voice, " That's what we would like." Ap-
plause.) I know that you would like to do that very
much. (Applause, " Eight.") I think I know what

202 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

you are going to say, and what you would like to do,
and what you are willing to do, and how willing you
will be to help us ail. But we ask you to help us in
preventing the people who hâve taken our advice, and
who are exhibiting an attitude of dévotion which has
never been surpassed — what we ask you to do is to
help us in preventing thèse people from being starved
to death. This is not a new enterprise ; this struggle
has gone on for many centuries, and it is bound to go
on to the bitter end, and in one way or another the
Irish people will insist upon having the land of Ireland
for themselves, and the end of it will be that thèse men
who till the soil will also own it. The high heart of
our country remains unquelled, the will and courage of
our race unquenched, and they are strengthened by the
great power of our people in this free land. I feel
very confident that the day is very near at hand when
we shall hâve struck the first blow, the first vital blow,
at the land System as it now exists in Ireland, and
then we shall hâve taken the first step to obtain for
Ireland that right to nationhood for which she has
struggled so long and so well.'

At Oleveland, on January 26, 1880, he said : ' I hâve
said that we are fighting this battle against heavy odds.
I hâve also said that we feel confident of winning it.
It has given me great pleasure during my visit to the
cities of this country to see the armed régiments of
Irishmen who hâve frequently turned out to escort us ;
and when I saw some of thèse gallant men to-day, who
are even now in this hall, I thought that each one of
them must wish, with Sarsfield of old, when dying upon
a foreign battlefield, "Oh! that I could carry thèse
arms for Ireland." Well, it may corne to that some day
or other/

J£x. 84] 'THE LAST LINK ' 203

At Cincinnati, on February 23, 1880, he said : ' I feel
confident that we shall kill the Irish landlord System,
and when we hâve given Ireland to the people of Ireland
we shall hâve laid the foundation upon which to build
up our Irish nation. The feudal tenure and the raie of
the minority hâve been the corner-stone of English
misrule. Pull out that corner-stone, break it up,
destroy it, and you undermine English mis-govern-
ment. When we hâve undermined English nris-
government we hâve paved the way for Ireland to
take her place among the nations of the earth. And
let us not forget that that is the ultimate goal at
which ail we Irishmen aim. None of us, whether
we be in America or^in Ireland, or wherever we may be,
will be satisfied until we hâve destroy ed the last link
which keeps Ireland bound to England.'

At Eochester, in February 1880, he said : ' I am
bound to admit that it is the duty of every Irishman to
shed the last drop of his blood in order to obtain his
rights, if there were a probable chance of success, yet
at the same time we ail recognise the great responsi-
bility of hurling our unarmed people on the points of
British bayonets. We must act with prudence when
the contest would be hopeless, and not rush upon
destruction/

It would be doing scant justice to Parnell to suggest
for an instant that thèse speeches were made merely
for the purpose of conciliating the Clan-na-Gael. Far
from it. In what he said he spoke the faith that was
in him. Other speeches he made to Irishmen who
were not Fenians, and then he dealt with the land
question alone. But he did not take off his coat to
reform the land laws of Ireland. He took off his coat
to loosen the English grip on the i s land, Therefore at

20* CIIARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

Brooklyn, Cleveland, and Cincinnati he spoke trom his
heart.

His progress in America was a triumphal procession.
He went everywhere, and everywhere he was received
with open arms. Large towns and small vied witli
each other in showing honour to him, and sympathy
for the cause he represented. Public bodies présentai
addresses to him. Irish soldiers lincd the streets of the
cities through which he passed. Governors of States
waited on him. Congress itself threw open its doors
to let him plead the cause of his country before the
Parliament of the republic. 'In spite, and partly
pcrhaps because, of the attacks directed at us by a
portion of the Eastern Press,' he wrote to P. Egan on
March 1, ' the enthusiasm increases in volume as we
proceed from place to place, military guarda and salvoes
of artillery salute our coming, and the meetings which
we address, although high admission charge is made,
are packed from floor to roof. State Governoi
members of Congress, local représentatives, judj
clergymen, continunlly appear upon the platform.'

' In two months,' he said snbsequently, ' we visitt
sixty-two différent cities— that is, lîttle more than (
city a night. Between two of thèse cities i
occasion travelled 1,400 miles. During the tv
we remained in America we travelled together i
like 10,000 or 11,000 by land. This, joined to
miles of océan there and back, amounts rog^
miles in three months, which is not badj
net resuit of thèse sixty-two
actually in the ham of our <

1 The honour utenled to Fui
Ropre»entativuB m ih*i I only b]
cnoagh O'Mew Contai, on- '* '

*Et. 84] IN CANADA 206

From the United States Parnell went to Canada,
whither he was accompanied by Mr. Healy, who had
joined him in America. ' I was with him/ says Mr.
Healy, ' for about three weeks, but I hâve not much to
tell beyond what appears in the newspapers. We
went to Canada together. Before starting the Bishop
of Toronto wrote to Parnell to warn him against
coming, suggesting that he would probably be attacked
by the Orangemen. Parnell sent a dignified reply,
saying he had promised to corne, that he would keep
his word, and that he had no appréhensions of dis-
turbance. We came. There was no row, nor sign of
a row. "Perhaps," said Parnell with an enigmatical
smile, " the Orangemen do not wish to attack a Pro*
testant." On arriving at Toronto Parnell went straight
to a telegraph station, and told me to " corne along."
He took up a telegrain form, wrote out a message with
great pains, and then tore up the form. He tried
again, and went on boggling over his message until I
thought he would never get done. At length he
apparently satisfied himself, and then handed the
message to me, saying, ' Is that ail right ? ' It was
simply a wire to his mother in New York saying that
he had arrived safely, and that she need hâve no fears
about him as ail was quiet and peaceful. But it was
written in French. That was the cause of the boggling.
I thought it was very odd that he should (to secure
secrecy) send a telegram in French from Toronto, where
they speak French as well as they do in Paris. I felt
inclined to tell him so ; but thought on reflection that
it was no business of mine. Moreover, it struck me

nection with the Manchester rescue, and who had cried from the
dock, ' God save Ireland,' was a prominent member of the committee
which organised ParneH's réception by Congress*

206 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

that perhaps he wanted to keep someone in the dark in
New York. Another thing struck me about this inci-
dent. There was this cold, callous man, who seemed
not to care for anyone, rushing off to a telegraph office
to wire his mother not to be uneasy about hini. He
was a man of surprises, and certainly very fond of his
own family.

'We had a great meeting at Toronto. But the
biggest meeting I ever attended was at Montréal. It
was hère he was first called the " uncrowned king."
A high charge was made for admission. The hall, the
biggest in the city, could not hold ail the people who
wanted to corne. The enthusiasm was tremendous.
Parnell sat like a sphinx the whole time. He seemed
not to be a bit touched by the démonstration. The
whole town went mad about him. Everyone was
affected but himself .

' Next day, as we steamed out of the railway station,
returning to New York, I repeated some humorous
lines which I had recently read about Montréal. I
wanted to see if Parnell could see the fun of them.
He listened in a dreamy way until I was done, and
then said : " I hâve been thinking if anyone will ever
pay to corne and hear me lecture again." The poem
was thrown away on him.

4 We left New York for Ireland on a bitterly cold
March morning. The 69th Kegiment 1 saw us off.
As soon as I got on board the tender I turned towards
the cabin to get under shelter from the driving sleet.
Parnell stood on the bridge the whole time until the
tender left with head uncovered ; and it was a fine
sight to see the 69th salute as we sailed off, and Parnell
wave his hand in response, looking like a king.'

1 This régiment was at one time composed entirely of Fenians.

ito.34] DISTRESS IN IRELAND 207

Parneirs last act before starting for Ireland was to
form an American Land League. A hurried meeting
was held in New York. The Fenians dominated it,
though Constitutionalists also attended at Parneirs
spécial request. A committee of seven was appointed
to frame a constitution for the new association, and
out of thèse seven four were members of the Clan-na-
Gael. We hâve seen that Davitt was one of the secré-
taires of the Irish Land League. John Devoy was
now appointed one of the treasurers of the American
Land League. Thus the joint authors of the policy
of the new departure held important posts in the
joint organisations founded (inter alia) to carry out
that policy. What then, briefly, was the situation in
the spring of 1880? Within the American Land
League there were Constitutionalists, between whom
and the Revolutionists much friction existed; but
the Revolutionists were always in a majority. In
the Irish Land League the overwhelming majority
were Constitutionalists, but the most active spirits
were Fenians or ex-Fenians. The suprême council of
the I. R. B. fought to the last against the Leaguers —
without, however, producing any permanent effect on
the course of events. Parnell ail the time concentrated
the whole of his énergies in uniting the discordant
éléments of which the whole movement against Eng-
land was composed. He was the centre of unity.

Meanwhile the agitation in Ireland went steadily
on. The distress of the people in the western districts
grew appalling. Evictions increased. No réductions
in rent were made. The landlords, with the madness
of the old French régime, foresaw nothing, and un-
consciously fanned the flames which were to consume
them. On the meeting of Parliament Mr. Shaw moved

208 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

an amendment to the Address affirming that, ' although
in possession of timely warning and information, the
Government had not taken adéquate steps to alleviate
the di stress,' and adding that ' it was essential to the
peace and prosperity of Ireland to legislate at once in
a comprehensive manner on those questions winch
affect the tenure of land in Ireland, the neglect of
which by Parliament had been the true cause of the
constantly recurring disaffection and distress in Ireland/
In the debate which followed Sir Stafford Northcote
made a statement on the subject of that distress which
we are told ' startled ' the House. ' The statistics,' says
the 'Ànnual Begister,' 'given by Sir S. Northcote
from the report of the Eegistrar-General on the agri-
cultural condition of Ireland were startling. It was
estimated that there had been a falling off in the prin-
cipal crops from the yield of the previous year to the
value of 10,0O0,000Z. The value of the potato crop
was more than 6,000,000Z. below the average. . . .
Figures of such an enormous deficiency startled many
who had been previously disposed to believe that the
Irish distress had no serious foundation except in the
imaginations of the Home Bulers and anti-rent agi-
tators.' The British Parliament, with characteristic
indifférence, had turned a deaf ear to the remonstrances
of the Irish représentatives until famine was upon the
land and the fires of agitation were blazing in every
district. Even then Ministers pottered with the situa-
tion. Of course Mr. Shaw's amendment was defeated
by an overwhelming majority — 216 against 66 — the
notion of reforming the land laws of Ireland was
scouted, and an inadéquate Belief Bill passed. 1

1 This Relief Bill was thus described by the présent Lord Chief
Justice of England before the Parnell Commission : • The form it took

2&t. 34] DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENT 209

r Then, to the astonishment of everyone, the Dissolu-
tion was sprung upon the country. 1 The Government
tried to make Home Eule the issue of the conflict, and
to stir up English passion and préjudice against Ireland.
' My Lord Duke,' said Lord Beaconsfield in his letter
to the Irish Viceroy, the Duke of Marlborough, 'A
danger in its ultimate results scarcely less disastrous
than pestilence and famine, and which now engages
your Excellency's anxious attention, distracts Ireland.

was advancing to Irish landlords 1,100,000Z. of the surplus funds of the
disestablished Church in Ireland, to lend that money to Irish landlords
without interest for two years, and at the end of two years at the rate of
one per cent. ; and, unless numbers of landlords are gravely maligned,
when they employed their tenants and paid them wages out of this fund
for working upon their own farms (which wages went towards payment
of rent), those tenants were charged in some cases four and five and
even more per cent., and that in perpetuity, on the very money advanced
by the State for their relief, thus getting the relief filtered through the
hands of the landlords in this indirect and very ineffective fashion '
(Speech of Sir Charles Bussell, p. 159).

1 The Government made another attempt in February to deal with
obstruction, and passed the following resolution : ' That whenever any
member shall hâve been named by the Speaker or by the chairman of a
committee of the whole House as disregarding the authority of the
chair, or abusing the rules of the House by persistently and wilfully
obstructing the business of the House or otherwise, then, if the offence
has been committed in the House, the Speaker shall forthwith put the
question or motion being made, no amendment, adjournment, or debate
being allowed : " That such member be suspended from the service of
the House during the remainder of that day's sitting ; " and if the offence
has been committed in a committee of the whole House, the chairman
shall, on motion being made, put the same question in a similar way,
and if the motion is carried shall forthwith suspend the proceedings of
the committee and report the circumstance to the House, and the
Speaker shall thereupon put the same question, without amendment,
adjournment, or debate, as if the offence had been committed in the
House itself. If any member be suspended three times in one session
under this order, this suspension on the third occasion shall continue
for one week and until a motion has been made, upon which it shall be
decided at one sitting by the House whether the suspension shall then
cease or for what longer period it shall continue, and on the occasion of
such motion the member may, if he desires it, be heard in his place.
Provided al way s that nothing in this resolution shall be taken to deprive
the House of the power of proceeding against any member according to
ancient usages.'

VOL, I. P

210 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

A portion of its population is attempting to sever the
constitutional tie which unités it to Great Britain in
that bond which has f avoured the power and prosperity
of both.' l Mr. Gladstone refused to accept the issue
as stated by Lord Beaconsfield, and resolved to fighfc
the Government upon the whole line of their policy ;
but chiefly on the question of foreign affaire. To the
paragraph in the Prime Minister's letter dealing with
Ireland Mr. Gladstone replied in his address to the
electors of Midlothian : ' Gentlemen, those who endan-
gered the Union with Ireland were the party that main-
tained there an alien Church, an unjust land law, and
franchises inferior to our own ; and the true supporters
of the Union are those who uphold the suprême
authority of Parliament, but exercise that authority
to bind the three nations by the indissoluble tie of
libéral and equal laws. Let me say that in my
opinion thèse two great subjects of local government
and the land laws ought now to occupy a foremost
place in the thoughts of every man who aspires to be a
legislator. In the matter of local government there
may lie a solution of some national and even Impérial
difficulties. It will not be in my power to enter
largely [now] upon the important question of the
condition of Ireland ; but you know well how un-
happily the action of Parliament has been impeded
and disorganised, from considérations, no doubt, con-
scientiously entertained by a part of the Irish repre-

1 A month before the Dissolution an élection took place at Liverpool
which once more showed the power of tho Irish vote in the English
constituencies. Lord Ramsay, the Libéral candidate, was obliged to take
the Home llule pledge (t.e. to vote for an inquiry). He was beaten by a
majority of 2,000, but the fact that the Libéral wire-pullers felt that the
Home Bulers had to be won over in a great eonstituency like Liverpool
produoed a strong impression in political circles throughout the wnole
oountry.

2&s. 34] MR. GLADSTONE AND HOME RULE 211

sentatives, and from their désire to establish what they
term Home Bule. If you ask me what I think of
Home Eule, I must tell you that I will only answer you
when you tell me how Home Bule is related to local
government. I am friendly to large local privilèges
and powers. I désire, I may almost say I intensely
désire, to see Parliament relieved of some portion of its
duties. I see the efficiency of Parliament interfered
with, not only by obstruction from Irish members, but
even more gravely by the enormous weight that is
placed upon the time and the minds of those whom
you send to represent you. We hâve got an over-
weighted Parliament, and if Ireland or any other
portion of the country is desirous and able so to
arrange its affairs that by taking the local part or
some local part of its transactions off the hands of
Parliament it can liberate and strengthen Parliament
for Impérial concerns, I say I will not only accord a
reluctant assent, but I will give a zealous support to
any such scheme. One limit, gentlemen, one limit
only, I know to the extension of local government. It
is this ; nothing can be done, in my opinion, by any
wise statesman or right-minded Briton to weaken or
compromise the authority of the Impérial Parliament,
because the Impérial Parliament must be suprême in
thèse three kingdoms. And nothing that créâtes a
doubt upon that supremacy can be tolerated by an
intelligent and patriotic man. But, subject to that
limitation, if we can make arrangements under which
Ireland, Scotland, Wales, portions of England, can
deal with questions of local and spécial interest to
themselves more efficiently than Parliament now can,
that, I say, will be the attainment of a great national
good.*

p 2

212 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

It was the sudden Dissolution that forced Parnell
to bring his American tour to an abrupt termination,
and to hasten back to Ireland, where he arrived on
March 21.

Parnell thought much of the Clan-na-Gael as a
powerful political organisation. In his évidence before
the Spécial Commission he said : ' I believe that so far
as any active interest was taken at the time of my
going to America by Irishmen in the Irish question, it
was by the men of revolutionary physical-force ideas.
T believe that the great bulk of the Irish people in
America, until I went there, did not take any interest
at ail in Irish politics.' Nevertheless, he disliked thé
Clan, because he feared it would give him much.
trouble. Even at this early date he foresaw that some
of its members might run into excesses, which would
compromise him and bring discrédit on the national
movement. He knew, too, that as three thousand
miles of océan separated him from the organisation, he
could exercise little restraining influence over its
opérations.

But he could not ignore the Clan; he could not
ignore any important Irish political association. His
central idea was to attack England. He took the help
of ail allies for that purpose, and faced the consé-
quences. On landing at Queenstown he was met by
some members of the I. K. B., who presented him with
an address which contained thèse words :

1 We must take the opportunity to express our clear
conviction of the hopelessness of looking for justice to
Ireland from the English Parliament, and the firm
belief of the intelligent manhood of the country that
it is utterly futile to seek for any practical national
good through the means of parliamentary représentation, .

iET. 34] ENNISCORTHY 213

Impelled by such convictions, the Nationalists of the
country hâve determined, as a political party, they will
take no part in the coming élections, and consequently
no part in the adoption, rejection, or support of the
parliamentary candidates/

We hâve seen that in 1879 the suprême council of
the I. B. B. passed a resolution to the effect that the
members of the rank and file might take part in the
parliamentary movement at their own risk. In 1880
this resolution was rescinded, and it was declared that
no Fenian, under any circumstances, should co-operate
with the constitution al party. The Queenstown address
simply gave expression to this détermination. Some
days later Parnell received further proof that ail the
Fenians had not acquiesced in the new departure.
The platform from which he addressed a meeting in
Enniscorthy in support of the parliamentary candida-
ture of his nominees, Mr. Barry and Mr. Byrne, was
attacked, and he himself almost dragged from it to
the ground. Mr. John Bedmond, who stood by his
side on the platform, has thus described the scène
to me :

'I met Parnell in 1880 after his return from
America. I was at Enniscorthy with him. It was an
awful scène. There were about 4,000 to 5,000 people
there. They ail seemed to be against him. I re-
member one man shouting, though what he meant I
could not tell : " We will show Parnell that the blood
of Vinegar Hill is still green." The priests were
against Parnell. Parnell stood on the platform calm
and self-possessed. There was no use in trying to
talk. He faced the crowd, looking sad and sorrowful,
but not at ail angry ; it was an awful picture of patience.
A rotten egg was flung at him. It struck him on the

214 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

beard and trickled down. He took no notice of it,
never wiped it off, and was not apparently conscious
of it; he faced the crowd steadfastly, and held his
ground. One man rushed at him, seized him by the
leg, and tore his trouser right up from bottom to top.
There was no chance of a hearing, and we got away
from the platform and went to the hôtel to lunch.
Parnell ate a hearty lunch while a waiter was busy
stitching his trousers ail the time. It was a comical
sight. Afterwards we went for a walk. We were
met by a hostile mob, and I was knocked down and
eut in the face. I got up as quickly as I could and
made my way to the railway station. When Parnell
saw me he said: "Why, you are bleeding. What is
the matter?" I told him what had happened, andhe
said, smiling : " Well, you hâve shed your blood for me
at ail events." '

Into the General Election Parnell flung himself with
ardour and vigour, working literally day and night,
selecting candidates, superintending ail détails, flying
from constituency to constituency, and inspiring every-
one with his energy and détermination. Three con-
stituencies vied with each other for the honour of
electing him — Meath, Mayo, and Cork City. The
circumstances under which he was nominated for Cork
were curious, and even remarkable. Hère is the story
as told to me by his élection agent and faithful friend,
Mr. Horgan :

'The nomination for Cork City was fixed for
March 31, the candidates being H. D. Murphy (Whig),
William Goulding (Conservative), and John Daly
(Home Euler). Up to the day of the nomination
the advanced Nationalists of Cork took no interest in
the élection. Of course, they cared nothing for the

iEr. 34] CORK CITY ELECTION 216

Whig nor the Tory, and the Home Euler was far too
moderate.

' On the day of the nomination, however, a politician
of supposed Nationalist leanings (whom we shall
call Y.) came into my office, accompanied by some
genuine Nationalists. He handed me a nomination
paper bearing Parnell's name. The paper was signed
by the Kev. John O'Mahony, C.O., and another
priest, the Kev. Denis McCarthy, and by several other
electors. Y. asked me to sign as nominator, and
to hand the paper to the Sheriff. Before signing I
asked him if he had Mr. Parnell's sanction. He replied
that he had, and produced 250Z. in bank-notes, which
he said Mr. Parnell had sent him from Dublin that
morning.

* I was at once convinced by the production of : the
money that the matter was ail right. I signed the
nomination paper, and had only time to rush from my
office across the street to the Sheriff's office and hand
it in. Y. gave me 501. to pay the Sheriff's fées.
There were a few thousand people on the South Mail,
opposite the Sheriff's office, and when they heard that
Parnell had been nominated théy cheered vigorously
and became intensely excited.

' The friends of Daly and Murphy were both greatly
annoyed, and as I was returning to my office I was
jostled about by some of them, and the late Sir
D. V. 0' Sullivan shouted into my face: "Parnell will
not poil the 511 given to John Mitchell at the last
élection.' '

' Of course it was the advanced Nationalists who
had supported Mitchell at the last élection, and the
same men were supporting Parnell now. The resnlt
of bringing Mitchell f orward then was to split the

216 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

Libéral vote and to let the Tory Goulding slip in.
O' Sullivan feared a similar resuit now, though in any
case he would not like to see an " Extremist " like
Parnell returned.

' Murphy was a strong candidate, having immense
local influence, and the Catholic Bishop, Dr. Delaney,
was at his back. In the evening I had a wire from
Parnell from Morrison's Hôtel, Dublin, thanking me
for nominating him, and saying he would corne down
by the night mail on Friday, April 2.

'During Friday afternoon a rumour was freely
circulated that Parnell was the Tory nominee. On
Saturday morning he arrived at 2 a.m. I met him at
the railway station. He surprised me by asking how
he came to be nominated. " Why," I said, " did you
not authorise Y. to nominate you, and send him
250Z. to pay expenses?" "I did not send him a
farthing," said Parnell, "and I know nothing whatever
about him ; never heard of him. There is something
that wants looking into here. ,, " Well," I said, "let
us corne to the hôtel, at ail events ; hâve a rest, and I
will send for Father O'Mahony." Accordingly, we
went to the hôtel. Parnell had some hours' rest, and
came down to breakfast looking as fresh as paint.
Father O'Mahony had also corne, and was much
excited about the rumour that Parnell was being
run by the Tories. Tim Healy was présent too. I
told the whole story of how Y. came to me over
again.

1 When I was done Parnell said, as quick as light-
ning : " Send for Y." We despatched a messenger for
Y., who soon appeared upon the scène. Parnell at
once took Y. in hand, and went straight to the point
without a moment's delay. " Where did you get the

Mt. 34] CORK CITY ELECTION 217

250Z. y ou showed Mr. Horgan on Wednesday last ? "
he asked, with a keen, determined look. Y. shuffled
for a bit, but soon collapsed and made a clean breast
of it. He had gone one evening into Goulding's com-
mittee rooms, where they were freely discussing the
chances of the Nationalists putting f orward O'Donovan
Kossa or some other impossible candidate, who, like
Mitchell, might draw away five or six hundred votes
from Daly and Murphy. In such case, they said,
Goulding would once more slip in between the broken
Libéral ranks.

' Y. was personally known to some of the Tory
wire-pullers, and looked upon as an " Extremist " who
cared neither for Whig nor Tory, and would not in
the least object to spoil the Whig game. He was
sounded there and then, and told that if he could get
an extrême Nationalist candidate the Tories would
pay the Sheriff's fées and give him (Y.) 200?. for
himself.

1 Y. undertook to bring forward such a candidate,
but said he would not disclose the name until the
day of nomination. He stipulated, however, that the
250L should be given to him at once. This was agreed
to, and Mr. B handed Y. the money (2501.).

'That was Y/s plain unvarnished taie. When
he had finished Parnell said : " You gave 501. to
Mr. Horgan on the day of the nomination. Where is
the remaining 2001. ?" Y. refused to tell. Parnell
pressed him; he still held out. "Y.," said Parnell
at last, with a determined look, " if you do not tell
me at once where the money is I will raise that
window and denounce you to the citizens of Cork."
An immense crowd had by this time gathered outside.
Y. looked at the crowd and then at Parnell, and

218 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

finally put his hand into his breeches pocket and pulled
ont a bundle of bank-notes. " There is the 200Z.," said
he. Healy, who was nearest to him, seized the notes
at once. " Now," said Parnell, " the question is what
shall we do with the money." "Beturn it to the
Tories at once/' said Father O'Mahony. " Nonsense/
said Healy. " We'll fight the élection with it. It will
be ail the sweeter to win the seat with Tory money."
Tim relished the fun of the thing immensely. "I
think the best thing to do at présent/ ' said Parnell,
" is to hand the money to Mr. Horgan until we hâve
time to consider the matter." Tim then handed me
the notes. Well, we kept the money. It was barely
enough, although we ran the contest on the most
economical lines.

4 Parnell addressed the citizens (an enormous crowd)
from the hôtel Windows that night, and was cheered
with wild delight. I remember that the " Cork
Examiner " (Whig), which attacked Parnell, was
publicly burned outside the window. On Sunday,
April 4, we started after breakfast with Parnell and a
large body of supporters on cars for Douglas, a village
three miles from Cork, where Parnell addressed the
rural voters after Mass, and then we drove to Blackrock,
another rural parish, where he also addressed another
meeting. Then we drove to the other side of the city
to Glanmire, where the people took the horses from
his car and drew him back to Cork.

'Next we proceeded to the city park, where he
addressed thirty thousand people wild with excitement.
His horses again were unyoked, and he was drawn
back to the hôtel. That night at eight o'clock he
addressed the people from the hôtel window. The
crowd was enormous, and occupied the whole of

Mr. 34] CORK COUNTY ELECTION 210

Patrick Street. I never will forget his opening words,
They acted like an electric shock on the excited
people. He said, in slow and measured language, with
a deep pause after each word : " Citizens of Cork. This
is the night before the battle. To your guns then."
It was quite évident that we had ail Cork with us, and
that there was no fear of Parnell at the élection next
day.

' At breakf ast on Monday morning Parnell decided
to nominate Mr. Kettle for the county l ; the nomination
was to be on that day from ten to twelve o'clock at the
Court House. The difficulty was to get a nomination
paper without disclosing what we were about. So I
wrote out the form of nomination on an ordinary sheet
of notepaper. Then the difficulty was to get ten
county electors to sign it, as the city liberties extend
seven or eight miles around the city. As twelve o'clock
was the latest hour fixed for receiving nominations, we
were hard pressed for time. I suggested that I should
get a county list of voters, and with it proceed to the
corn and butter markets, where numbers of county
farmers usually were. Accordingly we drove off to the
corn market, and every man we saw with a f rieze coat
we asked his name and where he was from, and then
looked out for the name in the list of voters, and, on
finding it, got the man to sign the nomination paper.
At the corn market we only got a f ew naines ; we then
drove to the butter market, where we got some farmers
from Castletown Bearhaven, and some from Chorle-
velly, and différent other parts of the county. Then
we drove to the Court House, where Kettle and Parnell
missed each other, and as the last moment for lodging the

1 The Home Baie candidates already nominated were Shaw and
Colonel Colthurst.

220 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

paper was at hand great excitement prevailed. Kettle
— who, as the candidate, had to hand in the nomina-
tion paper — could not be f ound ; none of his nominators
were on the spot either. Parnell was very anxious,
and kept dashing up and down the stairs and about the
court doors, seeking for Kettle. At the last moment
Kettle arrived and handed Mr. Johnson, the sub-sheriff,
the nomination paper. John George McCarthy, the
agent for Shaw and Colthurst, objected, first on the
ground that we were late ; but the Sheriff said the time
by his watch wanted half a minute to twelve o'clock,
and accordingly ruled that we were in time. Then
McCarthy objected to the paper because it was in-
formai, being on a sheet of notepaper instead of the
SherifFs printed form. That was also overruled, and
then the names of the nominators were questioned ;
but they were found to be ail right, and so Kettle was
nominated. There was a great commotion as soon as
it was known that Parnell had put up Kettle against
Shaw and Colthurst. The local Press were dead
against him. Next day the county was placarded with
a letter signed by the four Catholic bishops of Cork,
Cloyne, Ross, and Kerry (the latter has jurisdiction
over several parishes, Millstreet, Glengariff, and Castle-
town Bere, which, though in the County Cork, are
in the Kerry diocèse), strongly advocating Shaw and
Colthurst. I managed the élection ail over the county.
The priests attended the polling booths, ranged on
the side of Shaw and Colthurst, and did ail they
could against Kettle. Parnell went off imniediately
after nominating Kettle to Mayo and Meath, being
also candidate for each of thèse counties. On April 6
the poil for the city was declared, and Parnell and Daly
were elected. From this until the county polling on

Mt. 34] CORK COUNTY ELECTION 221

April 14 Parnell kept flying around the counties of
Cork, Mayo, and Meath. He was nights and days
travelling between the three counties and addressing
meetings. James O'Kelly, with Healy and Kettle,
remained with me in Cork, and also Lysath Finnigan.
Thèse gentlemen scattered themselves about parts of the
county, but they were unable to visit one-fifteenth part
of the constituency. One day Parnell was in Mayo,
next day in Cork, and next in Meath, and so on,
eternally flying from one county to the other. I do
not believe Parnell slept in a bed for ten days. He was
also much engagea with looking after his other various
candidates ail over Ireland. The county élection took
place on April 14. Keports came in that the priests
were working hard at every polling centre on behalf of
Shaw and Colthurst. On April 15 the scrutiny took
place. It was very exciting. The voting was very
even for some hours. Colthurst was so sure of defeat
by Kettle that he retired from the room ; but towards
the end it was found that Colthurst was ahead of
Kettle by 151. Shaw polled 5,354, Colthurst 3,581,
and Kettle 3,430, which was a splendid resuit con-
sidering the opposition of the four bishops and ail
the priests, and the short time we h ad for prépara-
tion.

'About a month after the élection Y. brought
me a letter from Mr. Harvey, solicitor, demanding

payment on behalf of Mr. B of the 250?. which

B had given Y., and threatening an action at law

if it was not paid. I took Mr. Harvey's letter, and
told Y. I would see him harmless over the matter
and attend to it myself . I wrote to Harvey saying I
would accept service of the writ on behalf of Y. I
was never served with the writ, so that we had the

322 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

satisfaction of returning Parnell at the expense of the
Tories.'

Parnell was returned for ail three constituencies —
Meath, Mayo, and Cork City. He elected ultimately
to sit for Cork. It may be asked, What was the atti-
tude of the Catholic Church towards him at this crisis ?
The majority of the priests were certainly for him, the
majority of the bishops were against him. Cardinal
McCabe, the late Archbishop of Dublin, was indeed a
véhément opponent both of Parnell and of the League.

'The schemes of amélioration proposed by the
League,' his Eminence said, ' are of such an order that
no Government laying claim to statesmanship can for
a moment entertain them.' The Archbishop of Tuam
was in sympathy with the Archbishop of Dublin. We
hâve seen how the Bishops of Cork, Cloyne, Koss, and
Kerry opposed him at the Cork élection. Dr. Croke,
the Archbishop of Cashel, was, however, then as later,
in favour of a forward policy, and not hostile to the
man who was the embodiment of that policy. Of the
National Press, the 'Nation' supported Parnell, the
' Freeman's Journal ' opposed him. He himself made
light of his opponents, feeling that the masses of the
people were at his back, and that the dissensionists
would soon fall into line.

' But is the movement not opposed by the National-
ists (Fenians) and the priests ? ' he was asked by an
interviewer. ' Indeed it is not,' he answered. * I should
despair of Ireland if the most active forces in the
country arrayed themselves against a movement like
this. Individual priests may hâve condemned chance
indiscrétions; individual Nationalists hâve protested
that we should he by while préparations are being made
to cope with England by physical force, but that is ail.

iEr. 34] ELECTION OF LEADER 223

Everyone is welcome to his opinion about this move-
ment, and to express it.'

In Great Britain the Libérais swept the constitu-
encies. In Ireland the Nationalists more than held
their ground. Out of 105 seats they won 60, against
44 Unionists. Thus the gênerai resuit of the élection
in Great Britain and Ireland (ail told) was — Libérais,
349 ; Tories, 243 ; Home Eulers, 60.

On April 26 the Irish parliamentary party met in
Dublin to elect a leader and to consider other business.
The élection of leader was postponed until the adjourned
meeting in May. ' If Parnell,' an experienced National-
ist said to me at the time, ' allows himself to be nomi-
nated as leader of the party he will commit a great
mistake. He will do infinitely better, for the présent,
at ail events, by remaining leader of the extrême left,
and by keeping the modérâtes up to the collar. As
leader of the whole party his relations with the
advanced men would make his position very embar-
rassing. What we want is a moderate man like Shaw
to command the whole party, and an extrême man like
Parnell to lead the van.' This was not Parnell's view
of the situation. He believed that he was able to lead
the Irish party, and that no other man could. The
élection of leader came off in May. Shaw was nominated
by Morris Brooke and Eichard Power ; Parnell by the
O'Gorman Mahon and Biggar.

Besult

Parnell 23 votes

Shaw 18 „

Majority for Parnell . • 5 l „

1 For Parnell: Sexton, Arthur O'Connor, O'Kelly, Byrne, Barry,
McCarthy, Biggar, T. P. O'Connor, Lalor, T. D. Sullivan, Dr. Comyns,

224 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

On April 30 there was a great Nationalist meeting
at the Eotunda, and it was upon that occasion that
Parnell made what has been called the 'bread and
lead speech.' He said : ' The Americans sent me
back with this message — that for the future you must
not expect one cent for charity, but millions to break
the land System. And now before I go I will tell you
a little incident that happened at one of our meetings
in America. A gentleman came on the platform and
handed me #25, and said: "Hère is $5 for bread and
#20 for lead." '

Parnell was now in the saddle, where for eleven
years he sat firmly without a competitor or an equal.
' How came Parnell/ I asked Mr. Justin McCarthy, ' to
acquire his great ascendency ? ' He answered : ' He
owed his ascendency to his strength of will and his
readiness to see what was the right thing to do at a
given moment. He was not liked by the party as a
whole. S. never liked him. H. very soon began to
dislike him. D. was loyal to him, but did not like
him. 0. liked him. I liked him. But, like or
dislike, ail bowed to him, because ail felt that he was
the one man who knew what to do in moments of
difficulty, and that he was always right. He had the
genius of a Commander-in-Chief. It was that which
gave him his power. Others of us might be useful in
fixing lines of policy in advance. But when a crisis
arose, when something had to be done on the instant
which might hâve a serious effect in the future, we
were no good. We were paralysed. Parnell made

Gill, Dawson, Leamy, Corbet, McCoan, Finnigan, Daly, Martini, W. H.
O'Sullivan, J. Leahy, O'Gorman Mahon, O'Shea— 23.

For Shaw : McFarlanc, Brooke, Colthurst, Synan, Sir P. O'Brien,
Foley, Smithwick, Fay, Errington, Qabbett, Smyth, B. Power, Blake,
McKenna, P. Martin, Meldon, Callan, Gray — 18.

JE*. 34] AN ' IRON WILL ' 225

up his mind in an instant, and did the thing without
doubting or flinching.'

' As a parliamentary strategist,' says Mr. Healy,
1 Parnell was simply perfect. No one was like him
for seeing the difficulties of a situation and for getting
out of them.'

' To what do you ascribe ParneU's success ? ' I asked
Sir Charles Dilke.

He answered : * To his aïoofness. He hated Eng-
land, English ways, English modes of thought. He
would hâve nothing to do with us. He acted like a
foreigner. We could not get at him as at any other
man in English public life. He was not one of us in
any sensé. Dealing with him was like dealing with a
foreign Power. This gave him immense advantage,
and, coupled with his iron will, explains his ascendency
and success.' Inexorable tenacity, sound judgment,
knowledge of his own mind at ail times, dauntless
courage, an iron will, and the faculty of controlling
himself and others — thèse were the qualities which
made Parnell leader of the Irish people and arbiter of
English parties.

VOL. I. Q

226 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

CHAPTER XI

LEADER

Mr. Gladstone was now Prime Minister, Lord Cowper
Irish Viceroy, Mr. Forster Chief Secretary. The new
Parliament met on April 29. The Queen's Speech
dealt with every subject of public importance except
the Irish land question. The Government, in truth,
did not realise the gravity of the Irish situation. Mr.
Gladstone has said with perfect frankness that he
thought the Irish question was settled by the Church
Act of 1869 and the Land Act of 1870. It troubled
hiin no more. Mr. Bright, however, still felt keenly
interested in one branch of the Irish question — the
land ; but he did not see his way to do anything. On
January 9, 1880, he wrote : ' On this question of the
land the difficulty would not be great. Ail might be
done which is not of a revolutionary character, and the
présent time seems favourable for such changes as are
possible without violence and by consent of the Im-
périal Parliament.' l

On January 12 he returned to the subject, expressing
his doubt as to the practicability of establishing any
satisfactory tribunal for fixing * fair rents.' He said :
* I do not see how what is called a " fair rent " is to be

1 Private leiter.

iEx. 84] THE LAND QUESTION 227

determined. A " fair rent " to one man would be mnch
more than another could pay, and less than a third man
could without imprudence agrée to give.' l

Lord Hartington also showed some interest in the
land question, though, like Mr. Bright, he did not see
his way to action. On January 22 he wrote : ' I think
that the failure of the Land Act [1870] is not established
by the figures which you give. The différence between
rentals and the Government valuation in some cases, as
well as the increase in the number of notices of eject-
ment, may be, and I think probably are, capable of
some explanation, and so far as I am aware ail the
cases of cruel évictions on a large scale which are
related by you took place before the passing of the Act.
I am not opposed to any reasonable or practical pro-
posais for improving the working of the Bright clauses
[the purchase clauses] of the Act, but I am of opinion
that the difficulties of inducing Parliament to legislate
in this direction hâve been greatly increased by the
récent anti-rent agitation. The advice which has been
given, and which has to some extent been acted upon,
to disregard the contract now existing between lancÛord
and tenant, is not calculated to give Parliament any
confident expectation that greater respect will be shown
to the contract which it is proposed to create between
the State and the tenant purchaser. , 2

I think it but just to Mr. Bright and Lord Hartington
to set out the views which they privately expressed in
January 1880. Nevertheless, in April the Libéral
Government as a whole thought not of Ireland. ' The
Government/ said Lord Cowper, 'were not thinking
of the land question when I came to Ireland.' « The

» Ibid. * Ibid.

228 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

présent Government,' said the Duke of Argyll in 1881,
1 was formed with no express intention of bringing in
another great Irish Land Bill . . . it formed no part
of the programme upon which the Government was
formed.'

It is strange that this should hâve been so. The
land question had been kept constantly before Parlia-
ment since 1876. Mr. Butt's Bill, based on the
three F.'s, was then introduced. It was rejected by
290 against 56 votes.

In 1877 Mr. Crawford, an Ulster Libéral, introduced
a Bill to extend the Ulster custom — the right of free
sale — through the rest of Ireland. It was talked ont.
In 1878 Mr. Crawford again introduced the Bill. It
was defeated by 85 against 66 votes. Mr. Butt's Bill
of 1876 was also re-introduced. It was defeated by 286
against 86 votes. In 1879 Mr. Butt's Bill was again
brought in. It was again defeated by 263 to 61 votes ;
and Mr. Crawford's Bill was again talked out. The
land agitation had been growing in intensity since
1877. l Sir Stafford Northcote's statement in the House
in February 1880 demonstrated the reality of Irish
distress. Everything that was happening showed the
discontent and the misery of the people. Yet on the
meeting of Parliament in April Mr. Gladstone's Govern-
ment gave no sign that Ireland filled any place in the
thoughts of Ministers.

The first appearance of the Irish members in the
House of Commons showed that there was still a
division in their ranks. Mr. Shaw, with those who
had supported him at the public meeting, sat upon one

1 I hâve dealt fully with the land controversy in The Irish Land
Question and Ençlish Public Opinion and in the Parliamentary
History of the Irish Land Question* See also Sir Gavan Duffy, League
of North and South,

<Et. 84] INDEPENDENT OPPOSITION 229

side of the House ; Parnell and his party, reviving the
practice of the Independent Opposition party of 1852,
sat on the other. He said that the Irish Nationalists
should always sit in Opposition until the full measure
of their demands was conceded. In the last Parlia-
ment they had sat in Opposition with the English
Libérais. They would now, since the Libérais had
succeeded to office, sit in Opposition with the Tories.
Thus they would emphasise their position as an inde-
pendent party, and show that Whigs and Tories were
ail alike to them.

Mr. Shaw took a différent view. The Libérais,
he said, were the friends of Ireland. It was, there-
fore, the duty of the Irish members to support the
Libéral Government. He would accordingly adhère
to the old custom, and sit on the Libéral side of the
House.

This idea of an independent Irish party Parnell
constantly said he had got from Gavan Duify and the
Tenant Leaguers of 1852. 'I had some knowledge,
not very deep, of Irish history,' he said before the
Spécial Commission, * and had read about the indepen-
dent opposition movement of Sir Charles Gavan Duffy
and the late Mr. Frederick Lucas in 1852, and when-
ever I thought about politics I always thought that
that would be an idéal movement for the benefit of
Ireland. Their idea was an independent party reflect-
ing the opinions of the masses of the people ; acting
independently in the House of Commons, free from the
influence of either English political party ; pledged not
to take office or f orm any combination with any English
political party until the wants of Ireland had been
attended to. The passing of the Ballot Act rendered
this possible in my judgment, because for the first time

280 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

it enabled the Irîsh electors to vote f ree from the coercion
of the Irish landlords.'

In the last Parliament Parnell had to fight Butt as
well as the British Minister. Now he had to fight
Shaw and the ' moderate * Home Kulers. But his
task was comparatively easy. In the struggle agaînst
Butt he began by having only a handful of Fenians at
his back. Now he was supported by a section of the
Clan-na-gael, by many of the rank and file of the
I. R. B., by the farmers, by the priests, and by the
1 Nation ' itself, partly a clérical organ. Shaw and
the ' modérâtes ' were supported by the bishops and
the ' Freeman's Journal/ A new, perhaps unexpected,
ally came also to his side — her Majesty's Government.
Timely concessions from Ministers would hâve strength-
ened the hands of Shaw and the 'modérâtes/ and
might hâve broken up the union between Fenians,
farmers, and priests. The refusai of concession in
time Consolidated this union, discredited the policy of
the 'modérâtes,' and threw the game into ParnelTs
hands.

The Parnellite members lost no time in calling the
attention of Parliament to Ireland. Mr. O'Connor
Power brought in a Bill practically to c stay évictions.'
Under the Land Act of 1870, compensation for dis-
turbance could not be awarded if the 'disturbed'
tenant owed a year's rent. Mr. O'Connor Power
now proposed that compensation should (under exist-
ing circumstances) be awarded in any case of dis-
turbance.

The Government — who, at the beginning of the
session, had refused to deal with the land question —
were now undecided what to do. They would not
support the Parnellite Bill ; but, -said Mr. Forster, f I

JE*. 34] COMPENSATION FOR DISTURBÀNCE BILL 231

am not prepared to vote against the principle.' A few
days later the Government gave way, and on June 18
Mr. Forster himself , taking up the question, introduced
the famous ' Compensation for Disturbance Bill.' This
measure proposed that an evicted tenant should be
entitled to compensation when he could prove to the
satisfaction of the Court —

1. That he was unable to pay the rent.

2. That he was unable to pay it, not from thrift-
lessness or idleness, but on account of the bad harvest
of the current year, or of the two preceding years.

3. That he was willing to continue the tenancy on
just and reasonable terms as to rent and otherwise.

4. That thèse terms were unreasonably refused by
the landlord.

Lord Hartington justified this measure in an
effective speech.

The Bill, he said, was the logical outcome of the
Act of 1870, and had been framed simply with a view
of preventing the objects of that Act from being
defeated by exceptional circumstances which could not
be foreseen. ' In some parts of Ireland the im-
poverished circumstances of the tenant hâve placed in
the hands of the landlord a weapon which the Govern-
ment never contemplated, and which enables the
landlord, at a sacrifice of half or a quarter of a year's
rent, to clear his estate of hundreds of tenants, whom
in ordinary circumstances he would not hâve been able
to remove, except at a heavy pecuniary fine.

' I ask whether that is not a weapon calculated to
enable landlords absolutely to defeat the main purposes
of the Act.

* Supposing a landlord "wished to clear the estate of
a number of small tenants ; he knows that this is the

232 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

time to do it, and if he should lose this opportunity
he can never hâve it again, without great pecuniary
sacrifice.' But, despite the weight which Lord
Hartington carried with ail moderate men, many
Libérais opposed the Bill. It was, however, read a
second time, on July 5, by 295 against 217 votes ;
20 Libérais voting against it, and 20 walking out.

The Irish Nationalists to a man supported the
Government. Harried by the dissentient members of
their own party, Ministers proposed in committee to
introduce an amendment, which aroused the hostility
of Parnell. The purpose of the amendment was to
disallow the tenant's claim to compensation, provided
the landlord gave him permission to sell his interest
in the holding. ' This is impossible/ said Parnell. * In
the présent state of affairs in Ireland no one will buy
the tenant right, and/ he added, turning to Mr. Forster,
" unstable as water thou shalt not excel." ' Parnell was
supported by Mr. Charles Kussell (now Lord Kussell of
Killowen, the Lord Chief Justice of England), who
denounced the amendment as a ' mockery ' and begged
the Government to withdraw it. The Government,
still wavering, did finally withdraw it, substituting in
its place an altération proposed by Mr. Gladstone (and
carried), to the effect that the tenant ' should be entitled
to compensation if the landlord had refused the terms
set out in the Bill without the offer of any reason-
able alternative.' The next crisis in the fate of the
Bill was the acceptance by Ministers of a proposai
from the Opposition to the effect that the application
of the measure should be limited to tenancies not
exceeding 152. a year. Parnell protested against this
limit, which, under his pressure, was abandoned, a
new limit of 302. valuation, équivalent to 427. rent*

-Et. 34] A ' FENIAN KAID ' 233

being agreed to. The third reading was carried on
July 26 by 304 to 237 votes; 16 Libérais voting
against the measure, and Parnell and his followers
(dissatisfied with the altérations and the 'weakness'
of the Government) walking out. The Bill had been
under the considération of the Commons for over a
month. The Lords disposed of it in two nights. It
was rejected by 282 to 51 votes.

The rejection of this Compensation for Disturbance
Bill was the signal for extrême agitation in Ireland.

' Soon after the rejection of the Bill/ says the
' Annual Kegister,' ' there came most disquieting reports
from Ireland. There were riots at évictions ; tenants
who had ventured to take the place of the evicted
occupiers were assaulted, their property damaged,
their ricks burned, their cattle maimed ; there was a
mysterious robbery of arms from a ship lying in
Queenstown Harbour ; and it was said that a plot had
been discovered for the blowing up of Cork Barracks/

The story of the * robbery of arms ' throws a curious
light on the relations between the Fenians and the
Land League. In August a party of Fenians attacked
a vessel called the ' Juno ' in Cork Harbour, and carried
off forty cases of firearms. The Constitutionalists in
the local branch of the League were much exercised by
this act. They were anxious, fearing that some sus-
picion might rest on their organisation, to vindicate
themselves and to show their loyalty. Accordingly, a
resolution was proposed by Mr. Cronin and seconded
by Mr. J. O'Brien declaring that ' we deeply regret
that a robbery of useless old firearms has taken place,
that we condemn lawlessness in any shape, and we
believe the occurrence must hâve been effected by
those who désire to see a renewal of the Coercion Acts

234 CHARLE8 BTEWART PARNELL [1880

inflicted upon this country, and who wish to give
the Government good value for their secret service
money.'

An amendment was moved by an ' advanced man,'
Mr. O'Sullivan, who protested against the right of the
League to interfère with any other organisation. Mr.
O'Sullivan was, however, in a hopeless minority on
that day, and the résolution was triumphantly carried.
But the Fenians were resolved to teach the Con-
stitutionalists in the League a lesson which should not
be f orgotten. The matter was at once brought under
the notice of the central body in Dublin, when, on
August 17, Mr. Brennan, himself a Fenian, condemned
the action of the Cork branch, saying that they had no
more right to consider the subject of the ' Juno ' raid
than they had to discuss the relative merits of the
candidates for the presidency of the United States.
Mr. Dillon, who was the chairman on the occasion,
agreed with Mr. Brennan, and said that ' the meeting
entirely disclaimed the resolution passed by the Cork
branch.' On August 21 there was another meeting of
the Cork branch. Mr. John O'Connor attended. Mr.
0* Sullivan was again in évidence. He proposed that
the resolution of August 13 should be expunged, and it
was expunged nem. con. However, the incident was
not yet closed. On October 3 Parnell visited Cork.
As he approached the city an armed party of Fenians
stopped the procession, seized Mr. Cronin and Mr.
O'Brien, who were in the carriage by his side, carried
them off, and detained them for the day. They wexe
resolved that no man who had struck at Fenianism
should join in the welcome to Parnell. Soon afterwards
the Cork branch of the League was ' reconstructed.'

Meanwhile Parnell had made up his mind to wage

Mt. 34] ' WAR TO THE KNIFE ' 235

relentless war against the Government. He did not
throw ail the blâme for the rejection of the Compen-
sation Bill on the House of Lords. * If the Govern-
ment/ he would say, 'had the people of England
behind them the Lords dare not do this. Well, we
will stiffen the back of the Government. Then we
shall see what the Lords will do.' He told the Minis-
ters that they were half-hearted, that they did not
believe in their own measures, that they wanted grit.
He called upon them to give assurances of législation
for the next session, else they would receive little hôlp
from him. Lord Hartington — who was leading' the
House in the absence of Mr. Gladstone through serions
illness — refused to give assurances, and said the Govern-
ment had no further concessions to make. Parnell
had thrown down the gauntlet. Lord Hartington
picked it up. 'War to the knife, sir — war to the
knife/ said Biggar. ' The next thing will be a State
trial. The Whigs always start with a State trial.
Something for the lawyers, you know. Whigs — rogues,
sir/

Beturning to Ireland, Parnell flung himself heart
and soûl into the land agitation. The Government
had failed to protect the tenants. The tenants
should now protect themselves. The scènes of 1847
should not be re-enacted. No more peasants should
be cast on the roadside to die. What the Govern-
ment had failed to do the Land League would do.
But the tenants must rally to the League ; they must
band themselves together; they must cast aside the
weak and cowardly in their ranks, and fight sturdily for
their homes and country against the destroying land-
lords and their ally, the Government of England.
This was the doctrine which Bamell and the Leaguers

236 CHARLES STEWAUT PARNELL [1880

preached from the hilltops, and which the masses of
the people willingly obeyed.

On September 19 Parnell attended a mass meeting
at Ennis. There, in a speech which rang throughout
the land, he struck the keynote of the agitation ; he
laid down the lines on which the League should work.
Slowly, calmly, deliberately, without a quiver of passion,
a note of rhetoric, or an exclamation of anger, but in a
tone that penetrated his audience like the touch of cold
steel, he proclaimed war against ail who should resist
the mandates of the League.

' Dépend upon it that the measure of the Land
Bill next session will be the measure of your activity
and energy this winter. It will be the measure of
your détermination not to pay unjust rents; it will
be the measure of your détermination to keep a firm
grip on your homesteads. It will be the measure of
your détermination not to bid for farms from which
others hâve been evicted, and to use the strong force
of public opinion to deter any unjust men amongst
yourselves — and there are many such — from bidding
for such farms. Now what are you to do to a tenant
who bids for a farm from which his neighbour has
been evicted ? '

Hère there was much excitement, and cries of ' Kill
him ! ' ' Shoot him I ' Parnell waited, with his hands
clasped behind his back, looking quietly out upon the
crowd until the tumult subsided, and then softly re-
sumed : ' Now I think I heard somebody say " Shoot
him ! " — (A voice : " Yes, quite right ") — but I wish to
point out to you a very much better way — a more
Christian and a more charitable way, which will give
the lost sinner an opportunity of repenting.'

Hère there were inquiring glances, and a lull, and a

Ato. 34] BOYCOTTING 237

silence, which was scarcely broken until Parnell finished
the next sentence — a long sentence, but every word of
which was heard, as the voice of the speaker hardened
and his face wore an expression of reraorseless déter-
mination. 'When a man takes a farm from which
another has been evicted, you must show him on the
roadside when you meet him, you must show him in
the streets of the town — (A voice : " Shun him ! ") —
you must show him at the shop counter, you must
show him in the fair and in the market-place, and
even in the house of worship, by leaving him severely
alone, by putting him into a moral Coventry, by
isolating him from his kind as if he was a leper of old
— you must show him your detestation of the crime he
has committed, and you may dépend upon it that there
will be no man so full of avarice, so lost to shame, as
to dare the public opinion of ail right-thinking men and
to transgress your unwritten code of laws.'

The closing sentence was received with a shout of
applause ; the doctrine of boycotting, as it afterwards
came to be called, was accepted with popular enthusiasm.

Three days afterwards the peasants of Connaught
showed how ready they were to practise as Parnell had
preached. Captain Boycott, the agent of Lord Erne,
had been offered by the tenants on the estate what they
conceived to be a just rent. He refused to take it, and
the tenants refused to give more ; whereupon eject-
ment processes were issued against them.

On September 22 the process server went forth to
serve the ejectments. He was met by a number of
peasants, who forced him to abandon the work and
retreat precipitately to the agents house. Next day
the peasants visited the house and adjoining farm, and
ordered the servants in Captain Boycott's employ to

288 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

départ — a mandate which was promptly obeyed ; the
resuit being that the unfortunate gentleman was left
without farm labourers or stablemen, while his crops
remained ungathered and unsaved. Nor did the
peasants stop hère. They forbade the local shop-
keepers to serve him, told the blacksmith and laun-
dress not to work for him, threatened the post-boy
who carried his letters, and upon one occasion stopped
and ' cautioned ' the bearer of a telegram.

Captain Boycott was left * severely alone,' ' put
into moral Coventry.' As days wore on it became
a matter of pressing importance to him to hâve his
crops saved, but no one in the neighbourhood could
be got to do the work. In thèse circumstances an
opportunity, gladly seized, for ' demonstrating in force '
was given to the Ulster Orangemen. One hundred of
them offered to 'invade' Connaught to save Captain
Boycott's crops. The Captain informed the authorities
of Dublin Castle that fifty men would be quite sufficient
for agricultural purposes ; and being hiinself a man of
peace, he did not feel at ail disposed to see a hundred
Orangemen marching in battle array over his farm,
shouting ' to hell with the Pope/ and drinking the
memory of the glorious, pious, and immortal William
at his expense. Fifty Orangemen were accordingly des-
patched to Connaught under the protection of a large
force of military and police (with two field pièces) to
save Captain Boycott's crops. The work done the
Orangemen, accompanied by Captain Boycott, departed
in peace» and the Connaught peasants were left masters
of the situation.

The ' isolation ' of Captain Boycott was followed by
another famous case. Mr. Bence Jones, of Clonakilty,
in the County Cork, had incurred the popular dis-

JE*. 84] OALWAY SPEECH 239

pleasure, and was, in the phraseolbgy of the dày, boy-
cotted. He tried to sell his càttle in Cork market, bat no
one could be got to buy . He then sent them to Dublin
to be shipped off to the Liverpool markets, but the men
in the service of the Dublin Steam Packet Company
refused to put them on board. Finally, after a great
deal of difficulty, the cattle were taken in small batches
across the Channel and sold.

After thèse cases boycotting became a great weapon
in the armoury of the League, and was, as one of the
Iseaguers said, 'better than any 81-ton gun ever
manufactured.'

ParnelTs Ennis speech was altogether an agrarian
speech. He concentrated himself upon the land, and
told the people how the campaign against landlordism
was to be carried on. But at Galway, on October 24,
he plunged into politics and dealt with the more con-
genial subject of national freedom: 'I expressed my
belief at the beginning of last session that the présent
Chief Secretary, who was then ail smiles and promises,
would not hâve proceeded very far in the duties of his
office before he would hâve found that he had under-
taken an impossible task to govern Ireland, and that
the only way to govern Ireland was to allow her to
govern herself .' (Cheers.)

A voice. ' A touch of the rifle.'

'And if they prosecute the leaders of this inove-
inent '

A voice. l They dare not.'
: Parnell. 'If they prosecute thé leaders of this
movement it is not because they want to préserve the
lives of one or two landlords. Much the English
Government cares about the lives of one or two land-
lords.'

240 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

A voice. ' Nor we.'

Another voice. ' Away with them.'

Parnell. ' But it will be because they see that
behind this movement lies a more dangerous movement
to their hold over Ireland ; because they know that if
they fail in upholding landlordism hère — and they will
fail — they hâve no chance of maintaining it over
Ireland ; it will be because they know that if they fail
in upholding landlordism in Ireland, their power to
misrule Ireland will go too/ (Cheers.) Then he
uttered one of those sentences which, coming straight
from the heart, and disclosing the real thoughts and
feelings which animated him, burned themselves into
the minds of his hearers. 'I wish to see the
tenant farmers prosperous; but large and important
as this class of tenant farmers is, constituting, as
they do, with their wives and families, the majority
of the people of the country, I would not hâve
taken off my coat and gone to this work if I had not
known that we were laying the foundation in this
movement for the régénération of our législative inde-
pendence. (Cheers.) Push on, then, towards this goal,
extend your organisation, and let every tenant farmer,
while he keeps a grip on his holding, recognise also
the great truth that he is serving his country and the
people at large, and helping to break down English
misrule in Ireland.'

The Land League now grew in importance and
influence day by day. Money poured into its treasury,
not only from Ireland, but from America. Its branches
extended ail over the country. Its mandates were
every where obeyed. It was, in truth, nothing more
nor less than a provisional Irish Government, stronger,
because based on popular suffrage, than the Government

;Et, 34] A PROVISIONAL IRISH GOVERNMENT 241

of the Castle. * Self-elected, self-constituted, self-assem-
bled, self-adjourned, acknowledging no superior, tole-
rating no equal, interfering in ail stages with the
administration of justice, levying contributions and
discharging ail the functions of regular government,
it obtained a complète mastery and control over the
masses of the Irish people/

So Canning described the Catholic Association.
So might the Ministers of the day hâve described (so in
effect they did describe) the Land League.

'Things are now corne to that pass that the
question is whether O'Connell or I shall govern Ire-
land' — so said the Irish Viceroy, Lord Anglesea, in
1831. And Lord Cowper might hâve said in 1880 :
'The question is whether Parnell or I shall govern
Ireland.'

While Parnell, helped by the Fenian Treasurer
Egan l and the Fenian Secretary Brennan, was driving
the League ahead in Ireland, Davitt was formîng
branches throughout the United States.

There was still a party in the Clan-na-Gael opposed
to the new departure. The Clan-na-Gael man who
had corne to England in 1878 to see Parnell, and
who was then favourably disposed to an alliance
between the Eevolutionists and the Constitutionalists,
had now gone quite round. In addition to his hostility
to the policy of Devoy and Davitt, he had formed an
intense dislike to Parnell, and was resolved, so far as
he could, to break off ail relations with the Parlia-
mentarians. Davitt, who always kept himself well

1 Egan has been described by the late Mr. A. M. Sullivan in New
Ireland. ' He seldom or never made a speech. He aspired to no
display on the platform, but was the ablest strategist of the whole cam-
paign, and perhaps, except Davitt, the most resolute and invincible spirit
amongst them ail.'

VOL. I. B

242 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

posted in the American news, soon learned that things
were not going quite smoothly on the other side of the
Atlantic. In May he sailed for New York, to co-operate
with Devoy in defeating their opponents in the Clan.
The suprême council of the I. E. B. were also aware
that a party of American Fenians led by the Clan-na-
Gael man shared their views about the inadvisability of
working with the Constitutionalists, and they had pre-
viously despatched the prominent Fenian of the Craven
Street meeting to defeat Davitt's plans. A meeting of
the council of the Clan was called in New York to hear
both Davitt and this Fenian.

The proceedings were opened by the Clan-na-Gael
man, who moved a resolution severing ail connection
between the Clan and the Parliamentarians. Parnell was
not to be trusted. He would simply use them for his own
purposes, and throw them over at the first opportunity.
What were they asked to do ? Practically to supply
funds for parliamentary agitation. The thing was
absurd. They would keep their funds for their own
organisation, and concentrate themselves upon it. The
Parliamentarians had everything to gain by uniting
with them. They had nothing to gain by uniting with
the Parliamentarians. That was the Clan-na-gael man's
case. Davitt replied. He said that Fenianism had lost
ground by holding aloof from public movements in Ire-
land. The Fenians ought to keep themselves in touch
with ail that was going on. They should try to influence
every inovement and to gain support from ail quarters.
The land was the question of the hour. Was it to be
lef t wholly in the hands of the Constitutionalists ? The
farmers would be the friends of the men who helped
them in this crisis of their fate, and no movement could
be successful in Ireland unless the farmers were at its

Mi. 34] A SECRET CONCLAVE 243

back. How were they to gain the f armers ? By throw-
ing themselves into the land agitation, by identifying
their cause with the cause of the tenants.

The prominent Fenian attacked Davitt. He said
that the new departure was immoral and impolitic.
Fenians and Constitutionalists were to be combined in
one movement. There was to be a pretence of loyalty,
but in reality treason ail along the line. The upshot
of this arrangement would be sham loyalty and sham
treason. He did not believe in a policy of dust-
throwing and lying, but that was the policy of the
new departure. The Fenian movement was purely a
national movement. If he were to stand absoltitely
alone, he would resist this dishonest and unholy
alliance. * Freedom cornes from God's right hand,' and
he, at ail events, believed in righteous means as well as
in righteous ends.

A division was then taken on the Clan-na-Gael man's
motion, and it was defeated. The prominent Fenian
had beaten Davitt in 1879. Davitt had his revenge in
1880.

The founder of the Land League, as Davitt has
been called, next made a tour throughout the States,
forming branches of the League and ' spreading thé
light.* Ail his public utterances — and he addressed
many meetings — resolved themselves into two main
arguments :

1. The cause of the tenant f armers was just in itself
and ought to be supported.

2. The destruction of landlordism would lead to the
overthrow of the English power in Ireland.

Two extracts may be given from his speeches to
illustrate their character. Speaking at Chicago in
August, he said, referring to the raid on the ' Juno ' :

R 2

244 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

' The convulsion of horror which grew out of it waè
kecause the English Government knew there were men
in Ireland to-day absolutely feverish to clutch hundreds
and thousands of rifles, in order, not only to abolish
Irish landlordism, but to consummate the hopes of
Irishmen by abolishing something else.'

At Kansas City, in September, he said : ' We hâve,
as you hâve already been told, declared an unceasing
war against landlordism ; not a war to call on our people
to shoulder the rifle and to go out in the open field and
settle the question that is now agitating Ireland —
although I am not opposed to a settlement of that
nature providing I could see a chance of success — but
for the fourth time during the présent century we
hâve tried a physical struggle with England, and
instead of hurting England we hâve generally hurt
ourselves. Now I believe it is far better to meet
on différent ground and to do battle in a différent
mode. And in declaring this war against Irish land-
lordism, in not paying rent in order to bring down
the garrison in Ireland, we know we are doingaproper
work. We are preparing the way for that inde-
pendence which you enjoy in this great American
republic. '

In America Davitt formed a fast friendship with
Patrick Ford, the proprietor of the ' Irish World,'
who defended the policy of the new departure, col-
lected funds for the Land League, and preached a
furious crusade against England.

The * Irish World ' was circulated freely in Ireland,
and it must be confessed that a more inflammable pro-
duction could scarcely be placed in the hands of the
people. A few extracts from its columns may be given
to make the point clearer.

;Et. 34] THE ' IRISH WORLD ' 245

'England's mode of warfare. What is it? Ask
the biographer of Cromwell, ask the Ghoorkas of
India, ask the signers of the Déclaration of Indepen-
dence. Listen ! She has plundered our seas, ravaged
our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of
the people. This is the testimony of the men of 76.
Ask the American historian of the War of 1812. Ask
every unfortunate people upon whom England has
ever breathed her unwholesome breath, and in whose
midst her ruffian soldiery hâve planted her robber flag.
The answer is ail the same.'

In June 1880 the following passage appeared :
* Some think it is an open question whether the
political agent called dynamite was first commissioned
in Bussia, or first in Ireland. Well, it is not of much
conséquence which of the two countries takes pre-
cedence in this onward step towards civihsation. Still,
we claim the merit for Ireland. True the introductory
blast was blown in England, and in the very centre of
the enemy's head-quarters. But the work itself was
no doubt done by one or two Irish hands, which settles
both the claim and the priori ty.'

In October its correspondent ' Transatlantic ' wrote :
1 The Irish Land League is accepted by the Irish
people at home and abroad as the faithful friend,
philosopher, and guide. I am thoroughly grieved
to find existing among my American friends, and my
Dublin friends also, a disposition to quarrel with the
trustées of the Skirmishing Fund 1 in New York,
because they advanced 1,000 or 2,000 dollars over a
year ago from the Skirmishing Fund to help to start

1 Tbis fund was f ormed by O'Donovan Rossa and Ford for tbe purpose
of employing agents to lay English cities in asbes. — Report of Spécial
Commission, p. 60.

246 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

the anti-rent agitation in Ireland. No possible appli-
cation of a portion of the fund would to my mind be
more legitimate, more in accordance with the désire
of us ail to help on towards the deliverance of our
downtrodden people. That little bit of seed, the first
advance from the Skirmishing Fund, has worked as
great a miracle as the grain of mustard seed spoken
of in the Sacred Scripture. Behold now 200 Land
League branches established through Ireland with at
east 500 members in each, and ail in full cry against
the land robbers. Behold almost as niany more co-
operating branches established in America, Canada,
Australia, and in England, Scotland, and Wales. Will
any man tell me that this movement will die out
without lifting Ireland to a vantage ground on which
she may déclare and maintain her separate political
existence? Wait till the numbers of the Land
League branches swell to 300,000. Wait till they
are enlightened with political knowledge, instructed
in military drill, and armed with rifles, bullets, and
buck-shot. One or two years more will work
wonders.

' Don't quarrel, friends, about 1,000 dollars or 2,000
dollars. ... I pray and urge my friends at home and
abroad to drop the controversy, and to unité against
the common enemics of our people, the landlords of
Ireland and of England, with their forces of armed
men at their backs ! '

While Davitt was helping to ' spread the light ' l in
America the state of Ireland was growing desperate.

1 On May 5 Davitt cabled to Ford : ' Copies of Irish World shall be
sent to ail paris of Ireland. Biahop Moran, of Ossory (a nephew of
Cardinal Cullen) denounced it and the Land League. May Heaven
open his eyes to the trath ; " Spread the light." '

^r, 34] EVICTIONS AND OUTRAGES 247

The people in the western districts were starving. ' I
must say,' wrote General Gordon, who visited the
country in the winter of 1880, ' from ail accounts and
my own observation, that the state of our fellow-
countrymen in the parts I hâve named is worse than
that of any people in the world, let alone Europe. I
believe thèse people are made as we are ; that they are
patient beyond belief ; loyal, but broken spirited and
desperate ; lying on the verge of starvation in places
where we would not keep cattle.' It rained évictions,
it rained outrages. Cattle were houghed and maimed ;
tenants who paid unjust rents, or took farms from
which others had been evicted, were dragged out of
their beds, assaulted, sometimes forced to their knees,
while shots were fired over their heads to make them
promise submission to the popular desires in future.
Bands of peasants scoured the country, firing into
the houses of obnoxious individuals. Graves were
dug before the doors of evicting landlords. Murder
was committed. A reign of terror had in truth com-
menced. 1

What were they doing at Dublin Castle ail this
time? Lord Cowper and Mr. Forster fully realised
the gravity of the situation. Neither was quite out of
sympathy with the demands of the tenant farmers.
Both desired a policy of concession to a certain extent.
* If you pass the Bill ' [the Compensation for Disturbance
Bill], Mr. Forster had said in the House of Commons,

1 The following table will show the increase of évictions and outrages
from 1877 to 1880 (inclusive) :

Ycar Evictions (Persons)

1877 • . . 2,177

1878 , . . 4,679
1870 . . • 6,239
1880 . • 10,457

Year Agrarian Outrages

1877 ... 236

1878 ... 301
1871 ... 863
1880 . . • 2,590

248 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

'it will put out the fire.' The Bill was not passed.
The fire blazed up with increased and increasing fury.
How was it to be ' put out ' now ? The House of
Lords would hâve no concessions. What was the
alternative? Coercion, pure and simple. The Land
League had, in fact, become a rival Government. If
the Queen's authority were to prevail, no choice re-
mained but to crush the League. The question really
was, whether Lord Cowper or Parnell should rule
Ireland, for both the Viceroy and the Chief Secrefary
recognised that Parnell was the centre of disturbance.

' When I was in Ireland/ says Lord Cowper, ' we
considered Mr. Parnell the centre of the whole move-
ment. We thought him the chief, if not the only,
danger. We feared him because he had uriited ail the
éléments of discontent, because we never knew what he
would be up to, and we felt that he would stop at
nothing. I certainly thought that his aim was sépara-
tion. I thought that he used agrarian discontent for
separatist purposes. There was very little said about
Home Eule at that time. It was ail agrarianism, with
séparation in the background, and Parnell was the
centre of everything.

'He had no second, no one at ail near him. I
should say that the next man to him was Davitt;
but he was a long way off. Mr. Healy was, I think,
coming to the front then. We thought him clever,
but he did not trouble us much. Mr. Dillon was
better known, and he used to go about the country
making speeches. But our view of him was that
somehow he was always putting his foot in it. Our
attention was concentrated on Parnell. We did not
think he instigated outrages. We tjiought '. that he
connived* at them. We thought that her would stop

JEt. 34] DUBLIN CASTLE AND PARNELL 249

at nothing to gain his end, and, as I hâve said, we
believed his end was séparation. I think he was very
English. He had neither the virtues nor the vices of
an Irishman. His very passion was English, his
coolness was English, his reserve was English/

In September or October Lord Cowper and Mr.
Forster came to the conclusion that the Government
could not be carried on by the ordinary law. Still they
were reluctant to take extrême measures until it ^vas
patent to every law abiding and loyal citizen that
extrême measures could alone meet the exigencies of
the case.

The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act was an
old familiar ' remedy.' The officiais at Dublin Castle
had been accustomed to govern in a state of siège.
Landlords, magistrates, police officers, judges, privy
councillors — ail the loyal and ruling classes — cried put
with one voice : ' Suspend the Habeas Corpus Act or
the country will be ruined.' 'Everyone,' says Lord
Cowper, 'advised us to suspend the Habeas Corpus
Act ; the Lords-Lieutenant of Counties, the police,
the law officers. The police said they knew ail the
people who got up outrages ; and that if the Habeas
Corpus Act was suspended they could arrest them
ail.' Nevertheless, Lord Cowper and Mr. Forster still
hesitated. ' We shall first,' they said in effect, ' make
an effort to put down disorder by enforcing the ordinary
law. We shall prosecute the Leaguers. If the jury
refuse to convict on the plain facts which we shall
produce, then it will be clear to every reasonable and
loyal man that the administration of the country cannot
be carried on unless we are invested with extraordinary
powers.

1 If trial by jury breaks down, manifestly the only

260 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

remedy is suspension of trial by jury, but trial by jury
first.'

Lord Cowper placed his views before the Cabinet
and before Mr. Gladstone personally in a séries of able
communications, some of which I shall now set out :

Lord Cowper to the Cabinet

[Early in October 1880.]

'.There has been an immense increase of agrarian
crime. Men who hâve taken farms from which others
hâve been evicted havè in many cases been intimidated
into throwing them up, and of those who remain a
large number are under police protection. Meetings
denouncing in strong language the very class which
has been subject to this outrage and intimidation hâve
at the same time been held throughout the country,
and it seems reasonable to connect the meetings with
the increase of crime. In spite of the fact that some
of the speakers hâve dissuaded their hearers from
committing murder, and of the suggestion that if
freedom of speech were stopped secret associations
would dérive increased strength, it is my opinion that
the meetings cause more crime than they prevent.

' I would préserve freedom of speech to the very
utmost as long as it is conâned to gênerai subjects,
such as abuse of England, abuse of the Government,
or advocacy of political measures, however impratic-
able ; when it has the immédiate effect of endangering
the lives or property of individuals, it should be stopped.
One would wish to check it either by stopping meetings,
or only prosecuting the promoters of meetings or the
principal speakers. Can this be done ? We might, it
is true, hâve stopped the Charleville meeting, because

JSt. 34] LORD COWPER m

a particular farm was named in the placard and the
occupier denounced; but this mentioning of a name
was a slip which is not likely to be made again. We
could not stop other meetings. As to speeches. No
speech has yet been made in the présence of a Govern-
ment reporter for which the speaker could be prosecuted.
Government reporters can only be sent to a limited
number of places, and thèse speakers, knowing that
they are now being watched very carefully, will become
more cautious. Even if the occupier of a farm is
mentioned in a placard, and subséquent to the issue
of that placard throws up the farm, the person re-
sponsible cannot be prosecuted, as is évident from the
answer of the law officers to the question about the
Eiversdale case. From ail this it appears that we shall
probably never hâve an opportunity of either stopping
a meeting, or prosecuting a speaker, or issuer of a
placard. If we think that agitation ought to be stopped
it appears there is only one possible way. A combina-
tion to prevent persons from taking evicted f arms or
purchasing stock, &c, is illégal. We hâve not yet ob-
tained a decided opinion upon the question whether the
Land League is such a combination, but it would appear
to be so. If so, it would also appear that its président
or its leading members could be prosecuted. Such a
course would hâve the advantage of striking at the
head. It would fix the attention of the whole country
from its announcement till its conclusion and divert
the minds of the leaders of the League from their
ordmary work, such as intimidating landlords and
agents and the takers of farms from which men hâve
been evicted. It would show the détermination of the
Government to stop the présent state of things. If
the prosecution failed through the perversity of the

252 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

jury, it would give a reason for asking for stronger
powers. The prosecution of the Land League, if possible,
seems désirable in itself, but its chief recommendation
is that it appears to be the only alternative to doing
nothing. The proposed new Land Bill will be much
more likely to hâve a good effect if it follows a strong
blow against agitation than if it appears to resuit
froni if

Lord Cowper to Mr, Gladstone

[October 20, 1880.]

1 Dear Mr. Gladstone, — Though you are in con-
stant communication with Forster, and though he
and I take pretty much the same views, perhaps you
would not object to an occasional line from me saying
what I think and giving what information I can.

4 Spencer will hâve shown you the statistics of crime,
and you will hâve seen that outrages are very numerous,
and will hâve gathered that they will probably increase.
But the peculiarity of the présent state of Ireland seems
to me to lie not so much in the number of outrages as
in the gênerai ill-feeling among the tenants. I gather
from ail sources, including men of Libéral politics, and
who would naturally support the Government, such as
Colonel Dease, my Chamberlain, Cork's agent, Leahy,
and Kenmare's agent, Hussey, that there never has
been such a state of panic on one side and lawlessness
and ill-will on the other. The police fully confirm
this. Of course, what strikes me is the universal
sympathy of the population with the criminals, and the
impossibility of bringing to justice any one member of
large gangs of men who do not even, on some occasions,
take the précaution of disguising themselves. This, bow-

&i> 34] Lord cowper 253

ever, is not what most impresses those who know the
country, for the difficulty of detecting a criminal 1
seems always to hâve existed. What strikes them
most is the bitterness of f eeling against ail landlords
and agents, and most of ail against ail those who hâve
lately taken farms, even in cases where the previous
tenant had owed three or four years* rent and was him-
self quite willing to leave. It seems really to be the
case that in four or five counties none of thèse classes
feel their lives to be safe, and the mischief is rapidly
spreading. Tenants are also afraid to pay more than
the Government valuation, or any other sum ordered.
As to this point a crisis will probably arise in about a
fortnight or three weeks. Most rents are due on
November 1, and will be collected immediately after.
We shall then see what happens. Many people expect
a gênerai refusai.

' The state of feeling which I hâve described is by
the class which suffers from it universally ascribed to
the Land League, and I hâve been repeatedly assured
that places which were peaceful and contented before
become very différent after a meeting. If this is the
case the population must be very inflammable, but it
certainly is the gênerai impression. I do not know
whether you were surprised or annoyed by the news of
the impending prosecution having oozed out. I hâve
been inclined to look upon it as a lucky accident. It
would, of course, hâve been better to hâve struck at
once, but as this could not be done the announcement
that we intend to strike appears to me the next best
thing. The knowledge that the Government intends
to do something has, I think, rather moderated the

1 An agrarian criminaL

254 CHARLES 8TEWART PARNELL [1880

language of one party, and certainly mitigated the panic
oftheother/

On November 2 the Government ' struck.' An
information was on that day filed in the Crown Office
of the Queen's Bench, Dublin, against theLand League
for conspiracy to prevent the payment of rent, to resist
the process of ejectment, to prevent the taking of farms
from which tenants had been evicted, and to create
ill-will *mong her Majesty's snbjects.

The défendants named in the information were:
Charles Stewart Parnell, M.P. ; John Dillon, M.P. ;
Joseph G. Biggar, M.P. ; T. D. Sullivan, M.P. ; Thomas
Sexton, M.P. ; Patrick Egan (Treasurer), Thomas
Brennan (Secretary), Michael O'Sullivan (Assistant
Secretary), M. P. Boyton (Organiser), Matthew Harris
(Organiser), J. Nally, P. J. Gordon, John W. Walsh,
P. Sheridan.

The détermination of the Government to prosecute
the League produced no effect on Parnell. He knew
that a conviction was practically impossible ; the jury
might disagree; they might acquit him. In either
case the League would be triumphant. Two days
after the information had been filed he referred to the
matter with contemptuous brevity at a public meeting
in Dublin.

'I regret,' he said, 'that Mr. Forster has chosen
rather to waste his time, the money of Government,
and our money in thèse prosecutions. He has begun
in a bad way, and I fear that the resuit of his attempt
to govern Ireland on thèse lines will be to shatter
his réputation for statesmanship which he formerly
acquired in another branch. He is surrounded by a
landlord atmosphère at the Castle of Dublin, and
although he may be able to resist the effect of that

Mt. 34] PROSECUTION FOR CONSPIRACY 2«5

atmosphère longer than most men, yet, sooner or later,
it is bound to tell on him/

About the same time he told the people of Limerick,
when they presented him with the freedom of the city,
that no reliance could be placed ' permanently ' on an
Irish party at Westminster.

' 1 am not one of those,' he said in a remarkable
utterance, ' who believe in the permanence of an Irish
party in the English Parliament. I feel convinced that,
sooner or later, the influence which every English
Government has at its command — the powerful and
demoralising influence — sooner or later will sap the
best party you can return to the House of Commons.
I don't think we ought to rely too much on the
permanent independence of an Irish party sitting at a
distance from their constituencies, or legislating, or
attempting to legislate, for Ireland at Westminster.
But I think it possible to maintain the independence of
our party by great exertions and by great sacrifices on
the part of the constituencies of Ireland, while we are
making a short, sharp, and I trust décisive, struggle
for the restoration of our législative independence.'

I met Mr. Patrick Egan while the légal proceed-
ings were pending. He was full of glee, for he antici-
pated a crowning victory. 'When this prosecution
breaks down,' said he, ' we ought to make Forster an
honorary member of the League.' Biggar, however,

was seriously angry. 'D d lawyers, sir/ saidhe.

' D d lawyers. Wasting the public money,

wasting the public money. Whigs — rogues ; Forster
d d fool.'

Lord Cowper scarcely expected that the prosecution
would succeed, and warned the Cabinet that they must
be prepared to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act :

'256 CIlÀÎtLËS STEWART PARNELL [1880

Lord Cotcper to Cabinet [abridged]

1 The state of the country is undoubtedly most
fierions. Nor do the number of outrages by any
means represent the [gravity of the situation], and
for this reason : that in many places . . . those who
would profit [by outrages] are complète masters of the
situation, and their temptation, therefore, is removed.
Nobody dares to evict. Tenants of evicted farms, even
those who hâve been in possession for more than a
year, are daily giving thein up. Eighty persons are
under police protection. We cannot y et say for
certain how far the autumn rents will be paid, but it
appears already that in many places tenants hâve
refused to pay more than Government valuation.
Landlords will not agrée to this, they w T ill evict, and
then a great increase of outrages may be expected.
It will then be too late to give us extra powers. If
they are to be conferred, the décision must be corne to
at once.

' Her Majesty's Government raay well be reluctant
to repeat once more the dreary old story of spécial restric-
tive législation for Ireland, the evil of which has so of ten
been exposed. I cannot regard it as an error to hâve
trusted, even for a short period, to the coinnion law for
the maintenance of order in this country. And if we
could be sure of going through the coming winter with
no greater amount of outrage than we hâve now, large as
that amount is, so great is my detestation of coercive
measures that I should hesitate to recommend them.
But I feel strongly that there is nothing to prevent
outrages from largely increasing at any moment both
in number and atrocity, and if this should be the case

-*t. 84] THE POLICY OF THE CASTLE 257

I should reproach myself for the rest of my life with
not having put my opinion on record that, in the présent
state of feeling, the law is not strong enough as it
stands. For the ordinary law to be sufficient to re-
press crime it is necessary that the majority of the
population be on the side of the injured person, and in
the disturbed parts of Ireland the vast majority are, in
cases of an agrarian nature, invariably on the side of the
criminal. In spite, then, of ail my wishes being that
we could trust to the ordinary law, I must repeat my
conviction that to make up our minds to face the
winter without stronger powers would be very danger-
ous. If her Majesty décides upon coercive législation,
what form is it to take ? . . . The one remedy sug-
gested by every landlord and every agent is the sus-
pension of the Habeas Corpus Act; and though the
opinion of one class, particularly when in a great state
of alarm and indignation, should certainly not be held
conclusive as to the necessity of strong measures, it
may nevertheless, if strong measures are resolved
upon, be a good guide as to what direction they should
take. The same remedy as to the whole of Connaught
except Sligo is recommended by the police inspectors
in their answer to a récent circular. Authority
would therefore point to a suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Açt as the proper remedy, and common
sensé would appear to make the same suggestion.
The sudden imprisonment of some of those who
are known to instigate or to commit thèse crimes
would strike gênerai terror in a way that nothing
else would, for no man would know how far he was
suspected or whether his own turn might not corne
next. . . .'

vol. i. s

258 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

Lord Cowper to Mr. Gladstone

1 November 13, 1880.

' I am more convinced every day and every hour of
the necessity of suspending the Habeas Corpus Act
and having an Arms Bill. The fear of being unduly in-
fluenced by the strong current of public feeling in favour
of coercion, and a vivid conception of what a glorious
triumph it would hâve been to get through the winter
with nothing but the ordinary law, hâve prevented me
f rom giving an opinion until the other day, and perhaps
even then made me give it in too undecided a manner.
You hâve ail the statistics before you, and everything
that can explain them ; and, with Mr. Forster at hand
to answer every question and give information of ail
kinds, you will very likely think a letter from me
unnecessary. But I write more to relieve my own
mind than anything else. What impresses me most is
the conviction that there is absolutely nothîng to pre-
vent sudden outbursts of the worst kind. I do not
know that it is an exaggeration to say that something
like a gênerai massacre of ail landlords and agents not
under police protection is a conceivable and possible
even t.

' Of course I do not mean that this is probable,
but how can we say it might not happen ? The longer
a suspension is put off, the more doubtful will it be
whether the mischief has not got beyond the stage
in which it can be cured by the arrest of a few im-
portant people ; certainly, in order to hâve the desired
effect more people would hâve to be arrested now
than a short time ago — and more still in another
month.'

&t. 34] « THE DOMINION OF THE LE AGITE ' 269

Lord Gowper to Mr. Gladstone

'November 23, 1880.

' You know my appréhensions as to an outbreak of
crime in this country. I must repeat that there is
nothing to prevent this, and if it does take place it will
be because the landlords are afraid of exercising their
power, and because the greater part of the country is
under the absolute dominion of the Land League and
ail rights of property are at an end.

' The remedy, and the only remedy, for this state of
things is, I feel quite sure, the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act. I hâve been anxiously considering during
the last few days whether, holding this opinion, I am
justified in retaining the position of Lord Lieutenant
unless this remedy is provided. I am most unwilling
to hâve the appearance of leaving the ship in the
middle of the storm. I feel, also, as regards myself,
that to resign now would be to put an end for ever to
anything in the shape of a public career.

' I had given up ail hope of this till your offer to
me last May of the high place I occupy made me feel
I had an unexpected chance which it would be a great
sacrifice for me to forfeit. I can honestly say that it
is a great source of pride and pleasure to me to serve
in the Government of one whom I hâve always
regarded with such feelings of admiration. What,
however, has most weighed with me is a sensé of the
embarrassment my retirement would cause others.

' I feel that if I went Mr. Forster's position would
become almost untenable, ail the more so as I know
him to hold the same opinion as I do. Putting every-
thing together, I hâve corne to the conclusion that
I will not do anything until January, but that if then I

s 2

260 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1880

see no possibility of cbanging my mind as to the neces-
sity of a suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and if
it is not granted, I will place my résignation in your
hands.'

Mr. Gladstone to Lord Cowper

1 November 24.

' I am persuaded, after reading your letter of yes-
terday, that in a very difficult case you hâve arrived
at a wise conclusion. For my own part I incline to
the belief that an outbreak of sécessions from the
Government either way, at this particular moment,
when the double question of order and of land reform
is at issue, would render it impossible for us to effect
any good solution of that question in its twofold
branches.

' It is with regret, and perhaps with mortification,
that I see the question of land reform again assuming
or having assumed its large proportions. My désire
certainly would hâve been to remain on the lines of the
Act of 1870, if not exactly as it passed, such as (I speak
of the occupying clauses) it left the House of Commons.
It is needless to inquire in what proportions the
scarcity, or the agitation, or the Disturbances Bill, or
(last, not least) the rejection of that Bill may hâve
brought about the resuit ; for there it is. I think that
on this side of the Channel we feel not less really, if
less acutely, than you in Dublin the pain, the embar-
rassment, and discrédit of the présent condition of
Ireland. Acquiescence in its continuance for even a
f ew weeks seems to me dépendent on thèse conditions :

' 1. That the disturbance so largely affecting pro-
perty and causing terror should not assume the form
of a great increase in crime affecting life.

1 2. That by means of this delay we put ourselves

JEt. 34] MR. GLADSTONE ON THE SITUATION 261

in a position to propose with authority as a united
Government a remedy applicable to the whole of the
mischief.

' The paralysis of very important rights affecting
the tenure of land is the spécial characteristic of the
présent mischief in Ireland, and it may be right to apply
a thorough remedy a little later rather than a partial
(indeed, as I think, a very doubtful) remedy a little, and
only a little, sooner. What I personally think a very
doubtful remedy is a suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act proposed alone,carried after much delay, in the teeth
of two-thirds of the représentatives of Ireland (without
taking British allies into account), and used in order to
cope with a wide-spreading conspiracy embracing in
certain districts large fractions of the population, and
largely armed with means other than material for
action. You may rely upon it that, when the time
you indicate arrives, the Cabinet will look at the duty
of defending proprietary rights without any mawkish
susceptibilities, and the suspension, should you and
Forster then still see cause to désire it, will be most
impartially entertained. For my own part, what I lean
to expecting is, that if requisite it will not be sufficient,
and that we may hâve to legislate directly against the
Land League, not against its name only, but against
the purpose of ail combinations aiming at the non-
payment of debts and non-fulfilment of contracts at
the very least, when thèse illégal aims are so pursued
as to endanger the public security.'

Lord Cowper to Mr. Gladstone

* December 12.

' In my letter of November 23 I said that I had corne
to the conclusion that if in January I saw no possi-

262 CHARLES STEWÀRT PARNELL [1881

bility of changing my opinion as to the necessity of a
suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and if it was not
granted, I should feel it my duty to place my résignation
in your hands. I am sorry to say that I hâve not been
able to change my opinion, and ail chance of my doing
so may be considered at an end.

' The state of the country becomes worse every day.
Outrages hâve increased, and the Land League has
taken a much deeper root. ... I feel very strongly
that Parliament ought to be called together without
delay.'

The day after this letter was written the State trial
began. It lasted twenty days before two judges — Mr.
Justice Fitzgerald and Mr. Justice Barry — and a jury.
At half-past one o'clock on Tuesday, January 25, 1881,
the jury retired to consider their verdict. At half-past
five they returned to court. * Hâve you agreed to your
verdict, gentlemen ? ' asked the clerk of the crown.
* No/ answered the foreman. * Is there any likelihood
of your agreeing ? ' asked the judge. * Not a bit, my
lord/ said the foreman ; and he added, amid a burst of
laughter, 'we are unanimous that we cannot agrée/
The jury were sent back to their room for a couple of
hours more ; they came into court again at half-past
seven. 'Well, gentlemen/ said the judge, 'hâve you
agreed ? ' ' No, my lord/ said the foreman, ' and there
is no good in keeping us hère any longer ; we'll never
agrée/ ' We are ten to two, my lord/ said an indiscreet
juror, with the look of a man who had a grievance ; and
the gallery rang with applause. ' Let the jury be dis-
charged/ ordered the judge ; ' we shall not force an
agreement/

Parnell, who was in court, hastened from the scène.

JEt. 35] A NON-POLITIOAL FUNCTION 263

His appearance in the hall was the signal for another
outburst of applause, and as he jumped on an outside
car and drove rapidly off to catch the boat for England,
the crowd on the quay cheered vociferously, shouting
' Long live the Chief ! '

' The Land League,' cabled Parnell to the ' Irish
World/ 'has scored a victory. The ten to two disa-
greement of the jury is everywhere accepted as having
the force of an acquittai. Thanks to the " Irish World "
and its readers for their constant co-operation and sub-
stantial support in our good cause. Let them hâve no
fear of its ultimate success.'

Brennan, the secretary of the League, cabled about
the same time (February 2) to the * Irish World ' :
'/1,000 cabled this week by " Irish World " isreceived.'

The resuit of the trial was received with a blaze of
approbation. Bonfires were lit on every hill, meetings
were called in every district, resolutions of triumph
and confidence were everywhere passed. The first
move of the Government was a blunder. It served
only to consolidate the strength of the League.

I shall close this chapter with some account of a
non-political function which Parnell attended in the
autumn of 1880. I shall let Mr. Horgan, who took a
leading part at the function, tell the story.

1 In the summer of 1880 I was engaged to be
married. One evening I took my intended wife to
the House of Commons. She went to the Ladies'
Gallery. I had some business to do with Parnell.
He and I walked up and down one of the corridors
for some time, talking over business matters. That
done, I said to him, " Mr. Parnell, I am going to be
married." "Quite right, Horgan," said he, placing

264 CHARLES STEWÀRT PARNELL [1881

his hand on my shoulder ; "Iam glad to hear it." I
thought I should like to ask him to corne to my
wedding, but I didn't know how he would take it.
He was, however, so very pleasant and friendly thîs
evening that I mustered up courage, and, faith, a good
deal to my surprise, found myself saying, " I would
feel very proud, Mr. Parnell, if you would corne to
my wedding." "Certainly, Horgan," said he, in the
most off-hand manner. When he consented to this I
thought I might ask him to do anything. " Mr. Parnell,"
said I, " will you think it presumptuous of me if I ask
you to be my best man ? " He looked amused, smiled,
and said quickly, " With pleasure, Horgan ; and now
you must introduce me to your intended wife." I told
him she was in the Ladies' Gallery. We went up. I
introduced him. He talked away pleasantly, took her
over the House, said smilingly " he was glad Horgan
was going to hâve someone to take care of him," and
was altogether perfectly charming. I was married at
the Redeniptorist Church, Clapham, on August 7.
Eleven o'clock was the hour fixed for the ceremony.
The rumour had got abroad that Parnell was coming
to the wedding, and the church and the street were
crowded with people anxious to see him. As the hour
approached I felt very nervous, for I thought he might
not turn up, or that at ail events he might not turn up
in time. Indeed, I thought I would be a lucky fellow
if he arrived at twelve or one o'clock. I âtood at the
church door on the lookout. At about ten minutes to
eleven a carnage and pair dashed up to the door, and
there was Parnell, dressed magnificently and looking so
handsome and dignified. Every head was uncovered
as he stepped out of the carriage, with the air of an
emperor, and walked up to n*e. "Ah, Horgan," h$

JEt. 80] ' BEST MAN ' 265

said, " y ou look nervous (whichl was very). Corne and
hâve a glass of Champagne ; that's what you want. We
hâve plenty of time." We went to an hôtel close by
and we had a pint of Champagne, which was what I
wanted. We then returned to the church. He was
very attentive during the ceremony, knelt down, and
showed every respect and révérence. Afterwards he
signed the register. Then I thought he would dash off,
glad to be rid of us. Not a bit of it. He came to the
luncheon, entered quite into the spirit of the whole
business, and did not leave until my wife and I drove
away. There was a great deal of kindness in the man,
despite his coldness and reserve. The wedding must
hâve bored him terribly, but he came because it gave
pleasure to others.'

266 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

CHAPTEE XII

COERCION AND REDRESS

Before the State trials had commenced the Cabinet
resolved to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland.
The décision was arrived at reluctantly. Mr. Gladstone
was opposed to coercion. Mr. Chamberlain was
opposed to it. Mr. Bright detested it. But the de-
mands of the Irish Executive were imperative. The
question was practically coercion or résignation ; and
Bright, Chamberlain, and Gladstone ultimately yielded
to the importunities of Dublin Castle. The détermina-
tion of the Ministers was foreshadowed in the Speech
from the Throne :

'I grieve to state that the social condition of
[Ireland] has assumed an alarming character. Agrarian
crimes in gênerai hâve multiplied far beyond the
expérience of récent years. Attempts upon life hâve
not grown in the same proportion as other offences,
but I must add that efforts hâve been made for personal
protection far beyond ail former précèdent by the
police under the direction of the Executive. I hâve to
notice other evils yet more widely spread; the ad-
ministration of justice has been frustrated with respect
to thèse offences through the impossibility of procuring
évidence, and an extended System of terror has thus
been established in various parts of the country which

iET. 36] THE QUEEN'S SPEECH 267

has paralysed alike the exercise of private rights and
the performance of civil duties. In a state of things
new in some important respects, and hence with little
available guidance from former précèdent, I hâve
deemed it right steadily to put in use the ordinary
powers of the law before making any new demand.
But a démonstration of their insufficiency, amply
supplied by the présent circumstances, leads me now
to apprise you that proposais will be immediately sub-
mitted to you for entrusting me with additional powers,
necessary, in my judgment, not only for the vindication
of order and public law, but likewise to secure, on
behalf of my subjects, protection for life and property.'

Thus the Queen's Speech.

Parnell prepared for action. The Government
might, he said, carry their coercive measures, but it
would be only af ter a struggle which they should never
forget. *

In the thick of the fight he cabled to the ' Irish
World ' : ' The fight the Irish members are making for
the liberties of the people is inspiring and strengthening
every Irishman. We are now in the thick of the
conflict. The présent struggle against coercion will,
please God, be such as never has been seen within the
walls of Parliament.'

The ' Times ' once said that Parnell might prophesy
with safety, because he had the power of fulfilling his
prophecies. This particular prophecy was at ail events
fulfilled to the letter. In 1883 there was a mémorable
struggle over Grey's Coercion Bill. Then the debate
on the Address lasted five nights, the debate on the
first reading six nights, the debate on the second
reading two nights, and six nights were spent in
committee. That record was now beaten. In 1881

268 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

the debate on the Address lasted eleven nights, the
debate on the first reading five, and even then the Bill
was only ' read ' by a coup de main. The debate on
the second reading lasted four nights, ten nights werè
spent in committee, and two on the third reading.

Forster's case may be stated in a few words. The
Land League, the centre of disturbance, was ' suprême.'
It was necessary its powers should be crippled. They
could only be crippled by investing the Executive with
extraordinary powers. The wretches who committed
the outrages — 'village tyrants,' 'dissolute ruffians ' —
were known to the police. If the Habeas Corpus Act
were suspended they would ail be arrested and the
disorder would be stopped. It gave him the keenest
sorrow, he declared, to ask for extraordinary powers.
This had been to him a most ' painful duty,' he added
with pathetic honesty. 'I never expected I should
hâve to discharge it. If I had thought that this duty
would devolve on the Irish Secretary, I would never
hâve held office; if I could hâve foreseen that this
would hâve been the resuit of twenty years of parlia-
mentary life, I would hâve left Parliament rather than
hâve undertaken it. But I never was more clear than
I am now that it is my duty. I never was more clear
that the man responsible, as I am, for the administra-
tion of the government of Ireland ought no longer to
hâve any part or share in any Government which does
not fulfil its first duty — the protection of person and
property and the security of liberty.'-

Parneirs answer may be given briefly too. The
public opinion of Ireland was at the back of the
League. The policy of the Government was the
coercion of a nation. The people suffered wrongs.
The Government admitted it. Let thèse wrongs be

.fcr. 86] ' ï ÀM VERY IGNORANT * 269

redressed, and peace would be restored ; but no amount
of coercion wonld force the Irish people to submit to
unjust and cruel laws. Let évictions be stopped and
crime would disappear. ' What a spectacle hâve we ?
Two great English parties united for one purpose only
— to crush, put down, and bully a poor, weak, and
starving nation ; a nation they did not attempt to
assist in her hour of famine and suffering. In this
state of things the duty of the Irish members is plain.
They are bound to use every form of the House to
prevent the first stage of the Bill. We shall hâve no
indécent haste. We must hâve f ull and f air discussion ;
and the Irish members are the best judges of the extent
and value of the résistance which they ought to make
to the measure of coercion.'

'We are bound to prevent the first stage of the
Bill.' This was a frank avowal of policy ; obstruction,
not argument, was the weapon on which the Irish
leader relied. Indeed, he ne ver tried to make a secret
of his contempt for argument in the House of Com-
mons. ' Don't embarrass the Government/ was the cry
of the complacent Irish Whig. ' Embarrass the Govern-
ment ' was the mandate of Parnell.

During the six nights' debate on the first reading I
spent some hours with him walking up and down the
corridors of the House. He was always anxious to
learn anything of Irish history which had any practical
bearing on the issues of the day. He now wished to
know something of the previous fights over coercion. I
told him the story of the struggle over Grey's Coercion
Bill. ' By Jove/ he would say, ' that's good — and
O'Connell too ! They are always holding O'Connell
up to me as a model, but you make him out to be as
bad as I am. Can I get ail this in books ? You see I

270 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

am very ignorant. I am very quick, though, at picking
up things.' I named some books to him. ' AH right,'
he said, ' I will go into the Library and get them. We
will look through them together.' He went to the
Library, and soon returned with the books. We stood
at the little desk close to the door leading into the
Reading-room. He plunged into the books, marking
with blue pencil the passages that specially interested
him. ' Do they allow you to mark books hère ? ' I
asked, observing that he was disfiguring the pages in
the most reckless fashion. * I don't know,' was the
answer, with the air of a man who thought the question
quite irrelevant. ' By Jove ! ' he would repeat, ' this is
very good,' and he would once more daub the inargin.
1 Well, they cannot say I invented obstruction, for hère
is O'Connell doing the very thing, and defying every-
body.'

A Whig Home Ruler came along, and was about to
pass into the Reading-room, when Parnell suddenly
stopped him.

' Where are you going ? ' he asked. ' Just into the
Reading-room, Mr. Parnell, to skim over the evening
papers.'

Parnell. ' Don't you think you ought to be in the
House ? '

Whig Home Itulcr. 4 Yes, Mr. Parnell, I will return
immediately/

Parnell [laying his hand on the Whig's shoulder].
' You will speak against the Bill ? '

Whig Home liulcr. 1 1 would rather not, Mr. Parnell.
I really am not able to speak.'

Parnell [with a faintly humorous glance at me].
1 You can move the adjournment of the debate, or move
the Speaker out of the chair. That won't take much/

Mt. 86] ' WHIPPING ' THE IRISH MEMBERS 271

Whig Home Buler [with alarm]. ' Oh, dear, no,
Mr. Parnell, you must excuse me ; I never could do it.'

Parnell [tightening his grip on the Whig's
shoulder]. ' Mark, you must vote against this Bill. I
suppose you can do that. It does not need a speech,
and the sooner you get back to the House the better.'

Someone else called Parnell's attention off at this
moment, and as the Whig, passing into the Reading-
roôm, turned to me and said, ' Desperate man, desperate
màn/ Parnell returned to the desk.

After a time another Irish member (a moderate
Nàtionalist) came along. Parnell stopped him too.
'Why hâve you corne away?' he asked.

' I hâve just spoken, Mr. Parnell,' said the member,
' to the motion for adjournment, and I cannot do any-
thing until the division is taken. I cannot speak twice
to the same motion.'

Parnell. ' No, but you can help to keep a House
and watch what is going forward. I think you should
ail remain in your places.'

After a little while I saw both the Nàtionalist and
the Whig wending their melancholy way back towards
the Lobby.

Another member soon appeared.

Parnell [stopping him]. ' Why are you ail coming
out of the House ? You should remain at your posts.
It is impossible to say what may turn up at any
moment.'

Member. i I hâve just spoken.'

Parnell. ' That does not matter ; a speech is not
everything.'

Member. 'Hère is a telegram which I hâve just

received from the corporation of , protesting

against coercion.'

272 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

Parnell. l Then go back and read it.'

Member. ' I cannot ; I hâve already spoken.*

Parnell. ' Then you can give it to someone else to
read. Give it to me. Corne along.' And both walked
off.

Another night while we were together an Irish
newspaper reporter came to him and asked : * Will you
speak to-night, Mr. Parnell ? '

Parnell. * I really don't know.' Then, turning to
an Irish member who had just joined us, ' I hâve lost
the notes of my speech/

Irish member. 'Where do you think you left
them, Mr. Parnell ? '

Parnell. 'I don't know.' Then, with a roguish
twinkle : ' The notes of your speech are tied up with
them.'

The Irish member, without asking any more
questions, dashed off to the Library, and was soon back
again and tearing off in other directions in search of
the notes.

1 1 am sorry for poor F ,' said Parnell, as he

looked in an amusing way after him; 'but it really
does not matter whether the notes are lost or not.'
On another occasion, when the debate had lasted for
several nights, and when the House was thoroughly
exasperated, an Irish Libéral who had made one of
the ablest speeches against the Bill came up to Parnell
and said :

' Will you allow the division to be taken to-night,
Mr. Parnell ? '

Parnell. ' I think not.'

Irish Libéral. * To be quite frank, I hâve a personal
interest in asking the question. I came up from
Liverpool to vote to-night. I am obliged to be in

Mt. 36] * INEXORABLE ' 273

Liverpool again to-morrow, and I don't want to hâve
my journey for nothing.'

Parnell. ' I don't think there will be a division to-
night.'

Irish Libéral. * When will there be a division ? *

Parnell. ' I don't know. It won't be to-night.'

The Libéral pressed Parnell to allow the division
to be taken, urging that there would be plenty of
opportunities on the second reading and in committee
to attack the Bill.

ParnelPs simple answer was: 'No, I don't think
there will be a division to-night.'

He did not argue the question. He gave no reasons
for his décision. He merely repeated : ' There will be
no division to-night.'

1 Inexorable,' whispered the Libéral to me as he
went off. ' That's the character of the man, and it
gives him his power.'

Mr. Bright made a vigorous speech in support of the
Bill. Mr. O'Connor Power, who was putup to answer
him, failed utterly. I said so to Parnell. ' Your man
failed to answer Bright. Bright ought to be answered.
But he should not be treated as an ènemy. His past
services to Ireland ought not to be forgotten. He is
as much our friend now as ever, though he is wrong
on this question/

Parnell. ' 1 agrée with what you say about Bright.
He ought to be treated in a friendly way. I got one
of our best men to reply to him. I can do no more.'

' Do you think Bright has been answered ? '

Parnell. l Perhaps not. But if O'Connor Power
failed, who is likely to succeed ? '

'Bright's speech is very damaging, and it is
ridiculous of your people to try and make light of a

vol. i. T

274 CHARLES STEWAJRT PARNELL [1881

speech which none of them hâve answered up to the
présent.'

We walked along the corridor in silence for a few
seconds ; then Parnell turned round, faced me, and said :
'What does it inatter? Do you think that Irish
speeches hâve any effect on that House ? You know
they mean to pass this Bill. Do you think ' (with a
sneer) ' that any number of clever and pretty speeches
will prevent them ? What does it matter who is right
about the number of outrages? The question really
is, Do the Irish people support the League or the
English Government ? We ail know they support the
League, because the League helps them, and they never
trust the English Government. If we had not the
people behind us we could do nothing. Mr. Forster
talks as if he represented Ireland, and the House
believes him. They believe what they like to believe.
We must show them that Ireland supports us, and
défies their House. They will get this Bill through,
but it will be a big job I can assure you. They hâve
not read it a first time yet. I don't know when they
will, unless they break their own rules.'

A few nights afterwards we were walking in one
of the corridors. The excitement in the House at this
time was intense, and almost every English member
was against the Irish party. Parnell w r as, as usual,
calm and self-possessed, and he seemed to enjoy the
discomfiture of the enemy. After awhile Lord Granville
came along the corridor. Parnell took no notice of
him. I said : ' A pleasant face, Lord Granville's.'

Parnell. 'I did not see it/

Then Lord Kimberley came along. Parnell looked
furtively at him as he passed, but said nothing. Soon
Lord Spencer came along, following his colleagues.

Mz. 36] AN 1LLEG1BLE EXTRAOT 275

Pflqrnell turned round and looked after him, saying : ' A
Cabinet Council. I wonder what they are up to now.
They are at their wits' end to get this Bill read a first
time. I wonder what will they do. Something violent
I suspect. I wish I knew.' It was amusing to watch
him as he said this, rather aloud to himself than to me ;
standing in the middle of the passage with folded arms,
handsome, thoughtful face, figure erect and défiant, a
very picture of dignity and authority. Looking at
him one would hâve supposed that he was the Prime
Minister, bent on upholding law and order, and that the
innocent noblemen at whom he looked so suspiciously
were Land Leaguers conspiring against the State. We
walked once more towards the Library, when three
more Cabinet Ministers approached us. ' I am right,'
whispered Parnell as they passed; 'it is a Cabinet
Council. I'm off' (with a smile). *I must get my
people together,' and he disappeared through a side
door.

I wrote out an extract for him to use in his speech on
the.Coercion Bill. Mr. A. M. Sullivan, who sat by him
as he read it to the House, afterwards described the
scène to me. ' He made an impressive speech, and was
listened to as usual with much attention. Then he
pulled a pièce of foolscap out of his pocket and began
to read its contents. He got through the first two or
three sentences fairly well, but stopped at the fourth.
Ultimately he made it out ; only, however, to find him-
self hopelessly stuck in the fifth and following sentences.
The House watched him as he turned the paper in
every direction to decipher the illegible words. I felt
quite embarrassed on his account, though he was cool
and unconcerned. I leant forward looking at the
writing over his shoulder. " Mr. Parnell," I said, " I

T 2

276 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

am accustomed to that handwriting. Will you let xne
read the extract for you?" "No," said he, "IwilT
read it myself," and he stuck to it doggedly until he
read the whole document through. It was the worst
quarter of an hour he had ever had in the House of
Commons.'

I met Parnell the next night. I said : ' I am
afraid I caused you some embarrassment last evening.*
' How ? ' he replied. ' A. M. Sullivan tells me you could
scarcely make out my handwriting.'

Parnell. ' Not at ail. I read it very well and pro-
duced a very good effect.'

This was characteristic of him — always ready to
make the best of everything.

Forster's Coercion Bill was introduced on January
24. On the 25th Mr. Gladstone moved that it should
hâve precedence of ail other business. Parnell and the
Irish members fiercely opposed this motion, adopting
the most extrême obstructive tactics, and keeping the
House sitting continuously from 4 p.m. on Tuesday
until 2 p.m. on Wednesday. On Thursday, 27th, the
debate was resumed. On Monday, 31st, the Govern-
ment declared their détermination to close the debate
on the first reading that night. Parnell and the Irish
protested, and prepared for another all-night sitting.
Eelays were ordered on both sides, and English and
Irish settled down doggedly to work. The House was
once more kept sitting continuously from 4 P.M. oit
Monday until 9 a. m. on Wednesday — forty-one hours.
Then a mémorable scène occurred.

On Wednesday morning, February 2, the Speaker
— who had been relie ved from time to time in the
discharge of his duties during an uninterrupted sitting
of forty-one hours — resumed the chair, and, review^

Mt. 85] THE SPEAKER'S COUP 277

ing the incidents of the debate, declared thafc in the
interest of ' the dignity, the crédit, and the authority
of the House,' he had resolved to stop the further
discussion of the Bill, and to call upon hon. members
to décide at once on the question of the first reading.
This announcement fell like a thunderclap on the Irish
party. They were thoroughly unprepared for it ; they
had no conception that the debate would be closed in
this manner. Accordingly, taken completely by surprise,
they did nqt attempt to resist the Speaker's authority,
and the first reading was then put, and carried by a
majority of 164 to 19. Immediately afterwards the
House adjourned until noon, the Irish members,
astonished and perplexed, crying out as they retired :
1 Privilège ! Privilège ! '

Mr. Parnell was not présent at this scène. He had
been at his post until an advanced hour in the morning,
and had retired for a brief rest. ' Parnell,' says Mr.
Justin McCarthy, ' was not présent. He came into the
House some time afterwards. The men were com-
plaining of his absence. But there were no complaints
when he appeared. Everyone seemed delighted to see
him. There was a feeling of relief. He took the
whole business very coolly, and said the action of
the Speaker should at once be brought under the
notice of the House.

The House met at twelve o'clock. The report of
the Speaker' s coup had spread rapidly throughout
the West End, and many persons had gathered within
the precincts of the House to watch the further develop-
ment of events. The Lobby was crowded, as usual on
great or critical occasions, and the question, 'What
will Parnell do now ? ' passed hurriedly around. There
was a gênerai impression that any attempt on the part

278 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

of the Irish members to resist the ruling of the Speaker,
or to reopen in any shape the discussion which had
been so summarily closed that morning, would be
attended with grave conséquences, the nature of which,
however, no one ventured to define. ' They will be
sent to the Tower/ said one bystander. 'Nonsense/
said another. * Then what will happen ? ' said the
first. ' God knows/ was the reply, ' but the House is
not in a temper to stand any nonsense now/

About twelve o'clock the Speaker passed through
the Lobby to take the chair, looking as if nothing ont
of the ordinary routine of business had occurred.
He was soon followed by the Irish party, who marched
from the Library through the Lobby in single file with
Parnell at their head, looking somewhat perplexed,
but combative and défiant. After some preliminary
matters had been disposed of, Mr. Labouchere rose,
and in a full House, breathless, I think I may say,
with expectation, and perhaps anxiety, said in his
clear, bell-like voice : ' I wish to ask you, sir, whether,
in bringing the debate upon the question which was
before the House this morning to a sudden close,
you acted under any standing order of the House, and
if so, which.' Mr. Labouchere's rising was received
with complète silence, and when he resumed his
place only a very feeble cheer broke from the Irish
ranks. It was plain the Irish members had not yet
recovered from the effects of the Speaker's blow, and
they were far too anxious and too uncertain as to the
issue of the combat to cheer much or heartily. When
Mr. Labouchere sat down the Speaker rose, and, folding
his gown around him with dignity, said : ' I acted on
my own responsibility, and from a sensé of duty to the
House/ Then a loud and prolongea cheer broke from

;Et. 35] CONFLICT WITH THE SPEAKER 279

the Whig and Tory benches — the cheer of men who
had been victorious, and were resolved that the fruits
of their triumph should not be lost. When the
cheering ceased Parnell rose, and his rising was a
signal for a cheer, but yet a feeble one, from his fol-
lowers. He said : ' I venture, sir, to assume it will be
proper for me, in conséquence of the reply which you
hâve just vouchsafed to the question of the hon. mem-
ber for Northampton, at once to bring forward, as a
matter of privilège, a resolution declaring that the
action of the Speaker in preventing further discussion
on the Protection of Property and Person (Ireland)
Bill this morning was a breach of the privilèges of the
House.' Parnell resumed his seat, and the Speaker
at once rose, and in measured language answered:
'The hon. member having stated the resolution he
proposes to submit to the House, I hâve to inform the
hon. member that the resolution he so proposes relates,
not to a question of privilège, but to a question of order.'
Thèse words were received with another burst of cheer-
ing from the Whig and Tory benches ; and the Speaker
continued : ' If he thinks proper to bring the matter
under the notice of the House in the regular way, he is
entitled to do so by notice of motion, but not at the
présent time and as a question of privilège.' Once more
the words of the Speaker were received with Whig and
Tory cheers, amidst which he resumed his seat. Mr.
Parnell rose again, and again slight Irish cheers greeted
him, his followers being desirous of showing their
loyalty to him, but feeling that in the présent crisis of
affairs they really were not in a position to cheer.
They had been defeated in the morning, and there
did not yet appear the slightest chance of the tide of
battle being turned against their adversaries. In thèse

280 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

circumstances they doubtless thought that it did not
behove them to demonstrate too much. Their leader,
addressing the Speaker, said : ' Sir, I respectfully sub-
mit for your further considération that there is at least
one précèdent for the course I propose to take.' The
Speaker firmly replied : ' I hâve ruled that the course
the hon. member proposes to take is out of order.'
Again the Whigs and Tories cheered lustily, and the
Speaker added : * If he wishes to challenge that ruling
he is entitled to do so by motion.' Parnell rose again ;
but the House had now grown impatient, and cries of
1 Order, order ' broke from the benches on both sides
above the gangway, in the midst of which he sat
down. Hère The O'Donoghue interposed to ask when
his ' hon. friend would hâve an opportunity of raising
the question of order' — an interrogatory which was
received with laughter. The Speaker answered, ' That
is a matter for the House itself,' a reply which evoked
another salvo of cheers from the Whigs and Tories.
And now the struggle seemed ail over. There were
slight ' movements ' in the House, as if hon. members
were preparing to settle down to business. The
Speaker leant back in the chair and waved his hand
gently in the direction of the Treasury Bench, to indi-
cate to the leader of the House — Mr. Gladstone — that
the coast was at length clear for passing to the ' Orders
of the day.' At this juncture Mr. A. M. Sullivan sprang
to his feet. ' Do I understand you, sir,' he said, with
outstretched hand and in a clear and manly voice, ' do I
understand you, sir, to rule that my hon. friend cannot
as a matter of privilège challenge the course which,
without précèdent, you took this morning?' He
paused for a moment, manifestly much agitated, but
quite self-possessed, and then boldly continued: 'In

JEt. 35] MR. A. M. SULLIVAN 281

that case, sir, I rise to move that the House do disagree
with Mr. Speaker in that ruling.' Now, for the first
time, hearty cheers broke from the Irish ranks, mingled
with cries of ' Chair,' ' Order, order,' from other parts
of the House. Mr. Speaker quickly rose and said : ' In
taking that course the hon. member will be disregard-
ing the authority of the Chair, and I must caution the
hon. member that the course he proposes to take will
involve him in the conséquences ç>f that proceeding ' —
a reply which again called forth shouts of applause
from the Ministerial and Tory benches. Mr. Sullivan,
nothing daunted or disturbed by the minatory words
of the Speaker, replied that there was no member of
the House more ready to bow to the ruling of the Chair
than he, as there were none who more * totally disre-
garded conséquences in the discharge of conscientious
duties.' He was only seeking for advice and direction,
and wished to be instructed and guided by the Speaker
in the course he proposed to take. ' I ask you, sir,' he
said, ' whether it is not a fact that in the Journals and
records of this House there stand motions that the
House do disagree with a particular ruling of Mr.
Speaker on a point of order ? ' Again there were Irish
cheers, which had scarcely subsided when the Speaker
rose and said : ' I can quite understand that there may
hâve been motions of that kind made in the House, and
it may be that the hon. member can make such a
motion, but not as a matter of privilège.'

'I did not rise,' answered Mr. Sullivan, 'to make it
as a matter of privilège, but to ask your advice as to
the course proper to take.'

The Speaker replied : ' If the hon. member admits
that it is not a question of privilège his course is quite
clear; he is bound to give notice of motion.' Once

282 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

again the décision of the Speaker was the signal for
Whig and Tory expressions of triumph and exultation.
But thèse manifestations of feeling did not disconcert
the sturdy Celt, who was now full of fight and quite
indiffèrent to conséquences.

'I thank you, Mr. Speaker/ he said, 'but I wish
further to ask you if it is not a fact that the ruling of
the Chair has been challenged on the instant ? '

The great crisis in the contest had now clearly
arrived. The answer of the Speaker to this question
would manifestly décide the issue, and it was accord-
ingly awaited with much anxiety. 'The hon. mem-
ber/ said the Speaker, 'asks me a question which
at the présent moment I am not able to answer
without searching for précédents.' No Whig or Tory
cheer greeted thèse words, but a ringing shout of
triumph broke from the Irish benches, which was
repeated again and again as Mr. Sullivan rose and,
waving his hand in the direction of his countrymen,
essayed to speak, but in vain, for the plaudits of the
Home Rulers rendered ail sounds save their own cheers
inaudible. At length, the cheers gradually subsiding
and complète silence having for a moment supervened,
Mr. Sullivan, raising his voice to its highest pitch and
speaking with great délibération and firmness, said :
' Then, sir, in order that you may hâve time to search
for précédents I shall conclude with a motion/ This
déclaration was received with another outburst of Irish
applause, which was not in the least checked — but
perhaps rather stimulated — by the rising of the Speaker.
When order was restored, the Speaker, looking grave
and serious, said : ' I caution the hon. member that if
he proposes to move the adjournment of the House with
a view of calling in question what was done this morning

iEi. 33] AN 1RISH VICTORY 283

he will be entirely out of order/ This statement was
received with ironical laughter by the Irish members,
and met by Mr. Sullivan with a pointed and, I think,
dignified reply. He said : * Sir, I am about to môvé the
adjournment of the House, and I trust I shall do so with-
in the strict rules and privilèges of the House, and not
beyond them/ He then proceeded to deliver a clever
speech on the question of adjournment which lasted
nearly an hour. He was followed by Mr. Gray, who
seconded the motion. In quick succession the rest of
the Irish members, supported by Mr. Cowen and Mr.
Labouchere, took part in the debate, which dragged on
until a quarter to six in the evening, when the House
adjourned. Thus the Irish members on Wednesday
afternoon gained a victory over the House which was
as complète as that gained by the House over them in
the morning. Throughout the whole of Wednesday
they obstructed the public business, and rendered the
work of the Speaker in stopping the debate in the
morning inoperative. 1

The fierce obstruction of the first reading of the
Coercion Bill convinced the Government that a drastic
change in the Eules of Procédure was necessary to
defeat the tactics of Parnell, and they resolved to make
this change before the next stage of the measure. Mr.
Gladstone accordingly, on February 2, gave notice of a
resolution to the effect that if a motion declaring the
business urgent should be supported by forty members
rising in their places, then the motion should be put
forthwith without debate, and if carried by a majority of
not less than three to one, the régulation of the business
for the time being should remain in the hands of the
Speaker.

1 I hâve taken the description of this soene (which I witnessed)
from Fi/ty Yeara of Concernons to Ireland.

284 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

This resolution was the first order of the day on
Thursday, February 3. But before it was reached Sir
William Harcourt infonned the House that Michael
Davitt had just been arrested in Dublin for violating
the conditions of his ticket-of-leave.

1 What conditions ? ' asked Parnell; but Sir William
Harcourt gave no answer. 1

Mr. Gladstone then rose to move the 'closure'
resolution, but Mr. Dillon interposed to ask further
questions relating to Davitt's arrest. The Speaker
called on Mr. Gladstone.

Mr. Dillon refused to give way. ' I demand,' he
cried out, amid the din which his persistence produced,
« I demand my privilège of speech.»

The Speaker then ' named ' Mr. Dillon for wilf ully
disregarding the authority of the Chair, and on the
motion of Mr. Gladstone he was suspended. Called
upon to withdraw, he refused to leave his place, and
was removed by the Sergeant-at-Arms. Mr. A. M.
Sullivan questioned the authority of the Chair in
ordering the forcible removal of Mr. Dillon without
first seeking the sanction of the House for that course,
but the point was quickly overruled.

Mr. Gladstone rose once more to propose his re-
solution, when Parnell moved that 'the right hon.
member be no longer heard.' Another scène of in-
describable excitement and confusion followed. The
Speaker refused to hear Parnell ; Parnell ' insisted '
that his motion should be put. The Speaker named
him for persisting in a course of ' wilful and deliberate
obstruction/ and he was at once suspended on the motion

1 The Government recognised that Davitt was a danger, and simply
made the violation of the conditions of the ' ticket-of-leave ' a prétest
for arresting him. Davitt was immediately taken to Portland, where be
remained until May 6, 1882.

Mr. 30] SUSPENSION OF IRISH MEMBERS 286

of Mr. Gladstone. Thirty-two Irish members refused
to leave the House during the division, and they
were immediately suspended. 'I was sitting quietly
in my room off the Strand/ says Mr. Frank Hugh
O'Donnell, ' when Biggar rushed in and said : " We
hâve been suspended. Do you run down to the House
and get suspended at once." Of course I rushed off.
As I took my seat Mr. Gladstone was speaking on the
"closure." I at once moved that he should be no
longer heard, and was suspended on the spot.' Other
Irish members who had been away, at the ' grand
scène ' strolled in, moved that Mr. Gladstone should
no longer be heard, and were suspended in détail.
The last victim was ' Dick ' Power, one of the most
génial and pleasant of men. He was a great friend of
the Sergeant-at-Arms, Sergeant Gossett, and indeed
spent many hours chatting away in that official's room
during dull nights when the House bored him. ' Dick '
having refused to leave his seat during the division on
Mr. O'Donnell's suspension, was named. He declined
to withdraw unless under the pressure of superior
force. The Sergeant-at-Arms appeared, placed his
hand on Dick's shoulder, and asked his old friend to
retire. ' I won't go, Sergeant/ said Dick. ' My dear
Dick/ quoth the Sergeant, ' do corne away/ • Devil a
foot, Sergeant. You'll hâve to get the police before I
stir.' And he kept the Sergeant on tenterhooks for
several minutes before finally quitting his place. Later
on he might hâve been seen discussing the whole
question in the Sergeant's room over a friendly cigar.

' Did Mr. Parnell/ I asked Mr. McCarthy, ' seek
the expulsion of the Irish members on this occasion ? '

He answered : ' Parnell certainly f orced the running.
Dillon first got into difficulties with the Speaker. He

286 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1881

said to Parnell: "Don't commit the party on my
account. Let it be my affair alone." Parnell an-
swered, " Go on, go on," and very soon made the
matter a party affair. He did it deliberately. He
always believed that the one thing necessary was to
cause explosions in the House, and to show how hope-
lessly strained were the relations between English and
Irish.'

The active Irish members having been got rid of,
Mr. Gladstone then nioved his resolution, which was
carried with one altération — viz., that there should be
at least a House of 300 as well as a majority of three
to one before ' urgency ' could be voted.

The resolution having been adopted, ' urgency '
was at once declared, and next day, February 4, Mr.
Forster moved the second reading of the Coercion
Bill.

Despite the révolution in procédure, the Irish still
fought vigorously against the measure, and it was not
until February 25 that the last stage was passed in the
Commons. On March 2 the Bill became law. Briefly, it
enabled the Lord Lieutenant to arrest any person whom
he reasonably suspected of treasonable practices or
agrarian offences, and to keep such persons in prison
for any period up to September 30, 1882.

The Irish Executive were now possessed of the
powers for which they had asked, and during the spring,
summer, and autumn of 1881 hundreds of Land
Leaguers were swept into Eilmainham. But the
agitation did not abate. Men were readily found to
jump into the breach ; the places of the suspects were
quickly filled ; land meetings went on much as usual ;
the speeches of agitators increased in violence and
lawlessness ; crime and outrage were rampant — in a

jEt.35] AN 'ILLEGAL ASSOCIATION' 287

word, the policy o£ the Government was everywhere
met with denunciation and défiance, the Land League
remaining suprême. The difficulties of the situation,
in nowise diminished by the suspension of the Habeas
Corpus Act, were fully realised at Dublin Castle, as the
following minute of Lord Cowper will show :

Lord Cowper to the Cabinet

* The first point which I will consider is whether it
is désirable to break up the Land League. I mean
whether it should be declared an illégal association, and
the head committee in Sackville Street and the various
local committees forcibly suppressed. There is no
doubt that in the opinion of many lawyers it is an illégal
association, and if our law officers had shared this
opinion it might hâve been a grave question in the
early autumn whether it should not hâve been put an
end to. This could hardly be done now without an
Act of Parliament, and how long such an Act would
take to pass, and how far the business of the session
would be interfered with, her Majesty's Ministers are
better able to judge than I am. It must be remembered
that the Land League has now taken very deep root
throughout the country, and that Fenians, Eibbonmen,
and bad characters of every description take advantage
of its organisation, and are enrolled in its local branches.
If the restraining influences of the central body were
withdrawn, and the local branches driven to become
secret societies, crime, particularly assassination, might
increase ; for though the central body gives unity and
strength to the movement, it does to a certain extent
restrain crime.

* The priests still exercise an extraordinary influence

288 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

over the people, as has been showri lately in the most
marked manner by the power they possess of con-
trolling and pacifying the most excited crowd, and to
withdraw the priests from the movement would be an
object for which a great deal of risk might be run.
I hâve thought it worth while to make thèse obser-
vations, but from récent speeches in both Houses I
infer that her Majesty's Government hâve corne to
the conclusion that the Land League is not to be
broken up.

'Next cornes the question of stopping the Land
League meetings. I hâve already expressed my opinion,
in a minute of December 27, 1880, that they ought to
hâve been stopped. They did an immense amount of
mischief , and allowing them to go on has been and will
be fixed upon as the chief error of our Administration.
On the other hand, no one can suppose that under any
circumstances there would not hâve been a vast number
of outrages last year ; and if we had suppressed the
meetings we should hâve been accused of sitting on
the safety valve, and it would hâve been said that if
we had allowed a freer expression of opinion and a
constitutional agitation ail would hâve been well.

' I think now that stopping the Land League meet-
ings would be too late, that it would involve too great a
change of front, and that it would be much more
difficult than last year, as the people are better organised
and able to change the time and place of meeting more
rapidly than they could before. We must pursue the
policy we began at the end of the year, drawing a Une
at those meetings where there is sworn information
that they would be attended w T ith danger to an
individual.

'Now cornes the question of the arrest of indi-

iET. 35] TROOPS AND POLICE 289

vidnals. To strike at the leaders is undoubtedly the
right thing, and this is just what we hâve been accused
of not doing. But openly teaching the doctrine of
breach of contract, which is their real crime, does not,
unfortunately, enable us to take them up. We are
hampered in our action by an express agreement that
we will not arrest any man unless we can say on our
honour that we believe him to hâve actually committed
or incited to outrage. This at first prevented us
from attacking the leaders as vigorously as we might
hâve done, but latterly some of them hâve been less
cautious, and we hâve also prevailed upon ourselves to
give a wider interprétation to our powers. For my
part, I should be inclined to interpret them very widely.
It is hardly too much to say that in the présent state of
the country everybody who takes a leading part in the
Land League does, by the very fact of so doing, incite
to outrage. And there is now hardly anybody whose
détention policy would demand that I would not
personally arrest. Next to arresting ail the leading
men that we can cornes the strict enforcement of the
law. Every failure to serve a process, or to carry out
a forced sale, or an éviction, does immense mischief.
Of course, a collision should, if possible, be prevented,
and for this purpose we always endeavour to send an
overwhelming force.

' I may hère notice that complaint has been made
of the troops being exposed to stoning without being
allowed to act in return. A certain amount of this
may be unavoidable, but troops, in my opinion, should
never be brought face to face with the mob unless they
are intended to act. It is not fair for the troops,
and it diminishes the moral effeet upon the people.
The police should, if possible, be mployed in prefer-

vol. i. u

290 CHARLES STEWART PARXELL [1881

encc, as they can use their bâtons, which they are not
afraid to use, and which inflict just the right sort of
chastisement.

' Thèse are the gênerai principles which are impressed
upon each Kesident Magistrate, but as to détails he
must, of course, in each individual instance use his own
discrétion. I hâve little more to recommend. The state
of the country is very bad, after making every allowance
for the exaggeration of the Press. Indeed, thèse very
exaggerations are a proof of the uneasiness of public
feeling. One of the worst points is the bad feeling
which prevails in the south and west against the
military and police. Worse still are the vast mobs
which can be collected at a moment's notice.

1 In the autumn individual assassination was the
great danger. Now, in addition to this is the danger of
a sudden overwhelming, by sheer weight of numbers,
of small bodies of police or military. One such
catastrophe would be of incalculable evil. Besides the
disgrâce of the authorities, it would lead to after attempts
of the same kind, and might actually be the beginning
of a small civil war which could not be concluded with-
out such an amount of bloodshed as would cause renewed
bitterness of feeling against England for more than one
génération. If the troops fire upon the people, as may
bo necessary at any moment, and loss of life, even
indeed that of women and children, is the resuit, it
must be remembered their action may hâve saved the
country from something even more déplorable.'

If the Government had hoped to conciliate the
agitators by the introduction of a big Land Bill they
were doomed to disappointment. The bitterness caused
by the fight over the Coercion Bill and the imprison-

Mz. 35] THE LAND BILL 291

ment of the Land Leaguers intensifiée! the old feeling
of distrust and ill-will, so that when Mr. Gladstone
brought in his sweeping measure of land reform on
April 7 he spoke to unsympathetic Irish benches.
Biggar sat next to Parnell as the Prime Minister pro-
ceeded to unfold his scheme. When he had been on
his feet for about ten minutes — and, of course, before he
had touched the fringe of the subject — the member for
Cavan turned to his colleagues and said, with charac-
teristic abruptness : * Thoroughly bad Bill.' A delight-
fully humorous smile was Parneirs only response.
But Biggar's frame of mind was the frame of mind of
many of the advanced Nationalists. They wanted a
1 thoroughly bad ' Bill because a * thoroughly bad ' Bill
would not ease the situation.

There always hâve been certain Irishmen who
believe that a policy of * remédiai législation ' would be
fatal to the national demand. ' Let the grievances of
the people be redressed,' they say, ' and there will be
an end of Home Kule.' This was not ParnelFs view.
He believed that the spirit of nationality could not be
quenched ; that the clâim for législative independence
would never be given up, whatever the course of
remédiai législation might be. I once had a conversa-
tion with him in the Smoking-room of the House of
Commons on the subject. It was à propos of a sugges-
tion to appoint grand committees for the considération
of Irish, English, and Scotch Bills. Some of the Irish
members thought that the appointment of thèse com-
mittees might be accepted as a substitute for Home
Bule, and accordingly opposed the proposai. 'Irish
nationality,' said Parnell, * must be very thin if it is to
be given up for grand committees or anything else.
My opinion is that everything they give us makes for

292 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

Home Exile, and we should take everything. The
better off the people are, the better Nationaliste they
will be. The starving man is not a good Nationaliste
Upon another occasion a rumour reached me that the
Government (Lord Salisbury's Ministry, 1886) intended
buying up the Irish railways. I mentioned the fact to
an Irish member. ' Oh/ he exclaimed, 'we must not
hâve that. It would settle Home Bule for ever. If
the English Government sink money in the country
that way, they will take care to keep everything in
their own hands.' I told Parnell what his colleague
had said. ' I am accustomed to thèse remarks,' was
his commentary. ' Ail I say is, I hope what you tell
me about the intentions of the Government is true. It
would be a good business. It would open up the
country, bring the people nearer good markets, and
develop industry. Home Bule is not to be killed as

easily as thinks. It would go on even if we

lost .'

Parnell wanted a good Land Bill, and he was
determined to secure the fullest measure of justice
which it was possible to obtain for the tenants. ' The
measure of Land Beform,' he had said at Ennis in
1880, ' will be the measure of your energy this winter.'
The people were energetic with a vengeance, and the
Land Bill was a sweeping measure of reform. 'I
would strongly recommend public men,' Parnell said
in the same Ennis speech, ' not to waste their breath
too much in discussing how the land question is to be
settled, but rather to encourage the people in making
it ripe for settlement.' The people had made it ' ripe '
for settlement. Mr. Gladstone's Bill proclaimed a
révolution.

The old power of the landlord was for ever taken

jEï. 35] PAKNELL'3 POSITION 298

away. He could no longer increase rents at his
pleasure, or, indeed, increase them at ail. New
tribunals * were established for fixing rents, and gene-
rally for adjusting the relations of landlord and tenant.
Increased facilities for the création of a peasant pro-
prietary were given, and the tenant's right to dispose of
the goodwill of his farm was amply secured. The
' three F's ' — fixity of tenure, fair rents, and free sale —
for which Isaac Butt had agitated in vain (within the
law, and without seeking to outrage Parliament or to
humiliate English parties), were now wrenched from
the Government by one of the most lawless movements
which had ever convulsed any country.

' There is no use/ an Irish Unionist member once
said in the House of Commons, 'in any Irishman
approaching an English Minister on Irish questions
unless he cornes with the head of a landlord in one
hand or the tail of a cow in the other.' It was in this
way the Land League came, and we ail now know
the Land League triumphed. ' I must make one admis-
sion,' said Mr. Gladstone in 1893, ' and that is, that
without the Land League the Act of 1881 would not
now be on the Statute-book.' 2

The Irish members were fairly astonished at the
completeness of Mr. Gladstone's Bill, and some of
them were little disposed to accept it.

Parneirs position was one of extrême difficulty.
To hâve wrecked the Land Bill would hâve been an
act of insensate folly ; to hâve accepted it cordially
might hâve made the Government feel that they had
conceded too much, and would certainly hâve caused
divisions in his own ranks. What was he to do?

1 Land courts.

2 House of Commons, April 21, 1893.

294 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1881

'When in doubt, do nothing,' was one of Lord
Melbourne's wise maxims. Parnell resolved to do
nothing for the présent. Before the first and second
reading of the Bill the Easter recess intervened.
During that time he kept his own cotmsel. The
gênerai impression was, however, that he meant to
support the Bill. ' People whispered : ' Parnell will take
the moderate line, he will accept the Bill.' A clique of
Parliamentarians prepared to undermine his authority.
A convention was summoned in Dublin to consider the
situation. Like Parnell, the convention decided to do
nothing. Every member of Parliament was to be left
free to take any course he pleased, thus leaving the
question still open. The second reading of the Bill
was fixed for the 25th of April.

A few days previously the parliamentary party met
to consider finally what course should be pursued.
'We were ail assembled on the appointed day,' says
an Irish member. 'As usual, Parnell was not up to
time, which gave an opportunity to the malcontents to
grumble. At length he arrived, walked straight to the
chair, of course, made no apology for being late, sat
down, then rose immediately and said : " Gentlemen,
I don't know what your view on this question is.
I am against voting for the second reading of the
Bill. We hâve not considered it carefully. We must
not make ourselves responsible for it. Of course I
do not want to force my views upon anybody, but I
feel so strongly on the subject that if a majority
of the party differ from me I shall resign at once."
This was a thunderbolt. It took us ail by surprise.
The clique who were plotting against Parnell looked
perfect fools. He had trumped their card. There was
dead silence. "I now move," said Parnell, "that we

JEt. 35] ' A HIGH-HANDED ACT ' 295

do not vote for the second reading." There were some
expressions of dissent, but the motion was carried.
The whole thing was done in less than an hour.
Parnell, neither then nor at any other time, discussed
the question with us.'

Mr. A. M. Sullivan was one of those who had
spoken publicly during the recess in favour of the Bill.
ParnelTs décision that the party should abstain from
voting on the second reading came as a surprise to
him, as well as to everyone else. He was not at the
party meeting, but news of what had occurred soon
reached him. Corning into the chambers which we
both occupied in the Temple and flinging himself into
a chair, he said, with some warmth, * Do you know
what has happened ? ' I said ' No.* He went on :
' Parnell has carried a resolution pledging the party
not to vote for the second reading of the Land Bill.
He forced the party into this position by threatening
to resign. This is a high-handed act. He did not
give us the slightest inkling of what was passing in his
mind. Some of us hâve made speeches in support of
the Bill. I hâve myself stated publicly that I would
vote for the second reading. Then Parnell cornes with-
out giving us a moment's préparation, and says that
we must not vote for the second reading, or, if we do,
he will resign. The only course open to me is to leave
the party. I will write to Parnell, telling him exactly
what I think, and placing my résignation in his
hands.'

Mr. Sullivan did as he said. Afterwards he had an
interview with Parnell, of which he gave me the follow-
ing account : * Parnell is certainly the coolest hand I ever
met. He is never put out at anything, and he never
thinks that you ought to be put out. He is a regular

i>96 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

Englishman. There is not a bit of the Celt in him.
" Vote for the second reading if y ou think you hâve
committed yourself. It will make no matter. As a
question of tactics we ought not to make ourselves
responsible for the Bill. Do whatever you think best.
The Bill is safe." That is siniply his answer to me.
Parnell may be quite right in holding back. I entirely
appreciate his anxiety not to make himself responsible
for the Bill. What I object to is, that he should keep
us in the dark up to the very last moment, and then
force us into a position inconsistent with our public
déclarations.' Some days later Mr. Sullivan said: 'I
never corne away from talking to Parnell without feeling
that he knows better than any of us how to deal with
the people on this side. Time always tells in his favour.
Many of us are inclined to be carried away by what we
think a kindly or a generous act. Parnell is never
carried away by anything. He never dreams of giving
the English crédit for good intentions. He is always
on the lookout for the cloven foot. He distrusts the
whole lot of them, and is always on the watch. They
hâve got their match in him, and serve them right.
It is not poor Isaac Butt that they hâve to deal with, or
even O'Connell. Parnell is their master as well as ours.' 1
The Land Bill was read a second time on May 19
by 352 to 17G votes, 35 Home Kulers walking out with
Parnell and 24 joining the majority. In committee,
however, Parnell's true designs revealed themselves.
The Bill was to be saved, but the Government were
not to be ostentatiously supported. "Whenever the
measure was in danger the Parnellites came to the
rescue. When it was safe they criticised and objected,
and, it must be allowed, improved the Bill. Mr.

1 Mr. Sullivan did not vote for the second reading.

Mt. 35] SUSPENSION OF PARNELL 297

Heneage, a Libéral, moved an amendment to exclude
English-managed estâtes from the opération of the
Act. The Parnellites stood by the Government and
saved the clause. Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice moved
an amendment to limit the jurisdiction of the Land
Court in fixing fair rents to tenancies under 100Z.
annual value. The Parnellites again stood by the
Government and again saved that clause too. 1

On July 30 the Bill was read a third time by 220
to 14 votes. Mr. Parnell again walked out of the
House, followed by a handful of friends, while the
great bulk of the Irish party supported the Govern-
ment. Two nights afterwards — August 1 — Parnell
was suspended for defying the authority of the Chair.
On a motion for regulating the business of the House
during the remainder of the session he insisted on
demanding a day for the discussion of the Irish ad-
ministration. The Speaker called him to order again
and again, but he held on the even ténor of his way.
The Speaker warned, Parnell defied the warning.
' The Ministry of the day,' he said, ' of course always
gain the sympathies of the powers that be, in this
House, and if we may not bring the cause of our
imprisoned countrymen before the House, I may say
that ail liberty and regard of private right is lost in
this assembly, and that the Minister of the day has

1 Another shifting of the political kaléidoscope occurred on the
proposai of Mr. Parnell that the landlord should not be allowed to
force the sale of the tenant's rights except with the consent of the
court. The Government, desirous of giving the tenant a fair start with
the new Bill, acoepted the proposai, bat on the protest of Mr. Gibson that
the landlord should not possess less rights than other créditera, Mr.
Parnell modified his proposai so as to place ail on the same footing.
Thèse tactics somewhat disconcerted the Conservative leaders, who
found themselves on a division supported by only seventy-six members,
whilst Mr. Parnell was followed into the lobby by twenty members,
ineluding the whole Treasary Bench.— Annual ifcgtsfer, 1881.

298 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

transformée! himself from a constitutional Minister into
a tyrant ! ' Hère the Speaker named Parnell at once.

Mr. Gladstone. * I was about to move '

Parnell. ' I shall not await the farce of a division.
I shall leave you and your House, and I shall call the
public to witness that you hâve refused freedom of
discussion.'

He was then suspended for the remainder of the
sitting.

The Land Bill now passed without further incident
through the Commons, was of course ' amended ' in
the Lords, and ultimately received the Royal assent on
August 22.

An Ulster Libéral has made the f ollowing statement
to me with référence to the Land Bill :

1 At the beginning of the year there was an article
in the "Daily News" from which I gathered (rightly
or wrongly) that it was the intention of the Govern-
ment to introduce a strong Coercion Bill and a weak
Land Bill. I wrote to the paper saying substantially
that if this were the policy of the Government they
could not rely on Ulster.

• I met Sir William Harcourt in the Lobby, and he
asked me what I meant by writing such a letter. I
said that Ulster would hâve no tinkering with the land
question ; that there should be a sweeping measure of
reform. Sir William Harcourt asked me to breakfast
with him next day, in order that we should talk the
matter over. I then told him plainly that unless the
Government meant to accept the "three F's" they
had better not legislate at ail. He expressed no
opinion on the subject, but listened quietly to ail I had
to say. Some time afterwards, when the Bill was
introduced, I met him in the Lobby again. He

^Et.35] 'UNITED IRELAND» 299

" D , when yoa told me that morning we break-

fasted together that nothing less than the ' three F's '
would do, I thought you were mad ; but they are ail in
the Bill."

1 When the second reading was carried, a number
of Ulstermen met at the Westminster Palace Hôtel to
consider what message should be sent to the north.
They had no copy of the Bill, and they asked me to
get one. I went to the Irish office and saw Law (the
Irish Attorney-G-eneral). I told him about the meeting
at the Westminster Palace Hôtel, and asked for a copy
of the Bill. He said : " The only copy I hâve is the
one you see on the table, which has my private notes
on it, and of course I cannot give you that." I pressed
him to give it to me, and he finally consented, making
me promise that I would not let it out of my hands.
As he gave me the Bill he said : " Do you see
that?" pointing to a figure — I think it was 22 — on
the Bill. I said : " Yes ; what does it mean ? " " It
means," he replied, "that that is the twenty-second
Bill which has been before us!" "And, Law," I
asked, " what was the first Bill like ? " " Well may
you ask," he said with a smile. And then I learnt
this moral lesson from my conversation with Law :
that the first Land Bill was an insignificant amend-
ment of the Land Act, 1870, but that as lawlessness
and outrage increased in Ireland the Bill was broadened
until it reached its final dimensions.'

While the measure was going through Parliament
Parnell lent himself to a new project. There was no
organ in the Irish Press which he could absolutely
control. The ' Freeman's Journal ' was in the hands of
Mr. Gray ; the * Nation ' and ' Weekly News ' belonged
to the Sullivans ; the ' Irishman,' the ' Shamrock/ and

800 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

the 'Flag of Ireland' were owned by Mr. Pigott.
Parnell resolved to buy out Pigott and start a journal
which he could himself command.

To carry out this purpose he formed the 'Irish
National Newspaper and Publishing Company,
Limited/ purchased ail Pigott's papers, dropped the
' Shamrock/ converted the ' Flag of Ireland ' into
' United Ireland/ and continued the ' Irishman.'

Mr. William O'Brien was appointed editor of the
Land League organs, as ' United Ireland ' and the
' Irishman ' now became.

While negotiations were pending Parnell wrote to
Dr. Kenny on July 9, 1881 :

Parnell to Dr. Kenny

' M y dear Dr. Kenny, — Mr. O'Brien arrived hère
yesterday morning. I hâve had to-day an interview
with him, and he has definitely agreed to accept the
position at a salary of 400Z. per annum. He wishes to
be permitted to appoint a sub-editor, who will also act
as commercial manager, at a salary of 3002. to 350/. ;
and he mentions Hooper, who is at présent manager
and factotum in gênerai of the " Cork Herald." He
thinks that Mr. James O'Connor might hâve his présent
salary in a third position on the paper ; but he is not
quite certain about this — so that it may become désir-
able to give Mr. O'Connor a hundred pounds or so and
let him go. Mr. O'Brien will not be able to undertake
the duties for two or three weeks ; so that meanwhile
the paper will hâve to be brought out by Mr. O'Connor.
Mr. O'Brien thinks it would tend greatly to insure the
success of the paper if it were known that the pro-
prietors were the leading members of the Land League ;
and I hâve, on reconsideration of the question, corne to

Mi. 35] ' UNITED IRELAND ' 301

the conclusion that it would be better that our Limited

Liability Company should be formed of such members.

I would suggest the following names : Yourself , Mr.

Egan, Mr. Dillon, Mr. Justin McCarthy, Mr. John

Barry, Mr. Biggar, and myself. Thèse names will be

fairly représentative of the différent shades of feeling in

the organisation. Mr. Davitt's name should of course

be one, but there might be danger of interférence from

the Government under présent circumstances. Kindly

say by wire what you think of thèse names for the

Limited Liability Company. Mr. O'Brien is very

hopeful of the success of the paper, if determinedly

taken in hand by the organisation of the Land League.

He thinks that a total capital of 10,000?., including the

purchase money, will be sufficient. I hâve also commu-

nicated the above names to Mr. Egan. — I am, yours

very truly,

'Chaules S. Pabnell.'

Some difficulties arose in carrying out thèse schemes,
but Parnell brushed them ail aside. On July 22 he
wrote again to Dr. Kenny :

Parnell to Dr. Kenny

' I hâve had a good deal of business thèse last few
days, so that I trust you will excuse my tardiness in
replying to your letter. I think you were quite right
to make the arrangement you hâve with O'Connor, which
I suppose you did after consultation with O'Brien.

' I regret very much that Dillon will not co-operate
in référence to the " Irishman " ; but feel sure, when I
am able to see him and explain matters fully, he will
corne round. I do not apprehend any grave results
from the position taken up by our friends in Kilmainham
in regard to the matter.'

302 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

Ail difficulties were finally got over, and on August 13
the first number of ' United Ireland ' appeared.

With the passing of the Land Bill Parnell's diffi-
culties increased. His American allies, as represented
by Ford and the 'Irish World,' did not in the first
instance wish the Bill to become law ; they did not
wish to see it in force. Parnell was resolved not to
quarrel with his American allies, whose contributions
filled the coffers of the League. On the other hand,
he determined that the Land Act should not be made
a dead letter. Indeed, he knew that the tenants would
not permit it. What course, then, was he to pursue so
that the farmers might reap the full benefit of the Land
Act and his American friends be appeased ? He deter-
mined to adopt his old tactics of drawing the fire of the
English enemy on himself , believing that while English
statesmen and publicists blazed at him from every
quarter his influence in Ireland and in America would
be unimpaired. Next, he determined that the tenants
should be prevented from rushing precipitately into the
Land Courts, and from abandoning ail agitation hence-
forth. He had little faith in the Land Court per se.
He believed that the réduction of rents would be in
exact proportion to the pressure which the League
could bring to bear upon the commissioners. 'By
what rule,' I once asked an Irish officiai * do the Land
Courts fix the rents ? ' ' By the rule of f unk ' was the
answer. Parnell resolved that the ' rule of funk '
should be rigidly enforced. By the ' rule of funk ' he
had got the Land Act. By the ' rule of funk ' he was
determined it should be administered. 1 ' I thought at

1 United Ireland, September 17, 1881, expressed this idea in
unmistakable language : ' The spirit whioh cowed the tyrants in their
rent offices must be the spirit in whioh the Land Commission Courts are
to be approached.'

JBr. 35] MR. GLADSTONE ON THE OUTLOOK 303

the time,' said the Ulster Libéral whom I hâve already
quoted, 1 'that ParnelTs policy of trying to keep the
tenants out of the Land Courts in 1881 was foolish, and
almost criminal. But I now believe he was quite right.'
By keeping the tenants back, by looking suspiciously at
the Act, by keeping up the agitation, he succeeded in
getting larger réductions than would ever hâve been
made if the farmers had rushed into the courts, and if
Parnell had taken no pains to control the décisions of
the commissioners. In fact it was Parnell who got the
Land Act, and it was Parnell who administered it in
the south ; though he refused to make himself respon-
sible for it, and even appeared to be hostile to it. He
played a deep game and played it with great ability.
He kept his whole party together by not cordially
accepting the Land Act, and he took pains at the same
time to secure the best administration of it in the
interests of the tenants.

Mr. Gladstone thought that Parnell was bent on
obstructing the Land Act and thwarting the Govern-
ment. Nevertheless the Prime Minister believed that
the Irish Executive ought to pursue a conciliatory
policy. On September 5 he wrote to Mr. Forster :

Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Forster

' . . . We hâve before us in administration a problem
not less délicate and arduous than the problem of
législation with which we hâve lately had to deal in
Parliament. Of the leaders, the officiais, the skeleton
of the Land League, I hâve no hope whatever. The
better the prospect of the Land Act with their adhé-
rents outside the circle of wirepullers, and with the

1 Ante, p. 298.

804 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

Irish people, the more bitter will be their hatred, and
the more sure they will be to go as far as fear of the
people will allow them in keeping up the agitation
which they cannot afford to part with on account of
their ulterior ends. Ail we can do is to thin more and
more the masses of their followers, to fine them down
by good laws and good government ; and it is in this
view that the question of judicious releases from prison,
should improving statistics encourage it, may become
one of early importance.'

In September an élection took place in the County
Tyrone. Mr. T. A. Dickson, the Libéral candidate,
gained a great victory over Parneirs nominee, the Rev.
Harold Eylett, a Unitarian Minister. The resuit filled
Mr. Gladstone with hope.

On September 8 he wrote to Mr. Forster, who had
gone abroad for a short holiday :

Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Forster

' The unexpected victory in Tyrone is an event of
importance, and I own it much increases my désire to
meet this remarkable Irish manifestation and discom-
fiture both of Parnell and the Tories with some initial
act of clemency, in view especially of the coming
élection for Monaghan. I do not know whether the
release of the priest (Father Sheehy) would be a season-
able beginning, but I shall be very sorry if we cannot
do something to meet the varions friendly and hopeful
indications of which the Ulster élection is the most
remarkable. To reduce the following of Parnell by
drawing away from him ail well-inclined men seems to
me the key of Irish politics for the moment. Though
I felt reluctant that anything should be done in your

Mî. 35] LAND LEAGUE CONVENTION 805

absence, yet I think the impendency of Mônaghan
élection is a fact of commanding importance in the
case before us.'

To this letter Mr. Forster replied on September 11,
saying that the Tyrone élection was certainly a stroke
of luck, but reminding Mr. Gladstone that Tyrone was
in Ulster, and that ' Ulster is not Connaught or
Munster/ Upon the whole he was not disposed to
take Mr. Gladstone's advice until there was some more
cogent proof of the waning influence of Parnell than
the Tyrone élection afforded.

On September 14 a great Land League Convention
which lasted for three days met in Dublin to consider
the situation. There were divided counsels. Some
thought that the Land Act should be freely used, others
that it should be wholly repudiated. But, under the
direction of Parnell, the convention unanimously re-
solved on a middle course. The Act was to be ' tested ' ;
certain cases were to be carefully selected for trial.
But there were to be no indiscriminate applications to
the courts. This resolution simply meant that the Act
was to be administered under the control of Parnell.
1 Nothing,' said Parnell, ' could be more disastrous to our
movement and our organisation, and to your hopes of
getting your rents reduced, than any indiscriminate
rush of the tenantry into court, and it is with a view
to prevent this that we désire to take the tenantry in
hand and to guide them in this matter, because, dépend
upon it, if we don't guide them there will be others that
will. If we don't take hold of the Irish tenantry and
guide them for their advantage, there will be others who
will guide them for their destruction.'

Parnell's policy, however, did not satisfy his
American allies, and he was forced to send the follow-

vol. i. x

806 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

ing explanatory telegram to the Président of the Land
League of America :

« Dublin : Sept. 17, 1881.

'The convention has just closed after three days*
session. Besolutions were adopted for national self-
government, the unconditional libération of the land
for the people, tenants not to use the rent-fixing clauses
of the Land Act, and follow old Land League lines,
and rely on the old methods to reach justice. The
Executive of the League is empowered to sélect test
cases, in order that tenants in surrounding districts
may realise, by the resuit of cases decided, the hollow-
ness of the Act/

On September 26 Parnell attended a Land League
convention at Maryborough, when a number of resolu-
tions were passed endorsing the action of the Dublin
convention, and practically advising the tenants to use
the Act under the direction of the League.

A private meeting of organisera was held some
hours before the convention assembled to consider the
resolutions which were to be submitted to it. ' I well
remember,' says one who was présent, ' sitting beside
Parnell at this private meeting. Proofs of the resolu-
tions were handed around. There were fifteen resolu-
tions altogether. Parnell fixed his attention at once on
No. 11, which ran as follows :

' " That the test cases selected for the Land Com-
mission shall not be the most rack-rented tenants, but
rather tenants whose rents hitherto hâve not been con-
sidered cruel or exorbitant."

1 Parnell took out of his pocket a blue-ink pencil,
and, having glanced down the proof, turned it over and
wrote on the back :

Mi. 35] 'THE RESOURCES OF CIVILISATION ' 307

1 " A/ter the eleve?ith resolution.

1 " That, pending the resuit of the test cases selected
by the Executive, no member of the League should
apply to the court to fix his rent without previous con-
sultation with, and obtaining the consent of , the branch
of the League to which he belongs. ,,

'Having written this, he handed me the proof to
pass it on to the secretary so that the altération might
be duly made. I looked at it, and said : " This is an
interesting document, Mr. Parnell, and I think I will
give the secretary a clean copy and, as the lawyers say,
' file the original.' " He smiled, and simply said " It is
business/' The resolution as amended by Parnell was
carried at the convention.'

I cannot say how far this Maryborough meeting
affected the action of the Irish Executive, but curiously
enough it was on this very day, September 26, that
Mr. Forster wrote to Mr. Gladstone suggesting that
Parnell should be arrested, adding : ' I think you will
do great good by denouncing Parnell's action and policy
at Leeds.' 1

Mr. Gladstone did denounce Parnell's ' action and
policy ' at the Leeds meeting on October 7, telling his
audience that the 'resources of civilisation were not
exhausted,' and plainly hinting that they would be
used against the Irish leader who [in his efforts to
obstruct the opération of the Land Act] stood between
the living and the dead, not, like Aaron, to stay the
plague, but to spread the plague.'

'Parnell's reply to you,' Forster wrote to Gladstone
on October 9, ' may be a treasonable outburst. If the

1 Sir Wemyss Reid, Life of the Bight Hon, W. E. Forster.

z 2

308 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

lawyers clearly advise me to that effect, I do not think I
can postpone immédiate arrest on suspicion of treason-
able practices.'

Pameirs reply, made at Wexford on October 9,
may or may not hâve been a ' treasonable outburst,' but
there can be no doubt that it was the reply which the
occasion demanded — spirited and défiant. He began :

' You hâve gained something by your exertions
during the last twelve months ; but I am hère to-day
to tell you thàt you hâve gained but a fraction of that
to which you are entitled. And the Irishman who
thinks that he can now throw away his arms, just as
Grattan disbanded the volunteers in 1783, will find to
his sorrow and destruction when too late that he has
placcd himself in the power of the perfidious and cruel
and relentless English enemy.' Then, turning to Mr.
Gladstone's speech, he continued :

4 It is a good sign that the masquerading knight-
errant, this pretending champion of the rights of every
other nation cxcept those of the Irish nation, should be
obliged to throw off the mask to-day, and stand revealed
as the man who, by his own utterances, is prepared to
carry fire and sword into your homesteads, unless you
humbly abase yourselves bcfore him and before the land-
lords of the country. But I hâve forgotten. I said that
he maligned everybody. Oh, no. He has a good word
for one or two people. He says the late Isaac Butt
was a most estimable man and a true patriot. When
we in Ireland were following Isaac Butt into the
lobbies, endeavouring to obtain the very Act which
William Ewart Gladstone, having stolen the idea from
Isaac Butt, passed last session, William Ewart Glad-
stone and his ex-Government officiais were following
Sir Staiford Northcote and Benjamin Disraeli into the

A£i. 35] DEFIANCE OF THE GOVERNMENT 309

other lobby. No man is great in Ireland until he is
dead and unable to do anything more for his country.

1 In the opinion of an English statesman, no man is
good in Ireland until he is dead and buried, and unable
to strike a blow for Ireland. Perhaps the day may
corne when I may get a good word from English states-
men as being a moderate man, after I am dead and
buried. When people talk of " public plunder " they
should ask themselves who were the first plunderers in
Ireland ? The land of Ireland has been confiscated
three times over by the men whose descendants Mr.
Gladstone is supporting in the enjoyment of the fruits
of their plunder by his bayonets and his buckshot.
And when we are spoken to about plunder we are
entitled to ask who were the first and biggest plun-
derers. This doctrine of public plunder is only a
question of degree.

'In one last despairing wail Mr. Gladstone says,
" And the Government is expected to préserve peace
with no moral force behind it." The Government has
no moral force behind them in Ireland ; the whole Irish
people are against them. They hâve to dépend for
their support upon a self-interested and a very small
minority of the people of this country, and therefore
they hâve no moral force behind them, and Mr. Glad-
stone in those few short words admits that English
government has failed in Ireland.

' He admits the contention that Grattan and the
volunteers of 1782 fought for ; he admits the contention
that the men of '98 died for ; he admits the conten-
tion that O'Connell argued for ; he admits the con-
tention that the men of '98 staked their ail for ; he
admits the contention that the men of '67, after a long
period of dépression and apparent death of national

310 CHARLES STEWAItT PARNELL [1881

life in Ireland, cheerfully faced tho dungeons and horrors
of pénal servitude for ; and he admits the contention
that to-day you, in your overpowering multitudes, hâve
established, and, please God, will bring to a successful
issue — namely, that England's mission in Ireland has
been a failure, and that Irishmen hâve established their
right to govern Ireland by laws made by themselves
on Irish soil. I say it is not in Mr. Gladstone's
power to trample on the aspirations and rights of the
Irish nation with no moral force behind him. . . .
Thèse are very brave words that he uses, but it
strikes me that they hâve a ring about them like the
whistle of a schoolboy on his way through a churchyard
at night to keep up his courage. He would hâve you
believe that he is not afraid of you because he has dis-
armcd you, because he has attempted to disorganise
you, because he knows that the Irish nation is to-day
disanned as far as physical weapons go. But he does
not hold this kind of language with the Boers. At the
beginning of this session he said something of this kind
with regard to the Boers. He said that he was going
to put them down, and as soon as he had discovered
that they were able to shoot straighter than his own
soldiers he allowed thèse few men to put him and his
Government down. I trust as the resuit of this great
movement we shall see that, just as Gladstone by the
Act of 1881 has eaten ail his own words, has departed
from ail his formerly declared principles, now we shall
see that thèse brave words of the English Prime Munster
will be scattered like chaff before the united and
advancing détermination of the Irish people to regain
for themselves their lost land and their législative
independence.'

Parnell's speech was received with salvos of applause.

iBT. 36] READY FOR THE WORST 311

He struck the keynote of défiance which suited the
temper of the audience. Mr. Gladstone spoke at Leeds
as if he had a spécial mission to stand between Parnell
and Ireland. Ireland answered at Wexf ord repudiating
the help of any Englishman, and reminding the Prime
Minister that whatever she had got from England she
had got by the strength of her own right hand.

On the evening of the Wexford meeting two Irish
members dined with Parnell. ' We felt,' one of them
has since said to me, ' that he was bound to be arrested
after this speech, and we thought that he ought to
give us some instructions as to the future in case our

suspicions should prove correct. P (the other

member) suggested that I should ask him for instruc-
tions. I suggested that P should be the spokesman.

In fact neither of us quite liked the job, not knowing
exactly how he would take it. We ail three sat down

together. P and I were like a pair of schoolboys,

anxious to get information but afraid to ask for it. It

was a comical situation. P kept kicking me under

the table to go on, and I kept h'niing and hawing,
and beating about the bush, but Parnell, who was not
at ail inclined to talk, could not be drawn.

' At length I plucked up courage and said : "Do you
think, Mr. Parnell, that you are likely to be arrested
after your speech to-day ?" "I think I am likely to be
arrested at any time — so are we ail. A speech is not
necessary. Old Buckshot 1 thinks that by making
Ireland a jail he will settle the Irish que8tion. ,, Tben

1 < Buckshot ' was a nickname given to Mr. Forster in référence to
the kind of ammunition which the constabulary were ordered to ose in
case of being obliged to tire on the people. The name was scarcely
appropriate to Mr. Forster, because the buckshot had been ordered by
his predecessor. I once pointed this ont to Parnell. He said: *I
believe so; but Forster uses the buckshot, so it cornes to the same
thing. It is a very good name for him.'

312 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

there was a pause. After a little while I returned to
the charge. " Suppose tbey arrest you, Mr. Parnell,"
I asked, " hâve you any instructions to give us ? Who
will take your place?" "Ah!" he said deliberately,
looking through a glass of Champagne which he had
just raised to his lips. " Ah, if I am arrested Captain
Moonlight l will take my place." '

On Tuesday, October 11, Mr. Forster crossed to
England, having previously arrangea with Sir Thomas
Steele, the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces in Ireland,
that in the event of the Cabinet consenting to the
arrest of Parnell he would wire the one word ' proceed.'

On Wednesday, October 12, the Cabinet met.
Parneirs arrest was decided on. Forster immediately
wired to Steele, ' Proceed.' 2

Meanwhile Parnell, who had returned to Avondale
on Tuesday, came back to Dublin on Wednesday night,
intending to address a meeting next day in Naas, County
Kildare. He was to hâve left the Knightsbridge
terminus at 10.15 a.m. On Wednesday night he told
the boots at Morrison's Hôtel to call him at half-past
eight in the morning. I shall let Mr. Parnell himself
continue the narrative.

' When the man came to my bedroom to awaken
me, he told me that two gentlemen were waiting below
who wanted to see me. I told him to ask their names
and business. Having gone out, he came back in a
few moments and said that one was the superintendent
of police and the other was a policeman. I told him
to say I would dress in half-an-hour, and would see

1 The threatening notices which used at this time to be served on
landlords and obnoxious tenants were generally signed 'Captain
Moonlight.'

* Sir Wemyss Reid, Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster.

JEt. 35] ARREST OF PARNELL 318

them then. He went away, but came back again to
tell me that he had been downstairs to see the gentle-
men, and had told them I was not stopping at that
hôtel. He then said I should get out through the
back of the house, and not allow them to touch me.
I told him that I would not do that, even if it were
possible, because the police authorities would be sure
to hâve every way most closely watched. He again
went down, and this time showed the détectives up to
my bedroom.'

The rest of the story is told by the 'Freeman's
Journal.'

' Mr. Mallon, the superintendent, when he entered
the bedroom, found Mr. Parnell in the act of dressing,
and immediately presented him with two warrants. He
did not state their purport, but Mr. Parnell understood
the situation without any intimation. The documents
were presented to him with gentlemanly courtesy by
Mr. Mallon, and the honourable gentleman who was
about to be arrested received them with perfect calm-
ness and délibération. He had had private advices
from England regarding the Cabinet Council, and was
well aware that the Government meditated some coup
d'état.

* Two copies of the warrants had also been sent to
the Knightsbridge terminus, to be served on Parnell
in case he should go to Naas by an early train.
Superintendent Mallon expressed some anxiety lest a
crowd should collect and interfère with the arrest, and
requested Mr. Parnell to corne away as quickly as
possible. Mr. Parnell responded to his anxiety. A cab
was called, and the two détectives, with the honourable
prisoner, drove away. When the party reached the
Bank of Ireland (to the former memories and future

814 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

prospects of which Mr. Parnell had, but a fortnight
previously, directed the attention of many thousands),
five or six metropolitan police, evidently by preconceived
arrangement, jumped upon two outside cars and drove
in front of the party. On reaching the quay at the foot
of Parliament Street a number of horse police joined
the procession at the rear. In this order the four
vehicles drove to Kilmainham. This strange procession
passed along the thoroughfares without creating any
remarkable notice. A few people did stop to look at it
on part of the route, and they pursued the vehicles,
but their curiosity was probably aroused by the présence
of the force rather than by any knowledge that after a
short lull the Coercion Act was again being applied to
the élite of the League. They stopped their chase
after going a few paces, and at half-past nine o'clock
Mr. Parnell appeared in front of the dark portais of
Kilmainham.'

'We arrested Parnell/ Lord Cowper said to me,
1 because we thought it absurd to put lesser men into
jail and to hâve him at large. Furthermore, we thought
that his test cases would interfère with the working
of the Land Act.'

And how were things going on inside Kilmainham
at that moment ? One of the ' suspects ' shall answer.
4 1 was in Kilmainham,' he says, ' several months
before Parnell came. There was a little clique among
the " suspects' ' who were always finding fault with
Parnell, complaining of his modération, and saying that
he wanted to work the Land Act and to unité with the
Libéral party. Upon one occasion a " suspect " was
about to be discharged on account of ill-health. It
was suggested that he should see Parnell and " stiffen
his back," and make him face the Government. I

Ml. 30] IN PRISON 315

asked this "suspect," when we were alone, what he
would say to Parnell. He answered : " I don't know
I suppose he will talk me over in half-an-hour."

' When it became known that a convention would
be held in September to discuss the Land Act thèse
malcontents came together to consider what message
they would send to the assembly. I remember they
met in an iron shed in the récréation yard. One of
them began the proceedings by taking a box of matches
out of his pocket and saying, " Hère is the message I
will send to the convention — a box of matches to burn
the Land Act." This kind of thing was always going
on, and ParneH's " modération " was a constant thème
of conversation. One morning there was unusual
bustle in the jail. A warder came to my room. I said :
«Anything extraordinary going on. Is the Lord
Lieutenant coming to see us?" He grinned and
answered : " Mr. Parnell has corne. He is in the cell
below." My first feeling was to laugh outright. Hère
was the man whom the malcontents in Eilmainham
condemned for his modération, and now the Govern-
ment had laid him by the heels like the rest of us.
I sent a message to the Deputy Governor to ask for
permission to see Parnell. He consented at once.
I went downstairs and found Parnell in a cell 12 feet
by 6, sitting in a chair. " Oh, Mr. Parnell !" I said,
" hâve they sent y ou hère too ? What hâve you
done?" "Forster thought," he answered, "that I
meant to prevent the working of the Land Act, so he
sent me hère to keep me out of the way. I don't know
that he will gain anything by this move."

' The room looked misérable, and I thought I
might improve its appearance and brighten it a bit by
putting a beautiful green baize cloth, which had been

816 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

specially worked for me by friends outside, on the bare
table at which Parnell sat. I went up to my cell and
brought down the cloth. " This, Mr. Parnell," I said,
" will be better than nothing," and I put the cloth on
the table, feeling very proud of myself. " Hâve you any
good cigars ? " asked Parnell. " Certainly," I answered.
" I hâve a box of splendid cigars upstairs," and away I
went for them. When I came back I found Parnell
sitting once more by a bare table, and my beautiful
green baize cloth was huddled up in a corner on the
floor. I gave Parnell a cigar, and then, looking round
the room, I said : " What hâve you done with my
beautiful green cloth, Mr. Parnell ? " " Ah ! " he said,
lighting a cigar, " green is an unlucky colour." Then,
puffing it, " This is a very good cigar." '

While Parnell was spending his first days in Kil-
mainham Mr. Gladstone was holding high festival in
London.

A few hours after the Irish leader's arrest the
freedom of the City was presented to the Prime
Minister. The news had spread that a décisive blow
had been struck at the Irish conspiracy by the arrest
of the chief criminal, and when Mr. Gladstone rose
to address the meeting he was received with signifi-
cant cheers. 'Within thèse few minutes,' he said
in solemn accents and amid dead silence, ' I hâve been
informed that towards the vindication of the law,
of order, of the rights of property, and the freedom of
the land, of the first éléments of political life and
civilisation, the first step has been taken in the arrest

of the man .' Hère he was interrupted. The great

meeting rose en masse, frantic with excitement and joy,
and rounds of applause rang again and again throughout
the hall, until the speaker himself was astonished, and

^ît. 35] MR. GLADSTONE AT THE GU1LDHALL 317

perhaps startled, at the savage enthusiasin which this
announcement called forth. When the cheering at
length ceased he finished his sentence — 'who has
made himself prominent in the attempt to destroy the
authority of the law, and substitute what would end in
being nothing more nor less than anarchical oppression
exercised upon the people of Ireland.'

* Parnell's arrest,' says the biographer of Mr.Forster,
bearing strange testimony to the power of this extra-
ordinary man, ' was hailed almost as though it had been
the news of a signal victory gained by England over a
hated and formidable enemy.' This description is as
true as it is pithy. Indeed, the defeat of a foreign
fleet at the mouth of the Thames could scarcely hâve
excited a greater ferment than the simple announcement
that Charles Stewart Parnell was safe and sound under
lock and key in Kilmainham. The British Empire
breathed once more.

How was the news of Parnell's arrest received in
Ireland ? A cry of indignation and anger went up from
almost every part of the country. In niany towns and
villages the shops were closed, and the streets wore
the appearance of sorrow and mourning. In Dublin
there were riots, and the people were bludgeoned by
the police. Everywhere there were manifestations of
discontent and irritation. It may indeed be said with-
out exaggeration that scarcely since the Union was the
name of England more intensely detested than during
the four-and-twenty hours following Parneirs arrest.

At the Guildhall, as at Leeds, Mr. Gladstone, in
denouncing Parnell, assumed the rôle of the saviour of
Ireland. But the memory of Cromwell was not more
obnoxious to the Irish people than the personality of
the Prime Minister at this moment. It was the old

318 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

story. Public opinion in England went in one direction,
public opinion in Ireland in another. The solitary
individus! who regarded the whole proceeding with the
most perfect equanimity was the prisoner himself . In
the course of the day a reporter f rom the ' Freeman's
Journal ' called to interview him. He ended the inter-
view, with one of those significant sentences which
displayed his faculty for always saying the thing that
best suited the occasion : ' I shall take it as évidence/
he said, ' that the people of the country did not do their
duty if I am speedily released.'

In his cell at Kilmainham Parnell was a greater
power in Ireland than the British Minister, surrounded
by ail the paraphernalia of office and authority.

ifiT. 35] 319

CHAPTEE XIII

KILMAINHAM

The League's answer to ParneH's arrest was a manifesto
calling upon the tenants to pay no agrarian rents, under
any circumstances, until the Government had restored
the constitutional rights of the people.

This document was inspired by Ford and Egan,
written by William O'Brien, and signed by Parnell,
Kettle, Davitt, Brennan, Dillon, Sexton, and Egan. 1 Ail
the prominent Leaguers were not in f avour of the policy
of the No Eent manifesto. Mr. O'Kelly was opposed to
it, and his views were shared by Mr. Dillon, who was
sent back to Kilmainham (for a second time) a few
days after Parnell's arrest. Indeed, the very day that
Mr. Dillon arrived the document was under considéra-
tion. As he entered the room the conspirators were
sitting in council. Parnell exclaimed : ' Hère is Dillon ;
let us see what he says about the manifesto.' The
manifesto was handed to Mr. Dillon, who condemned
it on the instant. ' A strike against rent,' he said,

1 On the introduction of the Coercion Bill Egan retired to Paris, and
there attended to the financial business of the League. On Ootober 17
Ford wired to him : ' Communicate with Parnell if possible, consult with
your colleagues, then issue manifesto " No Rent." ' Egan replied : ' Your
suggestion is approved. Prompt measures are now in préparation to
prépare a gênerai strike against rent. The manifesto wilî be issued
throughout the land. It is the only weapon in our hands.' Davitt's
name was signed by Brennan, Davitt being in Portland.

320 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1881

' cannot be carried out without the help of the priests,
and the priests cannot support so barefaced a répudia-
tion of debt as this. Eome would not let them.'
Parnell, who was really opposed to the manifesto, but
reluctant at the moment to run counter to Ford and
Egan, used Dillon's opposition as a pretext for re-
opening the whole question. * That,' he said, ' is
serious. I think we had better carefully reconsider
the whole question. We will read the paper over
again.' This was done, Parnell still holding the
scales evenly balanced, and throwing his weight neither
upon the one side nor the other. At length a vote
was taken. The majority of those présent approved of
the manifesto, which was accordingly issued and pub-
lished in 'United Ireland' on October 17. It fell
absolutely flat. It was condemned by the bishops and
priests and ignored by the people. The arrest of
Parnell had thrown the movement into the hands of
the extremists. The No Rent manifesto was the
resuit.

Parnell was fond of telling a story which tickled
his peculiar sensé of humour anent this manifesto and
his own arrest. In the County Wexford there was a
respectable fariner and a man of moderato political

views named Dennis . He subscribed to the

funds of the Land League, but took no further part in
its work. He was, in fact, what in Ireland is con-
temptuously called an * Old Whig.' Like many persons
who sympathised little with the opérations of the
League, he had an intense admiration for Parnell.
The arrest of the Irish leader was a shock to him.
The one man of sensé and modération in the move-
ment had been flung into jail, the one restraining hand
had been paralysed — such was the wisdom of the

^Er. 35] A CONVERT 321

British Government. So reasoned Dennis , and

so reasoning he resolved to make a protest on his own
account.

A Land League meeting was convened in his own
district. He determined to attend it. The day of
meeting came. Dennis put in an appearance. The
' boys ' were astonished and delighted to see him, and
everyone said, ' Dennis must take the chair.' Dennis
emphatically declined the most unexpected ho'nour
thus thrust upon him. But the chance of holding a
Land League meeting under such respectable auspices
was not to be thrown away. Despite ail remonstrances,
Dennis was borne to the chair amid popular acclama-
tions. Strong resolutions were proposed, violent speeches
were made, and a paper, which made the chairman's
ears tingle, though he did not take it ail in at once, was
read. Then he was called upon to put the resolution to
the meeting and to read the paper. He read the paper.
It took his breath away, but he went through manfully
to the end. The paper was the ' No Kent * manifesto,
and the resolution pledged the meeting to support it.
Three days afterwards Dennis found himself inside
Kilmainham. The mildest-mannered man in Wexford
was within the grip of the law. That was not ail.
Dennis was at first much shocked by the conversation
of some of his fellow * suspects.' He did not appreciate
the good stories of the Leaguers. Gradually, however,
he became reconciled to them. Finally, he began to
retail them. At length the crisis arrived. One day he
approached Parnell in the récréation yard. 'Mr.
Parnell,' said he, * I would like to hâve a word with
you.' ' Certainly, Dennis/ said Parnell. They walked
apart. ' Then ' — as Parnell would say, telling the
story — * Dennis came very close to me, put his lips very

vol. I. Y

324 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

nephew. The following letter will dispose of thèse

slanders :

Parnell to Mrs. Dickinson

1 8, Rue Presbourg, Paris : April 17, 1882.

' My dear Emily, — I shall be sure to call to see
Theodosia and Claude before I return to Ireland, but
cannot fix the day just yet. I will wire him the day
before. Délia is much eut up by her dreadful loss, but
is somewhat better now ; my being hère has done her a
great deal of good. It appears Henry used to live in
an apartment of his own, and it was quite by accident
that they discovered he was ill. In the first ten days
it did not seem to be much, but the fever then went to
his head, and after a week's constant delirium the poor
fellow died. He used to dévote himself entirely to
music, composing, &c, and it is thought that his brain
was injured or weakened by dwelling too much upon
this one subject, and so was unable to stand disease.

' Your affectionate brother,

'Charles S. Parnell.

« PS. I am sorry to hear Theodosia is not looking

at ail strong.'

A few days afterwards Parnell returned to Kil-
mainham.

Mr. Forster's Coercion Act had now been twelve
months in force. It had proved an utter failure ; and,
to do Mr. Forster justice, no one was more painfully
conscious of the fact than he. His confessions of
failure are indeed pathetic. ' I can never do now what
I might hâve done for Ireland/ he sorrowfully admits
as early as June 1881, and he adds, 'it is seriously to
be thought whether after the Land Bill is passed I
ought not to get out of it ail/

Mr. 36] BHEAKDOWN OF COERCION 325

In September he writes again : ' Up to now,
Limerick, West Cork, Kerry, and the Loughrea
district of Galway hâve been as bad as ever.'

In October Mr. Gladstone, in the innocence of his
heart, was anxious that law-abiding citizens in Ireland
should be sworn in as spécial constables. There is a
touch of humour in Mr. Forster's reply, though it also
affords a curious commentary on the complex state of
affairs in Ireland. ' As regards spécial constables, one
of the first questions I asked months ago was, why
could we not hâve them ? I was soon convinced that
in Ireland they are impossible ; in the south and west
we cannot get them, and in the north Orangemen
would offer themselves, and we should probably hâve
to put a policeman at the side of every spécial to keep
him in order.' In November he writes again : ' I am
sorry to say there is a turn decidedly for the worse, and
we are going to hâve a most anxious winter. . . . We
hâve more secret outrages and attempts to murder ' ;
and he concludes sorrowf ully : ' If we could get the
country quiet I should be anxious to leave Ireland.
While we are fighting for law and order I cannot
désert my post ; but this battle over and the Land
[Act] well at work, I am quite sure that the best
course for Ireland, as well as for myself, would be my
replacement by someone not tarred by the Coercîon
brush.' l

The early months of 1882 still found Ireland the
prey of anarchy and disorder. 2 On April 12 Mr. Forster
wrote to Mr. Gladstone : ' My six spécial magistrates
ail bring me very bad reports. Thèse are confirmed by

1 Sir Wemyss Reid, Life of the Right Hon. W. E. Forster.

2 The Irish Government seems to hâve lost its head over the
anarchical condition of the country ; and Mr. Clifford-Lloyd, one of the
spécial magistrates, issued an insane circular to the police stating that

820 CHAULES STEWAIÏT ÎWIIXEL-L [1882

constabulary reports. The împunity from pnnishmcnt
is spreading like a plague.'

On Àpril 19 Lord Cowper wrote to the Cabinet :

Lord Cowper to the Cabinet

1 The returns of agrarian crime during the last two
years are before the Cabinet. They hâve been pre-
sented in every kind of shape, and comparisons may be
made by weeks, by months, and by quarters. The
increase of murders and other serious outrages is
fluctuating, and not uniform, but this increase is very
serious, and for this reason new législation is demanded.
With regard to this fluctuation, I may remark in passing
that after any very great crime, towards which any
considérable attention lias been attracted, there appears
generally to bc a lull.

* For instance, since the murders of Mr. Herbert
and Mrs. Smvthe l there were verv few outrages for
ncarly a fortnight. This seems to point towards
proving that a strong organisation still exists, and
that the Land League is not so completely broken
down as was imagined. This is, I am afraid, very
much owing to the fact that since the imprisonment or
dispersion of the mon who led it the work lias been
taken up by woinen. We know that women go about
the country conveying messages and encouraging dis-
affection, and that they distribute money in large
quantities both by hand and by letter.

if they should ' acci<lontally commit an error in shooting any person on
suspicion of that person beinj: about to commit a murder/ the produc-
tion of the circular would exoneratc them. This document — which, as
the Animal lieyistcr says. was practically authority ' to shoot on sight ' —
had ultimately to be withdrawn. — Annual licghter, 1882, p. 187.

1 On April 2 a most scnsutional agrarian murder was committed.
Mr. Smythe, while driving witli his sistcr-in-law, Mrs. Henry Smythe,
was fired at. The shot missed him, but hit and killed Mrs. Smythe.

.î*r. 30] RIŒAKDOWN OF COERCION 327

' My own idea, looking solely to the state of things
in this countrv, would bave been to treat the women
exactly like the men, both as to the ordinary law and
as to arrest under the Protection of Person and Property
Act ; and to hâve made no more différence between the
two sexes than a magistrate or judge would in the case
' of stealing a loaf of bread or a pair of boots. I am
aware, however, that the feeling of the British public
and of the House of Gommons must be consulted, and
if the arrest of women would raise such a storm as to
render the renewal of the Act impossible this may be.
sufficient reason for not acting as I should wish. The
returns of outrage of themselves appear to demand new
measures. But they are not the only mode by which
we should judge the necessity for thèse. If I am asked
what other means of judging there are, I answer,
" gênerai opinion, as far as it can be collected, of those
likely to know."

' The Irish Press of ail shades of political feeling is of
one mind as to the serious state of the country. I hâve
seen many landlords, agents, and others. I hâve seen
many of the judges, and their personal accounts more
than confirm what they hâve said in public. Above
ail, I hâve seen résident magistrates, inspectors, and
sub-inspectors, who corne to the Castle almost every
day from ail parts of the country to recommend arrests ;
and the gênerai, I may say universal, opinion is that
the amount of intimidation is as serious as it can be,
and that a sudden increase of agrarian crime at any
moment, to any extent, is quite possible.

' But it is hardi y nocossary to go further than the
printed reports of the six spécial résident magistrates,
who hâve charge of the worst part of the country. It
must be remembered that thèse six men are picked out

3:28 CHAULES STEWAKT PAllNELL [1882

from more than seventy of their class, that each one
of them is known to be of exceptional ability, and that
their expérience is drawn from separate districts. They
ail concur in their views of the déplorable state of the
country and the utterly crushing intimidation which
prevails, and we know what this intimidation may at
any time produce. They agrée also as to the necessity
for further législation, and their recommendations are
substantially the same.

'In addition to the renewal of the Protection of
Person and Property Act for another year, thèse
recommendations are as follows :

' 1. Increase of summary jurisdiction.

'This is the point to which I should personally
attach the highest importance of ail. A résident
magistrate, and in serious cases a spécial résident
magistrate, should be présent.

* 2. Spécial commission to try agrarian cases in
certain districts without jury. Unless the judge can
be compelled to act there will be difficulties about this.
If so it will be ail the more necessary that, under
No. 1, twelve months* imprisonment with hard labour
could be given as recommended by Messrs. Plunkett,
Clifford-Lloyd, and Blake.

1 3. Improvement of Arms Act, so as to make one
warrant do for a whole townland and allow search by
night ; also power to search for papers.

* 4. Power to tax districts for payment of extra police,
and for compensation for death or injury to the person.

' 5. Power to arrest strangers and persons at night.

' As I consider the présent question to be whether
any fresh législation is required, and in what gênerai
direction, I do not enter into more minute particulars.
I content myself with saying that in my opinion legis-

/Et. 36] 13REÀKD0WN OF COEËCION 329

lation is required, that it is required at once, and that
every day during which crime can be committed with
impunity will make the dealing with it more difficulté

This minute of Lord Cowper's bears witness to the
failure of Mr. Forster's policy. The last state of Ireland
was worse than the first. ' If you are arrested, who will
take your place ? ' Parnell was asked after the Wexford
meeting. ' Captain Moonlight will take my place ' was
the answer. Captain Moonlight had taken his place
in earnest. The National Land League had been
suppressed immediately on the publication of the
' No Eent ' manifesto. Its place was at once taken by
the Ladies' Land League, an organisation formed some
twelve months previously on the suggestion of Mr.
Davitt to meet the very contingency which had arisen.

The ladies very soon outleagued the League. Lord
Cowper, as we hâve seen, said on one occasion that the
central executive of the Land League did exercise some
controlling influence over the wilder spirits in the
country districts. But no controlling influence was
exercised now. Things went from bad to worse.

The total number of agrarian outrages for the ten
months — March to December 1880 — preceding the
Coercion Act was 2,379. The total number for the
ten months — March to December 1881 — succeeding
the Coercion Act, 3,821. When one classifies thèse
outrages the case appears even worse.

Ten months preceding Coercion Act

Homicides Firing at the person Firing into dwellings

7 21 62

Ten months succeeding Coercion Act

Homicides Firing at the person Firing into dwellings

20 63 122

:i:M) CHARLES STRWAIiT PAlîXKLL ~\t&-2

In the first quarter of 1881 tliere was one murder ;
in the first quarter of 188-2 there were six. The total
number of cases of homicide and of firing at the person
in tlie first quarter of 1881 was seven ; in the first
quarter of 1882, thirty-three.

The total number of agrarian outrages in October
1881, when the Land League was suppressed, stood at
511 ; in Mardi 188*2 tlie figure was 531. But it is
unnecessary to dwell further on thèse détails. The
utter breakdown of the Coercion Act is beyond
dispute.

4 Everyone/ says Lord Cowper with perfect frank-
ness, * advised us to suspend the llabeas Corpus Act —
the lords-lieutenant of counties, the police, the law
officers. The police led us quite astray. They said
they knew ail the people who got up the outrages, and
that if the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended they
could arrest theni. Of course we found ont afterwards
that the police were mistaken/

Some two vears aftor the events with which I am
now dealing I called one morning on Mr. Bright at his
apartments in Biccadilly. Ile was sitting at the table,
wrapped in a dressing-gown and reading Plowden's
'History of Ireland/ ' A 1 1 ! * he oxclaimed, 'they say
I hâve lost ail interest in Ireland sinec I voted for
coercion, as they call it ; still I have been reading this
book ail the morning. The historv of Ireland has
alwavs interested me. 1 After some talk about Irish
history the subject of coercion came up again. 4 They
call it coercion,' he said, 'but they forget the coercion
of the Land League/

4 Their coercion, Mr. Bright/ I said, 4 is at ail events
more effective than vours. Mr. Forster's Act was a

complète failure. I felt very sorn* that you voteâ for

.frr. 36] MU. BIUGIIT OX THE OOEIiCION ACT 831

the Bill. I heard your speech in support, and I didn't
like if

Mr. Bright (with a smile, and stroking his chin with
his finger). 'I dare say you didn't. What would you
hâve ? Eemember, I voted for coercion before. The
position I hâve always taken has been that you cannot
resist the demand of the Minister who is responsible for
the administration in Ireland, though you may say, as
I hâve certainly said, that other remédies must be
applied.'

I said : ' The Minister in this case was wrong.'

Mr. Bright. ' Well, yes ' (getting up and throwing
some coal on the fire and then turning his* back to it,
looking withal a noble figure, as he there stood with
léonine head, vénérable grey hair, and dignified bearing).
' The suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act,' he con-
tinued, ' had been successful in the case of the Fenians ;
we supposed it would be successful in the case of the
Land League. That was the mistake. The League was
a bigger organisation. It extended ail over the country.
The arrest of the leaders did not affect it : the local
branches were too well organised. For every man who
was arrested there was another ready to take his place.
Our information was wrong. The conspiracy was more
widespread and more deeply rooted than we were led to
suppose. It was not a case for the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act.'

I said : ' The policy was inexcusable.'

Mr. Bright. i To be fair you must consider the cir-
cumstances under which the policy was adopted. Put
yourself in the place of a Cabinet Minister. Suppose
the Lord Lieutenant and Chief Secretary— the men,
mark, who are responsible for the government of the
country, the Executive — suppose they tell you that

332 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

they will resign unless you give them the powers they
demand, what would you say ? '

I made no reply.

Mr. Bright. ' You don't answer, but what you feel
inclined to say is, « Let them resign." '

I said : ' Exactly.'

Mr. Bright. ' If you say that, it shows thatyou cannot
put yourself in the place of a Cabinet Minister. Résig-
nations are very serious things for a Government. They
are not to be lightly accepted. There is another point.
Suppose you could not get anyone to fill their places.
I do not say it was so ; it did not corne to that. I put
the case. No. I admit the policy was a failure, or, at
least, not as successful as we anticipated it would be.
But under the circumstances, in face of the représenta-
tions of the Irish Government, it was impossible
to avoid trying it. Eemember, too, that if we had
not passed a Coercion Act we could not hâve got a
good Land Bill through. That was a considération
which weighed much with me, and I think with ail
of us.'

The failure of Mr. Forster's policy was patent to ail.
What was now to be done ? The Irish Executive had
no misgivings on the point. More coercion ; that was
their reinedy. The Protection of Person and Property
Act, which would expire in September, should be
renewed, and a new Crimes Bill passed. Thèse were
the proposais of Lord Cow r per and Mr. Forster. But
Mr. Gladstone was little disposed to plunge deeper into
a policy which had been tried and which had failed.
Ail along it had been his wish rather to let the ' sus-
pects ' out than to keep them in, and the thought
uppermost in his mind at this crisis was, * Is there any
chance of a modus Vivendi with Parnell ? '

^Et. 36] THE TORIES AND COERCION 333

Mr. Chamberlain also had been against coercion
from the beginning ; he had been Forster's enemy in
the Cabinet during the whole period of the Chief Secre-
tary's term of office, and he was now determined to
thwart the efforts of the Irish Executive in committing
the Government any longer to a policy which had been
marked by failure. Mr. Chamberlain was energetically
supported in the Press by Mr. John Morley, then editor
of the 'Pall Mail Gazette.'

' We knew,' said Lord Cowper, ' that Mr. Chamber-
lain and Mr. Morley were working together to thwart
Mr. Forster,' and Lord Cowper was right. But this
was not ail. The Tories were suddenly seized by a vir-
tuous fit, and cried out against coercion too. ' The
présent measures of coercion,' said Mr. Gorst on
March 28, 'hâve entirely failed to restore order in
Ireland. The assizes just concluded show that the
amount of crime was more than double what it was
in ail the various districts last year; in almost every
case the juries failed to convict, and therefore there
must be some new departure on the part of the
Government.'

A Conservative member, Sir John Hay, gave notice
of motion :

' That the détention of large numbers of her
Majesty's subjects in solitary confinement, without
cause assigned and without trial, is répugnant to the
spirit of the constitution, and that to enable them to be
brought to trial jury trials should, for a limited time
in Ireland, and in regard to crimes of a well-defined
character, be replaced by some form of trial less liable
to abuse/

Mr. W. H. Smith proposed ' to ask the First Lord
of the Treasury if the Government will take into their

:m CHAULES STEWAKT PARNELL [1882

considération the urgent nccessity for the introduction
of a measure to cxtend the purchasc clauses of the
Land Act, and to niake effectuai provision for facili-
tating the transfer of the ownership of land to tenants
who are occupiers on tcrms which would be just and
reasonable to the existing landlords.'

Hère were the Tories apparently condemning coer-
cion and proposing an alternative policy.

A peasant ])roprietary had always been Parneirs
solution of the Land question. A peasant proprietary
was now the solution of Mr. W. II. Smith. Were the
Tories going to outflank Mr. Gladstone? Was the old
parliarnentary hand going to be checkmated ? There
ne ver existed a parliarnentary tactician on whom it was
more diilicult to exécute a ilank manœuvre than Mr.
Gladstone, and lie had no notion now of allowing the
Opposition to pose as the enemies of coercion and the
friends of tlie Iri^h tenants at his expense. Indeed,
the Tory manœuvres servud only to streugthen the
hands of the anti-cocieionists in tlie Cabinet, and to
stimulate the Prime Minuter in his eagerness to end
the Forster régime.

Whilo Whigs and Tories were thus playing the
usuul party game, regarding Ireland merely as a pawn
on the chess-boanl, Paniell sat in his spacious room in
Kilmainhain rr\ol\ing tlic- wlmle situation in his inind.
4 And what a îoom ! ' said a iïieiid whu visited hini at
this time. ' The table strewn with everything, news-
papers, books, magazines, li^ht literature, Blue Books,
illustrated periodicals, fruit, addresses from public
bodies, présents of every deseriptiuii, ail lying in one
indiscriminate lu-ap lu-foiv him, and he supremely
indiffèrent to their exi&ience.'

1 You hâve everything hère, Mr. Parnell, except a

.Et. 36] AN IMPOSSIBLE SITUATION 333

green flag,' said an admirer; and Parnell smiled at this
délicate allusion to one of his many superstitions.
* How is the No Eent manifesto working, Mr.
Parnell ? ' said another visitor. ' Ail I know about it
is that my own tenants are acting strictly up to it/ was
the grim answer.

Keports of the state of the country reached him
almost every day. Indeed, he knew ail that was going
on as well as, perhaps even better than, Mr. Forster.
Ireland was in a state of lawlessness and anarchy.
Lawlessness and anarchy which served only to em-
barrass the British Minister mattered little to Parnell.
Lawlessness and anarchy which served to embarrass
himself mattered a great deal. The country was drift-
ing out of his hands, and drifting into the hands of
reckless and irresponsible men and women whose wild
opérations would, he felt sure, sap his authority and
bring disaster on the national movement. It was quite
time for him to grasp the reins of power once more, and
to direct the course of events. His release from prison
became, in fact, a matter of paramount importance.
How was he to get out ? I hâve said that the thought
uppermost in Mr. Gladstone's mind was how to bring
about a modus vivendi with Parnell. The thought
uppermost in Parnell's mind was how to bring about a
modus vivendi with Mr. Gladstone. It occurred to the
Irish leader that a treaty might be made on the basis
of doing something more for the Irish tenants. He
had pointed out the defects of the Land Act, he had
dwelt on the importance of dealing with the question
of arrears, and he now thought that this question
might be made the ground of some arrangement
whereby the présent intolérable and (it seemed to him)
insane condition of affairs would be ended.

336 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

Parnell, as has been already mentioned, 1 had left
Dublin for Paris on April 10. At Willesden Junction he
was met by Mr. Justin McCarthy, Mr. Quin, and Mr.
Frank Byrne. They had organised a public démonstra-
tion, which, however, Parnell avoided, saying that he did
not consider himself free by the terms of his release to
take part in any political proceedings. That same
evening he had a long conversation with Mr. Justin
McCarthy on Irish affairs. ' I told him/ says Parnell,
1 that the tenants, ail of them who could pay their rents,
had done so and obtained good réductions, and that there
only remained those who could not pay — the smaller
tenants in arrears. That the "No Eent manifeste"
had been practically withdrawn, as when the [new]
Land Bill was drafted 2 it had been withdrawn from
circulation, and no further attempts made to get the
tenants to refuse to pay their rents ; and that now the
thing was to press Parliament for some législation to
assist the small tenants, some 100,000 in number I
suppose, who were unable to pay their rents and who
were threatened with évictions. I told him that if
thèse tenants were evicted on any large scale the resuit
would be great increase of crime and terrible suffering,
and that I had every reason to believe that the state of
the country, and the crime in the country, was entirely
due to the inability of those small and poor tenants to
pay their rents, and that in self-protection they were
going about, or their sons were going about, banding
themselves together to intimidate the larger tenants
from paying, or that they had been doing so, and that
an Arrears Act would hâve an immédiate effect in

1 Ante, p. 323.

* A Bill drafted by Parnell in priion for tht amtndment of tht
Land Act of 1881,

JEt. 36] A WÀY OUÎ 837

producing tranquillity and restoring peace in the
country.' l

On April 11 he saw Captain O'Shea (an Irish
Home Bule member of Whig proclivities, who was
in touch with the Government), and repeated what he
had said to Mr. McCarthy. That night Parnell crossed
to Paris. Captain O'Shea immediately put himself in
communication with Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Cham-
berlain, apparently suggesting the feasibility of some
arrangement by which the ' suspects ' might be released
and an Arrears Bill passed. Subsequently he received
the following letters :

Mr. Gladstone to Captain O'Shea

1 April 15, 1882.

* Dear Sir, — I hâve received your letter of the
13th, and I will communicate with Mr. Forster on
the important and varied matter which it contains. I
will not now enter upon any portion of that matter,
but will simply say that no apology can be required
either for the length or freedom of your letter. On the
contrary, both demand my acknowledgments. I am
very sensible of the spirit in which you write ; but I
think you assume the existence of a spirit on my part
with which you can sympathise. Whether there be
any agreement as to the means, the end in view is of
vast moment, and assuredly no resentment, personal
préjudice, or false shame, or other impediment extra-
neous to the matter itself, will prevent the Government
from treading in that path which may most safely lead
to the pacification of Ireland.

1 Truly yours,

1 W. E. Gladstone/

1 Spécial Commission, Q. 58,758, et seq.
VOL. I. S

338 CHARLES STEWAOT PARNELL [Ï882

Mr. Chamberlain to Captain O'Shea

' April 17, 1882,

1 My dear Sir, — I am really very much obliged
to you for your letter, and especially for the . copy of
your very important and interesting communication to
Mr. Gladstone. I am not in a position, as you will
understand, to write you fully on the subject, but I
think I may say that there appears to me nothing in
your proposai which does not deserve considération. I
entirely agrée in your view that it is the duty of the
Government to lose no opportunity of acquainting
themselves with représentative opinion in Ireland, and
for that purpose that we ought to welcome suggestions
and criticism from every quarter, and from ail sections
and classes of Irishmen, provided that they are ani-
mated by a désire for good government and not by
blind hatred of ail government whatever. There is one
thing must be borne in mind — that if the Government
and the Libéral party generally are bound to show
greater considération than they hâve hitherto done for
Irish opinion, on the other hand, the leaders of the
Irish party must pay soinc attention to public opinion
in England and in Scotland. Since the présent
Government hâve bccn in office they hâve not had
the slightest assistance in this direction. On the
contrary, some of the Irish members hâve acted as if
their object were to embitter and préjudice the English
nation. The resuit is that nothing would be easier
than at the présent moment to get up in every large
town an anti-Irish agitation almost as formidable as
the anti-Jewish agitation in Russia. I fail to see how
Irishmen or Ireland can profit by such policy, and I

-Et. 3f>] NEGOTIATIOXS 339

shall rejoice whenever the time comes that a inore
hopeful spirit is manifested on both sides.

' Truly yoùrs,

' J. Chamberlain/

Mr. Gladstone at orççe,put.Mr f Fprster in possession
of O.'.Shea's . .conwnuniçations. The _ .Irish Secretary
seeras to hâve been quite sympathetic on the question
of arrears ; but he did not see his way to the release of
Parnell. He would not bargain with the Irish leader.
He would not allow himself to be undermined by Mn
Chamberlain and Mr. Morley. He looked upon the
whole business as an underhand proceeding, quite in
keeping with the attempts which had been constantly
made to thwart him in his Irish administration, and
he resolved to take no part in negotiations which had
been begun over his head.

1 Forster himself/ says Lord Cowper, ' thought ulti-
mately that Parnell would hâve to be let out on certain
conditions. It was the way the thing was done rather
than the thing itself to which he objected/

On April 18 Parnell wrote a characteristic letter,
making an appointment with Mr. McCarthy, but saying
nothing of the business in hand.

Parnell to Justin McCarthy

1 8 Rue Presbourg, Paris : Tuesday, April 18.

1 My dear McCarthy, — I hope to pass through
London next Sunday, and will try to look you up at
your house in Jermyn Street. Hâve had a bad cold
since I hâve been hère, but am nearly ail right again;
With best regards to ail friends,

' Yours very truly, •

'Charles S. Parnell/ !.

310 CilAKLKS STJÎWART PAliXËLL [1682

Parnell to Mr. Justin McCarthy

1 Saturday [April 22, 1882].

1 My dear McCarthy, — I hâve arrived in England,
and will call to see y ou to-morrow afternoon some time.
I cannot at présent give you the exact hour, but would
it be too much to ask you to remain at home af ter three
o'clock ? I trust you will hâve some news of resuit of
Cabinet to-dav. 1

1 Tours very truly,

' C. S. P.'

On Sunday afternoon Parnell discussed the whole
situation with Mr. McCarthy. He had previously seen
Captain O'Shea, who expressed the hope that, as a
resuit of the negotiations then going on, the ' suspects '
might be permanently released. ' Never mind the " sus*
pects," ' he said ; 4 try and get the question of the arrears
satisfactorily adjusted, and the contribution made not a
loan, but a gift on compulsion. The Tories hâve now
adopted my views as to peasant proprietary. The great
object to be attained is to stay évictions by an Arrears
Bill/ 2

On April 24, as wc hâve seen, Parnell was back at
Kilmainham. On the following day he wrote to Mr.
McCarthy :

1 ' It was not,' says Sir Womyss Rekî in lus Life of Forstcr, • until
the 22nd [of April] that the Cabinet took up the Irish question, Mr.
Forster having by this time retumed to London.'— Vol. ii. p. 428.

* There were 100,000 tenants in arrears, and connequently nnable to
avail themselves of the benefit of the Land Aot. Thèse tenants conld
ail be evicted. Pamell's object was to get a Bill which would practicallj
wipe oui thèse arrears. See Annual lUgistcr, 1882, p. 21.

&t. 36] NEGOTIATIONS 341

Parnell to Mr. Justin McCarthy
[Confidential]

« Kilmainham : April 25, 1882.

' My dear McCarthy, -^-1 send you a letter em-
bodying our conversation, and which, if you think it
désirable, you might take the earliest opportunity of
showing to Chamberlain. Do not let it out of your
hands, but if he wishes you might give him a copy of
the body of it.

' Yours very truly,

'Charles S. Parnell.'

The body of the letter ran as follows :

' We think, in the first place, no time should be lost
in endeavouring to obtain satisfactory settlement of the
arrears question, and that the solution proposed in the
Bill standing for second reading to-morrow (Wednes-
day) would provide a satisfactory solution, though the
Church Fund would hâve to be supplemented by a grant
from Impérial resources of probably a million or so.

4 Next, as regards the permanent amendment of the
Land Act, we consider that the rent-fixing clauses
should be extended to as great an extent as is possible,
having in view the necessity of passing an Amendment
Bill through the House of Lords; that leaseholders
who hâve taken leases, either before or since the Act of
1870, should be permitted to apply to hâve a fair rent
fixed ; and that the purchase clauses should be amended
as suggested by the Bill the second reading of which
will be moved by Mr. Eedmond to-morrow.

1 If the Government were to announce their inten-
tion of proposing a satisfactory settlement of the arrears
difticulty as indic^ted q,bove, we on our part would

842 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

inake it known that the No Rent manifesto was with-
drawn, and we should advise the tenants to settle with
their landlords. We should also then be in a rnuch
better position than we were ever before to make our
exertions effective to put a stop to the outrages which
are unhappily so prévalent.

* If the resuit of the arrears seulement and the
further améliorât ive measures suggested above were the
material diminution of outrage before the end of the
session, and the prospect of the return of the country,
iifter a time, to something like a normal condition, we
should hope that the Government would allow the
Coercion Act to lapse, and govern the country by the
same laws as in En gland.'

Mr. Chamberlain acknowledged the receipt of this
communication in the following letter :

Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Justin McCarthy

1 April 30.

' Mv DKAH McCakthy, — Many thanks for your
note, with the extract from Mr. Parneirs letter. I will
ondeavour to mako good use of it. I only wish it could
1)0 published, (or the knowledge that the question still
undur discussion will be treated in this conciliatory
spirit would hâve a great effect on public opinion.

4 You may rely on me at ail times to do my best to
help forward the solution of the Irish problem, and, in
spite of past failure and past mistakes, I am still
hopcful for the future.

* Yours very truly,

'J. Chamberlain/

Àbout the samc time Parnell wrotc to Captain
O'Sluïrt :

&i. 3b] THE ARREAKS QUESTION 343

Parnell to Captain O'Shea

1 Kilmainham : April 28.

' I was very sorry that you had left Albert Mansions
before I reached London from Elthani, as I had wished
to tell you that after our conversation I had made up
my mind that it would be proper for me to put Mr.
McCarthy in possession of the views which I had pre-
viously communicated to you. I désire to impress upon
you the absolute necessity of a settlement of the arrears
question which will leave no recurring sore connected
with it behind, and which will enable us to show the
smaller tenantry that they hâve been treated with
justice and some generosity.

' The proposai you hâve described to me as sug-
gested in some quarters of inaking a loan, over however
inany years the payment might be spread, should be
absolutely rejected, for reasons which I hâve already
fully explained to you. If the arrears question be
settled upon the lines indicated by us, I hâve every
confidence — a confidence shared by my colleagues —
that the exertions which we should be able to make
strenuously and unremittingly would be effective in
stopping outrages and intimidation of ail kinds.

1 As regards permanent législation of an ameliorativc
character, I may say that the views which you always
shared with me as to the admission of leaseholders to
the fair rent clauses of the Act are more confirmed
than ever. So long as the flower of the Irish peasantry
are kept outside the Act there cannot be any permanent
settlement of the Land Act, which we ail so much désire.

4 1 should also strongly hope that some compromise
might be arrived at this session with regard to the
amendment of the tenure clauses. It is unnecessary

344 CHAULES STEWA11T PARXELL [1882

for me to dwell upon the enormous advantages to be
derived from the full extension of the purchase clauses,
which now secm practically to havc been adopted by ail
parties.

'The accomplishment of the programme I hâve
sketched would, in my judgment, be regarded by the
country as a practical settlement of the land question,
and would, I feel sure, enable us to co-operate cordially
for the future with the Libéral party in forwarding
Libéral principles; so that the Government, at the
end of the session, would, from the state of the country,
feel themselves thoroughly justified in dispensing with
further coercive measures.

' Yours very truly,

'C. S. Parnell.'

On April 30 Captain O'Shea called on Mr. Forster
at his résidence in Eccleston Square, and showed him
this letter. Mr. Forster has given us a detailed account
of the interview :

'After carefully reading [the letter] I said [to
Captain O'Shea] : " Is that ail, do you think, that
Parnell would be inclined to say ? " He said : " What
more do you want? Doubtless I could supplément
it." I said : " It cornes to this, that upon our doing
certain things he will help us to prevent outrages," or
words to that effect. Ile again said : " How can I
supplément it ? " referring, I imagine, to différent
measures. I did not feel justified in giving him my
own opinion, which might be interpreted to be that of
the Cabinet, so I said : " I had better show the letter to
Mr. Gladstone, and to one or two others. ,, He said :
"Well, there may be faults of expression, but the
thing îs done. If thèse words will not do I must get

JEi. 36] MR. FORSTER AND MR. GLADSTONE 345

others ; but what is obtained is " — and hère he used
most reinarkable words — " that the conspiracy which
has been used to get up boycotting and outrages will
now be used to put them down, and that there will be a
union with the Libéral party ; " and as an illustration of
how the first of thèse results was to. be obtained, he
said that Parnell hoped to make use of Sheridan and
get him back from abroad, as he would be able to help
him put down the conspiracy (or agitation, I am not
sure which w r ord was used), as he knew ail its détails
in the west. (This last statement is quite true.
Sheridan is a released suspect, against whom we hâve
for some time had a fresh warrant, and who under
disguises has hitherto eluded the police, coming back-
wards and forwards from Egan to the outragemongers
in the west.) I did not feel myself sufficiently master
of the situation to let him know what I thought of this
confidence ; but I again told him that I could not do
more at présent than tell others what he had told me.
I may say that in the early part of the conversation he
stated that he (O'Shea) hoped and advised — and in this
case he was doubtless speaking for Parnell — that we
should not to-rnorrow — I suppose meaning Tuesday —
" pledge ourselves to any time for bringing on fresh
répressive ineasures." He also said that he had per-
suaded Parnell to help to support a large émigration
from the west, and that Parnell had told him that he
had a good deal of conversation with Dillon, and had
brought him round to be in full agreement with himself
upon the gênerai question.'

Mr. Forster immediately sent Parnell's letter and
the above account of his own interview with Captain
O'Shea to Mr. Gladstone. * I expected little from thèse
negotiations,' whs the Irish Secretary's comment upon

846 CHARLES STEWART PAKNELL [[1882

the whole transaction. But Mr. Gladstone was highly
gratified. ' This,' said he, ' is a hors d } œuvre which we
had no right to expect, and I rather think hâve no
right at présent to accept. I may be far wide of the
mark, but I can scarcely wonder at O'Shea saying " the
thing is done." ... On the whole Parnell's letter is,
I think, the most extraordinary I ever read. I cannot
help feeling indebted to O'Shea.' 1

The thing was done. On May 1 the Cabinet met
to discuss the prospective policy in lieu of coercion.
After the meeting of the Cabinet Mr. Gladstone wrote
to Lord Cowper :

Mr. Gladstone to Lord Cowper

' My dear Cowper, — In conséquence of the altered
position of the No Bent party, further attested to us by
important information which (without any covenant)
we hâve obtained, the Cabinet has discussed anxiously
the question whether the threemembers of Parliament*
now in prison should be released, with a view to further
progressive release of those not believed to be impli-
cated in crime upon careful examination of their cases.
No décision has been absolutely taken, but the Cabinet
meets again to-morrow at twelve, and it is probable
that a telegram may be sent to you requesting you to
give directions for the immédiate libération of the
three. The information we havc had in the briefest
words is shortly this : we know that Parnell and his
friends are ready to abandon "No Bent " formally, and
to déclare against outrage energetically, intimidation
included, if and when the Government announce
a satisfactory plan for dealing with arrears. We hâve

1 Sir Wemyss Reid, Life of tlie Right Hon. W. E. ForsUr.
s The three were Parnell, Mr. O'Kell.v, and Mr. Dilton.

JEt. 36] MR. GLADSTONE AND LORD COWPER Si7

already as good as resolved upon a plan, and we do not
know any absolute reason why the form of it should
not be satisfactory.

' Sincerely yours,

1 W. E. Gladstone.'

On May 2 Mr. Gladstone telegraphed in cypher to
Lord Cowper :

* Matters being settled hère for immédiate action
and on a footing named in last telegram to sign and
give necessary directions for the three forthwith.'

To this Lord Cowper wired in reply :

' I should much pref er, for reasons I will give by
letter, that your intention should be carried out by my
successor. But I will obey orders if insisted on.'

This letter, giving the reasons, ran as follows :

Lord Cowper to Mr. Gladstone

4 Vice-Regal Lodge, Dublin :

4 May 2, 1882.

1 My dear Mb. Gladstone, — The proposed release
of the three members of Parliament so took me by
surprise that I hâve hardly been able to form a deliberate
opinion about it. Nothing but a séries of formidable
objections lias yet occurred to me. This is the way in
which the circumstances présent themselves to my
mind. Thèse men hâve been imprisoned for a gross
violation of the law. They follow this up with a
violation still grosser, the No Kent manifesto. Therè
is at this moment a great amount of bad outrage. We
know or suspect that this is instigated by the prisoners.
At the same time their organs in the Press taunt us with
having put under restraint the only people who hâve

ai8 CHARLES STEWAHT PARXELL [1882

power to stop it. We, apparently despairing of restoring
order ourselves, let them out on condition that they
will help us and will refrain for the future, not from the
conduct for which they were iniprisoned, but only from
the more outrageous policy to which they hâve after-
wards committed themselves, and even this they are
only willing to do in return for fresh législation in
favour of the tenant.

1 There inay be another side to the question, but, as
I am not able to grasp it, y ou will understand my
objections to being the instrument of their release.

* Yours very truly,

* COWPER.*

Mr. Gladstone wired immediately :

'Your signature, if required, as it would be after
résignation, would be merely ministerial and without
political responsibility. When do y ou corne to London?
I quite understand your letter, as it shows me, to my
surprise, that you hâve had no previous information.'

This terminated the correspondence.

Lord Cowper immediately signed the order of
release, and Parnell (with his colleagues, Mr. O'Kelly
and Mr. Dillon) walked forth a free man once more.
AH Ireland, outside the loyal corner of Ulster, hailed
the libération as a national triumph, and a shout of
victory went up from one end of the land to the other.
The Irish Executive had been beaten. The Prime
Minister, who but seven months before had announced
Parneirs arrest with such dramatic efifect to an excited
English meeting, had now flung the Irish agents of
the Government over and made peace with the
invincible agitator. Mr. Forstcr, rightly appreciating

JÉr. 36] THE KILMAINHAM TIŒATY S4Ô

the omnipotence of Parnell, described this situation
thus :

1 ' A surrender is bad, but a compromise or arrange-
ment is worse. I think we may remember what a
Tudor king said to a great Irishman in former times :
" If ail Ireland cannot govern the Earl of Kildare,
then let the Earl of Kildare govern ail Ireland/' The
king thought it was better that the Earl of Kildare
should govern Ireland than that there should be an
arrangement between the Earl of Kildare and his
représentatives. In like manner, if ail England cannot
govern the hon. member for Cork, then let us acknow-
ledge that he is the greatest power in ail Ireland to-day.'

On his release Parnell hastened to Avondale,
whither he was accompanied by an Irish member, who
shall describe the scène of his arrivai at home :

' 1 went to Avondale with Parnell after his release
from Kilmainham. When we arrived at the place ail
the old servants rushed out to see him. They were
crying with joy. I was horribly afifected, and began to
cry myself. Parnell was absolutely unmoved. I
thought he was the most callous fellow I had ever
met. An old woman rushed out and seized him by
the hand, kissed it, covered it with tears, and said :
" Oh, Master Charley, are you back to us again ? " He
was like a statue. He made some casual remark as if he
had been out for a morning walk, and passed through
them ail into the drawing-room, where Mrs. Dickinson
was. I hung back, as I did not like to be présent at the
meeting between brother and sister, but Parnell said :
" Corne along." Mrs. Dickinson was as icy as himself.
She got up calmly as he entered, and said quite
casually : "Ah, Charley, is that you? I thought they
would ne ver let you back again."

S:Q CHARLES STEWART PARXELL ( [1882

' ParneU. " Well, what did you thînk they would
do tome?"

'Mrs. Dickinson. "I thought they would hrftag

you."

' Pamdl <smjlin#).; ".WeH, it may: coœç tQ~th&t

jrCfc». • - ... '

- -*-TBatwas the whole greeting. They then tslked
about family affairs.'

It has been said that there was no Kilmainhara
treaty. Well, it is idle to quibble about words, There
was a Kilmainham treaty, and thèse, in a single
sentence, were its terms. The Government were to
introduce a satisfactorv Arrears Bill, and Parnell was
to ' slow down ' the agitation. ' One of thc most
sagacious arrangements,' says Mr. Healy, commenting
on Pamell's conduct, 'that ever enabled a hard
pressed gênerai to securc terms for his forces/

/Ex. 36] 351

, w **• «• **»* '

CHAPTEE XIV

THE NEW RÉGIME

One of the first results of the Kilmainham treâty was
the résignation of Lord Cowper and Mr. Forster. On
May 4 Mr. Forster made his explanation in Parliament.
The substance of what he said may be given in a few
sentences. The state of Ireland did not justify the
release of Parnell without a promise of ' amendment ' l
or a new Coercion Act. He darkly hinted at a bargain
between the Prime Minister and the agitator, but did
not dwell on the subject. While he was in the middle
of his speech, and just as he had uttered the following
words : ' There are two warrants which I signed in
regard to the member for the city of Cork '-— Parnel
entered the House. It was a dràmâtic scène.

Deafening cheers broke from the Irish Benchës,
drowning Forster's voice, and preventing the con-
clusion of the sentence from being heard.

Parnell quickly surveyed the situation, and, bowing
to the Speaker, passed, with head erect and meàsured
tread, to his place, the victor of the hour.

One can easily imagine his feelings when Mr. Glad-
stone rose to answer Mr. Forster. ' To divide and govern '
had always been the policy of the English in Ireland»

> On the Unes already indicated, ante, p. 838.

352 CHAULES STEÛWRT PARNELL [1882

Parnell Was now applying that policy to the English
themselves. Seven rnonths before Mr. Gladstone and
Mr. Forster had been united in sending him to prison.
They were united no longer.

The English in Ireland never more thoroughly
appfeciated the importance of dividing their enemies,
while standing shoulder to shoulder themselves, than
did this man, who was so English in tempérament and
in method. To see English parties at sixes and sevens
while he commanded an unbroken phalanx was tbe
central idea of his policy. He now saw the Prime
Minister rise to fight his battle, which was, in truth,
the battle of the Prime Minister too.

What a révolution ! Mr. Gladstone and Parnell in
the same boat and Mr. Forster flung to the waves.
Mr. Gladstone's reply was simple and courteous. In
brief it came to this. The circumstances which had
warranted the arrest no longer existed ; in addition, he
had an assurance that if the Government dealt with
the arrears question the three members released would
range themselves on the side of law and order.

Parnell followed, saying :

' In the first portion of his (Mr. Gladstone's) speech
the idea conveyed was that if the hon. members for
Tipperary and Koscommon (Messrs. Dillon and O'Kelly),
along with myself, were released we would take some
spécial action with regard to the restoration of law and
order. I assume that the right hon. gentleman has
received information from some of my friends to whom
I hâve made either written or verbal communication
with regard to my intentions upon the state of this
Irish question. But I wish to say emphatically that I
hâve not in conversation with my friends or in any
written communication to my friends entered into the

Mt. 36] ÎHÈ PÎIŒNIX ÊAftK MUÎlDËKS 353

question of the release of my hon. friends and myself
as any condition of our action. (Mr. Gladstone,
"Hear, hear.") I hâve not, either in writing or
verbally, referred to our release in any degree what-
soever, and I wish to call attention to the first state-
ment of the Prime Minister in order to show that it
conveyed — although I am sure the right hon. gentleman
did not intend it should do so — the reverse of that fact.
("No, no," from Mr. Gladstone.) Still, sir, I hâve
stated verbally to more than one of my hon. friends,
and I hâve written, that I believe a settlement of this
arrears question — which now compels the Government
to turn out into the road tenants who are unable
to pay their rents, who hâve no hope of being able to
pay their rents, for which they were rendered liable
in the bad seasons of 1878, 1879, and 1880— would
hâve an enormous effect in the restoration of law and
order in Ireland — (Cheers) — would take away the last
excuse for the outrages which hâve been unhappily
committed in such large numbers during the last six
months, and I believed we, in common with ail persons
who désire to see the prosperity of Ireland, would be
able to take such steps as would hâve material effect in
diminishing those unhappy and lamentable outrages.'
(Ministerial and Irish cheers.)

And so the discussion practically ended on May 4,
to be resumed, however, some time later with more
bitterness and rancour. In the interval a terrible
tragedy occurred. On May 6 the new Lord Lieutenant
(Earl Spencer) made his state entry into Dublin. The
new Chief Secretary (Lord Frederick Cavendish) took
part in the pageant. Afterwards he drove on an out-
side car to the Chief Secretary's Lodge in the Phœnix
Park. On the way he met the Under-Secretary (Mr.

vol. I. A A

:5.>4 CHAULES STEWART RYftNELL [1882

Burke), alîghted, and both walked together through the
park. As they came opposite the Viceregal Lodge
about 7 p.m. a band of assassins fell upon them and
stabbed them to death. Thèse men belonged to a
murder sbciety, self-called the 'Invincibles/ which
had sprung up under Mr. Forster's règinié 1 for the
purpose, as one of them said, of ' making hïstory ' by
' removing ' obnoxious political personages. Mr. Burke
and Lord Frederick Cavendish were their first victims.
The assassins were ultimately arrested and hanged.*
The ' Annual Register ' of 1882, in giving an account
of this horrible transaction, says : ' It is even more
painful to know that from the Viceregal Lodge Lord
Spencer himself was looking out of the Windows,
and saw with unconcerned eyes tho scuffle on the road
some hundred yards away, little thinking that what
seemod to be the horseplay of half a dozen roughs was
in reality the murder of two of his colleagues.'

This statement is inaccurate. Lord Spencer did
not see the ' scuffle/

Hereis his Lordship's recollection of what happened :
' It is said that I saw the murder. That is not so. I
had asked Cavendish 3 to drive to the park with me.
He said he would not ; he would rather walk with
Burke. Of course, if he had corne with me it would,
not hâve happened. I then rode to the park with a
sinall escort, I think my aide-de-camp and a trooper,
Curiously enough, I stopped to look at the polo match
which Carey described, so that he and I seem to hâve

1 Forster's own life was frequently in jeopardy, and he seems to
hâve had some miraculous escapes. — Sir Wemyss Eeid, Life ofthe Itight
lion. W. E. Forster.

- One of the * Invincibles/ Carey, turned informer. He was aiter-
wards shot by a man named O'Donnell, on board ship off Cape Cohmy.
O'Donnell was arrested, and brought to England and hanged.

9 On hearing that Burke had already set ont for the park Lord-
Frederick Cavendish took the car to overtake him. * *

/Et. 36] LO&D SPENCER 355

been together upon that occasion. I then turned
towards the Viceregal Lodge. The ordinary and more
direct way for me to go was over the very scène of the
murder. Had I so gone the murder would -not pro-
bably hâve been committed, Three men ckming , up
would hâve prevented anything-of that kindL -ButI
made a slight détour, and got to the lodgô another
way. When I reached the lodge I sat down near the
window and began to read sonie papers. Suddenly I
heard a shriek which I shall never forget. I seem to
hear it now ; it is always in my ears. This shriek was
repeated again and again. I got up to look out. I
saw a man rushing along. He jumped over the palings
and dashed up to the lodge, shouting : " Mr. Burke
and Lord Frederick Cavendish are killed." There
was great confusion, and immediately I rushed out ;
but someone of the Household stopped me, saying that
it might be a ruse to get me out, and advising me to
wait and make inquiries. Of course the inquiries were
made and the truth soon discovered. I always déplore
my unfortunate décision to make that détour, always
feeling that if I had gone to the lodge by the ordinary
way the murder would hâve been prevented. ï hâve
said that I did not see the murder, but my servant did.
He was upstairs and saw a scuffle going on, but of
course did not know what it was about.'

The news of the crime sent a thrill through the
land. Agrarian outrages were common enough. But
political assassination was something new. 1 ' Had the
Fenians anything to do with it ? ' a correspondent of an
American paper asked Kickham. * I don't know/ was

1 The object of the assassins was to kill Burke. Lord Frederick
Cavendish was killed simply through the accident of his being with
Burke. ,

AA 2

356 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [i882

the answer ; ' but if they had they were Fenians Sedllced
by the Land League.' Candour compels me to say that
it was the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish which
produced a real feeling of sorrow and of shame among
the people. He was a stranger. He had never up to
that hour taken part in the government of the country.
He was an ' innocent ' man. An old Fenian — a hâter of
the Land League and ail its works — told me the
following anecdote, which I think fairly illustrâtes Irish
popular feeling : * I went into a shop/ he said, ' in New
York a few days after the murder to buy something.
I said casually to the man behind the counter : " This
is bad work." He agreed, and denounced the crime in
strong language. Hère, at ail events, thought I, is a
man who has escaped the influence of the Land
League. I turned to leave, and as I got to the door
he added : " What harm if it was only Burke ? But to
kill the strange gentleman who did nothing to us ! "
That was what he thought about it, and no doubt that
was what a great many other Irish people thought
about it too/

What thought Parnell ? There cannot be a ques-
tion that he was profoundly moved by the event. It
was not easy to startle him, to take him by surprise.
But the Phœnix Park murders did both. An out-
burst of agrarianism would probably hâve produced
no effect upon him. The reports which he had
received in prison rather prepared him for that.
Hère, however, was a new development for which he
was not prepared, and the exact meaning and extent of
which he did not on the instant grasp. As a rule, no
man was so ready in cases of emergency. Now he
collapsed utterly. He read the news in the ' Observer *
on Sunday morning, and went immediately to the

JEt. 36] PARNELL AND THE MURDERS 367

Westminster Palace Hôtel, where he found Davitt.
' He flung himself into a chair in my room/ says
Davitt, ' and declared he would leave public life. " How
can I," he said, " carry on a public agitation if I am
stabbed in the back in this way?" He was wild.
Talk of the calm and callous Parnell. There was not
much calmness or callousness about him that morning.'

Later in the day he called on Sir Charles Dilke
with Mr. Justin McCarthy.

'Parnell,' says Sir Charles, 'called upon me with
Mr. Justin McCarthy the morning after the Phœnix
Park murders. I never saw a man so eut up in my
life. He was pale, careworn, altogether unstrung.'

. ' On the Sunday after the Phœnix Park murders/
says Mr. Gladstone, ' while I was at lunch, a letter was
brought to me from Parnell. I was much touched
by it. He wrote evidently under strong émotion. He
did not ask me if I would advise him to retire from
public life or not. That was not how he put it. He
asked me what effect I thought the murder would hâve
on English public opinion in relation to his leadership
of the Irish party. Well, I wrote expressing my own
opinion, and what I thought would be the opinion of
others, that his retirement from public life would do no
good ; on the contrary, would do harm. I thought his
conduct in the whole matter very praiseworthy.'

Mr. John Redmond gives the following 'réminis-
cence ' : ' I was in Manchester the night of the Phœnix
Park murders. I heard that Cavendish and Spencer
had been killed. I went to the police station to make
inquiries, but they would not tell me anything. I made
a speech condemning the murder of Cavendish, saying
the Government was the real cause of the crime. The
" Times " reported my speech with the comment that

358 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL - [1882

I said nothing about Burke. Parnell spoke to me on
the subject. I told him that I did not know that
Burke had been killed when I made the speech. He
said, " Write to the ' Times ' and say so." I wrote to
the " Times. ,, They did not publish the letter.' l

À manifesto 2 signed by Parnell, Dillon, and Davitt
(who had been released from Dartmoor on that very
May 6) was immediately issued * to the Irish people,'
condemning the murders, and expressing the hope that
the assassins would be brought to justice. It concluded
with thèse words : ' We feel that no act lias ever been
perpetrated in our country during the exciting struggles
for social and political rights of the past fifty years that
has so stained the name of hospitable Ireland as this
cowardly and unprovoked assassination of a friendly
stranger, and that until the murderers of Lord Fre-
derick Cavendish and Mr. Burke are brought to justice
that stain will sully our country 's name.'

When the House of Commons met on May 8
Parnell was in his place, looking jaded, careworn,
anxious, and depressed. Hc had won a great victory.
He had beaten the Irish Executive. He had drawn the
Prime Minister to his side. He had obtained a promise
of more concessions, and there was every prospect that
the policy of coercion would be abandoned. His success
was complète, and now ail was jeopardised by a gang of
criminal lunatics. He had, so to say, hemmed in the
British forces opposed to him, only to find on his flank
an enemy whose power for mischief he could not at
that moment gauge.

The murders were the one topic referred to in Parlia-

1 The Times subsequently explained that they did not receive tht
letter.

* The manifesto was written by Davitt.

M*. 36] THE CRIMES BILL 359

ment on that 8th of May. Parnell made a short,
manly, straightforward speech, condemning the outrage
in unqualified terms, saying that it was a deadly blow
dealt to his party, and expressing the fear that, under
the circumstances, the Government would feel con-
strained to revert to the policy of coercion — a déplorable
prospect.

The Government did revert to the policy of coercion.
On May 11 Sir William Harcourt (the Home Secretary)
introduced a ' Crimes Bill/ based practically upon the
lines laid down by Lord Cowper in his letter to Mr.
Gladstone already quoted. 1 In certain cases (interalia)
trial by judges or by magistrates was substituted for
trial by jury, and power was given to the Executive to
summon witnesses and to carry on inquiries in secret,
even when no person was in custody chargea with
crime. Mr. Forster had his revenge. The assassins of
the Phœnix Park had, for the moment, placed him in a
position of triumph. They had in a single hour done
more to subdue the spirit of ^Parnell than he during
the whole of his administration. The Irish members,
of course, opposed the new Coercion Bill, opposed it
even with energy ; but it was clear ail the time that
they, and Parnell especially, fought under the shadow
of the crime of May 6. While keenly criticising the
détails of the measure and rebuking the Government
for this backward step, he spoke rather in sorrow than
in anger. There was a touch of pathos, a tone of
déjection, in his speeches which sounded unusual and
strange. Mr. Gladstone especially he treated with
the utmost gentleness ; nor did he attempt in any way
to conceal the bittemess of his conviction that the
Phœnix Park murders strengthened the hand of the

1 Ante,?. 328.

360 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1882

Government and weakened his own. He looked and
spoke like a man under a cloud. An extract from
one of his speeches on the Bill will perhaps suffice to
show the character of them ail. On May 29 he said :
' We hâve been contending against the right hon.
gentleman (Mr. Gladstone) for two years. We hâve
found him to be a great man and a strong man. I
even think it is no dishonour to admit that we should
not wish to be fought again in the same way by any-
body in the future. I regret that the event in the
Phœnix Park has prevented him continuing the course
of conciliation that we had expected from him. I
regret that owing to the exigencies of his party, of his
position in the country, he has felt himself compelled
to turn from that course of conciliation and concession
into the horrible paths of coercion.'

Nevertheless, the struggle over the measure was
protracted. There were many scènes. There was an
all-night sitting, and eighteen Irish members were
suspended.

Finally the Irish withdrew from the contest, pro-

testing : ' That inasmuch as the Irish parliamentary

party hâve been expelled from the House of Commons

under threat of physical force during the considération

of a mcafeure affecting vitally the rights and liberties of

Ireland, and as the Government during the enforced

absence of the Irish members from the House pressed

forward material parts of the measure in committee,

thus depriving the représentatives of the Irish people

of the right to discuss and to vote upon coercion

proposais for Ireland ; we, therefore, hereby résolve to

take no further part in the proceedings in committee on

the Coercion Bill, and we cast upon the Government

the sole responsibility for a Bill which has been urged

^Et. 36] THE ARREARS BILL 361

through the House by a course of violence and subter-
fuge, and which, when passed into law, will be devoid
of moral force and will be no constitutional Act of
Parliament.'

While it was going through the House Mr. Glad-
stone brought in the Arrears Bill. As the one measure
was based on Unes laid down by Lord Cowper, the other
was based on lines laid down by Parnell. During his
incarcération in Kilmainham he had practically drafted
the Bill. Mr. Healy tells a story à propos of this
subject which curiously illustrâtes how Parneirs super-
stitious instincts never deserted him :

* While the Kilmainham treaty was in préparation,
and the late Mr. W. E. Forster's throne in Dublin
Castle was being sapped by his prisoner from the jail
hard by, Mr. Parnell skilf ully hit on the idea of availing
himself of the introduction of an amending Land Bill,
for which the Irish party had won a Wednesday for
a second reading debate, as the public basis of his
arrangement with Mr. Gladstone. The Bill was after-
wards moved by Mr. John Eedmond, in April 1882, and
one of the clauses became the Government Arrears Act
of that year. To frame such a measure in prison légal
help of course was necessary, and Parnell asked Mr.
Maurice Healy to visit the prison and discuss the matter,
which he did for several days.

' Even at so early a date af ter the passage of the
Land Act of 1881 that enactment had been riddled by
the judges in provisions vital to the tenants* interest.
There was, therefore, a great outcry for amendments, and
various proposais were discussed in turn in the prison.
One suggestion, however, which my brother made Mr.
Parnell refused to adopt. He was pressed again and
again as to its necessity, but into the Bijl he would not

862 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

allow it to go. The enemies of the alleged agrarian
jacquerie in Ireland little supposed that at its head was
a moderate, almost conservative, leader, averse, except
when driven to it by the " stokers " of the movement, to
lend his approval to extrême demands. Indeed, later
on, as his power increased, he grew still more moderate,
so that Mr. Biggar once said of him, musingly, "I
wonder what are Parnell's real poli tics ! " At ail events,
by Easter 1882 Mr. Parnell, having obtained a fort-
night's release on parole, had effected an understanding
with Mr. Chamberlain, who was acting for the anti-
Forster section in the Cabinet, and he was extremely
anxious for some compromise. He was, therefore,
unwilling that the proposed Land Bill should be
weighted with unacceptable provisions, so the measure
took shape without the clauses which his young adviser
recommended. After some days a draft was got ready
to be sent across to Westminster, where it was urgently
required, as the Bill had to be printed and distributed
the following Wednesday. When ail was completed
a fair copy was taken up to the prison, lest any
final revising touches should be required before being
posted. Clause by clause the great prisoner went
over his Bill, until at last the final page was reached.
Thcn he turned over the leaves again and counted the
clauses. Suddenly, having contemplated the reckoning,
he threw the manuscript on the table as if he had been
stung. " Why," said he, " this will never do ! " " What
is the inatter? " said his solicitor, in alarm. " Thereare
thirteen clauses," said Mr. Parnell; "we can't hâve
thirteen clauses.*' " But is there anything out of order
in that?" asked the other, wondcring whether some
point of parliamentary practice could be involved.
" No," said Mr. Parnell sternly ; " but what Bill ^ith

iET. 36] THE ARREAJtS BILL 863

thirteen clauses could hâve any chance ? It would be
horribly unlucky." This was a staggerer for the
draftsman. Not even the treaty with Mr. Cham-
berlain and the promise of favourable considération of
the Bill by the Cabinet could induce the wary prisoner
to risk a défiance of his boyhood's teaching. His
amazed adviser then asked what was to be done — could
any clause be omitted ? It was late in the afternoon,
post hour approached, and another day's delay might
prevent the draft reaching the Queen's printers in
London in time for distribution to members before the
second reading. The humour of the situation did
not at ail strike the légal mind at this crisis. A hasty
dissection of the Bill was made, but only to disclose
that it could not well be shorn of a clause. What
could be hit upon ? There in bewilderment and anxiety
stood the statesman and draftsman in her Majesty's
prison at Kilmainham, eyeing each other in despair in
the darkening cell as the minutes to post hour slipped
away. At last a gleam flashed from Mr. Parneirs eyes,
half ironical, half triumphant. " I hâve it," said he.

" Add that d d clause of yours, and that will get

us out of the difficulty." It was an inspiration, and so
it was done.' 1

This Arrears Bill (which became law in July and
applied only to tenancies under 30Z.) provided that the
tenants' arrears should be cancelled on the following
conditions :

1. That the tenant should pay the rent due in 1881.

2. That of the antécédent arrears he should pay one
year's rent, the State another.

1 Westminster Gazette, November 2, 1892. « This danse,' saya
Mr. Healy, ' though not adopted then, was ultimately embodied in the
Tory Land Act of 1887.'

364 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

3. That the tenant should satisfy a légal tribunal of
his inability to pay the whole of the arrears.

We hâve seen how Mr. Healy describes Parnell as
a man of moderate and even conservative tendencies.
The description is true. Never was a revolutionary
movement led by so conservative a politician. He was
not violent by choice. He was only violent through
necessity. When the exigencies of the situation de-
manded, he never hesitated to raise a popular storm.
When the occasion required, he was the first to throw
oil upon the troubled waters. At this crisis he desired
a calm in public affairs, because the country had got out
of hand and he wanted a lull to take his bearings
afresh and to shape the future course of the agitation.

On May 6 he had gone to Dartmoor to meet
Davitt. They travelled to London together. ' Ail the
the way,' said Davitt, ' he talked of the state of the
country, said it was dreadful, denounced the Ladies'
Land League, swore at everybody, and spoke of anarchy
as if he were a British Minister bringing in a Coercion
Bill. I never saw him so wild and angry ; the Ladies 9
Land League had, he declared, taken the country out
of his hands, and should be suppressed. I defended
the ladies, saying that after ail they had kept the bail
rolling while he was in jail. " I am out now," said he,
" and I don't want thein to keep the bail rolling any
more. The League must be suppressed, or I will leave
public life."

1 In August we met at Dublin. The Ladies' League
wanted 500/. I called on Parnell, at Morrison's Hôtel,
and asked him for a chèque for that amount. " No/' he
said, " not a shilling ; they hâve squandered the money
given to them, and I shall take care that they get no
more." I said ; " But, Mr. Parnell, their debts must be

Mr. 36] SLOWING DOWN THE AGITATION Sté

paid whatever happens." But he would not discuss the
matter. I left him in a bit of a temper, and Would not
corne back when he sent Dillon for me later in the day.
Next day, however, I saw him again. He gave me
the chèque. " There," said he, "let those ladies make
the most of it. They will get no more money from me,
and let the League be dissolved at once." '

I believe the Ladies* Land League was never
formally dissolved, but it died of inanition, for Parnell
stopped the supplies.

The Land League had been suppressed by the
Government.

The Ladies* Land League was practically suppressed
by Parnell.

There was now no public organisation. It was
necessary to found one. Parnell, however, moved
slowly. He had made the Kilmainham treaty. He
wished to keep it. ' There is one thing about the man/
said Mr. Forster, ' of which I am quite sure — his word
can be relied on.'

It was difficult for him to keep the Kilmainham
compact, for the Crimes Act, which violated the letter
if not the spirit of the treaty, exasperated the people
and made the Government intensely unpopular. Never-
theless Parnell kept his word. ' What are your inten-
tions?' said Mr. Dillon, who thought that the land
agitation should still be carried on with fierce energy.
' Do you mean to carry on the war or to slow down the
agitation ? ' ' To slow down the agitation/ said Parnell,
with emphasis.

Mr. Davitt wished Land Nationalisation to be made
a plank in the new platform.

Parnell said « No.'

'He was/ says Mr. Davitt, 'opposed to a fresh

306 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

land agitation, and wished to keep solely on the Home
Bule tack.'

Brennan (who with Davitt and Egan made the
working triumvirate of the Land League) denounced
Parnell privately for his modération, said his days of
usefulness had gone by, and ultimately left the country
in disgust. Before leaving he had asked Parnell to
send him on a mission to Australia. Parnell refused
point blank, and sent Mr. Redmond instead. Egan
(who had already left Ireland) used ail his influence to
keep the agitation on the old lines, but in vain. No one
could prevail against the inexorable Chief.

On August 16 he was presented with the freedom of
the City of Dublin. He asked permission to sign the
roll in private. He wanted no public démonstration,
but the corporation insisted on it. He then made a
short speech, warning his audience that an ' Indepen-
dent Irish Party* could not be maintained 'for any
length of time' in the English House of Commons,
and urging them to concentrate their énergies on that
' great object of ref orm which has always possessed the
hearts of the Irish people at home and abroad, I mean the
restoration of the législative independence of Ireland.' •
Afterwards he went to Avondale and Aughavanagh
to enjoy a brief period of repose. Mr. John Redmond,
who joined him at the latter place, tells the following
anecdote à propos of Parnell's relations with his people
in the country. ' One day,' says Mr. Bedmond, * we
were walking up a mountain, and we met an old man,
a tenant on the property, named Whitty. " Whitty,"
said Parnell, "y ou hâve been on the land for many
years, you never pay me any rent, and ail I ask you is
to keep the sheep off the mountains when I am ont
shooting, and, you old villain, you don't even do that." •

/Et. 80] A NEW ORGANISATION 367

'Used he to talk politics to you?' I asked Mr.
Redmond. 'No/ he answered, 'his conversation was
principally about sporting. He was always looking for
gold in Wicklow. Gold, sport, and the applied sciences
were his subjects out of Parliament.'

In October the new organisation was founded.

' On the Sunday previous to the convention,' says
Mr. Healy, * I went in the evening to Morrison's
Hôtel with the draf t constitution, which Parnell wished
to talk over. This was in the month of October
1882. I found him in bed, and apparently poorly
enough. Seeing this I suggested postponing the work
of revision. " Oh, no," said he ; " it is nothing." After
a pause he added, musingly, " Something happens
to me always in October." This remark fell from him
as if he were announcing a decree of fate, and struck
me intensely. October, in Mr. Parnell's horoscope,
was a month of " influence," and he always regarded it
with appréhension.

* In October 1879 he became Président of the Land
League, which was then started for the first time, and
he was commissioned to visit America to spread the
new movement and collect funds. In October 1880
the agrarian agitation in Ireland culminated, and the
Government commenced the State prosecutions of that
year. Curiously enough, in the same month of that
year, for some occult reason, Mr. Parnell divested
himself of his beard and made himself almost unrecog-
nisable by the people. In October 1881 he was arrested,
and arrested, strange to say, on October 13. In October
1886 he sickened almost to death in the critical autumn
follpwing the rejection of the Home Eule Bill. In
October of that year also the Plan of Campaign, as he
complained, was published by Mr. Harrington without

8«8 CHARLES STEWART PAÉNELL [ltt2

his authority or that of the Irish party. The resnlt was
the enactment of the perpétuai Coercion Act of 188Ï
and the éviction of many tenants, whose fate deeply
affected the Irish party in their décision in Boom 15
against Mr. Parneirs leadership. Strangest of ail, in
view of his prémonitions, is the fact that it was in the
month of October that he died so unexpectedly in 1891.
A belief that a particular month might be " influential "
would probably react with depressing effect on physical
health at the critical period and thus weaken the
resisting power at that time. Nevertheless, the stoutest
disbeliever in unseen influence will deem the coinci-
dences noteworthy.

1 On this Sunday of October 1882, while I worked
away at the draft constitution of the National League
in Morrison's Hôtel, the sick man lay with his face to
the wall, replying composedly now and again as to the
points which remained to be settled in it. I wrote at a
table by his bedside, on which four candies stood
lighted. Ilours passed b) r , and being engrossed in the
work I did not heed the fact that one of the candies
was burning to the socket and finally spluttered itself
out. A stir from the patient aroused me, and I looked up.
With astonishment I saw that Mr. Parnell had turned
round, raised himself in the bed, and, leaning over my
table, was furiously blowing out one of the remaining
candies. " What on earth is that for ? " said I, amazed
at this performance. " I want more light than that."
His eyeB gleamed weirdly in their pale setting as he
answered : " Don't you know that nothing is more
unlucky than to hâve three candies burning? " Almost
petrified, I confessed that I did not. " Your consti-
tution, then, would hâve been very successflill, ,, said he
with quiet sarcasm, and he turned his face to the wall

iET. 86] THE NATIONAL LEAGUE 369

again, evidently persuaded that his intervention alone
had averted some political catastrophe. The conviction
which he threw into his words, the instant motion to
quench the unlucky candie at some inconvenience to
himself and without a warning to me, the strange seer-
like face, and the previous forebodings about October,
made up a situation which felt almost awesome. It
would hâve been as irreverent to smile as it would be
to scoff in the présence of believers at the worship of
their unknown gods. Aiterwards I learnt that three
candies are lit at wakes in Ireland around a corpse —
possibly in some distant way to symbolise or révérence
the Trinity.' l

On October 17 the convention met. Parnell pre-
sided. The National League was formed. Home Rule
was put in the forefront. Land reform, local self-
government, parliamentary and municipal reform came
after. The Président announced the policy of the
future in a brief and pithy speech. He said : ' I wish
to affirm the opinion which I hâve expressed ever since
I first stood upon an Irish platform, that until we obtain
for the majority of the people of this country the right
of making their own laws we shall never be able and
we never can hope to see the laws of Ireland in
accordance with the wishes of the people of Ireland, or
calculated, as they should, to bring about the permanent
prosperity of our country. And I would always désire
to impress upon my fellow countrymen that their first
duty and their first object is to obtain for our country the
right of making her own laws upon Irish soil.' Then,
turning to the subject of land, he added : ' I wish to
re-affirm the belief which I hâve expressed upon every
platform upon which I hâve stood since the commence-

1 Westminster Gazette, November 8, 1893.
VOL. I. BB

870 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882"

ment of the land agitation — that no solution of the
land question can be accepted as a final one that does
not insure the occupying farmers the right of becoming
owners by purchase of the holdings which they now
occupy as tenants.'

Home Eule and a peasant proprietary were, then,
the principal planks of the new platform.

Later in the year Parnell sent Mr. Eedmond to
Àustralia and to America to collect funds for the League.
Mr. Redmond had some strange expériences. ' When
I arrived at Sydney,' he says, ' the Phœnix Park
murders were the talk of the colony. I received a
chilling réception. AU the respectable people who had
promised support kept away. The priests would not
help me, except the Jesuits, who were friendly to me as
an old Clongowes boy. The man — a leading citizen —
who had promised to take the chair at my first meeting
would not corne. Sir Harry Parkes, the Prime Minister,
proposed that I should be expelled the colony, but the
motion was defeated. The Irish working men stood
by me, and in fact saved the situation. They kept me
going until telegrams arrived exculpating the parlia-
mentary party. Then ail the Irish gradually came
around and ultimately flocked to my meetings. I col-
lected 15,000/. and went to America. Fenians did
everything for us there. Without them we could hâve
done nothing. I addressed a great meeting at the Opéra
House, Chicago. Boyle O'Reilly was in the chair.
There were 10,000 people présent. It was a grand
eight. It was grand to see the Irish united as they
were then. I was escorted to the meeting by the
Governor and the Mayor, and the streets were lined
with soldiers, who presented arms as we passed.'

During the winter Parnell addressed a few meetings

JET. 36] ' FIGHT AND STICK TOGETHER ' 371

in the country, speaking with studied modération, and
showing clearly that it was his wish to keep things
quiet for the présent. Alderman Eedmond, who travelled
with him by train to one of thèse meetings — from
Waterford to Dungarvan and back — has given me the
following note of a conversation which took place
between them :

'I found Parnell a pleasant companion. He did
not like talking, but he listened to you with great
attention. I said : " Mr. Parnell, how do you think
Home Eule is getting on ? " " Very well, M he answered.
" If the people pull steadily together we shall get it in
a few years."

' Alderman Bedmond. " Surely, Mr. Parnell, the
English people are strongly opposed to Home Eule.
You will take a long time to bring them round."

' Parnell. " They were strongly opposed to Catholic
Emancipation, but they had to corne round in the end.
O'Connell had nothing like our power ; he stood almost
alone. We hâve only to fight and stick together, and
we will win. We must not yield an inch. You get
nothing from the English by yielding."

"Alderman Bedmond. "But, Mr. Parnell, some
people think that we are not fit for Home Eule, that we
would misuse it. They say ail this in the North."

' Parnell. " The North certainly show us a bad ex-
ample, for they exclude Catholics from ail power there.
There might be difficulties in working Home Eule at
first, but the good sensé of the country would make
things right after a time. Even the fears of the North
would soon be set at rest."

'Alderman Bedmond. "How would you make
Ireland prosper under Home Eule? "

'Parnell (laughing). " Well, I will ask you another

bb2

372 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

question. How can any country prosper that has not
the management of its own affaire, of its own income ?
Do you think England would prosper if she were to
allow France to take care of her purse ? The income
of Ireland is nearly 8,000,000Z. a year. Where does it
ail go to ? England can do, is doing, what she likes
with it. An Irish Government could keep down ex-
penses. Take the one item of police. We could save
a million under that head alone. We do not want the
costly establishments of England.*'

' Alderman Redmond. "What would you do with
the landlords ? "

' Parnell. " I would treat them fairly and honestly.
I would encourage them to live quietly among their
own people. I would give them a fair share of parlia-
mentary honours, and I would make them happy in
their own country, which they are not at présent."

' In returning from Dungarvan to Waterford I said
to him, " Well, Mr. Parnell, you made a good, sensible
speech to-day." He replied, " I hâte public speaking,
and always feel nervous before and after I get on a
public platform." '

Mr. William Kedmond (who had been in Kilmain-
ham with Parnell) made a ' treasonable ' speech in
Cork towards the end of the year 1882, and subse-
quently left Ireland. Soon after his departure a
warrant was issued for his arrest. Learning this, he
wrote to Parnell, expressing his wish to return and
' face the music.' Parnell replied :

Parnell to Mr. William Redmond

4 House of Commons : December 6, 1882.

'Dear Mr. Redmond, — Your letter of the lst
instant to bond, and I am strongly of opinion that you

JEr. 26]

A DARK PERIOD

373

ought not to return. You should carry out your
original programme of going to Nice and looking after
your health. If you were to corne back now you would
be certain to be sentenced to a period of imprisonment
with hard labour, and in any case the state of your
health will be in a better position to face a prosecution
when you return than it is now. I hope, however, that
the matter will hâve blown over by then.

' Yours very truly,

' Chas. S. Parnell.'

Mr. Eedmond ultimately joined his brother in
Australia. When he returned the matter had blown over. !

The year 1882 marks one of the darkest periods
in the land agitation in Ireland. The following table,
submitted by Sir Charles Kussell to the Parnell Com-
mission, speaks volumes : 2

Agrarian Crime for the Whole op Ireland

Two years, 188U-81.
Average for two years.

Total In 1882 alone.

Murders ....
Firing at persons
Incendiary fires and arson .
Cattle outrages .
Threatening letters .
Firing into dwellings

45£

283

128

1,764

105

281

144

2,009

117

Totals .

2,338

2,635

1 ' I was at Parnell's house, Ironsides, Bordenstown, in 1882/ says
Mr. William Redmond, * when Fanny Parnell died. She died very
suddenly. One day she went out for a walk. She returned in a great
state of excitement with a copy of the New York Herald in her hand.
It was the time of the Egyptian war, and there was a rumour of an
English defeat. I remember well seeing Fanny burst into the drawing
room, waving the paper over her head, and saying, " Oh, mother, there is
an Egyptian victory. Arabi has whipped the Britishers. It is grand."
That was the last time I saw Fanny Parnell alive. Next day she died
quite suddenly.'

* Sir Charles Russell's speech before the Parnell Commission,
p. 294.

374 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1882

It was especially a year of sensational murders. In
January, the Huddys, Lord Ardilaun's bailiffs, were
killed. In February, Bernard Bailey, an informer, was
shot dead in a crowded thoroughfare in Dublin. In
March, Joseph McMahon, another informer, was killed.
In April, as bas been said, Mrs. Smythe was shot dead
in open day while driving in a carriage with her
brother-in-law from church. 1 In May, the Phœnix
Park murders took place. In June, Mr. Walter
Bourke, a land agent, Mr. Blake, another land agent,
Mr. Keene, a land steward, and Mr. McCausland were
killed. In August, the Joyce family were killed afc
Maamtrasna, because it was said that they knew the
murderers of the Huddys and might give évidence
against them. In November, an unsuccessful attempt
was made to assassinate Mr. Justice Lawson. In the
saine month, Field, who had served on a jury which
had convicted a prisoner charged with the murder of a
policeman, was stabbed almost to death just outside his
housc in North Frederick Street, Dublin. The country
recked with blood. Mr. Forster had hoped to restrain
the ' dissolute ruffians ' of Ireland. In truth, he had,
unwittingly, let them loose.

No man was more deeply concerned by the dis-
tracted condition of Ireland in 1882 than Parnell. He
was not ' alarmed ' because English public opinion was
* shocked.' He had no faith in the fine moral sensé of
the English. 'Much the English care,' he had said,
' for the shooting of a few landlords in Ireland/ He
looked upon the English as a nation of hypocrites.
' They murder and plunder,' he would say, « ail over the
world, and then they howl when somebody is killed in
Ireland, because the killing is of no use to them.' He
1 The ballet was intended for her brother-in-law.

JE?. 36] VIEWS OF ENGLISH STATESMEN 375

would as soon hâve thought of favouring a plan for the
construction of a railway to the moon as appealing to
the moral sensé of England. Therefore, when moderate
men used to say to him, ' Mr. Parnell, you ought to
restrain your people; nothing shocks a law-abiding
commnnity like the English so much as lawlessness,'
he would simply smile. His one idea of dealing with
the English was to put thein in a tight place. He felt
that English party leaders thought as much and no
more of the ' morality ' of the ' moves ' in the game of
politics than a chess player thinks of the morality of
the moves in a game of chess. An English statesman
was to him an individual who would risk his soûl to sit
on the Treasury bench. It was the duty of the Irish
agitator to see that the English statesman should sit on
the Treasury bench only on his conditions. An outburst
of lawlessness in Ireland was regarded by Parnell simply
with a view to its effect on the national 'movement/
And, in his opinion, at this moment there was every
danger that the extrême wing of his army might, under
the evil influences of men who gained the upper hand
while he was in jail, run amuck, which could only end in
the disorganisation and collapse of the National cause.
Mr. Dillon and Davitt did not see eye to eye with
Mr. Parnell. The former, as I hâve said, was of opinion
that the land agitation ought still to be kept at fever
heat. The latter thought that there ought to be a new
development of that agitation in the direction of land
nationalisation. Parnell differed from both and would
not yield a jot to either. Mr. Dillon was much incensed
and threatened to resign his seat in Parliament. Parnell
did not want this. He did not wish to see the smallest
rif t within the lute ; but he would not give way. It was
about this time that Mr. Dillon went to Avondale to

376 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

ask him point blank if he meant to ' slow down ' the
agitation. On receiving his Chiefs answer, delivered
with inexorable précision, and acting on the advice of
his médical attendant, Mr. Dillon sailed for Colorado
and troubled Parnell no more.

Davitt's opposition was a more serious affair. He
was a power. He had the ' Irish World ' at his back.
He could easily hâve formed an anti-Parnellite party in
America. He could not, of course, hâve driven Parnell
from the position of Irish leader, for ail Ireland was
now solid for the Chief — the Church, the farmers, and
many of the rank and file of the Fenians, who* had,
contrary to the direction of the suprême council, joined
the Land League — but he could hâve made divisions
in the ranks. The ' Irish World ' was only too ready
to dethrone Parnell, whom Ford disliked for his modéra-
tion and his strength. Had Davitt only spoken the word
there would probably hâve been an internecine struggle
full of péril to the national interests. Parnell knew
this well. The one thing he detested was a quarrel
with any set of Irishmen. But he felt that, at ail costs,
the Extremists should be taught that he was master.
He would take money from his American allies. He
would remain in alliance with them. But the direction
of the national movement should rest in his hands, and
in his hands alone. He had no notion of allowing his
American auxiliaries to boss the situation, and that they
meant to boss it he had not a particle of doubt. America
should help, but should not lead Ireland. That was
the principle on which he acted.

His feelings towards Davitt were friendly. He had
always the warmest sympathies for a man who had
suffered so much for Ireland. He always recognised
the power and the usefulness of the political convict.

^Et. 36] PARNELL AND DAVITT 377

Davitt, we know, was the connecting-link with America,
and ParnelFs policy was to curb, not break with, the
Americans. Davitt had therefore to be kept by his side,
while Davitt's pet scheme of Land Nationalisation had
to be flung to the winds. It was in the manipulation
of affairs of this nature that Parnell excelled. In such
cases the charm of his personality, the strength of his
character told. He did not conquer you by argument.
He threw over you the spell of irrésistible fascination,
or impressed you with an uneasy sensé of relentless
authority. I hâve said that, ' had Davitt only spoken
the word there would probably hâve been an internecine
struggle full of péril to the national interests/ He did
not speak it. He made no attempt at revolt. He
tried to convert Parnell to his views. He failed and
submitted.

' Parnell and I differed seriously,' says Davitt, ' but
we remained fairly good friends almost to the end.'

From 1882 onwards there was constant friction
between Parnell and the Extremists. Nevertheless he
held ail the Nationalist forces together ; he presented
an unbroken front to the common enemy. It is dan-
gerous for an Irish leader to be * moderate.' He runs
the risk of exposing himself to the fatal charge of
' Whiggery.' Yet in his 'moderate' days this charge
was never levelled at Parnell. Why? Simply because
he never won, never wished to win, the applause of the
British public. Butt's fate was scaled the moment he
fell in anydegree under English influence, the moment
English cheers in the House of Commons became
pleasant to his ears. Parnell never fell in the slightest
degree under English influence, and he avoided an
English cheer as a skilful pilot would keep clear of the
breakers on a rock-bound coast. He did nothing to

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CHARLES STEWAKT FABNELL

VOL. II.

378 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1882

please Englishmen at the expense of any Irishman ;
indeed, he did nothing to please them at ail. This gave
him his strength. He was asked upon one occasion
to move a resolution in public condemning outrages.
' No/ said he ; ' I dislike outrages as much as any man,
but I am not going to act police for the English
Government. ' ' Why do y ou not keep your young
barbarians in order, Mr. Parnell ? ' a friend said to him
one night in the House of Commons. ' Ah ! ' said
Parnell, ' I like to see them flesh their spears.'

It was in his moderate days that Parnell spoke the
following words, which sank deeply into the Fenian
niind : ' I do not wish to attach too much importance
to what can be gained by the action of your members
in the House of Commons. Much good has resulted,
and much good will resuit, from an independent parlia-
mentary représentation, but I hâve never claimed for
parliamentary action anything more than its just share
of weight.'

' Extrême ' or ' moderate/ Parnell held his ground
because the Irish, ' at home and abroad,' were convinced
— and he took good care never under any circumstances
to weaken the conviction — that he was ever the un-
changing cneiny of England.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME

CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

VOL. IL

THE LIFE

CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

I846- l89I

R. BARRY O'BRIEN

OF THE MIDDLE TEMPLE, BABBIBTEB-AT-LAW
AUTHOR OF 'FIFTY YEABB OF CONCESSIONS TO IBELAND ' ETC.

IN TWO VOLUMES— VOL. IL

HARPER AND BROTHERS

PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK
1898

CONTENTS

THE SECOND VOLUME

•<

CHAFTKK VJMK

XV. The Grimes Act , ■ ■ • • • 1

XVI. Wooing Parnell 84

XVII. The Carnarvon Controversy , . . « 58
(By Sir Charité Oavan Duffy)

XVIII. The General Election of 1885 . • • • 96

XIX. Home Rule Bill of 1886 111

XX. The New Parliament 160

XXI. The Forged Letter 197

XXII. A New Trouble 285

XXIII. AtBay 257

XXIV. Kilkenny 289

XXV. The Boulogne Negotiations . 810

XXVI. Nearing thk End 880

XXVII. An Appréciation 853

Appendix 869

Index 873

Avondale Fronttspiece

Facsimilk Letter to Dr. Kënky. . To face j>. 181

THE LIFE

CHARLES STEWART PARNELL

CHAPTER XV

THE CRIMES ACT

The Government of Lord Spencer soon became as
odious as the Government of Lord Cowper. This was
inévitable. No English governor can rule Ireland by
coercion and win the popular favour. ' The question
is/ said Lalor Shiel, ' do you wish to rule Ireland by
putting yourselves in contact or in collision with the
people ? ' It was the wish of Lord Spencer to rule
Ireland by putting himself in contact with the people.
But the Phœnix Park murders forced the Ministry to
pass a Coercion Act, 1 which, in the words of Parnell,
' Lord Spencer administered up to the hilt.'

The beginning of the year 1883 was signalised by
a séries of blunders on the part of the Administration.
Mr. Biggar had made a fierce attack upon the Viceroy.

1 August 16, 1882. There was an autumn session of Parliament in
1882, when the closure, the most effective measure bitberto taken
against obstruction, was passed.

VOL, II. B

2 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1883

Proceedings were taken against him. He was com-
mitted for trial. Then the prosecution was suddenly
dropped. Mr. William O'Brien published a seditious
libel in ' United Ireland.' He was prosecuted and was
sent for trial. The jury disagreed, and he was dis-
charged. Mr. Davitt and Mr. Healy were sentenced to
six months' imprisonment because they refused to find
sureties to keep the peace. They were discharged at
the end of three months. 1

Ail thèse measures, feeble in their ' strength,' served
pnly tô discrédit the Government, to consolidate the
Nationalists, to lessen the chances of a split, to improve
the position of the Extremists, and to make it more
difficult for Parnell to persévère in his efforts to keep
the Kilmainham treaty.

1 * I delivered a very strong speech, 1 says Mr. Davitt, ' in view of the
possible return of distress, and I threatened that if the Government did
not undertake some public works I would call upon the starving
peasantry of the west to march down on some fruitful lands whioh their
ancestors were given to make room for cattle. I was prosecuted for
that speech under a statute of Edward III., and sentenced to imprison-
ment or to find bail. I refused to find bail, and was sent to prison. I
was released after three months.' — Davitt' s évidence before the Spécial
Commission, Qs. 86,906-7.

Mr. William O'Brien's article was entitled ' Accusing Spirits,' and it
dealt with a subject which at the moment excited a good deal of
popular interest. Four men had been hanged for the murder of the
Joyces. One of thèse men, Myles Joyce, asseverated his innooenoe
on the scaffold. The other three prisoners admitted their guilt, bat
declared in a paper (which had been Bubmitted to the Lord Lieu-
tenant) that Myles Joyce was innocent. Nevertheless he was hanged.
Mr. O'Brien, expressing the popular view, denounced the Government
as judicial murderers. Guriously enough the judge— the lato Lord
Justice Barry— who tried the prisoners was much impressed by the
statement of the three men who asserted the innocence of Myles Joyce.
' The évidence against Myles Joyce,' he said subsequently to an Irish
Q.C., ' seemed to me to be as strong as the evidenoe against the other
prisoners, and yet I find it very difficult to believe that thèse three men
(who did not deny their own guilt) should on the verge of the grave
hâve insisted on the innocence of Myles Joyce if he were guilty too.'
Bightly.or wrongly, the people of the district believed in the innooenoe
of Myles Joyoe, and his exécution made the Government intente]/
unpopular.

Mt. 37] ARREST OF PHŒNIX PARK MURDERERS 3

The Executive, however, showed more vigour in their
pursuit of the Phœnix Park murderers. In January
they were arrested. In February the public inquiry
began. There was startling évidence ; there were
' astounding révélations.' As the investigation pro-
ceeded Englishmen cherished the hope that proof of
complicity in the crime would be brought home to the
parliamentary party, perhaps to Parnell himself, and
that the ' Home Eule bubble ' would thus at length be
effectually pricked. One of the murderers, James
Carey, turned informer, and gave everyone away.
Carey was a Home Euler. He was personally known
to several of the Irish members, one of whom had
proposed him as a member of the Dublin Town
Council. The knives with which the murders were
committed had been concealed in the London office of
the National League. They had been brought to
Dublin by Mrs. Frank Byrne, the wife of the paid
secretary of the English organisation. Byrne himself
was particeps criminis.

Thèse révélations whetted the English appetite,
and every day the newspaper reports Were eagerly
scanned in the expectation of finding that the Irish
members themselves were involved in the plots of
the 'Invincibles/ 'This,' Sir William Harcourt is
reported to hâve said, ' will take the starch out of
the boys. 1

Mr. Forster would hâve been more than human if
he did not take advantage of the public excitement and
the public sympathy — for the Phœnix Park inquiry
proved that his lif e had been almost constantly in
danger — to strike at Parnell, and even at the Ministry.
An amendment to the Address (moved by Mr. Gorst),
expressing the hope that the récent change in Irisl*

»2

4 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

policy would be maintained, that no f urther concessions
would be made to lawless agitators, and that the secret
societies would continue to receive the energetic vigilance
of the Government, gave him his chance.

On February 22 he came down to the House full of
fight and bent on vengeance. He had been thrown
over by Mr. Gladstone at the instigation of one of his
colleagues in the Cabinet and under the skilf ul manipu-
lation of Parnell, who had used the hostility of that
colleague to accomplish his overthrow. He would
now expose his enemies. He would show that the
man with whom Mr. Gladstone had treated, with
whom Mr. Chamberlain had intrigued, was the enemy
of En gland, and the head of a lawless and rebellions
agitation aimed at the very heart of the Empire. He
had a popular thème, and he did it justice. His indict-
ment of Parnell was trenchant and éloquent, pitched
in a key which pleased old Whigs and delighted young
Tories. The Opposition roared themselves hoarse with
joy at every sentence, not merely because the oration
was calcul ated to damage Parnell, but much more
because it was calculated to bring discrédit on the
Government.

The whole Libéral party would hâve cheered
vociferously too, but they felt that the ex-Chief
Secretary was girding at their own leader as well as at
the Irish ' rebel ' whom they abhorred, and this con-
sidération kept them in restraint. In the speech itself
there was nothing new. It was, in fact, based on a
pamphlet published some months before by Mr. Arnold
Forster entitled ' The Truth about the Land Leagne *
— a pamphlet made up of extracts from the inflam-
matory and seditious speeches and newspaper articles
of the Leaguers. Mr. Forster spoke from this brief f

JEt. 37] MR. FORSTER'S INDICTMENTS 5

and proved himself an able, an adroit, a véhément
advocate. He certainly had a sympathetic jury to
address, but he deserves the crédit of having played
upon their feelings, their passions, and their pré-
judices with complète success. The burden of the
speech may be summed up in a sentence spoken by
Mr. Gladstone himself on another occasion : ' Crime
dogged the footsteps of the League.* For this crime,
the * outcome of the agitation,' Mr. Forster held
Parnell, the leader ' of the agitation,' responsible. This
was the gravamen of the indictment :

'My charge is against the hon. member for the
city of Cork. . . . It has been often enough stated and
shown by statistics that murder followed the meetings
and action of the Land League. Will the hon. member
deny and disprove that statement? I will repeat
again wh'at the charge is which I make against him.
Probably a more serious charge was never made by
any member of this House against another member.
It is not that he himself directly planned or perpetrated
outrages or murders, but that he either connived at
them or, when warned, did not use his influence to
prevent them.'

This was Mr. Forster's case. What thoughts
passed through Parnell's mind while he sat listening
to the indictment, hearing the wild cheers with which
it was received, and watching the angry glances flashed
at himself from almost every part of the House ?

He stood arraigned of high crimes and misde-
meanours at the bar of English public opinion. Of ail
the agitators he had been singled out as the chief
criminal ; he alone was to be cast to the lions. Yet
what was the exact measure of his guilt ? He was
certainly the ' head of the organisation.' He had

6 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

favoured a 'forward policy,' united extrême and
moderate men, kept the agitation at fever heat, and
fanned the flame of discontent into a blaze which
overwhelmed the enemies of his country. What
was the resuit ? A measure of reform which revolu-
tionised the System of land tenure in Ireland, and,
despite grave defects, gave the masses of the people a
chance — long withheld — of working out their own sal-
vation by honest labour and industrious exertion. He
had certainly never acted ' police ' for the British
Government ; he never would. He had never stretched
forth a hand to arrest any movement tending to sap
the foundation of British authority in Ireland, and he
never would. Yet from the passing of the Land Act
in 1881 to the hour of Mr. Forster's indictment his
influence had been used to hold the Extremists in
check ; not, indeed, in the interests of England, not
under the pressure of English opinion, but in the
interest of Ireland, and under the pressure of the con-
viction that, for her sake, the time had corne to
slow down the agitation. He met with opposition in
his own ranks, made enemies in America, ran the risk
of disunion ; nevertheless he was bent on playing the
part of moderator when, in the autumn of 1881, he
was attacked by the English Press, denounced by the
Prime Minister, and flung into jail by Mr. Forster.
On his release he took up the work of slowing down
the agitation precisely where he had left it on the day
of his arrest. He had made a treaty with the Prime
Minister, and was doing ail in his power to keep it,
though the Prime Minister had thrown almost insur-
mountable obstacles in his way. Determined on a
'truce of God,' he had incurred the displeasure of
Davitt, earned the enmity of the * Irish World/ and

jEt. 87] REPLY TO MR. FORSTER 7

been constrained to dispense with the services of Mr.
Djllon, Mr. Egan, and Mr. Brennan.

It was at this moment, when ail his efforts were
being used to keep the peace in Ireland, that Mr. Forster
decided to hold him up to public odium as a criminal,
with whom no honourable man could associate. But
what was Mr. Forster, what was English opinion, to
him ? He had to think of his own countrymen, and of
his own countrymen only. Mr. Forster's attack and
the English cheers which welcomed it would serve him
with them. That was the main fact. The answer to
the Extremists, who called him a reactionary, would
be Forster' s speech ; thus fortified he could moderate
the agitation without exposing himself to the odious
charge of Whiggery. He could hold them in check
without forfeiting his réputation as an advanced
politician ; he could keep ail the Nationalist forces
together without breaking the treaty of Kilmainham.
The expression — sometimes indiffèrent, sometimes
scornful, sometimes sinister —which passed over his face
while Mr. Forster was speaking faithfully reflected
the thoughts within. Only for an instant did he show
the least sign of émotion. It was when the late Chief
Secretary said : * It is not that he himself directly
planned or perpetrated outrages and murders, but that
he either connived at them, or, when warned — — '
' It is a lie,' cried Parnell, darting a fierce glance at his
antagonist, and relapsing again into silence. When
Mr. Forster sat down, everyone expected that Parnell
would spring to his feet to repel the charges hurled at
him. But he quietly kept his seat. There was a
painful pause, an awful silence. Parnell did not stir.
The whole House swayed with émotion. His own
party were touched by the sçene wd stung by the

8 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

onslaught made upon him ; he alone remained un-
moved. * Parnell, Parnell,' English members shouted
again and again. A scornful smile was ParnelTs ordy
response. The discussion seemed about to collapse
when an English member interposed to avert a
division. The Irish members got around their Chief , and
urged him to reply on the instant. He refused. His
colleagues persevered. Finally he yielded to their im-
portunities, and at the close of the night's proceedings
moved the adjournment of the debate. ' He did not want
to answer Forster at ail/ says Mr. Justin McCarthy ;
' we had to force him.'

On February 23 the House met in a state of intense
excitement. The approaches were thronged, the
lobbies crowded, the galleries full ; members them-
selves had scarcely standing room. Among the dis-
tinguished strangers who looked down upon the scène
the portly figure of the Prince of Wales and the refined,
ascetic face of Cardinal Manning were conspicuous.

Parnell sat amongst his followers, calm, dignified,
frigid, quietly awaiting the summons of the Speaker to
résume the debate. It came. He rose slowly and
deliberately, and in chilling, scornful accents began : ' I
can assure the House that it is not my belief that
anything I can say at this time will hâve the slightest
effect on the public opinion of this House, or upon the
public opinion of the country ' (a pause) ; then, raising
his head proudly, looking defiantly around, and speak-
ing with marked emphasis : ' I hâve been accustomed
during my political life to rely upon the public opinion
of those whom I hâve desired to help, and with whose
aid I hâve worked for the cause of prosperity and
freedom in Ireland, and the utmost I désire to do in
the very few words I shall address to the House is to

Mr. 37] REPLY TO MR. FORSTER 9

make my position clear to the Irish people at home and
abroad.'

Every British member was disgusted with thèse
opening sentences. The Irish ' prisoner ' repudiated
the jurisdiction o£ the court ; there would be no
apology, no explanation, no defence. * Défiance ' was
the watchword of this incorrigible enemy. But the
Irish member8 cheered as only Irish members can
cheer. Parnell had struck a keynote which would
reverberate throughout Ireland and America.

What was England to him or to them ? Parnell
in effect continued. Mr. Forster had asked many
questions. What right had Mr. Forster to interrogate
him ? Who was Mr. Forster ? A discredited politician,
who had been repudiated by his own party, and whose
administration of Ireland had been an ignominious
failure. He (Parnell) had , forsooth, according to Mr.
Forster, been deposed from his place of authority. If
that were so, he had consolation in knowing that Mr.
Forster had been deposed too. But the fact was that
he (Parnell) still possessed the confidence of his fellow-
countrymen, while Mr. Forster was left out in the cold.
Upon what did the accusation against him rest ? Upon
speeches and newspaper articles, made or written by
others, and which he had not even read. But it was idle
for him to try to strike a responsive chord in that House.

*I say it is impossible to stem the torrent of
préjudice that has arisen out of the events of the past
few days. I regret that the officiais charged with the
administration of this Act are unfit for their posts. I
am sure the right hon. gentleman, the présent Chief
Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant, must admit that to
the f ullest extent, and when he looks round on the right
hon. member for Bradford, he must s^y, " Why am I

10 CHARLES STEWART PARÎŒLL [1888

hère while he is there ? " Why was he (Mr. Forster)
deposed — he, the right hon. gentleman who has
acquired expérience in the administration of Ireland —
who, according to his own account, knew everything,
although he was almost invariably wrong ? Why was
he deposed, and the right hon. gentleman (Mr.
Trevelyan), a 'prentice, although a very willing hand,
put in his position ? I feel that the Chief Secretary to
the Lord Lieutenant must say with the Scriptures,
" I am not worthy to unloose his shoe latchet." It
would be far better to hâve the Act administered by the
seasoned politician now in disgrâce and retirement.
Call him back to his post ; send him to help Lord
Spencer in the congenial work of the gallows in Ireland.
Send him to look af ter the secret inquisitions in Dublin
Castle. Send him to distribute the taxes which an
unfortunate and starving peasantry hâve to pay for
crimes not committed by themselves. Ail this would
be congenial work for the right hon. gentleman. We
invite you to man your ranks, and to send your ablest
and best men to push forward the task of misgoverning
and oppressing Ireland. For my part I am confident
as to the future of Ireland. Although the horizon may
be clouded, I believe our people will survive the présent
oppression, as they hâve survived many and worse mis-
fortunes, and although ourprogress may be slow, it will
be sure. The time will corne when this House and the
people of this country will admit, once again, that they
hâve been deceived, and that they hâve been cheered
by those who ought to be ashamed of themselves;
that they hâve been led astray as to the right mode
of governing a noble, a brave, a generous, and
an impulsive people ; that they will reject their
présent leaders, who are conducting them into thç

Mr. 37] REPLY TO MR. FORSTER 11

terrible courses into which the Government appear
determined to lead Ireland. Sir, I believe they will
reject thèse guides and leaders with as much déter-
mination, and just as much relief, as they rejected the
services of the right hon. gentleman the member for
Bradford/

When Parnell ended I was in the Lobby. There
was a rush from the House. I met an English Libéral
member. I asked, 'How has Parnell done?' He
answered, ' Very badly. He has made no reply at ail.
He has ignored the whole matter, and says that he
cares only for the opinion of Ireland ; but it won't go
down in this country.' Later on I met an Irish
member. I said : * What do you think of ParnelTs
speech ? ' He replied, * Splendid ! He just treated
them in the right way ; declined to notice Forster's
accusations, said he cared only for Irish opinion, and
that Ireland would stand by him. Quite right ; that
is the way to treat the House of Commons. ,

The following account of the scène from the pen of
a British politician of Cabinet rank is fair and judicial :

' Two things were remarkable about Mr. Parnell
in the House of Commons — his calm self-control,
and his air of complète detachment from ail English
questions, coupled with indifférence to English opinion.
Never were thèse more conspicuous than on the night
when, at the beginning of the session of 1883, Mr.
W. E. Forster, no longer bound by the trammelling
reserve of office, delivered an elaborate and carefully
prepared attack upon him. The ex-Chief Secretary had
accumulated a number of instances of outrages, and in-
citement to outrage, perpetrated or delivered in Ireland,
and of the language used from time to time by Irish
members encouraging, or palliating, or omitting to

12 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1883

condemn thèse acts, and summed up his long indict-
nient by arraigning Mr. Parnell as the author of thèse
offences. Though far from being an éloquent speaker
or an agreeable one to listen to, Mr. Forster was in
his way powerful, putting plenty of force and directness
into his speeches. On this occasion he was more
direct and telling than I ever remember him ; and it
was easy to see that personal dislike and resentment,
long pent up, entered into the indictment. Someone
compared it to the striking of a man over the face with
repeated blows of a whip, so inuch fierce véhémence
burnt through it ail. Everyone had listened with
growing excitement and curiosity to see how Mr.
Parnell would take it and what defence he would
make.

'Next day Parnell rose to reply, amid breathless
silence, perfectly cool and quiet. He had shown no
signs of émotion during the long harangue, and showed
none now. To everyone's astonishment he made no
defence at ail. With a dry, careless, and almost con-
temptuous air, he said that for ail his words and acts
in Ireland he held himself responsible to his country-
men only, and did not the least care what was thought
or said about him by Englishmen.

* By the judgment of the Irish people only did he
and would he stand or fall.

1 Thèse words, pronounced with the utmost dé-
libération in his usual frigid voice, but with a certain
suppressed intensity beneath the almost négligent
manner, produced a profound effect. Most were
shocked and indignant. Those who reflected more
deeply perceived what a gulf between England and
Ireland was opened, or rather revealed as existing
already, by such words. They saw, too, that as *

JEt. 37] LOfiï) SPENCER ON OtïRAGES 13

matter of tactics this audacious line was the best the
Irish leader could take. What he had done could not
be defended to such an audience as the House o£
Commons. The right course was, as lawyers say, " to
plead to the jurisdiction," and to deny the compétence
of the House, as a predominantly English body, to judge
him. Mr. Forster's speech did, of course, produce an
effect on English opinion, and quotations were often
made from it. But as Mr. Parnell could not hâve
refuted many (at least) of its statements, he lost
nothing by his refusai to meet them, and his défiance
of English opinion both pleased his own friends and
made the English feel the hopelessness of the situation.
It wanted a strong will and great self-command, as
well as perfect clearness of view, to hold this line
under the exasperating challenges of Mr. Forster.

' Mr. Parnell was an extraordinary parliamentary
tactician. Nobody except Mr. Gladstone surpassed him,
perhaps nobody else equalled him. Mr. Gladstone was
the only person he really feared, recognising in him a
force of will equal to his own, an even greater fertility
of resource. *

The Phœnix Park inquiry — the peg upon which
Forster had hung his speech — was soon over. The
prisoners were committed for trial. Five were hanged,
nine were sent into pénal servitude.

Of course the attempt to connect the Irish members
with the crime failed utterly.

I had a conversation with Lord Spencer upon this
subject, and upon the charge generally that Parnell
and the Irish party helped to get up outrages.

He said : f I never could get any trace that either
he or any of his party were concerned in getting up
outrages, and I stated this publicly in a speech at

14 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

Newcastle. I remember very well Parnell sending
someone to me, I think it was Mr. Morley, on an
occasion when he had been bitterly attacked in the
House o£ Commons about crime, to let him know what I
said in my Newcastle speech. I wrote out what I had
said for him on a large sheet of foolscap paper.

* I went to the House of Commons the night that
he was to défend himself. He was interrupted as he
went along, and in the middle of this interruption he put
his hand in his pocket and, greatly to my surprise,
pulled out the sheet of paper on which I had written
the extract from my speech for him, and then he read
it right out to the House, just as I had written it, I
think Parnell disliked crime, but he never publicly
condemned it.'

About a month after Forster's attack Parnell
introduced a Bill to amend the Land Act of 1881.
Most of the provisions of this measure hâve since
become law, but they were ail scornfully rejected then. 1

Some weeks later another measure of Irish signifi-
cance was run through the House of Commons at a

1 Whigs and Tories united in voting against the Bill, which was
defeated by 250 to 63 votes. The provisions hâve been summarised by
the Annual licgister thus :

4 The Bill provided for the inclusion of certain classes which were
left out of the Act of 1881, such as the leaseholders and occupiers of
town parks. It further proposed to eztend the opération of the
purchase clauses. The chief provisions of the measure were :

4 1. The dating of the judicial rent from the gale day suooeeding the
application to rîx the fair rent.

4 2. Power to the court to suspend proceedings for ejectment and
recovery of rent pending the fizing of a fair rent on the payment by the
tenant of a rent equal to the Poor Law valuation of his holding.

1 3. A définition of the term " improvemcnt " as any work or agri-
cultural opération ezecuted on the holding which adds to the vaille
of the holding, or any ezpenditure of capital and labour on the holding
which adds to its letting value.

• 4. Direction to the court that, in fizing fair rent, the increase in
the letting value of the holding arising from improvements effeoted by
the tenant or his predecessor in title shall belong to the tenant, and tha

Mz. 87] EXPLOSIVES BILL 15

single sitting. This was the Explosives Bill — Parlia-
ment's response to the dynamite plots of American
Extremists. Parnell did not oppose the Bill. He
wrote to Mr. Justin McCarthy :

Parnell to Mr. Justin McCarthy

1 Monday.

' My dear McCaethy, — I hâve been unable to go
out of doors since I saw you on Friday, but am some-
what better to-day, and hope to be able to return to
the House to-morrow (Tuesday). Please inform T. P.
of this, as I should like to see him to-morrow.

'I do not know what the party hâve decided to
do about the Explosives Bill, but I think it would be
well not to oppose it on the first or second reading
stage, but to confine ourselves to pointing out that it is
far too wide and vague in its provisions and will require
altération in committee. If the Government désire
to take the committee stage to-night, I do not think
you ought to oppose them, as postponing it till to-
morrow or Wednesday will only resuit in depriving us
of opportunities for discussing two Irish questions of
importance. However, I think the différent stages of
the Bill should be made to last throughout the evening
until half-past twelve.

' As regards altérations in committee :

landlord shall not be permitted to ask for an increase of rent in respect
of such increase of letting value.

4 5. The use and enjoyment by the tenant of his improvements shall
not be held to be compensation for such improvement.

* 6. The presumption as regards the making of the improvement to
be for the future in favour of the tenant.

( 7. Power given to leaseholders and to holders of town parks of
applying to the court to fix a fair rent ; and, lastly, the Land Commission
to be permitted to advance the full amount of purchase money, and in
the case of holdings under 30Z. the period of repayment is to be extended
over 52 years instead of 35 years/ — Annuel BegUter, 1888, p. 65.

16 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

' 1. It appears to me that the Bill is not rétrospective
in its character, but if there is any doubt about it an
amendment should be moved so as to ensore that it
shall not be rétrospective ; otherwise this point had best
not be alluded to by us.

4 2. The second clause should be amended so as to
secure that the explosion of cartridges or gunpowder in
an ordinary gun, pistol, or other firearm shall not
come within the section, otherwise nobody could dis-
charge a gun or pistol for sporting or other purposes.

4 3. The third clause should be amended in a similar
way, otherwise nobody would be able to hâve or carry
a pistol or ammunition for his personal protection.

'4. Sub-section [ ] of clause 4 should also be

modified in a similar direction; and, with regard to
the carriage of blasting materials, railways should be
compelled to receive and carry consignments of such
materials from any licensed maker or magazine, as
at présent they refuse to carry them, and the only
way to get them is to send a spécial messenger, who
is obligea to convey them surreptitiously, and under
such circumstances as to give rise to a reasonable
suspicion.

' 5. The 5th clause should be altered by the insertion
of the word " knowingly " before " procures/'

' 6. Clause 6 is a very objectionable one, giving the
right of private examination, which is being so much
abused in Ireland at présent. An attempt might be
made to modify it in the following direction :

4 (1) That the inquiry should take place in public if
the witness désire it.

' (2) That he should be entitled to hâve a légal
ad viser présent.

4 (3) That no witness should be kept under exami-

^Et.87] PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION 17

nation for more than two hours at a stretch, or for
more than six hours in any one day.

4 (4) That he should be permitted a suitable interval
during his examination each day for the purpose of
obtaining refreshment, but that no refreshment should
be given him by the Crown.

' (5) That where a witness is imprisoned for refus-
ing to answer questions, the total period of imprison-
ment shall be limited to six months, and that he shall
not again be imprisoned for refusing to answer questions
in respect of such crime.

' (6) That where a person is imprisoned for refusing
to answer, he or his légal adviser shall be furnished with
mémorandum of the question, and [of] any statement
made by the prisoner in explanation of his refusai to
reply, or in partial reply to such question, and such
prisoner shall be entitled to apply on affidavit to the
Court of Queen's Bench for his release, on the ground
that his refusai to answer was justified by his inability
to answer, or other reasonable cause, or that he had not
refused to answer or had answered such questions to
the best of his ability.

' Thèse appear to me to be some of the points
worthy of attention in the Bill, and in référence to
which exertions should be made to alter it.

' Truly yours,

'Chas. S. Parnell.

'P.S. — I omitted to say that the duration of the
Bill should be limited to three years, and Ireland should
be excluded from its opération on the ground that the
Crimes Act is sufficient. ' C. S. P. 1

On April 25 there was a great Irish convention
at Philadelphia. Parnell was invited, and urged to

VOL. II. c

18 CHARLES STEWABT PABNELL [1888

attend. His parliamentary followers were divided on
the question whether he should go or not. He decided
for himself. He did not go. He sent the following
cablegram instead :

• My présence at the opening of the most représenta-
tive convention of Irish-American opinion ever assem-
bled being impossible, owing to the necessity of my
remaining hère to oppose the^Criminal Code Bill — which
re-enacts permanently the worst provisions of coercion,
and which, if passed, will leave constitutional move-
ments at the mercy of the Government — I would ask
you to lay my views before the convention. I would
rcspectfully advise that your platform be so framed as
to enable us to continue to accept help from America,
and at the same time to avoid offering a pretext to
the British Government for entirely suppressing the
national movement in Ireland. In this way only can
unity of movement be preserved both in Ireland and
America. I hâve perfect confidence that by prudence,
modération, and firmness the cause of Ireland will con-
tinue to advance ; and, though persécution rest heavily
upon us at présent, before many years hâve passed '
we shall liave achieved those great objects for which
through many centuries our race has struggled.' l

1 The London correspondent of the Xation wrote on April 21 : ' The
question of the advisability of Mr. ParnelTs attending the fortheoming
Irisli convention ut Chicago (sic Philadclphia) was, as the newi-
papt-rs statc. con*idered am" resolved upon by u meeting of his
culleagues a f«w dnya ago. The view of the majority was strongly
opposed to his so dning. Weighty relisons were adduced by them
in support of their view; but reasons were also given on the
other suie. \Ye niu^t ati hepe that the best and wisest thing hu
been donc; but if a new-paper correspondent may express an
opinion on so important and complicatcd a question, I would say
that I li ad much rather the décision had gonc the other way. The
proceedings of the convention bave been looked forward to with great
in te rest by everyone hère. It is said that the plain issue to be deter-
mined there, is whether the use of physical force of ail kinds— dynamite

Mr. 37] MONAGHAN ELECTION 19

The resuit of the convention was the formation of
a National League of America l to co-operate with the
National League of Ireland.

Partisans at one side hâve said that the National
League of America was nothing more nor less than a
Clan-na-Gael association; partisans on the other, that
it was independent of the Clan-na-Gael altogether.
The truth lies between thèse extrêmes. There were
hundreds of members of the League who did not
belong to the Clan; nevertheless the Clan, without
absorbing, controlled the League.

It is idle to shirk the truth. The National League
of America was run by the Eevolutionists, who were
only held in check, so far as they were held in check at
ail, by the fact that they had Parnell to count with.
So much for the National League of America. 2

It has been said in allusion to Parneirs counsels
of modération at this period that he was ' submerged '
during the years 1883 and 1884. This statement is only
true, if true at ail, in a limited sensé ; for whenever his
présence was necessary he came quickly enough to
the surface. Thus in the summer of 1883 a vacancy
occurred in the représentation of Monaghan. Parnell

included— may not properly be employed by the Irish people in their
struggle for the libération of their country froxn British raie. To take
the affirmative side of the discussion would, putting ail other considéra-
tions aside, hardly be a saie thing for anyone who would contemplate
returning to and living in any part of the so-called United Kingdom,
least of ail would it be safe for a member of the British Parliament. On
the other h and, it would be no easy task to argue before an Iriah -American
audience that the use of force by Ireland, or by any other oppressed
nation, for the recovery of its liberties would be immoral.*

1 In place of the American Land League.

2 Towards the end of 1883 the Clan-na-Gael was divided into two
branches, the one called * The United Brotherhood ' ; the other (under
the presidency of Mr. Alexander Sullivan) * The Triangle ' — a name
derived from the fact that the government consisted of a committee of
three,

20 CIIARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

at once seized the opportunity to invade the North and
to bombard the strongholds of Unionism. The tenant-
farmers of Monaghan cared little for Home Rule.
They cared much for the land. Parnell accordingly
sent Mr. Healy — the hero of the Land Act of 1881 — to
storm the Ulster citadel. He himself appeared upon
the scène, and plunged into the struggle with charac-
teristic élan. The following incident of the campaign
shows that Parneirs superstitious instincts did not
désert him, even in the heat of the battle.

' The night before the polling/ says Mr. Healy,
' we found ourselves in the comfortable hôtel at Castle-
blayney, exhausted by dusty driving and incessant
speaking through a long suinmer day. We ordered
dinner and were shown to our rooms. The rooms
adjoined, and immediately after closing my door I
heard Parnell's voice in the corridor ordering his apart-
ment to be changed. Apparently there was a difficulty
about this, as the hôtel was crow T ded for the élection
next day. Knowing he was not in the least a stickler
for luxury or hard to please about a room, I went ont
to ask what was the matter. There he was, standing
in the passage opposite his bedroom door, with his bag
in his hand, evidently chafing and very much put ont.
" Look at that," said he, pointing to the number on his
door. It was No. 13. " What a room to give me !
They are Tories, I suppose, and hâve done it on
purpose." I laughed and said, "Take mine; let us
exchange." " If you sleep in that room," said he, " you
will lose the élection." I looked into it, and found a
good roomy chamber, much better than the one allotted
to me, and I said so, pointing out that the " Tory "
hotel-keeper had probably given him the best room in
the house. He was not to be pacified, however, so

JEt. 37] ULSTEÎt OliATORY 21

without arguing the matter I put him into my room,
and installed myself in his. " I tell you, you will lose
the election, ,, he repeated, as I took refuge in No. 13/ !

The élection, however, was not lost. Mr. Healy
was placed at the head of the poil by a handsome
majority. 2

The Monaghan victory roused the Ulster landlords.
The Orangemen took the field against the ' invaders/
The invaders pressed forward everywhere, determined
to improve their position in the northern province.
There were démonstrations and counter-demonstrations*
marching and counter-marching, Nationalist displays
and Orange displays, until the province rang with the
oratorical artillery of the opposing parties.

' Conipel the rebel conspirators/ urged an Orange
placard, ' to return to their haunts in the south and
west/ 'We are not an aggressive party/ said an
Orange orator, Mr. Murray Ker, D.L. ' Let there
be no revolver practice. My advice to you about
revolvers is, never use a revolver except you are firing
at someone/

4 If the Government/ said Lord Claud Hamilton,
1 fail to prevent Mr. Parnell & Co. from making inroads
into Ulster ... if they do not prevent those hordes of
ruffians from invading us, we will take the law into our
own hands/

4 Keep the cartridge in the rifle,' said the degenerate
Home Kuler, Col. King Harman. ' Keep a firm grip
on y our sticks/ said Mr. Archdale. ' Only for the
police and soldiers/ exclaimed Major Saunderson,
' those rebels would hâve been in the nearest river/

1 Westminster Gazette, November 3, 1893.

2 Mr. Healy was re placed in the représentation of Wexford by Mr,

William Redmond.

22 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

The Government proclaimed an Orange meeting at
which Lord Eossmore was to préside. ' It is a great
pity,' said his Lordship, referring to this action of the
authorities, ' that the so-called Government of England
stopped loyal men from assembling to uphold their
institutions hère, and had sent down a handful of
soldiers whom we could eat up in a second or two
if we thought fit. The Orangemen, if they liked,
could be the Government themselves. I only wiflh
they were allowed, and they would soon drive rebels
like Parnell and his followers out of their sight.'

Despite Orange violence and Orange threats the
Nationaliste did their work in Ulster, and did it well,
as the General Election of 1885 proved. 1

Parnell himself ' lay low ' after the Monaghan
élection, allowing his lieutenants to conduct the cam-
paign in Ulster and elsewhere. He had for some time
been in financial difficulties. The fact got abroad, and
the people resolved to relieve him of his embarrass-
ments. He told the story himself in his accustomed
laconic style to the Spécial Commission : ' A mortgage
on my estate was foreclosed, and I filed a pétition for
its sale. This fact, somehow or other, got into the
newspapers, and the Irish people raised a collection for
me to pay off the mortgage. The amount of the
collection considerably exceeded the amount necessary/

The Parnell tribute (as this * collection ' came to be
called) was a remarkable expression of popular confi-

1 * Unfortunately, however,' said Mr. Trevelyan, then Irish Secretary,
1 the counter-demonstrations of the Orangemen were, to a great estent*
démonstrations of armed men. At their last meeting at Dumore sackfaU
of revolvers were left behind, close to the place of meeting. . . . The
Orange meetings were bodies of armed men ... 8o far as the Govern-
ment knew, it was not the custom of the Kationalists to go armed to
their meetings until the bad example was set by the Orangemen.'—
ffandard.

Mi. 87] PAENELL TRIBUTE 28

dence and enthusiasm. Seizing the opportunity which
Parnell's embarrassments gave them, priests and
people combined to give him a substantial proof of
their regard, affection, and gratitude. Inaugurated at
the beginning of the year, the fund increased gradually
at first, and afterwards by leaps and bounds, until
before the end of the year it reached nearly 40,000Z. 1
This munificent gif t in itself bore striking testimony to
Parneirs popularity. But an incident occurred some
time af ter the subscription lists had been opened which
showed in a more remarkable way still his hold on the
mind and heart of the nation.

The Pope had never looked with favour on the
Land League agitation. Indeed, he regarded it as
nothing more nor less than a revolt against the law-
fully constituted authorities, which in truth it was.
And now Catholic bishops and priests and people of
Ireland were uniting to place the Protestant leader of
the revolt on a pedestal of glory. There were not
wanting, it is said, English agents at Eome who readily
used the Parnellite tribute as a lever to move the Pope
against the agitators. The Irish were losing the faith ;
even their religious guides had been led astray, and
nothing but the interférence of the Pontiff could avert
the dangers which imperilled the very salvation of the
people. So it was whispered and believed at the Vatican.
Impressed by thèse représentations, the Pope acted
with vigour and promptitude. A letter, signed by
Cardinal Simeoni, Prefect, and Monseigneur Dominico
Jacobini, Secretary of the Sacred Congrégation de
propaganda Fide, was despatched to the Irish bishops
condemning the ' tribute ' and calling upon them to
give it no countenance. Of, course the bishops obeyed
1 The amount of the mortgage was about 18,0001.

24 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL ^1888

this mandate, and the priests henceforth ceased to take
any public part in collecting subscriptions. But the
people heeded not the papal letter. They saw nothing
in it but the hand of England. Certain facts were sub-
sequently revealed which seemed to show that the
suspicions of the people were not without some founda-
tion. Thèse facts may now be related.

Towards the end of 1882 an Irish Catholic Whig
member (Mr. George Errington) went to Eome — on
4 his own affairs,' it was said. Before starting, how-
ever, he called at the Foreign Office, told Lord Gran-
ville of his intended visit, and said that he might hâve
an opportunity of discussing Irish affairs with the
Pope. Lord Granville there and then gave him a
letter oi recommendation, which he had authority to
show to the papal Secretaries of State. In the begin-
ning of 1883 we find this gentleman practically filling
the post of English Envoy at the Vatican. The
Government wished to use the Pope to put down
Parnell, and to control Irish affairs generally in the
English interest. The Pope was anxious to re-
establish diplomatie relations with England. Hère
was a basis of negotiation. Lord Granville dared
not, in the light of day, send a diplomatie mission
to the Pope. English public opinion would not stand
that. But he thought that a private channel of com-
munication might be opened through Mr. Errington,
and that thus Downing Street could be kept in touch
with the Vatican. ' What was thought of Errington
at Rome? ' I asked an officiai of the Papal Court when
the Errington mission had become a matter of history.
' Oh,' he answered, ' we looked upon him as an English
envoy. I remember in those days whenever I called
to see Cardinal I was habitually told that I could

2Et. 37] Mk. ERRINGTOI^S MISSION 26

not see him ; Errington was constantly closeted with the
Cardinal. When he walked about in the vicinity of
the Vatican the Swiss Guards saluted him. He was
looked upon as a man of authority. It is easy for
the English Government to repudiate Mr. Errington
now, but they gave him the means of holding himself
out to us as their agent. 1 The English Envoy used
his influence to discrédit the Irish agitators — lay and
clérical.

One story will suffice to show how the Vatican
regarded the Irish movement about this time. ' Had you

been in Italy,' said Cardinal to an Irish ecclesiastic,

'in the time of Garibaldi you would hâve supported
Garibaldi.' ' Yes, your Emmence,' said the Irishman,
4 1 would hâve supported Garibaldi if he had had at his
back the bishops and priests and people of Italy.'

Despite ail attempts at secrecy, the Errington
mission became a public fact, and Ministers were forced
to admit in the House of Commons that Mr. Errington
had received a letter of recommendation from Lord
Granville, and that his despatches from Borne were
deposited, like the despatches of any other ambassador
or envoy, in the archives of the Foreign Office. In
Ireland the papal rescript was at once ascribed to Mr.
Errington's handiwork.

England had secretly sought the services of the
Pope, her ancient enemy, to strike at the Irish leader
and the Irish movement. Could the force of England's
meanness further go? 'If we want to hold Ireland
by force/ said an English member l in the House of
Commons, * let us do it ourselves — let us not call in the
Pope, whom we are always attacking, to help us.' The
Irish were not irritated with the Pope. Their anger

1 Mr. Joseph Cowen.

28 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

was wholly directed against the English Libéral
Ministry, which, while constantly denouncing them as
the créatures of Borne, had invoked the thunder of the
Vatican to overwhelm a political opponent. The prac-
tical question now was, how the Pope and England
should be answered. There was only one way of
answering them. By making the Parnell tribute a
conspicuous success. Ail Ireland worked for this end.
Subscriptions, which before the rescript came in
hundreds, now came in thousands, until a few months
after its appearance the grand total of 37,0002. was
reached. The English Ministers might hâve chuckled
when the rescript ! was issued. They did not chuckle
when the tribute was closed. Then they realised the
folly of invoking the aid of the Pope to crush an Irish
popular leader.

' May I ask,' I said to Mr. Gladstone, ' if Cardinal
Manning ever gave you any help in your relations
with Parnell ? ' He answered : ' Never. He had, I
think, something to do with the Errington mission * — a
very foolish affair. Spencer thought it might do some
good, and so I tried it. It did no good. Why, it is
absurd to suppose that the Pope exercises any influence
in Irish poli tics.' In order to dispose of the Errington
mission at once, I may hère, though anticipating dates,
insert a letter from Mr. Errington to Lord Granville.
It was written in May 1885. Cardinal McCabe had
recently died. The question of his successor in the
archiépiscopal see of Dublin was under considération.
Dr. Walsh, of Maynooth, was the popular favourite.

1 The papal rescript was dated May 11, 1883. On that day the
Parnell tribute amounted to 7,6881. Ils. 5d. On June 19 it amoanted to
15,10*2/. On December 11 it reached the grand total of 37,0112. 17s.

* I understand that Cardinal Manning was opposed to the Errington
mission.

Mr. 37] Mft. ERRINGTON'S MISSION 27

Dr. Moran, of Sydney, was practically the English
nominee. Mr. Errington's services were, of course,
used to secure tbis appointaient. But the following
letter fell into the hands of Mr. William O'Brien, who
published it in * United Ireland ' on August 1, 1885 :

' House of Commons :

« Monday, May 15 [1885].

1 Dear Lord Granville, — The Dublin arch-
bishopric being still undecided, I must continue to
keep the Vatican in good humour about you, and keep
up communication with them generally as much as
possible.

' I am almost ashamed to trouble you again when
you are so busy, but perhaps on Monday you would
allow me to show you the letter I propose to write.

' The prématuré report about Dr. Moran will cause
increased pressure to be put on the Pope, and create
many fresh difficulties. The matter must therefore be
most carefully watched, so that the strong pressure I
can still command may be used at the right moment,
and not too soon or unnecessarily (for too much
pressure is quite as dangerous as too little). To effect
this, constant communication with Eome is necessary.

' I am, dear Lord Granville,
' Faithfully yours,

1 G. Errington.' *

The publication of this letter blew the bottom out
of the Errington mission, and secured the appointment
of Dr. Walsh.

In December 1883 the Parnell tribute was closed.

It was decided to give the Irish leader a chèque

for the full amount, and to invite him to a banquet

1 Mr. Errington however, had his reward. He was made a baronet.

28 CHAULES STEWAKT PARNELL [1888

at the Rotunda. The Lord Mayor, a man of culture
and an éloquent speaker, was — so runs the story —
deputed, with some other leading citizens, to wait
on Parnell at Morrison's Hôtel and to hand him the
chèque. His lordship naturally prepared a few suitable
observations for the occasion. At the appointed hour
the deputation arrived, and were ushered into a private
sitting-room, where stood the Chief. The Lord Mayor
having been announced, bowed, and began : ' Mr.

Parnell .' ' I believe/ said Parnell, ' you hâve got

a chèque for me.' The Lord Mayor, somewhat surprised
at this interruption, said ' Yes,' and was about to
recommence his speech, when Parnell broke in : ' Is it
made payable to order and crossed ? ' The Lord Mayor
again answered in the affirmative, and was resuming the
thread of his discourse when Parnell took the chèque,
folded it neatly, and put it in his waistcoat pocket.
This ended the interview. The whole business was
disposed of in five minutes, and there was no speech-
making.

On December 11 the banquet took place. There
was, it is needless to say, an enthusiastic gathering.
Parnell made a speech on the gênerai situation, but said
nothing about the chèque.

' I remember,' say s Lord Spencer, ' the incident of
the Parnell tribute. I hear that when Parnell received
the chèque lie put it in his pocket and never thanked
anybody. Then there was a public meeting. I
remember he made a long speech, but never said a
word about the chèque. That struck me as a very
extraordinary thing and very characteristic. Hère is
this handsome sum of money collected for him. He
does not make the least référence to it, and he gives
offence to nobody. That little incident always mada an

;Et. 37J DYNAMITE PLOTS • - 29

impression on me, because it showed the immense
power of the man.'

I hâve said that Parnell derived his political
ascendency in no small degree from the fact that he
walked ail the time on the verge of treason-feiony.
He kept that path still. At no period since the begin-
ning of the agitation was English feeling more incensed
against Irish-Americans than during the years 1883
and 1884. The policy of dynamite had been boldly
proclaimed by the * Irish World/ Attempts were
made to destroy the offices of the Local Government
Board and to blow up London Bridge. Victoria,
Paddington, Charing Cross, Ludgate Hill railway
stations were marked out for destruction. Scotland
Yard was attacked. Dynamite plots and rumours of
dynamite plots filled the air. There was an épidémie
of outrages.

A dynamite factory was discovered at Birmingham.
Batches of dynamitards were seized, and the public
investigations which followed proved the American
origin of thèse plots to lay London in ruins. The
public mind was disturbed, the Government was
alarmed. Spécial guards of police and soldiers were
placed in charge of public buildings, and the streets of
London presented the appearance of a town under the
sway of some despotic ruler who feared the vengeance
of his people. 1 Those who believed in the beneficent
influence of the Anglo- Saxon race were enraged and
horrified at this state of affairs. Any man who was,
even to the slightest extent, under English influence
would at this moment hâve shrunk from contact with

1 Thèse outrages took place in 1883 and 1884. On January 24,
1885, attempts were made to blow up the Tower, the Uouse of Commons,
and Westminster Hall.

80 CHARLES STEWART PABNELL [1888*84

the Clan-na-Gael. But Parnell held on his course.
English opinion was naught to him. His one thought
was to keep ïrishmen united. He was prepared to
suffer much, to risk much, for this. He did not hesitate
in 1883 to proclaim to the world his détermination to
keep up communication with the American Revolu-
tionists by despatching a cablegram to the Philadelphia
convention ; and in 1884 he sent Mr. William Bedmond
and Mr. Sexton to another convention in Boston. He
was cautions and circumspect. He did not désire
publicity. But when publicity was necessary he did
not shrink from it, let ail England denounce him as it
might.

Yet his relations with the Clan-na-Gael were not
cordial. In sympathy with the rebellious spirit of the
brotherhood,he looked upon the dynamite policy as sheer
insanity. It was, besides, unfair to him and his
parliamentary colleagues. Men in Chicago might easily
hatch plots for the destruction of London, but they
had not to run the gauntlet of the English House of
Commons. Some considération ought to be shown
to those who had to carry on the struggle on this
side of the Atlantic. None was shown. He did not
conceal his private répugnance to the methods of the
American Extremists. He spoke of Ford and Finerty
as ' d d fools. 1

The ' Irish World ' denounced the parliamentary
inoveinent, and opposed the parliamentary party after
the Kilmainhaiu trcaty. In fact, from about August
1882 until about the middle of 1884, or even later,
tho 'World' was hostile to rarnell. 'Therc are no
organisera,' it wrote in October 1H82, 'going about
knitting the people together. There are no orators or
teachers sent through the coimtry to educate men. Ou

JET. 37] DYNAMITE PLOTS 81

the contrary, ail agitation has been discontinued, and a
qnieting down policy is the order of the day. Davitt,
Dillon, Egan, Brennan hâve been wishing and pray-
ing for vigorous action, ail in vain.' In November
1882 the * World ' wrote : ' We hâve not as much faith
in the wisdom and ability of Mr. Parnell as we once
had.'

If the Clan could hâve fitted out a fleet of torpédo
boats to blow up the British fleet Parnell would hâve
offered no objection. That would hâve been war. But
a conspiracy to damage the British empire by abortive
dynamite explosions in the streets of London was the
conception of lunatics.

He would sometimes smile grimly at the grotesque-
ness of thèse plots, occasionally hatched with utter
indifférence even to the lives of the Nationalist members
themselves. Had the attempt to destroy the Charing
Cross Bailway Station been successful, a score of Irish
members who were stopping at the Charing Cross Hôtel
would hâve been blown into eternity. It transpired at
the trial of some of the dynamitards that a proposai
had been made to throw a bomb into the Hou se of
Commons. * I entered the House of Commons about
this tirne,' said Mr. Harrington. 'I remember being
in the Smoking-room one evening with Parnell and
Lord Randolph Churchill. " Well, Parnell," said Lord
Bandolph Churchill, referring to the dynamite trials,
" I suppose y ou would object to hâve a bomb thrown
into the House of Commons. You would not like to
be blown up, even by an Irishman." "I am not so
sure of that," said Parnell, " if there were a call of the
House." '

'Mr. Parnell,' asked the Attorney-General at the
Parnell Commission, ' you know that Daly [a convicted

82 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL . [1884

dynamitard] at ail events was tried for being a dyna-
mitard ? ' * Yes,' answered Parnell, ' he was tried and
convicted of having bombs in his pocket which, it was
suggested, were going to be thrown on the floor of the
House of Commons, which would probably hâve had
an equal effect ail round.'

But what did Parnell think of the morality of
dynamite? He did not think about it at ail. He
regarded the moral sermons preached by English
statesmen and publicists as the merest cant, and
looked upon the ' Times' ' denunciations of the ' Irish
World ' as a case of the pot calling the kettle black.
Morality was the last thing the English thought of in
their dealings with Ireland. Morality was the last
thing he thought of in his dealings with them. There
are men who can readily argue themselves into the
belief that whatever serves their purpose is moral.
Such men could easily explain away the dynamite
outrages to their own satisfaction. But ParnelTs mind
was too simple to indulge in the subtleties and refine-
ments necessary for this achievement. He was content
to call the dynamitards fools, and to laugh at the
moral pretensions of the House of Commons. For the
rest, he concentrated ail his énergies upon the main
purpose of bringing the British 6tatesmen to their
bearings on the question of Ireland. He had no faith
in an English party. He advised his fellow-country-
men to trust in none. Speaking at the St. Patrick's
Day célébration in London in 1884, he said : ' I hâve
always endeavoured to teach my countrymen, whether
at home or abroad, the les3on of self-reliance. I do
not dépend upon any English political party. I should
advisc you not to dépend upon any such party. I do
not dépend upon the good wishes of any section of the

JEt. 38] SELF-RELIANCE 33

English. Some people désire to rely on the English
democracy — they look for a great future movemeût
among the English democracy ; but I hâve never
known any important section of any country which has
asôumed the government of another country to awaken
to the real necessities of the position until compelled to
do so. Therefore I say, do not rely upon any English
party; do not rely even upon the great English
democracy, however well disposed they may be towards
your claims ; but rely upon yourselves, upon the great
power which you hâve in every industrial centre in
England and Scotland, upon the dévotion of the sea-
divided Gael, whether it be under the southern cross
or beyond the wide Atlantic ; but, above ail, rely upon
the dévotion and détermination of our people on the
old sod at home.'

In the struggle which was now imminent we shall
see him playing off one English party against the
other, and out-manœuvring both.

YOL. il.

34 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1884

CHAPTER XVI

WOOING PARNELL

I have given one instance — the Monaghan élection — of
how quickly Parnell, though ' submerged ' during the
years 1 HH'J and 1884, could corne to the surface when
his présence was necessary. I shall give another. We
hâve seen that in 1882 Davitt wished to make Land
Nationalisation a plank in the National League plat-
for m, and that Parnell would not allow it. Davitt still
adhered to his views, and, not unfairly, endeavoured in
privatc and public to enforce them. Parnell — shrinking
froin public controversy with a colleague, yet fearing
that perhaps even a small section of the people might
accept the principle of Land Nationalisation and that
a division would thus be caused in the Nationalist
ranks felt himself eonstrained to make a public
déclaration on the subject. ttpeaking at Drogheda on
April 1-"), IHis-l, he said : * It is necessary for me to take
advantage of this occasion to warn you against cléments
of future difhculty — cléments of possible future diffi-
culté, and possibilités of grave disunion in our ranks,
whirh may be obviated by a timely déclaration. I
refer to the project termed the nationalisation of the
land, and in dealing with this question I don't wish to

&x. 88] SPEECH AT DROGHEDA 86

intrude upon you anything of a personal character.
I prefer, as I always hâve done in public life,
to deal with principles, and not with men. I hâve
shown you two planks of the platform of the Land
League —the destruction of rack-rents and of landlord
oppression and évictions, and the facilitation of occupy-
ing ownership by the tiller of the soil. Well, un-
mindful of this fact, we hâve been recently informed
upon distinguished authority, at a meeting in Dublin,
that we hâve been false to the spirit of the Land
League, that we are unmindful of its principles, because
we refused to désert that which has been our pro-
gramme up to the présent moment and follow this new
craze. Ownership of land by anybody, we are told, is
theft. Whether that anybody be landlord or tenant, it
is equally a crime and a robbery, and because we refuse
to agrée with the sweeping assertion we are condemned
as slack and as yielding basely to the présent Coercion
Act. The désire to acquire land is everywhere one of
the strongest instincts of human nature, and never more
developed than in a country such as Ireland, where land
is limited and those who désire to acquire it are nume-
rous. I submit further, that this désire to acquire landed
property, and the further désire to be released from the
crushing impositions of rack-rents, was the very basis
and foundation of the National Land League, and that
without it, although not solely owing to it, we never
could hâve progressed or been successful. As reason-
ably might we hâve supposed that we could hâve
persuaded the poor man that it was with him a crime
to endeavour to hope for the ownership of the holding
lie tilled. No more absurd or preposterous proposition
was ever made to a people than, after having declared
on a thousand platforms by a million voices that the

x> 2

86 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1884

tenant should be the owner of his holding — that after
this déclaration had been agreed to by a million of our
own countrymen in England, America, and Australia —
after having, with unexampled success, proceeded
forward on thèse lines for five years, we should quietly
turn round, retrace our steps to the starting-post, and
commence anew a movement which should be wanting
in every élément and prospect of success. ... I hâve
neither advanced nor receded from the position which
I took up in 1879. It was a position which I thought
you would be able to carry, and which in ail probability
you will be able to carry. ... I said in New York, in
1879, when I landed there, what I say to you to-night
— that you must either pay for the land or fight for
it. . . . Constitutional agitation and organisation can
do a great deal to whittle down the price that the
landlord asks for his land, but it must be paid unless
you adopt the other alternative which I say nothing
about. We are told of some great wave of English
democracy which is coming over hère to poor Ireland
to assist the Irish democracy. The poor Irish
democracy will hâve, I fear, to rely upon themselves in
the future as they hâve had to do up to the présent
moment. The land question of Ireland must be settled
by the Irish people at home.'

This speech disposed of the question of Land
Nationalisation. Davitt still held his own views, bat
he despaired of gaining any adhérents in Ireland, and
soon afterwards went on a tour to Egypt.

Towards the end of 1884 there was much discussion
in Nationalist circles about the ' inactivity ' of Parnell.
' Do you think,' a Nationalist said to me in December,
' that Parnell is tired of the whole business and that
he means to chuck it up ? ' I ventured to remind my

At. 38] TIPPERAHY ELECTION 87

friend of the Monaghan élection and of the Drogheda
speech, and suggested that Parnell would probably
always appear upon the scène when he thought his
présence was necessary ; that he would not be forced
into activity by the abuse of the ' Irish World/ any
more than he would be forced into inactivity by the
abuse of the ' Times.' He would always take his own
line at his own time, and disregard the critics. A
fortnight after this conversation Parnell was again in
évidence. An élection was pending in the County
Tipperary. His nominee was Mr. John O'Connor, of
Cork. A local convention nominated a local candidate,
Mr. O'Ryan. Hère was a new danger. A fight
between two Home Eule candidates would certainly
give the enemy an opportunity to blasphème. English
publicists looked at the situation with joy, Irish
Nationalists with alarm. What was to be done ? How
was this fresh péril to be averted ? One day Parnell
arrived suddenly in the town of Thurles. Next day
the danger had passed. Mr. O'Kyan had retired. Mr.
O'Connor was accepted with acclamation. On January
8, 1885, Parnell addressed a meeting in Thurles. He
said : ' When I went to Meath I was told that I was not
a Meath man, but I was not told so by Nationalists. I
was told so by landlords. When I went to Cork, no
one there said that I was not a Cork man. The
question is not whether you belong to this county or
to that, but whether you are a good Irishman. Mr.
O'Ryan has proved himself a good Irishman by the
handsome way in which he has retired from this
contest ; and I will answer for it that Mr. O'Connor
will prove himself a good Irishman if he is returned for
Tipperary.'

He was returned for Tipperary without opposition.

88 CHAULES STEWART PAÏtNELL [1888

The General Election was now approaching, and
Parnell girded up his loins for the struggle. The
élection was f ought under new conditions. In December
1884 a new Eeform Act, establishing household
suffrage in Ireland, became law. The resuit, contrary
to the expectations of Ministère, was to strengthen the
position of Parnell. The Irish electorate was increased
from about 200,000 to about 700,000 voters, and the
new votera were almost ail Home Eulers. Ministère
were ' hoisted with their own pétard.' They believed
that the new Franchise Act would make Ireland
Libéral. In truth it effaced the Libérais.

For two years Parnell had kept quiet, flashing only
now and then like a meteor across the political firma-
ment, and again disappearing. Now he burst forth once
more in a blaze of activity, and filled the world with his
name. ' When,' he said, speaking of his tactics between
May 1882 and January 1883, 'when courage was
required when it was necessary for the interests of the
nation, I hâve shown it ; and when modération was
necessary and temperate judgment for the interests of
the nation, I had the courage to show it too.'

He now made a short journey through the country,
speaking at Clonmcl (where the freedom of the city
was presented to him) and at Bansha on January Ô, and
at Arklow on January 11. On January 21 he sounded
the tocsin of war at Cork, in a speech which cheered
the heart of every Nationalist in the country. He said :
' We cannot ask for less than the restitution of Grattan's
Parliament, with its important privilèges and wide, far-
reaching constitution . Wc cannot, under the British con-
stitution, ask for more than the restitution of Grattan's
Parliament. But no man has a right to fix the boundary
of the march of a nation. No man has a right to

Mt. 39] « MARCH OP A NATION > 89

say, " Thus far shalt thou go, and no further" ; and
we hâve never attempted to fix the ne plus ultra to
the progress of Ireland's nationalhood, and we never
shall.'

On January 23 he delivered a lecture before the
Cork * Young Ireland Society ' on Ireland and her
Parliament. Mr. Horgan has given me the following
réminiscence of this lecture :

''Parnell always stopped at my house in Cork.
He was very pleasant in a house; quiet, and ready
to put up with anything. He stayed with me in
January 1885. The Young Ireland Society asked
him to deliver a lecture on Irish history. He con-
sented. Afterwards he said to me, " I really do not
know anything about Irish history. Hâve you got
any books I can read ?" I knew as little about Irish
history as he did, but I fished out some books for him.
The day of the lecture came. The hour fixed was
8 p.m. We dined a little earlier than usual. Dinner
was over at a quarter to eight. "Now," said Parnell,
rising from the table, " I must read up the history.
Will you give me a pen and ink, and some note-paper ? "
I put him into a room by himself, with pen, ink, and
paper, and the books. I came back about a quarter
to nine. He looked up smiling and said : " I'm
ready ! " He had made notes in big handwriting on
the paper ; about three notes on each sheet. " I think
I will be able to say something now," he said. We then
drove off to the rooms of the society. The streets were
crowded, the rooms were crowded. We were an hour
and a quarter late. When Parnell showed himself he
received a magnificent réception. When he ascended
the platform they cheered him again and again. What
a king he looked, standing on that platform that night ;

40 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

so handsome, so quiet, so self-possessed, so dignified.
People thought of looking at no one but him. He
dwarfed ail around him. There was a majesty about
the man which fascinated and awed you. I felt
horribly nervous for him. I knew how he had got
up the lecture, and I feared he would break down.
I felt so anxious that I really did not follow the lecture
at ail. But I heard the cheers, and they cheered from
beginning to end.

' Corning home he was as simple and as proud as
a child of the whole performance. "I think," he
said, " I got through very well." He did not seem to
hâve the faintest notion that people looked up to him,
not only as the greatest man in Ireland, but one of the
most remarkable men in Europe. He spoke like a
young man making his début at a debating society.
I can see him now walking upstairs to bed with the
candie in his hand, and stepping so quietly and lightly
so as to disturb no one. He was like a young fellow
who has corne home late and was afraid to wake " the
governor." Yet, with ail his self-depreciation, modesty,
and gentleness, you always felt that you were in the
présence of a master. You dare not présume on his
familiarity when he chose to be familiar. Without
any effort whatever upon his part you always felt
the overpowering influence of his extraordinary
personality.'

From Cork Parnell went on January 25 to Ennis.
On the 26th he addressed a meeting at Milltown
Malbay. In February he was once more in London
attending to his parliamentary duties.

On March 17 he presided at the St. Patrick's Day
banquet, and again laid down the principle on which
the struggle should be carried on. 'England,' he

Mt. 39] VISIT OF THE PRINCE OF WALES 4J

said, ' will respect you in proportion as you respect
yourselves. Englishmen will not give anything to
Ireland out of justice or righteousness. They will
concède your liber ties when they must, and no sooner.'
In April the Prince and Princess of Wales visited
Ireland. Some Nationalists thought that the occasion
should be used to demonstrate against the Government.
Parnell did not hold this view. He was of opinion that
the royal visitors should be allowed to pass through
the country like ordinary visitors ; that there should be
no démonstrations one way or the other. On April 11
he wrote to * United Ireland ' :

Letter to ' United Ireland '

' You ask for my views regarding the visit of
the Prince of Wales. In reply I désire to say that
if the usages of the constitution existed in Ireland
as they do in England] there would, to my judg-
ment, be no inconsistency in those who believe in
the limited monarchy as the best form of govern-
ment taking a suitable part in the réception of the
Prince. But in view of the fact that the constitu-
tion has never been administered in Ireland according
to its spirit and précédents, that the power of the
Crown as wielded by Earl Spencer and other Viceroys
is despotic and unlimited to the last degree, and that
in the présent instance the royal personage is to be
used by the two English political parties in Ireland
for the purpose of injuring and insulting the Irish
Nationalist party, and of impeding if possible their
work, I fail to see upon what ground it can be claimed
from any lover of constitutional government under a
limited monarchy that the Prince is entitled to a

42 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

réception from the independent and patriotic people
of Ireland, or to any récognition, save from the garrison
of officiais, and landowners, and place-hunters who
f atten upon the poverty and niisfortunes of the country.
Let me suggest a parallel. Would it be tolerated in
England for a moment if the Government for their
own party purposes, on the eve of a gênerai élection,
were to use the Prince of Wales as an electioneering
agent in any section of the country, and were to send
him upon a royal progress in order to embarrass their
political opponents? The breach of constitution^
privilège becomes still graver when we consider that it
is the march of a nation which is now sought to be
impeded — the fruition of a long struggle and of many
sacrifices which the adventitious aid of this royal
visit is enlisted to injure. I hâve, however, every
confidence that our people, having been suitably fore-
warned, will not allow their hospitable nature and
cordial disposition to carry them into any attitude
which might be taken as one of condonation for
the past, or satisfaction with the présent state of
affairs.

* Charles S. Parnell.'

ParneH's advice to reçoive the roval visitors with
courtesy and reserve was not taken. There were hostile
démonstrations in the south. In sonie districts black
flags were hung along the line of route and the
inscription was shown : * Wc will hâve no Prince but
Charlie.' English people were relieved, says the
* Animal Register,' when the Prince returned.

On the eve of the General Election of 1885 Ireland
was boiling with sédition. Lord Spencer, like Mr.
Forster, was tarred with the coercion brush. Wherever

Mr. 39] THE CAMPAIGN OF 1885 48

he went throughout the south and west he was received
with manifestations of disloyal ty. From the hour of his
landing to the hour of his departure ' United Ireland/
expressing popular opinion, never ceased to denounce
him in language of unmeasured vitupération.

His excursions through the streets of Dublin sur-
rounded by a military escort suggested rather the
présence of an arbitrary despot than the rule of a con-
stitutional Viceroy. The people sought his overthrow
and the overthrow of the Minister who sent him with
a singleness of purpose and a tenacity of will which
for the moment dwarfed almost every popular grievance
and obscured every popular aspiration. 'Eemember
Coercion ! Down with Gladstone ! ' was the war-cry
of the day.

Parnell was unmoved by the passions which swayed
the multitude. He surveyed the situation with his usual
calmness, and with his usual clearness of vision. Mr.
Gladstone's Government was doomed. That much
was évident. He had the power to destroy it, and he
would destroy it. But what then ?

In opening the campaign of 1885 Parnell fixed his
eyes on three men in public life — Lord Bandolph
Churchill, Mr. Chamberlain, and Mr. Gladstone. As
we hâve seen, he had no faith in English parties. He
believed that neither Whigs nor Tories would do any-
thing for Ireland because of righteousness. Office was
the goal of every English politician. It was for him
to see that no English politician should reach it except
through the open ranks of the Irish parliamentary
party. The new Eeform Act would enable him to
command a following of eighty or ninety members.
With this force, well disciplined, he would be master
of the situation. It was said that he ought to address

44 CHARLES STEWAKT PARNELL [1866

public meetings in England. He laughed contemptu-
ously at the suggestion. He would concentrate ail his
efforts to bring English statesmen to his feet. Then
he would let them convert the English people. That
was his plan of opération.

Parneli liked few men ; above ail, he liked few
Englishmen. Yet he regarded Lord Eandolph Churchill
with no unfriendly feelings. He thought that the
young Tory Democrat possessed generous instincts,
entertained kindly feelings towards the Irish, and was
full of originality, resource, and courage. A pleasant
companion, frank, witty, joyous, with a dash of fun and
inischief, there was no English member w T ith whom
Parneli would rather spend an hour in the Smoking-
room of the House of Commons than this Kadical who
was boni a Tory. But would Lord Eandolph take up
Home Kule? Well, Parneli was of opinion that he
was as likely to take it up as any other Englishman,
and (at the w T orst) for the same reason — to get into office ;
at his best, however, Parneli believed that Lord Eandolph
was more likely to be genuinely touched by the Irish
case than any of his compatriots. He also had a
shrewd suspicion that there was nothing which this
rattling young Tory would relish more keenly than
' dishing ' the Whigs — except, perhaps, ' dishing ' the
Tories. But if he were drawn towards Home Eule,
would he bring the Tory party with him? Of
this Parneli had grave doubts. Yet he was satisfied
that with Lord Bandolph's help he could at least create
a diversion on the Tory side which would fill the
Libérais with alarm and force them forward in his
direction.

Politically, Parneli held the member for Birmingham
in high esteem. They had combined to throw over

iET. 39] THE ENGLISH LEADERS 46

Mr. Forster. Would they combine to carry Home
Bule ? No member of the Cabinet was more advancèd
on Irish questions than the Badical leader. He had
prepared a scheme of self-government which gave the
Irish everything but a Parliament. He had always
considered, and even at times consulted, the Irish party
on Iriôh subjects. He kept in touch with the Natiônal-
ists when his colleagues in the Cabinet shunned them
as pariahs. He disbelieved in the policy of coercion.
He was fully in sympathy with a policy of redress and
reform. Assuredly, if there were any English politician
with whom Parnell might be expected to cultivate
cordial relations, it was with Mr. Chamberlain. Yet as
the crisis approached he kept the member for Birming-
ham at arm's length.

Mr. Healy and Mr. Chamberlain saw a good deal
of each other in those days. On one occasion Mr.
Chamberlain asked Mr. Healy to dine with him in
order to hâve a talk about Ireland. Mr. Healy asked
Parneirs permission. Parnell said, ' No,' angrily, and
showed very clearly that he did not désire the con-
tinuant of friendly relations between the two men.
In fact, Parnell seems to hâve made up his mind that
Mr. Chamberlain would go to the verge of Home Bule
and stop there. He would make the running for Mr.
Gladstone. He could be relied on to that extent, but
no more.

Mr. Gladstone remained. Parnell had no love for
Mr. Gladstone. But he regarded every person in public
life in England as an intellectual pigmy compared to
the Grand Old Man. ' Ah,' he once said to me in the
Smoking-room of the House of Commons, ' you do not
know what it is to fight Mr. Gladstone. I am no
match for him.' I said : ' Don't you think y oxx ' VMC ^ fcT -

46 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

estimate your powers ? ' He answered : ' No ; I coula
not explain to you what a strain it is to hâve to fight
him. I know it. I hâve fought him, and am ready to
fight him again; but he knows more moves on the
board than I do.' He then paused ; an Irish member
entered *from the Terrace. Parnell, shaking the ashes
from a cigar, looked at him, adding quickly, with an
arch smile, 'But he thinks he is a match for Mr.
Gladstone/

Man for man, Parnell would rather hâve Mr.
Gladstone on his side than anyone in England. Party
for party, he preferred the Tories to the Libérais.
'The Tories,' he said, 'can carry a Home Kule Bill
through the Lords. Can the Libérais ? ' Hoping to
convert the Tories, he believed nevertheless that Mr.
Gladstone would in the end outstrip ail competitors
in the race for the Irish vote. The greatest parlia-
mentary tactician of the âge, the chances were he
would out-manœuvre every antagonist. He might even
out-manœuvre Parnell himself . Still the course of the
Irish leader was perfectly clear. He had to threaten
Mr. Chamberlain with Lord Randolph Churchill, and
Mr. Gladstone w T ith both, letting the whole world know
meanwhile that his weight would ultimately be thrown
into the scale which went down upon the side of
Ireland. His first move was against the Government.
Hc wished to înake the Libérais fed the power of the
Irish vote. That could be doue l>y bcating them with
the Irish vote.

On May 15 Mr. Gladstone announced the détermi-
nation of the Cabinet to renew the Crimes Act. 1 The

1 Mr. Gladstone' s Cabinet had decided, according to the account
given by the Prime Minister, 4 with the Queen's permission,' to abandon
the coercion clauses of the Act, but to invest the Viceroy by statate with
Dower to en force, wherever and whenever necessary, the 'Procédure

Mi. 39] FALL OF THE GLADSTONE MINISTRY 47

Bill was to be introduced on June 10. Parnell bided
his time, watching his opportunity. On June 8 the
second reading of the Budget Bill was moved by the
Chancellor of the Exchequer. ' Sir Michael Hicks-
Beach moved an araendment condemning the increase
of béer and spirit duties proposed by Ministers. The
House divided on the question. The Irish vote was caet
upon the side of the Tories, and the Government were
defeated by a majority of 14. When the figures, 264 —
252, were handed in, a wild cheer of triumph and
vengeance, mingled with cries of 'Remember coercion/
broke from the Irish benches. Parnell had shot his
boit and brought down his man. Mr. Gladstone
resigned immediately, and before the end of the month
the Tories were in office. Lord Salisbury was Prime
Minister, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach Chancellor of the
Exchequer, Lord Bandolph Churchill Secretary of State
for India, and the Earl of Carnarvon Viceroy of Ireland.
The effect of this coup de main on Libéral opinion has
been described by Mr. Morley : ' A second point that
cannot escape attention in this crisis is the peremptory
dissipation of favourite illusions as to the Irish vote
"not counting." The notion that the two English
parties should establish an agreement that if either of
them should chance to be beaten by a majority due to
Irish auxiliaries the victors should act as if they had
lost the division has been cherished by some who are
not exactly simpletons in politics. We now see what
such a notion is worth. It has proved to be worth
just as much as might hâve been expected by any on-
looker who knows the players, the fierceness of the

clauses * which related to changes of venu*, Spécial jtiries, Boyoottmg.
Ministers proposed, in fact, to dispense with the name and maintain the
reality of coercion.— Jeyes, The Right Hon. Joseph Cjuimterto™^ \4&.

48 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

game, and the irrésistible glitter of the prizes. When
it suits their own purpose the two English parties will
unité to baffle or to crush the Irish, but neither of them
will ever scruple to use the Irish in order to baffle or to
crush their ôwn rivais. This fancy must be banished
to the same limbo as the similar dream that Ireland
could be disfranchised and reduced to the rank of a
Crown colony. Three years ago, when Ireland wa»
violently disturbed and the Irish members were ex-
tremely troublesome, this fine project of governing
Ireland like India was a favourite consolation even to
some Libérais who might hâve been expected to know
better. The absurdity of the design and the shallow-
ness of those who were captivated by it were swiftly
exposed. A few months after they had been consoling
themselves with the idea of taking away the franchise
from Ireland they ail voted for a measure which
extended the franchise to several hundreds of thousands
of the inhabitants of Ireland who had not possessed it
before, and who are not at ail likely to employ their
newpower in the direction of Crown colonies, or martial
law, or any of the other random panaceas of thoughtless,
incontinent politicians. As for the new Government,
sharp critics — and some of the sharpest are to be
found on their own benches — do not shrink from
declaring that they corne into power as Mr. ParneU'8
lieutenants. His vote has installed, it can displace
them ; it has its price, and the price will be paid. In
the whole transaction the Irish not only count, they
almost count for cverything.'

Parnell scored heavily by his first move. He put the
Libérais out, and the Tories in ; punished the one party,
and made the other dépendent on his will. It was
check for Lord Salisbury, and checkmate for Mr.

2Êt> 39] THE TORY POSITION 49

Gladstone. That was the state of the game in July
1885.

Kept in office by Parnell, the Tories did not of
course attempt to renew the Crimes Act. They were
more Libéral than the Libérais themselves ; and Lord
Carnarvon, in a gracions speech, expressed his détermina-
tion to rule by the ordinary law. Parnell asked for an
inquiry into the trials of the Maamtrasna murderers.
It was granted. Sir William Harcourt denounced the
action of the Executive in reopening the subject as a
reflection both upon the Government of Lord Spencer
and upon the administration of justice in Ireland. Lord
Eandolph Churchill scoffed at Sir William's qualms,
repudiated ail responsibility for the Government of Lord
Spencer, and condemned the Libéral policy of coercion.
The Tory Press was shocked. ' We admit,' said the
' Standard,' * the force of the temptation to conciliate
Mr. Parnell. We do not at ail dispute the probability
that the simple expédient adopted will succeed. But
that, in our opinion, is not enough to justify the tactics
that hâve been employed.'

' It was not Lord Spencer alone whose good faith
has been impeached,' said the * Times,' 'but the Irish
judiciary, the law officers of the Crown, the public
prosecutor, the magistracy, and the police.'

The following extracts will give the reader some
notion of the efforts which were made by the Tory
leaders to ' conciliate ' Parnell.

Lord Bandolph Churchill. ' Undoubtedly we do
intend to inaugurate a change of policy in Ireland. . . ,
The policy of the late Government so exasperated
Irishmen — maddened and irritated that imaginative
and warm-hearted race — that I firmly believe that had
the late Government remained in office no amount ot

VOL. il. B

60 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

bayonets or niilitary would hâve prevented outbreaks
in Ireland.'

Lord Carnarvon. ' I believe for my own part that
spécial législation of this (coercion) sort is inexpedient.
It is inexpedient while it is in opération, and it is still
more inexpedient when it has to be renewed at short
intervals.'

Lord Salisbury. l The effect of the Crimes Act has
been vcry inuch exaggerated. While it was in existence
there grew up a thousand branches of the National
Lcague, and it is from them that thosc difficulties
procceded with which we hâve now to contend. The
provisions in the Crimes Act against boycotting were
of very small effect. It grew up under that Act because
it is a crime which législation has very great difficulty
in rcaching. I hâve seen it stated that the Crimes Act
diminishcd outrages ; that boycotting acted through
outrages ; and that the Crimes Act diminished boycot-
ting. . . . It is not truc ; the Act did not diminish
outrages. In Scptember without the Crimes Act there
were fewer outrages than in August with that Act. . . .
The truth about boycotting is that it dépends upon the
passing humour of the population. I do not believe
that in any community it has endured. I doubt
whctlier in any community law has been able to
provide a satisfactory remedy ; but I believe it contains
its own Neniesis.'

Parnell set his heart on anewLand Bill to facilitate
the création of a tenant proprietary. Such a Bill was
passed. Lord Ashbournc's Act took its place on the
statute-book. By this nieasure the State was empowered
to advance a part or the wholc of the purchase money
to tenants who had agreed with their landlords to pur-
chase their holdings. Forty-nine years were allowed

Mt. 39] LOÎfcî) CARNARVON 51

for repayment of the purchase money, at the rate of
4 per cent., and 5,000,000Z. were taken from the sur-
plus fund of the Irish Disestablished Church and set
aside for the purposes of the Act. But the most
remarkable development of the Tory Irish ' alliance '
has yet to be unfolded.

In the summer of 1885 Lord Carnarvon invited
Parnell to meet him to discuss the affairs of Ireland.
Mr. Justin McCarthy shall begin this story :

' Some time in the summer of 1885 Howard Vincent
came to me in the House of Commons and said that
Lord Carnarvon wished to hâve a talk with Parnell
about Ireland. Vincent asked if an interview could be
arrangea. I said that Parnell was a difficult man to
see, and that I doubted if it could be arrangea.

' Vincent said that the interview could take place at
his house, and that everything would be managcd very
quietly ; he would keep ail the servants out of the way,
and open the door himself . I promised to see Parnell and
to put the matter before him. I did see Parnell, and I
told him ail that Howard Vincent had said. Parnell
replied : " I will see Lord Carnarvon at his own house if
he wishes to see me. There must be no mystery." I told
this to Vincent, and it was finally settled that I should
see Lord Carnarvon first. I called on Lord Carnarvon
at his own house. He opened the conversation, saying
he wished to talk about Ireland and to hear Parnell's
views. He asked me if there were any suggestions
about the government of the country which I would
like to make. I said: "The first suggestion, Lord
Carnarvon, I would like to offer is that you should go
about without a military escort and without détectives.
Trust the people."

' He answered : " I hâve made up ixw, juin! on ti&afc

52 CHAULES STEWAKT PAIiXELL [1886

point already. I mean to trust the people. M Next he
said that he was in favour of Home Rule.'

I asked : * Are you sure he said Home Bule ? '

McCarthy. 'Yes, hedid.'

' Did he give any sort of explanation as to what he
meant by Home liule ? '

McCarthy. 'Yes, he said some such arrangement
as existed in the English colonies. He did not conceal
that he would hâve some difficulty with his colleagues
in the Cabinet, but he made no secret that he was him-
self in favour of Home Rule. I said that Parnell was
willing to sec him in his own house. He replied that
they could meet at his sister's house in Grosvenor
Square. The liouse was not, I believe, at that time
occupied. The carpets were up. That was the reason,
I suppose, that Parnell said af terwards that the meeting
took place in an empty house. I saw Parnell imme-
diately, and told him what had taken place between
Carnarvon and myself.

4 A few days later Parnell and Carnarvon met at the
house in Grosvenor Square. They were quite alone.
Parnell never gave me an account of the interview.
He often had interviews which he kept to himself.
Subsequently — it might be some months later — Car-
narvon wrote to a lady, a mutual friend, saying that he
was going to Hatfield to see Lord Salisbury, and that
if he should happen to see me, to say that he would
like to hâve a talk with me. This lady invited me to
dinner to meet Lord Carnarvon ; the only persons pré-
sent were the lady and her hnsband, and Lord Carnarvon
and myself. After dinner the lady and her husband
took some opportunity of retiring from the room, and
Carnarvon and I were left alone. He at once called my
attention to an interview which Parnell had just given

Mt. 39] TREATING WITH TIIE TORIES 53

to an American newspaper. In this interview Parnell
was reported to hâve said that he expected more from
Mr. Gladstone than he did from the Tories. " If this
newspaper report be true," said Lord Carnarvon, " there
is no use in our going on." That was his expression,
or something like it, as well as I can recollect. I
unf ortunately had not seen this report. I knew nothing
about it. I could not give any explanation. I could
not say anything. 1

' Carnarvon added something to the effect that if
Parnell looked to Mr. Gladstone to settle the question
of Home Eule it was idle for him to discuss the subject
further.

'That was substantially what happened at this
interview. I had always a high opinion of Lord
Carnarvon. I feel satisfied he was willing to give us
Home Eule, but how far he could carry the Cabinet
with him, of course, I do not know. It is possible that
Carnarvon was honestly thinking of Home Eule, while
the Cabinet were thinking of the General Election.'

Lord Carnarvon's account of the transaction may
now be given :

' Towards the end of last July it was intimated to
me that, if I were willing, Mr. Parnell would also be
willing to meet me in conversation. ... At that
moment there was no one who could precisely say
what the wishes and the desires of the Irish parlia-
mentary party were. There had been singular réticence
on their part, and it was impossible really to know what
their views and opinions were.

' There was only one man who was in any way
qualified to speak. He was the chosen leader of the

1 This was an interview with a reporter of the New York Herald in
October,

64 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

Irish parliamentary party, and his power was singu-
larly and exceptionally large. He stood at the head of
the parliamentary body, who hâve proved their strength
by virtually controlling the business of the House of
Commons. It was notorious that when the new Par-
liament should be elected his strength would be at least
doubled. When I, therefore, received such an intimation
I felt that, on my part at least, I had no option in the
matter. It seemed to nie to be my duty to make myself
acquaintcd with what Mr. Parneirs views and opinions
were. . . .

* I cndeavoured to make myself explicit to Mr.
Parnell. I cxplained that the three conditions upon
which I could enter into conversation with him were :

' First of ail, that I was acting for myself by myself,
that ail the responsibility was mine, and that the com-
munications were from me alone — that is, from my lips
alone.

* Secondly, that that conversation was with référence
to information only, and that it must be understood
that there was no agrcement or understanding, however
shadowv, between us.

'And, thirdly, that I was there as the Queen's
servant, and that I would neither hear nor say one
word that was inconsistent with the union of the two
countries.

' To thèse conditions Mr. Parnell consented, and I had
the advantage of hearing from him his gênerai opinions
and views on Irish matters. This reallv is the whole
case. Mr. Parnell was quitc frank and straightforward
in ail lie Raid. I, on the other hand, had absolutely
nothing to concoal, and everything I said I shall be
perfectly contented to be judged by. Both of us left
the room as frec as when we entered it. It was the

^Et. 39] INTERVIEW WITH LORD CARNARVON 65

first, the last, and the only time that I had the pleasure
of meeting Mr. Parnell.' l

Parnell's statement cornes next :

' Lord Carnarvon originally proposed that I should
meet him at the house of a gentleman (a member of
Parliament 2 ) who subsequently undertook a mission to
Ireland, and obtained letters of introduction to several
leading members of the Irish parliamentary party, with
whom he discussed in détail the species of an Irish
Parliament which would be acceptable to Ireland. I
declined, however, to meet Lord Carnarvon at the house
of a stranger, and suggested that if the interview were
to take place at ail it had best be at his own rési-
dence. I must take issue with the correctness of Lord
Carnarvon's memory as to two of the three conditions
which he allèges he stated to me, as the conditions
upon which he could enter into any conversation with
me — namely, that first of ail he was acting of himself,
by himself, and that the responsibility was his, and the
communications were from him alone ; and secondly,
that he was there as the Queen's servant, and that he
would neither hear nor say one word that was incon-
sistent with the union of the two countries, and that I
consented to thèse conditions. Now, Lord Carnarvon
did not lay down any conditions whatever as a pre-
liminary to his entering into conversation with me. It
must be manifest that if he desired to do so he would
hâve intimated them when requesting the interview.
He certainly made no use whatever of the two terms of
the two conditions which I hâve repeated. There is,
however, some foundation for his statement concerning
the remaining one, inasmuch as he undoubtedly re-

1 House of Lords, Jane 10, 1885,
3 Sir Howftrd Vincent,

66 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

marked at thc commencement of our conversation that
he hoped I would understand that we were not engaged
in making any treaty or bargain whatever. Lord
Carnarvon then proceeded to say that he had sought
this interview for the purpose of ascertaining my
views regarding, should he call it, a " Constitution for
Ireland." But I soon found that he had brought me
there in order that he might give his own views upon
this matter as well as ascertaining mine. I readily
opened my mind to him on the subject, and in reply
to an inquiry as to a proposai which had been made to
build up a central législative body on the foundation
of county boards, I told him that I thought that this
would be working in a wrong direction, and would not
be accepted as a seulement by Ireland ; that the
central législative body should be a Parliament in name
and in fact, that it should be left to the considération
of whatever System of local government for the
counties might be found necessary. Lord Carnarvon
then assured me that that was his own view also ;
that he strongly appreciated the importance of giving
due weight to the sentiments of the Irish in this
matter. He then inquired whether in my judgment
some plan of constituting a Parliament in Dublin
short of Itepeal of the Union might not be devised and
prove acceptable to Ireland ; and he made certain
suggestions to this end, taking the colonial model as a
basis, which struck nie as being the resuit of much
thought and knowledge of the subject. Then came
the référence to protection. We were discussing the
gênerai outline of a plan for constituting a Législature
for Ireland on the colonial model, when I took
occasion to remark that protection for certain Irish
industries against English and foreign compétition

JEt. 39] SIR GAVAN DUFFY 67

would be absolutely necessary; upon which Lord
Carnarvon said : " I entirely agrée with you, but what
a row there will be about it in England."

' At the conclusion of the conversation — which lasted
more than an hour, and to which Lord Carnarvon was
very much the larger contributor — I left him, believing
that I was in complète accord with him regarding the
main outlines of a settlement conferring a Législature
upon Ireland. In conversing with him I dealt with the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, who was responsible for
the government of the country. I could not suppose
that he would fail to impress the views which he had
disclosed to me upon the Cabinet, and I hâve reason to
believe that he did so impress them, and that they were
strongly shared by more than one important member
of the body, and strongly opposed by none.' l

But the most interesting communication which I
hâve received on this subject is from the pen of Sir
Charles Gavan Duffy.

1 Communicated to the Central News Agency, Jane 12, 1886.

68 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

CHAPTER XVII

THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY

By Sir Charles Gavan Dujfy

I assent, my dear O'Brien, to your request that I
should write the story of Lord Carnarvon's pourparler
with Mr. Parnell and other Nationaliste in 1885, chiefly
because I think that Lord Carnarvon has never had
fair play in that transaction either from friends or
enemies. He was misrepresented not so inuch from
malice as from sheer misconception, for he was a type
of man with whom his critics were not familiar. To the
cynical nothing seems simpler than the case : a lead-
ing member of a Government much in need of votes
conferred with the leader of a numerous parliamentary
party on a measure which they greatly desired, and
with which he expressed substantial sympathy ; but at
a period when their votes happened to be no longer
necessary the Government separatcd themselves
peremptorily from the Minister who had conducted the
parley, and of course he could effect nothing without
them. To men, however, acquainted with Lord Car-
narvon's strict and sensitive code of honour, to which
he had more than once sacrifieed office, the implied
hypothesis was unacceptable, but they confessed it was
unfortunate that his sympathy with Irish autonomy

M?. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 59

should coincide so strictly with the necessities of his
own party. The reader who follows this narrative to
the end will acknowledge that the coincidence was
purely accidentai. Lord Carnarvon had been long of
opinion that among the unsettled problems which
disturb the peace and security of the Empire the dis-
content of Ireland was the most dangerous, and that a
statesman could attempt no higTaer task than to abate
or suppress it. He did not take up the Irish problem
on a sudden party emergency, but, as we shall préfeently
see, acting on a long held and well-weighed conviction
that its solution by some just and reasonable method
was vital to the public peace and security of the Empire.
I undertake to tell the story because I know more of it
than most men, perhaps than any man, and I désire and
design to speak the naked truth, which just men hâve
no need to fear.

When I returned from Australia to Europe in the
spring of 1880 I made Mr. ParnelTs acquaintance.
He was then a tall, stately-looking young man of
reserved manners, who spoke little, but the little was
always to the purpose. He questioned me as to my
political intentions, and I told him I came home to
work for Ireland, but not in Parliament. I hoped to
Write certain books, and a career in the House of
Commons was hard to reconcile with any serioua
literary enterprise. Outside of Parliament I should
consider myself free to take whatever course seemed
best to me on public questions without giving anyone
a right to complain, for I would connect myself with
no party. He renewed the subject once or twice, but
this was always the substance of my reply.

During the five stormy years that followed I resided
chiefly on the Continent, and watched his career from

60 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

a distance. On îny annual visits to London I saw
him occasionally at a dinner-table or under the gallery
in the House of Commons, and our conversation on
thèse occasions generally consisted of my criticism on
his policy or that of his supporters in Ireland, which
lie bore with consummate good humour. I thought
they might hâve done more to suppress outrages and
abate endless turbulence, and I insisted that talking of
obtaining the land for the people at • prairie value ' was
misleading and must end in disastrous disappointment.
The Irish movement was one in favour of as just a
cause as ever man advocated, but it was not only often
reckless in its violence, but, as 1 was persuaded, hide-
bound by want of knowledge and expérience. Mr.
Parnell was entirely unfamiliar with the studies and
experiments which had brought a new soûl into Ireland
nearly half a century before. He belonged to a family
which had reared Thomas Parnell, the author of ' The
Hennit/ but he was so little sympathetic with that an-
cestry that one of his friends told me he seriously asked
him what was the use of poetry ? His friend told him, I
trust, that one of its most practical uses was to kindle
patriotism, to feed it with Divine nourishment, and to
re-kindle it after every defeat. The ' new movement,'
as it was named, made conflicting impressions upon
me. I could not fail to see that Mr. Parnell possessed
one gift in perfection — the great and rare gift of domi-
nating and controlling men. I had hcid much expérience
of Irish parties at home and abroad, and I had seen no
one who possessed such mastery of a race among whom
individuality is a passion. Grattan did not long control
the Parliament which he made independent ; O'Connell
among men whose position depended altogether on his
will was a joyous companion, among the gay loud-

^Et. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSE 61

speaking Celts, or at highest a peer among peers ; but
the proud, silent, isolated attitude of the new dictator
was something altogether différent. And it increased
the marvel of his authority that he possessed none of
the gif ts by which his predecessors had won popularity.
He had not a gleam of the éloquence of Grattan, or the
passion and humour of O'Connell, or any trace of the
generous forbearance by which Smith O'Brien aimed
to efface himself in the interest of his cause, or of
Butt's exact knowledge of Irish interests and annals,
but he ruled with more unquestioned authority than
any of them had done.

But his rule was rudely disturbed by a horrible and
unforeseen calamity, the murder of Lord Frederick
Cavendish. A howl rose from the English Press
against Parnell, to whom the crime was more disastrous
than to any man in the community. He was so
stricken by the calamity that he resolved to retire from
Parliament and public life, and abandon a cause which
villains and imbéciles had covered with so much
shame. He proffered his résignation to Mr. Gladstone,
and announced it to his party, but no one thought that
a crime which he detested would justify such a retreat.
I may mention, as a circumstance which partly ex-
plains the appeal to him I am about presently to
describe, that while he was still resolved to retire he
recommended his friends to find a substitute by the
impossible expédient of inducing me to re-enter Parlia-
ment and take his place, 1 and in public and private he
alluded gratefully to the création of Independent Oppo-
sition in 1852 ; and more than once intimated that my
relation with that event made him always ready to
listen to my friendly counsels.

1 Becollections of C. S. ParneU, by T. M. Healy, M.P.

62 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

In the discussions over a new Crimes Bill, which the
Government introduced to crush the Phœnix Park con-
spirators, the friendly relations between the Administra-
tion and the Irish party were altogether shattered, and
the parliamentary contests between them were fierce
and furious. During the same session the Gladstone
Government carried the Irish Land Bill of 1881, which
has proved a great boon to Ireland. They carried also
a Keform Bill, which for the first time gave Ireland
the same franchise as England. Strange to say, Mr.
Parnell did not vote for the Land Bill (which he pro-
bably considered inadéquate), and it was only at the
last moment, on the eve of the second reading, that he
consented to support the Keform Bill. On every divi-
sion threatening the existence of the Government the
Irish party at this time voted with the Opposition, and
finallv, in June 1885, the Gladstone Government was
overthrown by their assistance.

After the fall of Mr. Gladstone's Government
Lord Salisbury was called to power, and as he was
only supported by an accidentai majority a dissolution
of Parliament became necessary.

I was in London at this time, and I was pro-
foundly surprised by the intimation from one of
ParneH's lieutenants that the Irish party had corne
to the resolution of supporting Tory candidates at
the coming élection. At a later period an address
was published to the Irish electors in England
which confirmed ail I had heard. The address waB
a violent and implacable impeachment of the Libéral
party, arraigning them as having coerced Ireland,
deluged Egypt with blood, menaced religious liberty
in the school, and freedom of speech in Parliament.
The Gladstone party, it declared, had attained power

^£t. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 6&

by promises which were ail falsified. It promised
peace, and made unjust wars ; promised economy, and
its Budget reached the highest point yet attained ; it
promised justice to aspiring nationalises, and it merci-
lessly crushed the national movement in Egypt under
Arabi Pasha and murdered thousands of Arabs, 'rightly
struggling to be free.' To Ireland, more than any
other country, it bound itself by most solemn pledges,
and thèse it flagrantly violated. It denounced coercion,
and it practised a System of coercion more brutal than
that of any previous Administration. Juries were
packed in Ireland with unprecedented shamelessness,
and innocent men were hung or sent to the living
death of pénal servitude ; twelve hundred men were
robbed of their liberty in Ireland without trial; and
for a period every utterance of the popular Press or
of the popular platform was as completely suppressed
as if Ireland were Poland and the administration of
England Eussian autocracy. I was much alarmed
at the insensate policy about to be pressed upon my
countrymen. Parnell was difficult to find, but I called
upon Dwyer Gray and told him that I desired very
much to hâve a conférence with Parnell on the policy
of the hour. Gray promised to arrange a tête-à-tête
dinner for the ensuing Saturday, which took place at
his house accordingly, the party consisting of Parnell,
Gray, and myself.

I asked Parnell what he was to get from the
Tories for Ireland in return for the support about to be
given to them. He said the new Government were
not going to renew Forster's Coercion Bill ; beyond
that he did not know what they meditated. I replied
that he ought to know ; he was bound before obtaining
the support of Irish voters for candidates who in

64 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

Ireland would be often Orangemen, and in England
often bigots or blockheads. His support was enor-
mously important to the Tory party, and to get nothing
in exchange for such a boon was not policy or strategy,
but childish folly. What could he get, and how could
he get it ? he demanded. You might get, I replied, the
promise of a Select Committee or a Boyal Commission
to hear évidence and report on the best means of allay-
ing Irish discontent ; the best and only means being,
as we knew, Home Eule. As to the method, I re-
minded him of what happened recently with respect to
the late Keform Bills ; the leaders of the two parties
met in private, and came to a compromise which their
supporters accepted without controversy. 'Yes/ he
said, ' but an august personage was understood to hâve
recommended that compromise, and he had no august
personage to help him.' No, I rejoined, but he had
something as décisive ; he had the power of turning
the Tory minority into a majority. If the new Govern-
ment promised to consider Home Eule favourably
there was probably not a seat in Ireland which they or
we could not carry. Gray asked whom was Parnell to
approach. The whips were worth nothing in such a
case ; they had no authority, and might be disavowed.
I said I could put him into communication with a
Cabinet Minister who was well disposed towards Ireland,
even to the extent of desiring to give her self-govern-
ment, and who was a man of integrity and honour,
who might be relied upon to do whatever he promised.
The man, I added, was the new Lord Lieutenant for
Ireland, Lord Carnarvon. Parnell expressed much
satisfaction, and we debated the method by which this
opportunity might be made most fruitful. I said if
Parnell abandoned the idea of vengeance on the

JEt. 39] THË CARNAÏtVON CONTROVERSE 65

• e - • , # •

Libérais, which I considered insensate in a popular
leader, and took the ground that he would help the new
Government to the best of his ability at the élections
and in Parliament provided they took up the Home
Rule question, at least to the extent of promising an
inquiry, I would go to Ireland and open negotiations
with |Lord Carnarvon which Parnell might confirm
later. Gray asked if my récent article in the ' National
Review,' appealing to the Conservative party to carry
Home Rule, was written in concert with any Con-
servatives. Yes, I said, I had consulted some Conser-
vatives in the House of Commons on the subject, and
the article was sent to the ' National Review/ of whosé
editor I knew nothing, by Lord Carnarvon. Before
separating I urged on Parnell and Gray the need of
getting the Tories to give a Catholic University tô
Ireland. Parnell demanded if there were any great
need of it. Yes, I said, vital need. The Scotch had
excellent schools and collèges, and they beat the Irish
everywhere in the battle of life. This was very signifi-
cant in the Colonies, and Gray would tell him that in
Ireland the business of his large office was managed by a
Scotch Presbyterian, and that James Duffy's publishing
establishment was managed by another Scotch Presby-
terian ; not certainly that they preferred Scotch Presby-
terians, but that they were of opinion that they could
not get so suitable men at home. Gray assented, and
Parnell said that if it could he done it ought to be doné.
I agreed to go to Ireland immediately, and I said
I w r ould open the business by a public letter to Lord
Carnarvon on the justice and policy of conceding Homp
Eule.

I must now state the grounds upon which I
counted on the assistance of Lord Carnarvon. During

VOL. II. p

69 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1883

a visit to Europe from Àustralia in 1874 I made his
acquaintance, he being at that time Secretary of State
for the Colonies. I was his guest repeatedly at High-
clere and in London, and had much conversation with
him on Colonial and Impérial affairs, and had an
opportunity of noting hirn in action and in council. I
was much impressed by the essential justness aûd fair-
ness of his opinions, especially on questions which long
controversy had rendered morbid. He was a Tory
without a soupçon of the religious bigotry which I had
so habitually seen associated with Toryism in Ireland
and Australia, and as ready as any man I hâve ever
encountered to hear his opinions frankly debated. He
took up public questions, not to estimate the party
results they might yield, but to détermine what was
just and necessary respecting them. He spoke of
Au8tralian Fédération, Impérial Fédération, and, to my
great satisfaction, the claims of Ireland to self-govern-
ment. He seemed to hâve arrived at the conclusion
that the honour and interest of the Empire demanded
some settlement of the Irish claims which would put
an end to chronic disaffection. Thèse were topics on
which I had long pondered, and had naturally much to
say, to w T hich he listened with courtesy and attention*
I probably proposed, at any rate I undertook, to write
a paper on the Fédération of the Empire, including the
Fédération of Ireland. I did not keep a copy of this
paper, and after a quarter of a century might hâve
forgotten its existence but that a note of Lord
Carnarvon of that date acknowledging the receipt
of it revives the subject in my memory, and shows
conclusively that for a dozen years before his Irish
Vice-Royalty he was deeply engaged on the Irish
problem.

Mt. 39] THE CARXABVOX CONTROVERSY 67

1 Gedling Reetory, Nottingham : September 74.

I De ar Sir Gavan Duffy, — Your letter and mémo-
randum hâve found me where I am staying for a few
days. Let me thank you much for them. The subject
of our conversation at Highclere had not in any way
escaped me. I hâve indeed thought much of it, but I
was very glad to hâve your opinion actually on paper,
and in a form so clear and complète as that in which
you hâve expressed it. I will give it every attention,
and when later in the autumn we again meet I will tell
you the resuit of my considération.

I I certainly will not fail to give you notice of my
scheme for an undress réception, for I retain a lively
recollection of the friendly interest that you hâve taken
in it. It only dépends on our getting access to the new
buildings, and this I should hope may be early in
November.

' I hope that you will now feel the benefit of your
baths (at Aix-les-Bains). As a rule the advantage of
them cornes out after your return home. Àt the time
they mainly exhaust the patient.

' Believe me, yours very sincerely,

1 Carnarvon.'

The undress réception referred to in the end of the
note was a very practical project of having together
once a fortnight, I think, the leading colonists then in
Europe, who might frarikly interchange opinions with
the Minister and with each other.

When I returned finally to Europe, in 1880, 1 saw
much of Lord Carnarvon. His mind was set on
attempting certain large measures, and he perhaps
thought that I might be of some service in removing
difficulties. As I was an unequivocal Home Euler, he

* 2

68 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

assumcd, and had a right to assume, that I saw means
of carrying Home Rule into opération without injustice
to the great interests which it would affect. I urged
him to make some sign of his sympathy with Irish
claims, but he very naturally sought to hâve the ques-
tion threshed out before committing himself in any
public manner. In the spring of 1883 he suggested
the main difficultés of the case, the préjudices which
ought to be allayed, and the interests which ought to
be rendered safe from possible spoliation :

1 43 Portman Square : April 28, 1883.

' Dear Sir Gavan Dufpy, — I hâve received and
carefully read the paper which you hâve sent me. The
subject is one which it would be far easier to talk over
in friendly conversation than to discuss on paper, but,
writing in confidence and as lawyers say "without
préjudice," I do not like to remain entirely silent in
answcr to your letter.

' Viewing the matter, then, as one of argument I
should say that the w T eak point in the reasoning is this
— that it is difficult to see the guarantee which you
and every fair man would désire to give to the English,
and especially the English landowning population, for
the security of their property when once the légis-
lation and government of the country are transferred
to the Irish people. After the events of the last three
years sonic real security cannot be considered unreason-
able, and they should be free either to part with their
property at a fair value, or their possession of it should
be guaranteed to theni by some process, which I am
afraid from the nature of the circumstances is im-
possible. I do not sec how a money compensation
could be found without unduc recourse to the English

JEt. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSE 6a

taxpayer, and a constitution furnished with safeguards
to give a voice to the minority and security to property
would or might become an object of attack to agitators,
and unless supported by English force — which is a
supposition fatal to the whole idea on which we are
arguing — it would be swept away. I do not say that
this would necessarily happen, but the récent agitation
in Ireland makes it at least essential to guard against
it ; for, bad as things are, such a contingency, which
would mean anarchy of the worst kind, would only
make it worse.

1 Some option to sell at a fair price or to remain
and take their chance under a fair constitution as
carefully guarded and guaranteed as possible seerns
alone, in point of argument, to meet the conditions of
the case ; but hère, as I hâve said, you would be
confronted by the magnitude of the amount required
and the practical impossibility of providing it.

' 1 conclude that you are still at Nice, and I hope
the better for it in health. Believe me,

* Yours very sincerely,

' CARNARVON.'

I feared that the whole plan might 'be wrecked by
the need of purchasing out the landlords at an enor-
mous cost, and I urged upon him not to insist on
that condition. It seemed to me that the essential
basis of an arrangement acceptable to the Tory party
must bc that the Irish proprietors shall stay at home
and do their duty, as the gentry of other countries do.
Why should they not do so ? It was the unspoken
condition on which their class exists, and its privilèges
can be justified only if they perform the public duties
for which they are specially fit,

70 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

There was one class of proprietors, and one only,
in respect to whoin I thought a provision ought to be
made for buying out their interests — the absentées
who hâve estâtes in England. They could not be ex-
pected to réside in Ireland, and they hâve always been
a disturbing élément -there. Ireland has been governed
at their discrétion, and with a care mainly to their
individual interests, at any time that can be specified
from the sixteenth century downwards.

But the securities which he claimed against the
rash or illegitimate disturbance of the fundamental
conditions of the new constitution ought, I adinitted —
and could, I insisted — be provided. It is not necessary
that I should go into détails hère, as I specified at a
later period in a ' Review ' article the securities I
relied on.

I was fortunate enough to obtain the admission of
many noted Unionists that it was sufficient. 1

In the middle of October 1884 I made a visit of
some days to Highclere with a view to the free
colloquial discussion which Lord Carnarvon desired.
The time had manifestly corne to consider the Irish
question, not as an académie thesis, but as a practical
problem which might soon demand immédiate handling.
I was of opinion that there were many other Con-
servatives, especially in the Housc of Commons, who
thought that this problem ought to be speedily dealt
with, and I undertook to write an article showing that
there was nothing in the principles or practice of the
party which prohibited them from undertaking the
task. I wrote an article entitled ' An Appeal to the

» A Fuir Constitution for Ireland, by Sir C. Oavan Duffy, K.G.M.O.
Itepublishcd as a pamphlet from the Çontcmporary Review by Samptoa
Low, Marston il* Co., London.

^Et. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 71

Conservative Party/ which Lord Carnarvon sent to
the ' National Beview,' l their monthly organ. It
excited wide controversy, and was unexpectedly well
received by the Conservative Press. A mère glance ai
the Appeal will be sufficient for my présent purpose,
but such a glance is necessary to explain Lord Carnar<«
von's connection with the Irish problem, for I stated
only opinions which I was persuaded he also heïcL
I reminded Conservatives that there was nothing îû
their hereditary policy which forbade them to take the
çlaims of Ireland into favourable considération, and
nothing in the nature of thèse claims which juôtifiëd
English gentlemen in rejecting them without furthei?
inquiry.

The Tories got their historié naine (Toree = Irish Rapparee)
from their sympathy with oppressed Catholics whom the Whigff'
were plundering or loading with pénal laws. On thé fund*î
mental principles of loyalty and obédience to authority, Iridr
Catholics and English Tories were then in accord ; but the Irish
wing of the Tory party were Puritans for the most part (were, in
fact, bitter Whigs of the original type), and they gave what in
modem times would be called an Orange tinge to the policy of the*
entire connection. The original amity, however, justified ther
preslimption that there is no essential and immovable barrie*
between Conservatives and the Irish people. They were friend»
at the beginning— why should they not still be friends ?

It was on behalf of Tories of the last century that the fini
offer to repeal the pénal laws was made. William Pitt, prompted
by Edmnnd Burke, projected the complète émancipation of
Catholics. Burke said, in so many words : * If you do not
emancipate the Catholics, they will naturally and inevitably join
the Bepublican conspiracy hatched in Belfast.' But a cabal in
Dublin, in the interest of Protestant ascendency, thwarted the 1
design of the statesmen, and from that day forth the Whigs, who
took up the measure which their opponents abandoned, hâve been
ablo to count on Irish Catholics as allies against the Tories*

1 February 1885,

72 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

To indicate that Ireland need not dépend exclusively
6n the Tory party I quoted some language of Mr^

When Emancipation came at last, more than a génération later, it
was the Tories who carried it, and carried it against another revolt
of their allies in Ireland. The gâtes of the Constitution were
thrown open by Wellington and Peel, but to appease the dis-
contented wing in Ireland not one Catholic was invited to enter
and be seated. Soft words do not butter potatoes any more than
parsnips, and Irishmen were not content with this barren victory.
Thus another opportunity for inaking friends of a whole nation
was wantqnly thrown away.

The Irish land question had become the spécial property of the
Libéral party, because they were first to legislate upon it. But
the teaching which must précède législation began with their
adversaries. Michael Sadler, a Conservative gentleman, was the.
earliest Englishman to deniand justice for Irish farmers. He
preached their rights to Parliament and the English people with
passionate conviction and genuine sympathy, but he preached to
deaf ears. A génération later Sir Joseph Napier, Irish Attorney*
General of the Derby Government of 1852, niade a serious and
generous attempt to settle the question. His measures passed the
House of Couinions, but the Irish peers, taking fright at the
concessions which Mr. Disraeli made to the Tenant League party,
induced Lord Derby to repudiate what had been done or promised ;
and a week later his Government came to an end by the désertion
of the Tenant League members, who considered themselves
betrayed. Again the Tory party were first to take in hand the
question of middle-class éducation in Ireland ; and if the Queen'i
Collèges founded by Sir Robert Peel failed, it was once more the
Tories, led by Mr. Disraeli and Lord Cairns, who proposed an
effectuai reform of the System. Thus free altars, secure home-
steads, and that efTectual éducation which is an essential equip-
ment in the battle of modéra life, were ail in turn proposed, and
two of the three carried into law, by the party whoin I now
addressed.

"NYith such a record, why should it bo impossible for English
Conservatives to settle the Irish question ? AVas it that thedemand
made by Irishmen for the control of their own afTairs is répugnant
to the principes and policy of the Tory party ? Ycry far from it.

i£T. 39] THE CAKNARVON CONTROVERSY 73

Gladstone's which seemed to me a guarantee that
sooner or later he would déclare for Home Rule and
take in hand the greatest question which remained
for the treatment of an Impérial statesman. ' I honour
Mr. Gladstone,' I said, 'for his services to Ireland,
and I would rejoice to see his career crowned by the
greatest achievement which remains for a British
statesman to perform. But if another be ready to do
it sooner and better, the wreath and the palm, the
applause and the bénédictions, are for the victor. We
hail as a Hercules not him who has planned* but him
who has accomplished one of the twelve labours/

To illustrate the acceptance of the overture by the
Press would occupy inordinate space ; an extract from
the Irish correspondent of the ' Times ' will sufficiently
indicate its gênerai tendency :

It was the Tory Cabinet of Sir Robert Peel which laid the basis of
colonial freedom by establishing parliamentary government in
Canada. The tuen who had been proclaimed rebels because they
insisted on the government of Canada by Canadians were
called to power as responsible Ministers of the Crown ; with
what results we know. Canada has become more and more
an intégral part of the Empire It was the first Government
of Lord Derby, a dozen years later, which established similar
institutions in Australia. Thèse prosperous and aspiring States
are now ruled as England is ruled, and as Ireland desires to be
ruled. The Impérial Government cannot control their local
institutions any more than it can control the rising or setting of
the morning star. And among the divers communities who
recognise the supremacy of the Impérial Crown, who are more
faithful to its interests than the colonists of Canada and Australia ?
Had the claims of Canada been trcated as the claims of Ireland
hâve been treated hitherto, there would hâve been a différent resuit
to exhibit.

On the eve of an élection which may and must fix their
position for a long future, it surely behoves Conservatives still
more than Whigs to consider what it is fitting they should do in
the promises,

74 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [18-:

. Sir Charles Gavon Dufîy's article in the ( National Review, 9
rècommending the Conservative party to corne to an understanding
with the Home Rulers for a settlement of the Irish question upon
fair and équitable ternis, has excited much interest among varions
classes of politicians hère, and is very freely discussed. The
writer's early connection with the Young Ireland movement as
one of its inost prominent and influential leaders, his long ex-
périence afterwards as a member of a colonial législature which
enjoys self-government, and as a statesinan invested with the
responKibilities of office as Prime Minister, and the moderate and
cpnciliatory tone in which lie writes, are éléments of considération
which give a weight and significance to his proposai such as no
essay of a mère theorist or spéculative politician could possess.
Loyalists are ready to enter into any combination which ofiers a
chance of expressing, by their action, the bitter disappointment and
resentment which they feel. Others, taking a calm and practical
view of the altered circumstances, seem to think that it is a matter
of imperative necessity to make the best ternis they can with their
opponents, and no longer maintain a hopeless struggle against a
power which has been so strengthened by Ministerial encourage-
ment and Impérial législation as to become in a short time over-
whelming. Sir Charles Duflfy is too keen a politician and too
sagacious an observer of public events not to seo the favourable
moment which is now presented for interposing as a mediator
between parties who hâve hitherto been contending and are now
resting upon their arms, and endeavouring to bring about an
entente cordiale which may help to realise the object which he has
alwavs had at heart.

It mav well be that the tone of the Press on this
occasion encouraged Lord Carnarvon to believe the
opportunity for settling the Irish question was at
length at hand. As a gênerai élection was approaching,
I urged upon hini to induce his colleagues, the leaders
of the Opposition, to indicate the intention of con-
siderintf the Irish problem with a view to a settlement.
The objections he niade to immédiate action were just
and reasonable. Ile was determined to act, but not
to act prematurely or without the co-operation of his
ordinary allies. This was his reply ;

iET. 39] THE CAKNARVON CONTROVERSY 75

Piston Park, Dulverton : Maroh 3, '85.

' DeÀr Sir Gavan Duffy, — You will hâve seen by
the papers how severe the political crisis has been, and
you will hâve known froin your own political expérience
how impossible it was to do anything beyond the
necessities of the liour. The pressure is somewhat
relieved ; but I find very many difficulties on ail sides
—and some of them aggravated by the récent Fenian
explosions and by the reports which are constantly
appearing in the papers of dynamite conférences and
further intended outrage. But I am mindful of pur
correspondent and conversation, and am very anxious,
so far as I hâve the power, to get the whole question
considered by those who can best deal with it, and'
without whom it would be vain to look for a satis-
factory resuit. Ail this means more delay than I
personally désire ; but you know what public life is,
and how impossible it is to hurry matters even when
one is conscious oneself of the value of time. This
above ail seems clear to me, that prématuré action
would do far more mischief than présent delay. There
are so many différent interests, individuals, party con-
sidérations, that it is extremely difficult to act, and the
présent extraordinarily disturbed condition of politics
abroad makes it almost impossible to secure the
necessary attention for any subject, however important.
Egypt, France, Germany, and Iiidia threaten, each of
them, from day to day to raise issues which for the
moment obscure everything else, however important.
I never remember in my public life a time of such
pressure and real anxiety. I write to you quité freely.
and frankly, because I know that you prefer this, and
because I wish you tô understand how very great are
the difficulties which exist ; at the same time, I do not

76 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

think the time has been wasted since my return to
England. My tendency, as I think I said to you, is
in ail thèse matters to be cautious, and to avoid any
prématuré step which must préjudice future action ;
and I specially dislike to seem to promise more than I
can fulfil. In this case, as you know, the action of an
individual is worth little ; it must be the concurrence
of many to bring about any satisfactory resuit, and
this is not easy or very quickly to be obtained.

' I am hère only for a few days, and London is on
the whole my safest address.

' I hâve had both your letters, including your last of
February 27, which, however, only reached me hère'
this morning.

' Lady Carnarvon desires me to thank you very
much for the book on the vine cultivation, which she
will doubtless receive in a day or two, and to which
she is looking forward. I wish we were in a climate
suitable to the growth of grapes ! It is now blowing
and pouring in a truly English fashion. Believe me,

' Yours very truly,

1 Cabnabvon.'

I doubtless urged various reasons for prompter
action than he contemplated — of which, however, I hâve
kept no record — for this was his rejoinder :

'Dear Sir Gavan Duffy,— I hâve just returned
hère from London, and I take the first opportunity of
rcplying to your last letter.

'Knowing as I do your anxious désire to find a
solution for that great question on which your heart
is naturally set, I am afraid you will not think my
answer a very satisfactory one — and yet it is the only
one which I can honestly give.

Mt. 39] TSÈ CARNARVÔN CONTROVERSE 77

4 My personal sympathies are, as you know, largely
with you. I believe I might say the same of many of
my political friends, though, as I hâve always said, I
can only speak for myself ; but I hâve corne unwillingly
to the conclusion that at this moment, in the very
critical state of foreign affairs, with a gênerai élection
close upon us, with a condition of parties which
enormously enhances the great difficulties of the ques-
tion itself, it is not practicable — or indeed wise — to
attempt any forward step. And however strong your
own wish is towards a différent conclusion, I think you
will agrée that this view is not an unreasonable one.

4 My belief is that till the General Election is over
and both parties know their strength any attempt to
settle this great controversy will not only be hopeless,
but will distinctly préjudice the resuit ; and if this is
so, it is clearly one of those cases in which the best
chance of a settlement lies in patience and some — and
not a very long — delay.

* I hope that you will believe that I say this from
no désire to spare myself labour or anxiety. I appre-
ciate too much the transcendent importance of the
subject. But I hâve corne slowly to this conclusion,
and only after taking every means in my power to
satisfy myself of the correctness of it. If you do not
agrée with me, I should yet like to know that you do
not wholly disagree. Believe me,

' Yours very truly,

1 Cabnarvon.

* Pixton Park, Dulverton : March 18, 1885.»

I have kept copies of none of my letters to Lord
Carnarvon, but I find this rough draft of my reply to
the last note, which contains at least the substance of
what I said to him :

7d CHARLES STEWART PARXELL . . £1885

' March 24, 1885.

'Dear Lord Carnarvon, — As you invite me tq
express an opinion on the détermination you hâve
arrived at, I will do so with the frankness and sin-
cerity you would expect. You are so much better
acquainted than I can possibly be with the difficultés
to be encountered among your friends in raising thé
Irish question at présent that it would be idle to
debate that point. I never doubted there were serions
difficulties and rooted préjudices to overcome, but what
has any statesman accomplished worth remembering of
which as much might not be said ? Statesmen ignoré
the préjudices of their supporters because they are
wiser and stronger than they. I pictured to myself
that a statesman who possesses every blessing that
fortune can bestow on a man would find in its diffi-
culty one of the main charms of an enterprise. What
is easily donc, what any one can do, is scarce worth
doing by the exceptional man. His purpose ought to
" stream like a thundercloud against the wind."

'As respects the condition of parties and the
approach of a gênerai élection, they seem to me to
favour action rather than to forbid it.

4 Is not somcthing due to the Irish party ? If
they had not voted with the Opposition there would
be no political crisis in Parliament, but a triumphant
and irrésistible Government. And again, remember,
had the Conservatives taken up the question in the
spirit you were disposed to do, there would probably
not be one Whig elected for Ireland in 1886. In many
English constituencies the resuit would hâve been felt,
for Irish voters would naturally hâve supported candi-
dates of the party most friendly to Irish interests.

' Of course I see, on the other hand, that English

iET.,39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 79

counties, if the question were as suddenly presented
to them, might be alarmed and offended; that yoù
don't know the views of the new electors ; and that
there are party troubles enough already without
increasing them. Thèse are solid and prudent reasonp
in ordinary times ; but we live in a period of révo-
lution, when the party of résistance must stake every-
thing on a gênerai élection. If, without the help of
new friends, they are likely to be in a minority in the
new Parliament, then the urgent problem is to find
new friends.

1 1 may mention — though of course it counts for
nothing — that I had taken certain measures in relation
to the intended movement. The Irish Catholic bishops
are going to Eome after Easter, and I proposed to sefc
certain of them at Nice on their way back, if I were by
that time authorised to make a spécifie statement to
them. I had also replied to letters from some of the
Irish members that I would go to London in Juné,
with a view to consult with them, expecting to be able
to speak to them on the same subject. I can now say
nothing to either/

Four months later the Gladstone Government fell
and the Tories were called to office. To my great satis-
faction, Lord Carnarvon undertook the office of Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland. Before leaving London, to
secure himself from the ravenous herd of place-beggarjs
who assail a new Minister, he took up his quarters for
a week or two in a friend's house where no one could
reach him without a passport. I saw him several
times there, and was much pleased with his scheme of
Irish policy. I promised to go to Ireland, and obtained
his consent that I should address a letter to him in the

80 CHARLES 8TËWART PARNELL I18Ô6

newspapers urging him to adopt Home Rule, without,
however, intimating in any manner that I had reason to
hope for a favourable answer.

When I arrived in Dublin I had immediately a letter
from Lord Carnarvon, inviting me and my wife, who
had accompanied nie to Ireland, to an officiai dinner at
the Castle on an early day, and an immédiate con-
versation at the Viceregal Lodge in the Phœnix Park,
where he was then residing. I excused myself from
going to the Castle for any purpose ; I had promised
long ago never to enter its portais till it was occupied
by a National Government or a Government in sym-
pathy with the aims of the people, and it would seriously
impair my usefulness in conferring with the National
party if I accepted Castle hospitalities. But I went
immediately to the Viceregal Lodge in the park, and I
had a prolonged conversation with Lord Carnarvon on
the business which brought me to Ireland.

Lord Carnarvon was not even now prepared to
pledge himself to Home Rule, but he was prepared to
inquire what spécifie measure of self-government would
satisfy Nationalists, and whether the Protestant and
propertied niinority could be reconciled to such a claim.
He hoped to collect a body of évidence which would
enable his collcagues to corne to a décision on the
question, and he ccrtainly desired that the décision
might be a favourable one. He repeatedly said : ' I
cannot answer for my collcagues ; I can answer for no
one but myself. But I will submit to them whatever
information I can collect, and report to you frankly
what they détermine. ' I had urged more than once or
twice that if the Government would not be prepared to
go to the country with a proposai for Home Rule, which
I scarcely hoped, they might authorise him to promise

&T. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTRQVERSY 81

that, if they came back from the General Election with
a- majority, they would appoint a sélect committee
empowëred to hear évidence on the question, and whôse;
report might f orna the basis of future législation. He
thought there would be great difficulty in getting them
to consent to a measure which involved such manifest
conséquences, and I suggested that the proposai might
be for a committee to inquire into the fédération of the
Empire, of which the relations with Ireland would form
a necessary part. He still saw difficulties, as no doubt
there were. I told him frankly I had advised Mr.
Parnell not to take the serious responsibility of recom-
merfding Irish electors to support Tory candidates
unless they knew what Ireland was to hâve in return,
and as the élection was near at hand this was a question
which must be settled without delay for the mutual
convenience of the parties concerned.

The Under-Secretary at this time was Sir Eobert
Hamilton, a Scotchman of the just and sympathetic
nature of Thomas Drummond. He was impatient of
the total want of local government in Ireland, and the
absence of the popular élément from whatever boards
or committees administered public affairs. He was of
much service to Lord Carnarvon in gathering his
materials and formulating his opinions, and when I
met him I found a man whom I could esteem and
respect. I speedily published a letter to Lord Car-
narvon, entitled 'The Price of Peace in Ireland.' It
consisted in a great degree of arguments which I had
pressed on him pcrsonally from the time we had first
debated the question down to the date of writing. As
the letter excited much controversy, and was weH
received by the organs of the Çonservative party in
Ireland, I must fly through its leading features. I

VOL. il. G

82 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

welcomed Lord Carnarvon to Ireland, because I Was
persuaded his object in coming there was to perforai
work which would render his Irish Viceroyalty
mémorable. Its routine duties could hâve few
attractions for a statesman who had handled important
interests and guided large issues. Out of a long list of
soldiers and nobles who had held that office the majority
were quite forgotten, some were remembered only
because they had left an evil réputation, but a chosen
few would live for ever in the grateful meinory of the
Irish people. Lord Fitzwilliam shines in our annals
like the morning star of dawning liberty. Commis-
sioncd by Pitt to concède complète émancipation to the
Catholics in the last century, while O'Connell was still
an unknown law student, lie was baffied and thwarted
by the bigotry which has been the blackest curse of the
island ; but though he failed, he is fondly remembered
for what he dcvised and attempted. Lord Wellesley
and Lord Anglesea bade us hope and strive when our
counsels were most crossed and troubled. But above
ail, Lord Mulgrave, the first représentative of the
Crown in Ireland since the surrender of Limerîck
who dared to be greatly just. His son, the présent
Marquis of Xormanby, served at the centre and at
the cxtremities of the Empire, and wherçver he wënt
he assurée! nie he found Irishmen who held his father's
naine in révérence and affection. But there was a
wider and mon? permanent renown to be won than any
of thèse Yiceroys achieved. It remained by one happy
stroke to give pcace to Ireland, and to make the con-
nection of thèse islands secure and permanent.

There was only one method — an easy and obvious
one. It succeeded in other countries in graver diffi-
culties. There never was any other method, there

Mt. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTRÔVBRSY S3

never would be any other. Ail others were doomed tp
certain disaster aud failure. It was needless to name
it; it was in every nian's mind and on every ma&'«
tongue. The statesman who accomplished this ttffik
wbliM leave a name which would live as long as histoify
endures. No one knew better than an ex-Secretary of
State for the Colonies what pregnant examples the
colonial empire furnishes of the suprême policy and
wisdom of doing justice to the oppressed. Half a
century ago the great colonies were more disturbed and
• discontented than Ireland in 1880.

Lower Canada was organising insurrection under Catholic
gentlemen of French descent, and Upper Canada was in arma
under a Scotch Presbyterian. Australia was then only a great
pastoral seulement, but bitter discontent and angry menaces were
heard in ail its centres of population, provoked by the shameful
practice of discharging the criminals of England like a déluge of
filth on that young country.

But Sir Robert Peel set the example of granting to the Colonies
the control of their own affairs, and now Melbourne or Montréal
was more exuberantly loyal to the Empire than London or Edîh-
burgh. 'The New South Wales. expédition to the Soudan was
received with a roar of exultation throughout England; but that
remarkable transaction, however warmly it was applauded, was
imper/ectly understood. The trûe moral it teaches is this— that it
is wise and safe to be just. The acting Prime Mînistér of ihe
çolpny who despatch ed that expédition was an Australien Catholic
bf Irish descent. If his native country were govemed as Ireland
' has been governed, he had the stuff in him to be a leader of reyoty.
But it is permitted to govern itself, and we see the resuit. . In
"Victoria the risk of war with Russia called out a démonstration as
énergetic. The Irish population undertook to raise a régiment of
a thousand men for the defence of the territory where they found
freedom and prosperity. Their spokesman was a young Irish
Catholic, who had bean a Minister of State at Melbourne at an âge
when his father was a prisoner of State in Dublin for the crime of
insisting that Ireland should possess the complète autonomy which
his children now enjoy in the new country.' The.se were some of

84 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

M m " * * * •

* ■

the natural conséquences of fair play in the Colonies. Was there
any reason to doubt that a like cause in Ireland would produce like
éffects? Nothing that the blackest pessimist predicted on the
danger of entrusting Ireland with the management of her ewh
•flairs was more offensive or alarmist than the* vaticination** of
.colonial officiais hait* a century ago on the périls of entrusting
colonists with political power.

Human nature has the same spiritual warp and
woof in the Old World as in the New, and what has
made Irish Catholics contented and loyal on the banks
of the Paramatta and the Yarra Yarra would make
them contented and loyal on the banks of the Liffey or
the Shannon.

I felt ahnost ashamed to add that what I meditated was a
seulement of the Irish question, accepted, as wcll as offered, in
good faitli ; a plan capable of being worked for the cornmon good
of Irishmen, not for any spécial creed or class, but for ail alike, and
which would be defended against ail enemics froni within or from
without in the Haine spirit in which it was accepted. This, and
nothing short of this, had been the design of my whole public life ;
and I was as faithful to it now as when I shared the counsels of
O'Connell or O'Brien.

In conclusion, I said I was not in the least afraid
that the religious freedom of the ininority would be
endangered, but I would rejoice to see a risk which was
improbable frankly rendered impossible.

' No one, as far as I knew, desired to disturb the Act of Settlt-
ment, but the Act of Seulement ought to be put entirely beyond
question. Your Excellency knows that in Colonial and American
constitutions dangers of the same gênerai character had to be
guarded against, and hâve been guarded against successfully. The
French-Cnnadian Cntholics, who nre now a hnndful in the midst of
a nation, would not enter into the Dominion without guarantees
for their religious libcrty nnd their hereditary possesnions ; and you
know thèse hâve boeu elTcctually secured and nre safe beyond ail
risk.

For niyHelf, as one C'atholic Celt, I would say that the men I

Mi. 39] THE CARNAUVON CONTROVERSY : B5

most honour in our history, and the friends I hâve most loved in
life, belonged in a large proportion to a race and creed which are
not mine. Swift and Molyneux, Flood and G rat tan, were not only
Protestants, but the sons of English officiais serving in Dublin
courts and bureaux. Curran, Tone, and Father Mathew were the
descendants of Cromwellian settlers. The father of the best Irish-
rnan I hâve ever known, or ever hope to know, who has been the
idol of two générations of students and thinkers, was a Welshman,
wearing the uniform of an English régiment. The price of peace in
Ireland was simple and spécifie. To proffer reforms and révisions
of the existing System in lieu of National Government was insen-
sate. If a sane man had been put into a lunatic asylnm and thé
administration of his estate given to étrangers, it would be idle to
offer him améliorations of his condition as a remedy. What he
wants is to get out. À softer bed and more succulent fare are good
things doubtless, but what are they worth to a détenu impatient to
escape from bonds and résume the control of his life ?

It is tragical to recall the cordial sympathy with
which thèse sentiments were received by Protestants of
the professional classes, by officiais, and by the journal-
ists of the Conservative party. Irish Nationalists of
the extrêmes t type also welcomed this solution of our
difficulties. There was only one class intractable — the
Irish gentry. I prefer that they should be judged by
one who knew them more intimately, and perhaps
judged them more considerately, than I did. The Rev.
Dr. Galbraith, Senior Fellow of Trinity Collège, was
the ablest and most steadfast of the Protestant middle
class who haà joined Mr. Butt's Home Eule movement.
I had been absent thirty years from Ireland, and I
asked him to advise me who were the leading men
among the gentry able to influence them, and perhaps
entitled to speak for them. His answer was that there
were no such persons :

4 Trinity Collège, Dublin : February 22, 1885.

1 M y dear Sir Charles, — I am much flattered by

gfl CHARLES STEWART P ARXELL £lÔ86

your addressing me on so importaut a question, yet I
read your letter with a melancholy interest. I need
hardly say that I quite concur in your political opinions
with regard to Ireland, but I am sorry to say that the
Protestant gentry of Ireland are as blind to the future
as ever they were. They stand on the brink of a préci-
pice, and don't seem to be aware of it. Within the last
few days, I may say, they hâve begun to perceive that
the English Conservatives are prepared to throw them
over. You must hâve seen by the time you read this
of their deputation to Sir Stafford Northcote, asking
that something should be done for the " Loyal
Minority" with new Franchise and Redistribution
Scheme, and his cold and slighting answer.

1 A handful of them hâve met in a back parlour in
London to found an " Independent Irish Conservative
Party," bless the mark ! '

'One hundred and three years ago they met in
Collège Green with colours flying, drums beating, and
cannon loaded to demand and insist on their rights.
Alas ! how changed ! I see no hope for them unless
God works a miracle. There is not a single man with
brains among them, but one, but he has no legs and
could not lead even if he had a mind to. You perceive
I give them up. From my position I ought to wish
them well. Not that they hâve done much for "Old
Trinity " ; quite the opposite. Yet I do wish them
well, but their cause is hopeless.

1 1 am sorry to hâve to write such a letter, espe-

cially to a man like you, who has spent a long life in

serving Ireland and wishes to crown it by a gloriouB

effort.

4 Believe me, yours sincerely,

'Joseph A. Galbraith/

Mt. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 87

Lord Carnarvon might attain better access than I
could to the Irish gentry, such as they were, and a
notable English member of Parliament, who has been
much heard of since as the leader of a clamorous
parliamentary group, made inquiries for him among
the landed and professional classes. To illustrate how
securities for sensitive interests might be obtained, I at
the same time wrote a séries of papers in the ' Free-
man's Journal ' on ' Colonial Constitutions/ which
Lord Carnarvon found very useful.

' 1 hâve read,' he wrote, ' your articles on " Colonial
Constitutions " with great interest, and I am glad to see
that there is another in to-day's "Freeman." I hope
that you will continue them, for I am satisfied that
they are very useful/

In Whig society in Dublin at that time there was
manifestly a growing conviction, and not by any means
a too cheerful one, that the great change was coming.
But old officiais, and men who had prospered in finance
and spéculation, were intractable. 'What does the
man want ? ' said one of thèse to me at a dinner party,
speaking of Lord Carnarvon. ' He has got ail a
sensible man can hope for or désire — high rank, an
adéquate fortune, charming wife, political and social

influence — what the d 1 more can he hope to get

by this new " will o' the wisp " ? He may lose much,
but he can gain nothing worth having.' It would hâve
been talking an unknown tongue to tell my interlocutor
that thèse great gifts of fortune which Lord Carnarvon
enjoyed implied corresponding duties from which an
honourable man dare not shrink.

I saw Lord Carnarvon as often as his engrossing
engagements would permit, and he made occasional
visits to London. In one of thèse visits he fulfilled a

88 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

purpose which he had long held of seeing Mr. Parnell
personally. He was naturally anxious to ascertain the
views of the parliamentary leader of the limits and
conditions to which the Nationalists would consent, if
a statutory Parliament were created. He had certainly
no intention of promising Home Eule to Mr. Parnell,
but such a conférence would naturally raise hopes that
as far as he was concerned he wished it to corne, as no
doubt he did. But he guarded himself alwayswith thè
scrupulous care of a conscientious gentleman against
committing anybody. He thought it would be discreet
to see a second member of the party, and I told him I
regarded Mr. Justin McCarthy as next in importance
to the leader ; and he had a conversation with him,
which I think took place before his interview with Mr.
Parnell. None of thèse proceedings were communi-
cated to Mr. Dwyer Gray, and as that gentleman was
bound to specify from day to day in his newspaper the
position and prospects of the Irish question, he grew,
not unnaturally, discontented and complained to me.
I told him that I considered as strictly confidential ail
communications with Lord Carnarvon, and could not
utter a word, but that his complaint, in my opinion,
was a reasonable one, and I would ask Lord Carnarvon
to reçoive him personally, and he doubtless would tell
him as much as ho thought fit of his purpose and
proceedings. Mr. Gray was received by Lord Carnarvon
more than once, T thiuk, and communicated with Mr.
Parnell on the situation. But ho respected my con-
fidential relations with Lord Carnarvon, and asked mè
no more questions.

There can be no doubt that Lord Salisbury and
that inner Cabinet of the party which contrôle ail
•administration were habituallv informed of what Lord

Mi. 39] THE CAKNARVON CONTROVEBSY 89

Carnarvon was doing, and were, it may be fairly
assumed, weighing the policy of conceding what the
Irish demanded, as Pitt weighed the policy of conceding
the Catholic claims. I had soon reason to fear that
their conclusions were not favourable to our demand.
At the beginning of August Lord Carnarvon had need
to go to London, saw his colleagues, and returned to
Dublin much perturbed. He announced his intended
run to England in this note :

♦ Vice-Regal Lodge, Dublin : July 29, 1885.

' Dear Sir Gavan Duffy, — You will haye seen in
the papers the death of Lady Chesterfield, which makes
it necessary for me to leave Ireland for the funeral,
which is on Friday. As I shall then be in England,
I must go on to London to see my colleagues, and
cannot be back till Monday night at earliest.

4 1 hâve been unable to settle this till this morning,
but I write at once to ask you whether you can corne
over hère this afternoon instead of to-morrow.

4 1 am engaged to be in Dublin by 4 p.m., and hâve
not one moment after that hour at my disposai ; but
any time this morning I am quite free. About a quarter
before one, if quite convenient to you, would on the
whole suit me best. Pray excuse the haste with which
I write, and

* Believe me, yours very sincerely,

1 Carnarvon.'

After his return I saw in a moment that his high
hopes were chilled, that he had not found the assistance
from his colleagues which he anticipated, and would
not be in a position to satisfy the expectations he had
raised. I shall not attempt to report a conversation at

90 CHARLES STEWART PARXELL [1885

such a distance of time, but Lord Carvarvon used one
phrase which I concluded was an écho from Hatfield :
4 We might gain/ he said, ' ail you promise in Ireland
by taking the course you suggest, but we should lose
more in England.' This was the keynote of the policy
adopted by the Government in the autumn of 1885.
Lord Carnarvon was willing and anxious to do ail he
could, but it was manifest he could do very little when
such a sentiment possessed his colleagues.

Lord Carnarvon did not despair of having the
Irish question reconsidered after the General Election.
It seemed to me, however, highly improbable that it
would be more favourably considered when the fight
for a majority was over than when Irish support at the
hustings was of vital importance. I did not doubt
Lord Carnarvon's good faith ; but I altogether doubted
that he would obtain the co-operation of men who
came to the conclusion that they had more to lose in
England than to gain in Ireland. I told him I would
leave Ireland to avoid any responsibility for the course
taken at the General Election. He was in personal
communication with the leader of the Irish party and
with two of his principal lieutenants, and it was their
duty to détermine whether they would be justified in
supporting the Government at the coming élection
without the certainty of any political compensation.
I would tell Mr. Dwyer Gray what I thought of the
situation and the disappointment I had met with.

Beforc leaving Ireland I gave an interview to a
représentative of the ' Freeman's Journal/ in which I
answered scveral pertinent questions. To the inquiry
what the Government were going to do, I replied
that of the intentions of the Government I could say
nothing, but I had talked to men of ail parties and

Mi. â9] THE CAHNARVON CONTROVERSY 91

« i

» I

\ :

classes in Ireland, and there ne ver was so much dis-
position to consider the question of Home Eule as one
that must be dealt with. To questions about the dis-
position of the gentry I replied that if they did not fall
in with the présent movement the conséquences would
probablybe disastrous to them. The most shameful
fiscal System in any civilised country was the one by
which three-and-twenty gentlemen in a grand jury
impose taxation, often for the improvement of their
own property upon a rack-rented tenantry. And the
declared enemy of monopoly, Mr. Chamberlain, wheh
his turn came, might be counted on to make short work
of that system. The English Eadicals generally were
of opinion that the cost and trouble of misgoverning
Ireland hâve corne from the habit of protecting Irish
landlords in the exercise of a feudal tyranny, and that
a prodigious saving might be effected by simply ceasing
to protect them.

After I left Ireland I fulfilled an engagement to
spend a few days at the country house of a public man
who had been one of Mr. Gladstone's colleagues in
the last Libéral Cabinet and became a colleague in the
ensuing one. He naturally spoke of the design of
the Irish electors to vote against the party who had . |

disestablished the Irish Church and gave Ireland a
popular land code and a popular franchise.

I told him that I sympathised with the intention of
the Irish electors to support the Tories at the poil
when I thought the Tory Government were about to
consider the Home Eule question favourably, but I had
no longer any confidence in that intention. I added
that I could not doubt from some récent speeches that
Mr. Gladstone was gradually approaching Home Eule,
and if he could be induced to make a satisfactory : ]

• i

92 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

avowal on that question before the Dissolution the
Irish electors would undoubtedly prefer candidates who
adopted his opinion. To make sure that they should, I
would be willing to return immediately to Ireland and
confer with the leaders of the Irish party. The diffi-
culties of prématuré action were of course serious ; but
there is no necessity of dwelling further on the subject,
as nothing came of this inchoate negotiation.

When the General Election took place, this was the
resuit of the contest : Gladstonians elected, 333 ; Con-
servatives, 251 ; Irish Nationalists, 86. Mr. Farnell
had supported the Conservatives in England and Ire-
land, but his speeches during the élection did not at
ail écho the spirit of fierce hostility to the Gladstonian
party which animated the address to the Irish electors
in England. Conservatives and Parnellites united would
make a majority of four in the new Parliament, but
this was not a working majority, and there was no
longer any real harmony between the two parties.
On the other hand, a union of the Gladstonians and
Parnellites would make an effective majority, and this
was a resuit widely anticipated.

The story of Mr. Gladstone's pronouncement for
Home Eule and the loyal adhésion which Irish National-
ists gave him is beside my présent purpose. But it
was in this new relation that Mr. Parnell committed
what I consider the most serious offence of his political
life. He disclosed to Parliament and the public the
conversations with Lord Carnarvon, which were essen-
tially private. If Lord Carnarvon had renounced and
deserted the opinions which he held before the General
Election, some excuse might be found for Mr. Parnell
holding him to account for his backsliding. But
Lord Carnarvon had not altered at ail; simply, he

iBT. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 93

had failed to induce his colleagues to coroperate with.

him. . ... ... ....... .-

On the second reading of Mr. Gladstone's Home"
Rule Bill, Mr. Parnell,. on the twelf th . night of the
debate, said : ' When the Tories wëre în office wé had
reason to know that the Conservative party, if they
should be successful at the poils, would hâve offered
Ireland a statutory législature with a right to protect.
her own industries, and that this would hâve been
coupled with the settlement of the Irish land question
on the basis of purchase, on a larger scale than that
now proposed by the Prime Munster.'

Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, later in the debate, said :
1 1 must, for myself and for my colleagues, state, in the
plainest and most distinct terms, that I utterly and
categorically deny that the late Conservative Govern-
ment ever had any such intention.'

Parnell. 'Does the right hon. gentleman mean to.
deny that that intention was communicated to me by
one of his own colleagues — a Minister pf the Crown ? '

Sir M. Hicks-Beach. ' Yes, sir, I do (cries of
" Name "), to the best of my knowledge and belief ; and
if any such statement was communicated by anyone to.
the hon. member, I am certain he had not the authority
to make it. (Renewed cries of <f Name."> Will. the.
hon. member do us the pleasure to give the name to
the House ? '

Parnell. ' The right hon. gentleman has asked me
a question which he knows is a very safe one. (Cries
of " Oh ! ") I shall be very glad to communicate the
naine of his colleague when I receive his colleague's
permission to do so.' (Cries of " Oh ! " " Name ! M )

Sir M. Hicks-Bcach. ' Insinuations are easily
made. To prove them is a very différent thing ; and I

M CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

hâve observed that the rules of the code of honour of
hon. members below the gangway step in at the point
when proof becomes nècessary.' l

Things had now reached a point which any man of
parliamentary expérience might hâve foreseen, when
privacy could not be maintained, and Lord Carnarvon's
name was disclosed in the newspapers. Lord Carnarvon
iminediately justified hiinself in the House of Lords.
Ile had certainly not entitled Mr. Parnell to déclare
that the Conservative party had proffered Ireland a
statutory Parlianient in case of their success at the
poils, though he had inquired into the nature of the
measure which in Mr. Parneirs opinion would satisfy
Ireland, and expressed his own willingness that such a
measure should be conceded. And as he had certainly
conimunicated to Lord Salisbury and other of his col-
leagues the nature of his parley with Mr. Parnell, Sir
M. Hicks-Beach was not justified in the sweeping
nature of his déniai.

Speaking for himself, Lord Carnarvon said : 'Y
would gladly see some limited form of self-government,
not in any way independent of Impérial control, such
as may satisfy real local requirements and, td some
extent, national aspirations. I would gladly see' -a
seulement where, the rights of property and of riiinorî-"
ties being on the whole secured, both nations might
rest from this long and weary struggle, and steady and
constitutional progress might bc puticntly and gradu-
ally evolvod.' And with rt^pcct to liis cofleagues, in a
later speech Lord Carnarvon sait! : * I should hâve
been wanting in my duty if I had failed to inform my
noble friend at the head of the Government of my
intention of holding that meeting with Mr. Parnell,

1 Hansard, vol. ccevi. pp. 1199-1200.

Mi. 39] THE CARNARVON CONTROVERSY 96

and of what had passed between us at the interview, at
the earliest possible moment. Accordingly, both by
writing and by words, I gave the noble Marquis as
eareful and as accurate a statement as possible of what
had occurred within twenty-f our hotirs af ter the meeting,
and my noble friend was good enough to say that I had
conducted that meeting with perfect discrétion.'

The case will now, I think, be plain to any expe-
rienced reader.

It is my personal belief that Mr. Parnell ought
not, for any party gain, to hâve made public thèse
strictly private negotiations ; but when the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland, confessing himself a Home
Ruler, though speaking strictly for himself alone,
enterèd into such negotiations and made such inquiries
in July, it was not strange that Mr. Parnell thought
that if his party obtained a majority at the poils in
August by the help of Irish votes they would be pre-
pared to make the concession that Irish voters desired.
His fâult was not to believe this, but to make a positive
assertion of what was à mère hypothesis, and to refer
at ail in public to transactions covered by an honourable
confidence. But the disclosure could not injure Lord
Carnarvon ; he sincerely desired to concède Home Eiilé
to Ireland and to induce his colleagues to CQ-operate
with him in the concession. It was an honourable and
public-spirited design, and its failure was in no respect
discreditable to him.

96 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

CHAPTER XVIII

THE GENERAL ELECTION OF 188ô

The élection campaign of 1885 was practically opened
by Lord Salisbury in a speech at the Mansion House.
on July 29.

Referring to the charge that the Tories were
coquetting with the Irish, the Prime Minister justified
the conduct of the Governnient in dropping the Crimes
Act, and defended the policy of Lord Carnarvon in
ruling by the ordinary law. That policy, he declared,
was the logical outcome of the Franchise Act of 1884,
for to extend the suffrage and at the same time to ignore
the voice of the people was impossible. This was the
first bid for the Irish vote.

Parliament was prorogued on August 11. On
August 15 we find Parnell at Aughavannah, enjoying
some sport, but not unmindful of business. He wrote
to Mr. McCarthy :

Parnell to Mr. McCarthy

1 Aughavannah, Àughrim : August 15, 1885.

' M Y deau McCarthy,- -"\Vill you kindly give
a chtMjur for 100/. ont of tho fund at your and

Kiggar's disj>osal ?

1 1 havc» reason to bolitîvc that 's affairs are not in

a good position, so much so that he fears to accept the

JET. 39] TTTE IRISH PLATFORM 97

position on the Eoyal Commission on Trade Dépres-
sion, lest his financial arrangements might corne to a
climax this autumn. It would be a public calamity to
permit him to be overwhelmed or driven from public
life ; so do you not think he might be spared, say, 300Z.
out of the f und ?

' We hâve been having nice weather hère the last
two or three days, and some sport. I am sending you
a brace of birds by parcel post this morning.

' Yours very truly,

1 Chas. S. Parnell.

'P.S. — I am glad to say that I am informed Davitt
shows some signs of modifying his very offensive récent
action, so that there may now be some chance of
avoiding an open rupture, at ail events for a time.'

Nine days later Parnell took the field, raising the
Home Kule flag, and saying his people would fight
under it alone. The Irish platform, he declared, would
consist of only one plank — législative independencéf.
Speaking at Dublin on August 24 he threw down the
gage of battle :

' I say that each and ail of us hâve only looked
upon the Acts — the législative enactments which we
hâve been able to wring from an unwilling Parliament
— as means towards an end ; that we would hâve at any
time, in the hours of our deepest dépression and greatest
discouragement, spurned and rejected any measure,
however tempting and however apparently for the
benefit of our people, if we had been able to detect
that behind it lurked any danger to the législative
independence of our land. . . . It is admitted by ail
parties that you hâve brought the question of Irieh
législative independence to the point of solution. It

VOL. h, ^

98 CHARLES STEWART PARXELL [1886

is not now a question of self-government for Ireland ;
it is only a question as to how much of the self-
government they will be able to cheat us out of . It is
not now a question of whether the Irish people shall
décide their own destinies and their own future, but it
is a question with, I was going to say, our English
masters — but we cannot call them masters in Ireland
— it is a question with them as to how far the day,
that they considcr the evil day, shall be deferred. You
are, therefore, entitled to say that so far you hâve done
well, you hâve almost done niiraculously well, and we
hand to our successors an unsullied flag, a battle more
than half won, and a brilliant history. ... I hope that
it may not be necessary for us in the new Parliament
to dévote our attention to subsidiary measures, and that
it may be possible for us to hâve a programme and a
platforin with only one plank, and that one plank
National Indépendance.'

This speech roused England. The Press with one
voice dcnounced the Irish leader and the Irish pro-
gramme. The ' Times ' said an Irish Parliament was 'im-
possible.' The * Standard ' besought Whigs and Tories
' to présent a firm uncompromising front to the rebel
Chief.' The ' Daily Telegraph ' hoped that the House
of Commons would not be l seduced or terrified into
surrendcr.' The * Manchester Guardian ' declared that
Englishnicn would * condomn or punish any party or
any public man who attonipted to walk in the path
traced by Mr. Famell.' The ' Loeds Mercury ' did not
think the question of an Irish Parliament worth dis-
cussing ; whilc the ' Daily News * felt that Great
Britain could only be saved from tho tyranny of Mr.
Parnell by 4 a strong Administration composed of
advanced Libérais.'

Mrs. 39] LORD HAMTNGTON 99

Lord Hartington was the first English statesman
who took up the gage thrown down by the Irish
leader. Speaking at Waterfoot on August 29, he said
that ' Parnell had for once committed a mistake by
proclaiming that Ireland's sole demand was an Irish
Parliament, adding that ail England would now unité
in resisting " so fatal and mischievous a proposai." '
Parnell, in reply, hurled défiance at the leader of the
Whigs, and indeed at ail England. Eesponding to the
toast of ' Ireland a nation,' at the Mansion House,
Dublin, on September 1, he said : ' I believe that if it
be sought to make it impossible for our country to
obtain the right to administer her own affairs, we shall
make ail other things impossible for those who strive
to bring that about. And who is it that tells us that
thèse things are impossible? It is the same man
who said that local government for Ireland was im-
possible without impossible déclarations on our part.
Thèse statements came from the lips which told us
that the concession of equal électoral privilèges to
Ireland with those of England would be madness ;
and we see that what was considered madness in the
eyes of the man who now tells us that Ireland's right
to self-governmerit is an impossibility, has been now
conceded without opposition, and that the local self-
government which was then also denied to us from the
same source, is now offered to us by the same person,
with a humble entreaty that we may take it in order
that we may educate ourselves for better things and for
further powers. . . . Well, gentlemen, I am not much
given to boasting, and I should be very unwilling to
assume for myself the rôle of a prophet ; but I am
obliged, I confess, to-night to give you my candid
opinion, and it is this — that if they hâve not succeeded

100 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

in "squelching" us during the last five years, they are
not likely to do so during the next five years, unless
they brace themselves up to adopt one of two alter-
natives, by the adoption of either one of which we
should ultimately win, and perhaps win a larger and
heavier stake than we otherwise should. They will
either hâve to grant to Ireland the complète right to
rule herself, or they will hâve to take away from us the
share — the sham share — in the English constitutional
System w T hich they extended to us at the Union, and
govern us as a Crown colony.'

Two days afterwards (September 3) Lord Eandolph
Churchill addressed a meeting at Sheffield, but said not
a word about Home Rule. Mr. Chamberlain was the
next English statesman who appeared upon the scène-
Addressing a meeting at Warrington on September 8,
he said : ' Speaking for myself, I say that if thèse, and
thèse alone, are the terms on which Mr. Parneirs sup-
port is to be obtained, I will not enter into compétition
for it. This new programme of Mr. Parneirs involves
a greater extension than anything we hâve hitherto
known or understood by Home Rule ; the powers he
clainis for his support in Parliament are altogether
beyond anything which exists in the case of the State
Législatures of the American Union, which has hitherto
been the type and model of Irish demands, and if this
claim were conceded we might as well for ever abandon
ail hope of maintaining a united kingdom. We
should establish within thirty miles of our shores a
new foreign country animated from the outset with
unfriendly intentions towards ourselves. Such a policy
as that, I firmly believe, would be disastrous and
ruinous to Ireland herself. It wonld be dangerous to
the security of this country, and undçr thèse circum-

JEt. 39] MR. GLADSTONE 101

stances I hold that we are bound to take every step in
our power to avert so great a calamity.'

On September 16 Mr. John Morley came to the
front, protesting against séparation, but acquiescing in
some system of Home Eule fashioned on the Canadian
model.

What was Mr. Gladstone doing ail this time ? In
answering this question I am obliged, in justice to
Mr. Gladstone, to import so insignificant a person as
myself into the narrative.

On August 111 received a letter from a well-known
English publicist asking me to call upon him, as he
desired my help ' on a subject connected with the
Union between England and Ireland.' I called. He
opened .the conversation by saying, ' Well, I hâve
asked you to call upon me at the suggestion of a
great man — in fact, a very great man. I won't mention
his name now, but you will probably guess it. He
thinks that this Irish question — this question of Home
Eule — has now corne to the front and must be faced.
He wishes me to publish some articles, not on Home
Eule, but on the Irish case generally. They must be
dispassionate and historical, and he named you as the
man to write them.' I suggested that the great man
probably meant articles which would give some account
of Ireland during the Union, which would, in fact, deal
with the question whether the Union had proved a
successful experiment or not. ' Exactly,' said the
editor, ' and the articles must be written, not from
the point of view of a political partisan, but from the
point of view of an historical student.' I said I would
be happy to write the articles if he liked, but that I
could suggest someone who would do it infinitely
better, and whose name would carry weight. ' Who ? '

102 CIIAttLES STEWART PARXELL [1886

' Sir Gavan Dufifv, who is now in London.' It was
finally arranged that I should see Sir Gavan Duffy and
ask him.

'This means,' said Sir Gavan Duffy, 'that Glad-
stone is going to take up Home Rule ; and we
ought certainly to help him in any way we can.' Sir
Gavan, however, thought that we ought to corne to
closer quarters with the question than had been sug-
gested by the editor. ' The article ought,' he said, ' to
be a Home Rule article point blank.' I immediately
communicated his views to the editor, who, however,
was not prepared to go so far as the vétéran Young
Irelander. After some further pourparlers it was
decided to let the matter ' hang fire ' for a month, as
I was leaving town. Meanwhile Mr. Gladstone had
gone to Xorway. He returned in September, and on
the 18th of that month issued the famous Hawarden
manifesto. I need not deal with that remarkable
document gencrally, but the paragraph relating to
Ireland must be set out :

' In my opinion, not now for the first time delivered,
the limit is clear within which the desires of Ireland,
constitutionally ascertained, may, and beyond which
they cannot, reçoive the assent of Parliament. To main-
tain the suprcmacy of the Crown, the unity of the
Empire, and ail the authority of Parliament necessary
for the conservation of that unity, is the first duty of
every représentative of the people. Subject to this
governing principle, every grant to portions of the
country of enlarged powers for the management of
their own affairs is, in my view, not a source of danger,
but a means of averting it, and is in the nature of
a new guarantee for increased cohésion, happiness,
and strength/ And he added, ' I believe history and

J&t. 39] Mil. GLADSTONE 103

posterity will consign to disgrâce the memory of every
man, be he who he may, on whichever si de of the
Channel he may dwell, that, having the power to aid in
an équitable arrangement between Ireland and Great
Britain, shall use the power, not to aid, but to prevent
or retard it.'

Sir Gavan Duffy sent this paragraph to me, saying :
' It is quite clear that Gladstone means to take up
Home Eule, and I am more convinced than ever that
the proper course is to write an article on Home Eule
developing some scheme for an Irish Constitution.
Then the question will be put fairly before the country.
I am willing to write this article, taking the inclosed
paragraph as my text.' I called upon the editor to tell
him what Sir Gavan Duffy had said. He declined,
hçwever, to take an article on those lines. 'You
must,' he said, 'write the article yourself on the lines
you hâve already laid down. I told you that I had
asked you to corne to see me at the suggestion of a
great man. Well, ifc is Mr. Gladstone himself, and
the lines you hâve laid down are the lines he approves
of for the first article at ail events. In the second
article we may corne to closer quarters on the question.'
At length I agreed to write the article. I understood
that a proof was sent to .Mr. Gladstone, and that
he was satisfiedwith it. It was publishedinNovember. 1
About that time I first met Mr. Gladstone. He was
then, as always, courteous and agreeable, and showed
an unmistakable interest in Ireland ; but in the short
conversation we had the words ' Home Eule ' were not
mentioned. I spoke of the ' Irish Libérais/ and said
they would be swept off the board at the General

1 Sir Gavan Duffy suggested the title : * Irish Wronga and English
Bemedies.'

104 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [188$

Election. ' The Irish Libérais,' he said, with an expres-
sion of sublime scorn which I shall never forget, ' the
Irish Libérais! Are there any Libérais in Ireland?
Where are they ? I must confess [with a magnificent
roll of the voice] that I feel a good deal of difficulty in
recognising thèse Irish Libérais you talk about; and
[in delightfully scoffing accents, and with an intonation
which had often charmed me in the House of Commons]
I think Ireland would hâve a good deal of difficulty in
recognising them either ' [laughing ironically], Hô
asked me if I thought the Irish Tories would hang
together : for there had been a foolish rumour at the
time of a split in the Tory ranks. I said, 'Yes,'
that the Tories and the Nationalists would divide the
représentation of the country between them. This
ended the conversation. It was very short, but J*
carried away two clear ideas : (1) that Mr. Gladstone's
mind was full of Ireland ; (2) that he now foresaw the
révolution which the Franchise Act of 1884 would
make in the Irish représentation.

While Mr. Gladstone was thinking out the Irish
question, Lord Salisbury did not neglect the subject.
At Newport, in Monmouthshire, on October 7, the
Prime Minister boldly faced the Home Rule problem.
He said :

1 The Irish leader bas referred to Austria and
Hungary. . . . Some notion of Impérial Fédération
was floating in his mind. ... In speaking of Im-
périal Fédération, as entirely apart from the Irish
question, I wish to guard myself very carefully. I
deem it to be one of the questions of the future. . . .
But with respect to Ireland, I ain bound to say that I
hâve never seen any plan or suggestion which gives
me, at présent, the slightest grourid for anticipating

Mt. 39] LOKD SALISBUKY AND HOME RTILE 106

that in that direction we shall find any substantial
solution of the problem.'

Hère certainly there was no promise of Home
Rule, yet the passage excited much comment in Whig,
Tory, and Nationalist circles. Lord Salisbury knew
what Parnell had demanded — an Irish Parliament ; the
1 name and fact.' Yet he did not pooh-pooh the pro-
position. He did not, like Mr. Chamberlain, put down
his foot and cry non possumus. On the contrary, he
showed a willingness to argue the point ; he was con-
ciliatory, he was respectful — a remarkable departure
from his usual style in dealing with political opponents
and disagreeable topics. The Newport speech was in
truth a counter move to the Hawarden manifesto. ' I
promise you,' Parnell had said some weeks previously,
1 that you will see the Whigs and Tories vieing with
each other to settle this Irish question.' So far, however,
he made no public comment either on the Hawarden
manifesto or the Newport speech. He waited for further
developments. Meanwhile everything was going pre-
cisely as he wished. Whigs and Tories were bidding
against each other for his patronage. He was master
of the situation. On October 12 the most important
pronouncement hitherto made on the Irish question was
delivered by Mr. Childers, the friend and confidant of
Mr. Gladstone, at Pontefract. He was the first English
politician who had courage to grapple with détails.
Ile was ready, he said, to give Ireland a large measure
of local self-government. He would leave her to legis-
late for herself, reserving Impérial rights over foreign
policy, military organisation, external trade (including
customs duties), the post office, the currency, the
national debt, and the court of ultimate appeal. Mr.
Childers by himself did not carry much weight, but it

106 CHARLES STEWAfcT IWRXELL [188o

was generally supposée! that he représentée! Mr. Glad-
stone. 'This,' said Sir Gavan Duffy, 'is the voice of
Childers, but the hand of Gladstone ; ' and what Sir
Gavan Duffy said, Pamell felt. He had ' played * the
Tories up to this point. He now resolved ' to play ' Mr.
Gladstone.

On October 30 he stated to a reporter of the ' New
York Herald/ for the benefit of his American allies,
that while no English statesman ' had absolutely shut
the door against the concession of a very large measure
of législative independence to Ireland,' Mr. Gladstone
had made strides in that direction.

' In his great and cloquent appeal to public men to
refrain from any act or word which might further
embitter the Irish difficulty, or render full and calm
considération more difficult, he administered a rebuke
to the Eadical section of his following, who, in fear that
an Irish Parliament might protect some Irish industries,
were commencing to raisc a shrill alarm on this score.
Mr. Gladstone's déclaration that législative control
over lier own affairs might be granted to Ireland,
reserving to the Impérial Parliament such powers as
would insure the maintenance of the supremacy of the
Crown and of the unity of the Empire, is in my judg-
ment the most remarkable déclaration upon this
question ever uttered by an English statesman. It is
a déclaration which, if agreement as to détails could be
secured, would, I believe, be carcfully considered by
those of my countrymen at home and abroad who
hâve hitherto desired the séparation of Ireland from
England by any and every means, because they hâve
despaired of elevating the condition of their country, or
of assuaging the misery of our people, so long as any
vestige of English rule is permitted to remain.'

JEt. 39] MB. GLADSTONE AT EDINBURGH 107

1 Why do you not give guarantees,' the reporter
asked, ' that législative independence will not be used
to bring about séparation ? '

Parnell answered with characteristic directness,
honesty, and courage : ' I refuse to give guarantees
because I hâve none of any value to give. If I were
to offer guarantees I should at once be told they are
worthless. I can reason only by analogy, and point to
what has happened in our time in the relation of other
States placed in similar circumstances to England and
Ireland, but cannot guarantee absolutely what will
happen if our claims are conceded. I hâve no mandate
from the Irish people to dictate a course of action to
those who may succeed us. When the Irish Parliament
has been conceded, England will hâve a guarantee
against séparation in the présence of her army, navy,
and militia, and in her occupation of fortresses and other
strong places in the country; but she will hâve far
better guarantees, in my opinion, in the knowledge of
the Irish people that it is in their power by constitu-
tional means to make the laws which they are called
upon to obey just and équitable.'

On November 9 Mr. Gladstone set out on his
second Midlothian campaign. That night he made
two apparently contradictory statements on the Irish
question at Edinburgh. He said :

1. ' What Ireland may deliberately and constitution-
ally demand, unless it infringes the principle connected
with the honourable maintenance of the unity of the
Empire, will be a demand that we are bound at any rate
to treat with careful attention. . . . To stint Ireland in
power which may be necessary or désirable for the
management of matters purely Irish would be a great
error, and if she were so stinted, the end that any

108 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

such measure might contemplate could not be at-
tained.'

2. ' Apart from the terms Whig and Tory, there is
one thing I will say, and will endeavour to impress
upon you, and it is this — it will be a vital danger to
the country and the Empire if at a time when the
demand of Ireland for large powers of self-government
is to be dealt with there is not in Parliament a party
totally independent of the Irish vote.'

The first of thèse stateinents — so everyone said —
meant Home Rule ; the second might hâve meant
anything but Home Rule.

On November 10 Parnell addressed a great meeting
at Liverpool. Brushing aside the second of Mr.
Gladstone's stateinents, lie fastened at once on the
first, and tried to coax the Libéral leader still further
forward in the direction of Home Rule :

' Although in many respects vague and unsatis-
factory, the Edinburgh speech was,' he declared, ' the
most important announcement upon the Irish national
question which had ever been delivered by any English
Munster,' and he complimented Mr. Gladstone ' on
approaching the subject of Irish autonomy with that
breadth of statesmanship for which he was renowned.'
Still he could not help reminding the Libéral leader
that until the Irish question was disposed of it would
be impossible for any English question to proceed.
He concluded by inviting Mr. Gladstone to frame a
constitution for Ireland, ' subject to the conditions and
limitations for which he had stipulated regarding the
supremacy of the Crown and the maintenance of the
unity of the Empire.'

But Mr. Gladstone was not to be coaxed. He
replied to Mr. ParnelTs invitation on November 17, at

iEi. 39] ATTACK ON THE LIBERALS 109

West Calder, in a bantering tone, saying that it was
not for him to usurp the functions of a Government.
Ministers had kept their counsel on the Irish question.
He could not intervene when Ministers were silent.
Moreover, he told Parnell that until Ireland had
declared her wishes at the poils nothing could be done.
Parnell regarded this speech as simply trifling with
the issue. He had tried the suaviter in modo, he
would now try the fortiter in re. Two days after the
West Calder speech he authorised the publication of a
furious manifesto by the National League of Great
Britain denouncing the Libéral party as the embodi-
ment of ail that was infamous and base. The Irish
electors of Great Britain were called on to vote against
' the men who coerced Ireland, deluged Egypt with
blood, menaced religious liberty in the school, the
freedoin of speech in Parliament, and promise to the
country generally a répétition of the crimes and follies
of the last Libéral Administration.' l

War to the knife was now declared between the
Libérais and the Irish, and the fight began in earnest.
' Ireland,' said Parnell, ' has been knocking at the
English door long enough with kid gloves. I tell the
English people to beware, and be wise in time. Ireland
will soon throw off the kid gloves, and she will knock
with a mailed hand.' Behind Parnell was a thoroughly
united Ireland at home and abroad. In niilitary
parlance the formation of his army may be described
thus : in the centre the Parliamentarians ; left wing,
the Clan-na-Gael, and many of the rank and file of the
I. li. B.; right wing, the Catholic Church. With thèse
forces, naturally antagonistic, but held together by the
attractive personality and iron will of a great com-

1 Tbe manifesto appeared Noveraber 21.

110 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

mander, Parnell swept Ireland from end to end. In
Munster, Leinster, and Connaught, every county,
every borough, was carried by Nationaliste. Half
Ulster was captured, and even the maiden city of
Londonderry and one of the divisions of Orange
Belfast fell before the fiery onset of the rebels. The
north-east corner of Ulster and Dublin University alone
remained in the hands of the ' Loyalists.' Out of a
total of 103 Irish members, 85 Home Eulers and 18
Tories were returned. The Whigs were eliminated.
In Great Britain the Libérais were confronted in
many important centres by the Irish enemy. Libéral
majorities were pulled down, Libéral candidates were
beaten, and one Nationalist was returned by the Irish
vote. ' But for the Nationalist vote/ said the ' Man-
chester Guardian,' ' the Libérais would hâve gone back
to Parliament with more than their old numbers.'
As it was the Libérais went back to Parliament with
a majority of 86 over their Tory opponents, thus :

Libérais 335

Tories 249

Libéral majority over the Tories . 86

But Parnell held the balance. By throwing his
86 men upon the side of the Tories he could neutralise
the Libéral majority. Whereas by supporting the
Libérais lie could enable Mr. Gladstone to form a
Government with a working majority of 172. Thus
the Irish leader was master of the situation.

.Et. 39] 111

CHAPTER XIX

HOME RULE BILL OF 1886

In the winter of 1885 Parnell had perhaps reached the
height of his unpopularity in England. He had thrust
himself into English politics, comproraising the Tories
and baffling the Whigs. The one party had sacrificed
principles to court his alliance, the other had sacrificed
his alliance to assert principles inconsistent with the
Libéral faith. The former had gone to the country
with the cry of ' no coercion ' inscribed upon their flag.
The latter had gone to the country with the stigma of
coercion impressed upon their character. Both had lost.
With Parnell's support the Tories could meet the House
of Commons on equal terms. Without his support the
Whigs could not forin a Government.

' Until the Irish question is disposed of/ Parnell had
said at Liverpool on November 10, ' it will be utterly
impossible for any English question to proceed.' He
had kept his word. English parties were reduced to a
state of impotence. English questions were brushed
aside. Ireland held the field.

An amusing incident, significant of English feeling,
occurred some time after the General Election, when
Parnell was on his way to London. A stranger, an
Englishman from South Africa, accosted him on board

112 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1885

the mail packet. After some preliminary remarks, thia
gentleman plunged into politics and sharply criticised
Parnell's hostile attitude to the British people. Parnell
tried to shake off his tormentor, but in vain. On
reaching Holyhead he quickly disembarked and shut
himself in a first-class carnage, hoping to escape
his troublesome companion. However, as the train
was moving out of the station the door was pulled
open and the Afrikander jumped in. For a wliile
Parnell resigned himself to the situation with cha-
racteristic sang froid and patience. The Afrikander
resumed his discourse, vigorously denouncing the Irish
rebels.

Suddenly Parnell thrust his hand into his trousers
pocket and took out several bits of ore. Stretching his
open palm towards the stranger, he said : ' Look at

that.' ' By Jove, sir, iron pyrites, I'm d d,* was

the response. The stranger was right ; they were iron
pyrites. Parnell guessed that the Afrikander knew
something of mining opérations, and resolved to niake
a diversion by showing him the iron pyrites picked up
on Avondale. The movement was completely successful.
The Afrikander dropped politics at once, and talked
about mining until the Irish leader fell into a gentle
slumber.

Lord Salisbury, Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Glad-
stone, were now brought face to face with the Irish
question.

Lord Salisbury's course was clear. The Irish were
no longer of any use to him, and he accordingly threw
tliem over. Parnell's relations with the Tories did
not survive the General Election. What Lord Salis-
bury mîght hâve donc could he hâve formed a Govern-
ment with ParnelFs help must remain a matter of

Jet. 39] ÀFTER THE ELECTION 118

conjecture. But an alliance without a quid pro quo
was impossible.

On learning from Mr. McCarthy that there was no
longer any chance of the Tories touching Home Bule,
he wrote :

Parnell to Mr. Justin McCarthy

1 London : December 17, 1885.

4 My deab McCabthy, — I thank you very much
for the information contained in your note ; it coïncides
very much with the impressions I hâve been able to
form. I think, however, that the Conservatives in
shrinking from dealing with the question, in addition
to bringing about the speedy destruction of their
party, are little regardful of the interests of the Irish
land-owning class, since they might hâve obtained
guarantees, guarantees which the Libérais, who I am
convinced will shortly deal with the question, will hâve
no interest in insisting upon.

' Yours very truly,

'Chas. S. Pabnbll/

After the élection, as before, Mr. Chamberlain was
against Home Kule, but in favour of a large measure of
local government. He would give the Irish the fullest
powers for administering their own affairs, but he
would not consent to the création of any législative
body.

It has been said that it was the resuit of the General
Election which made Mr. Gladstone first think of Home
Kule. This statement is clearly inaccurate. I hâve
already shown that Mr. Gladstone was thinking of
Home Bule in August 1885, and I am obliged to import

VOL. II. x

114 CHAULES STEWART PARNELL [1885

myself again into the narrative in order to finish this
part of the story.

A few davs before Mr. Gladstone left Hawarden for
Midlothian I received a letter from the publicist whom
I hâve already mentioned saying, ' When can we hâve
a talk about your second article ? Would to-morrow
(November 5) suit you ? ' I called on the morrow.
' Now,' he said, ' I think the time has corne to hâve an
article on Home Bule. What I should like you to tell
me is, not what you think would be the best System,
but what Mr. Parnell would accept. We want to get
Mr. Parnell's mina on paper.' I then stated the points
on which I thought Parnell would insist, and the points
on which he would be prepared to accept a compromise
or to give way :

1. There must be an Irish Parliament and an Irish
Executive for the management of Irish affaire. No
system of local govemment would do. It was not local,
but national government which the Irish people wanted.

2. Parnell would not stand out upon the question
whether there should be one or two Chambers. He
would be quite willing to follow Mr. Gladstone's lead
on that point.

3. Neither would he stand out on the question
whether the Irish members should remain in the
Impérial Parliament or be excluded from it. The
Catholic Church would certainly be in favour of their
rétention, in order that Catholic interests might be
represented, but the bulk of the Irish Nationaliste
would not really care one way or the other. The
chances are that if they were retained they would
rarely attend.

4. What should be Irish and what Impérial affairs ?
This really was the crux of the whole scheme.

/Et. 39] CONVERSION OP MÈ. GLADSTONE . 115

(a) Irish affairs : Irish affairs should include land,
éducation, law and justice, police, customs.

Publicist. ' Are you sure about the police ? '

1 Certainly. Parnell would insist upon the police.

If you ref used he would make the refusai a casus belli.

I hâve no doubt about that.'
Publicist. l Well, customs ? '

* Parnell would certainly like the customs. He
wants protection for Irish industries, for a time at ail
events.'

Publicist. 'Well, he won't get it. That much is
perfectly clear. We won't give him the customs.
Would he make the refusai a casus belli ? '

' No ; if you give him land, éducation, law and justice,
and police, he would be satisfied ; but thèse things are
vital. He would, however, make a fight for the
customs, I think/

(b) Impérial affairs : Impérial affairs should include
foreign policy (peace or war), the army and navy, the
Crown, the currency, and the post office.

* The Irish would not trouble themselves much
about Impérial affairs. What they want is to hâve the
building up of their own nation in their own hands.
Give them an Irish Parliament with f ull power for the
government of Ireland, and they would let the British
run the Empire/

It was finally arranged that I should write an
article on thèse lines. I sent in the 'copy' about
November 20, but the article did not appear until
January following. It was then published under the
title : * A Fédéral Union with Ireland/

Early in December Mr. Gladstone returned to
Hawarden. Some time afterwards a communication
sanctioned by him was sent to a leading Libéral. It

i 2

116 CHARLES STEWART PAftXELL [188Ô

contained the momentous statement that he was willing
to establish a Parliament in Ireland. No détails were
discussed, but the principle of Home Rule was conceded.

The Libçral in question, though allowed to make
free use of this startling intelligence, kept it for awhile
to himself . ' Has Lord Hartington been consulted ? '
was his first question. ' No/ was the answer of Mr.
Gladstone's agent, ' but Lord Spencer and Mr. Robert
Hamilton (the Irish Under-Secretary) are thoroughly
in favour of Home Rule.' ' Lord Spencer and Mr.
Hamilton/ rejoined the Libéral, ' are very good, but if
Lord Hartington does not throw in his lot with Mr.
Gladstone, Mr. Gladstone will be beaten.' « What
about Mr. Morley ? ' ' We are not sure about John
Morley/ was the reply. ' He is now with Mr. Cham-
berlain, at Birmingham, and Chamberlain is, we hear,
preparing a scheme of local government. Whether
Morley will go for local government or Home Rule
we do not know.'

A day later the Libéral in question was dining at
the Reform Club, when Mr. Morley, who had just
returned from Birmingham, entered the room. ' What
is the news ? ' asked Mr. Morley. ' What is your
news ? ' said the Libéral ; ' I hear you hâve been at
Highbury. What is the news there ? ' Mr. Morley
said that he and Chamberlain had differed. ' Well, then,
read that/ said the Libéral, producing the Hawarden
pronunciamento. ' Is this authentic ? ' exclaimed Mr.
Morley, with an air of astonishment, on reading the
document. ' Authentic enough/ was the reply. ' Then/
added Mr. Morley, ' if this be true I will break with
Chamberlain and join Mr. Gladstone/ Next day the
Libéral told Mr. Gladstone's right-hand man in the
business that ' John Morley was ail right ' ; whereupon

JErr. 39] INSPIKED PARAGRAPHS 117

the right-hand man exclaimed joyonsly, ' Hurrah ! we I

were afraid Morley might not join us.'

That evening an ' inspired ' paragraph announcing
Mr. Gladstone's adhésion to Home Eule was given to
Mr. Dawson Kogers, the manager of the National
Press Agency. Similar paragraphs — coming, however,
from independent sources — were sent to the ' Leeds
Mercury ' and the ' Standard.' On December 16 the
fluttered dove-cotes of the Libéral party knew the worst.
' Mr. Gladstone,' wrote the ' Leeds Mercury/ ' recognises
that there is no use in proposing a scheme [for the
settlement of the Irish question] which has not some
élément of stability and permanence. The plan, there-
fore, which he has in view provides for the establish-
ment of a Parliament in Dublin for dealing with purely
Irish affairs. '

Of course Mr. Gladstone was called on to ' explain.'
He did explain, through the Central News Agency,
thus : ' The statement is not an accurate représentation
of my views, but is, I présume, a spéculation upon
them. It is not published with my knowledge or
authority; nor is any other, beyond my own public
déclarations.'

Obviously this ' explanation ' did not reassure the
public mind. On the contrary, the Libéral dove-cotes
were more fluttered than ever.

To do Mr. Gladstone justice, he desired at this
crisis to consider the Irish question without any
référence to party tactics. Chancing about the middle
of December to meet Mr. Arthur Balfour at the Duke
of Westminster's, he said to the brilliant young Tory
that if Lord Salisbury wished to deal with the Irish
demand no obstacles ought to be thrown in his way ;
that, in fact, both parties should combine to consider

118 CHARLES STEWAItT PARNELL [1886

the question of Irish government in a just and libéral
spirit. This wisc and generous suggestion met with
no response from the Prime Minister, who had, indeed,
now made up his mind not to touch the Irish question
on any account.

On January 12, 1886, Parliament met. An English
Eadical was doputed by one of Mr. Gladstone's friends
to sound Parnell on the situation ; to see how much, or
how little, he would take. This Radical was authorised
to show a copy of the Hawarden pronunciamento to
the Irish leader, but enjoined not to part with it. ' I
showed him the paper/ said the Eadical, ' one evening
in the House of Gommons. He glanced hurriedly over
it, then coolly folded it and put it into his pocket. " Oh, ,f
I said, " you cannot do that. I hâve been toldnot to let
the paper out of my hand." "Do you suppose," replied
Parnell, " that I can give you an answer now on so
serious a matter. I must take this paper away, and
read it carefully. Then I shall be able to tell you what
I think." So saying he buttoned up his coat and
walked off. Somo days later he saw the Eadical again,
and said that if Mr. Gladstone brought in a Bill upon
the lines foreshadowed in the paper, which was really a
forecast of the Home Eule Bill of 1880, the Irish would
support it.'

On January 26 the Government declared war against
Parnell. Lord Eandolph Churchill announced in the
House of Commons that a Bill would immediately be
introduced to suppress the Land League. The Irish
alliance was no longer of any use, and Ministère made
a virtue of necessity and repudiated it. ' I will only
say,' exclaimed Parnell a year later, ' that history will
not record a more disgraceful and unscrupulous volte-
face than that executed by the Tory party when they

.Et. 40] FALL OF THE SALISBURY MINISTRY 119

found that our vote was not numerous enough to keep
them in office.' Before the end of the month the
Tory Governraent was no more. Mr. Jesse Collings
moved an amendment to the Address, expressing regret
that the Government hacl announced no measure
enabling agricultural labourers to obtain allotments
and small holdings on 'équitable terms as to rent
and security of tenure.' The Irish members voted solid
for the amendment, and the Government were beaten
by 331 to 252 votes. Lord Salisbury resigned imme-
diately, and on February 1 Mr. Gladstone once more
became Prime Minister.

He immediately set to work on the Home Kule Bill,
the principle of which was the establishment of an Irish
Parliament and an Irish Executive for the management
of Irish affairs. He consulted no one. He did not take
the Cabinet as a whole into his confidence. He evolved
the measure out of his inner consciousness. He occa-
sionally spoke to one or two friends, notably Mr. John
Morley (Irish Secretary) and Lord Spencer, who were
in complète agreement with him on the subject ; but
he avoided the critics. The critic of the Cabinet was
Mr. Chamberlain (Président of the Local Government
Board). From the outset the relations between him
and Mr. Gladstone were strained. There seems at this
time to hâve been a personal antipathy between the
men. There certainly was no personal sympathy, and
to this fact may in some measure be ascribed the
defeat of the Home Bule scheme of 1886. ' Gladstone
plus Chamberlain can carry Home Bule,' Sir Gavan
Duffy said to me when rumours were afloat of disunion
in the Cabinet, 'but Gladstone minus Chamberlain
cannot ; and what will become of Gladstone if Cham-
berlain and Hartington combine against him?' Mr.

120 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

Chamberlain did not enter the Cabinet as a Home
Ruler. He accepted office really to see if a modus
vivendi between himself and the Prime Minister was
possible. Mr. Gladstone was now bent on establishing
a Parliament in Ireland. *Mr. Chamberlain was still
only a local government reformer — though, it must be
allowed, a local government reformer on a large scale.
Hère at once was a différence of principle between the
Prime Minister and the Président of the Local Govern-
ment Board. There was also a différence of détail,
which, as it seemed to Irish Nationalists, at ail events,
assumed a magnitude of importance out of proportion
to its merits. Mr. Gladstone proposed to exclude
the Irish members from the Impérial Parliament. Mr.
Chamberlain insisted on their rétention. Parnell would
certainly hâve preferred the exclusion of the Irish
members. Such an arrangement would in a very
marked way hâve given the Irish Parliament a distinct
and independent character, which Irishmen above ail
things desired. Yet he would not* hâve made the point
a casu8 belli. So long as a Parliament and an Execu-
tive for the management of Irish affaire generally,
subject to certain Impérial réservations, were established
he would hâve been content. To him the question
of rétention or exclusion was a question of détail —
important no doubt, but still détail.

With Mr. Chamberlain the case was différent; to
him it was a question of principle, and for the reason
that he was not a Home Ruler at ail. He had his
ow r n scheme of provincial councils always at the back, if
not always at the front, of his mind. His real object was
to out-manœuvre Mr. Gladstone by substituting local
government for Home Bule. If he could succeed in
persuading Mr. Gladstone to retain the Irish mçmberg,

Mr. 40] GALWAY ELECTION 121

in their full numbers and for ail proposes, in the Impé-
rial Parliament, at the same time establishing a body
in Dublin for the transaction of certain specified busi-
ness, and even for the making of certain specified laws,
then, no matter what that body might be called, it would
in reality be nothing more nor less at the utmost than a
sort of glorified county council. If, on the other hand,
the Irish members were excluded altogether, and if the
new body were given législative and executive powers
generally, reserving certain subjects for Impérial con-
trol, then an Irish Parliament — and practicaUy an
independent Irish Parliament, as independent as any
colonial Législature — would beyond ail doubt be set up.
Hence it came to pass that this question of the exclu-
sion or rétention of the Irish members became the crux
of the whole scheme. Mr. Chamberlain insisted on it,
because he hoped by thèse tactics to turn Mr. Glad-
stone's flank, and to convert the Home Bule Bill into a
Local Government Bill. But the old parliamentary
hand was far too wary to allow his central position to
be taken in this way. ' I hâve drawn this clause/ he
said to one who was trying to smooth over the différ-
ences between himself and Mr. Chamberlain. 'It is
the best I can do. Let Mr. Chamberlain draw a clause
for the rétention of the Irish members, then we shall
be in a position to consider both clauses.' This message
was conveyed to Mr. Chamberlain, who shook his head
despairingly.

While negotiations were in train between Mr.
Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain on the subject of the
rétention of the Irish members, a cloud, no bigger than
a man's hand but full of mischief, appeared upon the
political horizon in Ireland. At the General Election
Mr, T. P. O'Connor had been returned foi the borough

122 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

of Galway and the Scotland division of Liverpool. He
elected to sit for Liverpool, and it thus became neces-
sary to choose a new candidate for Galway. Parnell
consulted Mr. O'Connor on the subject. 'Do the
Galway people,' he asked, 'want a local man?' 'No/
said Mr. O'Connor, ' they do not care ; they will accept
anyone you propose.' 'Very well. I will propose
Captain O'Shea,' said Parnell. The story goes that
Mr. T. P. O'Connor had a candidate of his own — not a
local man. Having satisfied Parnell that the people of
Galway had no prédilection on the subject, he naturally
felt that the Chiefs next question would be, 'Well,
whom do you suggest ? ' when he could hâve proposed
his own nominee. 1 The Chief was a man of surprises.
He wîshed to learn the state of local feeling from Mr.
O'Connor ; for the rest he had his own plans. Hasten-
ing, somewhat surprised and disappointed, from the
présence of his leader, Mr. O'Connor went to the Hôtel
Métropole, where Mr. Biggar was staying. He told
the news to 'Joe,' as the member for Cavan was
f amiliarly called by his friends. ' What ! ' said Joe — and
no one who has not heard Mr. Biggar say what can
havc the most remote idea of how the human voice
niay perform on that simple word.

1 What ! O'Shea ! D d Whig ! He won't sit for

Galway, sir ; d d ribnsense, sir. 1*11 go to Ireland

at once. I'il stop it ; d d Whig.' Mr. O'Connor's

next step was to wire to Mr. Healy, on whom he knew
he could rely to make a stand against O'Shea. His
third step was to accompany Mr. Biggar to Ireland. If,
thought Mr. O'Connor, we can only rouse Galway before
O'Shea's candidature is publicly announced, the situa-

1 Mr. O'Connor's choice was, I believe, the late Mr. Quixi, afterwardft
member for Kilkenny.

/Et. 40] GALWAY ELECTION 123

tion may be saved. On reaching the Irish capital Mr.
O'Connor ' rushed,' as he tells us, to get a copy of the
' Freeman's Journal.' Opening the paper, the first
thing which met his eye was the ' fateful announce-
ment ' that Parnell had selected Captain O'Shea to sit
for Galway.

This statement knocked Mr. O'Connor completely
'out of time.' He now knew that he would hâve to
fight Parnell if he opposed O'Shea, and he was scarcely
prepared for that opération. But Biggar did not care
a jot. Parnell or no Parnell, he was resolved that
O'Shea should not be elected. Mr. Healy was seen
immediately. He was full of fight, and determined
to stick to Biggar through thick and thin. The
majority of the Irish members then in Dublin were,
however, unwilling to question Parnell's authority.
O'Shea, they said, was certainly an undesirable can-
didate, but it would be more undesirable to oppose
Parnell than to accept his nommée. Mr. O'Connor
wavered, but Biggar and Healy said, ' We don't care ; we
will go to Galway. We will oppose O'Shea whatever
happens.' They asked Mr. O'Connor to accompany
them, but he preferred for the présent to remain in
Dublin. Speaking of the matter afterwards, Biggar
said, *I took a return ticket to Dublin and went to
Galway. T. P. took a return ticket to Galway and
stopped in Dublin.' Biggar and Healy soon roused
Galway. A local man — Mr. Lynch — was selected to
oppose O'Shea, and the people rallied to their own
townsman. Biggar threw himself fiercely into the
fight. He did not mince his words in denouncing
the candidature of O'Shea ; he did not spare Parnell.
He told the electors of Galway bluntly and openly
that Parnell had chosen O'Shea because O'Shea's wife

124 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

was Parnell's mistress. He did not even stop there.
He sent a telegram to Parnell in thèse words : ' Mrs.
O'Shea will be your ruin.' Healy saw the telegram
and changed its form thus: ' The O'Sheas will be your
ruin.' A graver crisis had not arisen during Parneirs
leadership than this Galway élection. Parnell could
defy any man on a political issue, for he was literally
an absolutist mler of his people. But hère was
a moral issue, which, if pushed to the uttermost,
inust end in disaster. Biggar's speeches — the first
public announcement made of Parnell's unfortunate
relationship with Mrs. O'Shea — were suppressed by the
• Freeman's Journal/ but the Irish members knew by
private advices that he had set the heather on fire in
Galway. They wired to Parnell to hasten from London
to the scène of action. Parnell did not answer their
telegrains. He was never in a hurry. He had the
patience, the reserve, of the strong, self-confident man.
He never would move when other persons thought he
should move. He moved when in his own opinion
the time for action had corne. If Mr. O'Connor had
told him the people of Galway wished to hâve a local
man, the probability is that Captain O'Shea would
never hâve been nominated. Now, however, that his
candidature had been publicly announced retreat was
impossible. Parnell never looked back when he had
once put his hand to the plough.

On the morning of February 9 he arrived in Dublin.
He summoned Mr. O'Connor to his side at once. ' I am
going straight on to Galway,' he said, 'by the next
train, and I want you to corne with me.' The situation,
serious enough in its main aspects, was not without a
touch of humour. Mr. T. P. O'Connor had corne to
Ireland to oppose Captain O'Shea. Ile ijo^f suddenly

Mt. 40] GALWAY EIJÎCTION 126

f ound himself travelling by express train to support the
candidature of that obnoxious individuaJ. Parnell was
also accompanied by Mr. Sexton, Mr. Campbell, and
Mr. J. J. O'Kelly. Biggar was enjoying a hearty
breakfast when the news reached Galway that Parnell
was en r&iite for the city of the Tribes.

1 What will we do with Parnell ? ' asked Mr. Healy.
' Mob him, sir,' said Mr. Biggar, ' mob him.' Long
before the train bearing the Ghief and his staff arrived
an angry multitude had gathered at the railway station.
Parneirs visits to the provinces in Ireland were gene-
rally like the progress of a sovereign enthroned in the
hearts of the nation. Everywhere he was received
with révérence, joy, enthusiasm. But the mob at the
Galway railway station on February 9 was forbidding,
sullen, fierce. How would they receive the Chief?
Would they mob him ? The train at length steamed
into the terminus. The mob growled. Parnell alighted.
The crowd scanned him and his companions closely,
but not an angry or a disrespectful word was addressed
to the ' uncrowned king.' It was clear, however, that
the mob were looking for someone with no friendly
intent. The object of their search soon appeared.
Then there was a yell of passion, a fierce rush, and Mr.
T. P. O'Connor was struck at by the foremost man in
the throng and nearly swept off his feet. With the
true instinct of Connaught peasants, thèse Galway
electors made their late member responsible in the
first degree for what had happened. He should hâve
communicated with them, ascertained their views,
advised Parnell of their désire to hâve a local candidate,
and saved them from the indignity of being compelled
to accept the detested Whig. Mr. O'Connor had done
none of thèse things. Worse still, he had begun by

126 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

joining Biggar and Healy in revolt, and ended by
coming to Galway to oppose theni and to help in
forcing O'Shea upon the constituency. The man to be
mobbed was not Parnell, but their late member ; so
thought the men of Galway. Seeing Mr. O'Connor
assailed, Parnell sprang to his side in an instant, seized
him by the arm and marched him off to the hôtel — the
mob falling back under the spell of the Chief 's resistless
influence. Parnell went directly to his room, made a
careful toilet, and then came down spick and span,
looking more régal than ever, to meet Mr. Biggar and
Mr. Healy and the Irish members. Healy stated the
case against Captain O'Shea. His observations may be
summed up in a sentence : O'Shea was a Whig, and
therefore unfit to sit for any Irish constituency. Biggar
stood by the while, smiling pleasantly. The member
for Cavan never looked more peaceful than when bent
on war. Parnell listened patiently and attentively, and
then said his say briefly and resolutely. O'Shea could
not be withdrawn ; it might be a question whether he
ought to hâve been brought forward, but having been
brought forward he must remain. ParnelTs leadership
was involved in the issue, and upon that leadership
the success of the Irish cause depended. It must not
therefore be jeopardised even by the suspicion of a
revolt. That was the fiât of the Chief. ' A rumour
lias been spread,' he said, ' that if Captain O'Shea is
withdrawn I would retire from the party. I hâve no
intention of resigning my position. I would not resign
it if the people of Galway were to kick me through the
streets to-day.' This single sentence, Mr. O'Connor
tells us, swept Mr. Healy off his feet. However that
may be, the whole business was certainly settled in a
shorter tinie than I now take to tell the story. When

Ml. 40] GALWAY ELECTION 127

Parnell had concluded, ail présent, except Biggar,
acquiesced readily in his décision. While the conférence
of the members was going on a vast crowd had collected
in the streets impatiently awaiting the word which
would rid Galway of O'Shea. Then the news spread
that everything had been settled — that O'Shea was to be
member for Galway. This was followed by the further
intelligence that Parnell would address the people. A
great meeting was gathered together. Parnell f aced the
sullen and dissatisfied crowd. He had, according to Mr.
O'Connor, swept Mr. Healy off his feet with a single
sentence. He conquered the multitude with two sen-
tences. Stretching forth his left hand, he said : ' I hâve
a Parliament for Ireland within the hollow of my
hand/ Then, bringing his right hand down on his
left, he added, 'destroy me and you take away that
Parliament.' ' It was an impressive sentence, a révé-
lation,' says Mr. Healy. ' The people learned for the
first time how near they were to victory. Every man
in the crowd was aw T ed, except Biggar.' The people,
who up to that point had shown an unwillingness to
hear Parnell, now listened with bated breath. The
Chief saw lais advantage, and quickly followed it up.
1 Eeject Captain O'Shea, destroy me, and there will
arise a shout from ail the enemies of Ireland : " Parnell
is beaten, Ireland has no longer a leader." ' A thrill of
émotion ran through the meeting. There was no
cheering, no enthusiasm, but complète submission.
Corne what might the enemy should not be given the
opportunity to blasphème. They would accept O'Shea
rather than it should be said they were disloyal to
Parnell. That was the décision of the men of
Galway. When ail was nearly over, when the people
were about to disperse, and as Parnell had risen to

128 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

leave, Biggar pushed his way to the front, and in
deep guttural tones jerked out the words : ' Sir, if
Musther Lynch goes to the poil FU support him/
Parnell made a gentle inclination of the head in
response to this characteristic speech of his old friend
and retired. Mr. Lynch went to the poil, but was left
at the bottom of it by an overwhelming majority. 1 A
grave crisis had been averted, but the Galway élection
of 1886 threw a dark shadow over the fateful career
of the Irish leader.

The élection over, Parnell returned to London. The
22nd of March was the day originally fixed for the intro-
duction of the Home Rule Bill. But the différences
between Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain had not
yet been settled. So far, indeed, were the two men
from agreement that on March 15 Mr. Chamberlain
tlireatened to resign. Writing to Mr. Gladstone he
said :

1 1 gathered from your statements that although your
plans are not fully matured, yet you hâve corne to the
conclusion that any extension of local government on
exclusive lines, including even the création of a national
council or councils for purely Irish business, would
now be entirely inadéquate, and that you are convinced
of the necessity for conceding a separate législative
assembly for Ireland, with full powers to deal with ail
Irish affairs. I understood that you would exclude
from their compétence the control of the army and
navy and the direction of foreign and colonial policy,
but that you would allow them to arrange their own
customs tariff, to hâve entire control of the civil forces
of the country, and even, if they thought fit, to establish

1 At the General Election Parnell had supported the candidature of
Captain O'Shea for the Exchange division of Liverpool.

Mt. 40] RESIGNATION OF MR. CHAMBERLAIN 129

a volunteer army. It appears to me a proposai of this
kind must be regarded as tantamount to a proposai for
séparation. I think it is even worse, because it would
set up an unstable and temporary form of government,
which would be a source of perpétuai irritation and
agitation until the full demande of the Nationalist
party were conceded. . . . My public utterances and
my conscientious convictions are absolutely opposed to
such a policy, and I feel that the différences which hâve
now been disclosed are so vital that I can no longer
entertain the hope of being of service in the Govern-
ment. I must therefore respectfully request you to
take the necessary steps for relieving me of the office
which I hâve the honour to hold.'

Mr. Gladstone subsequently made some modifica-
tions to conciliate Mr. Chamberlain, but in vain. In
fact, there was a radical différence between the Prime
Minister and the Président of the Local Government
Board, which could not be overcome. The one was a
Home Euler and the other was not. The latter
suggested altérations in the hope of undermining
the principle of the Bill. The former held fast to the
principle, and avoided every amendment which in his
opinion endangered it. In truth, neither trusted the
other, and from the outset both had really assumed a
position of mutual antagonism.

On March 26 Mr. Chamberlain finally left the
Ministry, and was accompanied by Mr. Jesse Collings
(Secretary to the Local Government Board), Mr.
Trevelyan (Secretary for Scotland), and Mr. Heneage
(Chancellor of the Duchy).

After writing the foregoing I called on Mr.
Chamberlain, who was good enough to gWo me hia

VOL. II. K.

130 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

views with much frankness and fairness. Though
there are some parts of thc conversation which carry us
a little back, and other parts which rather anticipate the
narrative, I prefer to set it out, as a whole, in this place.

I saw Mr. Chamberlain at the Colonial Office on
February 15, 1898.

I said : ' Mr. Chamberlain, I know that your
relations with Mr. Parnell were friendly in the early
days. I think you saw a good deal of each other, and
you worked together on some questions. You worked
together in attacking flogging in the anny.'

Mr. Chamberlain. 'Not quite worked together, if
you mean that we worked on a concerted plan or that
we had consultations and conférences. We certainly
worked for the same end. Parnell attacked flogging
in the anny in pursuance of his gênerai policy of
obstruction. I am not blaming him. He thought
the best thing to do for his cause was to obstruct the
business of the House of Commons, and he seized
every subject which enabled him to carry out that
policy. On this gênerai principle he attacked flogging
in the anny. I was opposed to flogging in the army
becauso I did not like the thing. Some of my friends
who were also opposed to it did not wish to take the
question up becauso Parnell had begun it. I thought
that was foolish. I said : " What does it matter who
lias begun it, if it is a right thing to do ? Let us help
Parnell, whatever may be his objects, when he is doing
the right thing. Let us go in and take the question
out of his hands." We did ultimately go in and take a
prominont part in the discussion. Parnell then dropped
back, and let us fight. He came forward again when-
ever he saw the question was in danger, or whenever
any of our people flagged. In that sensé, if you like,

/Et. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. CHAMBERLAIN 131

Parnell and I worked together in abolishing flogging in
the army.'

' Did you think him a remarkable man ? '
Mr. Chamberlain. 'Very remarkable. A great
man. Unscrupulous, if I may say so. I do not
wish to be misunderstood in my meaning of the word
"unscrupulous." I mean that he was unscrupulous
like every great man. I hâve often thought Parnell
was like Napoléon. He allowed nothing to stand in his
way. He stopped at nothing to gain his end. If a
man opposed him, he flung him aside and dashed on.
He did not care. He did not harbour any enmity. He
was too great a man for that. He was indiffèrent about
the means he used to gain his object. That is my

view.'

1 You say he was unscrupulous. Did you find that
he was a man who kept his word ? ' .

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Certainly. He was a pleasant
man to deal with in that respect. He was a good man
to make a bargain with, and he had a keen eye for a
bargain. He was a great Parliamentarian. He under-
stood politics. He knew that you cannot always get
your own way, and that you must sometimes take the
best thing you can get at a given moment. There was
nothing irreconcilable about him. His main purpose
he no doubt always had at the back of his mind, but it
did not prevent him from dealing with every important
issue that arose. He could approach any question —
apart from the subject of an Irish Parliament, which I
suppose was his main purpose — and deal with that
question for the time being as if no other question
existed. My relations with Parnell were business
relations, and I found them very pleasant. He often
dined with me. I should not say that he was socially

132 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

interesting. I thought him, indeed, rather dull. He
did not seem to hâve any converijational powers, and
he had no small talk. In business he was very frank.'

' You and he made the Kilmainham treaty ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes. There has been a good
deal of discussion about the Kilmainham treaty — about
the terms of the treaty, or whether there was any
treaty. There was a treaty. And the terms on our side
were that we should deal with some phases of the land
question — the arrears question, I think. This very
Kilmainham treaty is an instance of what I mean when
I say that Parnell could divest himself of every subject
except the one that was practical at the moment. He
did not talk about Home Ilule then. He knew it would
be useless. He took up a subject which was practicable,
and which could be used for the end he then had in
view. The Kilmainham treaty was made, the arrears
question was taken up, and Parnell got out. That
compact would hâve been carefully kept, and a great
change might hâve been made in affaire in Ireland,
but the Phcenix Park murders came and made a
différence.'

' The murders led to the Crimes Bill, which was a
violation of the treaty ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes ; the murders led to that
particular Crimes Bill. Had there been no murders
there still would hâve been some sort of Bill for dealing
with outrages. The suspension of the Habeas Corpus
Act would hâve been dropped, but something put in
its place.'

4 But the Crimes Bill which was passed had been
prepared by Lord Cowper and Mr. Forster before they
lef t office ? '

Mr. Chamberlain, ' Yes ; that is so. But that Bill

/Et. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. CHAMBERLAIN 133

would not hâve been introduced if the murders had not
been committed.'

' May I ask if Captain O'Shea took any initiative
in making the Kilmainham treaty, or was he simply a
go-between ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' He took no initiative. He
simply took what I said to Parnell, and brought back
what Parnell said to me.'

* Parnell called upon you the morning after the
Phœnix Park murders. How did he then seem ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes ; he called ; he and Mr.
McCarthy. Parnell looked like a man quite broken
down — quite unnerved. He said to me : " I would
leave public life at once if I were satisfied it would
do any good." I said: " Nonsense, Mr. Parnell;
you can do no good by leaving public life, you can
only do harm. No one supposes you hâve any
responsibility in this matter. If you were to go
away, everyone would say it was because you were
afraid — because you were mixed up in some way in the
matter. You must remain and exercise a restraining
influence/' I believe, afterwards, he made a communi-
cation to Mr. Gladstone on the subject.'

* Did not Captain O'Shea corne in while McCarthy
and Parnell were with you ? Was not something said
about the Kilmainham treaty by O'Shea, and did you
not say, " O'Shea, it is not your treaty that is going to
be carried out at ail ; it is another treaty " ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. i I hâve no recollection of that.
If anybody bas told you so he may be right. It is a
long time ago, but I scarcely think it can be accurate.
I think there must be some confusion about dates, for I
do not think there was any treaty but the one. Later
on another treaty was discussed between Parnell and

VOL. II. *i 3

134 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

me, but that was in '84 or '85. I think your informant
must be mixing up the dates. In fact, we were so
absorbed in the Phœnix Park murders that morning
that I do not think we thought of anything else.'
4 May I ask what was the other treaty ? '
Mr. Chamberlain. ' Certainly. It was, I think, in
1884. Perhaps towards the end or the autumn of
1884. O'Shea came to me. He said : " The Kilmain-
ham treaty has broken down. Do not you think that
you and Parnell ought to try and corne together again,
and to see if it is possible to do anything on the subject
of Ireland ? I think Parnell is anxious to hâve some
sort of settlement." I said that I was quite willing
to consider any proposai relating to the government of
Ireland, and to discuss any question with Parnell, to
see how far it was possible for us to corne together.
I should add that my authority in this matter is O'Shea.
Parnell was staying at his house at this time, and I
think that O'Shea was accurate in saying he had
corne from Parnell, and that Parnell was anxious
for a settlement. However, no letters passed between
Parnell and myself in the matter, therefore my
évidence on the subject is O'Shea. It was then that
I proposed the National Councils scheme. My idea,
as well as I can recollect now, was this: There
was to be a council in Dublin ; possibly it would be
necessary to hâve another council in Belfast, but if
possible there was only to be one central council. This
council should take over the administrative work of ail
the boards then existing in Dublin. It might besides
deal with such subjects as land and éducation and other
local matters.'

' When you say the council should deal with land
and éducation, do you mean that it should legislate? '

jEt. 40] INTERVIEW WTTH MR. CHAMBERLAIN 186

Mr. Chamberlain. l Not absolutely. I think my
idea was that it should take the initiative in introdnoing
Bills, and that it should pass Bills, but that thèse Bills
should not become law until they received the sanction
of the Impérial Parliament. If any particular measure
was brought in in the council and passed through the
council, that measure should then be sent to the House
of Commons, and be allowed to lie on the table of the
House of Gommons for say forty days, and then, if
nothing was done upon it, it would become law.'

1 That was a bigger scheme than what one ordinarily
understands by local government ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. 'Certainly, it was a very big
scheme. Perhaps it was too big a scheme. I do not
think I should agrée to it now, but I was ready to give
it then. So far as I could learn, Parnell was not
opposed to that scheme ; hère again I hâve to dépend
on O'Shea. I remember another thing in this con-
nection which supports O'Shea. Âbout this time
Cardinal Manning asked me to call upon hini, and talk
over the Irish question. I went to see hini, and we
discussed this National Gouncils scheme. I asked him
if he thought Parnell would accept it, and if it would
be satisf actory to the bishops and priests, for I considered
that important. He said he was in a position to speak
for the bishops, because he had seen some of them
passing through on their way to Borne, and that they
were in favour of some such scheme as I had proposed.
He said, in fact, that he thought the bishops would
prefer a National Councils scheme to an independent
Parliament. He also said he thought Parnell would
accept it. I told Mr. Gladstone ail that had happened,
and he quite approved of the National Councils scheme.
This was in 1884 or early in 1885. Ultimately I

136 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

brought the scheme before the Cabinet, that is, the
Cabinet of 1884. I cannot, of course, tell you Cabinet
secrets, but it is a public matter that I did submit
such a scheme to the Cabinet. Mr. Gladstone was
quite in favour of it. Well, the Cabinet rejected it.'

' That is, I suppose, the majority of the Cabinet
rejected it ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes, and the very men who
afterwards were in favour of a Parliament for Ireland
opposed the National Councils scheme most vigorously,
and caused its def eat. There never was such a volte-face.
Mr. Gladstone was very vexed. When that scheme was
rejected I did not care how soon the Government went
out. We were thrown out in June 1885, and I was
very glad. It left me free. Then I took up the Irish
question, and I made a speech at some place in the
north of London.'

' Holloway ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes ; Holloway. 1 That speech,
as you know, excited a good deal of criticism. Well,
I still stand by that speech. I attacked the bureau-
cratie System which existed in Ireland, and I ex-
pressed my désire to see it changed. The speech was

1 This is what Mr. Chamberlain said at Holloway : * I do not bélier©
that the great majority of Englishmen hâve the slightest conception of
the system under which this iree nation attempts to rule the siiter
country. It is a System which is founded on the bayonets of 80,000
soldiers encamped permanently as in a hostile country. It is a System
as completely centralised and bureaucratie as that with which Basai*
governs Poland, or as that which prevailed in Venice under the Austrian
rule. An Irish man at this moment cannot move a step — he cannot lift
a finger in any parochial, municipal, or éducation al work, without being
confronted with, interfered with, controlled by an English officiai, ap-
pointed by a foreign Government, and without a shade or shadow ol
représentative authority. I say the time has corne to reform altogethar
the absurd and irritating anachronism which is known as Dublin
Castle.'— June 17, 1885.

Mr. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. CHAMBERLAIN 187

made in pursuance of the policy of national councils.
It was arranged that Sir Charles Dilke and I should
go to Ireland, and lay that policy before the people.
Then suddenly our plans were overturned. A state-
ment was made to me that Parnell no longer wished
us to go to Ireland, and that he would not hâve our
scheme now; that he had got something better. At
this time I believe he was in touch with Lord
Carnarvon and the Tories.'

1 I hâve heard it said that Mr. Parnell treated you
badly over the national councils business. I should
like to know your views ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. 'I never said he treated me
badly. I never thought he treated me badly. I think
it is idle to talk of Parnell treating me badly, or of my
treating Parnell badly. We acted as politicians. He
was doing what he thought the best he could for his
cause ; I was doing the best I could, according to my
opinions. But no doubt his action was quite in keeping
with his gênerai practice. He would probably hâve
taken national councils if he could not hâve got
anything better, and he would afterwards, I suppose,
hâve pushed on, or tried to push on, for his Parliament.
But it was quite like Parnell to take the thing which
was feasible at the moment, and national councils
perhaps seemed to him feasible in '85. Then he
thought he could get something better, and he was
resolved to take it. It was quite natural. I do not
think I was badly treated at ail. I do not think he
treated me badly at ail. I hâve never complained.'

'Parnell had, as you know, Mr. Chamberlain, a
very difficult battle to fight. It seems to me that his
aim was to see how far English statesmen would go,
p,nd that he really desijred, if I may say bq, to play

188 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

you ail off against each other, and to close with the
man who would, in the end, go farthest.'

Mr. Chamberlain. ' I think that is very likely/

1 Mr. George Fottrell had something to do with the
National Councils scheme ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes, lie saw me at that time.
Hc gave me his views, and we talked about the matter
generally.'

'Did not Mr. Fottrell write an article in the
" Fortnightly " on national councils ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. i Yes, lie did.'

' Did you see the proof s of the article ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes, I did.'

1 May I ask if you did not make some suggestions
in the proof ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. 'Yes, I did.'

I said : ' There is one matter which has puzzled
me in considering Parnell's tactics at the moment. It
has seemed to me that lie ought not to hâve given you
up so soon. You had gonc further than an y man at
the outset. It was natural for him to think that in
the end you would be more likely to go the whole way
than anybody else. Why did he not keep up negotia-
tions with you ? It seems to me he broke them off
very suddenly. First he broke them off to deal with
Lord Carnarvon, and then lie broke them off in dealing
with Mr. Gladstone. As a matter of tactics, did he
commit a mistake ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. 'I do not know that he did. I
suppose lie came to the conclusion that I could
not bc got beyond national councils. He thought»
rightly or wrongly, that Lord Carnarvon would go
further, and then lie opened negotiations, or what
seemed to be negotiations, with him. I may say that

Mt. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. CHAMBERLAIN 189

I think there was a misunderstanding between Lord
Carnarvon and Parnell at that time. However, if
he thought Lord Carnarvon and the Tories would go
further, it was only natural that he should approach
them.'

1 It seems to me that in the élection campaign of
'85, and leading up to it, he fixed his eye chiefly upon
Mr. Gladstone, you, and Lord Eandolph Churchill,
and he seems to hâve corne very suddenly to the
conclusion that Mr. Gladstone after ail was his man.
Why could he not hâve kept up negotiations with you
while he was negotiating with Mr. Gladstone? He
broke off with you very abruptly, as I think. Was it
not a mistake ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' I assume that Parnell was
satisfied that he himself could not get me to go beyond
national councils ; but he probably thought that Mr.
Gladstone might persuade me. I think that was his
idea. Then he resolved to lean entirely upon Mr.
Gladstone, and he trusted that Mr. Gladstone would
carry me over. I cannot say that I see any tactical
error on his part in that way.'

' I should now like to talk about the Home Eule
Bill. I hâve corne to the conclusion, after giving the
matter — your speeches and ail that has been written
and said upon the subject — the best considération I
could, that you were never a Home Buler in our sensé ;
but there are some points which I should feel obligea
if you would clear up for me. You opposed the
exclusion of the Irish members from the Impérial Par-
liament. I thought at that time, and I think a great
many other people thought too, that you were in f avour,
or that ultimately you came to be in favour, of the
principle of Mr. Gladstone's Bill, but that you objected

140 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

to the exclusion of the Irish members as a matter of
détail. What I should like to ask is, if you objected to
the exclusion as a matter of détail, or if you really used
that clause for the purpose of attacking the Bill?
Was it really your aim to turn Mr. Gladstone's flank
by attacking that point ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' I wanted to kill the Bill.'

' And you used the question of the exclusion of thé
Irish members for that purpose ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. 1 1 did, and I used the Land Bill
for the same purpose. I was not opposed to the reform
of the land laws. I was not opposed to land purchase.
It was the right way to settle the land question, but
there were many things in the Bill to which I was
opposed on principle. My main object in attacking it,
though, was to kill the Home Kule Bill. As soon as
the Land Bill was out of the way l I attacked the
question of the exclusion of the Irish members. I used
that point to show the absurdity of the whole scheme.'

4 Well, I may say, Mr. Chamberlain, that that is
the conclusion I hâve myself corne to. It was strategy,
simply strategy.'

Mr. Chamberlain. ' I wanted to kill the Bill. You
may take that ail the time.'

I Mr. Jeyes, in his short life of you — which seems
to me a very f air as well as a clever book — says you were
once on the point of being converted to Home Rule.'

Mr. Chamberlain. ' He is wrong. I was never near
being converted to an Irish Parliament. The national
councils was my extrême point. There I stood.'

I I should like to talk to you about what you said on
the subject of Canadian Home Rule. I am satisfied

1 Mr. Gladstone introduced a Land Purchase Bill at the Mme fenf
US the Home Rule Bill, and suddcnly dronped it,

JE*. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. CHAMBERLAIN 141

that you attacked the exclusion of the Irish members to
kill the Bill, but I think you said things about Canada
which are open to the interprétation that you might
favour the establishment of an Irish Parliament. The
matter is not quite clear to me.'

Mr. Chamberlain. ' I do not think you should press
me too hard. I stated my object was to kill the Bill.
I hâve no doubt that I said many things that may hâve
been open to some such interprétation as you suggest.
I will take this case of Canada, though I really cannot
recollect very well now what I did say. Still, I think
my idea was this. Other people had been talking
about Canadian Home Rule besides me, and the point
I took up was, What is meant by Canadian Home
Rule? Is it meant that the relations between Eng-
land and Ireland are to be the same as the relations
between the Dominion Parliament and England ? If that
is meant, then it is séparation. Mr. Gladstone himself
is not prepared to establish the same relations between
England and Ireland as exist between the Dominion
Parliament of Canada and the Impérial Parliament.
Or do you mean such relations as exist between
the Dominion Parliament and the Provincial Parlia-
ments ? But what are the relations between the
Dominion Parliament and the Provincial Parliaments
in Canada? Certain powers are delegated by the
Dominion to the provincial législatures, but that is not
what the Bill proposes to do with référence to Ireland.
It does not delegate certain powers to Ireland. On the
contrary, it gives Ireland power to legislate upon Irish
matters generally, reserving certain things to the
Impérial Parliament. I think that was the line I took.
However open I may be to criticism in whateverl said,
my aim was, as I say, to kill the Bill.'

142 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

i By the way, there is another point, Mr. Chamber-
lain, that I had forgotten, which I should like to put
to you. Going away from the question of Canada, I
find that in '85 Parnell was in touch with Lord
Carnarvon through Mr. Justin McCarthy, or directly.
He was in touch with you through Captain O'Shea.
Was he in communication with Mr. Gladstone at thia
time, directly or indirectly ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. *Yes. He was in communica-
tion with Mr. Gladstone through a lady.'
< Mrs. O'Shea?'

Mr. Chamberlain. 'Yes.'

1 Mr. Gladstone has frankly told me that. He told
me that he had seen Mrs. O'Shea for the first time in
1882.'

Mr. Chamberlain. ' Yes, he told me the same
thing.'

1 May I take it that the Cabinet was practically in
relation with Parnell through Mrs. O'Shea from 1882 ? f

Mr. Chamberlain. l Yes.'

'May I ask a word about the Eound Table
Conférence ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. 'Yes.'

• Well, what was it exactly ? What w r ere the points
raised exactly ? '

Mr. Chamberlain. ' I revived my National Councils
scheme at the liound Table Conférence. I believe they
were willing to accept it. They asked Parnell. Parnell
would not hâve it, and that of course made an end in
the matter. They thought they could turn him round
like Trevelyan, but found they were mistaken.'

On April 8 Mr. Gladstone moved the first reading
of the Home liule Bill. He proposed to establish

Mr. 40] TIIE HOME RULE BILL 143

Irish Parliament and an Irish Executive for the
management and control of Irish affaire, reserving to
the Impérial Parliament the following subjects : the
Crown, peace or war, the army, navy, militia, volun-
teers, defence, &c, foreign and colonial relations,
dignities, titles of honour, treason, trade, post office,
coinage. Besides thèse ' exceptions,' the Irish Parlia-
ment was forbidden to make any laws respecting (inter
alia) the endowment of religion, or in restraint of
educational freedom, or relating to the customs or
excise.

The Dublin metropolitan police were to remain
under Impérial control for two years, and the Royal
Irish Constabulary for an indefinite period ; but eventu-
ally ail the Irish police were to be handed over to the
Irish Parliament. Ireland's contribution to the Impérial
revenue was to be in the proportion of one-fifteenth to
the whole. Ail constitutional questions relating to the
powers of the Irish Parliament were to be submitted to
the Judicial Committee of the English Privy Council.
The Irish members were to be excluded from the
Impérial Parliament.

The Bill was read a first time without a division,
but not without sharp criticism from the Tories and
Dissentient Libérais. On April 16 Mr. Gladstone
introduced a Land Bill, which was, in fact, a pendant
to the Home Rule Bill. The chief feature of this mea-
sure was a scheme for buying out the Irish landlords
and for creating a peasant proprietary. The State was
in the first instance to buy the land at twenty years'
purchasc of the judicial rents, or at the Government
valuation, and then sell to the tenants, advancing the
purchasc money (which involved the issue of 50,000,0002.
Consols), and giving them forty-nine years to pay it back

144 CHAULES STEWAM? PARNÈLL [1866

at the rate of four per cent, per annum. A Eeceiver-
General was to be appointée!, under British authority,
to receive the rents and revenues of Ireland, while
this scheme was in opération. Thus Mr. Gladstone's
complète plan for the pacification of Ireland was an
Irish Parliament and a peasant proprietary.

This plan was now discussed throughout the Empire,
approved in the main by the vast majority of the Irish
people in Ireland, in America, in the Colonies, accepted
by the bulk of the Libéral party ; but condemned by
the Tories and Dissentient Libérais. Mr. Gladstone
had hoped that the Land Bill, by buying off the
hostility of the landlords, would smooth the way for
the Home Kule Bill.

He was mistaken. The hostility of the landlords
was not bought off, while new issues which troubled his
own friends were raised. The Irish did not like the
appointaient of the Receiver-General, and the Libérais
did not like the public expenditure which was in the
first instance involved. Tactically, the Land Bill was a
blunder, and Mr. Gladstone soon found it out.

On May 10 he moved the second reading of the
Home Rule Bill. Lord Hartington moved its rejection,
and a debate which lasted until June 7 ensued. In
the interval Mr. Gladstone tried to win back the Dis-
sentient Libérais. He expressed his willingness to
reconsider every détail, if only the principle of the Bill
were affirrned. * Vote for the second reading,' he said in
effect ; ' consent to the establislnnent of an Irish Par-
liament and an Irish Executive for the management
and control of Irish affairs, and let the détails wait.
The second reading pledges you only to an Irish
Parliament. Every other question remains open.' As
for the Land Bill, he praçtically threw it over. ' While

Mr. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. BRIGHT 145

the sands are running in the hour-glass,' he said in an
oft-quoted sentence, ' the Irish landlords hâve as yet
given no intimation of a désire to accept a proposai
framed in a spirit of the utmost allowable regard to
their appréhensions and their interests. ' If the landlords
were not prepared to accept the Bill he would ask no
Libéral to vote for it. In this shape he offered the
olive-branch to his old friends. Up to May 28 Mr.
Bright had taken no very prominent part in opposition
to the Ministerial policy, and there were rumoors afloat
that he was favourable to the Bills.

I was anxious to learn if there was any foundation
for thèse rumours, and I wrote to Mr. Bright, asking
him to give me an interview. He quickly sent the
following reply :

1 Reform Club : May 28, 1886.

I I expect to be hère to-morrow from 12 to 2, and
shall be glad to see you, if it be not inconvénient for
you to call upon me.'

I called at 12.30. He was sitting in the hall of
the club talking to Lord Hartington. I took a place
opposite to them, and waited for about an hour. At
the end of that time Mr. Bright looked at his watch,
rose, said something (smiling) to Lord Hartington
(who went away), and then walked across the hall
to me.

* Well,' he said pleasantly, ' I hâve kept you waiting
for an hour, but I hâve been talking about Ireland ail
the time. I came to the club this morning at 10
o'clock, and I hâve talked of nothing but Ireland since.
Corne, sit down.'

I went straight to the point. To talk to Mr. Bright
and not go straight to the point would be fatal. ' I hâve

VOL. II. I4

146 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL - [1888.

corne, Mr. Bright/ I said, ' to ask if you are in favour
of the Home Kule Bill/

He paused for a moment, lookcd on the floor, then
raised his head and answered : ' I am not. Wait (at a
motion of my hand) . I am against the Land Bill too ;
I am against both Bills/

1 1 am only interested in the Home Rule BiU, Mr.
Bright. May I ask you why you are against it ? Are
you afraid that Home Bule would lead to religious
persécution ? '

' No ; the fact is the days of religious persécution
are gone by. You cannot hâve it anywhere now. We
are ail watching each other too much. You know my
views of the Irish. They are like most other people —
neither better nor worse — and you are not going to
hâve a condition of things in Ireland which is im-
possible anywhere else. Moreover, if the Irish were
disposed to persécute, they would hâve to be on their
good behaviour, living so near a Protestant country.
Besides, the Protestants of Ireland are very well able
to take carc of themsclves. I would havc more concern
for somc of the poor Catholics. liemcmber that it is
Catholics and not Protestants who hâve corne under
the harrow of the League. (A pause.) I think,
though, that some of thèse fellows [the Irish members]
are far too fond of talking of Ireland as a Catholic
nation. They do harni. (A pause, and then a smile.)
I expect that some of thèse fellows who talk about
Ireland as a Catholic nation arc precious bad Catholics.
They remind me of the Pope's brass band, Keogh and
Sadler. I remember thosc times. You don't. But I
hâve no fear of a religious persécution/

1 Then do you think that we would try to separatq
from England if we got an Irish Parliament ? *

Mr. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. BRIGHT 147

' Certainly not. How could you ? Why, the thing
is madness. Mark, there are people in this country
who would be very glad if yon would try. That
would give them an opportunity of settling the Irish
question very quickly. Just think of our population
and of yours ; then your population is steadily diminish-
ing, and ours always increasing. Séparation is absurd.
Whether you hâve a Parliament or not, you can never
separate. (A pause.) I do not know that séparation
would be a bad thing if you could separate far enough.'

I said, quoting a famous passage from one of Mr.
Bright's speeches : * If we could be moved 2,000 miles
to the westward.'

Mr. Bright (smiling). ' Just so. Many of us would
be glad to be rid of you ; but we hâve been thrown
together by Nature, and so we must remain. (A
pause.) The history of the two countries is most
melancholy. Hère we are at the end of the nine-
teenth century, and we do not like each other a bit
better. You are as rebellious as ever. I sometimes
think that you hâte us as much as ever.'

I interposed : ' It is a sad commentary, sir, on your
government.'

Mr. Bright (warmly). 'I know our government
has been as bad as a Government could be, but then
we hâve donc many things during the past fifty years.
You do not thank us in the least.'

I said : * Because, as you often pointed out, you
hâve only yielded to force. The Irish tenants do not
thank you for the Land Act of 1881. They thank Mr.
Parncll and the Land League. Are they wrong ? '

Mr. Bright. ' Well, of course I know only too well
how much truth there is in what you say about our
policy in Ireland. But you do not recognise that there

L 2

US CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

is an effort now being made in this country to do
better by Ireland. If Mr. Gladstone, who bas done
so much for y ou, would only persévère on the old
lines instead of taking this new step we would yet
ruake everything right in Ireland.'

I remarked : ' Weli, sir, I am glad that you tbink
the new step will not lead to séparation.'

Mr. Bright. i Oh, no, I am not afraid of that.'

1 Do you think that the présent Irish représentatives
would sit in an Irish Parliament, and that they would
adopt a policy of public plunder ? '

Mr. Bright. l Well, I hâve said to you already that
the Irish are very much the saine as other people, and
no people in the world would stand thèse fellows per-
manently. No ; if you had an Irish Parliament you
would hâve a better class of men in it. I quite
understand that. I do not mean to say that you
would hâve a better représentation at once, for thèse
fellows would try to hold on. But the man who is
their master would shake them off one by one, and
the people would support him. Mr. Parnell is a
remarkable man, but a bitter enemy of this country.
He would hâve great difficultés in the first years of
an Irish Parliament, but he might overcome them.
Yet many of thèse fellows hâte him (smiling). The
Irish hâte ail sort of government. He is a sort of
government.'

1 A popular government ? '

Mr. Bright. 'Well, perhaps so, but even that may
not save him in the end. I do not know how long he
will be able to control thèse fellows.'

• Well, Mr. Bright, you are not afraid of a religions
persécution, nor séparation, nor public plunder. "Why
do you object to Home Bule ? '

M*. 40] INTERVIEW Wlîtt MR. ÊRIGHT 149

Mr. Bright. * I will tell you. I object to this Bill.
It either goes too far or it does not go far enough. If
you could persuade me that what you call Home Kule
wouldbe a good thingfor Ireland, I would still object to
this Bill. It does not go far enough. It would lead to
friction — to constant friction between the two countries.
The Irish Parliament would be constantly struggling
to burst the bars of the statutory cage in which it is
sought to confine it. Persuade me that Home Rule
would be a good thing for Ireland, and I would give
you the widest measure possible, consistently with
keeping up the connection between the two countries.'

I asked : * You would give us control of the land,
police, judges ? '

Mr. Bright. ' Certainly, I would give you a measure
which would make it impossible for the two Parlia-
ments to corne into conflict. There is the danger. If
you get only a half-hearted measure, you will imme-
diately ask for more. There would be renewed agita-
tion — perhaps an attempt at insurrection — and in the
end we should take away your Parliament, and probably
make you a Crown colony.'

I said : * Would you keep the Irish members in
Westminster ? '

Mr. Bright. ' Certainly not. Why, the best clause
in Mr. Gladstone's Bill is the one which excludes
thern.'

* If you were a Home Euler, Mr. Bright, you would,
in fact, give Ireland Colonial Home Rule ? f

Mr. Bright. ' 1 would give her a measure of Home
Rule which should never bring her Parliament into close
relation with the British Parliament. She should hâve
control over everything which by the most libéral inter-
prétation could be called Irish. I would either hâve trust

100 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

or distrust. If I had trust, I would trust to the full ; if I
had distrust, I would do nothing. But this is a halting
Bill. If you cstablish an Irish Parliament, give it
plenty of work and plcnty of responsibility. Throw the
Irish upon themselves. Make them f orget England ;
let their énergies be engaged in Irish party warfare ;
but give no Irish party leader an opportunity of
raising an anti-English cry. That is what a good
Home Rule Bill ought to do. This Bill does not do it.
Why, the Receiver-General appointed by it would alone
keep alive the anti-English feeling. If you keep alive
that feeling, what is the good of your Home Rule?
Mark, I am arguing this matter from your own point
of view. But I do not think that Home Rule is
necessary. Let us work on the old lines, but work
more constantly and more vigorously. We hâve passed
some good land laws. Wcll, let us pass more if
necessary.'

I said : ' But will you ? '

Mr. Bright. 'I think so. I think that theEnglish
pcople are now thoroughly aroused to the necessities of
Ireland : they are beginning to understand the country,
and the old System of delay and injustice will not be
renewed. If Mr. Parnell would only apply himself to
the removal of the practical grievances of Ireland, there
is no " concession, ,, as you call it, which he could not
get from the Impérial Parliament. I hâve said that I
am not afraid that Home Rule would lead to séparation.
We are too strong for that. But I think that there aie
certain mon in Ireland who would make an effort to
obtain séparation. I mean what you call the OH
Fenians. I saw a letter from one of those men a féw
days ago — he does not know I saw it — a very long
letter. I was much interested in it. I should like to

jEt. 40] INTERVIEW WITH MR. BRIGHT 151

know what you are going to do with him. He is an
upright, honourable man, ready, I can quitè believe, to
risk anything for his country. Now, he wants sépara-
tion, and he wants to obtain it in regular warfare.
He is mad, but a madman with a conscience is some»
times dangerous. I should think that he could appea
to the young men of the country, young fellows fui
of sentiment and enthusiasm — (a pause) — fools; but
they might make themselves troublesome to your
Irish Parliament. Now, what will you do with — ?
Will he be content with an Irish Parliament of any
sort?*

' Well, Mr. Bright, I am in a good position to

answer that question. I saw last night. I asked

him if he would accept an Irish Parliament and an
Irish Executive which would hâve the fullest control
of Irish affairs — the connection with England, of course,
to be preserved.'

Mr. Bright. ' Yes ; and what did he say ? '

' He said : " I would take an oath of allegiance tô
an Irish Parliament ; I will never take it to an English
Parliament. I would enter an Irish Parliament; I
would give it a fair trial " '

Mr. Bright. 'Well, you surprise me. This is
certainly a new light. The man is quite honourable.
He will do what he says. Well, but does your friend
think that you will get a Home Bule Parliament ? '

'No ; he thinks that we are living in a fool's
paradise, and that his tara will corne again. Still, I
fancy that he is somewhat astonished that an English
Prime Minister should introduce any sort of Home
Rule.'

Mr. Bright. ' So am I. So far your Old Fenian
and I agrée.'

152 CHARLES STEWABT PARNELL [1886

We then parted. As I left the club he said:
' Good-bye ; I wish I was on your side. I hâve been
on the Irish side ail my life, and now at the end of
my life I do not like even to appear to be against you ;
but I cannot vote for this Bill. I hâve not spoken
against it. I do not know that I will speak against
it, but (a pause) that is on account of Mr. Gladstone.
My personal regard for him may prevent me from
taking any part in the discussion.'

He said no more, and I came away. But hifl
opposition to the Bill did not weaken the affectionate
regard in which I had ever held him ; nor do I cherish
his memory the less now because he was not on the
Irish side in the mémorable struggle of twelve years ago.
If he went wrong then, I cannot forget that for the
best part of his public life Ireland had no stauncher
friend in this country.

Two days after our conversation Mr. Bright de-
clared publicly against Home Kule.

Writing to a friend in Birmingham on May 31 he
said : ' My sympathy with Ireland, north and south,
compels me to condemn the proposed législation. I
believe a united Parliament can and will be more just
to ail classes in Ireland than any Parliament that can
meet in Dublin under the provisions of Mr. Gladstone'e
Bill. If Mr. Gladstone's great authority were with-
drawn from thèse Bills, 1 I doubt if twenty persona
outside the Irish party would support them. The
more I consider them, the more I lament that they
hâve been offered to Parliament and the country.'

While the debate on the second reading was pro-
ceeding rumours were afloat that the Government

1 The Home Baie Bill and the Land BilL

Mt. 40] PARNELL'S SPEECH ON HOME RULE BILL 163

were ready to ' hang up ' the Bill provided the second
reading was carried. Parnell strongly opposed thèse
tactics. In May he wrote to a member of the Cabinet
saying that such a course could not be taken. The
Government must show, he said, that they were in
earnest in the business. To hang up the Bill would
be to strengthen the position of the extrême men who
did not want it, and to weaken the position of the
moderate men who did. It would be difficult, he
concluded, to persuade the people of Ireland if the
Government dropped the Bill that they ever intended to
take it up again. In fact, Parnell had got the Libérais
into Home Bule, and he meant to pin them to it.

On June 7 the debate on the Home Bule Bill was
brought to an end. Parnell reserved himself for that
night. He then spoke in a moderate and conciliatory
tone, warning the House, however, that the rejection
of the Bill would lead to a renewal of turmoil in Ireland.
He said : * During the last five years I know, sir, that
there hâve been very severe and drastic Coercion Bills,
but it will require an even severer and more drastic
measure of coercion now. You will require ail that
you hâve had during the last five years, and more
besides. What, sir, has that coercion been? You
hâve had, sir, during those five years — I don't say this
to inflame passion — you hâve had during those five
years the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act ; you
hâve had a thousand of your Irish fellow-subjects held
in prison without spécifie charge, many of them for long
periods of time, some of them for twenty months,
without trial, and without any intention of placing
them upon trial (I think of ail thèse thousand persons
arrested under the Coercion Act of the late Mr.
Forster scarcely a dozen were put on their trial) ; you

i54 OH^ ^^Z JZ

have fcad the »»»%£»> »* ££&• ci a

hâve authonsca > u tyect in « ^ oi th*

citizen, oi yoxvc teUow ^^ ^ _ ç q twarra nt.

ï the aay or mgW, ^ the^oxnen^tbo^.
domicile, ejen the be ^ offences ^

you hâve fined them ^et t° e *^ totr and

*e guUty -, ^r ha ve reviyed the ^f ; you

th e country; l£ t Korman conq «ed

the Wood xnoney çrf y ^ e d and ^ ^

vehemently.ohjected ; b tween ^

that there » no J» ftnd rder i ^

and the ^^ I 6 ay, ^\^lerience as the
impérial authonty. ^ mucb e *oe«e fe

reritv o£ hehei ana ] judgmem. We

c ? r t7 v on gentleman, that i ces8 ion oi &&* ^

hall-vray » Tre i an d and tne u Cr0 wn coiouj

autonomy to £» Governnl ent tj » a ^ fl m ^k

COttntty ' freîuse to helieve that ^ fficien t nnn*«
But ' ttt T am convinced *** »f£ oU6e to «*■•**
corne. If , nietn bers m tn» » hooae tne

JEt. 40] REJECTION OF HOME RULE BILL 165

of ail future générations that England and her Parlia-
ment, in this nineteenth century, were wise enough,
brave enough, and generous enough to close the strife
of centuries, and to give peace and prosperity to
suffering Ireland.'

'England and her Parliament' were not 'wise
enough/ 'brave enough,' or 'generous enough* to
close the ' strife of centuries ' by accepting Mr. Glad-
stone's Bill. It was rejected in a full House by 343 to
313 votes. A Dissolution immediately followed, and in
July the three kingdoms were once more in the whirl of
a gênerai élection. In December 1885 the Libérais had
gone to the country denouncing Parnell and the Irish.
In July 1886 they went to the country in alliance with
Parnell and the Irish. This extraordinary révolution
was due to the genius and character of a single man —
Mr. Gladstone. Libérais indeed there were — a mère
handful — who had given in their adhésion to Home
Bule before the conversion of Mr. Gladstone, but the
bulk of the Libéral party had yielded to the personal
influence and authority of the Libéral leader. Parnell
had conquered Mr. Gladstone ; Mr. Gladstone conquered
the Libéral party.

While the élection was pending it occurred to me
that in the changed condition of affairs some effort
ought to be made to educate the English constituencies.
One day Mr. George Meredith had said to me : ' Why
is not something done to inform the public mind on
Home Kule ? I admit the necessity of agitation, but
you want something besides. Having blazed on the
English lines with the artillery of agitation, you ought
now to charge them with the cavalry of facts.' I made
my proposai first to Mr. Davitt. He cordially accepted it.
'Parnell/ he said, c has neglected the English democracy,

156 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

I hâve been at him again and again to do what you
now propose, but he would not listen to me. We hâve
friends in this country, and we must help them to help
us. I will see Parnell this evening, and do you call
upon him to-morrow. He has plenty of money, and he
ought to spend some in this way.'

I saw Pamell next day in the Smoking-room of the
House of Commons. He looked ill and depressed. I
was surprised. There was assuredly, I thought, much
to cheer him. The Home Kule Bill had no doubt
been rejected. But he had in ten short years done
more for the cause of Irish législative independence
than ail his predecessors had done in eighty years. He
was a victor even in defeat. Still, he looked anything
but cheerful, and as we talked he gazed thoughtfully
through the window out on the Thames, and his mind
seemed to be far away from the stirring scènes around
us. ' Yes/ he said, ' Davitt has spoken to me about
your plan. He thinks it a very good thing. You
propose to form a committee and publish pamphlets.
Who are your committee ? ' I gave him the names.
' Very well,' he said, ' I will try the experiment. I
don't believe it will do the good Davitt expects, but I
am willing to try it to please him. How much money
do you want ? ' I named a sum. ' I will give you
half,' he said. Then, smiling — ' I eut down every
demand by half. Half is quite enough for an experi-
ment. If it succeeds, then we can do the business on a
larger scale. I admit that as Mr. Gladstone has joihed
us we must hâve some change of policy. But we
cannot persuade the English people. They will only
do what we force them to do.' I said : ' Mr. Gladstone
can persuade them.' * Yes,' he answered, 'they will
listen to an Englishman. They won't listen to us/

Mt. 40] GENERAL ELECTION OF 1886

167

As I was leaving he said — and the remark showed his
thoughtfulness — ' I don't want you to be out of pocket
in this matter. I will give you the money when you
Write for it,' which he did promptly.

During the élection Parnell addressed meetings at
Plymouth and at other places in Great Britain. ' While
in the West of England,' says Sir Eobert Edgcumbe,
1 he stopped with me at Totnes. He said he had, as a
boy, lived at Torquay, and that he should much like to
revisit it. He drove over to Torquay between lunch
and dinner, and when he returned he told me, with
some regret, that he had been unable to identify the
house in which he had lived. Torquay, too, did not
seem to corne up to his boyish recollections. For
myself, I can honestly say that of ail the men I hâve
ever met, Mr. Cecil Ehodes alone equals Mr. Parnell
in possessing that peculiarly indefinable quality, the
power to lead men — that rare power which induces
people to lay aside their own judgment altogether and
to place implicit reliance, absolute and unquestioning,
in the guidance of another.'

The élections were over before the end of July.

Resuit.

Tories ....

. 316

Dissentient Libérais

. 78

Unionist total

. 394

Libérais

. 191

Irish Nationalists .

. 85

Home Bule total .

. 276

Unionist majority, 118

CHAKI-ES w» -uni» ne»

derty, Vicooy- lost . Lobby »{ter

ha d been îougW ^ di one day m ^ <There

Û Pamell w-*£ ^, Cha^f ^ the Home
^General S***» • p-néfl> « *bo ^led
goes the man, Gla dstone b*d

The l^ su . • i ^istaKe in por\iameut. ** e

par«f«- * p ar \i a tnent m Al
that U * e b 7j land question.' R oîl earth

rame» • * Op ; The rc nngnt "* * 5 \Vc shouU

proccod *»*• ftUack up0 n tbe

changes. > lb c ould you

twist attache

jJBr..40] A CANDID STATEMENT 159

your speeches? If you were Irish Secretary in an
Irish Parliament, how could you défend yourself in the
face of thèse speeches. What would you do ? '

Parnell. ' The first thing I should do would be to
lock you up.'

100 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

CHAPTEE XX

THE NEW PARLIAMENT

One of ParnelTs first acts in the new Parliament,
despite his désire to concentrate his efforts on the
national question, was the introduction of a Land Bill.
The Irish tenants, he said, could not pay the judicial
rents. There had been a serious fall in priées, and
there ought to be a proportionate réduction in rent.

He proposed three things :

' 1. The abatement of rents fixed before 1885, pro-
vided it could be proved that the tenants were unable
to pay the full amount, and were ready to pay half the
amount and arrears.

' 2. That leaseholders should be admitted to the
benefits of the Act of 1881.

'3. That proceedings for the recovery of rent
should be suspended on payment of half the rent and
arrears.'

But the Government would not hear of the Bill ;
even many Libérais doubted its necessity ; and it was
rejected (September 21) by 297 to 202 votes.

Two months aftervvards Parnell fell seriously ill.
On November 6 he called on Sir Henry Thompson,
who has kindly given me some account of the visit.
'Parnell,' said Sir Henry, 'first called on me on
November 6, 1886. He did not give his own name.
He gave the name of Charles Stewart. Of course I

M?. 40] 1LLNESS 161

had often heard of Parnell, but I iad never seen
him. I had never even seen a photograph of him.
When he called he was quite a stranger to me.'
(Then, abruptly) : ' Was Parnell an Irishman ? '
I replied, 'Yes.' 'I should never hâve thought it,'
resumed Sir Henry ; ' he had none of the characteristics
of an Irishman. He was cold, reserved, uncommuni-
cative. An Irishman is not uncommunicative. Start
him on any subject (with a smile), and he will rattle
along pleasantly on many subjects. But Parnell was,
I should say, a very silent man. He answered every
question I asked him fully and clearly, but he never
volunteered information. Often a man will wander
from the subject, and feel disposed to be chatty.
Parnell kept to the point. He never went outside the
business of our interview. He was anxious and
nervous about himself, and listened very attentively
to my directions. I gave him some directions about
diet, as I do to ail my patients. He said there was a
lady with him in the next room, and that he would be
glad if I would give the directions to her. The lady
then came in. I really don't remember how Parnell
described her. I gave her the directions about dietary.
She seemed to be very anxious, and listened carefully.
I saw Parnell several times af terwards. Our interviews
were always of a strictly professional character. Of
course I finally learned who my patient was, and then
I put his full name on my books. There it is — Charles
Stewart Parnell. He didnot strikeme as a remarkable
man. He said nothing which made any impression on
me. I should hâve taken him, and did take him, for a
quiet, modest, dignified, English country gentleman/
The lady who accompanied Parnell to Sir Henry
Thompson's was Mrs. O'Shea.

VOL. il. M

162 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

Mrs. O'Shea «was the wife of Captain O'Shea, who
had practically acted as Mr. Chamberlain's ambassador
in ncgotiating the Kilmainham treaty, and who sub-
sequently became member for Galway. 1 During the
General Election of 1880 Captain O'Shea (then a success-
ful candidate for the représentation of the County Clare)
was introduced to Parnell by The O'Gorman Mahon,
Some weeks afterwards Parnell met Mrs. O'Shea for
the first time at a dinner party given by her husband
at Thomas's Hôtel, in Berkeley Square. A friendship,
which soon ripened into love, sprang up between thêm,
and from 1881 to 1891 they Hved as husband and
wife.

The O'Sheas had a house at Eltham. Parnell took
quarters near them. Captain O'Shea' s suspicions of
improper intimacy between Parnell and his wife wexe
aroused so early as 1881.

Corning to Eltham one day — he had chambers in
town, where he generally stopped — he found ParneU's
portmanteau in the house. He at once flew into a
rage with his w r ife, and sent a challenge to Parnell.

Captain O'Shea to Parnell

1 Salisbury Hôtel, St. James's : July 13, 1881.

1 Sir, — Will you please be so kind as to be at Lille,
or at any other town in the north of France which may

1 ' It seenis to me, 1 1 said to Mr. Healy, ' that O'Shea was Chamber-
lain's ambassador in negotiating the Kilmainham treaty.' ' Certain!/,'
he replied. ' O'Shea and Chamberlain were very intimate. It was
O'Shea who brought me to Chamberlain's house and introduced me to
liim.' It may be stated that Captain O'Shea followed Mr. Chamberlain
rather than Tamell at the parting of the ways over the Home Rule BS1
iu 1680. He did not vote on the second reading— •he walked oat» 1
boon afterwards he resigned his beat fer Galway and disappeared ~
fcelitical htê-.

iEr. 40] AN UNFORTUNATE ATTACHMENT J6J

suit your convenience, on Saturday morning, 16th
instant. Please let me know by 1 p.m. to-day, so that
I may be able to inform you as to the sign of the inn
at which I shall stay. I want your answer, in order to
lose no time in arranging for a friend to accompany
me.'

Captain O'Shea did not receive an immédiate answer
to this letter, whereupon he wrote again :

1 I find that you hâve not gone abroad ; your luggagè
is at Charing Cross Station. 1

Returning from Eltham, he brought Parneirs
portmanteau with him to Charing Cross.
Parnell replied :

Parnell to Captain O'Shea

• Westminster Palace Hôtel : July 14, 1881.

' Sib, — I had your letter of yesterday, bearing the
postmark of to-day. I replied to your previous letter
yesterday morning, and sent my reply by a careful
messenger to the Salisbury Club. You will find that
your surmise that I refuse to go abroad is an incorrect
one.'

But there was no duel. Mrs. O'Shea satisfied the
Captain that there was nothing wrong, and friendly
relations were at once resumed between him and
Parnell.

I do not think that it is any part of my duty as
Parneirs biographer to enter into the détails of his
liaison with Mrs. O'Shea. I hâve only to deal with
the subject as it affects his public career, and when
I hâve stated that he lived maritally with Mrs.
O'Shea I feel thftt I bave done ail that may reasonably
he expected of me. ■ . '

164 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1886

I am not going to excuse Parnell, neither shall I
sit in judgment on him. He sinned, and he paid the
penalty of his sin. For ten years this unfortunate
liaison hung like a millstone round his neck, and
dragged him in the end to the grave. There it lies
buried. I shall not root it up.

It has been said — and this is a topic with which I
am bound to deal — that Parnell neglected Ireland for
Mrs. O'Shea.

I will try to deal with this charge fairly and, I hope,
dispassionately, limiting the inquiry at présent to the
point at which the narrative has now arrived. It is
not suggested that Parnell neglected Ireland in 1881 or
in 1882 up to the date of his arrest ; neither is it sug-
gested that he neglected Ireland from January 1886
until the fall of the Gladstone Ministry in June 1886.
The charge, then, covers the period between May 1882
and December 1884.

During this period Parnell did not certainly act with
his wonted energy in Irish affaire.

The question is —

1. What were the causes of his comparative inac-
tivity ?

2. Did that inactivity amount to neglect of duty,
and, if so, to what extent ?

1. Many causes conspired to make Parnell inactive
between May 1882 and December 1884, and among
those causes I am free to say that his entanglement
with Mrs. O'Shea must be counted. She threw a spell
over him which changcd the current of his domestic
life and affected the course of his political career. In
the old days he was glad to corne to Avondale, glad to
be among his own people, happy in the company of
his sisters, bound up with every family interest.

/Et. 40] PÀHNELL'S INACTIVITY 165

' Charley,' says John, ' was very fond of Avondale.
He used to be hère often ail alone, but he never minded
it. He went about among the people, was always doing
something on the property, looking after his mines, and
quite happy. He would go on to Aughavanagh to shoot ;
then some of my sisters would corne and stop with him,
and he would go out walking or riding and living a
pleasant life. Then we noticed a change. He did not
corne so frequently to Avondale. He spent more time
in England.' The rest and solace which he had once
found in the old home in the beautiful Wicklow vale he
now sought in the new retreat of a London suburb.
He loved Mrs. O'Shea, and it would be idle to deny
that this passion exercised a distracting and absorbing
influence upon him. There were weeks, months, which
he would hâve spent in Ireland, to the immense advan-
tage of the National movement, but for his unfortunate
attachment to that unhappy lady. Ail this I admit
frankly and fully. But be it remembered that Mrs.
O'Shea was only one of the factors in the case — only
one of the causes which conspired to his comparative
inactivity during the years under review.

What were the others ? Health and public policy.
First as to health. There can be no doubt that
ParnelTs health was impaired during the years '82-84,
and his nervous System unstrung.

One evening in 1883 he came into the Dining-room
of the House of Commons. He had been at a private
meeting, attended by some of his parliamentary col-
leagues, and by other Nationalists who were not in
Parliament. He looked jaded, careworn, ill. Mr.
Corbet, one of the members for Wicklow, was dining
at a table by himself.

'On coming into the room/ says Mr. Corbet,

166 CHARLES STEWAKT PAItXELL [1886

' Parnell looked around, and Lis quick eye sôon picked
me out. Ile walked across to my table, and said, " May
I dine with you, Corbet?" "My dear Parnell/' I
replied, " I ani only delighted to hâve you with me."
lie looked worried, ill, broken down. "Parnell," I
said, "is there anything wrong? You look upset."
"No," lie replied, "I ani not very well just now,
and things minerve me. I shall be ail right when
I hâve had some dinner." I said, " Parnell, will you
let an old friend and neighbour take a liberty with
you?" "Certainly, Corbet," lie answered; "what
isit?"

1 " You are not well," I said ; " you look tired and
worn out. For heavcn's sake, fling up everything and
go away. The Government cannot do us much harm
if you go away for a few months ; do take a complète
rest. Suppose you break down altogether, what will
happen then ? " " Oh, I won't break down," he said,
quickly pulling himself together ; 'TU be ail right soon."
"But," I urged, " why not go away even for two months?
Two months' complète rest, free from ail anxiety, would
set you up at once." " I cannot go away," he said
wearily. " I ani not afraid of the Government ; they
can't do us much hann for a few months, as you say,
and I am not going to fight them Just at présent. I am
thinking of our own party. I cannot leave them. I must
keep my eye on them and hold them together. But "
(brightening up) " I mean to rest, Corbet, I mean to
take it easy for a bit. But I cannot go away." After-
wards I heard that he had had un unpleasant meeting —
that the men were ail at sixes and sevens, and that he
had a good deal of trouble in smoothing over difficultés
and in inaking peace. He was always smoothing over
difficultés, making peace, and holding us together/

.Et. 40] PAIINELL'S INACTIVITY 167

I do not wish to press this point of health unduly.
I désire only to reniind my readers that it was a factor
in the case. But the dominating factor was, I believe,
public policy.

While Parnell was in prison every turbulent
spirit in the country had been let loose. The accounts
from the west .filled him with alarm. Ireland was
passing out of his hands, and into the hands of
an irresponsible jacquerie. His first thought was to
leave jail, to crush the jacquerie, and to stamp his own
authority once more upon the people. He made the
Kilmainham treaty, the terms of which, as I hâve
already said, were : (1) that an Arrears Bill should
be introduced, (2) that he should slow down the
agitation. The Kilmainham treaty might hâve been
wise or unwise. Mr. Healy, the shrewdest man in
Irish politics, thought it was wise.

But wise or unwise, Parnell, having made it, was
resolved to keep it. * We hâve always,' one of the
Libéral whips said to me, ' found it diffîcult to pin
Parnell to any thing. But when he has made a promise
we find that he keeps his word.' Within a few days of
his release the Phœnix. Park murders were committed,
This outrage literally prostrated him. Davitt's descrip-
tion of his appearance and conduct at the Westminster
Palace Hôtel on Sunday, May 7, 1882, gives one the
idea of a man who had gone mad under a shock. He
walked frantically up and down the room, flung himself
passionately on the sofa, and petulantly cried out : ' I will
leave public life. I will not hâve the responsibility of
leading this agitation when I may at any time be
stabbed in the back by irresponsible men/ He had
lost his habituai self-control* He was completely un-
nerved.

16S CHAULÉS STEWÀÎIT PARNELL [1886

In f avour of peace before the Phœnix Park rnurders,
he was a thousand times more bent upon it afterwards.
He was more than ever convinced that Ireland needed
a period of repose, and he made up his mind that she
should hâve it. Three causes, then, conspired to make
Parnell inactive — public policy, health,and Mrs. O'Shea.

2. I now pass to the next point. Did Parnell's
inactivity amount to neglect of duty, and, if so, to what
extent ?

Having made up his mind to adopt a policy of
inactivity, it goes without saying that he himself was
bound to be inactive. To hâve addressed public
meetings, to hâve roused the country, to hâve inflamed
the people, would hâve been contrary to his aims and
a violation of the Kilmainham treaty. His first duty
was to keep that treaty, and to see that the Govern-
ment kept it.

The Government passed an Arrears Bill, and so far
kept faith. Ko doubt they also passed the Crimes Bill,
which was practically a violation of the treaty. But
the hands of Ministers had been forced by the Phœnix
Park murders. Had there been no murders there
would hâve been no Crimes Bill.

In the autumn Mr. Davitt proposed the formation
of the National League. Parnell was opposed to the
project, for the obvious reason that this move meant
fresh agitation, which he did not want. Ultimately
he gave way, taking care, however, to superintend the
establishment of the new organisation and to thwart
the plans of the ' active ' men. He did not allow Mr,
Davitt to thrust a scheme for nationalisation upon the
country ; he told Mr. Dillon that the agitation should
be ' slowed clown,' he bridled Brennan. Finally ail.
three left the country.

<Ei> 40] l'AHNELL'S ÏNÀCTlVlTÏ 169

The years 1883 and 1884 were dynamite years, and
the dynamite épidémie, like the Phœnix Park murders,
served only to strengthen his détermination to keep
Ireland quiet. I hâve already shown how, wherever
his authority was questioned, whenever there was the
least sign of a division in the ranks, he appeared in an
instant on the spot, to restore order and crush revolt.
During thèse two years and a half he was, if I may say
so, active — though probably not active enough — in
enforcing a policy of inactivity. At length in January
1885, when, in his opinion, the time for a renewal of
hostilities had arrived, he burst brilliantly upon the
scène, and splendidly led his men to victory.

To sum up :

1. Parnell was comparatively inactive between 1882
and 1884, chiefly on public grounds, and partly owing
to ill-health and to his entanglement with Mrs.
O'Shea.

2. His inactivity did not in the main amount to
neglect of duty — he never failed in any crisis — though
he was frequently absent from Ireland and from the
House of Commons when his présence might hâve
been of advantage to the national cause. So far I
hâve dealt with the charge of négligence during the
years 1882 and 1884 brought against Parnell. I shall
now résume the narrative, and my readers can judge
for themselves of his political conduct between 1886
and 1891.

Parnell warned the Government that if the Land
Bill were rejected there would be a renewal of turmoil
in Ireland. His words were justified by events. In
December 1886 the famous Plan of Campaign was
launched, çind another agrarian war broke out. « Who

[1886

CIIABIJ* S" 11 ' aBked one

rt*. oi tbe Plan of CviffîL» <yBri*u

WM lt l „ .1 \ ia d to lace,

w hicb PameU ha ^ by _

teeatbing-tuœ to J bave secnrecl ? ^ tb

' HiS Y" exaln oî ta*" ^ ton «<*«* ort

fiovemment w* 5 , tbe \ an dlorus ^a-

1 x The tenante asKea Qut- n\x

rcnts. i fte ; Tbe tenants ni ■ . iïick8-13eac n

lords reiuscd. ^ ^ Biï *^ teland grave*

éviction ^Jtopes oî a ^1 landlord* not to
9U ddcn\y »* k» » * ftlcd to tbe lan wbobad

jcopardise^ ^g;' Sir ***» » ^^

Ust on tbcu »o b on son* * 8tfty je

supportcd tbe Un* tbe landlor^ ^ ^

lt vfas at tw fforts t feu : x ^ o{ tne

tak t aCtl °S;e ÏÏlords in <*^"l^
t0keeP ?^unU,aea*.UM,Bea^eP

Mt. 40] . PLAN Of CAMPAtGtf 171

country. O'Brien argued that if thèse efforts succeeded
the Libérais would be dished, agitation prevented, and
reform staved oflf. The tenants, he said, should not be
allowed to wait the resuit of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach's
opérations. They should themselves take the initiative.
His original idea was that if the landlords persisted in
refusing réductions the tenants should refuse to pay.
Funds were to be provided to enable them to stand
out, one-third of the money being provided by the
local men and two-thirds by the League in Dublin.

' O'Brien tried, in the first instance, to see Parnell
and to place the plan before him. But Parnell could
not be seen. He was, as I hâve said, very ill, and
nobody could approach him. O'Brien then saw Dillon,
who took up the scheme at once. In nine cases out of
ten O'Brien was able to lead Dillon. Both of them
finally came to me. I proposed an amendment in the
original scheme to the effect that the tenant should
offer a fair rent ; that if the landlords refused it, the
money should be banked and the tenant should sit
tight. This amendment was accepted and became the
basis of the plan. In every district a managing
committee was to be elected. The rent was to be
banked with the committee, and the committee was
to deal with the landlords. If the landlords refused to
corne to terms, the money should be used to support
the tenants in cases of ejectment or sale, and to fight
the landlords generally. That roughly was the principle
of the Plan of Campaign. There were détails dealing
with the question of machinery, but I don't think you
need trouble about them.'

'Was Parnell,' I asked, 'in favour of the Plan of
Campaign ? '

'Dead against it/ my friend answered. 'As I

172 CHAIiLÈS STEWART PA&NELL [1886-87

hâve said, lie wanted peace. He wanted time to turn
round. In addition, he was altogether against a revival
of a land agitation on a large scale. He would not
go back to 1879, 1880, 1881. Of course he did not
forget the land question. He had brought in his Bill
of 1886, and he meant to bring it in again. But he
was against setting the country again in a blaze on
the land question. He was really thinking more of
the national question at this time, and meant to keep
the movement on national as opposed to agrarian Unes.'

Some time towards the end of 1886 or early in
1887 I met Mr. Campbell, Parnell's secretary, near
Charing Cross. The Plan of Campaign had by this
time been published in * United Ireland ' and was put in
force in the west. Everyone was talking about it. 4 Is
the Chief in f avour of the Plan of Campaign ? ' I asked
Mr. Campbell. He answered, with characteristic Ulster
caution : * I really can't say. I hâve not seen him for
some time. He is very ill. I don't think he has been
consulted by thèse gentlemen.' A short time af ter this
conversation the following circular was issued from the
London offices of the Irish parliamentary party : ' Mr.
Parnell does not propose to express any opinion as to
the " Plan of Campaign " at présent, as he is désirons
of first going to Ireland and having an opportunity of
consulting with the gentlemen responsible for its
organisation and working, whom he has not seen since
the close of last session. He also wishes for further
information than that at présent in his possession with
regard to various matters before he speaks publicly on
the subject. Mr. Parnell was not aware that the Plan
of Campaign had been devised or was going to be
proposed until he saw it in the newspapers.'

The Plan of Campaign constituted a serions drain

Mi. 40] PLAN OF CAMPAIGN 173

on the financial resources of the League, but kept the
bail of agitation rolling. The turmoil which Parnell
had anticipated was renewed, the Government were
forced to abandon ail hope of governing by the ordinary
law, a perpétuai Coercion Bill l was added to the
statute-book, and Ministers and agitators stood face to
face in a fierce and protracted struggle.

The ' war ' lasted throughout the years 1887, 1888,
and 1889, and was attended by the usual ' incidents.'
Public meetings were suppressed, whole districts pro-
claimed, popular représentatives were flung into jail,
juries packed (when, indeed, there was trial by jury at
ail). Evictions were multiplied, peasants and police
were brought into collision, and the old feeling of
hatred and distrust between rulers and ruled was kept
painfully alive.

Ireland was once more a prey to lawlessness upon
one side and to arbitrary authority on the other.
Eighty-seven years of union still found the island
distracted, disloyal, and impoverished.

We hâve seen that the Government had rejected
ParnelPs Land Bill of 1886 ; had refused (1) to admit
leaseholders to the benefits of the Land Act of 1881,

1 The most important provisions of the Crimes Act were : (1) That
when a crime was committed an inqniry upon oath might take place,
though no one was in custody chargea* with commit ting the crime. (2)
That trial by jury might be suspended, and trial by magistrate substituted,
in the following cases : (a) taking part in any criminal conspiraoy now
punishable by law ; (6) using violence and intimidation ; (c) riot and
unlawful assembly ; (d) forcibly seizing premises from which a tenant had
been evicted ; (c) interfering with the omcers of the law in discharge of
their duties ; (/) inciting to any of thèse offences. The Lord Lieutenant
was given power to proclaim disturbed districts and dangerous associa-
tions. The right of appeal was given where the sentence was over a
month. In March Sir Michael Hicks-Beach retired from the office of
Irish Secretary. He was succeeded by Mr. Arthur Balfour. It may be
stated that early in the session of 1887 the closure, by a bare majority
and on the motion of any member (provided the consent of the Chair
waa given to the motion and 200 members voted for it), was adopted.

174 CHARLES STEWART PARXELL [L88Ô-87

(2) to révise the judicial rents prior to 1885. * I am not
at ail sure,' Lord Salisbury had said in August 1886,
' that the judicial rents were not fixed with a perfect
cognisance of the fall in priées ; 1 the fall has been going
on for many years, and it is highly improbable that the
courts, in assigning judicial rents, hâve not taken that
into considération. . . . We do not contemplate any re-
vision of judicial rents. We do not think it would be
honest, and we think it would be exceedingly inexpe-
dient.' Nevertheless Lord Salisbury did in 1887 the
précise thing which he had declared in 1886 it would
not be * honest ' or ' expédient ' to do. He carried h
Land Bill admitting leaseholders to the benefits of the
Land Act of 1881, and authorising the revision of the
judicial rents fixed during the years 1881, 1882, 1883,
1884, and 1885. Parnell sat quietly in the House of
Commons and looked cynically on while this measure,
supported by the full strength of the Tory party, passed,
practically without opposition, into law.

A close alliance was now formed between Irish
Nationalists and English Libérais, and the Home Rule
cause entered on a new phase. Irish members who
twelvc months before had been regarded as pariahs were
now welcomed on Libéral platforms and fêted in
Libéral drawing-rooms.

The whilom rebels of the Land League (once
describcd as roady to ' march tlirough rapine to the
dismeinberinent of tho Empire ') had suddenly become
political lions and social pets. A Libéral candidate
would scarcely think of beginning an élection contest
without having a brace of Irishmen by his side. ' Send

1 * In 1886 the price of produce had fallen from 30 to 40 per cent, and
the judicial rents fixed during the four preceding years, when prioe* had
been higher, becamt in eon séquence rack rente. 1 — Ànnual RéffiêUr.

xssa.

^Et. 40-41] ENGLISH OPINION OF PARNELL 175

us an Irish member ' was the stereotyped order des-
patched periodically by the provincial Libéral asso-
ciations to the Irish Press agency in London. Irish-,
men who had been in jail were in spécial request.
Irish members swarmed in the English constituencies,
preaching ' peace and goodwill.' Libérais overran
Ireland, sympathising with the victims of the Castle,
and glorying in the heroes of the Plan of Campaign.

I met no English Libéral at this period who
doubted the loyal professions of the Irish Parliamen-
tarians. I met many Libérais who doubted the loyal
professions of Parnell. They believed that every Irish
member was willing to accept a settlement of the Irish
question on the basis of a ' subordinate ' Parliament. But
they did not know what was at the back of ParneU's
mind. ' Outwardly he is much changea/ an English
Libéral said to me, ' but I suspect in his heart he hâtes
us as much as ever.' It would be a bold man who
would at any time say positively what was at the back
of Parnell's mind, or in the recesses of his heart ; but
this much is certain — he was never moved, as other
Irish members were moved, by the apparent zeal with
which the Libéral party, spurred by Mr. Gladstone,
had taken up the cause of Ireland.

'Parnell was staying with me in Cork, in 1887,'
say s Mr. Horgan. ' We were ail at that time full of
Mr. Gladstone and the Libéral party. Almost every
Nationalist in the city had a portrait of Mr. Gladstone
in his house. The old man was nearly as popular as
the young Chief. But Parnell remained unaffected by
the gênerai enthusiasm. While he was with me he
never spoke of Mr. Gladstone or the Libérais. I
thought this strange, so one evening I said to him :
"Mr Parnell, everyonc in Cork is talking about Mr,

*rW *°°£* . , e eag er to *>. °»

mak e thexn *\ ber8 were as • «^J^ attentions

The Insb mem a ^fo tue ^ thongnt,

Bn owered^»^ meBu le ***£SJjE relations
^ere makmg J° **", cU ltWated the ftM» ^ He

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^ith theit new ^ lisn platforms and ^

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Hi8 reliance was which lt jmght , ^ „>

thcmgh the covenng ^ me ^ate Y ^ ^

d0 not <*y*JSriflh * e can ^ contaol*

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see on *^^**^?ï£*« <*
iked to co^^eB *ould addre*. * ^ ^

the Iris* ^t .il * ^ Bft w toW ^ ere wa8 »

his constituent ^ a to attend. ^

some persuasion, ^ ^ taken t° * ^

R teat gatbenn& . * ion . He nevet o!

*"** a Ti fSbS cornue Jo*£ ^ to
distinguished ^oe ^ reporte d

tbi9 treatment. ^ «*

Mr. 41--42] IN SOCIETE 177

Another meeting was called. Parnell attended,
and never, even in Ireland, did he receive a more
hearty welcome. One of the most charming leaders
of society invited him to dinner. He did not answer
the invitation, and he did not corne to the dinner.

A week afterwards Lady received a telegram

from him saying he would dine with her the following
evening ; she, however, was engaged to dine out. What
was to be done ? for the chance of meeting Parnell was
not to be lightly thrown away. With a woman's wit
and resource she got over the diffîculty by inviting her
hostess to hâve the dinner party at her house. Parnell

came. In the course of the evening Lady said :

' We are very pleased to hâve you with us, Mr. Parnell,
but this is not the evening we asked you for.' How is
that ? ' he said. ' I wrote to you to the House of
Commons inviting you for last Wednesday/ ' Ah I '
he said, ' never write to me ; always wire to me/

An ex-Cabinet Minister had invited him to dine.
He did not answer the letter, and he did not corne to
dinner. A month later the ex-Minister met him in the
Lobby and reminded him of the invitation. ' I never
got your letter/ said Parnell. The ex-Minister men-
tioned the date. ' I expect/ said Parnell, ' it is lying
on the table amongst a heap of letters I hâve not yet
opened/

A great Libéral meeting was held at St. James's
Hall. Mr. Morley presided. Parnell was invited, and
he accepted the invitation. The managers of the
meeting, however, did not feel sure of him. First, they
thought it extremely doubtful that he would corne.
Secondly, they were a little uneasy as to what he
would say if he did corne. Ail the other Irish members
çould be relied on to make orthodox Libéral speeches.

VOL. il. N

178 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1887-88

Bat what Parnell might say no man coula forecast.
It was finally arrangea that Mr. Morley should meet
Parnell at a given point, should drive him to St. James's
Hall, and generally take care of him. They dined
together, and then drove to the meeting. On the way
Parnell suddenly thrust his hand into his coat pocket,
and took out a little box wrapped in paper. Mr.
Morley's attention was diverted. He knew some-
thing about Parnell's superstitions, and probably sus-
pected that this was a charm. Parnell treated the
box with great care, unfolded the paper, opened it
gingerly, and took out — a flower, which he immediately
put in his buttonhole. By the time this opération was
over the carriage stopped at St. James's Hall. Mr.
Morley and Parnell alighted. The Chief had not spoken
a word about politics, nor indeed about anything else,
during the drive.

' I was at the meeting,' say s Mr. Frédéric Harrison,
'and sat next Parnell. I was much struck by his
appearance when he spoke. He had one hand behind
his back, which he kept closing and opening spas-
modically ail the time. It was curions to watch the
signs of nervous excitement and tension which one
saw looking from the back, while in front he stood
like a soldier on duty, frigid, impassive, resolute —
not a trace of nervousness or émotion. He did not
seem to care about putting himself in touch with his
audience. He came to say something, and said it
with apparent indifférence to his surroundings.' On
leaving the hall a crow r d closed around him, everyone
eager to get near, and many struggling to grasp his
hand. It was only by the help of some friends that
he was extricated from the throng and led to a car-
riage, in which he drove away.

;£t. 41-42] A RAMBLE IN THE STRAND 179

* He will soon set the English as mad as the Irish/
observed a bystander, as an enthusiastic cheer broke
from the mob.

Throughout the years 1887, 1888, and 1889 Parnell
remained comparatively inactive, as he had remained
throughout the years 1883, 1884, and part of 1885,
and for the same reàsons — public policy, health, and
Mrs. O'Shea. His health seems to hâve been in a
precarious state ail the time. He appeared to me
during the latter years to be léthargie and morbidly
nervous.

One evening I sat with him in the Smoking-room of
the House of Commons. * This place/ he said, ' is
killing me. There are draughts everywhere. There
is a draught now under this seat, I feel it on my legs.
It is a badly constructed building.' One used to see
him occasionally in the streets closely wrapped up in a
long coat, with a muffler round his throat and his hat
pulled tightly over his eyes.

' Parnell liked to go about partly disguised,' says a
parliamentary colleague. 'He did not like people to
talk to him in the streets. He did not wish to be
recognised. One day I met him in the street so
wrapped up, and wearing a long shabby coat, with his
face half hidden in a big muffler, that I hardly khew
him. But his firm, stately bearing could not bé mïs-
taken. I kept out of his way, but watched him as he
walked along, following him at a respectful distance.
He would stop now and then, and look into the window
of agun shop, or of a shop where there were mechanical
contrivances. He would also stand and look at any
workmen who were about. He came to a part of the
Strand where the street was taken up, and a lot of
workmen were engagea. I should say he stood there for

N 2

180 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [) 887-88

quite fifteen minutes watching the inen. I stood there,
too, keeping out of his sight. Suddenly he wheeled
around and saw me. I was quite in a funk, for I was
afraid that he knew I h ad been following him ail the
time. ' He beckoned to me. I went to him. " You are
hère too," he said. " I like looking at thèse working
men. Â working man has a pleasant life, when he
has plenty to do and is fairly treated." We then
walked together to the House.'

Parnell was walking another day along the Strand,
with, I think, his secretary, Mr. Campbell. An Irish
member passed and saluted the Chief . * Who is that ? '
asked Parnell. ' Why, don't you know ? ' said his

companion; 'it is one of our party, it is Mr. .'

1 Ah ! ' said Parnell, * I did not know we had such an
ugly man in the party.'

He was frequently absent from the House of
Commons in those years. ' It must hâve been very
awkward for Parnell 's people to hâve him away so
often,' one of the Libéral whips said to me. ' And
yet,' he added quickly, ' I am not sure that his very
absence does not add to his authority. They (the
Irish members) know he is there, and that he may
appear at any moment ; that knowledge keeps them in
order.' ' And,' I ventured to observe, ' keeps other
people in order too.' 'Perhaps,' he said, with a
smile.

One afternoon Parnell dropped into the House.
He sat near the Irish whip. ' If the House divides
now,' he said, 'the Government will be beaten.*
1 Impossible/ said the whip ; ' think of their majority/
4 There are more Libérais than Tories in the House
at the présent moment, 1 quietly responded Parnell.
1 How do you know ? ' asked the whip. ' I counted the

jh^nl

Ivuw^fa Tf Au^wi^ *- pdf
jjfc ilvtovisfi^ û^lkt, ^n^f 4rrf~

-fa ~t*X<^ //- fc

/ bu»J m */ Hc -^£w frvnZ r^iâ^

ii *#L

tri**, tvtA

4+J

'rr+^yV

VhÀivU^

/Et. 41-42] VIGILANT 181

coats as I came up/ was the answer. The House did
divide, not immediately, as Parnell had suggested, but
at the end of an hour, when the Government narrowly
escaped defeat.

When we speak of ParneU's comparative inactivity,
we must never f orget that — rightly or wrongly — he was
at this period in favour of an inactive policy. 'We
can be more moderate,' he had said in September 1886,
' than we were in 1879 or in 1880, because our position
is very much stronger. I don't say that we shonld be )

unduly moderate, but our position is a good deal
différent from the position of 1874 and from the
position of 1879, and I believe that the Irish members
and the Irish people will recognise this.'

Though attending few public meetings, he kept his
eye on business détails and watched and influenced
the progress of affairs. In January 1888 we find him
writing to Dr. Kenny :

Parnell to Dr. Kenny

January 10, '88, House of Gommons.

1 My dear Dr. Kenny, — The party are making
great exertions to secure a full attendance of their
inenibers for the divisions on the Local Government
Bill. An important division will probably be taken at
the morning sitting on Friday next, and another on
Scotch Disestablishment at the evening sitting on the
same day. I am very unwilling to ask you to corne
over, but I think I ought now to do so, and I hope that
you will be able to stay for ten days or a fortnight.

*Yours very truly,"

1 Chaules Stewabt Parnell.'

r
i

182 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1887-88

In the spring of 1888 Mr. Edward Dwyer Gray, the
managing director of the ' Freeman's Journal ' Com-
pany, died. Parnell wrote to Mr. McCarthy :

Parnell to Mr. McCarthy

1 22 Cheyne Gardons, Chelsea Embankment : April 2, '88.

1 My dear McCarthy, — Your son tells me that
if I call hère to-inorrow about ûve in the afternoon
I shall hâve a chance of finding you in. Kindly,
therefore, expect me at that hour, as I am anxious to
see you about the position of managing directorship of
the " Freeman's Journal," vacant by the death of poor
Gray. You will hâve guessed that there is likely to be
a very lively compétition for the office and considérable
difficulty in reconciling the various claims, as well as
a total absence, so far, of any candidate who combines
ail the necessary qualifications.

4 It is of the highest importance that the " Freeman M
should continue to occupy the position — financial,
political, and journalistic — it has hitherto held, and
this cannot be expected unless a first-class man can
be found to fill Gray's place.

1 I hâve from the first been convinced that you are
the man, and that if you will allow yourself to be
brought forward you will be acceptable to ail parties
and be unanimously elected. Of course I do not know
how the position would suit you personally, but pray
do not dismiss the matter too hastily, but consider it
caref ully, until I hâve the opportunity of seeing you
to-morrow.

1 Yours very truly,

•Charles Stewart Parnell/

McCarthy did not allow himself to be 'brought

2Et. 41-42] DRILLING A MEMBER 188

forward/ and the vacant place was ultimately filled
by another.

Of course the Irish supported the Libéral candidates
everywhere in those days. Upon one occasion an Irish
member, 0., who had a personal quarrel over some
business matters with a Libéral candidate, called at the
Irish Press agency, saw the gentlemen in charge of the
department (whom I shall call A. and B. respectively),
and said: 'Don't send any member to support E.
(the Libéral candidate) ; ' the fellow is not worth it/

1 When/ says B., ' 0. left, I said to my colleague :
"I think we ought to tell this to the Chief. He
won't like to hâve the agency used for O.'s purposes."
The next evening I told the Chief as we were walking
up and down the corridor leading from the Lobby to
the Library. Parnell turned round sharply, his eyes
flashing with anger, and said: "Where is O.?" "In
the Lobby," I answered. " Send him to me at once."
I went into the Lobby and told 0. that Parnell wanted
to sce him. He walked off with a light and jaunty
step. I could not resist the temptation of watching
the interview through the glass door leading out of the
Lobby.

'Parnell turned sharply on O. as he came up.
Then they walked up and down the corridor. Parnell
seemed to be speaking with much véhémence. His
face was as black as thunder, and his eyes gleamed
with passion. I could see him stretching out his hand,
clenching his fist, and turning fiercely on O. Then
he shook his head, pointed to the Library, and walked
off to the Lobby, leaving O. alone in the passage.
O. came back to the Lobby, no longer with a light and
jaunty step.

1 " My God ! " said he to me, " just see what [A]

184 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1887-88

(naming my colleague) has let me in for. Parnell has
abused me like a pickpocket, ail on accoont of that

d d scoundrel K. (the Libéral candidate). It is a

shame for [A.], and what harm, but we were at school
together." '

Mr. Gladstone and Parnell now changea places.
The ex-Minister became an agitator; the agitator a
circumspect statesman. In England Mr. Gladstone
fought the battle of Home Eule earnestly and bravely.
He thought of nothing but Ireland, and allowed his
f ollowers to think of nothing but Ireland. His speeches
were full of fire and energy. Had he been an Irish-
man they would hâve been called violent, perhaps
lawless. He had, in truth, caught the spirit of Irish
agitation. Had he been born under the shadow of
the Galtee mountains his denunciations of English
rule could not hâve been more racy of the soil.

Parnell, on the other hand, had become very
moderate. It was clear that if the principle of an Irish
Parliament and an Irish Executive were accepted, and
if the subjects of land, éducation, and police were
handed over to the Irish authorities, he would hâve
been willing to consider every other question of détail
in a conciliatory spirit.

'Parnell/ says Mr. Cecil Khodes, 'was the most
reasonable and sensible man I ever met ; ' and then the
great colonist, whose extraordinary personality, whose
remarkable power for commanding men, remind one
80 much of the Irish leader himself , told me the story
of his relations with our hero. As this story bears upon
the question of Parnell's modération, and serves to
show how ready he was to accept a policy of ' give and
take,' provided his main purpose was not jeopardised,
it may be inserted hère :

.Et. 41-42] MR. CECIL RHODES 185

' I first saw Parnell in 1888. I had closely followed
the Home Rule movement. It struck me in the light
of local government. I always, even when I was at
Oxford, believed in the justice and wisdom of letting
localities manage their own affairs.

'Moreover, I was interested in the Home Rule
movement because I believed that Irish Home Eule
would lead to Impérial Home Rule. I had met Mr.
Swift McNeill at the Cape, and I explained my views
to him. I furthermore said that I was prepared to
back my opinion on Home Rule substantially, which I
did, for I sent Parnell 10,000Z. for the Home Rule
cause.

'I came to England in 1888, and saw Mr. Swift
McNeill again, and he made arrangements for a meeting
between myself and Parnell.

' We met at the Westminster Palace Hôtel. After
some preliminary conversation, Parnell said :

'"Why, Mr. Rhodes, do you take an interest in
this question ? What is Ireland to you ? "

' I replied that my interest in Ireland was an Impé-
rial interest ; that I believed Irish Home Rule would
lead to Impérial Home Rule.

'Parnell. " What practical proposai doyoumake?
What can I do for you? "

* Rhodes. " I think that the Irish members should
be retained in the Impérial Parliament ; first, for their
own sake, next with a view to Impérial Fédération,
which is my question.

' " (1) If the Irish members are excluded, nothing
will persuade the English people but that Home Rule
means séparation ; that Home Rule is the thin end of
the wedge ; and that when you get it you will next
set up a republic, or try to do so. As long as the

186 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1887-88

English people feel this, how can you expect to get
Home Bule ? That is the political question as it
affects you.

1 " (2) Next there is thc personal question, if you
like, which affects me. I want Impérial Fédération.
Home Bule with the Irish members in the Impérial
Parliament will be the beginning of Impérial Fédéra-
tion. Home Kule with the Irish members excluded
from the Impérial Parliament would lead nowhere, 80
far as my interests, which are Impérial interests, are
concernée. Now do you see my point ? "

'Parnell. "Yes. I do not feel strongly on the
question of the rétention or the exclusion of the Irish
members, but Mr. Gladstone does. The difficulty is
not with me, but with him. He is strongly opposed to
their rétention. I havc no objection to meeting English
public opinion on that point if Mr. Gladstone would
agrée. Do you ask me for anything else? "

' Rhodes. " Yes. I want a clause — a little clause —
a permissive clause, in your next Bill, providing that
any colony which contributes to Impérial defence — to
the Impérial army or navy — shall be allowed to send
représentatives to the Impérial Parliament in propor-
tion to its contributions to the Impérial revenue. Then
I think the number of the Irish représentatives should
be eut down in proportion to Ireland's contribution to
the Impérial revenue, so as to keep Ireland in line with
the Colonies. I think that would be quite fair."

'Parnéll. "I hâve no objection to your permissive
clause, but I should not consent to the réduction of the
number of the Irish members in the Impérial Parlia-
ment. It is only by our strength that we can make
ourselves felt there, and if you were to eut us down to
fifty or forty or thirty they would pay no attention to

/Et. 41-42] MB. CEGIL RHODES 187

us. We must remain in our présent numbers» In
addition, certain questions will remain still unsettled
after the Home Bule Bill has been passed. There aie
questions relating to the police and the judiciary which
may remain unsettled. We must hâve our full number
of members in the Impérial Farliament until those
questions are settled."

'Bhodes. "Very well. I can understand your
difficulties. I do not press that point. Are we agreed
on the other points ? "

' ParneU. " I hâve no objection to the rétention of
the Irish members in their présent numbers, nor to the
permissive clause you suggest."

1 Rhodes. " Will you put those points to Mr.
Gladstone?"

' ParneU. " No. I do not think it would be wise
for me to put the point to Mr. Gladstone now, he is so
strongly opposed to retaining the Irish members. We
must bring him gradually round."

• Ultimately it was arrangea that I should write a
letter to ParneU setting out my views, and that he
should send me a reply.'

ParnelTs reply was as follows :

ParneU to Mr. Cecil Bhodes

' Jane 38, 1888.

1 Deab Sir, — I am much obliged to you for your
letter of the 19th inst., which confirms the very
interesting account given me at Avondale last January
by Mr. McNeill as to his interviews and conversations
with you on the subject of Home Bule for IrelancL I
may say at once, and frankly, that you hâve correctly
judged the exclusion of the Irish members from West*
minster to hâve been a defect in the Home Bule

" , 1886 and, ***- .^J&Si*»

masure oi 1**\ - ven so me coloui to i atatl8 t

* clusion may *£* tbe Bill ^^tsert^g «f
80 îreely made ^ this w bile stron^ ft a by tbe

tcndcncy. * ■* mea8U re itsetf *£ * { t & k ind, an*
bc Ueving ^ ^ aoy aiterthought <rf ^
Irisb people **» ^. ork j ou q{ c0tdial

« I ain very b ^nted to ^ lete control

Home ^»JJ^^»*^1~**I
over ber <** a^ ^ tbere f*W ^

Lrce ti-ith your opm inte n a nce oi 1»P Home

ta égards ior tbe m* ^ alternative B> ^

Hulc is also entueiy 1 t 8e rni ^ tbe

tbe continua^ ^ icable . But to » ^^ a j

«item is f*V rétention o£ tbe » • t8 ^d

^ est ion oî %f e 0WU v^Taringoi^s^^
Westminster. My allà tbe ^L my *n ff -

probabiliticsoi tbe W rial îederat^n > e .^
Ipon tbe que stion oi * l ^ . £ ^ <^st rf
inc uçon tbe measure the prc»» ^

^ne^ Home *uk - ^ concur ^ ^

SÎioÎ oi .t^JJïK Se event I **£#
H 'caf Indlbat tbe **£%£* to »*.
ï£ tbTduties and »*»**

JEt. 41-42] MR. CECIL RHODES 189

and will justly value the position given to them in the
Impérial System. I am convinced that it would be
the highest statesmanship on Mr. Gladstone's part to
devise a feasible plan for the continued présence of the
Irish members hère, and f rom my observation of public
events and opinions since 1885 I am sure that Mr.
Gladstone is fully alive to the importance of the
matter, and that there can be no doubt that the next
measure of autonomy for Ireland will contain the
provisions which you rightly deem of such moment.

' It does not corne so much within my province to
express a full opinion upon the larger question of
Impérial fédération, but I agrée with you that the
continued Irish représentation at Westminster im-
mensely facilitâtes such a step, while the contrary
provision in the Bill of 1886 would hâve been a bar. Un-
doubtedly this is a matter which should be dealt with
in accordance largely with the opinion of the colonies
themselves, and if they should désire to share in the*
cost of Impérial matters, as undoubtedly they now do
in the responsibility, and should express a wish for
représentation at Westminster, I certainly think it
should be accorded to them, and that public opinion in
thèse islands would unanimously concur in the neces-
sary constitutional modifications.

* I am, dear sir, yours truly,

'Chas. Stewart Parnell.*

Besides this letter, besides his relations with Mr.
Rhodes — of which more later on — Parnell gave many
proofs of his modération and reasonableness at this time.

He did not, he said, want an ' arrned ' police for
Ireland. He would hâve been content with such a
police force as existed in the English towns. If

190 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1887-88

Englishmen preferred the rétention of the Irish
members, he would hâve given way on that point. Mr.
Gladstone insisted on a ' subordinate ' Irish Parliament.
Parnell said : ' So be it/

Mr. Gladstone declared that the ' supremaçy ' of
the Impérial Parliament should be acknowledged -and
upheld. Parnell said : ' Âgreed.' And while making
thèse concessions he nevcr ceased to impress on hiB
followers the necessity of keeping the peace in Ireland.

I cannot give a better illustration of the différence
between Mr. Gladstone and Parnell at this period than
by showing how each dealt with the Plan of Campaign.
Parnell was opposed to the ' plan.' But it had been
sprung upon him, and for a time he felt some difficulty
in condemning it outright, though he always took care
to disclaim ail responsibility for its initiation and
adoption. Finally he did condemn it in a speech at
the Eighty Club on May 8, 1888. He was the guest
of the evening, and I doubt if he ever addressed a
more sympathetic and even enthusiastic audience.
The young men who gathered around him that night
would, I think, hâve cheered almost anything he said* -

They were prepared for an advanced policy and an-
extreme speech. There was not a branch of the
National League which would hâve more readily
declared for the Plan of Campaign than the rising
young Libérais of the Eighty Club.

When Parnell rose he was received with a burst of
cheering which would certainly hâve gone straight to the
heart of a ' mère Celt.' But he was impassive, frigid,
unmoved. Having dealt with the Carnarvon incident,.
and by so doing won the plaudits of the company , he
turned to the Plan of Campaign. This part of the
speech acted as a cold douche on the assembly. I

Mt. 41-42] AT THE E1GHTY CLUB 191

never saw a highly strung meeting thrown so com-
pletely into a state of collapse. When he finished the
fourth sentence my next neighbour poked me in the
ribs and said: 'This is bad.' I think my friend's
verdict was the verdict of almost everyone in the
room.

Parnell said : ' I was ill, dangerously ill It was
an illness from which I hâve not entirely recovered up
to this day. I was so ill that I could not put pen to
paper or even read a newspaper. I knew nothing
about the movement until weeks after it had started,
and even then I was so feeble that for several months,
absolutely up to the meeting of Parliament, I was
positively unable to take part in any public matter,
and was scarcely able to do so for months after. If I
had been in a position to advise about it, I candidly
admit to you that I should hâve advised against it.

' I should hâve advised against it not because I
supposed it would be inefficacious with regard to its
object — the protection of the Irish tenants. I believe
I hâve always thought that it would be most successful
in protecting the Irish tenants from éviction, and in
obtaining those réductions in their rent which the
Government of Lord Salisbury in 1886 refused to
concède to me when I moved the Tenants* Eelief Bill.
My judgment in that respect has been correct. But I
considered, and still consider, that there were features
of the Plan of Campaign, and in the way in which it
was necessary it should be carried out, which would
hâve had a bad effect upon the gênerai political situation
— in other words, upon the national question.'

Next day Mr. Gladstone addressed a great meeting
at the Mémorial Hall, Farringdon Street, when a
Home Rule address, signed by 3,730 Nonconformist

CHAULE. StE

[1887-^8

CHALES STl,— „ f «fa* to Ut-
esters, ^ I^Ï^^^Ï^U*.
Pamell's «fl*^^ çroperly «** * epate a te

' ^ f Ct Plan, and tbat »»^*»\, **\
autbor of thai ;V l eà t m t(J a £

^tared te s*y * ^'faSyl^- * ^ tbe

a» ^ ar ot het cases, to be fr»Vn ^ autho ts of tbe

hundred otner were tne . r ^ a utbors

L *eU considered * lffl tha t ^«^ment,

Plan of Ca^ f X mp ^/are tbe pre-n^°

01 n Pl ô n Bri^nd tbose *ho ^bands «I «J

cultutal çnces bro » ^ judiciaire tion i

gênerai apP^f^fand ^ tho *botoq ^

tbe land in Ix^Jf hom , m ont supr ^^

oi tbe ^ 8e ^f ^t consented to acbn t * inted a
contract W e bad no ^ Governmen ^ ^ ^

oî tbe Act oï w h {ar tbis *a» ^^

ta»**? to vnqun. ^ paid or ^ ^
whc tber tbe rents q{ ^ llousej ^

from tbe Opposât 101 mÇO rary P«>™ not be paid.

cession .as -*£, ^*"f^ "fused^

road e ^ ^ f Govenunent J^^ndy ««**
Wbat arf .tbe even tbe e ^ ^

jadicial rents to ne

^Et. 41-42] ' REMEMBER MITCHELSTOWN ! ' 198

alter them, that faith and honour forbade it. Then
canie the distress, then the évictions, then Bodyke, and
then the Plan of Canipaign.' Nor was Mr. Gladstone
satisfied with a single référence to the subject. Speak-
ing at a garden party at Hampstead on June 30, he
referred to it again. He said : ' Do not suppose that I
think the Plan of Campaign is a good thing in itself, or
that I speak of it as such. I lament every thing in the
nature of machinery for governing a country outside
the regular law of a country. But there are circum-
stances in which that machinery, though it may be an
evil in itself — and it is an evil, because it lets loose
many bad passions and gives to bad men the power of
playing themselves off as good men, and in a multitude
of ways relaxes the ties and bonds that unité society — I
say there are many circumstances in which it is an
infinitely smaller evil to use this machinery than to
leave the people to perish.'

I will give another instance of the eagerness with
which Mr. Gladstone took up every subject relating to
Ireland, and of the vigour with which he treated it.

In September 1887 the police dispersed a meeting
at Mitchelstown, firing on the people, when one man
was killed and several were wounded. * A subséquent
and protraÇted inquiry,' says the ' Annual Register/
* showed that the police had acted in a most reckless
and apparently unauthorised manner. The coroners
jury returned a verdict of wilful niurder against the
county inspector and three constables. But no steps
were taken by the Executive to attach the blâme to
any of its officers, and " Remember Mitchelstown ! "
became a political watchword which will long stir sad
memories.' Soon after the catastrophe Mr. Gladstone
sent a telegram to a correspondent using thèse words :

VOL. II. o

104 CHARLES STEWART PARXELL [1887-88

' Kemember Mitchelstown.' His fellow-countrymen
were scandalised. But the old man stood to his guns.
Speaking at Xottingham on October 18, 1887, he said :
' Though I regret it very much, it has become a matter
of absolute necessity not only to remember Mitchels-
town, but even to mention Mitchelstown. It was our
duty froni the first to keep it in our minds for considér-
ation at the proper time, but the sanction given to such
proccedings by the Executive Government, of which
the power in Ireland is enormous, requires from us
plain and unequivocal and straightforward déclarations,
witli a view to the formation of a sound opinion in
Kngland, in order that thepestilent déclarations of Mr.
Bal four may not bc adopted, as they might be with
great excuse, by his subordinate agents, and may not be
îi means of further invasion of Irish liberty, and possibly
of further destruction of Irish life. To speak plainly,
I say that the Iaw was broken by the agents of the
Iaw, and that it is idle to speak to the Irish people
about betraying the Iaw if the very Government that
so speaks, and that brings in thèse Bills, has agents
wlu'ch break the Iaw, by advisedly and violently break-
ing the order of public meetings, and whoare sustained
in that illégal action.'

1 reiiieinber being présent at a great meeting in
liingley Hall, Birmingham, in 1888. I know not how
inany thousands were assembled there. But it was
impossible ff»r the human voice to reach the further-
most Iiinits of the vast multitude gathered within the
ample dimensions of that immense structure. Mr.
(lladstniic's speech was a wonderful effort, and the
euthusiasiii it evoked passed ail bounds. Few who
listened to liini will forget the closing words of hia
address, or the extraordinary outburst of applause

jEt. 41-42] MR. GLADSTONE AT BIRMINGHAM 195

which greeted them. He said : ' We hâve now got
Irel and making a thoroughly constitutional demand
— demanding what is, in her own language, a sub-
ordinate Parliament, acknowledging in the fullest
terms the supremacy of the Parliament of West-
minster. How can you know that under ail circum-
stances that modération of demand will continue?
I cannot understand what principle of justice — and
still less, if possible, what principle of prudence — it is
that induces many — I am glad to say, in my belief,
the minority of the people of this country, but still a
large minority — to persist in a policy of which the
fruits havê been unmitigated bitterness, mischief,
disparagement, and dishonour. Our opponents teach
you to rely on the use of this deserted and enfeebled
and superannuated weapon of coercion. We teach you
to rely upon Irish affection and goodwill. We teach
you not to speculate on the formation of that senti-
ment. We show you that it is formed already, it is
in full force, it is ready to burst forth from every
Irish heart and from every Irish voice. We only
beseech you, by resolute persistence in that policy
you hâve adopted, to foster, to cherish, to consolidate
that sentiment, and so to act that in space it shall
sprcad from the north of Ireland to the south, and
from the west of Ireland to the east ; and in time it
shall extend and endure from this présent date until
the last years and the last of the centuries that may
still be reserved in the counsels of Providence to work
out the destinies of mankind.'

Somc exaggeration there may hâve been in thèse
words. But underîying them was a solid substratum
of truth. I hâve not concealed the fact that Parnell
rode into power on the wave of Fenianism. But this

o 2

196 CHARLES 8TEWART PARXELL [1887-88

wave had now reccded. The tide of révolution had
been rolled back. A political calm had succeeded the
political storm. The Irish people were in a trustful
mood. Ne ver had they shown so strong a disposition to
rely on parliamentary agitation. In England the cause
of Home Rule was unquestionably progressing. The
Libérais might or might not hâve fully understood the
Irish demand ; they might or might not hâve appre*
ciated the différence between Local Government and
a Parliament on Collège Green; they might hâve
examined the question for themselves, or they might
hâve been simply led by Mr. Gladstone ; but, however
thèse things might hâve been, the fact is certain —
Home Rule was making way on this side of the
Channel.

I cannot be expected to approach this subject in a
spirit of perfect impartiality. I am an Irish Nationalist
with strong convictions, and perhaps strong préjudices.
My opinions are, doubtless, coloured by my hopes.
Yet I cannot help expressing the belief that some
future génération of Englishmen may recognise that
Mr. Gladstone's policy was a policy of concord and of
peace, well calculated, as sincerely designed, to gratify
the national aspirations of Ireland without endangering
the stability of the British Empire.

Mt. 41-42] 197

CHAPTER XXI

THE F0RGED LETTER

On March 7, 1887, the first of a séries of articles
entitled ' Parnellism and Crime ' appeared in the
'Times.' Thèse articles were written to prove that
the Parnell movement was a revolutionary movement
stained by crime, and designed to overthrow British
authority in Ireland. The ' Times,' however, was not
content with framing a gênerai indictment against the
Irish leader. The great journal came to close quarters
with the arch-rebel. On April 18 it published a fac-
similé letter, purporting to bear his signature, in which
the Phœnix Park murders were excused and condoned.
Hère it is :

' Dear Sir, — I am not surprised at your friend's
anger, but he and you should know that to denounce
the murders was the only course open to us. To do
that promptly was plainly our best policy. But you
can tell him and ail others concerned that, though I
regret the accident of Lord F. Cavendish's death, I
cannot refuse to admit that Burke got no more than
his déserts. You are at liberty to show him this, and
others whom you can trust also, but let not my address
be known. He can write to the House of Commons.

' Yours very truly,

'Charles S. Parnell.'

198 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1887-88

Whatever Libérais may now say, there cannot be a
doubt that the appearance of this document in a news-
paper universally regarded as the Bible of English
journalism threw the whole Libéral party into con-
sternation.

' When I came down to breakfast on April 18/
said a Libéral friend, ' I took up my " Times." The
first thing which met my eye was that infernal letter.
Well, I did not much care about my breakfast after
reading it. " There goes Home Rule," said I, " and
the Libéral Party " too.'

I asked my friend if it did not occur to him that the
' Times ' might hâve been mistaken — ' let in.'

' The " Times " let in/ he exclaimed, ' the cleverest
newspaper in the world let in ! Why, that is the last
thing that any man in England thought of. We were
staggered, my dear sir, staggered-that is the plain
truth of the business/

ParneH's letter in the ' Times ' was soon the talk
of the town. An overwhelming blow had at length
been dealt at the whole gang of rebels and murderers.
Home Bule was laid in the dust. It is scarcely an
exaggeration to say that this was the thought and the
hope of every Unionist in the land.

In the evening Parnell strolled leisurely down to the
House of Commons. ' Hâve you seen the " Times " * ?
asked Mr. Harrington. 'No/ said the Chief, who
rarely read any newspaper unless his attention was
specially called to it. Then Mr. Harrington told him
the news. ' Ah ! ' said Parnell, ' let me see it/ and they
went to the Library. l Parnell/ says Mr. Harrington,
' put the paper before him on the table, and read the
letter carefully. I thought he would burst into 8ame
indignant exclamation, say " What damned scoundrela !

jEt. 41-42] PA11NELL AND THE ' TIMES ' 199

what a vile forgery ! " but not a bit of it. He put his
finger on the S. of the signature, and said quite calmly,
as if it were a matter of the utmost indifférence : " I did
not make an S. like tbat since 1878." " My God ! " I
thought, " if this is the way he is going to deal with the
letter in the House, there is not an Englishman who
will not believe that he wrote it." '

On the same evening Parnell dealt with the subject
in the House thus :

1 Sir, when I first heard of this precious concoction
— I heard of it before I saw it, because I do not take
in or even read the " Times " usually — when I heard
that a letter of this description, bearing my signature,
had been published in the " Times/ 1 I supposed that
some autograph of mine had failen into the hands of
some person for whom it had not been i n tende d, and
that it had been made use of in this way. I supposed
that some blank sheet containing my signature, such
as many members who are asked for their signatures
frequently send — I supposed that such a blank sheet
had failen into hands for which it had not been in-
tended, and that it had been misused in this fashion, or
that something of this kind had happened. But when
I saw what purported to be my signature, I saw plainly
that it was an audacious and unblushing fabrication.
Why, sir, many members of this House hâve seen my
signature, and if they will compare it with what
purports to be my signature in the " Times " of this
morning they will see there are only two letters in the
whole name which bear any resemblance to letters in
my own signature as I write it. I cannot understand
how the managers of a responsible and what used to
be a respectable journal could hâve been so hood-
winked, so hoaxed, so bamboozled — and that is the most

200 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

charitable interprétation which I can place on it — as to
publish such a production as that as my signature, my
writing. Its whole character is entirely différent. I
unfortunately write a very cramped hand, my letters
huddle into each other, and I write with great difficulty
and slowness. It is, in fact, a labour and a toil for me
to write anything at ail. But the signature-in question
is written by a ready penman, who has evidently covered
as many leagues of letter-paper in his life as I hâve
yards. Of course, this is not the time, as I hâve said,
to enter into full détails and minutiœ as to comparisons
of handwriting, but if the House could see my signature
and the forged, fabricated signature they would see
that, except as regards two letters, the whole signature
bears no resemblance to mine. The same remark
applies to the letter. The letter does not purport to be in
my handwriting. We are not informed who has written
it. It is not even alleged that it was written by anyone
who was ever associated with me. The name of the
anonymous letter-writer is not mentioned. I do not
know who he can be. The writing is strange to me.
I think I should insuit myself if I said — I think, how-
ever, that I perhaps ought to say it in order that my
déniai may befull and complète — that I certainly never
heard of the letter. I never directed such a letter to
be written. I never saw such a letter before I saw it
in the " Times." The subject-matter of the letter
is preposterous on the surface. The phraseology of
it is absurd — as absurd as any phraseology that could
be attributed to me could possibly be. In every part
of it it bears absolute and irréfutable évidence of want
of genuineness and want of authenticity. Politics are
corne to a pretty pass in this country when a leader
of a party of cighty-six members has to stand up at

M*. 42] SPECIAL COMMISSION 201

ten minutes past one in the House of Commons in ;

order to défend himself from an anonymons fabrication !

such as that which is contained in the "Times" of
this morning.' ;

After this déclaration the snbject of the facsimile
letter was for a time permitted to drop. The ' Times 9 : ■

went on printing the articles on 'Parnellism and
Grime.' It also published some incriminating letters
purporting to hâve been written by Mr. Egan, the
former treasurer of the Land League. Finally, Mr.
F. H. O'Donnell, ex-M.P., feeling himself aggrieved by
certain statements in 'Parnellism and Grime/ took j

proceedings against the ' Times.' The ' Times ' pleaded
that nothing in the articles pointed at Mr. O'Donnell,
and the jury took the same view of the case. However,
in the conduct of the suit the ' Times' counsel — the
Attorney-General ! — reiterated the charge levelled at
Parnell and Parnellism. The Irish leader was compelled
to take immédiate action.

He promptly asked the House of Commons
to appoint a Select Gommittee to inquire whether jj

the facsimile letter was a forgery. The Government )

would not consent to this proposai, but agreed to I 1

appoint a Spécial Commission, composed of three
judges, to investigate ail the charges made by the !

' Times.* 1

In September 1888 the Spécial Commission met.
The commiBsioners were Mr. Justice (afterwards Lord)
Hannen, Mr. Justice Day, Mr. (now Lord) Justice
Smith.

Each party to the cause was represented by a strong
Bar, the Attorney-General leading for the « Times, 9 Sir

i sir Richard Webster, Q.G., 1LP., G.OM.G.

202 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL ll&è

Charles Kussell (now Lord Russell of Killowen, Lord
Chief Justice of Englandj leading for Parnell.

Parnell concentrated ail bis attention on the fac-
similé letter. The gênerai charges against the Leagne
were, in liis opinion, ancient history, scarcely worth
discussing, and certainly not worth the lawvers* fées
which had to be paid for dealing with them. ' If/ he
argucd, ' we can prove the letter to be a forgery, every-
thing else will go by the board. If we cannot prove it
to be a forgery, then, no matter what may be the
finding of the Commission on the gênerai issue, we
shall stand condemned. We înust put the man who
forgea that letter into the box and wring the truth
from him. Our victory will then be complète.'

Hence during the whole progress of the case he
thought of the facsimile letter and of little else. 1 I
shall now tell the story of that remarkable document.

In May 1885 a Unionist organisation — the Irish
Loyal and J'atriotic Union — was formed in Dublin.
The coinmittec consisted of some of the most distin-
guished ' Loyalists ' in the country. A young journalist,
Mr. James Caulfield Houston, was appointed secretary.

The objects of the Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union
were, in brief, to destroy the National party and to
save the Empire. In this good work Mr. Houston —
acting upon his own responsibility, he tells us — enlisted
the services of Mr. Kichard Pigott, of 11 Sandy Cove
Avenue, Kingstown, Dublin.

Alniost everyone versed in Irish politics knew
'Dick' Pigott, or knew of him. He was proprietor
of the 'Irishman' newspaper, but had been bought
out by Parnell. Professing patriotism, he was ready

1 Ile atUchod little importance to the Egan letter. 'The whole
case, 1 hc said, * ig the facsimile letter.'

jEt. 42] RICHARD PIGOTT 208

for valuable considération to swear away the life of
every honest man in the land. Most people shunned
him as a moral leper whose very touch was contami-
nation. There is something almost pathetic in the
'ruffian's' account of himself in a letter written to
Mr. Forster in 1882, when that gentleman held the
office of Irish Secretary.

1 1 am within measurable distance of actual destitu-
tion. I hâve sought the hnmblest situations, but ail
in vain ; no one will hâve anything to do with me.'
Bichard Pigott seldoïn told the truth. This was the
truth.

In 1881 he asked Mr. Forster to subsidise his news-
paper in the interests of the Government. In the very
same year he asked Mr. Patrick Egan, the treasurer of
the Land League, to give him financial support in the
interest of the National cause.

On June 2, 1881, he wound up a long and loyal
letter to the Irish Secretary, showing how he had
always denounced the Land League, with this practical
proposai :

' To corne to particulars, a sum of 1,5002. would get
me out of debt. I could manage with 1,0002. for the
présent, if I could compromise with some of my credi-
tors. If the Government will let me hâve an advance
of either sum I will be for ever after the most obedient
and, I trust, valuable servant.'

On June 5 Mr. Forster sent a sympathetic reply,
refusing the subsidy, but commending Bichard for his
' patriotism ' :

'For months past I hâve noted the tone of the
leaders in your papers, and what you say with regard
to them is no more than the truth, I think they hâve

204 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

done real good, and I shall be sincerely sorry if your
papers corne to an end. But, coming to your actual
proposai, I am obliged to say I cannot make the
advance you suggest. . . . Allow me to add that,
though I must still differ from you greatly, and though
we approach Irish matters from very différent points of
view, yet I most sincerely appreciate the patriotism
which has induced you to some extent to modify your
views.'

In the same year Pigott wrote to ' My dear Egan,'
saying he had been offered 5002. to publish documents,
mainly 'fabricated,' but which would nevertheless be
injurious to the League, even if there were only a
few grains of truth mixed up with the bushel of
falsehood.

' I think/ he said, ' that the Gastle people are the
prime movers [in the matter].' Then he threatens the
treasurer of the League. ' To corne to the point, I am
in dreadful straits. I must hâve money somehow, or
throw up the éponge at once. I cannot afford to let slip
so lucky a chance for saving myself literally from ruin.
No matter what the conséquences are, I must and
will take this offer. Unless you corne to my assistance
I will close with thèse people.'

Mr. Egan, who knew his man, replied sharply and
decisively :

1 As I understand your letter, it is a threat that,
unless I forward you money by Monday next, you will
close with the Government, and in considération of a
sum of 5002. publish certain documents which you
believe to be false against the Land League. Under
any circumstances, I hâve no power so to apply any of
the funds of the League, but even if I had the power
I would not under such circumstances act upon it.

Mt. 42] PIGOTT AND MR. FORSTER 206

Whenever any such accusations are made we will know
how to défend ourselves.'

Pigott wound himself into the kind heart of Mr.
Forster, who was, of course, quite ignorant of the
devious ways of Irish politics and of Irish politicians.
The Chief Secretary had refused to subsidise Pigott's
newspapers, but he was willing to give Pigott a little
financial help out of his own private purse. On June 7
he wrote :

* If you find immédiate difficulties so overpowering
that you are forced to give up your paper and look out
for other work, I hope you will allow me to let you
hâve a sum of from 501. to 100Z., which might help to
tide you over the intérim between the old and the
new work, and which you would not repay unless times
mend. I am not a rich man, but I hâve enough to
enable me to help where I really feel sympathy, and
I need not say I would secure that there was no
publicity.'

Mr. Forster sent Pigott 100Z., urging him ' not to
let the thought of repayment be a worry or a trouble
to you/ which indeed it was not. Beforetheend of the
year Egan published Pigott's * begging ' letters to him
in the ' Freeman's Journal.'

Mr. Forster was astonished. On December 10 Pigott
received the following letter :

Chief Secretary's Lodge, Phœnix Park : Dec. 9, 1881.

* Sir, — Mr. Forster desires me to ask whether the
letters purporting to be written by you to Mr. Egan,
and sent by him to to-day's " Freeman's Journal," were
really written by you.

4 Your obedient servant,

'Horace West.*

206 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

The wretched Pigott had to admit the authenticity
of the letters, but offered an elaborate and futile
explanation in self-defence. One of the last letters he
received from Mr. Forster was dated January 13, 1882.
Fortunate would it hâve been for the misérable outcast
had he taken the advice then given by the tender-
hearted Chief Secretary. Mr. Forster wrote :

' I do not consider that you hâve any claim what-
ever either upon the Government or myself, and I
must décline to ask any of my colleagues to give you
pecuniary help. On the other hand, I should be glad
if I could to help you out of your difficulties. So far
as I can judge from what you tell me your best chance
is in America, and I am willing to give you myself 50/.
for the purpose of enabling you to go there, but it
must be clearly understood that this is ail I shall do ! ' !
Mr. Forster sent the 50Z., but Pigott did not go to
America. He remained in Ireland, to become, in due
course, the ally of Mr. Houston and the ' Irish Loyal
and Patriotic Union.'

In 1885 Pigott was collecting materials for a
pamphlet called * Parnellism Unmasked. , He wrote
to some prominent Unionist politicians for funds to
publish this important work. It would seem that Mr.
Houston heard of him and of his project through thèse
politicians. But be this as it may, the fact is certain
that in September 1885 the secretary of the 'Irish
Loyal and Patriotic Union ' called on the Nationaliat
renegade at his résidence in Sandy Cove Avenue, Kings-
town. ' Parnellism Unmasked ' was at once discussed,
and Mr. Houston tinally gave Pigott 601. towards ita
publication. The pamphlet appeared anonymously,

1 Tliese letters were produced before the Spécial Commission by Sir
Wemyss lieid.

iET. 42] ' LOYAL AND PATRIOTIC UNION ' 207

and, of course, made a stir in Unionist circles. Bat
Mr. Houston wanted something more than pamphlets.
He wanted documentary évidence 'Connecting the
Pamellite movement with the crime prévalent in the
country. 1 In December 1885 he asked Pigott to find
this évidence. ' It is impossible/ said Pigott. ' Try/
urged Houston ; ' I will pay you a guinea a day, and
your hôtel and travelling expenses during the search.*
This niagnificent offer opened a new vista to the âsto-
nished vision of the disgraced and destitute journalist.
He suddcnly found himself in touch not with the
blackguards of the League, but with the gentlemen of
the ' Irish Loyal and Patriotic Union.'

' A guinea a day and hôtel and travelling expenses.'
Hère was an offer which would hâve stimulated the
energy even of a man not pinched by poverty. Pigott
said he would try, but that he would hâve to travel
a good deal. He did try, he did travel. He went
to London, to Paris, to Lausanne, to New York, in
search of Fenians, who, he said, hated Parnell, and
would gladly strike a blow at the Irish leader if they
could.

It is right to say that the ' Irish Loyal and Patriotic
Union " did not — officially, at ail events — supply Pigott
with the funds for his benevolent mission. The
money was got by the secretary of the organisation
from certain distinguished Unionists — to wit, Sir
Bowland Blennerhassett (member of the committee of
the I. L. P. U.), Mr. Hogg, and— tell it not in Gath !
— Lord Richard Grosvenor.

1 Spécial Commission, Q. 51,722.

- 8ee Houston's cross-examination by Sir Charles Kuasell, Spécial
Commission, Q. 50,241. 'Mr. Pigott,' said Mr. Houston, *did not
consent right off ; I had some difficulty in perooading him to ondertake
the work.' Ibid., Q. 50,243.

208 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL [1888

Thèse excellent personages supplied * Dick ' Pigott
with a guinea a day and hôtel and travelling expenses
while he scoured Europe and America in search of
documentary évidence to hang Parnell, or at least send
him into pénal servitude.

In March 1886 Pigott reported progress to Houston.
He had found the documentary évidence — letters
signed by Parnell, letters written and signed by Egan.
They were at that moment in Paris, in a ' black bag/
where they had been left probably by Frank Byrne or
' by a man named Kelly, who was supposed to hâve
purchased the Phœnix Park louves.'

Pigott gave Houston copies of thèse compromising
documents, eleven letters in ail, five of Parnell's and
six of Egan's. Among this precious collection was
the facsimile letter, sufficient in itself to annihilate
Parnell and Parnellism. Towards the end of April
Houston called on Mr. Buckle, the editor of the
4 Times,' and told him the good news. Mr. B