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Full text of "Chief of the Pilgrims, or, The life and time of William Brewster : ruling elder of the Pilgrim company that founded New Plymouth, the parent colony of New England, in 1620"

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Daniel C. Oilman 






U\ t c 








faitjj Jibe Steel anb Jour otljcr (Engrabings. 





Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1857, by 

in the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States in 
and for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 








AT a meeting of a number of the descendants of Elder 
WILLIAM BREWSTER, held in Norwich, Connecticut, Septem 
ber 13, 1853, chiefly to take measures for procuring a suitably 
written life of that eminent and revered ancestor, the following 
resolution, among others, was adopted : 

" Whereas no Biography, containing even all the marked incidents 
of Elder Brewster s life, has ever yet been written ; and, whereas, 
additional facts have been lately brought to light, and faithful re 
search may bring forth others, as materials for the purpose ; therefore, 

Resolved. That JAMES BREWSTEK, Esq., New Haven, Conn., Chairman, 

WILLIAM BREWSTER, Esq., Rochester, New York, 

AUSTIN BREWSTER, Esq., Preston, Conn., 

SAMUEL C. BREWSTER, Esq., Syracuse, New York, 


(With ten other gentlemen named, of the connection,) 
be a Committee to devise a plan, and provide means as they may 
deem best for securing such Biographic History." 

In accordance with this resolution, arrangements were en 
tered into with the present writer ; he having previously made 
preparations for the work ; while to the Committee, the Author 
is much indebted for means wherewith to extend his researches 
in all directions, and to all supposable sources, on both sides 
of the " Atlantic," for the desired information. 



" Whatever skill and diligence can do will be done by the 
Rev. Ashbel Steele, to whom has been assigned the duty of 
preparing an ample account of the Life of Brevvster." 

Founders of New Plymouth, p. 144. By Kev. JOSEPH HUNTER, Fellow of the 
Society of Antiquarians, Assistant Keeper of her Majesty s Records, &c. 
London, 18.34. 

From Sir DAVID BREWSTER, LL.D., &c., Scotland. 

"To Rer. ASHBEL STEELE, Washington, D. C., United States. 

" I shall look forward with much interest to your Life of 
your distinguished relative the history of so interesting a 
person as Elder Brewster. 

Believe me to be, dear sir, 

Ever most truly yours, 


February 4th, 1854." 


SIGNIFICANT were the words of Governor Brad 
ford, when, after more than thirty years inter 
course with Elder William Brewster, he declared, 
in his History, " I should say something of his 
life, if to say a little were not worse than to be 
silent. But I cannot wholly forbear, though 
haply more may be done hereafter." 1 

To say a little, then, the governor confesses, 
could give no just idea of Elder Brewster s varied, 
self-sacrificing, and not uneventful life ; nor indeed 
of the movements of the period with which he was 
connected. Therefore, while yielding to the con 
straining impulse to say something for that present 
purpose, in terms not to be mistaken did he 

1 Bradford s "History of Ply- chusetts Historical Society, Bos- 
mouth Plantation," lately recover- ton, 1856, p. 409. 
ed and published by the Massa- 


announce that a more full and worthy delineation 
of the character and deeds of this noble Christian 
pioneer ought, in due time, to be given. 

That full and just delineation, however, did not 
appear. And that generation passed away, and 
the next ; and with them perished valuable letters 
and records, with the knowledge of many things 
which would give life and freshness to the history. 
Still, no other hand undertook the task. A brief 
and worthy sketch, indeed, along with sketches of 
other worthies, was afterwards drawn by the pen 
of Dr. Belknap ; yet the life or biography proper 
was never written. 

The causes of such neglect or delay at the time 
were, doubtless, the cares, labors, and incessant 
occupations of mind and body, incident to the 
settlement of a country strange and new ; where, 
in the presence of savage foes, the first means of 
living were to be provided, wildernesses were to 
be converted into the abodes of civilized man, 
highways from settlement to settlement to be con 
structed, temples for divine worship to be reared, 
and the school-house and college to be erected. 
Tradition, too, was then fresh and credible. So 


that, while the narratives of the deeds and trials 
of their fathers, their fathers fathers, and their 
fathers neighbors, could, from memory, be re 
peated at their labors by day, and for entertain 
ment at night, there was not felt, as now, the need 
or importance of the accurately written personal 
histories, even of those most distinguished. In 
after years, other causes operated to deter those 
best qualified from the undertaking. 

But that state of things no longer exists. Tra 
dition has long since become deceptive. The time 
has arrived when, along with mental culture, and 
more abundant means and leisure, public attention 
is awakened, and awakening more and more, to 
subjects of original inquiry. Historic facts and 
incidents, as far as they can be obtained, are now 
demanded. Records are searched, libraries are 
ransacked, remains of long neglected, worm-eaten 
scripts, and registers in time-honored Bibles, as 
well as oldest cemetery inscriptions, are now 
sought for with an avidity in this country before 

In the case before us, the interest is becoming 
equally evident. And, to meet the demand,. 


though parts of the materials for such a life con 
nected with the time of Elder Brewster as might 
at first have been written, have perished though, 
in addition to the waste of so many years, sad has 
been the havoc wars have made with manuscripts, 
public and private, yet the chief facts were put 
upon record; others, also, of much interest, have 
been lately brought to light. In place of those 
lost, we have what, if not equally life-like and 
romantic, are even more important. We can now 
trace most valuable results that have been de 
veloped, which our forefathers could not know, 
and most precious principles that have been 
evolved and reduced to practice, which at no 
early period could have been so clearly presented, 
or, if presented, would have been so generally 

As, therefore, this portion of biographic history 
was not then written, no period since could have 
: been so favorable for its execution as the present. 

As to the manner of its present execution, the 
writer has felt and acted on the principle, that, to 
bring out the individual character truly and im 
partially, he must lay aside prejudice, if he had 


any ; must enter understandingly into the views of 
the person or persons concerned; must examine 
candidly their honestly declared motives; must, 
as far as practicable, place himself in the scenes, 
and sympathize with them in the trials and suffer 
ings, which they passed through, whatever he may 
think of some of their opinions. All this must 
he do and feel, or he cannot be fitted to write of 
them, nor make allowance for the infirmities of 
even good men, or for the errors and customs of 
the age, not fitted to discern, delineate, or even 
appreciate the character of the fathers of New 
England, or especially of him who was a father of 
those fathers, and the subject of this narrative. 

For himself personally would the writer add, 
that, being connected in marriage with a descend 
ant of the Elder, 2 and being himself descended 
from a granddaughter of the Pilgrim governor, 

2 Mrs. Clara Brewster Steele, son of Joseph Brewster, of Pres- 

by whose zeal in collecting family ton, Conn., near the Thames, son 

history, and at whose earnest of Jonathan Brewster, of Preston, 

suggestion this work was first Conn., son of Benjamin Brewster, 

commenced ; a daughter of the of Norwich, Conn., son of Jona- 

late Jacob Brewster, Esqr., of than, the oldest son of Elder Wm. 

Otsego Co., N. Y., who was son of Brewster. 
Stephen (one of eight brothers), 


Bradford, and having for years desired to see such 
a work, and labored long to collect from all 
sources, far and near, the scattered materials, at 
length, "by loss of voice, laid aside from the active 
duties of the Christian ministry, and called upon 
by many of the Brewster name to undertake the 
task, he yielded to the call, and the result is before 
the reader. 

The purpose has been to present facts, not 
theory, not facts mingled with philosophical dis 
quisitions, but in connected narrative, and in style 
suited to the nature of the work. 

And here would the writer express his grateful 
acknowledgments to kind friends who have fa 
vored him 

To Peter Force, Esq., of Washington, D. C., for 
free access to his extensive and unrivalled collec 
tions in the department of early American history : 

To Professor Joseph Henry, LL.D., Secretary 
of the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C., 
for the use of valuable sets of books from the 
library of that Institution : 

To the librarians of the State Department and 


Congress Libraries; also of the American Anti 
quarian Society at Worcester, Massachusetts ; of 
the Mass. Historical Society, Boston; and Mr. 
Moore, librarian of the New York Historical So 
ciety : 

Likewise to the Rev. Joseph Hunter, one of the 
Vice Presidents of the Society of Antiquarkns, of 
London, and assistant keeper of the Queen s Re 
cords; and 

To Cardinal Brewster, Esq., of Halstead Lodge, 
Halstead, Essex, England, for valuable com 
munications, the results of long continued re 
searches in the Fatherland. 

Also to all those other kind friends who have 
made valuable suggestions in reference to the 

WASHINGTON, D. C., June, 1S5T. 




ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ......... xiv 



Great results from small beginnings ; great principles wrought 

out amid stern conflicts ....... 33 

Ancient Brewster families ....... 36 

William Brewster s probable relationship ..... 38 

Time of his birth 39 

His education before entering, and while at, the university . 40 
His entrance into court life in the service of the Ambassador 

Davison 42 



Time of Brewster s entering the service of Mr. Davison . . 43 
Davison s mission to the Netherlands in 1584 ; Brewster probably 

accompanies him. State of Western Europe at this time . 44 

Causes and character of the mission ...... 47 



" The Court" 51 

Brewster s position at court ....... 53 

Deputation from the Low Countries to England .... 54 

Negotiations, treaty, and Davison s embassy to Holland in 1585 55 
Brewster attends him . . . . . . . .56 



Difficulties in the embassy met and overcome . . . .57 

Mr. Davison takes command of the cautionary towns . . 58 
The ceremony at Flushing . . . . . . .59 

The keys of Flushing committed to Brewster . . . .59 

Sir Philip Sidney s appointment as governor .... 60 

Diplomatic school for Brewster . . . . . . .61 



The Earl of Leicester sets out for Holland . . . 62 

His reception and entertainment at Flushing .... 63 

At Middleburg 64 

At Dort, Rotterdam, Delft, and the Hague . . . . .66 

The ambassador s position and duties ; also Brewster s . . 67 

The earl accepts the vice-royalty ...... 70 

The ambassador s and Brewster s return to England. The gold 

chain ........... 71 

Stern conflict of opinions at the court of Elizabeth ... 72 

Brewster continues with Mr. Davison ..... 74 



Davison Secretary of State. Duties of secretaries ... 75 

Brewster s position under him ....... 77 

Qualifications, character, and confidential services of Brewster . 78 

Critical condition of the Queen and the kingdom ... 79 

Davison s duties ; Brewster s implied ..... 80 

Brewster s associates, George Cranmer and Edwin Sandys ; their 

characters 81 



The spirit pervading the secretary s office ; influence for good . 85 
Davison on the commission (but not present), for the trial of the 

Queen of Scots 87 

Receives the warrant for her execution ; Elizabeth s state policy 

in the case 88 

Queen of Scots executed. Davison fined and committed to the 

Tower 91 

The effect on Brewster 92 




Brewster s continuance with, and kind attentions to, the fallen 

secretary 93 

The powerful influence brought to bear for Davison s release and 

restoration by Burleigh, Earl of Essex, and others . . 95 
Queen s final refusal ; high testimony to Davison s ability and 

character .......... 97 

Brewster leaves the metropolis 99 



The place to which Brewster retired ...... 100 

Brewster at Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire ..... 103 

Historical reminiscences of Scrooby and Scrooby Manor . . 104 

Description of the locality by a modern tourist .... 107 



Brewster s exertions for the promotion of religion in Scrooby 

and its neighborhood ........ 109 

Archbishop Sandy s statement . . . . . . .110 

A Rev. James Brewster, and an older Wm. Brewster, and other 

ministers at and near Scrooby ...... Ill 

Richard Barnard ; John Smith or Smythe . .... 113 

Brewster s secular employment ; his marriage .... 115 

Origin of the postal system in England . . . . .110 

Length of his official terms ; salaries . . . . .117 

Continued development of character . . . . . .118 



Controversies respecting ceremonies in the National Church . 119 
Difficulties attending further reforms ..... 121 

Propositions debated in the convocation of the clergy in 1562 . 122 
Queen s opposition to further reforms . . . . .123 

Also to the so-termed prophesyings . . . . . .124 

Action of the High Commission Court respecting non-conformists 125 



Intolerance of both, parties in the contest ; some redeeming ex 
ceptions .......... 126 

Elizabeth s sense of right when unprejudiced .... 131 



The controversy under James I. of England, and his treatment 

of the non-conformists ....... 132 

His outrage on civil rights, and its consequences . . . 133 

Additional elements in the controversy ..... 134 

Chief Justice Coke s action respecting the High Commission 

Court 135 

William Brewster leaves the national church. .... 136 

Justice to the present Church of England (note, 137) . . 138 



Brewster, and the organization of the Scrooby separation . . 139 

The time of his joining them defined . ..... 140 

Clifton their first pastor ; oppressive treatment ; Brewster s effi 
cient aid .......... 142 

To escape from oppression they resolve to cross to the Nether 
lands 143 

Their first effort to remove ; disappointment ; betrayal ; im 
prisonment .......... 144 

Second effort ; painful separation of the company . . . 146 

Tempestuous passage to Holland ...... 147 

Distress of those left behind, and their cause thereby made 

known .......... 148 

All at length meet in Amsterdam 149 



Amsterdam and the condition of the emigrants there . . . 150 
Unexpected difficulties occasion their removal thence to Leyden 152 
Leyden and its environs . . . . . . . .153 

Its University ; condition of this people in Leyden . . . 155 
Mr. Robinson recognized as their pastor, and Mr. Brewster chosen 

ruling elder ......... 156 


His temporal condition ; instructs students of the University in 

English 157 

The condition and number of their congregation . . . 159 



State of religious toleration in Holland . . . . .160 
Condition of our emigrant company in this respect . . .162 
The Arminian and Calvinistic controversy . . . .163 

Mr. Robinson, pastor of the emigrant company, takes part in it, 

in the University . . . . . . . .165 

The Synod of Dort 166 

Its condemnation of the Arminians . . . . . .167 

King James sent a delegation to it . . . . . .168 

The Leyden Company interested in its proceedings . . .169 
The persecuting spirit not universal in Holland . . . .169 


, 16151618. 

Brews ter engaged in publishing . . . . . . .171 

The principal works published by him . . . . .172 

Efforts of King James, through his ambassador, to suppress these 

publications, and arrest Brewster . . . . .175 

Brewster s visit to England 177 

Troubles of Mr. Brewer, coadjutor and friend of Brewster . . 178 
Arbitrary attempts to control the press ; its futility ; free dis 
cussion ; mightiness of truth ...... 179 



Elder Brewster s object in visiting England . . . .181 

Particular reasons why the company leave Holland . . .182 

Objections to leaving Holland considered and answered . .185 

The question agitated to what country they shall go . . 187 

They apply to the Virginia Company for a grant . . .189 

King James answer . . . . . . . . .190 

Letter of Sir Edwin Sandys to Robinson and Brewster . .191 

Their reply, specifying their condition, and their purpose in 

founding a new colony . . . . . . .192 



1619 1620. 

Difficulties which the pilgrim company s agents met with in 

England, in respect to their proposed enterprise . . .196 
Robinson s and Brewster s letter to friends in London on the 

subject 197 

Statement of their church organization and usages, furnished for 

the Privy Council 198-9 

Perplexed affairs of the Virginia Company ..... 200 
Brewster goes to London to negotiate with that company . . 201 

The patent obtained 202 

The Leyden Company make arrangements to go and commence 

a colony in North Virginia ....... 203 

They enter into an engagement with the merchant adventurers . 204 
New perplexities ......... 205 

Preparations for departure ; terms of agreement . . . 206 
"Winslow s report of Robinson s address as they are about to 

leave Leyden 208 


The farewell feast at Leyden on the eve of departure . . .211 
The term " pilgrims" applied to themselves . . . .212 

Entertainment at Delft Haven . . . . . . .213 

Embarkation on board the Speedwell ...... 214 

Brewster life s changes ; quick passage to England . . .216 



The Speedwell and Mayflower with the emigrants at Southampton 218 
All prepared, these vessels set sail for North America . .219 
Twice forced to put back on account of the Speedwell s disability ; 
they dismiss her, and the main body proceed in the May 
flower 220 

Incidents of the voyage ........ 221 

They arrive at Cape Cod 223 

Prevented from going to North Virginia ..... 224 

The compact on board the Mayflower, in the harbor of Cape Cod 225 





At Cape Cod, Saturday, Nov. 11, examining party sent on shore 228 

Their first Sabbath in the New World 229 

The discomforts and discouraging prospects of the pilgrim com 
pany 230 

Their first week s labors, and first exploring parties and their 

discoveries 231 

The second and third week, and second exploring party . . 232 

Exposures ; discoveries ; incidents ...... 233 

Fourth week at the cape ; third exploring expedition . . 235 

Attacked by the Indians ; or, first encounter .... 236 

Proceeding in their exploration, find the harbor of New Ply 
mouth ; perils ... ...... 237 

Find shelter near, and on Clark s Island ; fifth Sabbath . . 238 


Dec. 11, 0. S., 21, N. S., last exploring party land on the main 

shore ; examine for a place of settlement ; return to the cape 240 

Incidents ; weigh anchor ; arrive in the new found harbor . 241 

Sixth Sabbath past ; explore for a place of settlement . . 242 

Location selected ......... 243 

Resolved to build ; storms intervene ; at length at work in 

earnest 244 

Alarms; deprivations; divided into families . . . .2^5 

Each erect their own dwelling ; the Elder not excepted . . 246 

Hardships and exposures ; sickness succeeds .... 247 
Rapid increase in number of deaths ; notice of the number ; the 

Elder s position, attentions, and anxieties .... 248 

What in this extremity of trial must have been his reflections . 249 


Progress in building amidst all bereavements and hindrances . 253 
Intercourse with the natives . . . . . . .255 

Mystery solved . . . . . . . . . .256 

Visit from Samoset ; important information . . . .257 

Visit of King Massasoit 260 



Ceremonies, and conclusion of a treaty 261 

Appearance, dress, characteristics of the Indians matters of deep 

interest to the pilgrim company ...... 262 


Tisquantum and Hobbamock, friends and interpreters . . 265 
Embassies to the neighboring Indians ..... 266 
Conspiracy against their friends and King Massasoit ; armed ex 
pedition in their defence 266-7 

Peaceful results . . . . . . . . . .268 

Autumn advanced ; first summer s provision gathered ; the first 

thanksgiving day appointed . . . . . . 269 

Entertain their Indian friends ....... 270 


Arrival of the ship Fortune ; thirty-five of their Leyden and 

other friends, and the Elder s eldest son, passengers . . 272 

Inadequate supply of provisions for them all .... 273 

The colony threatened by the Narragansetts .... 274 

Preparation for defence ; erection of bulwarks, &c. . . . 275 

Approach of famine . . . . . . . . .276 

In extremity .......... 277 

Indians less friendly ......... 278 

Erection of their fort on Fort Hill ; visit from the Weston colonists 270 

Visited by an exploring vessel ; some relief .... 280 


Third year ; stirring incidents ....... 282 

Bad conduct of the Weston colonists ...... 283 

Sickness of Massasoit ; Winslow visits him .... 284 

Administers to his relief ........ 285 

Massasoit s revelation of a leagued conspiracy . . . .286 

Determination of a council of the Plymouth colonists on this 

startling intelligence ........ 287 

Captain Standish dispatched with men ; the chief conspirators 

put to death ; views of this responsible movement . .289 


A distressing drought, this third summer of their settlement, 

occasions another extremity ...... 291 

A day of fasting and supplication 293-4 

Merciful deliverance ; refreshing showers ; revival of the parched 

corn 295 

A day of thanksgiving 296 

Arrival of the " Ann and Little James," bringing other connec 
tions and friends ; their welcome . . . . .297 


Letter from Mr. Robinson to Elder Brewster respecting the ad 
ministering of the sacraments ...... 300 

The Elder s official duties specified ; his manner of performing 

them ; their results ; official costume .... 303-4 

Mr. Lyford sent over to officiate as minister at New Plymouth, 

and his reception ........ 305 

His deceptive course causing excitement ; judgment passed on 

him here and in England ....... 306 

Testimony to the Elder s abilities, learning, and faithfulness . 307 

Election of governor with assistants ; introduction of neat kine ; 

grant to each of the colony one acre of land . . . 308 

Marriage in the Elder s family ; condition of the colony . . 309 


1625 1C26. 

State of affairs within the colony favorable ; but between the 

colony and the merchant adventurers extremely unfavorable 311 

Great efforts to meet their obligations 312 

Loss of a valuable cargo captured by the Turks ; increase in 

their church ; marriage of the Elder s second daughter . 31 3 

A. D. 1626. Unexpected news of the death of their pastor in 

Holland 314 

His character ; his and Elder Brewster s views in relation to the 
Church of England, and of others that separated, as written 
by their own hands 315-20 

Death of James the First ; loyalty of the pilgrim leaders . . 321 

Review of some of the king s acts in which Brewster and the 

colonists had been interested ...... 323 

Crisis in the affairs of the colony . . . . . .326 




Dissolution of the company of London adventurers ; the colonists 

plan of making payments ....... 328 

Happy results ; new division of land 330 

Death of Mrs. Brewster 331 

Friendly letters, &c., from the Dutch colony of New Amsterdam 332 

Establishment of a trading post at Manomet .... 333 

" Sewan" or " Wampum," the Indian currency .... 334 

Another trading post on the Kennebec River .... 335 
Plan to meet expenses of bringing over friends still remaining in 

Holland 336 

Visit of De Rasieres from the colony of New Amsterdam . . 337 

His description of the Plymouth settlement .... 338 

Of their manner of assembling for worship .... 341 


Arrival of Mr. Smith, the first regular minister, at Plymouth . 343 

Notice of the Virginia colony and other colonies . . . 344 

First English poem in America, written by George Sandys . . 346 

Growing agitations in England cause further emigration . . 348 

Settling of the Massachusetts colony 349 

Wrestling Brewster ; seeming evidence of his marriage and resi 
dence in the new settlement of Portsmouth, N. H. . 350 



Enlargement of the Plymouth colony ..... 352 
Settlement of Duxbury 353 

New congregation organized ; the Elder partially located there . 354 
Governor Winthrop s visit to Plymouth ; his description of their 
mode of worship ; administration of the Sacrament ; pro 
phesying or explaining of Scripture . . . . .355 

Difficulties on the northern border with the French . . . 357 
Occurrences in Europe . . . . . . . .358 

Death of the Elder s daughter, Mrs. Allerton ; agitation regard 
ing Roger Williams ; remark on the rights of every organized 
body 361 





Marriage of the Elder s son Love 364 

Death of his daughter, Mrs. Prince ...... 365 

Fao-simile of his name with a scriptural sentence . . . 366 
Brewster s continued mental vigor and occupations at this period ; 

one of the committee for providing a code of laws . . 367 

The mode of government up to this time 368 

Duties of magistrates, and privileges of the people . . . 370 


Further notice of the Elder s three sons, Jonathan, Love, and 

Wrestling 372-3 

The Elder s literary associates, Rev. Messrs. Williams, Raynor, 

Norton, Dr. Chauncey, Bradford, Winslow, &c. . . 374-5 
The character of his library . . . . . .376 

The large works specified ....... 377-8 

State of the English mind ; English literature ; Bacon . 379-80 


The last days of Elder Brewster ...... 381 

Results of what he had witnessed, especially in this colony 382 
His closing hours, as given by one present . . . 383-4 

The place, the scenery, and the associations .... 385 

The burial 388 

Assembly at the house of the governor in reference to the peace 
ful settlement of his estate 389 


Brief retrospect, or marked development ..... 390 

Marked Providences alluded to ; precise period of the pilgrim 

movement .......... 391 

The great purpose of the enterprise and developments . 392-3 
Not the individual merely, but the germ of a nation ; the chief 
purpose, the founding of their church views and order, un 
disturbed 394 

The tribute due to them for their earnest, devoted, not faultless, 

but sincere, heroic efforts ...... 395-6 


The development of principles, institutions, the marked features 

of a new people ......... 397 

The prestige of New Plymouth ; the interest therein imperishable 398 


Names of the passengers who came in the Mayflower in 1620, 

with some brief incidents ....... 401 


Names of those who came in the Fortune in 1621, with informa 
tion preserved respecting some of them .... 407 

List of those who came in the Ann and the Little James in 1623 408 

Families and names of members of the colony in 1627 . .410 


Extracts from Webster in reference to the Mayflower and Elder 

Brewster ......... , 415 

















He that of greatest works is finisher, 
Oft does them by the weakest minister : 

Great floods have flown 
From simple sources. SHAKSPEARE. 

FROM smallest beginnings, which appear to most 
men at the time unworthy of notice, often issue 
the most important results. Some most precious 
principles, which now guide communities and 
governments, have had this origin. And in the 
history of fallible men, the progress of these prin 
ciples is shown to have been often marked by the 
fiercest struggles and contests of the age ; while 
yet in another age the descendants of the contend 
ing parties have united in their adoption. 

In these struggles and conflicts, the resistance 
of those in power has generally issued in acts of 
violence and tyranny ; and the assaults of the 
weaker as they grew stronger have led to rebellion 
or bloody revolution. In these ways, and at this 
dear rate, has much of man s wisdom been learned. 



When Elizabeth, in all the conservative pride 
of prerogative which marked" the race of the 
Tudors, sternly rejected further reforms in some 
rites and ceremonies in the Chnrch of England, 
and adopted the policy which her successor, 
James, endeavored to follow, she little imagined 
what would be the contest then begun ; a contest 
that was to carry one king from his throne to the 
block, and send another to live in exile ; a con 
test which was to result in the establishment of 
broad popular principles in her own kingdom, and 
to plant on this distant continent a hardy race, 
whose claims of legalized liberty would at length 
be satisfied only with a republican form of govern 
ment, and the right to worship God in such order 
as they alone should choose. 

Yet we live at a time when we can look back 
with some degree of calmness upon the contest 
and the results. The age of Elizabeth and James, 
of Cartwright and Hooker, of Laud and Baxter, 
with that of Charles and Cromwell, has passed 
away, and with it, for the most part, the bitter 
ness of the contest. 

And we claim, now, since the tempest is over, 
and the sympathizers with each party are living 
peaceably together under good governments, that 
we can begin to estimate justly the sincerity and 
zeal, the heroic endurance and chivalrous course, 
then manifested as traits of our common ancestry. 

Great principles were indeed at stake. We 
speak not here of the right or the wrong at the 


first, or of the right or the wrong in the sanguin 
ary revolution that followed, or in the counter 
revolution. We ascribe not to the acts of any 
one party all the peculiar blessings since enjoyed. 
We notice not the faults of one side only. But 
we speak historically of the facts. And we trace 
with deepest reverence the marks of an Overrul 
ing Hand in bringing good out of evil, while we 
deeply regret the mistakes, the bitterness, the mis 
deeds of men as earnest, as zealous, as courageous 
as the world ever saw. And we speak thus in 
reference to another fact : that, among the persons 
early and deeply affected by the contest, was an 
individual, then unknown to fame, yet destined to 
lead that band, which, in the New World, and on 
the shore of New England, was to lay one of the 
foundations for these mighty results. That indi 
vidual was Elder William Brewster, the subject of 
this narrative. 

" This William Brewster," says an English anti 
quarian, "was the most eminent person in the 
movement, and who, if that honor is to be given 
to any single person, must be regarded as the 
Father of New England." "And independently of 
this movement, there is enough in the connections 
which he had formed in England to make him an 
object of interest." 1 

1 Rev. Joseph Hunter, Fellow of author of Collections concerning 

the Society of Antiquarians of the Founders of New Plymouth ; 

London, &c., and of the Mass, also Mass. Hist. Coll., 4 series, 

Hist. Society, and an Assistant vol. 1st, 64, 65. 
Keeper of Her Majesty s Records ; 


Of the immediate parentage of William Brew- 
ster no satisfactory information has been preserved, 
though there are grounds for very probable con 

Among the old English families inhabiting the 
northeastern parts of Suffolk County, and the ad 
joining parts of Norfolk, on the eastern coast of 
England, were the ancient Brewster family and 
their connections located, ranking among the early 
" English Landed Gentry." As early as the forty- 
eighth year of Edward the Third, or in the year 
1375, John Brewster was witness to a deed in the 
Parish of Henstead, in Suffolk, and not long after, 
in the reign of Richard the Second, a John Brew 
ster was presented to the Rectory of Godwich, in 
the county of Norfolk. In the list of the gentry 
of Norfolk, returned to Henry the Sixth, was Gal- 
fridus Brewster; and the Norfolk branch became 
connected by marriage with the distinguished 
Houses of De Narburgh, Spelman, Gleane, and 
Coke, of Holkham. But in the county of Suffolk, 
we find, further, that Robert Brewster, of Mutford, 
possessed also lands in Henstead, and that Wm. 
Brewster, of Henstead, and Robert Brewster, of 
Rushmere, died possessed of these estates, prior 
to the year 1482. This Robert had married the 
daughter and co-heiress of Sir Christopher Ed 

Not fifty years after, Humphrey Brewster, of 
this connection, purchased the Manor and Liv 
ing of Wrentham, not far distant, and in 1550, 


built Wrentham Hall, where his descendants con 
tinued to reside until 1810, when this venerable 
mansion was taken down, and the estate sold ; the 
income of the proprietors being derived from more 
than twenty parishes in the two counties. 

To this family belonged the lordship of the Ma 
nors of Wrentham and the advowsons of the parish 
church. In this parish church repose the remains 
of Humphrey Brewster, over which was placed a 
monument to his memory on his death, in 1593, 
with an effigy in brass, retained therein to this 
day. 2 

From this Suffolk connection, a branch became 
established at Castle Hedingham, in Essex, near 
the time with that at Wrentham, and formed con 
nections with the knightly families of Corbel, Clop- 
ton, Seckford, Quarles, Wentworth, of Nettleshurd 
Hall, and others of similar rank. In this vicinity, 
have descendants of this branch continued to re- 

2 English paraphrase of an old Latin inscription to the memory of 
Humphrey Brewster : 

" Sculptor, why gravest thou marbles, or why rear 
Thy useless structures to his memory here ? 
Hath he not made himself a monument 
More lasting far than brass or adamant ? 
This house, his gift, where through the coming years 
The word of God shall bless his people s ears, 
This temple for a sepulchre he hath, 
And holy prayers shall be his epitaph. 
Wouldst thou aught else to represent his fame ? 
Take the strange bird, that from his funeral flame, 
With life and youth renewed, is said to fly, 
For emblem of its immortality." 



side, and the name of William generally kept up, 

to the present time, now more than 300 years. 

Of it is the present Cardinal Brewster, Esq., of 

Halstead, Essex. 3 

Both the Wren- 
tham and Heding- 
ham branches were 
families of the same 
coat-armor, bearing 
a chevron ermine 




between three silver 
etoiles, on a sable 
field, viz: stars break 
ing through the 
darkness of night. 

That our William Brewster was most probably 
of this connection, seems to be indicated by the 
fact that an old copy of the same coat-of-arms (and 
it appears to be a very old copy) has been preserved 
from time immemorial in one branch of the Brew 
ster family in this country. 4 Other indications, in 
addition to something of tradition, favoring the 

3 Burke s Landed Gentry of 
England and Ireland, 2 vols., Lon 
don. Articles, Brewsters of Wren- 
tham and Hedingham, and Sup 
plement, Corrigenda, &c. Also 
communications of Cardinal Brew 
ster, Halstead Lodge, Halstead, 
confirmatory of the foregoing state 
ments, and containing many inte 

resting particulars of the Brewsters 
of England. 

4 This old copy of said coat-of- 
arms is now in the possession of 
Dr. George G. Brewster, Ports 
mouth, New Hampshire, U. S., 
who has also furnished particulars 
respecting his branch of the 
family, from the year 1629. 


idea of this relationship, will be noticed in the 
course of this narrative. 

Of other branches of the original family, one 
was settled in Barking, Essex County, and pos 
sessed the manors of Withfield and Condovers ; 
one settled in Lincolnshire, about the year 1560; 
one in Kent, in the time of Elizabeth, and owned 
lands in Luddenham, Linstead, Linham, and other 

Of the original stock, it is highly probable, was 
the Scottish branch, of which is that distinguished 
philosopher, Sir David Brewster. And such was 
probably the case in respect to Sir Francis Brew 
ster, Lord-Mayor of Dublin. 5 

But that "other branch," with which we are 
now concerned, "was established," says Burke, 
"in the United States of America by William 
Brewster, the ruling Elder and spiritual guide of 
the Pilgrim Fathers, who, in 1620, went out to 
America, and were founders of New England." 

From the summary thus presented, of the 
principal connections of the Brewster name at 
that early period, we pass to the chief subject of 
our history. 

William Brewster, called also subsequently 
Elder William, was born, according to the most 
reliable records and dates, about the year 1560, a 

5 Tliurloe s State Papers and Wliitlaw s Dublin, vol. ii., Appen 


little more than a year after Elizabeth came to 
the throne. 6 

Of the place of his nativity, no record has been 
discovered. And respecting his education, very 
brief, indeed, is the statement preserved ; but, 
though brief, it is clear and explicit. First was 
his preparation for the University; though at 
what school, or under what masters, is not 
specified. Yet among his preparatory " attain 
ments," were " the knowledge of the Latin tongue, 
and some insight into the Greek." 7 And his 
knowledge of the Latin, as the term was then 
understood, was the being able not only to read 
and write that language, but to speak it readily, 
and even more grammatically, than the then 
native English. 

Of Brewster s mastery of Latin in all these 
particulars, we have full evidence in his ready 
use of it afterwards in Holland, as well as from 
the character, and large number of Latin works 
retained to the last in his library. This know 
ledge of it was the requirement of the time at the 
Universities, and was especially needful for one 
designed for that course of life for which he was 
apparently intended. 8 

6 See note, Chap, xxxiii., on the Latin. Many of the most im- 
date of his death. portant works, in literature and 

7 Bradford, 409, 412. science, were still written in that 

8 Much of the conversation and language. To a large extent it 
epistolary correspondence among was the language of the court, 
the learned of this period was in and of diplomatic intercourse, as 


He also acquired " some insight into the Greek." 
The fact that Greek literature was then less cul 
tivated than at subsequent periods, accounts for 
the less attainment in it here mentioned. 

Corresponding with these preparatory attain 
ments in the languages, must have been his pro 
gress in mathematical and other branches re 

Thus prepared, he entered the University of 
Cambridge. It is not known into which of its 


then fourteen colleges or halls (now seventeen) 
young Brewster was received, yet in whichever it 
may have been, no privileges or opportunities of 
advancing in knowledge, classical or scientific, we 
are well assured, were suffered by him to pass 
unimproved. Nor could his feelings while at 
Cambridge, be uninfluenced, or his tastes uncul 
tivated, amidst its gathered specimens of art, its 
noble gardens, its verdant lawns, its venerable 
shades, and refreshing walks by the slow winding 
" Cam." 

But the highest attainment, that which moulded 
his character, and became the moving principle of 
his subsequent life, was his imbibing there the 
spirit of the Christian religion, in the words of 
the historian, " then being first seasoned with the 

well as of the universities. Of the court of Elizabeth, we have a 

the state of learning generally at favorable view in Hallam s Litera- 

the universities, at this period, ture, and Sir Roger Ascham s Trea- 

and also of its encouragement at tise on the same subject. 


seeds of grace and virtue." 9 Nor in this respect, 
was Brewster s case at all singular. Many and 
eminent were the examples of like religious in 
fluence at the time in the universities ; of which, 
history and numerous biographies of that period 
bear ample testimony. 

How long Brewster remained at Cambridge 
University is undefined; but considering the many 
years usually passed there, and his probable age 
on leaving, the time indefinitely expressed in his 
friend s memoir, may imply a period sufficiently 
long, though not longer than to take his first 

Thus qualified, he left the University " for the 
Court," where he entered the service of one of 
the Queen s ambassadors, Mr. Wm. Davison, 
afterwards one of her principal Secretaries of 
State. And henceforth for a time we must trace 
Brewster s course almost wholly by that of his 
patron, and through a most eventful period of 
that statesman s life. 

9 Bradford s History of Plymouth Plantations, 409. 


Call some of young years, to train them up in that trade, and so 
fit them for weighty affairs. BACON. 

WE are to glance at the time and the general 
state of things when Brewster entered the scenes 
of public life. He was now in the service of Mr. 
Davison at the "Court." To be placed in this 
position, he must have had family influence, or 
have been recommended by peculiar qualifications, 
perhaps both. At what particular time he entered 
the service of that statesman, can now be deter 
mined only by other concurrent facts and dates, 
which, compared, prove it to have been at one of 
two periods either in the autumn of 1584, or 
early in the summer of 1585. If at the former 
period, which seems more than probable, it must 
have been in accordance with the following re 
corded facts : 

On the last of September, 1584, after an embassy 
or continuation of embassies of about two years 
in Scotland, Mr. Davison returned to the court of 
England. 1 Here, then, was an opportunity (and it 

1 Saddler s State Papers, vol. iii. vol. i. p. 156, No. 291 and Nos. 
166, and Catalogue of Harl. MSS., immediately preceding. 


was the first that had occurred in these years) for 
Brewster to become engaged in his service at the 
court. 2 On this supposition, however, his stay 
here, at this time, was hut short. Two months 
had scarcely elapsed after this ambassador s return 
from Scotland, when he was called to enter on 
another mission to the Netherlands : a confidential 
mission, preparatory to a succeeding one, in which 
Brewster is known to have been engaged. And 
this preparatory mission, important in its results, 
and of no little historic interest, not having been 
noticed by any historian here known, merits, in 
this place, a more particular attention. 3 

There had now arrived one of those eventful 
periods in England s history, which attracted the 
special attention of surrounding nations then, nor 
has it ceased to do so even to the present time ; 
to Queen Elizabeth, it was one of the most critical 
of her whole reign. 

Throughout Western Europe, jealousies and em 
bittered feelings, between so-called Catholics and 
Protestants, existed to an extent scarcely kept 
within control. In England, the excitement and 

2 Unless Brewster s entrance where we should surely expect to 

upon service with the Ambassador find this mission noticed, we not 

commenced thus early, Bradford s only do not find it, but we find an 

expression, " divers years," would attempt to alter dates from manu- 

be restricted to a term of about script documents which relate to 

two years, a restriction which it, so as to make them conform to 

these words will scarcely admit. a mission in the next year. (See 

8 Even in the Life of Secretary Life of Davison, pp. 19, 20, 21, and 

Davison, by Sir N. H, Nicholas, notes.) 


danger were much increased by the long- continued 
imprisonment of Mary, Queen of Scots, the fruitful 
source of party intrigues and plots, and of hopes 
and fears depending on her life. As to France, 
the awfully thrilling sensation caused by the never 
to be forgotten massacre of St. Bartholomew s Eve, 
had scarcely yet subsided ; nor were there wanting, 
in the ruling party at that court, the readiness and 
will to strike some other kindred blow. Pope 
Pius V. had also issued his ic Bull," pronouncing 
Queen Elizabeth a heretic, and absolving her 
Catholic subjects from their oath of allegiance to 
her government. 4 In Germany, after some cessa 
tion from internal conflicts and so-called religious 
wars, now again were aroused the hatred and pas 
sions of kindred against kindred, ready for deadly 
strife. 5 Spain, watchful and suspicious of Eliza 
beth s course, provoked and provoking, and ready 
to arm against her, was, at the time, the most 
powerful kingdom in Europe. Under the stern, 
intolerant Philip the Second, were held almost 
the. entire commerce of the East, and the control 
of the gold and richest possessions of the New 

Over the Low Countries of Holland, called also 
the United Provinces or Netherlands, he claimed 
by inheritance absolute sway ; and here, in viola- 

4 Turner s Eng., xii. 300, 340, 5 Kohlrauscli s Germany, p. 
350, 371. See the document in 307. 
Burnet s Hist, of the Reformation, 
Record 309. 


tion of long established rights and privileges, he 
had introduced, and by his. agents had exercised, 
the bloody atrocities of the Inquisition. In these 
states, now mostly Protestant, had the Prince of 
Orange headed a confederacy of defence against 
this long continued persecution and tyranny. Here 
had been awakened a spirit of religious liberty, 
maddened, at times, indeed, into anarchy, but at 
length merging into patriotic efforts for independ 
ence, which could not easily be crushed. And 
now there was a struggle, as for life, to cast off the 
Spanish yoke. In this, the states at length found 
themselves contending single-handed against the 
whole power of the Spanish monarchy. Spain s 
veteran troops, that had before spread devastation 
over city and country, under the cruel and butcher 
ing Alva, were again assembling in force against 
them under the more politic, but not less skilful 
and determined Duke of Parma. 6 

At this critical conjuncture, and to the conster 
nation of the confederated states, their great leader, 
their country s hope, William, Prince of Orange, 
fell basely assassinated by a supposed emissary of 
Spain. 7 Almost in despair, they cast their eyes 

6 Brandt, Holinshed and Ry- 1584 (N. S.), by Belthazar Ger- 
mer, at this period, Strype s An- rand, a Burgundian, and a sup- 
nals, in., parti., 304, 306, and 317 ; posed Spanish emissary. The King 
Malte Brun, iii. 1094 and 1106. of Spain had offered a reward 
Ranke, 143. of 25,000 ducats to any one who 

7 The Prince of Orange was would take the Prince s life, 
treacherously assassinated at his Strype s Annals, iii., part i., 304, 
own house, at Delft, July 10th, 306, 309, 417. 


abroad for help. And foul deeds like this ever 
excite an interest and sympathy for the sufferers, 
wherever selfishness and bigotry have not closed 
the heart against them. 

Elizabeth had aided them, but only cautiously 
and covertly. They applied to France, but were 

Elizabeth and her council, sympathizing with 
them, and sensible of her own exposed condition 
should the Spanish arms there again prevail, re 
solved on offering protection. 

Such were the circumstances, such the views 
and feelings that prompted the present mission. 
And Mr. Davison was selected for its execution. 8 
He had much experience, first as a diplomatic 
agent at the Hague ; next in a mission and 
residence at Antwerp ; afterwards in an embassy 
to the Low Countries, where he became well- 
known and highly esteemed ; lately he had 
returned from one of much difficulty in Scotland. 
With great prudence and skill had he negotiated 
important treaties, giving unusual satisfaction to 
all parties concerned. And now to him was 
committed the present trust ; one in the wise and 
discreet execution of which, a worthy and patriotic 
people might be preserved from despair and 
despotism, their numerous Protestant churches 
from desolation, and Elizabeth and her people s 

8 Biographia Britannica ; article Davison ; and Strype, as referred to 


position strengthened ; but in failure of which, 
the whole might be involved in inextricable 
difficulty and clanger. , Hence the importance, as 
well as the object of the mission. 

Accordingly, even before the close of the year, 
the ambassador proceeded to the Netherlands. 
Among the objects claiming his immediate atten 
tion was the condition of the Elector of Cologne, 
Gebhard Truchsis, or Truxis, who was also the 
archbishop. Entertaining Protestant views, he 
had influenced many others in the same way. For 
this, and the crime of marrying, he had been 
deposed, and forced to seek protection in the 
Confederated States. 9 In this emergency, a 
warrant from the Queen authorized Mr. Davison 
to take up and deliver to the Elector, 6000 pounds 
towards the relief of his troubled estate, and the 
furtherance of the common cause." 10 On the 12th 
of the following January, the ambassador reported 
his conference with the States Delegates ; n and on 
the 9th of March received further special commu 
nications respecting the matters to be transacted. 12 
On the 10th, at the Hague, he communicated the 
welcome intelligence of the Queen s intention, 
under the circumstances, to support the oppressed 

9 Catalogue, Harl. MSS. i. pt. n Catalogue, Cott. MSS. Galba 
126, 156, with Strype s Annals, iii. C. viii. 2, p. 222. 

pt. 11, 275, and Leicester Corres- I2 Catalogue, Harl. MSS. i. 126; 
pondence, 15, 134, 373, 376. 285, 47. 

10 Catalogue, Harl. MSS. vol. i. 
p. 126, and 156 : Dec. 29, 1584. 


people of the Netherlands. 13 Before the close of 
April, the States General proposed to offer Eliza 
beth the sovereignty ; but she, on hearing it, declared 
to the ambassador through the Earl of Leicester 
her marked displeasure, supposing that he had 
sought this offer from the states ; but her ministry 
justified him, and satisfied her. on the ground 
that it was only rendering to her the same honor 
that before had been proffered to the French King. 
Now also was suggested the Earl of Leicester s 
project of an expedition to the Low Countries. 14 

Thus, the way being made clear, and the pre 
liminaries settled for the needed aid, a warrant 
from the Queen of the 24th of April authorized 
the ambassador s return. 15 

Accordingly having been the bearer of aid to 
the needy, having met the States General, or 
Delegates in council, ascertained their purposes, 
condition, and resources, made known to them 
the mind of his sovereign, procured answers to the 
propositions presented, and treated of all the 
matters to be transacted in accordance with his 
instructions, he returns again to England, and in 
due time reports at court the results of this 

And supposing, as we have done, that young 
Brewster was with him, this constituted his first 

13 Catalogue, Cott. MSS. Galba, I5 Catalogue, Cott, MSS. Galb^, 
C. viii. 16, 35, p. 303, &c. C. viii. No. 46, 

14 Catalogue, Harl. MSS. i. 126, 
p. No. 285, 49. 



experience in connection with diplomatic life. 
And the view here given, presents more clearly 
than could otherwise be done, the first steps in 
the important movements soon to follow, in a 
portion of which he is known to have acted, 
though a subordinate, yet an honorable part. 
Something may yet be discovered in the Harleian, 
or other manuscripts, to confirm our supposition. 
If so, born about the year 1560, and coming to 
the court in the autumn of 1584, he was in his 
24th year when he entered the service of Mr. 

In either case Brewster came into the active 
scenes of life, not when all around was as the 
calm unruffled sea, but when the broad surface 
of all Europe was as the heaving ocean ; and ere 
long he must himself feel its surging billows, and 
taste its bitter waters. And deeply engraven 
upon his mind must have been the apprehensions, 
as well as effects of tyranny and religious intole 
rance now manifested in the Netherlands, and 
which called forth the sympathies of England, in 
view of the threatening contest. 


Great honors are great burdens. Joxsoir. 

WE have spoken of the " Court." The court 
of Elizabeth, it is well known, was at this time 
one of distinguished eminence. There was the 
Queen of strong mind and lion heart quick to 
discern, though at times imperious passionate, 
and not always without guile. There were her 
chief Officers of State, consisting of not a few of 
the noted men of the age a Cecil, now Lord 
Buiieigh of the Treasury ; a Walsingham and a 
Smith, now Secretaries of State ; Mildmay, Sadler, 
Hatton, Bromley, with the lords of the house 
hold, and ladies of the court, and others that 
have left their marks upon the age. There also 
assembled, at her majesty s summons, the Privy 
Council, consisting of twelve of those principal 
officers of state, with an undefined number of the 
lords, all of royal choice ; whose duties were, 
under oath, to advise the sovereign according to 
their best skill, knowledge, and discretion, with 
out partiality or corruption, and to observe, keep, 
and do, all that good and true counsellors ought 


to do for the sovereign s honor and the public 
good ! l 

As to place, " The Court" was wherever the 
Queen was at the time resident ; whether at 
Westminster, Whitehall, Greenwich, Richmond, 
Windsor, Nonsuch, or other royal residences ; and 
at each of these were the offices and apartments, 
for all state purposes and attendants, as well as 
for the royal household. 2 

Of the Privy Council, then eminently the great 
Council of State, Mr. Davison appears to have 
held for the time the office of Clerk an office of 
high trust, usually committed to tried statesmen, 
of whose diligence and discretion as well as 
abilities, there had been full proof. Such proof 
had he given in more than eighteen years of 
responsible service. 3 And at this period, Brewster 
is clearly known to have been in his service. It is 
the only other period in which he could have been 
connected with Mr Davison " at Court," pre 
viously to going on a specified embassy to the 
Low Countries. 4 

1 Records of the Time, Black- s Strype s Annals, iii. part i. 
stone s Com. The Privy Council 420, and Life of Davison. 
"became afterwards gradually 4 Brad. 410. The chronological 
changed, and was for the most order of Bradford s statements, to 
part merged in the Ministerial accord with historic facts and 
Council ; and this again in time dates, must be made to stand 
yielded to the present so called thus: 1st. Brewster went from the 
Cabinet Council. Hallam s Con- University to the Court, and there 
stitutional History, ii. 347. he entered the service of Mr. 

2 Beatson s Political Index, i. Davison ; 2d. He attended Mr. 
393. Davisou on the embassy to the 


What then, it may be asked, was now and here 
young Brewster s position] We say not that it 
was such that he became particularly acquainted 
with the princely and the great ; but that he was 
at least an active observer behind the scenes ; also 
(what was matter of much greater interest to him 
self), that he had all the advantages, and the 
accompanying influence not only of the acquaint 
ance, but of the esteem and marked friendship of 
his honored patron. 5 

Thus situated, and qualified with solid and 
classical attainments, no doubt he was engaged 
with mind and pen, in duties relating to Mr. 
Davison s position in connection with the Council. 
Here, all would be calculated to call forth his 
mental energies, to excite his youthful curiosity, 
and prompt to the most circumspect deportment. 

Here for the time were opportunities for ad 
vancing in the knowledge of men and things, and 
of the operations of Government, in matters civil, 
political, and ecclesiastical, equal to his utmost 
capacity to improve. 

But what, among other subjects, now engaged 
the special attention of the Queen, Court, and 
Council 1 What other than the subject of the 
late negotiation and still further action in respect 
to the Low Countries ? 6 Daily was the condition 
of the Confederated States waxing worse and 

Low Countries, as specified ; and * Brad., 409. 

last, he was witli that statesman, 6 Strype s Annals, iii. part ii. 

when he was Secretary of State. 363. 


worse. Town after town was falling into the 
hands of their stern and cruel enemy. The nohle 
city of Antwerp, the great emporium of the States 
and of Western Germany, was besieged and in 
danger. In the pressing emergency, deputies, 
with full powers to act, had hastened to England. 7 
Met by the Queen at Greenwich, at her feet they 
plead their cause. They brought to view her 
former favors their present danger her assur 
ances of anxious care for their defence and 
preservation, lately signified to them by her 
ambassador; the mutual interests of the two 
countries ; the threatened overthrow of their 
Protestant faith ; their hopeful prospects if further 
aided; but desperate condition if unaided; and, 
waiving all former objections, they again proffer 
to her the sovereignty. On the terms specified 
they urge its acceptance as a work most royal and 
magnificent acceptable to God, to Christianity 
all helpful, and worthy of immortal commenda 
tion. 8 

Elizabeth heard with deep interest their plea. 
She declined the sovereignty ; but on due delibera 
tion assented to an alliance. Accordingly com 
missioners were deputed from the Privy Council 
to treat with the Deputies. 9 The eyes of all 
Europe were fixed upon her. It was a bold and 

7 Rymer s Foedera, xv. 802. Old French. Holinshed, iv. 416, 

8 Speech of States Deputies to 419, and 619. 

Queen Elizabeth, at Greenwich, 9 Cottonian MSS. Galba, C. vii. 
June 29th, 1585 ; the original in 55. 


daring step. The King of Sweden said : " Queen 
Elizabeth has now taken the diadem from her 
head, and ventured it upon the doubtful chance 
of war." 10 Some of her Council were for declining 
the hazardous connection. She had herself at 
first hesitated ; but at length concurring with 
those in its favor, she determined upon the heroic 
act. 11 At the magnificent palace of " Nonsuch/ 
was the treaty negotiated, the Queen herself being 
often present at the conferences. Here also, for 
most of the time, was Mr. Davison officially con 
cerned and well qualified to act. 12 And here 
doubtless was Mr. Brewster also occupied in his 
Patron s service. 

By the 10th of August the treaty was con 
cluded, 13 and Davison was soon clothed with 
powers as her majesty s ambassador to carry its 
stipulations into execution. 14 Five thousand foot, 
and one thousand horse, were to be dispatched to 
the aid of the States, to be paid at first by the 
Queen, while the port of Flushing with the fortress 
of the Ramikins, in Zealand, and the Brill, with 
its forts in Holland, were to be put into the hands 
of the English, as precautionary sureties, until the 

10 Campden s Elizabeth, folio, I3 Corps Universal e Diploma- 
321. tique, tome v. partie i. p. 454, 

11 " Threw herself into the pres- and further stipulations on the 
ent war for their sakes, with the 18th of the same month, 
greatest Prince and Potentate in 14 Strype s Annals, iii. part i. 
Europe." Cabala, part ii. 34. 436. Murdin, 783. " Life of 

12 Leicester Correspondence, let- Davison, 15." 
ter xviii. 126, xliii. 117. 


repayment of the incurred expenses. Hence 
were they called the <% Cautionary Towns." 

Scarcely, however, had the treaty been concluded, 
when the startling news arrived of the fall of Ant 
werp. This unexpected intelligence, causing de 
spondency in the States, and fears in England, 
hastened the departure of the embassy and a por 
tion of the military force. 15 

In this embassy was Brewster. In the quaint 
old style of our historian it is recorded: "He 
attended Mr. Davison when he was sent in embas- 
sage by the Queen into the Low Countries, in the 
Earl of Leicester s time, as for other weighty affairs 
of state, so to receive possession of the Caution 
ary Towns." 16 The embassy was to proceed to the 
Hague, by the way of Flushing, to counteract there 
and elsewhere, as quickly as possible, the sad effects 
of the fall of Antwerp, and the wily policy of the 
conquering enemy. All along, as might be ex 
pected, had Spanish agencies been at work, in 
every practicable way, to undermine the efforts of 
the States, and to oppose the influence of the 
English. 17 

13 See references in preceding son, sent of special message into 
note 14. Antwerp surrendered the Low Countries, with 40 
August 7th, 1585 (Sup. N. S.); lings diet." Murdin s State Pa- 
Sir John Norris was appointed to pers, 783. 
the command of the forces Aug. l6 Bradford, 410. 
12th ; this, and the ambassador s 17 Davison s instructions in 
urgent instructions, indicate that Strype s Annals, iii. part ii. 363, 
the embassy must have left Eng- and his letters to the court of this 
land by about the middle of this date in Cabala and Leicester Cor- 
month. Burleigh s treasury entry respondents, 
was: "Aug. 1585. Mr. W. Davi- 


Assertions were confidently made that the 
Spanish arms would now again prevail. Slander 
ous reports were put in circulation respecting the 
acts and purposes of Elizabeth. Artful insinua 
tions were uttered that, on getting possession of 
the important towns, as stipulated, the very keys 
to the heart of the country, the Queen would hold 
the States in complete subjection; or else, that she 
would desert, and leave them to their fate, or 
make a selfish treaty with Spain, without their 
knowledge, whenever it would serve her private 

Efforts were also made to destroy confidence, 
and cause dissatisfaction among the people them 
selves, in respect to their own rulers, as well as . 
between their rulers and the English queen. At 
tempts there were, too, and at times threatening 
to be successful, to awaken jealousies between their 
leaders to estrange them from each other, and 
thus to break their strong bond of union. Others, 
again, who could be reached by more base and 
sordid motives, were stealthily appealed to on the 
score of interest: as heavy taxes, the expenses of 
the war even the sacrifice of their estates, if con 
quered all of which w^ould be saved by submis 

These influences were to be met, and met they 
were successfully. The ambassador s well-known 
character, his sympathizing interest in their behalf, 
his wise counsels, gentlemanly deportment, and 
prompt action, aided powerfully in checking oppo- 


sition, dispelling fears, strengthening their hopes, 
and calling forth all the combined energies of the 

Here were lessons for Brewster, in the school of 
diplomacy, and in conferences with chief men and 
rulers, as the embassy journeyed from Flushing to 
the Hague. 18 

From the Hague, the ambassador reported the 
success of his negotiations for the execution of the 
treaty and the delivery of the Cautionary Towns. 
In the mean time, instructions had been forwarded 
to him from the Queen, with authority to receive 
and take possession of those towns in her majesty s 
name. 19 Accordingly, on returning to the Briel, he 
thus reported again: 

" In the evening I received the keys, which I 
this day have committed to Mr. Henry Norris, with 
the government of the place by provision, till her 
majesty shall otherwise dispose thereof." 20 

But at Flushing was the transfer in which, from 
Brewster s known connection therewith, we are 
most interested. While at the Briel, the ambas 
sador received possession, and placed its govern 
ment in the hands of another; at Flushing, he 
was not only to receive possession and take upon 
himself the civil government, but to take command 
also of its fortifications, until the arrival of its 

18 Letters, &c., last referred to. * Extract from the MSS., kindly 

19 Cottonian MSS. Galba, C. viii. forwarded by Mr. Hunter, of Lon- 
69 and 73, and Cabala, part ii. 34, don. 

Sept. 24, 1585. 


future governor. And this transfer appears to 
have been attended with something of an imposing 

On the morning of October 19th, 1585 (Count 
Hollock, or Hohenloe, and the young Prince 
Maurice, son of the lately assassinated chief, being 
present and assenting), the English troops marched 
forth from their quarters, in good and quiet order, 
to the principal church. There, in solemn manner, 
was administered to them the oath of fidelity in 
respect to the present peculiar trust. This solemn 
act, in this sacred place, being performed in the 
presence of all assembled, they next marched to 
the fortifications, and took armed positions and 
possession, while the troops of the States quietly 
retired ; " and, in token and sign" of the transfer 
and possession, the keys were also delivered to the 
ambassador in due form, and accordingly received 
by him in her majesty s name. And thus, all con 
curring, was concluded, in quietness and peace, a 
transaction which was evidently one of great deli 
cacy to both parties a matter of no little anxiety. 21 

Connected with this, was the further occurrence, 
that the ambassador, after keeping the keys for 
some time, " committed them to Brewster ;" and 
he, as deputy, and as indicating his sense of the 
responsibility and of faithfulness to the trust, 
slept, the first night, with them under his pillow. 28 

21 Cabala, part ii. 3 and 34; Cot- 78; Leicester Correspondence, 61 
Ionian MSS. Galba, C. viii. 73, 75, and 74. 

22 Bradford, p. 410. 


Thus early appears the position which Brewster 
held in the ambassador s confidence, while engaged 
in this special mission. 

How long William Brewster kept the keys of 
Flushing is not stated ; but, from various sources, 
we learn that Sir Philip Sidney, one of the noblest 
of England s worthies, and, for his years, one of 
the wisest, was commissioned on the 9th, and 
arrived to take command on the 18th of the fol 
lowing November, when to him were the keys of 
this important military post transferred by the 
ambassador, probably from the hands of Brewster. 23 

The main purpose of this mission being now 
accomplished, the embassy is anxiously looking for 
permission to return. Private considerations in 
duced a request for it, which, however, was not 
yet granted. 24 

From the first movement in the preparatory 
mission, through the whole course of the negotia 
tions to the final carrying of the treaty into effect, 
had Mr. Davison been the main responsible agent. 

Great wisdom, discretion, and tact, were required 
amid all the conflicting interests, in avoiding the 
jealousy of neighboring neutral states, and in pro 
voking as little as possible the threatening wrath 
of Italy and Spain. And " in this, which was 

23 Rymer s Foedera, xv. 802, and same time Governor at the Brill, 
Sir Philip s Report ; Harlein MSS.; but did not arrive until after the 
Lodge s Memoirs, iii. 9. Sir Tho- 12th of January following ; Lei- 
mas Cecil, son of the Lord Trea- cester Correspondence, 38, 51. 
surer, was commissioned at the 21 Cabala, ii. 3, 34. 


without question one of the most perplexing trans 
actions of that whole reign, the ambassador con 
ducted things in such a happy dexterity as to merit 
the strongest acknowledgments on the part of the 
States, at the same time that he rendered the 
highest service to his royal mistress." 25 

In such a service, under suth a patron, was 
Brewster acquiring enlarged views, and acquaint 
ance with other manners, customs, and conditions 
of society, civil and religious, and laying up in 
store practical wisdom, of no small advantage to 
himself and others, in his future life. 

25 Biographia Britannica, article Davison ; and Cabala, with Lei 
cester Correspondence as before quoted. 


Knights, with a long retinue of their squires, 

In gaudy liveries march, and quaint attires. DRYDEX. 

BETWEEN" the time when William Brewster 
kept the keys of Flushing, just mentioned, and 
that of the next incident recorded respecting him, 
were other occurrences too marked to be omitted. 
To pass such unnoticed here, would be to pass 
over much that throws light upon this part of the 
narrative. Connected with these, there comes 
before us another personage as the chief actor 
the Earl of Leicester. Our historian s allusion to 
him specifies the time, and the fact of Brewster s 
continued connection with the embassy. 

The earl, at the time high among the highest 
in the Queen s personal favor, had been com 
missioned on the 2d of October, as her General- 
in-Chief and Counsellor in the Low Countries. 1 
After many hindrances, and one mortifying deten 
tion by the Queen, he assembled on the 6th of 
Dec. his numerous and splendid train, at Col 
chester, in Essex, all zealous for this famed expedi- 

1 2d, and 22d Oct. Rymer, xv. 799, 802. 


tion. Moving onward, they arrived on the 8th 
at Harwich, and, the day after, embarked for 
Flushing in Zealand. 2 On the 10th, with a 
numerous fleet of ships and transports, they 
entered that noted port. There landing, the 
gallant band, in which was the Earl of Essex, 
with "lords, knights, captains, and choice 
soldiery," was greeted with shouts of welcome, 
displays of banners, ringing of bells, and roar of 
cannon all evincing the gratitude and joy of the 
people of Zealand, for England s aid in their time 
of need. 

The Earl of Leicester, received and entertained 
by Prince Maurice, and Sir Philip Sidney, now 
the governor, was lodged at the residence of the 
ambassador; who, with Sir Philip, bore to him 
the relationship of cousin. Here the ambassador, 
attended by Brewster, became connected with the 
civic and martial train, to aid and counsel the 
earl in his diplomatic intercourse with the States. 
Here also commenced a splendid pageant, in the 
manner of a triumphal progress, from Flushing 
through the States of Zealand and Holland even 
to Amsterdam. 

The next day, after a large assemblage and 
discourse at the principal church, followed by a 

2 Admiral Burroughs Journal, ten days must be added for the 

in Appendix to Leicester Corre- New Style. This will be the case 

spoiidence ; and Holinshed, iv. throughout the work, unless 

640, &c. The dates here given otherwise specified, 
being according to the Old Style, 


banquet, the earl and a large body of attend 
ants, with the embassy, embarked for Middleburg. 
Passing the fortress of the Ramikins, a demonstra 
tion greeted them, limited, but not less signal 
than that of the day previous at Flushing. 
Landing at Middleburg in grand procession, they 
entered its gates amidst gorgeous display and pre 
sentations of national standards, roar of artillery, 
drums beating, trumpets sounding, and every 
practicable demonstration, civic and military; the 
best estates of the country attending. Amidst all 
this, conspicuous on every side, were numerous 
and expressive mottoes. Underneath the arms of 
England, emblazoned, and linked by chains to the 
arms of the States, and as most strikingly signifi 
cant of the hopes of the present alliance, was this : 
" Quos Deus conjunxit, homo non separet ;" 
"Whom God hath joined together, let no man 
put asunder." 3 

It was the season of Christmas, according to the 
old computation ; and the hospitalities were with 
out limit. The authorities of the States first 
feasted the earl and his train in the States House, 
where most sumptuous was the fare, and grotesque 
the devices; castellated structures of crystal, 
emitting silvery streams ; animals prepared in full 
size and ^very form, of every eatable description, 
from earth, sea, and air, served up with all their 

3 Holinshed, iv. 640, and Leicester Corres. : a part of the marriage 


varied accompaniments, in true olden Dutch style, 
amid speaking representations of England s aid 
distress relieved, and of gratitude to the Great 
Giver. In short, in the words of the accurate old 
chronicler, " There were devices of all kinds, 
music of all sorts, variety of all things, and 
wondrous welcomes." 

In return, the earl entertained the authorities 
and others most royally after the English manner; 
and then, less publicly, the widow of the late 
Prince of Orange, and her youthful son Maurice, 
and their train. Thus were mingled associations 
of deep sad interest in the past, with grateful 
acknowledgments of the divine mercy, in the aid 
proffered for the future. 4 

The earl having passed seven days here, and 
" dispatched his weighty affairs," again embarked 
with his train, upon the waters of Lake Bies- 
Bosch, or Bugersveld, 5 and for the next four days, 
wended his way through mists, over a country 
deeply submerged, his course impeded by the 
old foundations of houses, churches and castles, 

4 It should be remembered that 5 This was a lake of about 12 
the Prince of Orange, while living, square leagues in extent, caused 
feeling that his life was in con- on the 19th of Nov., ]421, by the 
tinual danger from the hands of rupture of several dykes ; in con- 
assassins, had solicited the pro- sequence of which 72 villages and 
tection of Elizabeth for his daugh- a population of 100,000 souls were 
ters in case he should be taken submerged. Malte-Brun, vol. iii. 
from them. For this Elizabeth gave 1093. 
her pledge ; which, when the time 
came, she promptly and generous 
ly redeemed. Strype s Annals. 


until at length, saluted by numerous Dutch ships- 
of-war, he arrived on the 22d at Dort. Here also 
was he greeted with joyous welcomes, displays, 
and bountiful entertainments, too numerous to be 
here described. 

Passing on thence, a varied and equally im 
posing reception awaited him at Rotterdam. In 
the midst of demonstrations in this noted city, as 
characteristic, and most conspicuous, was the 
newly-erected statue of the great Erasmus, in a 
pulpit, holding forth the word of truth, with his 
own paraphrase of the Gospel in hand, and the 
peculiarly appropriate motto, " Erasmus, Rotter 

Onward he moved the next day ; and on arriving 
at night, illuminations 6 and other modes of recep 
tion equally marked, met the train at Delft. The 
earl was here conducted to the very house where, 
the year before, as we have already noticed, the 
Prince of Orange was assassinated. 

Here, too, the States feasted the guests, and they 
in turn the States. There were present chief men 
and ladies, with orators, setting forth with glowing 
tongue, both in Latin and native Dutch, the 
grounds of the English alliance, and the expected 
results in withstanding the conquering enemy, and 
in securing their dearly cherished liberties and 

Three days having passed here, the train again 

6 Holinshed, iv. 643 and 645. 


moved onward, and at night entered Donhage, or 
the Hague, illuminated with torches and fireworks, 
connected with still other curiously devised modes 
of expressing their country s joy in their country s 

At this celebrated place, long the princely seat 
of the House of Orange, the earl resolved to keep 
his standing court. From it, he reports to the 
Queen his progress and prospects. 

Respecting Brewster s patron, the ambassador, 
the earl s declarations were that without his con 
tinued presence and aid, rueful indeed would be 
his own condition: "Without Mr. Davison, I con 
fess myself quite maimed; his credit is marvellous 
great here. He is, I assure you, the most sufficient 
man to serve her majesty that I know, of all our 
nation; for he knoweth all parts of these coun 
tries, and all persons of any account, with their 
humors, and hath great credit among them all." 7 

In diplomatic conferences and discussions, where 
the French only could be spoken, the ambassadoi 
answered for the earl in that language. 

Such being the case in respect to Brewster s 
patron, we have some further idea what must have 

7 Holinshed, iv.; also Leicest. neously attributes to the ambassa- 

Cor., 33, 59, 64, 69, 77. Here dor what the earl said, not of him, 

would the writer point out an but of another person, viz., of Dr. 

error in the Catalogue of the Har- Bartholomew Clerk, of the civil 

lein MS., No. 285, fol. 171. It is law. Compare said No. of the 

an error which might occasion Catalogue, with p. 33, and note 75 

great injustice to Mr. Davison s of Leicest. Corres. 
character as a statesman. It erro- 


been his own condition in all this course of splendid 
receptions, magnificent entertainments, and mili 
tary pomp, himself discreet, modest, retiring, yet 
an observer, and in some respects a partaker, while 
" attending" upon his appropriate duties. 

Omitting the notice of other demonstrations in 
the earl s further progress, or excursions from the 
Hague, passing by even the fantastic devices at 
Amsterdam, we give a passing glance at but one 
more, that at Leyden. It was now the 3d of Jan 
uary, 1586, three weeks from the commencement 
of this gorgeous pageant, when the earl, attended 
by 300 horse commanded by many of the elite of 
England, proceeded to this ancient city. Met on 
the way and escorted thither by Burgomasters, 
Marshals, and chief citizens, in their robes and 
gala dress, they enter and pass along its decorated 
streets, lined on each hand and overhead with 
hangings and adornings of costliest material, while 
over the earl moved a splendid canopy. Amidst 
such, and corresponding modes of reception, he 
arrived at his munificently prepared lodgings. But 
of all the demonstrations and tokens of welcome 
here, we mark one peculiar to the place and most 

Eleven years before, this city had endured, from 
the Spanish forces, one of the most terrible 
sieges on record. And now were set forth before 
their guests, as in drama, the successive events and 
scenes in that memorable siege; the battles and 
slaughter ; the progress of the enemy ; the failure 


of food ; the hunger, thirst, and famine ; the sol 
diers in frenzy seizing upon children in their 
mother s arms; the pestilence, burials, even the 
hardened Spaniards beholding them from beyond 
the walls with pity; then messages from the enemy 
to surrender, but promptly rejected; at length, signs 
of their utter extremity, and for speedy help, made 
from the highest tower, and discovered by the 
Prince of Orange, at Delft, and answered favorably 
by the device of a carrier dove ; then, along with 
commotions discovered in the camp of the enemy, 
are heard the crash of falling walls and dykes, arid 
the sound of inrushing waters; and presently are 
seen coming on the spreading flood, with a favor 
ing gale, at the opportune moment, boats with 
men and provisions for their full relief. Then fol 
lowed the quick dispersion of the enemy ; and all 
is closed with spontaneous acknowledgments of 
God s providential hand in this their great deliver 
ance. 8 And this was Ley den ; a place again to 

8 Ranke, p. 146, Brandt, &c. It by citizens to surrender, such was 

was by the cutting of the dykes, the awful havoc of the famine, 

and letting in of the waters, and answered: "Friends, here is my 

a high wind blowing most provi- body ; divide it among you to 

dentially from the direction of satisfy your hunger, but banish 

Delft, that the boats were wafted all thoughts of surrendering to 

direct to Leyden, with men and the cruel, perfidious Spaniard." 

ammunition, &c. The Spaniards Taking the advice, they answered 

seeing this retired. Malte Brun, the enemy they would hold out 

note Leyden. In the extremity as long as they had one arm to 

of the siege, their noble magistrate, eat and another to fight. London 

Adrian De Ver, when appealed to Encyclopedia, article Leyden. 


come under notice as the residence of Brewster 
and his friends in years to come. 

These pageants passed; affairs at the Hague 
demanded the earl s and ambassador s attention. 

The States having lost their own distinguished 
leader, were in consultation about placing Leicester 
in the chief command not stopping short of con 
ferring upon him the vice-royalty. To this the 
ambassador, not being informed of the Queen s 
injunction to the contrary, appears to have tacitly 
assented. 9 And soon, on the part of the States, 
was the plan matured. 

On a set day, authorized deputies met the earl 
and presented to him, in set form and speech, their 
proposals. With some show of hesitation, he 
accepted the overtures, and then, with almost regal 
pomp and ceremony, was he invested with nearly 
absolute authority (under Elizabeth) over the States 
of the Netherlands; a proceeding that provoked 
the Queen s highest displeasure. 

This done, the ambassador and suite must hasten 
their return to England. Already had he been 
detained too long by the earl, while the Queen and 
her council were impatiently awaiting his arrival 
home, to learn by him the true state of affairs, 
aside from the gorgeous receptions and pageantry, 
w r hich of late had been the burden of the earl s 

9 In all this matter the earl dor, concealing the queen s injunc- 

acted according to the promptings tion, and urging other considera- 

of his own ambition, and most tions. Leicester Corres., pp. 121, 

deceptively towards the anibassa- 168, 175, 333, 335. 


communications. Another and higher place, also, 
had the Queen in view for the ambassador. 10 

On the eve of departure, about the 1st of Febru 
ary, occurred the next incident recorded in respect 
to Brews ter. The States would not have the am 
bassador depart without some token of their high 
appreciation of his official course. Accordingly, 
says Bradford, "at his return, the States honored 
him with a gold chain, and he committed it to 
Brewster, and commanded him to wear it when 
they arrived in England, as they rode through the 
country, till they came to the court." 11 Aside from 
the honor bestowed upon the ambassador, what did 
his committal of the chain to Brewster signify, but 
a mark of honor and a token of his high estima 
tion of the ability and faithfulness with which 
Brewster had executed the duties assigned him 
during the mission. 

And what did the ambassador s commanding him 
to wear the chain signify, but that the latter would 
have modestly declined the honor, unless thus com 
manded ? An honorable testimony, surely, from 
him who bestowed to him who received! 

The embassy now left for England. From the 
direction, as above given, it would appear to have 
been their purpose to pass, by the way of the 
Brill (the usual course), over to Harwich, and 

10 Leicester Cor., Ill, 77, 123. by the States to Brewster, but they 

11 Bradford, 410. Some writers evidently misunderstood the pas- 
have, indeed, understood Bradford sage. 

to say that the chain was given 


thence to ride across the county of Essex, 70 miles, 
to London. 12 Yet whatever may have been the 
ambassador s intention, their return finally was 
otherwise. Their passage from the Brill to 
London was wholly by water. He thus writes to 
the earl : " After my departure from your lord 
ship, I was detained at the Brill, some five or six 
days by the wind and weather." " The Friday 
following I put to the seas, and by God s goodness 
had so happy a passage, as the next morning, by 
ten or eleven o clock, we anchored at the Recei 
vers, within Margate, and the same night, about 
midnight, came to Gravesend, and from thence 
immediately with the tide hither, where I arrived 
the next morning early." 13 

Arrived in London, the ambassador, having 
signified to Mr. Secretary his readiness to report 
himself at court, had access to the Queen the 

same evening. 

We pause not here to describe this agitating 
interview with the Queen, nor those that followed, 
nor the stern conflicts of opinion between her and 
her chief counsellors, respecting the course to be 
pursued with the Earl of Leicester. Sufficient is 
it to say, that it was not until after strong con 
tests, in which Mr. Davison expressed his readi 
ness to retire to private life, and even Burleigh, 
that able man of the age, and the Queen s long 

12 This would accord literally 3 Letter to the Earl, Feb. 17th, 
with the words of Bradford. 1586, Leicester Cor., 117. 


tried and most trusty counsellor in extremities, 
declared he would resign his place and leave public 
service, unless her majesty would yield to their 
united counsels in the present emergency. It 
was not until this had passed, and the Queen had 
gradually yielded, that matters were again amica 
bly arranged. 14 

On the settlement of this strongly contested and 
sorely agitating question depended Brewster s 

14 Leicester Correspondence, 
124, 197, 193. It was one 
characteristic of Elizabeth, that 
she was slow very slow in 
adopting any important course of 
action ; but when she had adopted 
it, she was imperative in enforcing 
compliance. The keeping of this 
in mind will help to explain many 
of her acts as a sovereign. It was 
her own declaration to Parliament : 
" My manner is, to deliberate long 
upon that which is but once to 
be resolved." [Hansard s Parl. 
Hist,, i. 843.] In the present 
case, the Queen was doubtless 
right in regard to her displeasure 
at Leicester s acceptance of su 
premacy in the States. Her 
honor was at stake. Consistency 
was to be maintained in the eyes 
of the Princes of Europe, to whom 
she had issued her manifesto dis 
claiming all idea of rule in the 
Netherlands. Leicester had con 
cealed and gone contrary to her 
injunctions. Therefore, said she, 
"I may not endure that a man 
shall alter my commission, and 

the authority that I gave him, 
and without me." Again, " It is 
sufficient to make me infamous to 
all princes, having protested to 
the contrary." On the other 
hand, the counsellors were right, 
in continuing, in this extremity, 
the pledged aid to the States. 
This was the prior concern. With 
this nothing should interfere. 
Leicester had disobeyed ; but he 
could be privately dealt with, or 
recalled in time, or the matter be 
settled in some other way. The 
States also, had, it was true, mis 
calculated, and had taken a false 
step. But they should not there 
fore be made to feel rebuke and 
discouragement, or any fear of 
England s desertion. The safety 
of the Queen s own kingdom even 
forbade this. For other par 
ticulars, and further specimens of 
Elizabeth s keen perception, #nd 
masterly seizing, and setting forth 
of the gist of a complicated argu 
ment, see particularly in Leicester 
Cor., 173, and 175. 


continued position. Thus he remained with Mr. 
Davison, ready for any future service to which he 
might be called. 15 He had seen much of men and 
things in this year and a half s embassy abroad, 
and had doubtless profited by all that he had 
passed through. 

15 Bradford, 410. 


Modesty winneth good report. TUPPER. 

AFTER several weeks of retirement at his 
country place, in Stepney, Mr. Davison, at the de 
sire of the Queen, appeared again at court, and 
was soon after made one of her majesty s principal 
Secretaries of State, and also a member of her 
Privy Council. 1 

And Brewster having " continued with him," 
had now a further appointment in his service. 2 
What his new position and duties were, we are 
again to learn chiefly from those of his patron. 

"The Secretaries of State having under their 
management and direction the most important 
affairs of the kingdom, were therefore obliged to 
attend constantly on the sovereign. They received 
and dispatched whatever came to hand either from 
the crown, the church, the army, or whatever 
related to private grants, pardons and dispensa 
tions. They received petitions to the sovereign, 
which, on being read, were returned to them. All 

1 Camden s Annals, 488, and 2 Bradford, 410. 
Leicester Cor., 142, 343, 451, 455. 


was executed according to the sovereign s direction. 
They had also authority to commit persons for 
treason and other offences against the state. 
They were members of the Privy Council, which 
was seldom or never held, unless one of them was 
present. Business and correspondence within the 
kingdom were managed by either of the secretaries 
without distinction. But of foreign affairs, all 
was divided into two provinces or departments, 
Northern and Southern, comprising all kingdoms 
and states having intercourse with Great Britain ; 
each secretary receiving all letters and addresses 
from, and preparing and forwarding all dispatches 
to the several princes and states included within 
its province." 3 

Placed in this high position, Mr. Davison was 
contemporary with the far famed Sir Francis 
Walsingham. " And these offices, it may be 
affirmed" (says the learned Dr. Kippis), "were 
now as well filled as in any period that can be 
assigned in our history ; and yet by persons of 
very different, or rather opposite dispositions ; 
Walsingham being a man of great art and 
intrigue, and not displeased to be thought such ; 
whose capacity was deeper than those who under 
stood it best apprehended it to be. Davison, on the 
other hand, had a just reputation for wisdom and 
probity; and though he had been concerned in 
many intricate affairs, yet preserved a character 

3 London Encyclopaedia, article Secretary. 


so unspotted, that to this time, nothing he had 
done could draw on him the least imputation." 4 

And not only had he this high unblemished 
character as a statesman, but his " virtue, religion, 
and worth," in the words of the Earl of Essex, 
" were taken to be so great, as that no man had 
more general love than he." 5 

With such a Christian statesman, and in the 
high duties of the secretary s office, it was Brews- 
ter s privilege now to be employed. Already has 
it been specified as the duty of a secretary of 
state, to attend constantly on the sovereign? For 
this purpose, " in all the royal houses, the Secre 
taries of State had each his apartment as well for 
his own accommodation, as his office, and those 
who attended upon it. They had each of them 
two under secretaries and clerks, attending the 
office, and of their own choice, without any 
dependence upon any other ; and those places 
were of considerable profit." 7 Consequently, now, 
at whichever of the royal residences the Queen 
might be, Secretary Davison was present with 
those holding appointment under him ; all attend 
ing upon their respective duties. 

Which of those positions, specifically, Brewster 

4 Biographia Britannica, article he " went to the court con- 
Davison, v. 6. tinually," as the case and daily 

5 The Earl s Letter to King duty required. Life of Davison. 
James, in article Davison, v. 6. do. 7 Beatson s Political Index, i. 

6 To this end, Mr. Davison had 398. 
" a house in London," from which 


held, it would be gratifying to us to know: but 
we must be content with Bradford s statements, 
which designate, not, indeed, the office by name, 
but, what is of far more consequence, the confi 
dential nature of his duties, and his rare qualifica 
tions for their performance. 

First, " the secretary found him so discreet and 
faithful that he trusted him above all others that 
were about him." Next, " he only employed him 
in all matters of greatest trust and secrecy." In 
a position of such trust, and employed in matters 
of state thus confidential, a position at all times 
important, but especially so in the critical circum 
stances in which the Queen and her kingdom were 
now placed, Brewster stands before us, a person of 
no little interest. 

In addition to this, in social intercourse, " the 
secretary esteemed him rather as a son than as a 
servant," or official subordinate ; " and, for his 
wisdom and piety, he would converse with him in 
private more like a familiar friend than as a mas 
ter." 3 Discretion, faithfulness, wisdom, and piety, 
not favoritism, then, won for him the place and 
this high confidence. 

But it is not only on the outward position and 
duties of his high trust, putting his rare qualities 
to a test, that we here look ; but we are enabled 
to look within, to see something of the inner man. 
We mark the principles and qualities in the youth, 

8 Bradford, 409, 410. 


which, developing more and more, became, in after 
life, the prominent characteristics of the matured 

It was now the summer of 1586, and Brewster 
was in about his 26th year, and his patron in his 
48th. We have already remarked upon this period 
as one most critical and trying to the Queen and 
to the kingdom. This and the following year were 
years of peculiar perplexities. No one can read 
the Parliamentary debates, in either House, during 
the time, and the addresses and messages between 
them and the Queen and Council, without being 
made sensible of this fact. 9 

Philip of Spain, aroused by Elizabeth s alliance 
with the United Provinces, and the aid she had 
sent them, was secretly preparing immense arma 
ments, naval and military, not only to reduce those 
States again to submission, and punish them for 
their so-called rebellion, but to carry, with all 
energy, the war into England. Hence the mighty 
"armada," ere long to hover in terrific power as 
over one vast scene of prey and plunder, over the 
whole southern coast of the kingdom. In concert 
with this mighty armament, had a league (as was 
believed) been entered into in France, Italy 
Spain, and Germany, to put down Protestantism 
in Europe, and dethrone Elizabeth, or at least to 
provide a Roman Catholic successor to the English 

9 Hansard s Parliamentary Debates, and Simon D Ewes Journal, 
during the years 1586 and 1587. 


throne. 10 Plots to this end had been formed, and 
were believed to be still forming, in England 
plots even to assassinate the Queen, as the Prince 
of Orange before had been. 

To discover and foil these attempts, to forestall 
the movements of her powerful and combining 
enemies, called for all the penetration, activity, 
and skill of Elizabeth s wisest statesmen. For the 
first of these tasks, the other and more aged secre 
tary, Walsingham, was peculiarly fitted, and in 
these he chose to take the principal part. But 
the affairs connected with the Earl of Leicester, 
the providing against the disappointment felt in 
the Low Countries, as well as in England, in con 
sequence of his humiliating inefficiency, misman 
agement, and the inglorious results, after his 
pompous beginnings, these fell to the share of 
Secretary Davison. Adding to the great perplexity 
and danger, the fate of the Queen of Scots was 
now to be determined. She was believed to be, 
at this very critical period, in secret correspond 
ence with the enemies of the Queen and of the 
Protestant faith. 11 

To name other particulars here would be need 
less. Sufficient is it to have alluded to these, in 
connection with the current duties of the day, to 
indicate what must have been a portion, at least, 
of those " matters of greatest trust and secrecy," 

10 Ranke, 153, 160, 187. Acta Life of Davison, and Leices. 
liegia, and Turner s History Eng., Corres. 
in the same years. 


in which Brewster was "employed" in the office 
of Secretary Davison. 

But before proceeding further, we will bring to 
notice two persons, one of whom is about this time 
received into the secretary s office, and the other 
becomes afterwards Brewster s valued and efficient 

Some fifteen years before, or about the year 1571, 
two truly Christian Bishops, Jewel and Sandys, 
who had once, for their Protestant faith, been in 
long and dreary exile together from country and 
home, in the time of the Roman Catholic Mary, 
and had there formed a stronger than earthly 
friendship, met often in affectionate intercourse 
after their return ; the former incidentally, near the 
time of the above date, made mention of a young 
Richard Hooker, of whom he had been the patron. 
And such an account of his learning, life, and 
manners did he give, that Sandys, though educated 
and having strong attachments at Cambridge, 
resolved that his son Edwin should be sent to 
Oxford, and "by all means be a pupil of Mr. 
Hooker." "For," said he, "I will have a tutor 
for my son that shall teach him learning by instruc 
tion, and virtue by example ; and my greatest care 
shall be of this last ; and (God willing) this Richard 
Hooker shall be the man to whose hands I will 
commit my Edwin." Scarcely had two years passed 
when the resolve was carried into execution. 12 

12 Walton s Life of Hooker, and notes prefixed to his Ecclesiastical 
Polity. Oxford ed., p. 66. 


Hooker, now in his 19th year, and, for his age, 
one of the maturest scholars in the university, had 
under his tuition other pupils, among whom was 
young George Cranmer, grand nephew of the 
martyred archbishop of that name. With such a 
teacher and such pupils, most happily passed the 
years of their preparatory, and most of their uni 
versity course, to the great advantage of all, "but 
especially," says Walton, " of his first two, his dear 
Edwin Sandys and his as dear George Cranmer." 

In the mean time, there grew up between the 
pupils and their tutor a friendship, so founded on 
religious principles, and so free from selfish ends, 
a friendship so blessed and spiritual, matured 
through many years in that university, until it 
became, says Walton, " so improved and perfected, 
that it even bordered upon heaven." The time 
coming when they must leave the halls of learning 
for the active duties of life, Sandys and Cranmer, 
still united, travel together on the Continent; 
together visit France, Germany, and Italy; to 
gether search out the state of religion in each, 
and gather stores of knowledge for future use ; and 
together, after three years absence, they return to 

And here we have reached the point for which, 
and what follows, this notice of them has been 

Cranmer enters the service of Secretary Davison, 
and becomes an associate in office with Brewster. 


Sandys, Cranmer s endeared friend, might now, if 
he had not before, become acquainted with 
Brewster. Cranmer, henceforth Brewster s com 
panion in office, is engaged with him in its 
responsible, and to their chief, most hazardous 

Edwin Sandys becomes the author of the 
" Europse Speculum," or " View of the State of 
Religion in the Western Parts of Europe," and in 
time, Sir Edwin Sandys, and an eminent states 
man ; " a man (says Fuller), right-handed to any 
great employment, with a commanding pen, 
corresponding with Hooker respecting his great 
work, also a member of Parliament, and as con 
stant in attendance as the speaker himself, a 
patriot advocating legal rights at home, and 
colonial settlements and rights abroad ; and though 
sometimes displeasing to King James, yet after 
all faithful to his country without being false to 
his sovereign." 13 

But his friendly and Christian correspondence 
with Brewster it was, and active efforts for him 
and his people, hereafter to be noticed, that will 
cause his name to be handed down with gratitude 
and honor, by the Pilgrims descendants to the 
latest posterity. 

Cranmer s name stands connected with one of 
the most critical transactions of Secretary Davison s 

13 Fuller s Worthies, article Sandys, also Chalmer s Annals of Vir 
ginia. Bancroft s United States, i. 156, 158, 191. 


life. 14 That period being past, he becomes 
secretary to Sir Henry Killegrew s embassy to 
France. Aids or counsels Hooker also in respect 
to his " Ecclesiastical Polity ;" of which his epistle 
or treatise, addressed to him in 1589, is ample 
evidence. 15 But ere long his career, and with it 
the great hopes entertained of him, were brought 
to an unexpected close. Having been solicited 
by Lord Mountjoy, he accompanied that personage 
as his secretary to Ireland ; where, at the battle 
near Carlingford, he fell mortally wounded, and 
soon after expired. 

But William Brewster s course, less marked and 
brilliant at the time, indeed, than were those of 
his two associates, especially that of his friend, 
Sir Edwin, was yet, as the event will show, of 
much longer duration and more eventful, far 
more trying to flesh and blood, and of immensely 
greater interest in its far-reaching results. 

14 The execution of the Queen going to my Lord Chancellor s, 

of Scots. " The next morning I until I heard from her." Davi- 

received a letter from Cranmer son s Apology. Biog. Britannica, 

my servant, whom I left at court, v. 10. 

signifying to me her majesty s 15 Introduction to Hooker s 

pleasure, that I should forbear works, 64, 72. 


True dignity is never gained by place, 

And never lost when honors are withdrawn. MASSINGEK. 

LET us enter the official apartments of Secretary 
Davison at court, and try to ascertain, as far as 
we may, the spirit or governing principle by 
which affairs were there conducted. 

A little examination enables us to discover, 
underneath and mingling with all the multifarious 
plans of business, anxious consultations, and 
intercourse with the Queen, with the several 
departments, and with other nations a powerful 
element, which no political combinations, no arts, 
or crooked policy could overcome ; a firm principle, 
not officiously or obtrusively, but mildly pervading 
all. It was none other than Christian principle. 
Of its pervading influence in the manner men 
tioned, the correspondence of the office, and the 
well known character of the secretary, bear 
ample testimony. And that in this there was 
united action, as far as we can discover, appears 
from the character of Cranmer, as developed in 
his college life with Hooker and Sandys, and in 
his continental tour, the influence of which was 


now brought into the office. Equally evident is 
the fact from the character which Brewster 
brought with him from the university and from 
his service in the Netherlands. 

Thus far, at least, amidst the ambitions of the 
court, the intrigues and base acts of such as 
Leicester, the wiles and craft of Walsingham, in 
this office was felt, and from it went forth an 
influence grateful to every Christian patriot. Here 
was a green spot (we trust there were others) on 
which the eye of every real lover of his country 
could rest with elevated and cheering satisfaction. 

And we may here reiterate how in hours of 
retirement, and apparently in his family, the 
secretary conversed with Brewster, not only upon 
affairs of the office and of state, but upon the 
concerns of religion. A rare privilege surely it 
was to the young man, to be permitted in free 
social intercourse, thus to gather instruction from 
the experienced Christian statesman. Nor can we 
doubt that a similar privilege was enjoyed by 
Cranmer, and that probably there were occasional 
visits from Sandys. 

And on the Lord s day, and in the house of 
prayer, how must it have been ? and also, as 
Christ s disciples and as Christian friends at the 
Lord s table, 1 the elevated in station with the more 

1 That the Secretary, and these from the fact that this was 

his assistants in office were thus required by law, but from what is 

communicants in the established known of their lives, 
church, is evident, not merely 


humble in position; the Lord himself being the 
maker of them all I 

Who can estimate in all this the amount of 
influence for good, at home and abroad, discreetly 
exerted I Who shall estimate the strengthening 
influence upon the mind of Brewster I 

But the summer of 1586 was drawing to a 
close. Great questions agitated the court and the 
nation. These could not but absorb the chief 
attention of the secretary and all in his employ. 
On the 5th of October, Mr. Davison had been 
appointed on the commission to try the Queen of 
Scots ; but he appears not to have been present at 
the trial. If he approved of it, it is more than 
we can discover ; he seems at least to have left the 
responsibility to others. Yet the trial took place ; 
the fearful sentence was passed. 

It is not for us to examine here the reasons, the 
justice or injustice, policy or impolicy, of that 
transaction. It has been matter of discussion and 
of divided opinion from that day to the present. 
And that Queen s pitiable condition and end 
have awakened sympathy wherever the sad tale 
has been told. 

It is due, however, to historic truth, to say that, 
after the trial and sentence, both houses of Parlia 
ment, after a long discussion of the question, unit 
edly petitioned, nay, importunately urged Queen 
Elizabeth to have the sentence put in execution. 
Elizabeth, delaying long, apparently in great doubt 
and perplexity, answered : " That, moved with some 


commiseration for the Scottish Queen, in respect 
to her former dignity and great fortunes in her 
younger years, her nearness of kindred, and also 
her sex, her highness could be well pleased to 
forbear taking her life, if by any other means to 
be devised by the great council of the realm, the 
safety of her majesty s person and government 
might be preserved without ruin and destruction." 
To this, after "many speeches" and "debates," 
both Houses, by their committees, replied, "all 
with one consent," that " they could find no other 
way than what was set down in their petition;" 
"that the sentence be put in speedy execution." 
"And if the same be not put in speedy execution, 
her most loving and dutiful subjects shall thereby, 
so far as man s reason can reach, be brought into 
utter despair of the continuance among them of 
the true religion of Almighty God, and of her 
majesty s life, and the safety of her faithful sub 
jects." 2 

Elizabeth, still hesitating and delaying, sends to 
them, again, one of her answerless answers : "If 
I shall say unto you that I mean not to grant your 
petition, by my faith I should say unto you more 
than perhaps I mean. And if I should say unto 
you I mean to grant your petition, I should then 
tell you more than it is fit for you to know. And 

2 Hansard s Parl. Hist., i. pp. operating, see also Ranke s Hist. 
838, 839, 841, 843, 844. As an of the Popes, p. 167. Also Hal- 
illustration of the state of the lam s Const. Hist., vol. i. pp. 154, 
public mind, and the causes then 155, &c. 


thus I must deliver unto you my answer answer- 
less." 3 

During all these proceedings, the unhappy Queen 
of Scots had not one advocate in either House that 
would or durst plead in her favor. The current 
against her was so strong that it would have over 
thrown all opposers, and involved them in the 
same ruin. Nay, there was evident fear on the 
part of the Commons that some method might be 
proposed, or foreign influence exerted, to prevent 
the execution. Therefore, many of them were 
for taking measures to cut off all attempts at such 
interference. On the 2d of December, Parliament 
was adjourned, and the Queen and court were left 
to act on their own responsibility in the approach 
ing crisis. 

Reports of leagues abroad, and plots at home, 
and of the threatening Spanish invasion, were the 
topics of the day. 4 But how the sentence against 
the condemned Queen was to be put in execution, 
became the absorbing theme. Some were for put 
ting her out of the way privately. This course 
was proposed or advocated by Leicester (now re 
turned from the States) and was concurred in by 
Walsingham. Davison, if the execution was to 
take place, was for the legal course only. Long 
and decidedly did he argue with the Queen in the 

3 Hansard, as before. argument with the Queen, in his 

4 See the last and preceding Apology ; Davison s Life, Appen- 
reforences, and Mr. Davison s own dix. 


council chamber, and in more retired interviews, 
on this point. 5 

The year closed, and that of 1587 opened with 
fearful forebodings. For more than six weeks was 
the public mind held in suspense. 

At length the time arrived. It was the time of 
peril to Secretary Davison, and a turning point in 
the life of Brewster. 

Elizabeth resolved on the long delayed execu 
tion. She had tried, in various ways, to shun the 
responsibility, and to escape from the odium of the 
final act. Walsingham escaped it, having declared 
himself sick. 

In the turn of affairs, on Secretary Davison was 
made to rest the chief burden of attending to the 
legal process. Her majesty summoned him to 
bring the warrant for her signature, and having 
signed it, she directed him to bear it to the Lord 
Chancellor, for the great seal; still pressing the 
idea of its execution privately. Borne to the 
chancellor, and the seal being affixed, and her 
majesty informed of the fact, she seemed to blame 
the haste of the secretary, still suggesting some 
other way of proceeding, yet giving no counter- 
direction. Davison, as directed, informed and 
consulted with Walsingham, and there being no 
hint to stay proceedings, and he, not willing to 
assume the responsibility of acting alone, advised 
with the chief members of the Privy Council, and 

5 See preceding note. 


left with them the warrant. They sent it to the 
named officials to proceed therewith. The execu 
tion soon followed that act which Bishop Burnet 
pronounces the "greatest blemish of this reign." 6 

Two clays had passed, when information arrived 
of the execution. The Queen, at first quiet, at 
length broke out into the most violent expressions 
of grief, blaming and threatening the chief mem 
bers of her council. As an evasion, and to disarm 
resentment abroad, she pronounced the act, " that 
miserable accident." But there must be a victim; 
and, as if to confirm her assertion, and shield her 
self, the able, upright, noble-hearted Davison must 
be sacrificed. Committed to the tower, and soon 
after brought to trial before the Star Chamber 
Court, and charged with revealing the Queen s 
counsels to her privy counsellors, and with pre 
sumption in having executed her majesty s order, 
he finds himself in this dilemma: that, to prove 
himself to have been faithful and upright, he must 
prove his royal mistress to have been unscrupulous 
and false. This he would not do; but, with a 
noble purpose of soul, he committed himself to 
the court and the Queen s clemency, resolved to 
suffer all for his country s and her majesty s sake, 
trusting that in the end her sense of right, and 
consciousness that he was suffering for her sake, 
would cause her to make all honorable amends. 

The court, though pronouncing him to be a 

6 Burnet s History of the Reformation, vol. i. p. 592. 


good, able, honest man, yet influenced by state 
policy, and to shield the Queen, fined him 10,000 
marks, and committed him to the tower, during 
her majesty s pleasure. 7 

The effects of all this upon the mind of Brevv- 
ster may be easily conceived. Sharing largely, no 
doubt, in the secretary s sentiments, day by day, 
and step by step, must he have marked the whole 
proceeding. With pained heart must he have felt 
its blighting influence. The generous and patri 
otic impulses of youth must have been chilled in 
him, on discovering such ungrateful returns, from 
the highest in power, for the most devoted service. 
While to see his loved patron sacrificed, his estate 
ruined, his good name apparently blasted, his noble 
form and fine voice almost paralyzed at the unex 
pected blow, 8 must have produced upon his mind 
wrought in upon his inmost soul, an impression 
which no circumstances could remove, no time 

7 Camden s Annals of Elizabeth; of Davison, in Biographia Bri- 

State Trials, article Davison ; Ra- tannica ; and Sir Nicolas H. 

pin s Strictures on Camden, and Nicholas Life of Davison, p. 158. 
the Court s Decision, ii. 302, 303, 8 State Trials, art. Davison, i. 

358, 359 ; Dr. Kippis Vindication, p. 1230. 


The gloomiest day hath gleams of light. MRS. HEMANS. 

WE left William Brewster, last, in a sorely try 
ing condition. Hitherto his course had apparently 
been one of prosperity; but now, the patron with 
whom he had been so intimately and honorably 
connected being thrust from his high office, and 
committed to the Tower, his own cherished plans 
in life were broken up, and his fair prospects 

What was he to do ? Shall he, as the world 
in general does, and as perhaps many friends may 
have advised, desert the fallen, shun such inter 
course as would connect himself with him, and, 
joining the general current, push his way to office 
under some other chief? Such is not Christian 
friendship such was not Brewster s. The histo 
rian records it, and it was worthy of record : " He 
remained with Mr. Davison some good time after 
that he was put from his place, doing him many 
faithful offices of service in the time of his trou 
bles." 1 

1 Bradford, 410. 


Thus is presented another trait in Brewster s 
character, a nobleness of soul, readiness to make 
sacrifices for others good, especially in aiding and 
comforting the depressed and afflicted, and that 
too, not merely from the impulse of the moment, 
which soon ends, but (as in this case) by many 
offices of service, faithfully continued. 

Precisely what these many offices of service were, 
we are not told. Yet, from the circumstances, we 
may well suppose them to have been : visiting him 
often in his prison, unobtrusively sympathizing 
with him and offering all personal attentions, and 
aid in securing valued papers and scattered re 
mains, if any, of his ruined estate. 

To the Tower, then, to which Davison had been 
committed that far-famed Tower of London, the 
varied history of which, and the strangely con 
trasted and thrilling scenes within which, would 
fill volumes with facts " stranger than fiction" to 
that vast pile on the bank of the Thames not, 
indeed, to its regal apartments, but to its drearier 
halls and cells, Brewster evidently went, following 
his revered friend, seeking, by all the acts which 
faithful friendship could devise, to alleviate his 

Specifically how long these many offices of friend 
ship were continued by Brewster is undetermined. 
The recorded expression, "some good time after," 
though of value, like many others equally tantaliz 
ing in the writings of Bradford, conveys but a very 
indefinite idea. To suppose it to have been until 


all hope of Mr. Davison s release and restoration 
to office was at an end, would seem, indeed, at 
first thought, to be reasonable, yet it is found to 
be improbable. There was hope of his restoration, 
even strong hope, long continued. 

No sooner had the Lord Chancellor Burleigh, 
chief among counsellors, heard of the committal, 
than he wrote to the Queen most urgently in his 
behalf. " I cannot in duty forbear to put your 
majesty in mind that, if Mr. Davison be committed 
to the Tower, who best knoweth his own cause, the 
example will be sorrowful to all your faithful serv 
ants, and joyful to your enemies." " Sure I am, and 
I presume to have some judgment therein, I know 
not a man in the land so furnished universally for 
the place. 2 Neither know I any that can come near 
him." And if this did not reach the Queen, the 
following did: "What your majesty minded to 
him in your displeasure, I hear to my grief; but 
for a servant in that place, I think it hard to find 
a like qualified person: whom to ruin in your 
heavy displeasure, shall be more your majesty s 
loss than his." 3 

The Earl of Essex also put forth his powerful 
influence with the Queen to the same end. And 
so encouraged was he of success, that he informed 
Mr. Davison, " he dared promise himself it would 
be done ;" or even " a better state" or office pro- 

2 That is, the Secretaryship. 372, or Oxford ed., vol. iii. part i. 

3 Strype s Annals, vol. iii. p. p. 542. 


vided. 4 And lest the Queen should object on 
account of her official declaration to James of 
Scotland, the earl addressed that prince in relation 
to the deprived Secretary a " man beloved of the 
best and most religious of the land ; of whose suffi 
ciency in council and matters of state, the Queen 
confessed she had not in her kingdom such another;" 
adding, " If, to a man so worthy in himself, and so 
esteemed of all men, my words might avail, I 
would assure your majesty you would get great 
honor and great love, not only in England, but in 
all parts of Christendom where Mr. Davison is 
known, if you would now be the author of his 
restoring to his place." And this bears date more 
than two years after the committal. Even in 1590, 
more than three years after that event, this earl, 
with other chief men of the council, made another 
strong effort. 5 

The veteran Secretary Walsingham had died; 
and even the place made vacant by Davison s re 
moval, appears, through this earl s influence, to 
have been kept vacant. The effort, therefore, now 
was, that Davison might succeed Walsingham. 
Indeed, it is stated that he was in some way em 
ployed in performing the duties of that place dur 
ing Walsingham s long sickness, though not appear 
ing in the presence of the Queen. 

But Sir Robert Cecil, son of the Chancellor 
Burleigh, was now the rival candidate. At length, 

4 Cabala, part i. pp. 213, 215. 5 Camden s Annals, p. 621, and Cabala. 


after a strong contest, the place was refused to 
Davison, and given to Cecil. 6 

The Queen informed the earl, " he must rest 
satisfied, for she was thus resolved;" though she 
had confessed to him that, on the former occasion, 
Davison had been " the man of her own choice," 
and " that which was laid to his charge, was 
merely for her safety both of state and person." 7 

6 Aikin s Court of Elizabeth, ii. 

7 Ecirl of Essex s Letters, Cabala, 
part ii.; also A. Strickland s 
Queens of Eng., vii. 113. Sir 
Robert was appointed in full at 
Nonsuch, 2d of August, 1591. 

For the reader whose interest 
has been so far awakened as to 
call for something more respecting 
Mr. Davison, a few additional facts 
are here subjoined. First, his 
ability and skilfulness as a states 
man. After the full, clear, un 
biased statements of his great 
worth, acknowledged ability, tried 
skill and wisdom, declared by 
Burleigh, Leicester, and the Earl 
of Essex, though differing from 
him in many things, also by the 
Queen and the council generally, 
it is with no little regret that we 
are obliged to impute to court 
influence, or prejudice, the dero 
gatory intimations in Camden s 
History. Says Dr. Kippis, " What 
ever motives those authors might 
have had who lived near those 
times, to palliate or conceal the 
circumstances of that action which 

proved the cause of Mr. Davison s 
fall, we lie under no temptation, 
and are free from any inclination 
to hide or throw a shade over 
truth. Bringing into open day 
these singular and interesting 
points, we not only rectify partial 
accounts contained in private me 
moirs, and supply the deficiencies 
in general histories, but apply to 
their proper use, and bring to 
public view, in an agreeable light, 
these remains of those stirring 
times, which might otherwise lie 
hid in studies, and be at most 
known only to very few." 

As to further particulars. On 
the rejection of his last appeal to 
the Queen, in 1590, he gave up all 
hope of further public life. How 
long he was confined in the tower 
we know not, but there are inti 
mations of his being at liberty 
after about two years. As to his 
depressed condition, from loss of 
place and property, Lord Arthur 
Gray reports that when the Queen 
was applied to by Lord Burleigh ? 
"to relieve his low estate," the 
objection was that, "though he 



Thus, it was not until after three years of expec 
tation, and strong hope justly entertained by 
Davison and his powerful friends, that the pros 
pect of his restoration was cut off and the hope 

What influence this long continued expectation 
had finally upon the plans and movements of 
Brewster, or whether he was induced in any extent 
to await the movements in the case, we are left to 

was in tolerably good favor with 
her," yet, " in respect to her begun 
course, she might not, with honor 
saved, make show of it." And 
when urged to do it privately, she 
replied, " Her court was so fraught 
with lynxes eyes that the motives 
of her doing so would he dis 
covered." (Catalogue, Harleian 
MSS., vol. i. p. 155.) A proof of 
her persevering determination 
(cruel as it was to him) to main 
tain consistency before the world. 
No relief, therefore, could he ob 
tain, except, probably, a pension 
of .100 per annum, during the 
Queen s life. It was not until 
James, her successor, came to the 
throne James, whom every con 
sideration respecting his mother s 
execution might have urged to the 
contrary, yet who knew Davifon 
and the circumstances well not 
until his accession that there 
was granted the full relief. And 
grateful, indeed, to his wounded 
spirit must the boon have been 
a testimony to the world of his 
deserts and innocence. But the 

boon came too late to be long 
enjoyed. His end was near. He 
died in December, 1608, and on 
the 28th of that month was buried 
in Stepney, Middlesex, probably 
over 70 years of age. 

That he was a man of learning as 
well as a statesman, his numerous 
writings testify. They have been 
preserved, for the most part, in the 
Harl. and other collections in the 
British Museum. Highly con 
nected in marriage, he and his 
lady were both cousins to the 
Earl of Leicester and Sir Philip 
Sydney. He had also an interest 
ing and intelligent family. One 
son became an author of note. 
But, what is most of all, his life, 
his writings, his public services, 
all testify that, in all circum 
stances, in high prosperity as in 
deepest adversity, he was the en 
lightened, noble-hearted, consist 
ent Christian. Life of Davison ; 
Aikin s Court of Elizabeth, ii. 
166, 167. Miss Strickland s Note, 
in vii. p. 63, needs correction. 


conjecture. Yet who, in the prospect of that 
restoration, was so likely to receive some promi 
nent position under him, as the tried, highly 
qualified and confidential Brewster? But we have 
said thus much on this point for the further pur 
pose of bringing out facts, and showing in what 
estimation Secretary Davison was held by his 
contemporaries, even by the highest and ablest in 
the land. This is but justice to his character, 
justice to historic truth. 

Whatever idea we may form as to how long 
Brewster continued with the fallen secretary dur 
ing his troubles, the time at length came when he 
must leave. 

No longer officially connected with any one, but 
left free to form anew his plans in life, we are now 
to trace his course as he leaves the great metro 
polis for the retirement of the country. 

Bidding adieu to the scenes of the court, and its 
lately absorbing, but now painful associations ; 
bidding adieu to him whose confiding friendship 
and official favors he had so worthily and long 
enjoyed, and to whom he had now made grateful 
returns ; disappointed in his expectations in public 
life ; taught thus many painful but salutary les 
sons, he goes forth, not to be a recluse, but, with 
the energy of maturing manhood, to be the means 
of good in some other field, wherever his lot might 
be cast. 


Tis a goodly scene 
Yon river, like a silvery snake, lays out 
His coil, i th sunshine lovingly ; it breathes 
Of freshness in this lap of flowery meadows. 


AND whither did Brewster go as he left London 
and his former patron I It is recorded " he went 
and lived in the country, amongst his friends and 
the good gentlemen of those parts." 1 But where 
in the country were those friends and good gentle 
men ? 

On this point, many had been the inquiries, 
great the curiosity excited, vague the conjectures 
(and all to little purpose) until the discoveries dur 
ing the last few years. Morton, Cotton Mather, 
Hubbard, with Belknap and others, had left to us 
little more than that most indefinite expression, 
"in the North of England." It is to the un 
tiring researches of an antiquarian of London 2 we 
owe it, that facts, dates, and circumstances are 
brought to light so numerous and particular as to 
enable us to point out with fullest confidence, not 

1 Bradford, 410. occasion to refer often in these 

2 Hunter, to whom we have statements. 


only the county and district, but the very village 
and house where our William Brewster resided. 

Extracts from Bradford s history specified that 
the religious company of emigrants who assembled 
around Brewster "were of sundry towns and vil 
lages in Nottinghamshire, and of Lincolnshire, 
and Yorkshire, where they border nearest to 
gether." 3 This defines the district of country to 
be in and around the northern part of Nottingham 
shire, where, and where only, these three counties 
and the villages "border nearest" to each other. 
But it was " not," says he to whom we owe the 
discovery, " until I found out another condition of 
place in another part of the writings of Bradford, 
and then brought some historical and topographical 
knowledge to bear on the question, that I ascer 
tained, as I conceive, beyond all possibility of 
doubt, the actual village, and the very house." 

It was this : " They ordinarily met at his (Brew- 
ster s) house on the Lord s day, which was a manor 
of the Bishops." 1 A bishop s manor, or manor 
house, is no vague expression; it is something 
fixed, notorious, and remarkable, and is, moreover, 
rare in any district, "and I," he adds, "who have 
some acquaintance with the whole country which 
can be said to be near the adjoining borders of 
these counties, can affirm with confidence that 

3 See Bradford, in his recovered History, p. 9, where the language 
is still more express than in Young or Prince. 

4 Bradford, 411 ; in Young, 465. 


there was no episcopal or archiepiscopal manor in 
that part of England except one, which one, in 
Brewster s time, appertained to the Archbishop of 
York; this one was at the ancient village of 
Scrooby, in the Hundred of Bassetlaw." 5 

Confirmatory of the above, was the further dis 
covery, on the assessment roll of that period for 
Scrooby, of a William Brewster, older than our 
William, who may have been a relative, perhaps 
his father, and also, on the church records, near 
by, of a Rev. Henry Brewster and a Rev. James 
Brewster, who were successively rectors, and may 
have been his relatives. And close by was Auster- 
field, the known birth-place and residence of Brad 
ford; while other names of emigrants were from 
the same portion of country. 

Still more to the purpose, we shall find Brew 
ster holding an office under the Queen, until the 
very year and month when the future "elder," 
with his people, left for Holland, and when his 
connection with that office ceased. 

And yet more specifically, we shall find on 
record, " William Brewster," with two others, " of 
Scrooby, Brownists or Separatists" (the terms 
then applied to them), fined <20, each, for non- 
appearance on an ecclesiastical citation. All of 
this will appear, as we proceed, with accumulating 
evidence from a variety of other circumstances too 
numerous to admit of doubt. Well might Mr. 

5 Hunter s Founders of New Plymouth, 15, IS, and Tracts. 


Hunter add, " No reasonable doubt, therefore, can 
ever arise, that the seat and centre of the religious 
community, which afterwards planted itself on the 
shores of New England, was at this Nottingham 
shire village of Scrooby." 

In the northern part of Nottinghamshire then, 
near a mile and a half south of a projecting point 
of Yorkshire, and but a short distance from the 
verge of Lincolnshire, and at the small village of 
Scrooby, was evidently the place where our 
William Brews ter went. Here were his friends, 
and " the good gentlemen of those parts." Here 
was the bishop s manor, afterwards called by 
Bradford, Brewster s house; and here are we to 
trace his course for some seventeen, perhaps 
nineteen succeeding years. 

As to Scrooby itself, though with the exception 
of its being on the great northern road from 
London to York, and thence by Berwick to 
Scotland, it has scarcely been noticed in modern 
times ; yet such was not the case anciently ; nor 
from the interest now manifested, is it likely to be 
so hereafter. 

" Scrooby Manor," even as far back as William 
the Conqueror, if not earlier, was a possession of 
the Archbishops of York, and was to them a place 
of frequent sojourn, as well as a convenient 
resting-place in their journeys. Noted for field 
game, and the easy access to the Hatfield chase, it 
had long been on these accounts a favorite resort. 

Here slept Margaret, Queen of Scotland, 


daughter of Henry Seventh, on her way to that 
kingdom. Here Cardinal Wolsey, when dismissed 
by his imperious master to his northern diocese, 
passed weeks " ministering many deeds of charity, 
attending on Sundays in some neighboring parish 
church, and then dining in some honest man s 
house in the town, causing great alms to be 
distributed to the poor :" and who is said to have 
uttered soon after, those memorable words: "Had 
I served the God of Heaven as faithfully as I did 
my master on earth, He had not forsaken me in 
my old age as the other hath done." 6 At this 
manor house lodged Henry the Eighth himself, on 
his northern progress in 1541. This same year 
the tourist Leland, in passing, gives of the manor, 
church, and neighborhood this description : " From 
Mattersy, I rode a mile in low wash and some 
what fenny ground, and a mile or more further 
by higher ground to Scrooby." " In the mean 
townlet of Scrooby I marked two things, the 
parish church, not big, but very well builded of 
square polished stone." " The second, was a 
great manor place, standing within a moat, and 
belonging to the Archbishop of York, builded in 
tw r o courts, whereof the first is very ample ; and all 
builded of timber, saving the front of the hall, 
that is of brick ; to the which, one ascends by steps 
of stone." " The inner court building, as far as I 
marked, was of timber, and was not in compass 

6 Hunter, and Life of Wolsey. 


past the fourth part of the outer court." Northerly, 
"a mile or more is Bawtry ; a little beyond 
Scrooby manor place, I passed by a ford over the 
river, and betwixt the palings of two parks 
belonging to Scrooby." 7 Very much in accordance 
with this description doubtless was the appearance 
of the place in the time of Brewster. 

At the Eeformation, some kind of title to the 
manor seems to have been in the crown ; for the 
Protestant Archbishop Holdgate purchased of the 
King the mansion, lordship, and manor, with the 
appurtenances, to himself and Barbary his wife, 
and the successors in the see; 8 Great, however, was 
the change which took place as to the future 
prospects of Scrooby and its manor, in the time of 

To this "See" was Archbishop Sandys (father 
of Sir Edwin and five other sons) promoted in 
1576. Some six years later, Elizabeth desired of 
him this manor for the Earl of Leicester. The 
archbishop declined giving the desired lease, 
specifying as reasons, the heavy expenses he had 
incurred in repairs and improvements, the depriva 
tion of residence to himself, and the great loss it 
would be to the see (60,000 including South 
well) ; 9 " too much," says he, " most gracious 
sovereign too much to pull from a bishopric 
inferior to many in revenue, but superior in charge 

7 Leland s Itinerary, vol. i. p. 8 Strype s Ecclesiastical Memo- 
36. rials, iii. 250. 

9 (Query 6000). 


and countenance." Yet before the close of the 
same year (1582), he leased the manor, two parks, 
mills and Lound Woods to his eldest son, Sir 
Samuel Sandys. And this resulted finally in the 
alienation of the manor from the see. Perhaps 
he thought it better (for he had the power) thus 
to place it under lease, than that it should be 
transferred to such an one as the Earl of Leicester. 
Here accordingly for a time appears to have been 
the residence of Sir Samuel. In the church stands 
a monument to Penelope, one of the Sandys 
family, who died in 1690. 10 

Under Sir Samuel it was, as appears some few 
years later, that the manor was held by Brewster : 
not, indeed, " a district of country, throughout 
which were enjoyed certain feudal privileges, but 
the manor place," 11 including, doubtless, its lands 
and parks. And this suggests not only an 
acquaintance, but business transactions, between 
Brewster and the Sandys family. 

Tracing the history of this manor-place a little 
further, we find, that after William Brewster s 
occupancy some fifteen, perhaps nineteen years, 
it was at length gradually neglected, and finally 
suffered to go to decay. One hundred years later 
while the park still remained, the house had 
nearly fallen to the ground. In 1813 nothing 

remained, marking the ancient abode of splendor 

10 Biographia Britannica, article Sandys, and Strype s Annals, iii. 
pt. ii. 64-70. Hunter, 18, 22, 139, and Bartlett. 

11 Hunter. 


and hospitality, but some small part incorporated 
into a farm-house, and in the garden, an old 
mulberry tree, planted, tradition said, by the 
haughty Wolsey. 12 Finally, as seen and described 
by a tourist s eye and pen, 13 in the summer of 
1853, Scrooby presents to view one of those rich 
pastoral districts, common in England, which with 
no marked features of hill and dale, the hand of 
industry has covered with such exuberant crops of 
grain, in fields neatly divided by green hedge 
rows, as it is delightful to behold. On the lowest 
level, lower than the surrounding cornfields where 
once were fenny wastes the retreat of abundance 
of wild fowl, and other varieties of game, justifying 
its celebrity as a hunting seat, now are seen rich 
reclaimed marsh lands of vivid green, whereon 
are groups of grazing cattle, and where the glassy 
" Idle" (viz. stream of the cornfields) 14 winds its 
slow and mazy coils through the plain, between 
Scrooby and Austerfield Austerfield concealed 
among the trees, and Scrooby marked out by its 
gracefully constructed church, rising above the 
green level, with its gray sky-pointing spire, and 
where the bridge over the Idle adds beauty to the 
view. And divided from the gardens of the 

12 Beauties, &c., of England and general: yd! an signifying the 
Wales, vol. xvi. 324, and Hunter, place where corn is stacked, ydle, 

13 Rev. W. H. Bartlett s " Pil- a granary. The river Idle had 
grim Fathers," pp. 35-40. its name then from the grain with 

14 Id, or yd (says Thornton which its bordering fields abounded 
speaking of this river) signifies even from the earliest times. 
seyes [Latin] corn, or grain in Thornton s Nottinghamshire, 414. 


village by what was evidently once a moat (but now 
dry), and bounded on one side by the river, and 
on the other by the railroad (the church in the 
background), is seen the large inclosed area or 
square, and, nearly in its centre, a group of 
sycamores, marking, as understood, the ancient 
site of the manor buildings. Here is now pointed 
out to the visitor, taking a nearer view, a farm 
house, and a row of willows, as occupying the 
place where stood the old hall. Evidently dis 
cernible as is the site, it is not so with respect to 
any part of the structure once upon it. Only 
some fragments of richly carved work, which 
doubtless anciently adorned the halls of state, 
could now be found, put to the ignoble use of 
propping up the roof of a cowhouse. Beyond 
these insignificant relics is no trace of the " great 
Manor-House of the Bishops." Such was Scrooby 
once, and such is it now. 


Do good for good s own sake, looking not to worthiness or love. 


RETURNING to the time when Brewster became 
a resident in Scrooby, we trace next his course 
here in comparative retirement. It is interesting 
to find that he came not hither as a disappointed, 
useless dependant upon friends; but with fixed 
Christian principles and purposes, and with expe 
rience in the influential walks of life, and in the 
strength of young manhood, to do good, to devise 
plans, and meet the calls of the time and place for 
benevolent exertion. And ample was the field 
before him. 

Here " he lived in good esteem among his friends 
and the good gentlemen of those parts." This was 
their voluntary tribute to his life and character. 

But next, in quaint style and few words, w r e 
have summed up for us his individual efforts for 
nearly twenty years. " He did much good in the 
country where he lived in promoting and further 
ing religion, not only by his practice and example, 
and provoking and encouraging others, but by pro- 


curing good preachers to the places thereabout, 
and drawing .on of others to assist and help for 
ward in such a work, he himself most commonly 
deepest in the charge, and sometimes above his 
ability." " In this state he continued many years, 
doing the best good he could, and walking accord 
ing to the light he saw." 1 

As a counterpart, and most strikingly illustrative 
of this brief statement, and of the " great need" of 
these very exertions, we have the following from 
Archbishop Sandys himself in a discourse before 
the Queen only a short time previous. " The 
mother City of the Realm" (London) " is reason 
ably furnished with good preachers. Certain 
other cities, not many in number, are blessed too, 
though not in like sort. But the silly (that is, 
ignorant) people of the land otherwhere, especially 
in the north parts, pine away and perish for want 
of this saving food. They are much decayed for 
want of prophecy. 2 Many there are that hear not 
a sermon for seven years, I might say seventeen. 
Their blood will be required at somebody s hand." 3 
Such was the state of things, and such the call on 
every hand, for vigorous exertion. Hence in his 
own sphere were the exertions of Brewster; by 
personal example, self-sacrificing efforts, influence 
with others in ways and modes ever most effective; 

1 Bradford, pp. 410, 411. 3 Strype s Annals, iii. part ii. 

2 See this term fully explained, pp. 69, 70. 
note, p. 124. 


and all was in due order and consistency with the 
requirements of the Established Church. 

But who were the active ministers in this por 
tion of the country 1 And who were those whom 
Brewster and his friends were instrumental in 
procuring for the needy churches around them ? 

For a period of about twelve years, ending in 
August, 1588, had Archbishop Sandys been the 
ecclesiastical superior a truly learned and dis 
tinguished divine, also faithful, laborious in his 
Master s vineyard, and a favorer of timely reforms 
in the established ceremonies had his life been 
longer spared, or had his immediate successors 
been of like views and spirit, doubtless some, at 
least, of the difficulties that followed would have 
been avoided. 

Already have we noticed the Rev. Henry Brew 
ster as the Vicar of Sutton-upon-Lound, to which 
Scrooby was ecclesiastically annexed. 4 He had 
continued in that station for more than thirty 
years, ending with the spring of 1598. To him 
succeeded the Rev. James Brewster. That either 
of these was related to our William, or that this 
James succeeded to the vacant charge aided by 
any influence of William, we have no reliable 
evidence. The only direct indications of relation 
ship are the name, their residence at the time in 
the same vicinity ; and in respect to James, near 
ness of age, and resemblance of signatures, which 

4 Hunter, pp. 58 and 73. 



is indeed striking. 5 And this James had married 
a Welbeck; and the Welbecks appear to have 
been from Suffolk, the original location of the 
early Brewsters. Presented, some years before, by 
Archbishop Sandys to the mastership of the richly 
endowed Bawtry Hospital, but having surrendered 
the same to the crown, under the claim of the 
commissioners for concealed lands, he, with others, 
afterwards received it back from the crown for 
private possession. A long contest in law ensu 
ing, both the surrender and transfer were declared 
to be illegal. Our William must have been ac 
quainted with these transactions respecting his 
namesake, and perhaps brother; and also with 
the further fact of James Brewster s presentation 
to the additional Vicarage of Gringley-on-the-Hill, 
near at hand. 6 

One minister, whom Brewster and friends may 
perhaps have been instrumental in procuring for 

5 Fac similes 

6 Hunter, 73, 86 ; other facts, ford, near the seat of the Sandys 

lately discovered by Cardinal in Essex Co., seem to confirm the 

Brewster, Esqr., relative to James connection stated, or intimate ac- 

Brewster s residence at Chelms- quaintance. 


the vicarage of Worksop, a neighboring parish, 
south of Scrooby, was Richard Barnard. He had 
been educated at Cambridge by the aid of two 
eminently pious daughters of Sir Christopher 
Wray, Chief Justice of England, and was ap 
pointed to that vicarage in 1601. Eminently 
successful as a minister and writer, wavering, and 
at one time declining to conform to some of the 
prescribed ceremonies, but at length conforming, 
he became a close observer of the movements of 
the times, and especially at Gainsborough and 
Scrooby. One of his esteemed treatises was the 
" Faithful Shepherd." Others have been reprinted 
even in our own day. At length presented to the 
Rectory of Batcome, " as a minister who, in the 
opinion of the patron, would best discharge the 
duties to the edification of the parishioners," he 
there became best known as " Barnard of Batcome. 
in Somersetshire." 7 

To Gainsborough, on the border of Lincolnshire, 
came, during this period, as a minister, a Mr. John 
Smith, whether as rector or not is uncertain. 
Bradford describes him as " a man of able gifts, 
and a good preacher, eminent in his time, but 
whose inconstancy, unstable judgment, and being 
suddenly carried away, soon overthrew him." 8 He 
gathered, after some time, a separate congregation r 
and removed to Amsterdam, in Holland. Whether 

7 Hunter, pp. 36, 40. 

8 Bradford, in Young, pp. 22, 450, and Hunter, 38, 


he came to Gainsborough through any influence 
from Scrooby, or whether there was at this time 
any particular intercourse, other than acquaintance, 
between him and the Scrooby people, we find no 
specific evidence. Bradford s statements, and Mr. 
Smith s own language towards brethren who dif 
fered from him, lead to the conclusion that his 
uncharitable temper and course, could not long be 
congenial with the spirit of Brews ter. But of him 
more will appear hereafter. 

Of the Rev. Mr. Clifton, for years a laborious, 
effective, and fervent preacher, and Rector of Bab- 
worth, near Scrooby, and of the time and cause of 
his separation from the established church, we 
shall also have occasion to speak in another place. 

Other names might be added of ministers in this 
vicinity at this period ; but whether any of them 
could be included in the terms of our last inquiry, 
needs further evidence. 

But whence had Brewster the means for such 
active exertions, such liberal expenditures, as have 
been mentioned ? His was no old Nottingham 
shire name, connected with landed estates, the 
usual source of income of the time and place, nor 
have we indications of his having extensive wealth 
in any other form. 9 The inquiry becomes still 
more pertinent, since he had in the mean time 
entered the married state, an event ever one of the 
most important and memorable in life ; yet, as in 
his case, calling for additional sources of income. 

9 Hunter, p. 38. 


In what year this marriage took place, or with 
what family, no record has been discovered. The 
Christian name of Mary, and the other designation, 
" Mrs. Brewster," are the only ones left us of the 
partner of his life. Probably their marriage was 
before the year 1594; since at, or before that 
time, we may, from all circumstances, suppose 
them to have become the occupants, and Mrs. 
Brewster the lady of the manor-place. 

But had Brewster no particular secular engage 
ments, no regular business transactions, making 
large demands upon his attention, and as a means 
of increased income ? Bradford s memoir, unin 
tentionally doubtless, would lead us to suppose he 
had not. Yet, what was long unknown, late dis 
coveries enable us to state : that not sacred studies 
and Christian efforts and devotion alone occupied 
his time and thoughts. He held, under the Queen 
and her successor, a responsible office. 

Among the earliest accounts of the post depart 
ment, commencing in the year 1594, wherein were 
entered the names of the officers on the great post 
roads of the realm, William Brewster is found to 
have held the office of post of Scrooby. 10 It was 
then, however, an office of the court or government ; 
and not, as afterwards developed, a department for 
the accommodation of the public. Not until more 
than thirty years later was it, that provision was 
made for the conveyance therewith of private coiv 

10 Hunter, p. 71. 


respondence ; nor until the time of Cromwell that 
private passengers were thereby accommodated. 11 
More varied, however, were the duties, requiring 
greater responsibilities and capacity in those be 
ginnings of the postal system, than those of the 
postmaster of the present day. When recently 
established by Elizabeth, few were the offices or 
posts, " dotted here and there about the country" 
on the great routes, and with no cross routes. 
Each post, therefore, must provide in his own dis 
trict for all special dispatches, and distant de 
liveries, as well as for government messengers or 
privileged passengers, at certain rates of charge. 
Being a court appointment, Brewster must have 
had influence at court to be placed in this office. 
To perform its various incumbent duties, required 
the services of employees under him, and suitable 
accommodations, livery, and attendant servants. 
And this accounts for his occupancy of the manor 
place ; where had been the residence of archbishops, 
the stopping-place of royalty and its train ; a place 
not suited for a private gentleman, but well cal 
culated for Brewster s official position. 

11 English. Quarterly Review, or, It should be added, that while 

the Eclectic, for Oct. 5, 1855 ; also, at first the post department was 

"The Post-office," London, 1842, for the court, there was a pre-estab- 

pp. 7, 8, 9, and 17. One of the ear- lished and comparatively efficient 

liest advertisements for convey- system among merchants and 

ance of passengers is in the " Mer others, for private purposes. " P. 

curius Politicus," of April 1, 1658, Office" as above, pp. 8 and 9. 
as follows : " Passengers by stage 
coach to Bawtry,iu three days, for 
30 shillings." 


Respecting his office, in the early accounts of 
the postmaster general, are found entries in his 
name for five terms and part of a sixth ; three of 
them for three years, two for two years each, and 
six months of the succeeding term ; in all, thirteen 
years and six months. The first entry is 

"April, 1594, to April, 1597. (Old style.) 

" William Brewster, post of Scrooby, for his 
ordinary wages, serving Her Majesty all the time 
aforesaid, at 20 pence per diem, 91 6s. 8d." 

Similar are the other entries, except that in the 
third term, the wages were advanced to two shil 
lings sterling, per diem, and in the last his connec 
tion with the office closed on the last of September, 
1607, when one Francis Hall succeeded for the 
completion of t that term. 12 

Very pertinently has it been remarked, that, 
had the names of the posts or postmasters been 
entered a few years earlier, we could then have 
ascertained the precise date of Brewster s first 
appointment. This would have shown how soon, 
after the fall of Davison,he was provided for by this 

12 Hunter s Founders, &c., 66- 100 per annum. 

69. Of Clerk of the Council, 50 per 

Note. Are any surprised at the annum. 

apparent smallness of the salary Of a Clerk, 5 per annum, 

in these entries ? let such bear in While the rate of a MASTER Me- 

mind the difference, 1st, in the chanic s wages was 1 shilling per 

value of the currency, between day. Johnson s Life and Times of 

that day and this ; and next as to Chief Justice Coke, ii. p. 149. 
the salaries generally, for instance : 
The salary of the principal Secre 
taries of State was then 


office. What we now know is, that on the 1st of 
April, 1594, he was in full possession of the office; 
and that on the last of September, 1607, he re 
signed or was removed, just six months after the 
commencement of a new term. 13 Evidently, there 
fore, was the resignation or removal for some cause. 
It was at the very season when he, and a portion 
of his people, were on the point of leaving for Hol 
land. So exactly do the dates and facts on record 
in England, correspond with those (when given) 
in the history of Bradford. 

From the view now taken of this period of 
Brewster s residence at Scrooby, we have brought 
before us, not only his continued course of life, 
public and private, but a further insight into the 
principles by which he was guided, and by which 
he influenced the movements of others. 

Advancing to the maturity of manhood, we see 
developed in him more and more, readiness to do 
good, persevering firmness, and characteristic libe 

Here, too, were developed the affections of the 
married relation, the tender assiduities of the father, 
and the kindliness of the Christian neighbor. Here 
evidently, were born his five children ; and these 
are all of whom we have any information. And 
here amid the agitation and troubles of those trying 
times was he, according to his convictions of right, 
faithful in the service of his country, and in his 
duty to his God. 

13 Hunter, p. 67. 


" Diiferences of opinion may continue to exist ; but when was it 
otherwise? Never, while men are permitted to think freely. It is 
not difference of opinion that makes the difficulty. It is the effort to 
enforce our opinion on somebody else." DR. S. BOWMAN. 

WE have now arrived at a period in the life of 
Brewster when a change took place in respect to 
his connection with the established church, of 
which, up to this time, he had been an active 
member. And the question comes up, what were 
the causes, or influencing and attending circum 
stances of this change ? 

If we look back to the first days of Elizabeth, 
we find a controversy early commencing; the 
effects of which, from the way in which it was 
conducted, were at length sorely felt throughout 
the kingdom ; nor is its sad influence entirely 
gone even at the present day. 

It was not, however, a controversy respecting 
Christian doctrines ; for in these the English 
reformers were very generally agreed. Under the 
capricious and dogmatically imperious Henry 
VIII. the opportunity for a reformation had been 
afforded, and was so continued and improved 
under the youthful Edward VI. and again under 


Elizabeth, that Protestantism, in its clear develop, 
ment of Christian truth, had become established. 
Nor was it a controversy respecting a uniformity 
of worship to be established by law. On this 
point, says the constitutional historian Hallam, 
"Both parties agreed too well in asserting the 
necessity of a uniformity of public worship, and of 
calling in the sword of the magistrate for the 
support and defence of their several principles." 
" Neither party were for admitting the liberty of 
conscience, and freedom of profession, which is 
every man s right, as far as consistent with the 
peace of the government." 1 

Nor did this controversy relate to church 
endowments; no small portions of which had 
already gone into the possession of the State ; and 
of which many a royal favorite, or grasping 
nobleman, or unrewarded partisan, was allowed to 
make still further spoils. On this point, the 
general voice of the reformers now was for 
securing and faithfully applying all that remained, 
to promote the restored faith of the reformation. 

Not in respect to any of these was this con 
troversy, but in respect to the further reforms in 
church ceremonies and discipline. This was a 
subject on which, from the nature of the case and 
of. men s varied modes of thinking, differences of 
opinion might be expected ; not only as to the 

1 Constitutional History of Eng., pp. 115, 122, Harper s ed. 


extent, but as to the rapidity , with which such 
reforms should be effected. 2 

Besides, special difficulties attended this ques 
tion. It was one great object of the Reformers to 
unite the largest portion of the people practicable, 
in one reformed national church; while not a 
small part of the nation still adhered to the old 
system ; and not a few who favored the reforma 
tion were yet, from custom, strongly attached to 
some ceremonies, which others would at once 
discard. 3 In this state of things, there were those, 
and they were among the most efficient, who were 
for giving themselves first, and in the ways most 
effectual, to the work of enlightening with 
scriptural truth the great body of the people, 
leaving these further reforms to follow in more 
favorable times. 4 

But there was another and still greater diffi 
culty. The church, as a church, could not legis 
late for itself. By general consent and acts of 
Parliament, the sovereign was, to an extent by 
no means clearly defined, the head of the Church, 
as well as of the State. 5 Changes, or further 
reforms, therefore, must have the concurrence of 
the sovereign, and the sanction of Parliament. 

But, notwithstanding all these difficulties, a 
numerous and increasing portion of the nation, 
including at first a large number of the bishops, 

2 Burnett, pp. 831, 837. 5 Hallam, pp. 105, 107, 188-9. 

9 Ibid. Act of Supremacy, and Notes. 

4 Ibid. 


with perhaps a minority that finally grew into a 
majority in Parliament, were decidedly in favor of 
some further change. 

In the year 1562, or fourth of Elizabeth s reign, 
the matter was regularly and ably discussed in the 
National Convocation of Clergy. Among the 
points debated, were propositions: 

"To discontinue holidays, except Sundays and 
the feasts that related to Christ." 

" That the minister, in officiating, should always 
turn his face towards the people." 

" That the ceremony of the cross in baptism be 

" That kneeling at the communion be left to the 
discretion of the ordinary." 

" That it be sufficient for the minister, in minis 
tering, to use the surplice." 

" That the use of organs be removed." 

The chief reasons given were on the ground of 
superstitious use and abuse. Other points of re 
form were debated. On taking the votes upon the 
reform propositions, forty-three were for them, and 
thirty-five against them. But the proxies being 
counted, there were for the propositions fifty-eight , 
against them fifty-nine. Thus, says Burnett, " while 
there was a majority for them of eight, of those 
who were present and heard the debates, these 
were outvoted by a majority of one proxy of an 
absent person." And what is not a little remark 
able, it is noted on the record, " that those who 
voted against the propositions, seemed to do so on 


the ground that to vote for them would be to act 
contrary to what had been authorized, or assuming 
authority to alter what had been settled by the 
legislature." 6 

To all such reforms, however, though most of 
the bishops then favored them, Queen Elizabeth 
was decidedly opposed. "Loving magnificence in 
everything herself," claiming under the act of 
supremacy almost absolute power, urging on the 
archbishop and others inclined to her views, she 
presented to every such movement an effectual 

To the Queen were the consequences chargeable. 
Says the same constitutional writer: "It is incon 
sistent with veracity to dissemble that the Queen 
alone was the cause of retaining those observances 
to which the great separation from the Anglican 
establishment is ascribed." 7 The immediate con 
sequences were that, whereas great liberty in these 
respects had been previously allowed, conformity 
to all the prescribed ceremonies was soon rigidly 
enforced ; and many were the suspensions, and 
not a few of able and highly esteemed ministers, 
for non-conformity. 8 There were but two lines to 
be taken when things had been brought to this 
pass, says the same authority, " either to relax and 
modify the regulations which gave offence, or to 


Burnett, p. 829. to conform, though some were in 

7 Hallam, 107, 110. Strype, in time restored. Burnett, 831, 838. 
years, 1559, 1560. In London 8 Ibid. 
alone, of 98 ministers, 38 refused 



enforce a more punctual observance of them." 
And " far more probably would the former course 
have prevented a great deal of that mischief, which 
the second manifestly aggravated. For in this 
early stage, the advocates of a simpler ritual, had 
by no means assumed the shape of an embodied 
faction,* but numbered the most learned and dis 
tinguished portion of the hierarchy." 9 

9 Hallam, 108, 110. As a strik 
ing illustration of the spirit of the 
Queen s proceedings, we have the 
following in another particular : 
" In several of the dioceses, the 
clergy, encouraged by their 
bishops, were accustomed to hold 
religious meetings, in which were 
discussions and expositions of par 
ticular texts of Scripture. These 
meetings were public ; a mode 
rator, appointed by the bishop, 
presided, and closed the exercises 
by a summary of the discussion 
and his decision. These exercises 
were called prophesyings : that is, 
explaining or interpreting the 
Scriptures. It was contended that 
setting forth the meaning of Scrip 
ture, and the grounds of their 
faith, in -this manner, both in 
structed and edified the people as 
yet but poorly taught therein, and 
also supplied, to some extent, the 
great deficiencies in learning 
among many of the pastors them 
selves. To these meetings and 
exercises the Queen was decidedly 
opposed ; and she directed Arch 
bishop Parker to put them down. 

" Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, 
as one, was unwilling to comply. A 
letter also from several of the Privy 
Council, as Sir Thomas Smith, 
Sir Walter Mildmay, Bishop San 
dys, and others, advised him not 
to hinder them, so long as nothing 
contrary to the church wa s taught 
in them. Parker hearing of this 
advice, contrary to the Queen s 
and his instructions, instituted 
such inquiries after the authors of 
the advice as resulted, at the time, 
in the discontinuance of the pro 
phesyings. But the succeeding 
archbishop, Grindal, bore the 
whole brunt of the Queen s dis 
pleasure, rather than obey her in 
this matter, conceiving that, under 
suitable rules, the abuses to which 
they were liable might be avoided. 
But the Queen would hear of no 
middle course, and insisted that 
the prophecyings should be 
stopped, and that fewer licenses 
for preaching should be given" (no 
parish minister being then allowed 
to preach discourses, except the 
homilies, without such license). 
(Burn s Eccl. Law, iii. 268.) 


But now, the controversy became more and 
more earnest and bitter from year to year. Not 
withstanding the efforts of many clergy and lay 
men to prevent extremes ; notwithstanding such 
statesmen as Burleigh, Walsingham, Mildmay, 
and others of like mind, labored to influence the 
Queen, and those who sided with her, to more 
tolerant measures; notwithstanding all efforts at 
home, in connection with counsels of learned men 
abroad, for unity and peace, extreme measures 
were resorted to, party lines were drawn, those 
who plead for forbearance were overborne, passion 
in many took the place of reason, while was 
a still more rigid enforcement of compliance on 
the part of the Queen and courf, attended with 
provocations unwarrantably exasperating on the 
part of extreme opposers. 10 Nor was this all. To 
enforce conformity in extreme cases the powers of 
the High Commission Court were brought into 
exercise in a manner before unknown. Designed, 
when reconstructed under Elizabeth, to restrain 
those who adhered to the Roman sway, its power 
was now turned as a keen-edged sword against 

" Archbishop Grindal steadily re- Parker and Grindal ; also as con 
fusing to comply, was for about five densed in Hallam, 119, 120 ; Harp, 
years sequestered from the exer- ed. 

cise of his jurisdiction, until, by a 10 Burnet, 830, 840 ; Hallam, 
kind of submission, he was re- 121, 124, 136 ; Bacon on the Con- 
stored a little before his death ; troversies of the Church of Eng- 
the Queen herself issuing circu- land ; Strype s Annals, iii. pt. i. 
lars to the bishops, commanding 260, 270, and Appendix, iii. pt. ii. 
obedience in putting an end to the 268. 
prophesyings." Strype s Lives of 


non-conforming and separating Protestants. By 
means of this court chiefly were effected the fines, 
suspensions, deprivations, imprisonments, and even 
executions, for non-conforming. "This mode of 
procedure," says Hallam, " was wholly founded on 
the canon law, and so repugnant was this to the 
rules of our English law, and to the principles of 
natural equity, that no species of ecclesiastical 
tyranny seems to have excited so much indigna 
tion." 11 

From various parts of the kingdom now came 
remonstrances and appeals to members of the 
Privy Council, in behalf of censured as well as 
deprived ministers, expressing deep concern for 
the cause of truth, of the Church, of the State, 
and of humanity. Of these most earnest appeals, 
that from the magistrates and gentlemen of the 
county of Suffolk, in the year 1583, preserved in 
the Annals of Strype, may be taken as a specimen. 12 

11 " The germ of this court marshalled with the worst male- 
seems to have been a commission factors ; presented, indicted, ar- 
granted by the (Roman Catholic) raigned, and condemned for mat- 
Mary to certain bishops and ters, as we presume, of very 
others to inquire, and to punish, slender moment. Some for leav- 
&c." "The primary model was ing the holidays unbidden, some 
the Inquisition," do. 122, note ; see for singing the psalm Nunc 
Strype s Documentary Annals, ii. Dimittis in the morning, some for 
217, 218 ; also in relation to the turning the questions in baptism 
illegality of the oath ex officio, concerning faith from the infants 
and to penalties not according to to the godfathers, which is but you 
law. for thou, some for leaving out the 

12 The following is an extract : cross in baptism, some for leaving 
" Ministers of the Word, by out the ring in marriage. Where- 

what malice we know not, are upon the law, neither the law- 


Even Lord Burleigh declared to the Queen, in 
relation to those ministers, " I am bold to think 
that the bishops in these dangerous times take a 
very ill and unadvised course in driving them 
from their cures." 13 More pointed was his letter 
on the subject to Whitgift, to which was returned 
a long, but to that statesman by no means a satis 
factory, answer. 14 

Years passing on, increasingly bitter, and often 
most grossly personal on both sides, did the con 
troversy become. Some redeeming examples there 
were, some praiseworthy exceptions. 

maker, in our judgments, had 
ever regard, but meant indeed to 
bridle the enemy. Yet now (a 
most pitiful thing to see), the 
back of this law turned to the 
adversary, and the edge, with all 
the sharpness, laid upon the sound 
and true-hearted subject. 

" We grant order to be the rule 
of the Spirit of God. We desire 
one uniformity in all the duties 
of the church, the same being 
agreeable to the proportion of 
faith. But if these weak cere 
monies (and their like) be so in 
different as their use, or not use, 
may be left to the discretion of 
the ministers, we think it, in duty 
(and under your favorable correc 
tion we speak it), very hard to 
have them go under so hard hand 
ling, to the utter discredit of the 
whole ministry and profession of 
truth. And, which is more, we, 
that be magistrates, and under 

her majesty, have, as we think, 
equivalency of voice, and know 
that law and justice is one, and 
may not be avoided, do forbear to 
speak what we know, lest, by our 
severing in opinion, law should be 
rent, and justice cut in twain ; 
and so the minds of the people, 
which are so easily distracted, 
carried hither and thither, to the 
moving of further inconvenience ; 
and so, by our silence, ministry 
and magistracy brought into open 

13 Harleian Miscellany, vii. 58 ; 
Strype, Ann., iii. pt. i. 262. 
"Unjust, indeed, would it be to 
censure the archbishop for inter 
fering to protect the discipline of 
his own church, had but the 
means adopted for that purpose 
been consonant to equity." 

14 Strype s Whitgift, 157, 163, 
166 ; Hallam, 125 ; Fuller, book 
9, p. 174. 


That noble declaration of Hooker^ the very an 
nouncement of which comes home to the heart of 
every unbiased reader or hearer, deserves to be 
emblazoned in letters of gold on every book of 
controversy : " There will come a time when three 
words, uttered with charity and meekness, shall 
receive a far more blessed reward than three 
thousand volumes, written with disdainful sharp 
ness of wit." 15 

But other consequences followed. Truly, says 
Hallam again, " When these obnoxious rites came 
to be enforced with unsparing rigor, and even 
those who voluntarily renounced the temporal ad 
vantages of the establishment, were hunted from 
their private conventicles, they began to consider 
the national system of ecclesiastical regimen as 
itself in fault, and to transfer to the institution of 
Episcopacy that dislike they felt for some of the 
prelates." 16 At length, the opposition became fixed. 
The hour for liberal concessions was suffered to 
pass away. Intolerance " taught men to question 
the authority that oppressed them, till the battle 
was no longer to be fought for a tippet and a sur 
plice, but for the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy, 
interwoven as it was with the temporal constitu 
tion of England. 


15 Ecclesiastical Polity, preface, treme opposition Lad separated 
chap. 3. themselves and become organized 

16 Constitutional History, 113, privately in separate societies, 
et seq. notwithstanding the stringent 

17 Ibid. Some few of the ex- application of the law. 


Would that we could here end this necessary 
view of the relative circumstances of the time, but 
no ! Toleration in respect to religion was then by 
neither party understood, advocated, or apparently 
known. 18 Nor had history, from the commence 
ment of the Romish sway, with two exceptions 
only and those by laymen furnished any other 
example. 19 How strange that Christians, disciples 
of the same Divine Master, should ever, for any 
conscientious differences, persecute or shed the 
blood of Christians ! Where had been hidden that 
Master s stern rebuke to his disciples, on their sug 
gestion of commanding fire from heaven upon those 
who would not receive him I " Ye know not what 
manner of spirit ye are of. The Son of Man is not 
come to destroy men s lives, but to save them !" 
Where was concealed that counsel, standing out 
in such bold relief on the Gospel page] " Take 
heed! If this counsel or this work be of men, it 
will come to naught ; but if it be of God, ye can 
not overthrow it, lest haply ye be found even to 
fight against God!" Where was that inspired 
appeal of St. Paul to those who would judge their 
brethren, though differing in minor matters I " Who 
art thou that judgest another man s servant] To 
his own master he standeth or falleth : Yea, he 

18 Similar was the intolerance chusetts colony in New England, 

under Presbyterian sway in the though not, perhaps, in the same 

Revolution ; also, under the Inde- degree. 

pendents in the time of Cromwell ; 19 The Emperor Maximilian and 

and we must add, in the Massa- Henry IV. of France. 


shall be holden up ; for God is able to make him 
stand!" Where were those truths so specific, of 
such high obligation, uttered as by the voice from 
heaven ! 20 How had they been buried in darkness 
so deep that even the light of the Reformation had 
scarcely yet disclosed them to the eye, or fixed 
them upon the conscience! Alas! -they were to be 
learned, like some other most precious truths in 
bitterest conflicts, from scenes of deepest agony. 
They must be wrought in upon the judgment, 
burned in upon the souls of men by their revolting 
consequences ; even by victimized fellow-beings in 
imprisonment, on the rack, or at the stake. Such 
had been the course under the Romish sway. 
Would that there were no similar cases under 
Protestant rule ; of Protestant subjects, even under 
a Protestant princess ; that as to Copping, Thacker, 
Dennis, Penry, Barrow, and Greenwood, whatever 
were judged to be their legal offences, the Pro 
testant cause of England might have been free 
from any responsibility of their blood. 21 

But there is one brighter spot amid the dark 

20 Luke, ix. 52, 56 ; Acts, v. alleged seditious writings. Of 
35, 38, 39 ; Romans, xiv. 4. Dennis, we have not the particu- 

21 Copping and Thacker were lars. Barrow and Greenwood were 
called Anabaptists, and indicted executed under the law of the 23d 
and sentenced to be executed, for of the Queen, and for spreading 
denying the Queen s ecclesiastical seditious writings. As to the mode 
supremacy, and for distributing of procedure, Hallam remarks, "an 
the condemned books of the noted oppressive and sanguinary law 
Robert Brown. Strype s Annals, was made, and a construction put 
iii. 186 ; also, Fuller and Stowe. upon it contrary to all common 

Penry, in the same manner, for sense." 


shades of this dark picture. If it be true, as Brad 
ford relates, it presents an example (and there are 
many) of Elizabeth s quick apprehension of justice 
and right, when unbiased by passion or prede 

"Asking the learned Dr. Reynolds, what he 
thought of those two men, Barrow and Greenwood, 
who had some time before been executed; and 
seeing him loth to answer, she charged him upon 
his allegiance to speak. He answered, that he 
was persuaded, if they had lived they would have 
been two as worthy instruments for the church of 
God, as have been raised up in this age. Her 
majesty sighed and said no more. 22 Afterwards 
riding to the park, and past the place where they 
were executed, she demanded of the Earl of Cum 
berland, who was present when they suffered, what 
was their end? He answered, A very godly end, 
and prayed for your majesty and the State. 
Again, demanding of the archbishop, on his con 
science, what he thought of them, he answered, 
He thought they were the servants of God, but 
dangerous to the State. Alas! said she, shall 
we put the servants of God to death V And this, 
adds Bradford, was the true cause why no more 
were put to death in these days. " 23 

22 The same Dr. Reynolds whom thorized translators of the Bible 

King James afterwards combated into English, 

at the Hampton Court, and who k3 Bradford, in Young, 432. 
was subsequently one of the au- 


I am told thou callest thyself a king. 

Know, if thou art one, that the poor have rights : 

And power, in all its pride, is less than justice. 


JAMES of Scotland, coming to the English 

* o o 

throne without Elizabeth s capacity for govern 
ment, with perhaps the strangest mixture on 
record of sense and of silliness, of much acquired 
knowledge, and low pedantic meannesses, of high 
pretensions to religion, with sad want of it bred 
a Presbyterian, yet discarding that, and arrogating 
to himself the highest church as well as state 
prerogatives ; James, manifesting such character 
istics, soon disappointed all expectations of the 
court party most agreeably, of the opposite party, 
most sadly. 

Among the very first acts of his government, 
was the committal of that "great error of throw 
ing away one of the best opportunities for healing 
the wounds of the English church." Instead of 
attempting to heal, he aggravated them. On his 
coming into the kingdom a petition was presented 
to him from 825 clergymen a petition couched 
in terms of devoted loyalty, asking for redress of 


some certain abuses, and for certain ceremonial 
reforms, none of them inconsistent with the 
principles of the establishment, and nearly the 
same as, but for one proxy, would have passed in 
the convocation of 1562. And the aggravating 
act was (what Hallam has pronounced, " the most 
enormous outrage on the civil rights of these 
men") the committal to prison of ten of those who 
presented the petition. 1 

Also at the famous Hampton Court conference, 
held professedly to debate the points in question, 
whatever might be the merits of the case, we are 
constrained to acknowledge the " indecent and 
partial behavior of the King," even as related by 
Barlow; but more aggravating, as stated by 
Harrington, an eye witness. 2 We see the vain- 
glorying of the man, and the rashness and want of 
wisdom in the sovereign rashness in adding 
insult to rejection, provoking an opposition 
founded in the deepest, strongest, most enduring 
elements of man s nature. Stop the current, dam 
up the waters of the flowing stream, give them no 
vent ; they accumulate until they reach a height, 
and attain a weight and power, that will sooner or 
later break forth and overbear all opposition. 
What might have been used to fertilize and 
beautify will in its fury and power, spread desola 
tion indiscriminately over all that shall lie in its 

1 Hallam, pp. 173, 174; also 2 Do. and in Fuller, ii. p. 78, 
Bacon s Tracts, vol. i. p. 387, as &c.,and Antiquse Nugse, part i. p. 
to the desired reforms. 181. 


way. Streams of thought, accumulating currents 
of mind, coming from sources permanent and deep, 
long pent up, and arbitrarily forced back to 
revolve and react, and gather strength, at length 
acquire a might no power on earth can control. 

A weak King, with state and church courtiers, 
makes the attempt: of his own sovereign will, 
taking counsel only of such as are interested to 
flatter him, he takes upon himself to dictate to 
Parliament. By proclamations with courts sub 
servient to his will to give them the force of law, 
he presses the strictest conformity in matters of 
religious observances upon men conscientiously 
differing. As & partisan, he stigmatizes as Puritans 
all that body in the church who concurred not in 
his imperious views, and the non-conforming as 
" novelists," as " scarcely to be endured," " a sect 
insufferable in any well governed commonwealth ;" 
and not to be tolerated in the kingdom. 3 Subse 
quent history relates the results. 

About this time another element made its ap 
pearance in the controversy. Able men and states 
men, in and out of Parliament, saw their constitu 
tional rights, their chartered liberties, trespassed 
upon, violated, even the existence of them denied. 
Those who would assert those rights, and defend 
those liberties, were stigmatized as political Puri 
tans. Hence this new element soon coalesced from 

3 See his Proclamations at this Strype s Documentary Annals, ii. 
period; Fuller, iii. 189, 192; 60, and note. 
Pictorial Hist, of Eng., iii. 15. 


sympathy with the other ; and a union of Church 
Puritans and State Puritans, followed. 4 

Ere long these elements were strengthened from 
another source. Not only some lower courts, but 
the Star Chamber and High Commission especially 
(as we have before noticed) had long been subser 
vient to the sovereign s will in giving decisions 
and enforcing penalties against the non-conformists. 
But a chief justice of the Common Pleas was at 
length found on the bench, with sufficient weight 
of character, depth of legal knowledge, and, what 
is more, with an uprightness of purpose, and stern 
determination to vindicate the law, and the rights 
of the subject. This was none other than Chief 
Justice Coke. By his decisions it was shown and 
maintained, that the Court of High Commission, 
in enforcing those penalties, was in many particuj- 
lars acting by usurped authority. 

Mighty was the struggle; but constitutional 
right and law were, in part at least, and for a little 
time, triumphant. The sovereign concurred. The 
force of his proclamations, issued without authority 
of Parliament, was weakened. 5 

It was about the commencement of this last 

4 Rapin, ii. 424, 440. 618. It may here be added, that 

5 Life of Chief Justice Coke, by in all this, the English nation, and 
Lord. Mansfield; more particularly we ourselves, owe to Chief Justice 
in Johnson s Life of Sir Edward Coke a debt of gratitude due to 
Coke, i. 206-236, and ii. 102, 139. no other. In opposition to all the 
Coke s Institutes, pt. iv. page 324, exercises of an arbitrary power 
opposed to acts of Bancroft ; Re- by King, Council, and High Com 
ports, pt. xii., vii. pp. 19, 41. mission, especially in " cases Ec- 

Strype s Doc. Annals, pt. ii. 601, clesiastical," did he most manfully 



train of circumstances, in this long, sad controversy, 
and under the pressure of the measures renewedly 
enforced by deprivations, fines, imprisonments, and 
confiscations, that William Brewster left the 
Established Church. 

For " many years" had he been engaged actively, 
yet orderly (and while holding office under Govern 
ment), in furthering the cause of religion in the 
church, in procuring worthy ministers for the des 
titute, and in doing good according to his power; 
living the while in high esteem among the best in 
that portion of the land. With an observant eye 
had he beheld all that was passing. He had pro- 

vindicate the prerogatives of the 
Court of Common Pleas, and the 
principles of the common law. 
Most firmly did he withstand the 
arts, persuasions, proffered favors, 
and menaces of the highest and 
most powerful, until at length King 
James declared his will to " reform 
the High Commission in divers 
points, and reduce it to certain 
spiritual causes." 

To the liberties of the people it 
was matter of vital concern. Thus 
checked in its illegal proceedings, 
this court became gradually more 
and more unpopular, until by the 
act of 16th of Charles I. it was 
finally abolished. The second 
section of the act declared it to be 
a " court by which the King s sub 
jects sustained great and insuffer 
able wrongs and oppressions." 
The attempt afterwards by James 
II. to revive it, proved one of the 

causes that hurled him from his 

Annexed are some specimens of 
Coke s Maxims. 

"No proclamation can be offeree 
against an act of Parliament." 

" If a proclamation is issued 
contrary to law, the law is to be 
obeyed, and not the proclamation." 

"No subject, though ever so 
powerful or subtle, ever confronted 
or jostled with the law of England, 
but the same, in the end, infallibly 
broke his neck." 

" The High Commission cannot, 
by force of the act of 1st Elizabeth, 
send a pursuivant to arrest any 
person subject to their jurisdiction, 
but ought to proceed by cita 
tion." Reports, pt. xii. pp. 19,41. 

For one instance of Coke s acts 
in point, see Bradford in Young, 


bably sympathized with those who wished for 
further reforms. But it was not, as Bradford in 
forms us, until the enforcement of conformity, by 
the King, in the aggravating manner mentioned, 
through Brancroft as primate, and by the very 
bishop of the diocese in which he lived, not until 
this, that he began to " look into .the unlawfulness" 
of the course pursued, and to call in question the 
authority of courts and canons. 6 It was not until 
the suspension, deprivation, and silencing of some 
of those very ministers with whom he had asso 
ciated, on whose ministry he had attended, from 
whom he had heard with profit the preached word, 
and whom he esteemed and loved, as good, yet 
persecuted ministers of Christ it was not until 
all this, and till no prospect of a final change for 
the better could be seen, 7 that he left the national 
church. When, withdrawing quietly, yet decid 
edly, he entered into connection with that separate 
organization, of which the aged and confessedly 
pious, but lately deprived Clifton was the first 
pastor of which Robinson also became the min 
ister, and he himself, in time, and in another land, 
the ruling elder. 

Such appear to have been the facts such the 
circumstances of the case presented. 8 

6 Bradford, 410. s It is but j ust i ce to state here, 

7 Walsingham had died in 1589, what could not so properly appear 
Burleigli in 1598, and Whitgift in in the text, that much more than 
Iti04, and tke extreme court party was asked for in the Milenary peti- 
were now in full power. tion was in after times provided 



for by law ; in the various acts of 
toleration, charitable allowances 
were extensively made for differ 
ences of opinion in matters of 
religious worship. 

And justice to the cause of truth 
demands this still further state 
ment, in respect to the Protestant 
Episcopal Church in the United 
States of America : that far more 
than was at first objected to in 
England was here set aside, or left 
discretionary. Moreover, in its 
organization, a lay representation 
was provided for, equal to that of 
its clerical representation, in all 
its legislative assemblies and con 
ventions. Thus constituted, it 
has been found, on comparison, 
to bear the nearest resemblance 
practicable to the organization of 
the general and state governments. 
And in respect to both of these 
branches of the Christian church, 
we may add here the views of a 
distinguished antiquarian, and 
minister of the congregational 
order, Thomas Robins, D. D., of 
New England, for many years 
Librarian of the Connecticut His 
torical Society, Hartford. In his 
"Historical View of the First 
Planters of New England," on re 
ferring to the " causes which in 
duced certain Puritans to separate 
from the Church of England," and 
to the arbitrary measures of the 
English hierarchy of that day, he 
says : " No reflection is intended on 
the present Church of England, 

which now possesses a very differ 
ent character from that which it 
sustained previous to the revolu 
tion. It now deserves great vene 
ration for its noble exertions in 
the cause of evangelical truth, 
and as an immovable barrier to 
infidelity. Still less will it be 
thought, by the candid reader, 
that any unfriendly designs are 
entertained towards the Episcopal 
Church in this country, which 
never had any share in those pre- 
latical usurpations." Preface of, 
&c., p. v. 

Hallam, in closing a chapter on 
the Constitutional View of the Con 
troversy, remarks : " I am very sen 
sible that such freedom as I have 
used, cannot be pleasing to such 
as have sworn allegiance to either 
the Anglican or the Puritan party ; 
and that even candid and liberal 
minds may be inclined to suspect 
that I have not sufficiently ad 
mitted the excesses of one side to 
furnish an excuse for those of the 
other. Such readers I would gladly 
refer to Lord Bacon s Advertise 
ment touching the Controversies 
of the Church of England, written 
in the time of Elizabeth, in ; that 
tone of dispassionate philosophy, 
which the precepts of Burleigh 
had sown in his deep and fertile 
mind, and taught him to apply." 
Hallam s Con. Hist., p. 136 ; Bacon, 
ii. 375, 382, 387, &c., or pp. 411, 
414, 417, 418, &c., Amer. ed. 


There s no impossibility to him 

Who stands prepared to conquer every hazard : 

The fearful are the failing. MRS. HALE. 

THERE is a turning point in a man s life of far 
higher moment to him than any other; a point 
from which is marked his character for better or 
for worse ever after. Temporarily, with Brewster, 
had he remained in England, that turning point 
might have been at the fall of Davison ; but now 
had he arrived at another, which casts that far 
into the shade. This was his connection with the 
separate religious organization just noticed. And 
this it was, however little suspected then, that led 
to results which were to distinguish the man to all 
ensuing time. 

It was about the year 1606, evidently, when 
this organization or connection took place ; and 
when Brewster was in about his 47th year. 
Bradford s various statements brought together, 
specify the time too plainly to be any longer 

First, ""after they were joined together in 
communion, he [Brewster] was a special stay and 


help to them. They ordinarily met at his house 
on the Lord s day (which was a manor of the 
bishops) ; and with great love he entertained 
them ;" Morton adds, " and continued so to do 
whilst they could stay in England." 1 This covers 
the whole time from their own separate organiza 
tion until their arrangement to leave the country. 

In another place, Bradford, speaking of this 
separate organization, and the trials they soon had 
to endure, specifies the length of time mentioned. 
" So after they had continued together about a 
year, seeing that they could no longer continue 
in that condition, they resolved to get over into 
Holland, which was in the year 1607 and 1608. 2 
Prince adds: "This fall [1607] they began to 
fly over to Holland." Here we have, then, the 
date of their first attempt at removal, and the 
intervening year between that removal and their 
separate organization; leaving the year 1606, as 
that wherein their organization was completed, 
and when Brewster became connected with them. 
If there was, as appears, another earlier organiza 
tion, it was that perhaps with which Mr. Smith, 
already alluded to, was chiefly connected. 

Strikingly confirmatory of the above are the 
coincident historical facts as the extremes of 
enforcement of rigid conformity at the time, and 
of prosecutions for non-conformity; likewise, 

1 Bradford, pp. 411, 412 ; Mor- 2 Bradford, pp. 10, 11 ; and 
ton, in Young, 465. Prince, p. 23, 1st ed. 


Bradford s computation of tc above 36 years in which 
Brewster bore his part in weal and woe with this 
people," carrying us back to the very year 1606 ; 
also the facts brought to light by Hunter, the 
resignation or removal of Brewster as " Post of 
Scrooby," on the last of September, 1607; the 
season of his departure thence, thus allowing for 
an intervening year; also the fine imposed on 
" Brewster, Brownist, or Separatist," the 22d of 
the next " April, 1608," for non-appearance at 
Southwell, and unpaid for he had removed. 3 
Finally Robinson s coming thither from Norwich, 
and his connection with this people about the 
same year, 1606; all these help to confirm the 
conclusions drawn. 4 

The time thus defined, and the intermediate 
year brought prominently to view, so also is the 
place where this church or congregation " ordi 
narily assembled on the Lord s day," viz., Brew- 
ster s house, still called the Bishop s Manor. Here 
now meeting for worship in its stately manorial 

3 Dean, afterwards Bishop Hall, 4 Bradford, p. 410. Those 36 
writing to Mr. Robinson, and years and about one month, taken 
others, after they had arrived in from April, 1643 (old style), 
Amsterdam, says: "We hear of that is, 1642 and one month, 
your separation, and mourn." He leave the year 1606; the time 
calls it " The late separation at given in the previous statement. 
Amsterdam :" again, " A late Hunter s Founders of N. Ply- 
separation, not the first." Bp. mouth, 68, 72, and Mass. Hist. 
Hall s work, vii. 171, 175, 385. Col., i. 4th series, pp. 75, 117. See 
And Mr. Robinson answered, " The also Strype s Annals, and Rapin, 
separation we have made .... is as to the pressure of conformity 
indeed late and new." Ans. to at this particular period. 
Bp. Hall s Epist. 


hall, or in some one of its spacious apartments, 
the venerable Clifton, whose ministry had long 
before been blessed to many of them, appears to 
have officiated as their first pastor, assisted by 
Robinson as their teacher or minister. 5 Here also 
were called forth the marked liberality and affec 
tionate attentions of Brewster, not only in furnish 
ing a place of worship, but " in providing for them 
when they came together, himself bearing the 
great charge," and running the risk of conse 

Soon, however, were they made to feel the con 
sequences of separation. Soon were the strictest 
interpretations of the law, with the far more 
stringent proclamations and ecclesiastical instruc 
tions for minutest inquiry, put in force. 6 Accord 
ingly, says one of their number, " some were taken 
and clapt into prison, others had their houses 
beset, and watched night and day, they barely 
escaping, while the most part were fain to fly 
and leave all habitations, friends, and means of 
living." James words were to be verified in their 
case : " I will make them conform, or I will harry 
them out of the kingdom, or else do worse;" 
words big with meaning, and to be attended with 

5 Bradford, p. 10, and in Young, also intimates, errata, p. 254, 1st 

453, and in Hunter, pp. 42-45. ed. 

From the Plymouth Church Re- 6 See specimens of the questions 

cords, the intimations are clear to which answers were demanded 

that Mr. Clyfton was considered to in Strype and in Calamy. 
be their first Pastor ; as Prince 


final consequences, of which neither he nor they 
could then have formed any conceptions. 

In these trials, Brewster was a further " special 
stay and help to them." In these were his sym 
pathies awakened, new acts of kindness called forth, 
and the closest bonds of union cemented. While 
thus harassed, and seeing no hope of anything 
better, by joint consent they resolved to go into 
the Low Countries. There, they heard, was free 
dom of religion for all ; thither had others gone 
from London and other parts for the same cause. 
But to go from country, homes, friends, livings, 
all that was familiar and dear, to go under the de 
clared opprobrium of violators of law, and into a 
country known to them only by hearsay (Brewster 
excepted), into a country dear of living, subject to 
the miseries of war, of strange language, and as 
strange modes of life, was sorely trying, and 
thought by many to be an " adventure almost des 
perate." 7 Not the least discouraging was the fact 
that " they were not acquainted with the trades 
nor traffic by which that country subsisted," 
having been accustomed "only to a plain country 
life and the trade of husbandry." 8 

Yet, though troubled, they were not dismayed. 
Would they escape from persecution, and enjoy 
their worship in their own chosen way, they must 
go. There was but the one alternative. They 

7 Bradford, 10. tliis people as altogether agricul- 

8 Ibid., 11. This last is deci- tural ; any other must have been 
sive as to the trade or calling of learned afterwards. 


had views of church organization, ceremonies, 
and discipline, which the King and bishops by 
him promoted would not tolerate. They deter 
mined to flee. Whatever may be thought of their 
faults, their minds were guided by a strong, de 
finite, fixed purpose, conscientiously entertained, 
and equal to any sacrifice it might require. 9 
Equally strong was their faith in an Almighty arm 
to guide and protect, and in the Divine mercy 
finally to bless them. 

But resolved, and prepared to go, they en 
countered another trial. The ports were shut 
against them. They could go only in private ways, 
at great risk of seizure, and at extraordinary rates 
of passage, attended otherwise with heavy expense. 
Still nothing could deter them. And now followed 
their various efforts for removal. 

Brewster, with a large company, having chartered 
for their sole use a ship at Boston, in Lincolnshire, 
the nearest port for their purpose, repaired thither 
at the time appointed ; but neither the captain nor 
ship \vere there to receive them. After long delay, 
and increased expense, the captain appeared, and 
in the night, took them and their goods on board. 

When on board, he betrayed them to the search 
officers, with whom he had made agreement for 
the purpose. Taken by these officials, and placed 
in open boats, they were searched; their goods 
ransacked, and their persons rifled for money, even 
to their innermost garments, and the women be- 

9 Bradford, 9-11. 


yoncl the bounds of modesty. Most probably the 
wife and children of Brewster were of the number. 

Plundered of their money, books, and to a large 
extent of their goods, they were taken back into 
the town, and made a spectacle of wonder to the 
multitudes who came flocking on all sides to see 
them. In this plight were they presented before 
the magistrates ; when messengers with informa 
tion thereof were dispatched to the Lords of the 

The magistrates treated them very courteously, 
and showed them every favor in their power, but 
could not release them without orders from the 
Council Board, and must therefore commit them 
to prison. A month were they there detained. 
After which, most of the company being dismissed, 
and sent whence they came, Brewster and six 
others held in durance, were bound over to the 
Court o Assize. 

" He was the chief person of the company, and 
suffered the greatest loss." The books mentioned, 
are supposed to have been mostly his. He was 
" one of the seven kept longest in prison" " suf 
fering most." Thus passed the first winter of their 
attempted removal. 10 

The next spring (1608) a portion of the same 
company, with others, attempted again to pass into 
Holland. Arranging matters more cautiously than 
before, and meeting with a Dutchman at Hull,. 

10 Bradford, pp. 11, 12, and 412. 


with his ship from Zealand, they informed him of 
their condition, and with him made an agreement; 
hoping to find him more faithful than they had 
their own countryman. 

Assured of this, at a certain day they agreed to 
meet him on a large common on the border of the 
Humber, between Grimsby and Hull. Against 
the appointed time, were the women and children 
of the company forwarded with their goods, in a 
small hired barque, while the men were to meet 
them by land. The barque arriving before the 
ship, and the sea being rough, the sickened women 
induced the boatmen to put into a creek, where at 
low water they were left aground. In the morning 
came the ship. The master, finding the barque to 
be grounded till return of tide, but seeing the men 
walking upon the shore, and ready, sent for them, 
meanwhile, by boat. Having received on board 
as many as could first come by the boat, while pre 
paring to send for the remainder, he spied a large 
body of men, horse and foot, armed, and in close 
pursuit. Uttering his country s oath, the captain 
quickly weighed anchor, hoisted sail, and put to 

Trying indeed was now the condition of those 
on shore. 

The men on board, in deep distress at being 
taken from their wives and children, now left to the 
mercy of their pursuers, could but shed manly tears, 
while at the same time, they found themselves for 
the most part destitute, penniless, and without 


change of raiment. But vain were all regrets and 
longings to be back. There was no remedy. 

Not long, however, had they to brood over what 
had passed. Their own perilous condition soon 
claimed all attention. A fearful storm followed. 
Seven days they saw neither sun, moon, nor stars. 
Driven by the tempest near to the coast of Norway, 
even the mariners themselves were often in despair. 
Once, with cries and shrieks, they gave up all for 
lost, the ship sinking as if foundered and past re 
covery. "But when man s help and hope failed," 
says the narrator, apparently present, 11 " then the 
Lord s power and mercy appeared in their re 
covery." Greatly to the encouragement of the 
mariners, the ship rose again. " And did modesty 
permit," says he, " I might declare with what fer 
vent prayers some cried unto the Lord in their 
distress ; especially when the briny waters were 
running into their mouths and ears, and the mari 
ners were crying out, We sink ! we sink ! When 
they, without distraction, but with great faith, 
cried, Yet, Lord, thou canst save ; yet, Lord, thou 
canst save. 

The ship soon recovered; the violence of the 
storm began to abate ; and greatly were their af 
flicted minds comforted. In the end, some four 
teen days from their departure, were they brought 
to their desired haven, where the people came 
flocking, and wondering at their deliverance, so 

11 Bradford, the future governor, then about 18 years of age. 


long, furious, and destructive had the tempest 
been. 12 

But we return to those so abruptly left by the 
shore of the Humber. Such of the men as were 
left, and would be exposed to the greatest danger 
from their pursuers, eluded their grasp by escape ; 
while those who best could, remained to assist the 
destitute and helpless. 

Pitiable was the condition of the poor women 
and children ; some weeping, and crying that hus 
bands, fathers, and protectors, were taken from 
them, and to what trials those were exposed they 
knew not, nor what was now to become of them 
selves and their little ones ; others were in tears 
from sympathy, and on seeing the young and de 
fenceless hanging upon them, quaking with fear 
and cold, while the troop were upon them and ap 
prehending them. 

Whether Brewster was in this company, we can 
not discover ; yet it seems probable, since " he was 
the first in all adventures, and forwardest in any." 13 

This helpless company, thus apprehended, were 
next taken from place to place, hurried from one 
justice to another, until at length the officers were 
in a dilemma, not knowing what to do with them. 

12 Ibid., pp. 13, 14. Also, Mor- Bradford not now extant, and says, 
ton in Young, 465. expressly respecting Brewster : " I 

13 Bradford, 14, and Morton in could say much of mine own 
Young, 465. knowledge ; but shall content my- 

It should be borne in mind that self with the hon. testimony of Mr. 

we have reason to trust Morton, Wm. Bradford." Mem., p. 132, 

on points omitted in Bradford s old ed. 
history, for he had writings by 


To imprison so many women and innocent children 
for no other cause in respect to a large portion of 
them, than that they would go with their husbands 
or parents, appeared not only unreasonable, but 
all men would cry out against it. To send them 
to their homes was as difficult ; for, as they alleged 
truly, they had none, having sold all in order to 
their removal. In the end, having passed from 
one constable to another, after great trouble, glad 
were the officers to be rid of them on any terms ; 
and thus was forced a way for their final release. 

As a consequence of these exposures and trials, 
not only in the country, but at Boston, Grimsby, 
Hull, and other places of note, their case and cause 
became widely known. On many minds deep and 
lasting was the impression, especially as connected 
with their patient endurance and irreproachable 
lives. Some of them, indeed, shrunk disheartened 
from their conflicts ; but others came forth with 
fresh courage, greatly animating the remainder. 14 

Such, and other trials like these, did Brewster 
and this people endure. Amidst such they com 
menced their movements, in all of which his agency 
was conspicuous ; through such did they resolutely 
pass, notwithstanding all opposition, until at length, 
some at one time and place, and some at another, 
they arrived in Holland ; there meeting again to 
gether as in a secure retreat, according to their 
desires, and to their no small rejoicing. 

14 Bradford, pp. 14, 15. 


" Hope without an object cannot live." COLERIDGE. 

BREWSTER with his pastor, and the emigrant 
company, arrived at Amsterdam, in Holland, in 
the summer of 1608. They were "the last to 
come over," having tarried " longest in England, to 
help the weakest over before them." 1 

And now they "began to realize the fact, that 
they were indeed strangers in a strange land, with 
a people of strange speech, manners, dress, diet 
a people proverbially patient, of untiring industry 
and most rigid economy, saving all gains in all 
manner of ways. 3 A country they found, densely 
populated, differing externally, in habits and 
modes of labor, from all to which they had been 
accustomed in the rural life of their English 
inland homes. Situations in business they also 
found preoccupied, and in them much rivalry. 
Unfavorable, therefore, were their prospects of 
immediate employment, or of obtaining a com 
fortable living. 

But their purpose was fixed, patiently to 

1 Bradford, p. 16. 


accommodate themselves to their new circumstances, 
and to surmount all difficulties. They beheld a 
city risen from an insignificant village, built upon 
piles over a salt marsh, around a dam across the 
mouth of the river Amstel (and hence its name 
Amsterdam, from the dam of the Amstel\ and 
now by unexampled industry grown into a mighty 
mart renowned for its increasing commerce, 
accumulated wealth, and stately buildings. They 
beheld its harbor enlivened, and wharves lined 
with ships from every known clime; and on its 
scores of canals in place of streets, water craft 
floating without number, of every form and for 
every needed purpose. Hither had fled from the 
blood-stained streets and blackened ruins of 
Antwerp, large numbers of the Protestant popula 
tion of that captured and plundered city, bringing 
with them their arts, manufactures, and skill in 

Hither had come not a few like themselves, to 
find a safe retreat from persecution, from France, 
Germany, and even from England. Thus had 
Amsterdam become in Holland, what Antwerp 
had been in Flanders, the grand emporium of 
Europe. 2 

But while they saw all this, other things 
demanded their immediate attention. They were 
to provide at once for the necessities of themselves 
and families, and to arrange their church order 

2 Bradford, 11 and 16, and Malte Bran, iii. 1000, 1103, &c. 


and worship, to enjoy which in peace they had 
come to Holland. 

But in this latter chief purpose, they met with 
an unexpected hindrance. Mr. Smith and his 
company, of whom we have already spoken, had 
arrived here some time before them. And years 
before his arrival, had another, older separate 
congregation, come from London, and been here 
settled. With this older separate company Smith 
and his people " were already involved in con 
tention," which "no means that Robinson and 
Brewster could use would allay." Besides, in that 
older church itself were the flames of contention 
likely to break out, w T hich afterwards lamentably 
came to pass. " Which things Robinson and 
Brewster foreseeing, prudently resolved to remove 
thence, before they became involved in them." 3 

Scarcely, therefore, had they been here an 
entire year, when, to escape from contention, and 
live in peace among themselves, they sought 
another place of abode. Thus soon breaking up 
all local plans and arrangements already made, 
and gathering all again together, they removed to 
Leyden, another city next in size to Amsterdam, 
about 38 miles distant. 

This removal, and the reasons given, were cha 
racteristic of the men acting from principle and 
desire of peace, though they knew it would be to 

3 Bradford, 16 and 17. 


the prejudice of their worldly interests then, and, 
to appearance, in future, as the event proved. 4 

Here, also, is shown the fact that, with neither 
of those separately organized bodies (though sym 
pathizing with them in most things), with neither 
of them did this company under Clifton, now 
under Robinson and Brewster, become united. 5 
Nor did they approve, it appears, of the rigid 
notions of some of those Separatists in respect to 
modes of dress, as well as in respect to the mode 
of baptism, and to some particulars in church 
government, which caused those contentions. 6 

It was early in the summer of 1609 when this 
emigrant company, with perhaps a few exceptions, 
came to Leyden. Here, again, they saw an ancient 
city, situated in the midst of the district of Rhine- 
land, a district presenting a vast level expanse of 
the richest meadows in the world, adorned with 
seventy villages, with their towers and spires 
rising to view out of tufted groves, and the whole 
specked with interminable flocks and herds, a 
view extending until lost in the bluish haze 
beyond the cities of Delft and the Hague. 

Of the city itself, built on thirty islands formed 
by river and canals, and connected by numerous 

4 "Valuing peace (says Brad- the Memoirs of Robinson, pre- 
ford) and spiritual comfort above fixed to his works, and in Mass. 
all earthly riches." Hist. Coll., 4th series, i. 123. See 

5 Bradford, 16, 17; Prince s An- further in Chap. XXVII. of this 
nals, 26, 27. These facts are here work. 

stated thus particularly, since they 6 Bradford, in Young, 445-6-7, 
have been inaccurately stated in and 450. 


bridges, there is a partial view in the annexed 
print. In the foreground are seen, on the right, 
the main street, through the centre, the New 
Rhine, with its slow moving current, bearing on 
its surface various water craft, the other, or Old 
Rhine, being concealed from sight. Of the many 
churches, St. Peter s, on the extreme right, and 
St. Pancras on the left, lift their huge masses 
above all inferior buildings (St. Peter s dating 
back into the 12th century, and where the pastor, 
Robinson, was to be at length buried). On every 
side are ranges of buildings, high and low, public 
and private, with picturesque old gables in true 
Dutch style, of red brick, fantastically inlaid with 
stone-work, in some of which were doubtless, for 
a time, the abodes of the pilgrims. Other fine 
streets met the eye, with shady walks and noble 
edifices ; and skirting the whole were walls, 
towers, and armed battlements, while beyond was 
spread out the level sea of verdure, with countless 
windmills, and densely populated burghs and 

" A beautiful city," says the historian, " a fail- 
beautiful city, of a sweet situation." 7 

Hither, also, as well as to Amsterdam, adding 
greatly to its active population, had fled large 
numbers of Protestants, artisans, manufacturers, 
merchants, and men of science from fallen Ant 

7 Bradford, 17 ; Bartlett s Pilgrim Fathers, 75, 79, &c. 


But the chief glory of Ley den was its university. 
Founded soon after the siege and almost super 
human defence of 1574, now drawing numerous 
students from its own and the surrounding states, 
already, with its eminent professors and other ad 
vantages, was it in the enjoyment of a high and 
justly earned reputation throughout the learned 
world. 8 Here, also, must have come up vividly to 
the mind of Brewster, historic recollections of the 
embassy to this vicinity, with which he was con 
nected some twenty-three years before. 

Still, though our emigrant band, to use their 
own words, saw around them "goodly cities, 
strongly armed" and " abounding in all kinds of 
wealth," not long could those goodly sights detain 
their thoughts from their own reduced condition. 

Many were their discouragements here also, 
greater even externally than when they were in 
Amsterdam. By extra expenditures and deten 
tions in England, loss of goods, imprisonment, high 
rates of passage, and this last removal, had their 
means been sadly diminished, nay, well nigh ex 
hausted. Lonely strangers were they still in a 
strange land, and still unacquainted, for the most 
part, with the trades and modes of procuring sub- 

8 Malte Brun, article Leyden, While this appears to have been 
and Notes ; Bradford, 17, and the fact in respect to him, a state- 
Brandt, ment usually connected with it, 

Ibid. It is said that the yet in respect to Brewster, is not so, 

youthful Bradford, in this neces- and will be corrected in its proper 

sity learned the trade of silk place, 


sistence. Looking around, stern poverty rose up 
before them as a strong man armed, whom they 
could not escape, with whom they must contend. 
And with him, in faith and patience, did they most 
resolutely contend. Betaking themselves at once 
to such trades and employments as best they could, 
at length, " with hard, and long-continued labor," 
and with sore " conflicts and misgivings in some," 
did they succeed in obtaining a competency. 

In these trials and conflicts, how was it with 
Brewster himself, who had shared most largely in 
their losses, made the greatest sacrifices, been most 
forward in every enterprise, spent most liberally 
for the general good; whose wisdom in council, 
discretion in action, and public experience, had 
won their entire confidence, their affectionate re 
gard ; nay, without whom, probably, they could 
never have made this formidable movement. 

On coming to Leyden, and on the full organiza 
tion of their church or congregation in their own 
chosen way, " Mr. Robinson was duly recognized 
as sole pastor, and Mr. William Brewster chosen 
as their ruling elder." 9 The aged Clifton, their 
first pastor, whose course of life was now almost 
run, had concluded to remain in Amsterdam* 10 
Thus chosen to be their ruling elder, Brewster was 

9 Bradford, p. 17. pass his few declining years at 

10 Bradford, p. 17. Clifton came Amsterdam, -where he died, 20th 
into Holland, Aug. 1608 ; and May, 1616, and his wife, 3d Sept., 
though connected with this con- 1613. Hunter, 44. 

gregation or church, concluded to 


henceforth designated by the terms, " The Elder," 
"Elder Brewster," and " Elder William Brewster." 
Nor was the name or position by any means no 
minal, in respect to him or them. While it im 
posed upon him duties, in their view sacred and 
important, as their lay ruler, and in certain con 
tingencies as their instructor, it bound him volun 
tarily to them, and they to him, in ties deemed by 
them among the strongest and dearest. 11 

But how was it as to his temporal affairs 1 In 
this respect, whatever may have been his portion 
of wealth, whether greater or smaller while in 
England, by expenditures for himself and others, 
already noticed, we find that, by this time, his 
condition could be no more favorable than that of 
his brethren. Briefly, says one who knew, " after 
he came into Holland, having spent the most of 
his means," and "having a great. charge, and many 
children, he suffered much hardship." 12 

This " great charge," in addition to his own 
family (of at least seven, with himself), seems to 
imply numerous dependants, or domestics, appa 
rently a portion of his household while in England, 
and still here dependent upon him. 

But what rendered his own condition peculiar, 
and his present hardships the greater, was the 
manner of his early training, with the refinements 
to which he had been accustomed, unfitting him 

11 For a particular account of ization, see their own statements 
this office in their church organ- in Chaps. XVII. and XXVII. 

12 Bradford s Hist., 412. 


for these " laborious employments," in which others, 
more hardy, could readily engage. Yet amidst it 
all, while using every means of alleviation within 
his reach, he presented (what must have had a 
most salutary influence upon his companions in 
trial) "an example of cheerful contentment with 
his lot." 13 

But at length, in the good providence of God, 
and in time of greatest need, was opened to him 
the way of relief. 

Already have we noticed, in his early education, 
his knowledge of the Latin. And now, the in 
creased intercourse, commercially and politically, 
between Holland and England, caused a desire and 
demand among the students of the university, and 
others of influence, for a knowledge of the Eng 

To Elder Brewster, peculiarly qualified, was thus 
presented the opportunity to meet this demand. 
Both he and they being masters of the Latin, it 
was at once a ready medium of communication to 
this end ; and to him they resorted, as other studies 
would permit. To facilitate their progress, he 
prepared rules, or a grammar, after the Latin 
manner, by which their acquisition of the English 
became rapid and highly satisfactory. We can 
easily imagine how, and with what interest, he 
became thus engaged with gentlemen of the uni 
versity; as the record states, "Danes and Germans, 

13 Bradford s Hist., 412. 


some of families of high distinction," they in stu 
dious attendance upon his instructions ; and all 
resulting in a manner equally beneficial to the 
instructor and the instructed. 14 It was in a way 
suited to his early training, tastes, and studies. 
Here also must his early experience and inter 
course in diplomatic life have added greatly to the 
interest in his course of instruction. 

How soon after his removal to Leyden this course 
was commenced, we are unable to discover. Nor 
are we informed as to many other particulars of 
his life, during the several current years between 
1610 and 1617. A general view, however, we 
have, from incidental statements. In them all he 
is presented before us as exemplary in his duties 
to his family, ready to improve all opportunities of 
doing good, but especially active, in connection 
with his pastor, in promoting the edification and 
increase, and, as ruling elder, in preserving, by 
mild yet firm discipline, the unity and peace of 
their congregation. 

By these means, from their small beginnings 
increasing by accessions from England and other 
sources, their number, in time, amounted to about 
three hundred communicating members. 15 

11 Brad., 412. 

15 Bradford, p. 17, and Winslow, in Young, 455, 456. 


To give religion her unbridled scope, 

Nor judge by statute a believer s hope. COWPER. 

AND how was it as to the state of religion and 
religious toleration in Holland at this period ? 

How matters stood politically during the em 
bassy of Mr. Davison, when William Brewster 
attended him thither nearly thirty years before, 
we then had occasion to notice. Then came into 
view the fearful struggle with Spain. That 
struggle was continued. During its continuance 
many of the Protestant inhabitants were mas 
sacred ; fair districts were overrun ; yet, with the 
partial aid of England, the United Provinces had 
asserted their independence, and obtained a twelve 
years truce. With their independence, they had 
established, to a great extent, civil and religious 

Here was now an external, though not an entire 
internal, toleration of all who professed the Chris 
tian name. Here were Roman Catholics who had 
helped to assert their liberties, and were quietly 
partaking of the accompanying privileges. Here 
were Lutherans, though the Dutch felt a strong 


antipathy to them, stronger even than had been 
felt towards them in England. Here were French 
Protestants and English, of different names ; Ana 
baptists, and many others, with their peculiarities. 
Here was now our Pilgrim company at Leyden ; 
also another English church or congregation, that 
came to Leyden the same year. All who came 
thither and lived peaceably under the protection 
afforded, and aided in the support of the State, 
were tolerated. Indeed, such indiscriminate tole 
ration was made, at the time, the subject of re 
proach and ridicule, a theme of poetic sarcasm, 
particularly as to Amsterdam. 1 

In all this, the government acted -not merely 
from regard to the Protestant cause, but also on 
grounds of political policy, and with shrewd cal 
culations of commercial interest. 2 Hence, not 
withstanding the desolations of war, and the 
limited extent and power of the States compared 
with Spain, great multitudes continually flocked 
hither, many in aid of the Protestant faith, some 
to escape from imprisonments and persecutions at 
home, and not a few for barter and commerce. 
From these accessions were the ranks of their 
armies filled, their losses supplied ; even in time 

1 "A common harbor of all "Amsterdam, Turk, Christian, Jew r 
opinions, of all heresies," says Staple of all sects, and mint of 
one; "a cage of unclean "birds ;" schism, grew." 

" all strange religions flock thi- Note in Young, 23, 24. 
ther," says another ; " the great 2 Leicester Correspondence, 
mingle mangle of religion," says 
a third. Hence that sarcasm 


of war, agriculture and the arts flourished, and the 
Dutch were extending their commerce, and dis 
coveries, and colonies, with persevering energy, to 
the distant regions of the earth. 

But, along with their civil liberties and general 
external toleration in respect to religion, the 
States had their internally established Protestant 
Church, the legally established Church of the 
Netherlands, constituted under the Presbyterian 
form. Accordingly, its church edifices were pro 
vided, and pastors chiefly supported, by the State 
or by law. Congregations of foreigners also, on 
application, were usually provided for in like 
manner. Chaplains of the Church of England for 
English troops and garrisons, as well as English 
congregations, were thus accommodated or aided. 

Our emigrant company, however, appear not to 
have been thus favored, certain influences prevent 
ing. No church edifice was opened to them, no 
aid provided for their pastor s support. 

A church establishment there was then in Hol 
land, as in other countries at this period, not a 
peacefully established religion, indeed, for " to speak 
of such in the confusion of those times, would be 
to speak of settled estates in an earthquake." In 
this state church had the " Netherlands Confes 
sion of Faith and Catechism" been adopted, as 
scriptural, perhaps, as could then have been re 
ceived or composed. " Its articles had been drawn 
originally by their most moderate and judicious 
divines, with a scope in the main like the English, 


equally removed from the extremes of latitudina- 
rianism on either side." On those " high mys 
terious points commonly called Calvinistic" (in 
which sense they had been adopted), differences 
of opinion were both allowed and entertained. 

And it has been remarked that "it was from 
that intrinsic liberty of speech and of thought, 
which was in fact never fairly or legally withheld 
from the Belgic churches, that such discrepancies 
of judgment arose." And from the long line of 
facts we are bold to say, that " such will ever arise, 
on the same subjects, among different members of 
the same establishment, as long as the laws and 
sentiments of that establishment shall be in a 
healthy state; as long as they shall rest upon a 
true scriptural base." 3 And here is ever the field, 
and here the call, for the continual exercise of 
Christian charity towards all the pious members of 
the body charity " the bond of perfectness," 
without which all zeal all else, is as nothing. It 
is the voice of history ; it is the voice of God. 

To come to the point before us, our emigrant 
company found the established church of the 
Netherlands now in the midst of a most agitating 

o O 

controversy. It was a controversy that had 
agitated and shaken, and continued to convulse, 
large portions of the Romish church, between the 
rival organizations of Louvain, Douay, and the 
Jansenists on the one side, and the order of the 

3 Review of Bp. Hall and Arminius, Christ. Obs., vol. xxvii, 547. 



Jesuits on the other ; a controversy upon the deep 
points of predestination and grace. 4 

This controversy had become rife in the 
University of Leyden, and was beginning to pre 
vail throughout the States. Arminius, from 
whom, among Protestants, the system took its 
name in contrast with that of Calvin, had been in 
this university a distinguished divinity professor. 
As a coincidence that may be remembered, he 
was born, as appears, in the same year as William 
Brewster, and in the same in which the celebrated 
Melancthon died. And the year that our com 
pany came to Leyden, Arminius died. 5 

4 Dupin. Eccle. Hist. 17th 
Century. Book i. and Book iii. 
chap, ii.-ix. 

5 Born in 1560, he was trained 
first by a pious mother, next by 
a Protestant minister from the 
Roman Church, next six years at 
the Leyden University, then for 
his promising talents and piety 
was adopted by the Burgomasters 
of Amsterdam, and by them sent 
to Geneva. One year he was at 
Basle, again three years at Geneva, 
under the distinguished Beza from 
whose Calvinistic sentiments he 
seems not then to have expressed 
the slightest dissent. Then tra 
velling to Rome, and returning 
to the city of his adoption, he was 
made pastor of one of its principal 
churches. Here laboring success 
fully for years, and called upon to 
answer the writings of some 

brethren at Delft who dissented 
from the high Calvinistic ground, 
he undertook the task, and the 
result was, through painful agita 
tions and struggles, a gradual 
relinquishment of those dis 
tinguishing views, and the adop 
tion of others for which he became 
famous, and for which he suffered. 
In the midst of much censure 
from some, loss of favor from 
others, yet for his learning and 
piety highly esteemed by many, 
he was, in 1602, elected to the 
high divinity chair at Leyden. 
Here candidly and learnedly he 
advocated his views, while the 
other learned divinity professor, 
equally devoted and sincere, 
advocated the opposite. And the 
deeply agitating controversy ex 
tended not only through the 
university, but through the State. 


In this Arminian controversy, our pilgrim 
company could not but become deeply interested ; 
in it their pastor became personally engaged. 
With Episcopius, the successor and eloquent 
advocate of the views of Arminius, Mr. Robinson 
came into direct contact, and engaged in full 

"Great," says Bradford, "were the troubles 
raised, greatly molesting the whole State, and 
Leyden in particular, where was the chief univer 
sity." Frequent and warm were the disputations 
in the various schools ; and such was the excite 
ment, that while the two professors, Episcopius 
and Poliander, were themselves teaching daily in 
the university, the one for, and the other against 
the views of Arminius, few of the disciples of the 
one would listen to the teachings of the other. 

Taking opportunity constantly to hear the read 
ings of both, being well grounded in the contro 
versy, and seeing the force of all the arguments, 
the pastor of the emigrant company, himself quick 
of apprehension and ready of speech, was desired 
by Poliander and the chief ministers of the city, 
to take part in the discussion. Loth as a stranger 
to do this, yet importuned, when Episcopius, the 
Arminian professor, put forth his theses, and his 
full strength to discuss and defend them, their 
pastor yielded ; and, adds the perhaps too partial 

The very year of the arrival of his sorrows, and his life. See 
our emigrant band in Leyden, references under note 7, on page 
(1609) Arminius closed his labors, 167. 


historian, " on several public occasions he so suc 
ceeded, and had the victory, that many praised 
God for the conquest for truth." 6 

This procured their pastor much honor from 
those learned men and others interested. And it 
is intimated that, were it not for giving offence to 
the King of England, they would have shown him 
and his people other public favors. But the con 
troversy ended not here. Many and earnest were 
the attempts, by private conference and by au 
thority of local assemblies, to reconcile the differ 
ences : yet all to little purpose. The call was for 
a National Synod. And a national synod was 
finally assembled the far-famed Synod of Dort. 
Delegates were invited to it from all Protestant 
churches of Europe, the Lutherans excepted. 

The followers of Arminius summoned to this 
synod appeared as members. But, to their disap 
pointment, full and free discussion of the points at 
issue was not permitted. The majority assumed 
the attitude of judges, and, without free discussion, 
passed sentence of condemnation. And it was a 
condemnation not only of the tenets of their differ 
ing brethren (of which, had full discussion been 
first allowed, they as an organized body had a right 
to judge), but a sentence of condemnation also 
upon the persons holding those tenets: men learned, 
conscientious, sincere (whether right or wrong), 
men against whose mild deportment and piety no 
accusation could stand. 

6 Bradford, p. 20, &c. 


Under the sentence thus passed, the principal 
favorers of the tenets of Arminius must suffer. 
At the Hague, within four days of the close of the 
principal sessions of the synod, that distinguished 
statesman and advocate, the mild and guileless 
Barnevelt, the very beau ideal of historical por 
traiture, for integrity to his conscience, and to his 
country, was brought to the scaffold and beheaded. 7 

The learned Grotius, one of the ablest Christian 
scholars of the day, and the well known Hogen- 
beets, were also sentenced to imprisonment for life. 
Ministers of churches, professors in their universi 
ties, were deprived of their places, and banished 
the country, with no time allowed even to arrange 
their affairs, or take leave of their families. 

To this synod King James had sent a chosen 
delegation ; another specimen of his strange acts, 
showing how he could " insult the laws of God 
and the realm" in sending forth and enforcing 
upon the nation " his Book of Sunday Sports," at 
one time, and use all his power to put down every 
thing Presbyterian, as well as to exterminate 
everything Puritan in the church of the realm at 
another time, and yet almost at the same period, 
send a delegation to a Presbyterian synod in 
another land, with instructions to sustain it in its 
original form and creed against all innovations. 

The delegation itself would do honor to any 

7 Beheaded May, 1619. See tures in Christian Observer, Lon- 
particulars in Brandt s Hist., vol. don, vol. xxvii. pp. 346, 349. 
iii. 301, 303, and 307, and Stric- 


cause : Bishops Carlton and Hall, with Doctors 
Davenant and Ward, heads of colleges at Cam 
bridge, whose influence and mild counsels in 
private were on the side of unity and peace. 8 
Another proof, that personal and political ends, 
not Christian principle or church preference, were 
the controlling motives with the King. 

James could persecute, not for doctrines, but for 
differences of opinion as to ceremonies ; the synod of 
Dort could condemn and persecute equally good 
men, not for ceremonies, but for deviations in opinion 
from the received Genevan points of faith. It was 
the remaining barbarous custom of the times. 
Toleration in these respects, even in Holland, was 
yet unknown. 

It has been more than insinuated that the pastor 
of our separate company took side with the 
persecutors, and favored the persecuting acts of 
the synod. 9 But of this there is no evidence ; and 
without evidence the supposition is altogether 

That Mr. Robinson contended earnestly for the 
Genevan system conscientiously believing it to 
be the truth, is matter of historic fact, as we 
have already seen. But that he, or Elder 
Brewster, had any agency in or favored the con 
demning sentence upon the persons of the de 
fenders of the views of Arminius, we have reason 

8 See Bishop Hall, as well as 9 Mass. Hist. Collection, vol. 
Mr. Hale on the Synod of Dort ; xxix. p. 59. 
also Brandt, iii. 5, 32, 112, 283, 3. 


to think from the writings of the one, and the 
whole discreet and benevolent life of the other, 
was not the fact. 

To say that they held views generally termed 
Calvinistic, is to say not only what was the fact in 
regard to them, but also in regard to the great 
body of the Church of England from which they 
had separated. Of this latter fact every reader of 
the Church of England s history is aware, and that 
the views thus termed had been there held gene 
rally from the beginning of the Reformation to the 
time of which we are now speaking. In such 
views this people had doubtless been educated 
while in that church. Doctrinally, on this point, 
there was then little difference between them. 10 
This, however, in no way necessarily connected 
them with the extreme action of the synod. 

Nor was the persecuting spirit of the synod 
universally prevalent in Holland. Not long before 
had the magistrates of Leyden, when called upon 
to coerce by force of law those who differed from 
the majority on points of religious faith, answered: 
" The design of the States undoubtedly is, that 
none should be persecuted on account of their 

In good sound terms, they answered further: 
" We do not find that we have any authority to 
proceed against, and punish by law, those who 

10 Even James declared this in people in their articles, see Chap, 
his Proclamation ; so did this xxvii. sea. 


have not behaved otherwise than well in their 
civil and burgher-like capacities." 

" There are no better means to root out heresy 
than temper and moderation; for we have often 
seen that certain books were little minded at first, 
but afterwards, when condemned as heretical, they 
came into repute and credit." 

"Force will not make Christians, but only fill 
the world with vile hypocrites under the name of 
Christians." 11 

Such, we believe, from every recorded act of his 
life, to have been the matured mind of Brewster. 

Discussions, in which he must have been en 
gaged, are one thing; disputes even are another 
thing ; to persecute those who differ from us, is still 
more emphatically another. This latter is the 
work of the enemy of God and man. History 
gives the evidence. Discussion, frank, candid, free, 
for the eliciting of truth, is the source of good, 
often of incalculable good ; dispute, the source of 
incalculable evil. 

11 Brandt, vol. i. 384. the Elder s own hand ; showing 

"We have in possession sermons, him to have entertained like tole- 

with marginal notices, of evident rant views. See also the Seven 

approval, written, we believe, in Articles, Chap, xxvii. 


But mightiest of the mighty means, 
On which the arm of progress leans, 
is the press. DR. BOWKIXG. 

GOING back to the time when we left Elder 
Brewster instructing students of the university, 
Danes and Germans, in the English language, we 
are to notice him next engaged in another respon 
sible undertaking. 

Writers have said, and it has often served to 
give point to oratorical phrase, that, in their great 
extremity, the future governor, Bradford, learned 
the trade of silk-dyeing, and Elder Brewster, the 
trade of printing. 1 However true the statement 
may have been in respect to Bradford, it was not 
strictly true in respect to the Elder. First is the 
fact that Bradford was scarcely twenty years old, 
while the Elder was now over fifty, probably fifty- 
five. But attention to the language of the histo 
rian corrects the error. Along with his engage 
ments in the way of instruction, it is added, " He 
also had means to set up printing by the help of 
some friends, and so had employment enough, by 

1 Mather s Magnalia, Belknap, and others. 


reason of many books which would not be allowed 
to be printed in England." 2 

To set up printing, by means furnished by friends, 
and on account of many books that might be 
printed, designates, in modern phrase, a publisher, 
including in some cases the duties of editor. And 
this corresponds with the facts ; though in setting 
up an establishment of this nature, some know 
ledge of the typographic art might probably have 
been acquired. 

And it is matter of interest to know something 
of the works which he published. Being, as might 
be expected, of a religious character, portions of 
them had reference to the main controversies of 
the day; yet were they for the most part eminently 
practical. Some of them were in Latin, others in 
English, two of them large and expensive works. 

First, was a Commentary, in Latin, on the Pro 
verbs of Solomon, by Cartwright, with a preface 
by Polyander, 1513 pages quarto, published by 
him at Leyden, Choralis Street (or place), A. D. 
1617. A practical work much esteemed at the 
time; a second edition of which was published in 
Amsterdam, in 1638. 3 (Below are the original 
titles of the Latin works.) 

2 Bradford, pp. 412, 413. clarissimi viri Johannis Poliandri, 

3 " Commentarii Succinct! et S. Theologise Professoris Leidensis, 
Delueidi in Proverbia Salamonis. Lugduni Batavomm. Apud Gu- 
Authore Thoma Cartwrightio, S. S. lielmum Brewsterum in vico Cho- 
Theologia in Academia Canta- rali, 1617, 8vo.," pp. 1513. A 
brigiensi quondam Professore. copy of this work, and of this 
Quibus adhibata est Prsefatio edition, was deposited, in 1828, 


2d. "Confutation of the Eemists Transla 
tion, Glosses, &c., of the New Testament," by Cart- 
wright, 1618, in folio. When this large and learned 
work was published by the Elder, no complete 
work of the kind had appeared in English to meet 
the urgent demand. It was printed in the beauti 
fully clear, fair type of the Leyden press of that 
period, resembling in this respect the far-famed 
Elgiver editions of the Classics, which have never 
been excelled. On the broad margin are pointed 
out successively the portions of Scripture read for 
the lessons on Sundays and other special days, in 
the Church of England service, commencing with 
the Sundays in Advent, Christmas, and thus pro 
ceeding in order throughout the year. 4 In this 

with. Dr. Kendall, Pastor at Ply- blamed his jealousy to deprive 
moutli, Mass. Another copy of the Church of so learned pains of 
the Amsterdam edition of 1638 is him whose judgment would so 
in the Pilgrim Hall, of the same solidly, and affections so zealous- 
place, ly, confute the publie adversary. 
4 The old church historian, Distasteful passages might be ex- 
Fuller, says: "Now came forth punged, whilst it was a pity so 
the Remish (Roman) translation good fruit should be blasted in 
of the New Testament. Secretary the bud for some bad leaves. 
Walsingham solicited Mr. Thomas Thus disheartened, Cartwright de- 
Cartwright to undertake the re- sisted ; but afterwards, encouraged 
futing of this Translation." To by a noble lord and others, he re- 
aid in the matter, " he sent him sumed and perfected the work as 
an hundred pounds out of his own far as the 15th chapter of the 
purse. Whitgift, learning what Revelations." And, adds Fuller, 
Cartwright was writing, prohibited "many years lay this worthy 
his further proceeding therein, work neglected, and the copy 
Many commended his care not to mouse-eaten, whence the printer 
intrust the defence of the doctrine excused some defects in his edi- 
of England to a pen so disaffected tion, which, though late, came 
to the discipline thereof. Others forth in the year 1618 ; a book 


work, as well as in the following treatises, the 
publisher s name was omitted. 

3d. A smaller treatise in Latin " Concerning 
the true and genuine Religion of our Lord and 
Saviour Jesus Christ ;" of which, the evidence is 
clear that he was the publisher. 5 

4th. A treatise in both Latin and English, 
called " The People s Plea for the Exercise of 
Prophecying," by Mr. Robinson, his pastor. It 
sets forth, as its title suggests, in a moderate and 
guarded manner, yet fully and decidedly the 
arguments for that exercise, and which this 
people maintained while in Holland, and long 
afterwards. 6 

5th. " Ames Reply to Grevinchovius," on the 
Arminian controversy, in Latin. 7 

which, notwithstanding the afore- " Brewster doth avow," says Sir 

said defects, is so complete that Dudley Carleton. Letters, p. 380. 

the Remists durst never return A copy of this, as well as of other 

the least answer thereto." works printed by him, appears to 

Fuller s Church History, vol. have been in the Elder s library 

iii. pp. 68-70. Such was the at his decease, 

work which Elder Brewster res- 6 An original copy of this work 

cued and published this year at is in the hands of Dr. Shurtleff, 

Leyden. A copy of this same Boston, date 1618, name of place 

edition (1618), by the Elder, and publisher not given ; but the 

without name, is in the Pilgrim, date and evidences, internal and 

Society Hall, Plymouth, New Eng- external, leave little or no doubt 

land. See also Strype s Whitgift, of its being from the Elder s press, 

pp. 482, 484, and Sir Dudley Carle- 7 "Arnissii in Grevinchovium," 

ton s Letters, pp. 380, 390. by William Ames, at Leyden. 

5 " De vera et genua Jesu Christi We are not certain which of two 

Domini et Salvatoris nostri Re- kindred works of this noted 

ligione." "1618, Sine Locum," writer is here meant. But from 

says the Bodleian Catalogue, vol. the title and dates and place of 

iii. 254. The publishing of this, publication mentioned in the 


Such were the principal works published by 
Elder Brewster, at Ley den, in the year 1617 and 
1618. We omit the notice of others, of which we 
have not full evidence. It was a class of works 
which had at the time no small influence, nay 
whose influence has been continued through 
successive writers, and will continue indefinitely, 
as a wave of the ocean, once raised, ceases not 
its motion, but moves onward, combining with 
others, until it shall reach earth s utmost limits, 
to end we know not Avhen or where. 

That more works were not published by him, 
was owing to causes as widely diverse as the 
jealousy of James, and his arbitrary efforts to 
control the press even in Holland, on the one 
hand, and the first germs of thought with ma 
turing plans for planting a new colony on the far 
off shores of the New World, on the other. 

At the Hague, near to Leyden, resided at this 
time Sir Dudley Carleton, ambassador from 
England. Discovering that books, not allowed 
to be published in England, were issued from the 
press, and circulated at Leyden, and that some of 
them were apparently provided for the English 
market, he informed his majesty of the fact. 

James, keenly alive to everything of the kind, 
directed the ambassador to use all influence to 
have the printing of such books prohibited ; and 

Bodleian Catalogue, we conclude Ames, and Sir Dudley Carleton s 
it must have been that of 1617, or Letters in respect to the writings 
1618. See said Catalogue, art. of Ames. 


not only this, but to have the persons engaged 
therein sought for and committed to prison. To 
this, the then Prince of Orange, with some of the 
chief rulers, unwilling to displease the King, and 
as a personal matter, assented; though at the 
expense of their national independence. 8 

The character of some of the works published 
by Brewster, led the ambassador to suspect that 
others, still more obnoxious to his master, had 
been published by him. Accordingly he reported 
as such to his court, among those we have already 
noticed, two others 9 on grounds of suspicion. But 
in respect to neither of them was there proof 
presented. Of the one most obnoxious, we have 
direct incidental proof to the contrary. 10 

But William Brewster must be sought for ; his 
publishing house closed, and he if found committed 
to prison. On the 22d July (1619) the ambas 
sador reported: " A William Brewster, a Brownist, 
hath been for some years an inhabitant and 
printer at Leyden, but is now within three weeks 

8 Sir Dudley Carleton s Letters tise, " The Perth Assembly," 
to Secretary Naunton, July 22, Winslow, who was then present 
and Sept. 12 and 18, 1619. and one of the chief men of the 

9 De Regimine Ecclesiae Scoti- company, and who would have 
canse Brevis Relatio. To this known whether or no the sus- 
treatise there was a reply by picion had any foundation, states 
Archbishop Spotiswood. Of its incidentally that it was published 
publication by Brewster, we have by a certain minister from Scot- 
said there was only suspicion, land. Winslow s Brief Narration, 
Sir Dudley does not even speak in Young, p. 395. Sir Dudley s 
confidently. Letters, July 22, Sept. 12 and 18, 

10 Of this most offensive trea- 1619. 


removed from thence, and gone back to dwell in 
London, where he may be found out and exa 
mined." Again, August 20th : " I have made 
good inquiry after William Brewster, at Ley den, 
and am well assured that he is not returned 
thither; neither is it likely he will, having 
removed from thence both his family and goods." 

And again, September 12: "In my last I 
advertised your honor that Brewster was taken at 
Leyden ; which proved an error, in that the schout 
who was employed by the magistrates for his 
apprehension, being a dull drunken fellow, took 
one man for another." 11 

Among the facts here reported, are some par 
ticulars, which were more than Sir Dudley knew. 
And well it is that, even in these apparently small 
matters, we have other accurate history to correct 
the errors. Elder Brewster had indeed gone to 
London; and there had been, not three weeks 
merely as above, but for some five months. 12 And 
he was there, not on account of the ambassador s 
movements in respect to him, but for other 
purposes than Sir Dudley appears to have known 
or suspected. 

But who were the friends that furnished the 

11 Sir Dudley s Letters to England) in February, 1619, and 
Secretary Naunton, 380,386, 389. returned late in the same year, p. 

12 Bradford, p. 30 ; and in Young, 59. His remark at bottom of p.. 
pp. 57, 68, 71. In a note, Dr. 468 differs, indeed, from this, as- 
Young says Cushman and Brew- to the Elder s return, but without 
ster were sent (by the Leyden evidence. 

emigrants as their agents to 


means for this printing establishment I And what 
were the consequences to them I The ambassador s 
letters give the answer in respect to the chief of 
them. " Thomas Brewer (says he), a professed 
Brownist, 13 a gentleman of a good house, both of 
land and living, a man of means, and who bore 
the charge, is apprehended, and being a university 
man, is made fast in the university prison." " The 
printing house, which was not an open shop, was 
also searched ; the types, books, and papers were 
seized and searched as well as sealed." After 
undergoing inquisitorial scrutiny, and all without 
criminating proof, Brewer himself was " remanded 
into England." 

Here, however, the officers of the University 
took their stand, claiming the exercise of their 
chartered rights. And the ambassador, unable 
to prevail as he wished on account of the popular 
opposition, yielded to a compromise. Brewer, in 
prison, harassed, importuned, and not knowing- 
how long this might be continued, at length con 
sented to go " of his own accord" to England to 
be examined in the matter, and to go, not as a 
prisoner, but as a freeman, in charge of some con 
fidential person, and not to be ill used in body or 
goods, nor placed in any common prison, but 

3 Letters, pp. 389, 393,395, 398, knew really of the faith and 

&c. We cannot but notice how principles of these men, much 

often, by way of stigma, Sir less of their aims, and what might 

Dudley uses the reproachful term be the final results. 
Brownist, showing how little he 


suffered to return in due time, and not at his own 
charge. 14 The ambassador concurring, and giving 
pledge accordingly, and promising particular favor 
if all was done as desired, Brewer departed for 
England, and was favorably received and finally 
discharged, much to the satisfaction of the officers 
of the University, though, it would seem, not to 
the full content of Sir Dudley. 15 Such was the 
treatment of Brewster s friend. Had Brewster been 
found at Leyden, the facts show what treatment 
he would have received from the same source. 

It was only one of the thousand attempts to 
control, by arbitrary force, the freedom of the 
press. That great principle, or axiom, had not 
yet been conceived, or, if conceived, had not been 
acted upon, that truth, in man s present state all 
contested truth must come into full, free, open, 
unrestricted conflict with error, and that this con 
flict must be gone through in order that truth 
may be felt to be truth, and that it may not only 
have, but be seen to have, the victory. Any forced 
checks upon such full, free, candid discussion, only 
delay the victory of truth ; all arbitrary restraints 
upon press or speech but retard its final triumph. 
Every historic instance proclaims this fact. 

The only check which the case justly admits is 
as to manner and temper ; and that check should 
be firm and effective. It is unlicensed manner, 

14 Do., Letters, pp. 395, 398. 

15 Do., pp. 406, 423, 482, &c. lie went in the care -of Sir William 


and uncontrolled temper, not free discussion, that 
cause the mischief. Truth has nothing to fear. 
Is error at times mighty I It is might " stolen from 
seeming truth." Truth itself is mightier; par 
taking of the nature, it has also the power and 
pledged support of Him who is almighty. 


The world was all before them, where to choose 

Their place of rest, and Providence their guide. MILTON". 

WE have said that Elder Brewster was in Eng 
land, and for a very important purpose. It was a 
purpose which, if carried into successful execution, 
would change his own entire temporal condition, 
and that of the people with whom he was con 

Early in the year 1617, we trace the beginnings 
of thought in his own and his pastor s mind, 
which, at length, grew into a conviction, that 
Holland was not suited to their habits, and could 
not meet their desires, as a permanent home. 
Nine years of trial and experience had they 
already passed through, and eight of them in 
Leyden. In this time, some of their number had 
been removed by death, others were becoming ad 
vanced in years. The " twelve years truce" be 
tween the States and Spain would, before long, 
come to a close, 1 when the long bloody war might 
again be resumed, and they might be involved in 

1 This truce was signed April 9th, 1609, to end at the close of that 
month, in 1621. 


its calamities. " Taught by experience (say they), 
our prudent governors (their pastor and ruling 
elder), with some of the sagest members, began 
deeply to apprehend, and wisely to foresee, the 
dangers, and to think of a timely remedy." 2 

In the " agitation of thought, and after much 
discourse" (at first in private conference), the in 
clination for removal became strong; "not (says 
one of them) out of any newfangledness, or other 
such like giddy humor, by which men are often 
times transported to their great hurt and danger, 
but for sundry weighty and solid reasons." 

" First, the hardness of their present place and 
country, to them so great, that few would come to 
continue with them ; while, could a place of better 
and easier living be found, such discouragements 
would be removed." 

" Second, though in general their people bore 
all difficulties cheerfully and resolutely in their 
best strength, old age was coming on some ; great 
and continued labors and trials were hastening it 
before its time on others." It was, therefore, ap 
parent that in the then state of things there was 
danger of ere long being " scattered, or of sink 
ing under their burdens." 

" Third, over them was the task-master Neces 
sity, forcing them to become task-masters not only 
to servants, but, in a measure, to their children, 
wounding the heart of many a father and mother, 

2 Bradford, p. 22, and Winslow in Young, pp. 381-2. 


and producing sad consequences. Children of best 
dispositions and gracious inclinations, who were 
learning to bear the yoke in their youth, and 
willing to share in their parents labors, were yet, 
at times, so oppressed with labor, that, though 
with minds free and willing, their bodies became 
bowed under the weight and early disfigured, the 
vigor of nature being exhausted in the very bud." 
But what was to them of all sorrows the heaviest 
to be borne, " many of their children, by the sur 
rounding temptations, and the great licentiousness 
of the youth of the country, and their evil ex 
ample, were drawn away, grew headstrong, leaving 
their parents, some becoming soldiers, others sail 
ing on far-distant voyages, others taking to worse 
courses, to their parents grief, their souls danger, 
and the dishonor of God, all foreboding a degene 
rate and corrupt posterity." 3 

To these reasons were added " their great desire 
to live under the protection of England, and to 
retain the language and the name of Englishmen ;" 
likewise " their inability here to give their chil 
dren such an education as they had themselves re 
ceived ;" also " their grief at the profanation of the 
Sabbath in Holland." 4 

3 Bradford, pp. 22-24. " It falls out in these towns of 

4 Winslow s Brief Narrative, in Holland that Sunday, which is 
Young, pp. 381-2. Of the pro- elsewhere the day of rest, proved 
fanation of the Sabbath, the Eng- always the day of labor ; for they 
lish divines took notice, and the never knew yet how to observe 
Assembly, at the Synod of Dort. the Sabbath." Letters to Secre- 
Even Sir Dudley Carleton reported: tary Naunton, p. 380. 


But the last, not least, of the reasons was (and 
the Christian s heart warms at the noble sentiment), 
" A great hope and inward zeal they had of laying 
some good foundation, or, at least, to make some 
way thereunto, for propagating and advancing the 
Gospel of the kingdom of Christ in those remote 
parts of the world; yea, though they should be 
but stepping-stones unto others for the performing 
of so great a work." 5 

Such were their principal reasons for removing 
from Holland. The deep feeling and discussions 
on the subject by the pastor and elder, and other 
chief members, had been confidentially and dis 
creetly kept from the public until some wise and 
feasible course could be resolved upon. On the 
subject being made known and generally discussed, 
many and various were the opinions, many the 
doubts and fears. 6 Some, for well-weighed reasons, 
and with hopes of the future, though distant, ad- 

5 Bradford, p. 24. These were Justice Marshall was, at first, in 

the reasons, as given by them- his Life of Washington, led into 

selves, for removing from Holland, error by those writers ; but after 

That they were the true reasons he had obtained the facts, as his 

and all-sufficient, can never be impartial mind ever would do, he 

doubted by any who have exa- corrected the error. See his His- 

mined the original authorities in tory of the American Colonies, p. 

the case. Douglas, Chalmers, in 78 ; also Dr. Young s Summary, 

his Annals of Virginia, Robertson, note, p. 48, of his Chrons. of the 

of Scotland, and others, not hav- Pilgrims. 

ing the original sources of infor- 6 Ibid., p. 25, and Winslow, p. 

mation, misled all who copied 382. 
their statements. Even Chief 


vocated at once the founding of a new settlement 
by themselves in some newly discovered portion of 
the earth, beyond the seas ; and they labored to 
arouse and encourage others accordingly. 

Others raised objections, and sought to divert 
attention from the project, alleging " it was a 
great design, subject to inconceivable dangers, to 
the casualties and hardships of the sea, unendura 
ble by their aged and feeble men and women, the 
liability to famine, destitution and want, to sick 
ness from change of climate and diet and only water 
to drink. And should all this be overcome, there 
was still the exposure to the barbarous and trea 
cherous savages, who, unreliable as friends, and 
merciless as enemies, were not content to kill, but 
must cruelly torment, roast, and eat the flesh of 
their victims, with other practices too horrible to 
be contemplated." 

It was objected further, that for such a voyage 
and its bare necessaries, larger sums would be re 
quired than the sale of all their possessions could 
procure. And yet supplies must also be provided 
for the future as well as for the present. Added 
to these, were the ill success and lamentable mise 
ries that had lately befallen others on the Ame 
rican coast. And, had they not already been 
taught a lesson of caution by bitter experience in 
coming into Holland, the hardships here endured, 
even in this civilized, enlightened, and rich, 
though stranger land, in securing a comfortable 


living] "What then must be the trials when away, 
few and solitary, in a far-off wilderness V 

To all of which objections it was answered : 
" All great and honorable actions are accompanied 
with great difficulties, difficulties to be met and 
conquered with corresponding courage. Granting 
the dangers to be great, they were not desperate; 
and the difficulties to be many, they were not 
invincible ; many of them probable only, not 
certain. Some things feared might never befall 
them ; others by providence, care, and good use of 
means, might in a great measure be prevented ; 
all of them by fortitude, patience, and divine help, 
could be borne, or overcome." 

"True, such attempts were not to be made but 
upon good grounds and urgent reasons, not rashly 
or lightly, or from curiosity or hope of gain, as 
with many." Besides, their condition was not 
ordinary ; their ends were good and honorable ; 
their calling lawful and urgent; therefore they 
might look for God s blessing upon their under 
taking. Should they lose their lives therein, yet 
could they have comfort; their endeavors were 
upright. They now lived here but as men in 
exile, in poor condition. The twelve years truce 
having nearly expired, as great miseries might 
here befall them, amid the preparations for war, 

7 Sucli as the attempted settle- ham ; and other sad failures after 
merit at Sagadahock, under the great sufferings and losses, 
patronage of Chief Justice Pop- 


and its always uncertain events ; while the 
Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savages of 
America ; and the famine and pestilence as sore 
here with less liberty in providing a remedy. 

Such, and other like things being alleged and 
answered, the "major part determined to put the 
design into execution ; and by the best means in 
their power." 

But to what country should they go ? First, 
every movement in the matter was begun and j 
ended in prayer. Too deep were the interests 
involved, and the consequences were too lasting, 
for Christians to do otherwise. Next by mutually 
and openly conferring together, and casting their 
thoughts abroad over the world, they examined 
the advantages and disadvantages of the many 
places suggested. 

Some, and they not the meanest of the 
company, were earnest for Guiana, a country 
lately discovered or explored by Sir Walter 
Raleigh, and by him described in glowing colors, 
as a country most to be desired, lying between the 
Amazon and the Orinoco, in South America. Its 
rich plains with finest grass, its goodly groves, its 
beautiful hills and vales, and flowing streams, its 
flocks of gentle deer, the sweet music of its birds 
issuing from every tree, its gentle eastern gales, 
its very stones rich with the promise of mineral 
stores all constituted " a region which (says Sir 
Walter) I am resolved cannot be equalled, for 
health, air, riches, pleasure, by any region either 


east or west." 8 It was the very El Dorado of the 
Spaniards ; and here had the English, as well as 
the Dutch, their claims. 

Others of the company were in favor of some 
part of Virginia, where English settlements had 
already been commenced. 9 

Respecting Guiana it was answered, that 
though the country was unquestionably fruitful 
and pleasant, and might more easily than any 
other yield maintenance and riches, yet the heats 
of a tropical climate, and exposures to diseases 
there prevalent, were ill suited to English con 
stitutions. And even were they there, and well 
established, the jealous Spaniard would not suffer 
them to remain long in peace, and might destroy 
them in their weak estate, as he had the French 
in Florida. 10 

8 Bradford, p. 27 ; Raleigh s Western District. It was ob- 
Works, vol. viii. Guiana. served by a distinguished officer 

9 The first permanent settle- of the American army : " I think 
ment at Jamestown, was in 1607, we owe no great thanks to our 
about the time of the removal of forefathers, for settling in the 
our Leyden Company from Eng- cold bleak region, and on the 
land to Holland. hard soil of the North ; when they 

10 Bradford, p. 28. The mas- could have chosen for themselves 
sacre was that of French Hugue- the rich soil, the easy living, the 
riots in E. Florida, in 1650. On the choice fruits, and the greater 
choice and comparative advan- wealth of the Tropical climates." 
tages of a Northern or a Southern It was answered by way of in- 
and Tropical location, the dis- quiry : " In what consists the best 
cussion of which we have just good, truest eminence the high- 
noticed, the author remembers a est glory of a people ? Is it in 
spirited debate, at a compli- the ease, the pleasure, the luxury, 
mentary dinner in Florida at the the rapidly acquired wealth, just 
residence of the Judge of the mentioned ? These are usually 


Respecting Virginia, the answer was* that the 
Church of England was there exclusively estab 
lished, and there they might be in danger of 
troubles or persecutions, with less opportunity of 
defence than in England itself. Thus there were 
objections and difficulties on every side. 

But at length they arrived at this conclusion 
To apply to the Virginia Company, of London, 
for a grant to plant themselves separately under 
it s general government, and petition his majesty 
for a grant of liberty or " freedom of religion." 
To this course were they encouraged by prospects 
of favor and aid from persons high in rank and 
influence, among whom were Sir Edwin Sandys, 
Elder Brewster s faithful and highly esteemed 
friend, and Sir Robert Naunton, the principal 
Secretary of State. 11 

Accordingly, in the autumn of 1617, were two 
messengers sent to London, to make application 
to the Virginia Company. These found the Vir 
ginia Company desirous to arrange with them, 

followed by enervation of mind not under such circumstances, 

and body, as experience has that true patriotism, the higher 

proved. Is it not rather in the virtues, and the spirit of the 

fruits and rewards of industrious Christian religion are more fully 

if you please, of necessitous developed?" "It may be so," was 

exertions ? exertion calling into the answer. 

vigorous exercise every faculty of * Bradford, 29, and notes, 
mind and body ; taxing the Other names may be added, as 
energies in all the ways of cul- Sir John Wolstonholme, Sir Fulke 
ture, of invention, of scientific Greville, the chancellor, after- 
discoveries ; resulting in the wards Lord Brooke, 
noblest productions of each ? Is it 


and willing to grant a patent with as ample privi 
leges, and to further their enterprise as far, as was 
in their power. Some chief men of the company 
believed their suit to his majesty for liberty in 
religion, confirmed by the King s broad seal, could 
also be obtained. This latter application, how 
ever, though supported by the Secretary of State 
and others, of high influence with the King and 
the archbishop, failed of success, though they 
prevailed so far as to be assured " that his majesty 
would connive at them, and not molest them, pro 
vided they carried themselves peaceably." 12 

This being all that they could then obtain, the 
agents returned to Leyden, and reported the whole 
state of the matter, with their difficulties, and the 
efforts of their worthy friends in their behalf; also 
the advice of those friends to go forward in their 

It w r as the month of November; and on the 
messengers return to Leyden, Sir Edwin Sandys 
sent, and probably by them to their pastor, and 

12 Bradford, p. 29. Winslow the enlargement of the Gospel by 
relates that when Sir Robert all due means ; "his majesty said, 
Naunton was urging with James this was a good and honest motion, 
the request of the Leyden Com- and asked what profits might 
pany, "to live under his govern- arise therefrom in the region in- 
ment and protection, and to enjoy tended." To which it was answer- 
liberty of conscience in America,," ed fishing. To which he replied, 
adding that " they could not live with his usual asseveration, " So 
so comfortably under any other God have my soul, tis an honest 
government," and that their en- trade; twas the apostle s own 
deavor would be the advancement calling." Winslow, in Young, pp. 
of his majesty s dominions, and 382, 383, 


the Elder, the following truly Christian and 
encouraging letter; expressive of his warm con 
tinued friendship for Brewster with his pastor, and 
of his deep interest and readiness to aid in 
their proposed undertaking. The letter with the 
annexed answer, throws much light upon this 
important period of Brewster s and this people s 



The agents of your congregation, Robert 
Cushman, and John Carver, have been in com 
munication with divers select gentlemen of his 
majesty s council for Virginia ; and by the writing 
of seven articles, 13 subscribed with your names, 
have given them that good degree of satisfaction, 
which hath carried them on with a resolution to 
set forward your desire in the best sort that may 
be for your own and the public good ; divers par 
ticulars whereof we leave to their faithful report, 
having carried themselves here with that good 
discretion as is both to their own, and their credit 
from whom they came. And whereas, being to 
treat for a multitude of people, they have re 
quested further time to confer with them that are 
to be interested in this action, about the several 
particulars, which in the prosecution thereof, will 

13 See these seven articles, Chap, xxvii. They were lately recovered 
from oblivion by Mr. Bancroft, from the state paper office, England. 


fall out considerable, it hath been very willingly 
assented unto ; and so they do now return unto 
you. If therefore it may please God so to direct 
your desires, as that on your parts there fall out 
no just impediments, I trust by the same direction 
it shall likewise appear that on our parts all 
forwardness to set you forward shall be found in 
the best sort which with reason may be expected. 
And so I betake you with this design (which I 
hope verily is the work of God) to the gracious 
protection and blessing of the Highest. 
Your loving friend, 


LONDON, Nov. 12th, 16 IT. 



Our humble duties remembered, in our own, 
our messengers, and our church s name, with all 
thankful acknowledgment of your singular love, 
expressing itself as otherwise, so more especially 
in your great care and earnest endeavor of our 
good in this weighty business about Virginia; 
which the less able we are to requite, we shall 
think ourselves the more bound to commend in 
our prayers unto God for recompense; whom as 
for the present you rightly behold in our endeavors, 
so shall we not be wanting on our parts (the same 
God assisting us) to return all answerable fruit 


and respect unto the labor of your love bestowed 
upon us. 

We have, with the best speed and consideration 
withal that we could, set down our requests in 
writing, subscribed, as you willed, with the hands 
of the greatest part of our congregation ; and have 
sent the same unto the Council by our agent, a 
deacon of our church, John Carver; unto whom 
we have also requested a gentleman of our company 
to adjoin himself; to the care and discretion of 
which two we do refer the prosecuting of the busi 
ness. Now, we persuade ourselves, right worship 
ful, that we need not to provoke your godly and 
loving mind to any further or more tender care of 
us ; since you have pleased so far to interest us in 
yourself, that, under God, above all persons and 
things in the world, we rely upon you, expecting 
the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, 
and the help and countenance of your authority. 

Notwithstanding, for your encouragement in the 
work so far as probabilities may lead, we will not 
forbear to mention these instances of induce 
ment : 

1st. We verily believe and trust the Lord is 
with us ; unto whom and whose service we have 
given ourselves in many trials, and that he will 
graciously prosper our endeavors according to the 
simplicity of our hearts therein. 

2d. We are well weaned from the delicate milk 
of our mother country, and inured to the difficulties 



of a strange and hard land, which yet, in great 
part, we have by patience overcome. 

3d. The people are, for the body of them, in 
dustrious and frugal, we think we may safely say, 
as any company of people in the world. 

4th. We. are knit together as a body in a more 
strict and sacred bond and covenant of the Lord, 
of the violation whereof we make great conscience, 
and by virtue whereof we do hold ourselves strictly 
tied to all care of each other s good, and of the 
whole, by every one, and so mutually. 

5th, and lastly. It is not with us as with other 
men, whom small things can discourage, or small 
discontentments cause to wish themselves at home 
again. We know our entertainment in England 
and Holland. 

We shall much prejudice both our arts and 
means by removal ; if we should be driven to re 
turn, we should not hope to recover our present 
helps and comforts, neither indeed look ever to 
attain the like in any other place during our lives, 
which are now drawing towards their periods. 

These motives we have been bold to tender unto 
you, which you in your wisdom may also impart 
to any other our worshipful friends of the Council 
with you, of all whose godly disposition and loving 
towards our despised persons, we are most glad, 
and shall not fail by all good means to continue 
and increase the same. 

We shall not be further troublesome, but do, 
with the renewed remembrance of our humble 


duties to your worship, and (so far as in modesty 
we may be bold) to any other of our well-willers 
of the Council with you, we take our leaves, com 
mitting your persons and counsels to the guidance 
and protection of the Almighty. 

Your much bounden in all duty. 



LEYDEN, the 15th of December, 1617. 


Men judge actions always by events : 

But when we manage by a just foresight, 

Success is prudence, and possession right. HIGGOXS. 

THE letter of Sir Edwin Sandys to the pastor 
and elder at Leyden having been answered, the 
bearers of that answer to London were empowered 
to use all suitable means to procure the desired 
charter, with denned religious privileges. 1 

But the affairs of the Virginia Company in 
London were becoming daily more and more com 
plicated, and the conflicting movements of its 
honorable Council involved in discouraging diffi 
culties. 2 

At the same time, his majesty s Privy Council 
commenced action on the subject of the Leyden 
people. Certain of its honorable members, who 
had received some unfavorable impressions respect 
ing them, "desired of them further explanations," 
especially on three particular points. 

Mr. llobinson and Brewster, "grieved that such 

1 Bradford, 31, 36. Those who bore this answer constituted the 2d 

* Ibid., 36, 37. 


unjust insinuations had been made against them," 
yet "glad of the opportunity of clearing themselves 
in the matter," immediately furnished a statement 
of their principles and views as desired. 

Their statement was in two forms or " declara 
tions," accompanied by the following letter, ad 
dressed to Sir John Wolstenholme, a friend of their 
proposed enterprise, and one of the principal mem 
bers of the Virginia Council : 


With due acknowledgments of our thankful 
ness for your singular care and pains in the 
business of Virginia, for our, and we hope the 
common good, we do remember our humble duties 
unto you, and have sent, as is desired, a further 
explanation of our judgments in the three points 
specified by some of his majesty s honorable Privy 
Council. And although it be grievous unto us 
that such unjust insinuations are made against us, 
yet we are most glad of the occasion of making 
our just purgation unto the so honorable person 
ages. The declarations we have sent inclosed; 
the one more brief and general, which we think 
the fitter to be presented, the other something more 
large, and in which we express some small acci 
dental differences, which, if it seem good unto you 
and other of our worshipful friends, you may send 
instead of the former. Our prayer unto God is 
that your worship may see the fruit of your worthy 
endeavors, which on our parts we shall not fail to 


further by all good means in us. And so praying 
that you would please, with the convenientest speed 
that may be, to give us knowledge of the success 
of the business with his majesty s Privy Council, 
and accordingly what your further pleasure is, 
either for our direction or furtherance in the same, 
so we rest. 

Your worships in all duty, 


LEYDEN, Jan. 21. 

Ano. 1617, Old Style. 4 


Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, namely, of 
pastors for teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons 
for distributing the church s contribution, as also 
for the two Sacraments, baptism, and the Lord s 
Supper, we do wholly and in all points agree with 
the French Reformed Churches, according to their 
public confession of faith. 

The oath of supremacy we shall willingly take 
if it be required of us, and that convenient satis 
faction be not given by our taking the oath of 

allegiance. 5 


3 Bradford s History, 33, 34. these oaths ; Constitutional His- 

4 1618, New Style. tory, p. 73, note, Harper s ed. 
6 See p. 34, and Hallam, on 



Touching the ecclesiastical ministry, c., as in 
the former, we agree in all things with the French 
Reformed Churches, according to their public con 
fession of faith ; though some small differences be 
to be found in our practices, not at all in the sub 
stance of the things, but only in some accidental 

1. As first, their ministers do pray with their 
heads covered, ours uncovered. 

2. We choose none for Governing Elders but 
such as are able to teach ; which ability they do 
not require. 

3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or, at 
most, for two or three years ; ours perpetual. 

4. Our elders do administer their office in ad 
monitions and excommunications for public scan 
dals publicly and before the congregation ; theirs 
more privately, and in their consistories. 

5. We do administer baptism only to such 
infants as whereof the one parent, at the least, is of 
some church, which some of their churches do not 
observe, though in it our practice accords with 
their public confession, and the judgment of the 
most learned amongst them. Other differences, 
worthy mentioning, we know none in these points. 

Then about the oath, as in the former. 
(Subscribed) JOHN R(OJBINSON.) 


6 Bradford, 34, 35. 


On the reception of these communications in 
England, and while the agents and friends of the 
Leyden people were taking every opportunity to 
forward their application, untoward occurrences in 
the Virginia Council baffled all their efforts. " So 
disturbed had the company and council become by 
factions and dissensions among themselves" that 
nothing else could receive attention. In this state 
of things, long and sadly were the hopes of this 
people delayed. Messengers passed and repassed 
for furthering their purpose, but all to little effect. 
To their great discouragement, affairs were at a 
stand. 7 

In the mean time, Sir Edwin Sandys was " chosen 
treasurer and governor" of the company. 8 

Amidst these srreat discouragements, and the 

O o 

sad contests in the Virginia Company, the Leyden 
people delegated their ruling elder to unite with 

7 The occasion of this great of his honors, became angry, and 
trouble in the Virginia Company, raised a faction to contest the 
(says Cushman, one of the Leyden election. In the heat of this con- 
agents), was this: "Sir Thomas test they were neither ready nor 
Smith, who had all along been fit to engage in business." "What 
the governor and treasurer of the will be the issue," adds Cushman, 
company, and held, at the time, " is yet uncertain. It is most 
other high offices, repining under likely Sir Edwin will carry the 
his burthens and troubles, and day ; and if so, things will go 
wishing the company to ease him well in Virginia ; otherwise, they 
of this office, the company took will go ill enough." Letter in 
the occasion to choose Sir Edwin Bradford, p. 37 ; note in Young, 
Sandys in his stead. The votes 68, G9. Chalmers Annals of Vir- 
were, for Sir Edwin, 60, for Sir ginia. 

John Wolstenholme, 16, Alderman 8 Sir Edwin was elected April 

Johnston, 24. Sir Thomas, find- 28, 1619. 
ing that he had lost some portion 


Mr. Cushman in their pending, and now to them 
most important negotiation. Hence the cause of 
his absence from Leyden, when Sir Dndley Carle- 
ton sought for him, and his continued absence 
from February until late in the autumn of 1619, 
perhaps longer. 9 

In his abilities, discretion, and integrity, they 
had the fullest confidence. In experience in pub 
lic life, and in knowledge of men and things, he 
had among them no equal. While the mutual 
friendship between the Elder and Sir Edwin, and 
the deep interest of the latter in the success of 
their contemplated purpose, rendered this appoint 
ment most opportune. 

During this summer, then, and amidst the con 
tinued conflicts and delays mentioned, the Elder 
Was in London with his powerful friends and the 
other agent, furthering their application for a 
patent, and awaiting the issue. While there, he 
appears to have written letters full and explicit, 
respecting the whole matter. Our knowledge of 
them now, however, comes from the communication 
of the other messenger. " I doubt not but Mr. 
Brewster hath written to Mr. Robinson. But I 
think myself bound also to do something, lest I be 
thought to neglect you." Again, " Mr. Brewster 
is not well at this time ; whether he will come 
back to you, or go into the north^ I yet know not." 
Finally, " Having summarily pointed at things 

9 See Bradford, pp. 30, 36, 38, 43, Notes. Young s Notes, pp. 57, 59. 



which Mr. Brews ter (I think) hath more largely 
written of to Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the 
Lord s protection." " London, May 8, Ano. 1619. 10 

At length, they succeeded in obtaining the long 
desired patent. It was granted under the seal of 
the Old Virginia Company of London, "not in 
any of their own names, but, by the advice of some 
friends, in the name of Mr. John Wincob (a gen 
tleman in the service of the Countess of Lincoln), 
who intended to go with them." 11 

On obtaining the patent, with the previous as 
surance of the King s connivance as to religious 
liberty, the Elder and his associate appear to have 
returned very soon to Leyden. 12 Along with the 

10 Cushman s Letter in Bradford, 
pp. 36-38. 

11 "But he never went." (Brad 
ford, p. 41.) This countess was a 
lady eminent for piety and intelli 
gence, and a friend to the cause. 
Two of her daughters, Susan and 
Arabella, married two of the sub 
sequent principal colonists of Mas 
sachusetts. Lady Arabella died in 
1630, about six weeks after her 
arrival, deeply lamented. A sup 
posed reason why the patent was 
not taken in the name of the 
Leyden people is, that they were 
not now within the English realm. 
This patent, in the end, after the 
emigrants failed to reach their in 
tended location in North Virginia, 
near the mouth of the Hudson 
River, ceased to be of any further 
use. Young s Notes, pp. 74, 75. 

12 Winslow says expressly : " Our 
agents returning, we sought the 
Lord by a public and solemn fast ; 
these agents were now Brewster 
and Cushman, as just mentioned. 
In Bradford, the same is imme 
diately afterwards implied. On 
deciding who were to remove, and 
who were to remain, " the greater 
number required the pastor to 
stay." "The other desired the 
Elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with 
them, which was also condescend 
ed unto." Again, says Winslow, 
" The minor part, with Mr. Brew 
ster, resolved to enter upon this 
great work." (In Young, p. 384.) 
Dr. Young concludes (note on 
page 59) : " Cushman and Brew 
ster sent in Feb., 1619 returned 
late in the same year," and he 
admitted to the author, that Wier 


patent, came propositions from such merchants 
and friends in London, as would either go them 
selves, or adventure with them, and on whom they 
might depend for means and shipping. At the 
same time, the people were requested to prepare 
for their departure with all speed. 

On receipt of these, a solemn assembly was 
called, for the purpose of humbly seeking God s 
gracious guidance. No important step would they 
take in the matter without thus publicly asking 
Divine direction. Their pastor addressed them in 
a manner suited to their condition, bringing before 
them considerations calculated to strengthen them 
against their fears, and to encourage them in their 

The question was next taken, who should go 
first, and who should remain ; those to go to offer 
themselves freely. It being the minor part that 
offered themselves, as they only could at first be 
ready, they desired their ruling elder, Brewster, 
to go with them officially, as their spiritual guide ; 
to which assent was given, he having himself re 
solved, with them, to enter upon this great work. 13 
It was also covenanted that the minor part, on 
going, should be an absolute church of themselves,^} 
as well as those who remained, the difference in 
number not being great ; also, that if any of those 

was right in his representation of statements combined ; see p. 42 

the Elder in his admirable em- of Bradford, and Winslow in 

barkation scene. Young, p. 384, quoted preceding 

13 Bradford and Winslow s note 12. 


remaining should come to them, or if any of them 
selves should return, " they should be reputed as 
members" still with either. And the promise of 
those remaining to those going was, " The Lord 
giving them life, means, and opportunity, they 
would come also as soon as they could." 14 

About this period, certain merchants and others, 
in Holland, " made them large offers to induce 
them to go into Zealand," " or to go under them 
to Hudson s River," whither they would freely 
transport them, and furnish every family with 
cattle and other conveniences. 15 

But an agent arriving from London at this time, 
a Mr. Weston, in behalf of himself and certain 
merchant adventurers, persuaded them, after much 
intercourse, to set aside all other proposals, as he, 
and those adventurers and friends, would provide 
the shipping, money, and whatever was needful, 
for their removal. Accordingly, at his suggestion, 
articles of agreement were drawn up for the pur 
pose, and approved by both parties, and a messen 
ger was dispatched with them to London, with 
instructions to receive the money, arrange for 
shipping, and all else for the voyage. Those who 

14 Bradford, 42 ; Winslow adds, endeavor to help over such as 

" If the Lord frown upon our pro- were poor and ancient and willing 

ceedings, then those that went to come." In Young, 383. 

were to return, and the brethren l5 Bradford, pp. 42, 43, and 

that remained were to assist and note ; also 48, and particularly 

be helpful to them ; but if God Winslow in Young, 385, and 

should be pleased to favor them Broadhead s History of New York, 

that went, then they also should 123, c. 


were to go prepared with all speed, selling their 
estates, and putting their money into a common 
stock, under the direction of appointed managers. 
Stringent, indeed, were the conditions of the agree 
ment finally required by the London agent ; yet 
harder were two modifications afterwards admitted 
by their own agent to suit the " merchant adven 
turers," though without authority from the com 
pany at Ley den. 16 

Now, however, a new trouble arose. A new 
company was formed in England, with a grant 
from the King, of the northern part of what had 
been under the Virginia grant, and this, with 
other tracts, was henceforth to be named New 
England. In consequence, some were now for 
uniting with this new company, while some in 
England, that were to go with them, declined ; 
other merchants and friends, that had offered to 
adventure means, withdrew, presenting excuses, 
some because they would not go to Guiana, others 
because they would go to Virginia, while others 
would do nothing if they went not to Virginia. 17 

"In the midst of these distractions, they of Ley- 
den who had put off their estates, and laid out 
their money, were brought into great straits, 
greatly fearing the issue to which things might 
come." 18 

Yet the great cause of discontent was the alter 
ing of the conditions of the agreement, at Leydcn, 

1(5 Bradford, 43, 45. > 8 Bradford, p. 45. 

17 Ibid., 44, 45. 



by their agent in London, to meet the demands of 
the merchant adventurers. That the reader may 
have a view of them as thus altered, they are pre 
sented below. 19 

The oppressive modifications were that all their 

19 "Ano. 1620. The adventur 
ers and planters do agree that 
every person that goeth, "being 
aged sixteen years and upward, he 
rated at ten pounds, and ten. 
pounds to be rated a single share. 

" That he that goeth in person, 
and furnisheth himself out with 
ten pounds, either in money or 
other provisions, be accounted as 
having twenty pounds in stock, 
and in the division shall receive 
a double share. 

"The persons transported, and 
the adventurers, shall continue 
their joint stock and partnership 
together the space of seven years 
(except some unexpected impedi 
ment do cause the whole company 
to agree otherwise) ; during which 
time, all profits and benefits that 
are gotten by trade, traffic, truck 
ing, working, fishing, or any other 
means, of any person or persons, 
shall remain still in the common 
stock until the division. 

" That, at their coming there, 
they choose out such a number of 
fit persons as may furnish their 
ships and boats for fishing upon 
the sea ; employing the rest in 
their several faculties upon the 
land, as building houses, tilling 
and planting the ground, and 

making such commodities as shall 
be most useful for the colony. 

" That, at the end of the seven 
years, the capital and profits, viz., 
the houses, lands, goods, and chat 
tels, be equally divided betwixt 
the adventurers and planters ; 
which done, every man shall be 
free from other of them of any 
debt or detriment concerning this 

" Whosoever cometh to the Co 
lony hereafter, or putteth any into 
the stock, shall, at the end of the 
seven years, be allowed propor- 
tionably to the time of his so 

" He that shall carry his wife, 
children, or servants, shall be 
allowed for every person now aged 
sixteen years and upward, a single 
share in the division ; or, if he 
provide them necessaries, a double 
share ; or if they be between ten 
and sixteen years old, then two of 
them to be reckoned for a person, 
both in transportation and divi 

" That such children that now 
go, and are under the age of ten 
years, have no other share in the 
division but fifty acres of un- 
manured land. 

" That such persons as die before 


houses and improved lands, even home lots and 
gardens, were to belong to the company of adven 
turers and planters, to be divided, as all other pro 
perty, at the end of seven years ; and that, instead 
of having two days in a week for their own private 
employment, for the comfort of themselves and 
families, the whole six days should be devoted 
wholly to the common service. 

To such conditions were the Elder and his 
company constrained to submit, in order to their 
transportation, and this for a settlement in the 
far off wilds of the new hemisphere. 

The month of June had arrived, and yet 
additional trials, of faith and patience, must be 
endured. Between the differences of those who 
received the funds and made outlays for provisions, 
and the long delays by Mr. Weston in providing 
shipping, precious time was lost, and piteous was 
the case of many who had embarked their little 
all in the enterprise. 20 

At length, after hindrances and trials more 
numerous than have been mentioned, 21 preparations 
were concluded, and notice accordingly sent to 

the seven years be expired, their meat, drink, apparel, and all pro- 
executors to have their parts or visions, out of the common stock 
share at the division, proportion- and goods of the said colony." 
ably to the time of their life in Bradford, 45, 46. 
the colony. 20 Bradford, pp. 48, 58. 

"That all such persons as are 2I Ibid., 62. 
of this colony are to have their 


A small ship, the Speedwell, of about sixty tons 
burden, was purchased, and fitted in Holland ; 
while the Mayflower, of one hundred and eighty 
tons, was hired in London. All being ready at 
Leyden, they passed another day in deep devotion, 
their pastor addressing them from the words of 
the Prophet, " I proclaimed a fast, that we might 
humble ourselves before our God, and seek of him 
a right way for us, and for our children, and for 
all our substance," 22 words aptly suited to the 
occasion ; and on which " he dwelt most im 
pressively and profitably, a good portion of the 

Says Winslow, who was present, " among other 
wholesome instructions and exhortations, he used 
these or like expressions. * * Being now ere long 
to part asunder, and the Lord knowing whether 
ever he should live to see our faces again, he 
charged us before God and his blessed angels, to 
follow him no further than he followed Christ: 
and if God should reveal anything to us by any 
other instrument of his, to be as ready to receive 
it as ever we were to receive any truth by his 
ministry ; for he was very confident the Lord had 
more truth and light yet to break forth out of his 
Holy Word. 

" He took occasion also miserably to bewail the 
state and condition of the reformed churches, 
who were come to a period in religion, and would 

22 Bradford, p. 59. 


go no further than the instruments of their 
reformation. As, for example, the Lutherans 
they could not be drawn to go beyond, what 
Luther saw: for whatever part of God s will he 
had further imparted, and revealed to Calvin, they 
will rather die than embrace it. And so also, the 
Calvinists, they stick where he left them ; a misery 
much to be lamented; for though they were 
precious lights in their times, yet God had not 
revealed his whole will to them ; and were they 
now living, they would be as ready and willing to 
embrace further light, as that they had received. 

" He also put us in mind of our church 
covenant, at least that part of it whereby we 
promise and covenant with God, and one with 
another, to receive whatsoever light or truth shall 
be made known to us from His written word ; but 
withal exhorted us to take heed what we received 
for truth, and well to examine and compare it, 
and weigh it, with other Scriptures of truth, before 
we receive it. For, saith he, it is not possible, 
the Christian world should come so lately out of 
such thick anti-christian darkness, and that full 
perfection of knowledge should break forth at once. 

" Another thing he commended to us, that we 
should use all means to avoid and shake off the 
name of Brownist, being a mere nickname and 
brand, to make religion and the professors of it, 
odious to the Christian world. And to that end, 
said he, 1 1 should be glad if some godly minister 
would go over with you before my coming ; for there 



will be no difference between the unconformable 
ministers and you, when they come to the practice 
of the ordinances out of the kingdom. So (he) 
advised us by all means to endeavor to close with 
the godly part of the kingdom of England, and 
rather to study union than division ; to wit, how 
near we might possibly without sin close with 
them, than in the least measure to effect division 
or separation from them. And be not loth to 
take another pastor or teacher, for that flock that 
hath two shepherds is not endangered but secured 
by it." 

Such were the expanded views and teachings of 
the pastor of this Leyden Company. Such were 
doubtless the views of Brewster. And to show 
that they partook not of the spirit of the " rigid 
Separatists," Winslow testifies on another occa 
sion: "If any joining us formerly, and with the 
manifestation of their faith, and profession, held 
forth separation from the Church of England, I 
have divers times heard either Mr. Robinson, our 
pastor, or Mr. Brewster, our elder, stop them forth 
with, showing them that we required no such 
things at their hands ; but only to hold faith in 
Christ Jesus, holiness in the fear of God, and sub 
mission to every ordinance and appointment of 
God ; leaving the Church of England to them 
selves and to the Lord, before whom they should 
stand or fall, and to whom we ought to pray to 
reform what was amiss amongst them." 23 

* 3 Winslow s Brief Narrative, in Young, 396, 399, and 400. 


" A slow developed strength awaits 
Completion in a painful school ; 
Phantoms of other forms of rule, 
New majesties of mighty states." TENNYSON. 

ALL things being ready, and the time having 
arrived for these voyagers to the New World to 
depart, those that were to remain, prepared a feast 
for those that were to go. It was at their " pas 
tor s house, which was large," and where probably 
they had usually assembled for worship. " Earnest 
were the prayers for each other, and mutual the 
pledges." Tears flowed indeed; but they re 
freshed themselves with appropriate psalms, making 
melody in their hearts, as well as with the voice ; 
" many of the congregation being very expert in 
music." " Indeed (said Winslow), it was the 
sweetest melody that ever mine ears heard I" 1 True 
was all this to the instincts of nature, under the 
guidance of grace. When deeply oppressed, the 
soul finds relief in devotion, and refreshment in 
melody, fitting melody, plaintive at first, to touch 
soothingly the cords of the sorrowing heart, then 

1 Winslow in Young, p. 384. 


gradually merging into the animating, and then 
into the invigorating and soul-inspiring. Thus 
refreshed and strengthened to put in execution 
their great resolve, the departing company left 
Leyden for the haven of Delft, their place of em 
barkation ; left that " goodly and pleasant city," 
where for eleven years they had had their resting- 
place, bidding adieu to loved countenances, sun 
dering strong ties of attachment cemented by trials, 
and recollections of joys and sorrows past. No 
wonder, under the circumstances, that a deep feel 
ing of loneliness came over them, as of "pilgrims" 
without country or home. 

Pilgrims indeed they were ; not in the classical 
sense, derived from heathen use, nor from the 
periods of the Church s sad declensions, nor as 
used in the romances of the crusades, nor in the 
sense of the devotees of the prophet of Mecca ; 
but in the primary sense, as well as in the 
divinely inspired use "Strangers andsojourners," 
" strangers and pilgrims on the earth." This w r as 
the inspired language to which their minds re 
verted when they declared that "they knew they 
were pilgrims here, and in the sorrow of departing 
lifted their eyes towards heaven as their dearest 
country, and quieted their spirits."" 

2 Bradford, p. 59. Objections The term is not Greek, or Roman, 
have been made on classical but of German or Belgic origin, 
grounds, to the use of the term pil- from pelgrim (or Teutonic) pil- 
grims, and to its application to this gram. Its first and general mean- 
people, but to little purpose. ing is, a traveller, a wanderer, also 

- * 1 3 


On the 21st of July, 1620, they were on then- 
way to Delft, and thence to the Haven of Delft, 
their brethren from Leyclen accompanying them. 3 
Arriving at Delft Haven, again their brethren 
prepared for them a social feast. " Little sleep 

was there to most of them that night." Friendly 


entertainment, Christian discourse, and expressions 
of deep affection in parting, "held their eyes 
waking." " Never," says Winslow, " I persuade 
myself, never people on earth lived more lovingly 
together, and parted more sweetly than we, the 
Church of Leyden." " Often seeking, not rashly, 

one who travels on a religious ac- been the days of the years of my 

count, and one who, on that ac- pilgrimage." 

count, is a sojourner in another Shakspeare used it with still 
land. In accordance with this greater license : " In prison thou 
primary definition, is its use in hast spent a pilgrimage," and Dry - 
our translation of the Old and New den, " Painting is a long pilgrim- 
Testament ; a sojourner and wan- age." The terms are extensively 
derer in another land ; or, a so- used indeed in a classical sense, 
journer on the earth in reference as of journeying to some shrine 
to a heavenly home. Accordingly, for purposes of penance and devo- 
the terms, " strangers and sojourn- tion ; as in heathen, Mohammedan, 
ers," " strangers and pilgrims," are and corruptly Christian usage; 
considered to be nearly synony- but not such is its primitive, bib- 
mous, especially in Gen. xxii. 4 ; lical, or Protestant application. 
Ps. xxxix. 19 ; 1st Peter, ii. 11 ; 3 The mode by which they were 
Heb. xi. 13-16. In this sense it conveyed doubtless was by the 
is used in that generally adopted " Trackchuit" (canal boat), the 
hymn canal passing from Leyden direct- 
" Guide me, thou great Jehovah ! ly through Delft to Delft Haven ; 
Pilgrim through this barren land." this being then, and for ages since, 
In this sense only is it used in the almost only mode of travelling 
Bunyan s inimitable allegory, in that country under like circum- 
Such, also, is the use of the term stances, 
pilgrimage. " Few and evil have 


but deliberately, the mind of God in prayer, and 
finding His gracious presence with us, and His 
blessing upon us." 4 

The morning of the 22d dawned upon them 
favorably. After prayer by their pastor, and many 
tears, they repaired to their little ship, lying at 
the quay ready to receive them, accompanied not 
only by their brethren from Leyden, but by some 
even from Amsterdam, who had come to take 
leave of them (and to many it was a final leave). 
Going on board amidst sighs and sobs, their grief 
became too deep for utterance. 

" Loath to separate, yet the wind being fair, and 
the tide admonishing, their pastor falls down upon 
his knees, and they all with him, while he, with 
watery cheeks, commends them most t fervently to 
the Lord .and his blessing." Then, with mutual 
embraces and short leave-takings, they part. 
With sails set, the ship recedes from the quay, 
while three volleys from the small arms and three 
pieces of ordnance announce their departure. 5 

4 In Yoiing, pp. 88, 380. The painter seized the moment 

6 Bradford and Winslow. Of when, on the deck of the Speed- 

the "Embarkation of the Pil- well, just ready to depart, all were 

grims" (the interesting scene of kneeling in prayer. True to his- 

which has just been described), tory in minutest particulars, true 

that superior historical painting, to nature, and to the customs and 

by Professor Wier, in the rotunda costumes of the times, as well as 

of our National Capitol at Wash- true to the higher attainments of 

ington, presents a most graphic the art, this historical painting 

and striking view. From it is the stands before us in this country 

faithfully executed engraving for unrivalled, 

our frontispiece ; which see. The figure with outstretched 



The last silent tokens, as long as their eyes 
could discern them, were the lifting up of hands 
to each other, even as their hearts were for each 
to the Most High, while they passed out upon the 
broad Meuse, and were borne away to the sea. 

hands and devout look, nearest 
the foreground of the central 
group, is Mr. Robinson, their pas 
tor, earnestly commending them 
to the grace and blessing of the 
Almighty. He remained in Hol 

Their ruling elder, William 
Brewster, in like earnest devotion, 
is near the centre of this group, 
with open Bible in his hands, and 
a look of deep emotion, firm pur 
pose, and holy trust. 

Between these two is Mr. Car 
ver, afterwards governor. 

On the right and left of Carver 
are the youthful Bradford, subse 
quently governor, and his wife. 

On the right of the elder are 
Mrs. Brewster and child, in feeble 

Further to his right, in the fore 
ground, and kneeling side by side, 
are Mr. and Mrs. White. 

Prominent in the middle 
ground, on the elder s extreme 
right, are Mr. and Mrs. Winslow, 
she in bridal attire ; and right 
and left of them, two lads under 
their care. 

Back of the elder are Mr. Ful 
ler, the physician, and his wife, 
to be separated for a season. 

On the left of the pastor are 
Mrs. Carver, child, and boy. 

Farthest on his left, and pro 
minent in the foreground, is the 
brave Miles Standish, in military 
garb, with his beautiful wife Rose. 

In the back ground, to the right 
of these, is seen the Captain of 
the Speedwell, giving orders to a 
seaman, while children, domes 
tics, spectators, &c., in the dis 
tance, with various implements on 
the deck, fill up the scene. 

But the painting must be 
studied to realize its truthfulness 
and excellence. As far as prac 
ticable, however, in so small a 
space, clear ideas of it may be 
gathered from the engraving for 
the frontispiece. 

It should also be added here, 
that in England a painting has 
been executed on the subject of 
the "Departure of the Pilgrims." 
Of its merits, compared with that 
of our own countryman, we are 
unable to speak. Being, as we 
understand, a national work, it is 
undoubtedly worthy of the subject, 
and of the people who have called 
for its execution, and given it a 
location in their National Museum. 


On shore, the pastor and the remainder of his sad 
dened flock returned to Leyden, while the Dutch 
strangers, that stood on the quay as spectators, 
had not been able to refrain from " tears" at the 
view of that parting. 

In all this, what must have been the emotions 
of their elder ? Deeply must he have felt the re 
sponsibility of his position, while, as their spiritual 
leader and instructor, though a layman, he was 
now committed with them, and they with him, to 
the uncertainties of the voyage, and to the greater 
uncertainties and trials of a settlement beyond the 
seas, in a savage land. 

Scarcely, however, could he have had time to 
collect his thoughts of the past, and of the memo 
rable present, and to glance dimly at the future, 
when the Speedwell, with the pilgrim band, ap 
proached and passed the Briel. There, doubtless, 
he must have called to mind the time when, in 
younger years, he was with the ambassador while 
receiving possession of that town and its fortresses, 
and also when leaving the country for England 
and the court, himself buoyant with youthful 
hope, bearing the golden chain in token of faithful 
service, and with brightest prospects of advance 
ment to higher positions. 

What had he since passed through] What 
changes had been his] What strange contrasts 
in life I What unlooked-for occurrences I What, 
even in the past twelve years, in the land he was 


now leaving, ending with the last painful scene, 
this very day, at the Haven of Delft I 

But the Speedwell speeds rapidly on her course. 
Ere long, with " a prosperous wind," after a short 
passage, they are on the coast of England, and in 
the port of Southampton. 


Perseverance is a Roman virtue, 

And plucks success 
E en from the spear-proof crest of rugged danger. HAVARD. 

ARRIVED at Southampton, an ancient seaport on 
the southern coast of England, the Leyden Com 
pany met their companions and others with the 
larger ship, the Mayflower, from London. Joyful 
was their meeting, and mutual were the congratu 
lations. Seven days had these friends been await 
ing their arrival. 1 

Here were they again in England, the land of 
their birth, after twelve years of voluntary exile, 
for their distinctive views, in a land of strangers. 
Yet they had little time for reflection upon scenes 
and events and associations of early life : now was 
the time for stern resolve and action. 2 They were 
to leave again immediately as exiles for life, beyond 
the vast and yet seldom frequented ocean. 

Proceeding with the necessary arrangements for 
the voyage, they authorized the needed outlays, 
and prepared to depart. In the mean time there 
arrived from Mr. Robinson, in Leyden, a most 

1 Bradford, GO. 2 Ibid., 60-1. 


affectionate and earnest parting letter, which was 
read to the company, to the profit of many, and 
acceptance of all. And now on distributing the 
whole company on board the two ships, they chose 
for each a manager with assistants, to order the 
people and provisions, and all else of a like nature 
that might be for the best good of the whole. 3 

About the 5th of August, some thirteen days 
after their embarkation at Delft Haven, the pil 
grim company, numbering, with the additions from 
London, about one hundred and twenty, set sail 
from Southampton. But further disappointments 
awaited them. Scarcely were they at sea, when the 
master of the Speedwell declared his ship to be so 
leaky, that he dare not proceed. 4 Both masters, on 
consultation, resolved to put into the harbor of 
Dartmouth, an old town of note on the southern 
coast of England. Here a week longer was passed 
during the Speedwell s repairs, an unexpected loss 
of time, as well as expenditure of means ; after 
which both vessels again put to sea. 

Nor was this all. After having proceeded over 
" a hundred leagues off the Land s End," the mas 
ter of the Speedwell again complained of her leak 
age, and declared that he must return or sink. 
Upon this, both vessels put back into the harbor of 
Plymouth, another port on the southwestern coast of 
England ; which, for beauty of situation, strength, 
wealth, and historic incident, had no rival in that 

3 Bradford, 62-8. 4 Ibid., 68. 


part of the kingdom. Judging the Speedwell to 
be unseaworthy, they there dismissed her. Those 
who " were willing," and some who " were weak 
est," though it was grievous and discouraging, 
went back to London, in all about twenty, Mr. 
Cushman and family being of the number. The 
others joined those in the Mayflower, arranging 
themselves and provisions as they could. 5 

September the 6th, after kind treatment from 
friends at that place, and another sad parting, the 
now entire Mayflower company set sail again. 6 

Henceforth, few things are known of what took 
place on board during their long and dreary voyage. 
The few facts recorded, however, furnish some in 
teresting insight into their condition and trials on 
the deep. 

One hundred passengers, added to the ship s 
captain and men, with provisions for all, and the 
implements and effects for settling a colony, all 
compacted together in one small ship, of but 180 
tons, can give no very favorable idea of internal 
convenience or comfort. Yet, with a fair wind, 
they proceeded prosperously at first, until about 
half way over the sea, though the usual sea sick 
ness was to them no stranger. Then commenced 
" cross winds and fierce storms." Encountering 
these, the ship labored, and her upper works 

5 Bradford, pp. 69, 70. No slight she performed service to the great 

censure has been passed upon the profit of her owners, 

master of the Speedwell ; as after- 6 Bradford, p. 74. Prince, p. 80. 
wards, when put in proper trim, 


became leaky. A main beam amidships was bent 
and cracked. The mariners manifested fears of 
the ability of the ship and much distraction and 
difference of opinion. Though willing to do what 
they could, they were yet loath to hazard their lives 
to any extremity. Perceiving this, the chief of the 
pilgrim company consulted with the officers of the 
ship as to the danger, and whether to return or to 
proceed. All opinions and reports being examined, 
and the captain being in favor of further exertions, 
various expedients were used to lessen the danger. 
By a huge iron screw, brought by some passengers 
from Holland, the wrenched mainbeam was brought 
into its place. With this and other appliances, 
they so strengthened and tightened their laboring 
bark, that, committing themselves to the will of 
God, they resolved to proceed. Yet often after 
wards, in fierce storms and winds, and high run 
ning seas, was their frail weakened vessel unable 
to bear sail, and forced to lie by for days together. 7 
And how, during all this time, was their elder 
chiefly occupied ] Doubtless, as we would expect, 
as their counsellor, their instructor, and spiritual 
guide; with whom, and by whose resolve to go 
with them, they had undertaken this arduous enter 
prise. Doubtless he led their daily devotions, as 
winds and sea, and other circumstances would per 
mit, and spoke to them from portions of the Word 
of truth aptly suited to each new occurrence, and 

7 Bradford, pp. 75, 76. 


in way and manner best calculated to instruct, to 
cheer, and to edify. 8 

Among the incidents of the voyage, was one 
that appears to have left on the minds of both 
navigators and passengers a strong impression. A 
certain stout, able-bodied, yet haughty and profane 
young seaman, was constantly treating these people 
with contempt, and in their sickness daily " cursing 
and execrating them," not hesitating to tell them 
he hoped to help cast half of them overboard 
before they came to their journey s end, and "to 
make merry" with what they should leave. If 
spoken to ever so gently respecting this treatment, 
"he would curse the more bitterly." This young 
seaman was " smitten by a grievous disease," before 
half of the voyage was completed, and died in 
great " desperation," and " was himself the first to 
be thrown overboard," to the " astonishment of all 
his fellows," who marked it as being by " the just 
hand of God." 9 

As another incident, a stout young man, of the 
passengers (John Howland), coming above the grat 
ings, as the ship lay to in a raging storm, was, by 
a sudden lurch of the ship, cast into the sea ; yet, 
catching hold of the topsail halliards that hung 
overboard, running out at length, and holding to 
them, even though fathoms under water, he was 
drawn up by them to the surface, and, by boat- 
hooks and other means, was raised on board, and 

8 Bradford, p. 413. 9 Bradford, p. 75. 


his life preserved. Thus rescued, in the providence 
of God, he lived many years a valuable member of 
their community. 10 

On the 6th of November, one month after leav 
ing Plymouth and the English coast, died William 
Butten, a youth in the family of Mr. Fuller, their 
physician. He was the first and only one of their 
own company whose mortal remains they were 
called upon during the passage to commit to the 
great deep. 

One also was born during the passage at sea, a 
child of Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins, who thence named 
him " Oceanus," 11 child of the ocean. Thus was the 
number of the Mayflower company continued the 

At dawn of day, on the 9th of November, land 
was discovered from the Mayflower s deck. It proved 
to be the cape, not long before named Cape Cod, 
from the abundance of that fish caught on its coast. 
Cheering indeed to the suffering passengers was 
the sight, after so long a confinement in their 
crowded and storm-worn ship. 

But as it was their intention to find a place for 
settlement near the Hudson river, on consultation, 
the ship s course was directed southward, the wind 
and weather favoring. Sailing this course half of 
the day, they found themselves among the perilous 
shoals and breakers off the southerly portion of 
that cape. Apparently in much peril, and the 

10 Bradford, p. 7(3. " Ibid., p. 448. 


favorable wind failing them, they resolved to turn 
back, and bear up again for the point of the cape, 
thankful to free themselves from the threatening 
dangers before the night should overtake them. 12 

On the llth day of November, 1620, sixty-five 
days, or more than nine weeks after their last de 
parture from the shores of England, they entered, 
and anchored in safety, in the Harbor of Cape 

Here arrived, before all other movements, " they 
fell on their knees, and blessed the God of heaven," 
who had brought them through all their trials and 
perils on the deep, to their present place of safety. 13 

Truly, with interest no less deep than when, at 
their embarkation, Eobinson committed them to 
the guidance and keeping of the Most High, Brew- 
ster, their elder, now bowed with them 

" At prayer, at prayer," upon the Mayflower s deck. 

" Holy man ! 

Heart on thy lips, and Bible in thy hand, 
Pour forth, as far as feeble speech can do, 
The intense emotion of the ocean-toss d 
And care-worn group that thus encircles thee." 14 

Next, being out of the jurisdiction of the Vir 
ginia grant, and their patent, which cost them so 
much, giving them no authority here, and expect 
ing, even from the first, under that patent, to 
organize for themselves a civil government, as a 
colony, and to choose, for the time, their own 

12 Bradford, p. 77, and Winslow 13 Bradford, pp. 77, 78. 
in Young, p. 385. u Mrs. Sigourney. 


magistrates, 15 and now especially, seeing signs of 
insubordination and faction in some not from 
Leyden, bnt of the "strangers that joined them 
from London," who were not well affected towards 
them and their purpose, they proceeded at once to 
accomplish this most important object. In the 
Cape Harbor, and before going on shore, they drew 
up, and signed this solemn compact : 

" In the name of God, amen. 

" We, whose names are underwritten,- the loyal 
subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, 
by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and 
Ireland, king, defender of the faith, &c., having 
undertaken, for the glory of God, and the advance 
ment of the Christian faith, and honor of our King 
and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in 
the northern parts of Virginia, 16 do, by these pre 
sents, solemnly arid mutually, in the presence of 
God and one of another, covenant and combine 
ourselves together into a civil body politic, for our 
better ordering and preservation, and furtherance 
of the ends aforesaid; and, by virtue hereof, to 

15 Robinson s Parting Letters, in for that work." And Bradford, p. 

Bradford, pp. 66 and 67. " You are 89. 

to become a body politic, using I6 In Bradford, pp. 89, 90. To 

among yourselves civil govern- settle in the then northern parts 

ment." " You are, at least for the of Virginia was their first purpose, 

present, to have only them, for yet it did not fail still to form one 

your ordinary governors, which of the reasons for the present pro- 

yourselves shall make choice of ceeding. 


enact, constitute, and frame such just and equal 
laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, 
from time to time, as shall be thought most meet 
and convenient for the general good of the colony, 
unto which we promise all due submission and 

"In witness whereof, we have hereunder sub 
scribed our names, at Cape Cod, the llth of No 
vember, in the year of the reign of our sovereign 
lord, King James, of England, France, and Ire 
land, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty- 
fourth. Ano. Dom. 1620." 17 

Such was the compact, the "foundation of their 
government," drawn up and signed by this people, 
on board the Mayflower, before setting foot on the 
cape shore. Herein, for the first time, and as the 
first example in the world s history, were the 
dreams of philosophers for such a purpose realized, 
and made matter of fact. 

" Never were any civilized people placed more 
completely in a state of nature than this little 
band of pilgrims, as they have been justly called. 
They had, indeed, literally, a world before them, 
but that world was a wilderness, and Providence 
was their only guide." 18 

17 See Bradford, 89, 90. King James had signed a patent 

18 Pitkin s Political and Civil for the incorporation of the adven- 
History of the United States of turers to the northern Colony of 
America, i. p. 32. "About a week Virginia, or New England." This 
before, or on the 3d of Nov., 1620, was the great civil basis of all the 


In the instrument itself are the marks of a ready 
hand, of a sound practical, and even far reaching 
mind. All is expressed in terms full, comprehen 
sive, complete, and capable of application without 
limit. Good authorities have pronounced it to 
have been the Germ of American Constitutions. 19 

And who probably was the man by whom this 
instrument was chiefly penned] Who other than 
he who alone had seen public life, was early trained 
in the principles of government and diplomacy, 
and concerned in the forming and executing of 
treaties, and who had been foremost, and most 
confided in by this people, for his wisdom and 
ability, though perhaps the meekest of their whole 
company who other than their ruling elder ? 

And the reason why he was not chosen to be 
their first governor, says Hutchinson, was that 
" He was their ruling elder, which seems to have 
been the bar to his being their governor ; civil and 
ecclesiastical office in the same person being then 
deemed incompatible." 20 While in his place as 
elder they could furnish no substitute ; to them as 
a church, his position and office were the most 
important. 21 

subsequent patents of this portion ^ Hutchinson s History, ii. p. 

of the country. But the Pilgrims 460. 

did not hear of this until the 2I "The power of the Church, 

arrival of the Fortune, a year in effect, was superior to the 

later. In Young, pp. 80, 101. civil power." Judge Baylie s Ply- 

19 " It contained the elements of mouth, i. p. 227. 
those forms of government pecu 
liar to the New World." Pitkin s 
History, i. p. 33, and others. 


" In the wilderness astray, 

In the lonely waste they roam, 
Hungry, fainting by the way, 
Far from refuge, shelter, home." 

IT is Saturday evening, the llth of November. 
The solemn compact has been drawn and signed, 
and a governor of the pilgrim band chosen. A 
party of some sixteen men, armed for defence in 
case of emergency, have gone on shore, the first of 
their company to set foot on New England s soil. 
These examined their locality, and the character 
of the nearest land. Their ship is in the little bay 
or harbor of the cape ; they are on this strange 
neck of land of sickle shape. Southwesterly is the 
Great Cape Bay, while over the land, north and 
easterly, is the broad ocean. The soil they find to 
be black earth, and sand hills, wooded variously 
to the water s edge. At night they return on 
board, and report the not altogether favorable 
prospect; while they bring with them for their 
needed fuel, and as their first fruits of the New 
World, the gratefully fragrant cedar, 1 

1 Juniperus Virginiana, or, red cedar. Brad, in Young, pp. 118,122, 


The next day was the Sabbath, their first Sab 
bath on this wilderness coast. And it was the 
province of the Elder to lead their devotions, and 
present to them holy truths adapted to their new 

On the next Monday morning they awoke afresh 
to the arduous work before them. 

Lately the discomforts, sickness, andhards hips of 
a long sea voyage, in their small, crowded barque, 
and the often threatening dangers of the sea, had 
largely occupied their anxious thoughts. Yet 
hope, and a good purpose, had cheered them on. 
Now, thankful for their preservation through all 
these, and for their present prospects of an un 
molested home, yet already they began to realize 
that it was to be to them a hard-earned, dear-bought 
home. On every side were to be seen naught but 
wild forests, bleak sands, or the briny deep. No 
defined place, no houses, not even huts, to receive 
them. And this was but the beginning. Dread 
winter was at hand ; a winter in such a climate as 
they had never seen ; though, in the providence 
of God, the present was comparatively mild. 

But where was to be the place of settlement ? 
Where shelter from the coming snows, wintry 
blasts, damps and chills ? Where protection from 
prowling savage beasts, and far more dreaded 
savage men ? 2 

The shipmaster s warning voice, too, was heard, 

2 Bradford, pp. 78, 79. 


that he would ere long leave them, and that their 
stores of provisions could not long suffice. 

And why was all this 1 Why had they come 
thus late, on the very verge of winter, upon this 
rock-bound, and soon to be to them, an ice-bound 
coast I Not for any want of foresight, or of wis 
dom of plan on their own part, but from the un 
faithfulness and delays of others. 

The troubles in the Virginia Council, the griev 
ous delays of the contracting agent in furnishing 
the shipping, the detentions on the coast of England 
by the failure of the Speedwell, finally, the unex 
pected prevention of their going to a more southerly 
location, were the true causes. 

Yet now they were here, with the new trials 
staring them in the face. And was there heard 
among them any desponding voice] It appears 
not. 3 We see but evidences to the contrary, with 
yet stronger resolution, increased patience, and 
firm trust in an Almighty arm. They were no 
ordinary men or women. Their ruling elder and 
pastor had truly said to Sir Edwin Sandys, " It is 
not with us as with other men, whom small things 
can discourage, or small discontentments cause to 
wish themselves at home again." "We verily 
believe and trust the Lord is with us, unto whom 
and whose service we have given ourselves, and 
that he will graciously prosper our endeavors ac- 

3 The distinction between the officers and men, is to be all along 
emigrant company, and the ship s borne in mind. 


cording to the simplicity of our hearts therein." 
With such trust and heroic resolve, were their 
trials met, and plans of action promptly formed. 
From the Mayflower, as the centre of operations, 
they commenced their first week s labors. There 
was no time for delay. Their large shallop, which 
had been cut down, and stowed away, and greatly 
injured in storms, and as a lodging-place for pas 
sengers, was unshipped and hauled to land, for 
repairs and sailing rig a work of many days. 
The men and women repaired to the shore by way 
of relief, and for refreshing and cleansing processes 
needful after such a voyage. 4 

An exploring party of sixteen men, voluntarily 
formed and fully armed under their energetic 
Capt. Standish, went forth by permission, and with 
much counsel and caution, to examine the wild 
cape and coast. For three days they explored 
woods, forded creeks, traversed vales, climbed 
sand hills, followed the trails of discovered natives, 
until, after many adventures, with torn armor, 
weary, worn, and wet, yet in safety, they returned 
to the ship ; to the great relief and joy of the 
anxious company. They had found strange graves, 
various implements of human construction, some 
lately cultivated fields, and traces of natives and of 
other men unknown, also, one desolated station of 
defence, and, to their great relief from suffering, 
springs, and a pond of fresh water. They had 

4 Bradford, p. 80, and in Young, 125, 138. 


found, and brought with them, some wild fruits, 
with small portions of concealed corn, 5 a ship s 
kettle, and had seen various wild fowl, the wild 
deer, and, at a distance, the dreaded Indian savage . 
They also had found another harbor, 6 but no satis 
factory place for settlement. 

The repairs on shore progressing, Sunday inter 
venes, the second in the New World; when all 
are again on board the Mayflower to unite in their 
accustomed worship, and listen to the words of 
truth. 7 

The second week presented an equally busy 
scene. Repairs were urged forward ; tools put in 
order, timber sought out and sawed; and there 
was constant going to and from the shore. Much 
wading, however, on account of shoal water, ex 
posing to wet and cold, and the frequent chilling 
storms, laid the foundations of diseases from which 
many never recovered. 

Sunday, November 26th, succeeded (the third 
in the Cape Harbor), and was doubtless improved 
as usual. Would that we had a sketch of the 
exercises and addresses of the Elder, on these 
various occasions ! 

On the next Monday, the second and larger ex 
ploring expedition went forth in their scarcely 
completed shallop, consisting of some thirty-four 
men, including nine of the ship s crew, with Capt. 

6 Maize, the first that they had ever seen. 

6 Pamet Harbor. Brad., p. 82, and in Young, 135. 

7 Bradford, p. 413. 


Jones in command. Proceeding down the interior 
coast, cross winds and rough freezing weather 
attended them by water ; while steep hills, deep 
vales, numerous creeks, and lately fallen snow, 
were encountered by land. Thus exploring in 
military armor and order, by day, feeding chiefly 
on wild game, and lodging under the forest pines, 
as best they could, at night, they examined further 
locations, and made other discoveries. By cleaving 
the frozen earth with their cutlasses, they found 
other concealed stores of corn, but no good harbor 
or location for the emigrant colony. 

On the third day, sending back their shallop to 
the ship, with some fifteen of the weakest and sick, 
with Capt. Jones, who was urgent to return, the 
remaining eighteen resolutely continued their 
laborious examinations amidst all the exposures. 
Following the Indian trails farther into the interior, 
and returning by other ways, they discovered open 
corn-fields, deserted huts, with signs of foreigners 
that had been on the coast, and various objects of 
curiosity, and also more land suitable for cultivation, 
but no other harbor than the shallow one of Pamet. 
And, having gathered additional mementos of their 
discoveries, they resorted to their shallop, now re 
turned, and on the fifth day arrived again, worn 
and fatigued, on board the Mayflower, and there 
made another not very encouraging report. 8 

In none of these exploring expeditions does it 

8 Bradford, 82-3 ; in Young, pp. 1?8, 145. 


appear that the Elder was engaged. It has been 
said, indeed, that " he was able to use his armor 
as well as his Bible." But probably such enter 
prises were deemed unsuitable to his position ; 
they would certainly have interfered with his 
appropriate duties, required most wherever was 
the largest portion of the company. 

It belongs to the history of the colony, and not 
to this narrative, to mark the minute particulars of 
these explorations. Yet, who felt in them all a 
deeper interest, or a more anxious concern as to 
the hazardous exposures and the final result, than 
their Elder] 

Among the providential incidents connected with 
these expeditions, was the discovery of corn ; which, 
otherwise, could not have been obtained ; and which, 
as seed for the next spring s planting, proved to be 
the means of preserving the colony from perishing 
by famine. This they gratefully acknowledged. 
And on the first opportunity, about six months 
after, they repaid the natives to their full satisfac 
tion, and secured thereby their respect and confi 

During the absence of this latter exploring party, 
there was born on board the Mayflower, a son of 
Mr. and Mrs. White, the first-born child of the 
colony, and they called him Peregrine, a stranger, 
or icanderer ; and on Monday, Dec. 4th, died 
Edward Thompson, a servant of Mr. White, being 
the first death since their arrival. 

On the next day was a narrow escape from ex- 


plosion. A son of the Billington family (not from 
Ley den, but of London) mischievously found his 
way to the powder, in the absence of his father, 
there making squibs, discharging pieces, one even 
in his father s cabin, where was powder in cask, 
and scattered around with flints and iron, while the 
fire between decks was also within a few feet, and 
many people near, and yet all were mercifully pre 
served. 9 

The latter exploring party having made their 
report, a full discussion followed as to place for 
settlement. Different locations were advocated, 
particularly the one last discovered ; but no one, 
yet seen or known, proved satisfactory to the ma 
jority, pressing, even, as were all the circumstances 
for a speedy decision. Accordingly, another expe 
dition was determined upon, to explore the whole 
remaining circuit of Cape Cod Bay. 

Another Sabbath intervened, the fourth since 
their ship had been moored in the Cape Harbor, 
and all were again on board, resting and profiting 
by that holy day. 

By the sixth of December was the third explor 
ing expedition ready. Organized, armed, and fitted 
out in their shallop, they set forth, ten of them 
selves and two of their own seamen, with the two 
master s mates, the master gunner, and three sail 
ors, of the ship s company. 10 

With difficulty, and late in the day. did they 

9 Bradford, in Young, p. 148. 10 Ibid., p. 149. 


clear from the harbor. Chilly and baffling winds, 
with a rough sea, caused sore sickness with some, 
and frozen garments upon all. Getting under the 
weather shore, they skirted down the coast, and 
discovered the bay of Wellfleet. Crossing its 
mouth, and drawing near to the shore, they espied 
Indians, who fled at their approach. Landing, 
after much trouble, they prepared their barricade, 
fire, and food, set their sentinels, and reposed for 
the night. The following day the bay was sounded, 
the adjacent land explored, with success similar to 
that of their previous explorations. And again, 
the second night, they constructed their barricade, 
kindled their fire, and with weary limbs betook 
themselves to rest. Near midnight the sentinel s 
cry was heard " Arm ! arm !" Aroused and stand 
ing to their arms, one or two pieces being dis 
charged, they heard no more, and concluded that 
what they heard was the howl of wild beasts. 

At earliest dawn, and after prayer, while preparing 
their morning meal, suddenly they heard again the 
strange though varied cry. It was the battle cry, 
the "hideous yell," the savage warwhoop by them 
heard for the first time. Immediately was raised 
the alarm " Indians ! Indians !" So me seized 
their arms ready at hand, and discharged them, 
defending the barricade. Others ran for theirs to 
the shallop, when the foe, wheeling upon them, 
sent thick and fast among them the flying arrows. 
For their relief, the mail-clad men rushed forth, 
cutlass in hand, and presently those that ran for 


their muskets came up, discharging them in return. 
The Indians soon recoiled. One alone, more bold 
than his fellows, still launched forth his arrows 
from behind a tree, standing three shots from the 
aimed musket, till one shivered the tree s side 
about his ears, when, with a shriek, he fled. The 
foe, thus foiled, retreated, and soon was out of sight. 
Thus delivered from their savage assailants, and 
providentially preserved even from wounds, with 
only some coats pierced with arrows, the exploring 
party returned solemn thanks and praise to God 
for their deliverance. 

They named the place " the First Encounter." 11 
Then taking to their shallop, they proceeded on 
their expedition, coasting along the whole southern 
portion of the bay, but discovering no good harbor. 
The air in the mean time became thick with snow 
and rain. Being informed by the pilot of a good 
haven further onward, on the northwestern side, 
which could be reached before night, they pressed 
forward, the wind and storm increasing. At length, 
the sea running high, their rudder-hinges broke, 
and they were obliged, though with difficulty, to 
guide their disabled craft with oars. Night was 
coming on, and the storm still increasing, yet the 
pilot bid them be of good cheer he saw the harbor. 
Bearing what sail they could, to enter ere it was 
dark, their mast gave way and broke in pieces, and 
their sail went overboard. All were now in peril. 

11 Bradford, pp. 84, 87, and in Young, 158, 159. 


Still, mercifully spared, they recovered themselves, 
and the flood being with them, they pressed for 
the entrance. Entering, and bearing northward, 
the pilot discovered new dangers, and exclaimed, 
" The Lord be merciful ! my eyes never saw this 
place before." Running towards shore, with a 
cove full of breakers before them, the lusty steers 
man "called to the rowers to about with her if 
they were men, else they were all cast away." This 
quickly done, he bade them row lustily, with good 
heart, for a fair sound was before them. Entering 
that, though dark and rainy, they bore up under 
the lea of a small island, where their disabled shal 
lop rode out the night in safety. 

But we pause not here. The exploring party, 
having moored their little barque, were now suffer 
ing from wet and cold, with no means of relief. 
While some feared to go on shore, lest they should 
fall into the hands of the Indians, others, weak, 
and not able to continue as they were, took to the 
land and kindled a fire, where, at length, their 
companions joined them, forced to follow by the 
piercing wind, changed to the cold northwest. 

Here, the next morning, the sun rose upon 
them in brightness, and they were comforted and 
cheered, in contrast with the suffering and dangers 
of the last day and night. Finding themselves to 
be on an island, secure from the Indians, they 
dried their clothing, put in order their pieces, re 
freshed themselves, and rested, giving thanks to 
their Almighty Deliverer for his continued mercies. 


And this being the last day of the week, they pre 
pared here to keep the Sabbath. 

The Sabbath came ; it was the fifth to the pil 
grim band in the New World. And while the 


main portion of their company was with the Elder 
on board the Mayflower at the Cape, this exploring 
party, now separated for the first time from their 
brethren on the Lord s day, here, among this island s 
forest trees, offered their prayers and praises to the 
same Almighty Father, Deliverer, and Guide. 


" They little thought how pure a light, 

With years, should gather round that day ; 
How love should keep their memories bright, 

How wide a realm their sons should sway. BRYANT. 

WE left the last exploring party on the little 
islet, afterwards named Clark s Island. On the 
next clay, sounding the harbor into which they 
had entered with so much peril, and finding it 
fitted for shipping, they landed on the main shore 
of the inner bay. 

It was on the ll^A of December, old style, or the 
2lst, new style a day since made memorable from 
that event in the annals of Xew England. 

Examining the main shore, they judged it to be 
suitable for their settlement, the best that they 
could find, and which the advanced season and 
their present necessities made them glad to accept. 
Returning, therefore, across the broad bay, they 
brought to their companions the encouraging news 
of their discovery. 

And now all were again on board of the May 
flower, in the harbor of Cape Cod. The report of 
this last exploring expedition was received. It 
brought comfort to all the pilgrim company. But 


sorrow had also come to the heart of at least one 
of those brave explorers. The wife of William 
Bradford, soon after his departure on this expedi 
tion, had fallen overboard, and was drowned. Two 
others also had been taken from the emigrant 

Prompt to act on the information received, on 
the 15th of the month (old style), they weighed 
anchor, and the ship was under sail for their 
newly discovered port; but, before arriving, ad 
verse winds forced them back. 

The next day, Saturday the 16th, they sailed 
again, and ere night they were in their intended 
haven. It was just five weeks from the day of 
their arrival and the signing of their compact in 
the harbor of the Cape. And to them what a 
period of anxiety, of trial of faith, and of enduring 
effort, had these last five weeks been ! 

Now arrived, and safely moored in their new 
location, they saw around them a bay, hook- shaped, 
and larger than that at the Cape, which they had 
just left, and in it two fair islands, wooded and 
uninhabited. On the mainland, on the hills and 
in the vales, were seen the tall oak, the pine, the 
beech, walnut, with other trees of the forest to 
them as yet unknown ; and there was also, to ap 
pearance, a kindly soil. No wonder that they, 
wanderers, storm-tossed, long wearied and worn, 
should look upon that which was before them as 
"a most hopeful place," "a goodly land." But 



night soon closed in upon them. The following 
day was the Sabbath, their sixth in New England, 
and the first in their new home; where newly 
awakened emotions, and thoughts of deep interest, 
must have been felt by each worshipper, and 
marked the address of their elder. 

On Monday, portions of the company landed, 
perhaps on the same rock (the now far-famed, 
though diminished, Plymouth rock), whereon the 
discovering party had set foot on the previous 
Monday, Marching along the main land, armed, 
and in order of defence, they discovered no Indians, 
or Indian habitations, but forests extending inland, 
and open grounds and fields near shore, where in 
habitants had lived and planted corn. Searching 
for a place for settlement, they found no navigable 
stream as desired ; but saw running brooks, fresh 
and sweet, and soil of various kinds, in some places 
rich, in others, clay, sand, and gravel; also, fruit 
trees, vines, and berries. But over all was the 
dreary garb of winter. 

Again, the next day, as the point of location in 
respect to soil, navigation, and defence, was im 
portant, they searched further, some by water and 
some by land, in a northwesterly course, for the 
desired place. Coming to a beatable stream, which 
they entered and named after their ship s captain, 
Jones River, they found on its borders a location 
more desirable than the one explored the day pre 
vious ; but on reflection it was deemed to be too 


far inland and exposed to be occupied in their pre 
sent weak condition. Next, at the desire of some, 
crossing the harbor to the island first discovered, 
they examined also its suitableness for their pur 
pose. But returning on board again at night, still 
undecided, they resolved that on the next morning, 
after some further examination, the matter of 
location should be determined. There was no 
time for delay. 

Accordingly, on Wednesday, the 20th, aft^er 
solemnly invoking the guidance of the Most High, 
they repaired again to the main land ; and after a 
brief scrutiny, determined on the place by a ma 
jority of voices. It was that first explored, and 
on the high ground facing the bay ; " where (says 
one of them) are cleared lands, delicate springs, 
and a sweet brook running under the hill-side, with 
fish in their season ; where we may harbor our 
shallops and boats. On the further side is much 
corn ground." Near at hand ci is a high hill, on 
which to plant our ordnance. Thence we may see 
into the bay, and far out at sea, and have a glimpse 
of the distant cape. Our greatest labor will be 
the bringing of wood. What people inhabit here 
w T e know not, as we have yet seen none." And 
this was to be New Plymouth. 

On the ground, therefore, now selected, they im 
mediately made their rendezvous, not far from 
their first landing-place, "leaving some twenty 
of their people that very night, and resolved in 
the morning that all should come on shore and 


build." 1 Each day was important. But disap 
pointments and hindrances in the advance of winter 
must naturally be expected. Storms and tempests 
followed. Sad were the exposures during the two 
following days and nights, of the poorly protected 
ones on shore, while no little anxiety was felt by 
those on shipboard. 

December the 23d, the storms ceasing, they com 
menced, and henceforward urgently carried on, as 
weather would permit, their toilsome work of 
building. All were in earnest : they came on 
shore ; they felled trees ; they hewed ; they sawed ; 
they rived; they carried ; each laboring according 
to his skill and ability. 

First was prepared their common house for 
rendezvous, and in which to store their goods. 
There was a street projected eastward from the 
hill towards their landing-place. On each side of 
this, were building plats laid off, and drawn for 
by lot. 2 Next were foundations laid, and the work 
pressed forward, each for his own dwelling. The 
holy Sabbath was the only day of rest ; and this 
was often interrupted by alarms of savages, and 
the frequent flying to arms. Christmas came and 
went with no relaxation from labor, no kind cheer 
to greet them. Cold water only was their drink ; 
and not till after the day s toil, and an alarm-cry 

1 Bradford and Winslow, in 2 Bradford and Winslow in 
Young, pp. 166, 168. Precisely Young, p. 173. 
when the name was given to the 
settlement, we cannot discover. 


of " Indians !" was it, that even on that day, to a 
portion of them returning on board, did the captain 
distribute some beer, but none to those on shore. 

Next was constructed the rude platform for 
their ordnance on the after-named fort, or " Burial 

To lessen, as far as possible, the number of 
dwellings to be constructed, all were apportioned 
or arranged in nineteen families. It was also de 
termined that every man should build his own 

Thus urged on by their own exposed condition, 
and by reason of the shortness of time that the 
ship could remain with them, day after day, and 
week after week, did they work as they could 
work as for life; or worse consequences would 
follow. 3 

Besides, in this work, all must be done with 
their own hands by their own bodily strength. 
No ox had they, no horse, no beast of burden, to 
relieve from the most oppressive labors. The 
materials must be gathered wherever they could 
be found, and no small portion of them from very 
inconvenient distances. 

Such were some of the labors and hardships of 
this people in commencing their new settlement. 

And was the "Elder," by reason of his position, 
freed from any of these labors ? It appears not. 
As he had been "first" and "forwardest" in their 

3 Bradford and Winslow, in Young, pp. 169, 170. 


adventures, and suffered the greatest loss while in 
England, and " had endured equal hardships with 
them in Holland," so in this wilderness, he bore his 
part in weal and woe with this poor people. On 
removing into this country, " he was in no way un 
willing to take his part, and to bear his burden 
with the rest," 4 To the agreement "that every 
man should build his own house," no exception 
was made in favor of the Elder. 

His own family, as it came in the Mayflower, 
consisted of himself, Mrs. Brewster, and two young 
sons, Love and Wrestling, and two boys placed 
with him by the name of Moore 5 (the remainder 
of them being still in England or Holland). With 
the aid of these youths, it would seem (and with 
such additional assistance as might be obtained 
from some others more skilled in the work), he 
erected his own dwelling. 

Nor should the fact" be omitted that no income 
appears to have been received by him from the 
people. Literally true, in his case, were the words 
of an apostle, " these hands have ministered to my 
necessities, and to them that were with me." 

Added to all this, were his constant and efficient 
labors on the Lord s day. Emphatically is it said 
of him that, in this, he did more in a few years 
than do many in all their lives. 6 

But sorer, sadder trials than any yet mentioned, 

Bradford, 412, 413, and in Young, 465, & 
See both Appendixes, Brad., pp. 447, 451 
Bradford, p. 413. 


had their Elder and his companions now to 
endure. From exposures to wet and cold, amid 
frequent storms while on the cape, and equal, if not 
greater exposures in their labors here, and likewise 
from want of suitable dwellings and healthful food, 
sickness had begun to make fearful ravages in the 
ranks of the pilgrim company. Commencing 
almost from the time of their landing, and increas 
ing, under various forms, for nearly three months, 
it became general, and its effects alarmingly fatal. 
In the chief extremity, "the living were scarce 
able to bury the dead ; the well not sufficient to 
attend upon the sick ; seven only remained in 
health." Of these seven, the record distinguishes, 
along with the brave and hardy Miles Standish, 
their revered Elder Brewster. "Tender-hearted 
and compassionate to the afflicted, as a nursing 
father he shrunk not from the most self-denying 
offices." Touchingly does Bradford allude to them, 
" as sparing no pains night or day, but, with abund 
ance of toil and hazard of their own health, they 
brought for the sick their wood, made their fires, 
dressed their meat, made their beds, clothed and 
unclothed them ; in a word, did all homely and 
necessary offices for them, which the dainty cannot 
endure to hear named; and all this willingly and 
cheerfully, showing herein their true love unto 
their brethren ; unto whom myself, with the others," 
he adds, " were mercifully beholden in our low and 
sick condition. Yet these were preserved without 
any infection." 


During this period, including Mrs. Bradford, 
who was drowned, there died in December, six; 
in January, eight; in February, seventeen; in 
March, thirteen; and before the close of Spring, 
six others, among whom, to their great sorrow, 
were their first governor, Mr. Carver, and his wife ; 
in all fifty, just one-half si the emigrant band that 
arrived in the Mayflower on the llth of November. 7 

In the time of their greatest mortality, two or 
three died in a day. Faithful, patient, noble- 
hearted women, weakened by deprivations and 
suffering, some in the bloom of life, yielded to the 
fatal maladies, and often in the triumphs of faith. 
Ere the return of their ship to England, Bradford, 
Standish, Allerton, and Winslow, were left widowers. 

And what must have been the Elder s feelings 
as he beheld the sufferings and sad diminishing of 
his little flock] What the deep workings of 
thought, trials of faith, and continued purpose of 
himself and companions, during this fearful 
period! Would we reach the nature and depth 
of those struggling thoughts, or give utterance to 
those feelings and purposes, we must take the pre 
ceding facts, and, pondering them deeply and with 

7 Bradford, 91, and notes ; also Whose death -was much lament- 
in Young and Prince. " In this ed, and caused great heaviness 
month of April came Governor amongst them, as there was cause. 
Carver out of the field sick. He He was buried in the best manner 
complained greatly of his head, they could, with some volleys of 
and lay down, and within a few shot by all that bore arms. 
hours his senses failed, so as he Brad., 101. 
never spoke more till he died. 


a soul tried by a like ordeal, go in mind to the 
place, and fix the attention upon some one of 
those most trying scenes through which he was 
called to pass. Let it be (says one), near the 
close of their first spring month. 8 A diminished 
procession of the pilgrims is seen coming from the 
abode and following the remains of another of 
their most dearly beloved and newly dead to that 
bank of graves where was buried what was 
mortal of their dear departed ones during the first 
year, and near the place where their feet first trod 
this soil. Here they pause to take the last look. 
The Mayflower is still riding at anchor full in 
view, but soon to sail to their fatherland, and 
leave them alone, the living and the dead, to the 
weal and woe of their new home. The afflicted 
and bereaved gather around their venerated Elder, 
dearer to them now than ever. They listen to his 
voice, subdued yet animated by firm faith and 
hope, whilst, in tones that reach hearts as noble 
as his own, he gives utterance to his struggling 
emotions : " ; Man is altogether vanity. 9 He 
passeth away as a shadow. His only true home 
is Heaven. Strangers and pilgrims indeed are we 
on the earth. Still the spot on which we stand, this 
shore, this now familiar scene, this whole land, 
becomes dearer daily, were it only for the precious 

8 Partly in the words of the 9 The Elder s own motto, 
pilgrims themselv r es, and partly 
in those of one of New England s 
gifted sons, at Plymouth. 


dust which we have here committed to its bosom. 
Here, rather than elsewhere, would I sleep when 
my own hour shall come. Here would I have my 
body repose, with these endeared ones who have 
shared in our exceeding labors, and whose burdens 
are now unloosed forever. I would be near them 
in the last day, and have a part in their resurrec 

" Fearful, indeed, has been our loss. Unutterable 
and long has been our anguish ; many our mingled 
agonies, tears, and prayers. Our departed ones 
are at rest. For some divine purpose we yet 
remain. It is on my mind that the darkest of our 
night is past; the morning is at hand. The 
dreary winter is departing; the balmy breath of 
spring is returning. The sore sickness is stayed. 10 
Thankful to Almighty God should we be that our 
case is not worse, that so many of our number yet 
live, and among them some of our best and wisest. 

" Cheering is the fact, that among you all, the 
living and the dead, not one, even when disease 
had seized him, and sharp anguish had made his 
heart as that of a little child, not one repented of 
the step we took, or desired, yea, could have been 
persuaded to go back by yonder ship to their former 
homes. Evident is it to me, that it is our Master s 
will that we stand or fall here. Our very condi 
tion was not unthought of even in Holland. And 
in our heaviest trials has not the Divine Presence 
been with us] Did not His providential hand 

10 Bradford, p. 90. 


open for us the way through every difficulty I In 
tli at bitterest hour of embarkation, did we not see 
His bow in the cloud, the bright bow of promise 
and hope, whose arch spanned for us the broad 
ocean, and is over us still I Wherefore let us 
stand in our lot. We believe this movement to 
be from Him. If he prosper us, we shall be the 
means of planting here a Christian colony and a 
pure church, as we believe, in this vast wilderness, 
and of extending hence its precious blessings to 
these savage heathen. 

" Blessed will it be for us, blessed for this land, 
for this vast continent ! Nay, from generation to 
generation will the blessing descend. Generations 
to come shall look back to this hour, and these 
scenes of agonizing trial, this day of small things, 
and say, Here was our beginning as a people. 
These were our fathers. Through their trials we 
inherit our blessings. Their faith is our faith ; 
their hope our hope ; their God our God. The 
prospect brightens before me ; it ends not on 
earth ; it enters heaven ! Let us go hence, then, 
to work with our might, that which we have to 
do. No small undertaking is it, that we have in 
hand. The opportunity for working will . soon be 
past, and we shall be called to our account, and, if 
faithful, to our reward." 11 

11 In Young, pp. 87, 241. Do. do. Company said, " The thing was of 

do., 473-4, 268. Bradford, p. 51. God." Young, 383; see also pp. 

In Young, Wins., &c., 272, 382, 59, 60. Again in Young, 95, 47, 

384. The Council of the Virginia 121, 246. " Let it not be grievous 


With subdued emotions, calmly and with firm 
faith, they turn from those graves ; the Mayflower 
is sent away ; and those men of stern resolve and 
high purpose, press onward in their incessant im 
perious labors. 

to you, that you have been instru- world s end." Letter from Ley- 
ments to break the ice for others, den. Brad., 145. 
The honor shall be yours to the 


Wise men ne er sit and wail their loss, 

But clieerly seek how to redress their harm." 


UNDER the appalling circumstances which we 
have just been noticing, it is matter of wonder, 
that with the slender means, reduced number, and 
enfeebled strength of the colonists, amid the cold 
and storms of winter, with attendance upon the 
sick and dying, and due offices for the dead, so 
much should have been accomplished. 

Before the close of May, from the raw materials 
of earth and forest, and wild grass for thatching, 
gathered wherever it could be found, they had 
built their " common house," or " general rendez 
vous" for goods and lodging ; a house for the sick, 
and two for storing provisions ; and they had made 
such further progress, that, before the close of 
summer, they could look down their newly-formed 
street 1 upon seven private dwellings, completed and 
occupied, and others in the course of preparation. 2 

And having almost from the first discovered 

1 Now Leyden Street. 

2 Bradford and Winslow, in Young, pp. 173, 179, 230. 


Indians peering about, causing alarm and a pain 
ful sense of insecurity, they had made provision 
for defence. On the hill rising abruptly westward 
from the head of their street, to the height of one 
hundred and sixty feet, they had with much labor 
constructed their platform, and with the aid of 
the Captain and his men before the Mayflower 
sailed, they had brought on shore and drawn up 
thither, their " minion," or largest piece of ord 
nance, and others smaller, and there mounted 
them, to command the harbor, and the entire 
range of vale and plain below. It was a work, the 
completion of which caused such a feeling of grati 
tude and relief, that, notwithstanding the cloud of 
gloom that had hung over them, it was made the 
occasion of a cheering feast. 3 

Before the close of May, likewise, fields had 
been prepared and planted ; twenty acres of Indian 
corn or maize, and six of barley and peas ; while 
at the same time they were compelled by hunting 
and fishing, and often with poor success, to search 
for most of their daily food. 4 

Military order, too, had been established, and 
Captain Standish called to the command, with 
orders to drill the men, station guards, and nightly 
watch, and execute all else that in this department 
might be required. 

In like manner had they in general meetings, 

3 Brad, and Winslow, in Young, " 4 Brad. .p. 100, and Winslow in 
181. Young. 230. 


from time to time, by a majority of votes, estab 
lished such " laws and orders as they thought meet 
for their present condition, as a body politic" 
under the crown of England, and according to the 
compact entered into on their first arrival. 

Moreover, with much labor, personal risk, and 
expenditure of means, had they sought after and 
kindly treated such native Indians as could be 
found, cultivating friendly relations with them, 
and removing, as fast as possible, their prejudices 
and enmities. 5 

Such is a part (it would require many pages to 
give a detailed view of the whole), of what this 
small company had accomplished within five 
months, amidst opposing elements, sickness, and 
death an amount of bodily and mental labor in 
their circumstances truly wonderful. Where is 
there a parallel ] 

But their intercourse with the natives demands 
a more extended notice. To be the means, where- 
ever they should go, of carrying, as far as they 
could, the blessings of the Christian religion, so 
dear to themselves, to the uncivilized heathen 
Indians, was one of the prominent purposes of the 
Elder and his people. It was a worthy idea, con 
ceived and long dwelt upon before they left Hol 
land, and of which they never lost sight. 6 

Yet how was this to be done ? How reach 

5 See the journal in Young. 

6 Bradford, pp. 24, 90, and Cushman in Young, pp. 246, 248, 


them amidst the prejudices, oppositions, and en 
mities of their savage state] The unprincipled 
and villanous conduct of certain captains and 
seamen on the coast in plundering and destroying 
some, and in carrying away captive a number of 
others, had fixed in the breasts of these savages, 
otherwise unscrupulous, enmities too deep and 
strong to be easily overcome. 7 This, in connection 
probably with their own propensities to war and 
revenge, had caused the attack upon the pilgrim 
explorers on the Cape. Coming to the present 
place of settlement, and finding traces indeed of 
natives grounds once planted, but for some time 
deserted, huts going to decay, but no inhabitants, 
no possessors of the soil in the whole neighbor 
hood, and having a sight even of only a few 
transient wanderers, or some scattered bands, 
ranging around them at a distance, serving only 
to excite alarm our emigrant company had yet 
no opportunity of opening any intercourse with 
them. Indeed, this whole condition of things 
w r as to themselves a matter of mystery. 8 

It was not until the 16th of March that this 
mystery began to be solved. Assembled, on that 
day, to complete their military arrangements, to 
their surprise, a tall Indian, in his nude savage 
state, with bow and arrows, came boldly along the 
line of their houses directly to their rendezvous, 

7 Bradford, 96, and in Young, s In Young, pp. 170, 171, 179, 
p. 186. 181. 


calling out in broken English, "Welcome, English 
men ! welcome, Englishmen !" As boldly would 
he have entered their rendezvous had he not been 
prevented. Being the first savage with whom 
they had spoken, he, of course, caused no little 
excitement. Free of speech, and of seemly 
manners, to their inquiries as far as each could 
understand the other, he answered that " he was 
not of these parts," but from " the eastward, one 
day s sail with a great wind, but five days by 
land," where " Englishmen came with ships to fish, 
with whom he was acquainted, and of whom he 
had learned his English." He signified to them 
also that he was a Sagamore, or a kind of chief 
there, and that his name was Samoset. He like 
wise informed them of the whole country in 
general, and of each particular portion, and of 
their sagamores, number of men and strength, that 
the place where they now were was called Patuxet, 
and that about four years before all the inhabitants 
had died of an extraordinary plague, and there 
was neither man, woman, nor child remaining; 
therefore there were none to claim, none to hinder 
possession by the English. 9 He also informed 
them that it was the people called Nausites, on 
the Cape, that first assaulted their exploring com 
pany; that this tribe had been incensed by the 
English, and slain three of Sir F. Gorge s men, 
and that one Capt. Hunt had carried away and 

9 Brad, and Winslow in Young, pp. 182-186. 


sold for slaves seven of their men, and twenty 
from this present place. And (showing his know 
ledge of what was taking place around them), he 
informed them respecting some tools which some 
of the company had left in the fields on a late 
alarm, and which had been taken away. 

Deeply interesting and important to the new 
settlers was all this information. It solved the 
mystery as to what had become of the inhabitants 
of this portion of country. The facts, they after 
wards learned, had before been known in England. 

With kindness did they receive and entertain 
their strange visitor, setting before him such food 
as they could, which they thought would be most 
acceptable, and of which he partook with good 
relish. But at night, as he was not inclined to go, 
who should entertain the nude Indian guest in his 
family, was a delicate question. At length disposed 
of, the next day, with presents, and promising to 
come again and bring others to trade with them, 
he departed. And Samoset, as good as his word, 
returned the day after, with five other tall Indian 
men, with painted faces, clad in skins of the deer 
and the wild-cat, with feathers standing up fan-like 
in their hair, and other like strange appendages. 
These also were kindly received; and partaking 
heartily of the food provided, gave tokens of readi 
ness for social acquaintance, singing and dancing 
after their manner. Yet it being Sunday, and 
there being no trading on that day, they were 
kindly dismissed, as they best could be, with pre- 


sents, and military attendance for a short distance, 
by way of distinction, for which they returned 
thanks, and departed, glad, and promising to come 
again. Still Samoset would tarry. 10 On the third 
day, those Indians not returning, Samoset was re 
quested to go for them. On the same day appeared 
armed savages, in threatening attitude, on a neigh 
boring hill, causing much arlarm. 

Previously, and unknown to the colonists at the 
time, a great assembly, or "powwow," of Indian 
conjurers from all the country, had been held for 
three days in a dark dismal swamp, in order to 
curse and execrate, according to their savage rites, 
and in their most horrid manner, the settlers of 
New Plymouth. 

Samoset returning, brought with him three 
other Indians, one of them named Tisquantum or 
Squanto. He, the only remaining native of the 
place they now occupied, had been one of those 
twenty taken and carried away captive by Capt. 
Hunt. Released, and after dwelling for a time in 
England, where he had learned some English, he 
had, not long before, by various ways, returned to 
this his native soil. Of more immediate and spe 
cial consequence to the new colonists than they 
could be aware, was the visit of these two Indians 
(Samoset and Tisquantum) at the present time. 
This the train of events will soon show. 

Assembled on that same day, March 22d. for 

10 In Young, 187, 189. 


their public business, the governor and company 
were informed, by Samoset and Tisquantum (both 
able to aid as interpreters), that the great Sagamore 
Massasoit, King of all the bordering Indians, with 
his brother, Quadequina, and all their train of 
attendants, were near at hand. 

An hour after, King Massasoit appeared on the 
hill over against them, with a train of sixty- war 
riors. The pilgrim company unwilling to send 
their governor to them, and they unwilling to 
come to him, Tisquantum was dispatched with a 
message of inquiry respecting their desire and pur 
pose. Answer was returned that the King desired 
some one to be sent for a parley. The dignified 
and courtly Winslow was dispatched, with refresh 
ments, and presents, and a message to King Mas 
sasoit and brother, that King James saluted Mas 
sasoit with words of love and peace, and would 
receive him as a friend and ally; also that the 
governor desired to see him. to confirm a peace 
with him, and to trade with him as his next 

King Massasoit, pleased with the message, 
though imperfectly interpreted, and receiving the 
presents and partaking of the refreshments with 
his company, retained Mr. Winslow in the custody 
of his brother (hostages having been previously 
retained by the governor for his safety), and with 
twenty of his men, unarmed, descended the hill, 
and advanced to the stream between them and the 
New Town. There met by Capt. Standish, with 


a small band of musketeers, who saluted him, and 
he them, they passed the stream, and were escorted 
to the house prepared for their reception. 

Here had been placed a green rug and cushions 
as seats of state. Immediately the governor ar 
rived with drum, trumpets, and musketeers. The 
parties saluted each other, the governor kissing 
the King s hand, and the King kissing him. Both 
being seated, and refreshments ordered, the gover 
nor, in due state ceremony, drank to him, and he 
heartily, in return, to the governor. Next, after 
partaking of some meat, and the King also giving 
of the same to his attendants, the parties treat of 
peace and an alliance. Simple in word and form 
was the treaty ; the work of a few hours, the first 
of the kind in New England. And worthy was it 
of the parties concerned ; and to both did it long 
continue a source of mutual blessing. 11 

The treaty being concluded, and the ceremony 
ended, the governor conducted the King back to 

11 Articles of this Treaty : against him, we would aid him ; 

1st. That neither the King, nor if any did war against us, he 

any of his, should injure or do should aid us. 

hurt to any of our people. 5th. He should send to his 

2d. That if any of his did any- neighboring confederates to certify 

hurt to any of ours, he should them of this, that they might not 

send the offender that we might wrong us, but might be likewise 

punish him. comprised in the conditions of 

3d. That if anything was taken peace. 

from any of ours, he should cause 6th. That when their men come 

it to be restored, and we would do to us, they should leave their 

the like to his. bows and arrows behind them. 

4th. If any did unjustly war Bradford, 94. 


the brook, when they embraced each other, and 
the King departed. 

But all did not end here. Word arrived that 
the King s brother, Quadequina, was coming with 
his attendants. Accordingly, he too was received, 
and conducted to the place of reception, and en 
tertained in like manner. He was a young man, 
well-formed, tall, of a modest and comely counte 
nance, and manifested satisfaction with all, except 
the guns of the musketeers, which, at his signs of 
dislike, were put aside. 12 This entertainment over, 
he also was escorted to the brook, as the king, his 
brother, had been; when all retired, though two of 
the warriors were inclined to remain. All this 
time were the Indian women, who attended Mas- 
sasoit and his men, in the forest not far distant, 
beyond the hill. 

Strange to the whole pilgrim company man, 
woman, and child must this day s sight have 
been, and deep the excitement throughout the 
settlement. They had this day seen, in the most 
favorable light, not in war, but in peace, a savage 
king, attended by his no less savage warriors, 
himself grave of countenance, of few words, lusty, 
and strong, in his best years, clad in skins of the 
bear, fox, and deer, with head oiled and face 
painted. Around his neck, as the badge of king 
ship, was the great chain of white bone beads. 

12 These it was that struck invincibly fearless and brave 
terror, more than all things else, chiefs and warriors of the savage 
into the hearts of the otherwise tribes of New Ens-land. 


Suspended from this chain, and nearly in contact 
with his long, smooth, black hair, and falling 
backwards, hung that other appendage, a bag of 
tobacco, from which to take for himself and offer 
to others a portion as friendship s token. At his 
breast hung his long huge knife. And not unlike 
him were his warriors; some clad in garments 
nearly as whole and in shape as when on the wild 
beasts from which they had been taken ; others of 
them were almost in nature s nakedness ; while all 
faces were painted, wholly or partially, and vari 
ously (a savage characteristic), black, white, yellow, 
red, in lines, crosses, or in strange figures, accord 
ing to each one s fancy. All were in form erect 
and tall, strong of muscle and nerve, ready at call 
to string the bow, to sound the terrific war-whoop, 
and fiercely speed the arrow in battle, or swift of 
foot to pursue in hunting the bear, the wolf, or 
the deer. 

Wild and uncultivated they were as their own 
native forests; wily, and, when aroused by passion, 
fierce and cruel as the savage beasts with whose 
fur-skins they were clad, though among them were 
some with better qualities, yet all in the darkness 
of heathenism. 

Such were the native Indians whom our fore 
fathers now met, with whom they had now to 
deal, whose friendship they desired to gain, whose 
highest good they would seek to promote, whose 
respect and confidence they must secure, and 
against whom, should unwelcome necessity com- 


pel, they must be ready to protect themselves, and 
those, whom of all else on earth, they held most 

This day had a step been taken, the wisest and 
best that, in their condition, could be conceived 
for their intended purpose. And of it, who had a 
more enlarged view, or in it, a deeper interest, 
than their elder 1 


" Then glory to the steel 

That shines in the reaper s hand ; 
And thanks to God, who has blessed the sod, 
And crowns the harvest land." ELIZA COOK. 

FROM the month of May of this their first year, 
to November, the prospects of the pilgrim colony 
became gradually more encouraging. With the 
genial breezes of summer came health to the en 
feebled survivors. Their Indian friend, Tisquan- 
tum, made his abode with them, and taught them 
how to plant and nurture the Indian corn, or 
maize, a grain then new to them, and with the 
cultivation of which they were unacquainted. 

He also informed them when and where to take 
fish from the bay. In these ways, and with wild 
game, and such other products of the soil as in 
dustry could procure, the colonists were beginning 
to obtain a comfortable supply of food. 

Other valuable services were rendered them by 
this Indian friend. Also Hobbamock, another In 
dian, became useful as an interpreter and guide, 
in opening an intercourse with the various neigh 
boring nations or tribes around them. 

Accordingly, first, about midsummer, an em- 


bassy was dispatched with presents to their neigh 
bor and ally, King Massasoit, in his own country, 
to confirm their alliance, to promote and regulate 
friendly intercourse, and to learn his residence, 
strength, and power. 1 

Another embassy was dispatched to the Nausites, 
on the Cape, with whom they had their first en 
counter. With them it was their purpose to 
cultivate, if possible, a friendly intercourse, and to 
reward them in full for the corn discovered and 
taken in their time of need on their first arrival at 
the Cape ; also, to recover a lost boy, who had 
strayed aw T ay from the colony, and was now with 
that people. 2 

Both of these embassies were attended with 
success, though with much hardship, and the latter 
with imminent danger. 

Scarcely had the messengers returned, however, 
from this last mission, when the colonists found 
themselves involved in a most unexpected diffi 
culty. Information came that Massasoit, their 
ally, was driven from his country by the powerful 
Narragansetts, whose country bordered upon his ; 
and that a conspiracy was likewise formed against 
him by one of his own chiefs, who was an enemy 
of the colonists. 

Their two friends, Tisquantum and Hobbamock, 

1 Massasoit s dominion extended where now stands the town of 

over nearly all the country, from Warren, in Rhode Island. 

Cape Cod proper to Narragansett 2 Bradford in Young, 214-18. 
Bay, while his residence was 


on going forth to ascertain the facts of the case, 
were seized by the conspiring chief; and, while 
the latter made his escape, Tisquantum was treated 
with violence, scornfully tannted with being the 
white men s friend, and with brandished knife, 
threatened with immediate death. 3 

Informed of all this, the governor and company 
held consultation as to what was to be done. To 
suffer their ally to be thus overcome, and not at 
tempt his relief their friendly interpreter, and at 
times, official messenger, to be thus seized, abused, 
and perhaps slain, even on their account, and not 
attempt to rescue him, would be to confess to these 
savages their weakness, and the worthlessness of 
their friendship. 

An armed expedition, under Captain Standish, 
was therefore at once resolved upon ; and a chosen 
band of ten men marched forth the next morning, 
and reached the abode of the conspirators the next 
night. Immediately surrounding and taking the 
place by surprise, they released their friend ; but 
the chief ones sought for were gone. 

No lives were lost ; only a few who attempted 
to escape, contrary to the warning given, received 
some wounds. Thus was the conspiracy broken 
up, while the report of the fire-arms filled those 
around them with fear. Having treated with 
kindness the unoffending, and warned all others 
against the like proceedings in future, they returned 

3 Bradford, 103 ; in Young, 219. 


(after having been refreshed), accompanied by their 
friends and such of the wounded as voluntarily 
accepted their offer to come and be healed by their 
physician. 4 

Another and peaceful expedition was next sent 
to the people of the Massachusetts, who occupied 
the country north of their settlement. " From 
these they had heard words of threatening," but 
they would cultivate peace with them, and arrange 
terms of mutual intercourse and traffic. This ex 
pedition was also successful; as explorers, they 
obtained a knowledge of the Massachusetts Bay, 
with " better harbors," and made report of the place, 
wishing, says the governor, " they had been there 
seated ; but the Lord, who assigns to all men the 
bounds of then; habitations, had appointed it for 
another use." 5 

These bold and fearless movements, made gene 
rally in a trustful and confiding manner, the mes 
sengers being often in the power, and relying on 
the good faith and honor of those among whom 
they went, so won upon the noble-hearted and 
brave among the Indians, while their prompt action, 
and the terror of their guns, so wrought upon the 
fears of the evil-minded, that, before the close of 
the year, all the surrounding princes and people, 
following the example of Massasoit, came or sent 
to treat of peace and friendship. In all this their 

4 Bradford, 104, and in Young, 5 Bradford, 105 ; in Young, 224, 
220, &c. 229. 


Elder appears to have been their special counsellor 
and adviser. 

At length, autumn being far advanced, and their 
first summer s harvest of Indian corn being gathered 
in, they fitted their houses, and made their arrange 
ments against the coming winter. And now, while 
some were employed in service abroad, and some 
in fishing, to furnish for each family a goodly 
supply, others again were engaged in hunting, 
procuring, among other game, water fowl, wild 
turkey, and venison. Of meal, or Indian corn, 
one peck a week for each person was the appor 
tioned supply, Of other meal, or wheat, they had 
none ; nor had they any mill for grinding ; there 
fore their corn must be pounded or mashed by 
their own hands. Yet even this supply, being 
deemed sufficient for the present colonists, caused 
some of them to write home to their friends, in 
England, in more glowing terms than was prudent 
or warrantable. The effect was, that these de 
scriptions of plenty induced subsequent emigrants 
to come without bringing with them their needful 
stores. 6 

The provision for the little colony being secured 
for the ensuing winter, their governor set apart a 
day for public thanksgiving. Accordingly, with 
the fruits of their labors, the thankful feast was 
prepared, that all might in a special manner rejoice 
together, under a grateful sense of these tokens of 

6 Hilton, in Young, 250. 


divine mercy. It was their first thanksgiving or 
harvest festival in the New World. 7 And we may 
well conjecture what were the feelings, and what 
the theme of the Elder, as, assembled in their 
" Common House," 8 he led the devotions of these 
worshippers, and spoke to them words befitting the 

The occasion was likewise improved, as a fit 
time, to interest and favorably influence the neigh 
boring Indians. "Among other recreations," says 
Winslow, " we exercised our arms ; many of the 
Indians coming amongst us, and with them came 
their greatest King, Massasoit, accompanied by 
some ninety men, whom for three days we enter 
tained and feasted. They also went out and killed 
five deer, which they brought to the plantation, 
and bestowed on our governor, and upon the cap 
tain and others. And though it be not always so 
plentiful as it was at this time with us, yet, by 
the goodness of God, we are so far from w r ant that 
we often wish our friends partakers with us." 9 

Thus are we brought to the conclusion of the 
first year s trials, hardships, and sufferings of the 
pilgrim company, with the loss of life, and the 
present temporary relief. 

During all this, we have marked the " Elder s" 

7 Winslow, in Young, 231. worship from the 21st of January 

8 This was the best place for preceding. Prince, 97 ; Russell s 
assembling which they yet had Guide to Plymouth. 

been able to prepare. In it they 9 Young, 231, 232. 
appear to have held their public 


position and prevailing influence; an influence un 
obtrusive, yet ever active, ever felt, and possessed 
by no other. All along, in the mind s eye, we 
have seen him ever present, as the leader of their 
public devotions, whether on shipboard or in their 
rudely constructed place of worship on shore, as 
their constant instructor in the Divine Word: 
"teaching publicly twice on every Sabbath." 10 
We have marked, also, his position not only as 
ruling elder, but as counsellor, ever interested, 
always consulted in every affair of importance. 11 
We have found him likewise ministering most 
patiently and affectionately at the bedside of the 
sick, and, with all the alleviations that Christian 
faithfulness could impart, sympathizing with them, 
and sharing in their trials. And thus closes the 
first year of the first English colony on the coast 
of New England. 

10 Bradford, 413. with their Elder, Mr. Brewster 

11 "As the governor had used, (together with his assistants)." 
in all weighty affairs, to consult Bradford, p. 172. 


"Much danger makes great hearts most resolute." 


ON the 9th of November, just one year from the 
day when the pilgrim company first beheld land in 
the New World, a little ship was seen standing in 
from sea, which immediately caused no little com 
motion. The first notice of its approach reached 
the little colony from the Indians on the Cape. 
Was it friend or foe] The Indian informers 
thought it to be a Frenchman^ mid boding no good. 
In the colony were doubts and conjectures, they 
not expecting any one then from their fatherland. 1 

Passing the point of the Cape, the ship stood on 
its course for the Plymouth Bay. Towards it 
every eye was directed. The governor ordered 
the great signal gun to be fired, to call home from 
their work every one that was abroad. Every 
man, every boy even, that could handle a gun, 
was ready, with full purpose, if she were an enemy, 
to stand firm on the defence. But on drawing 
near, to their great relief and joy, she proved to be 

1 Brad, in Prince, 114. Though French were looked upon as secret 
not at the time open enemies, the foes, especially in the New World. 


a friend. It was the little ship Fortune, bringing 
additional members to the colony ; to many fami 
lies, respected and endeared ones, from whom, more 
than a year since, they had parted. 2 

To the colony, weakened in numbers and 
strength, and surrounded by dangers, it was an 
event marked, and of deep concern. It was so in 
particular to the family of the Elder. To him 
and Mrs. Brewster came, among the passengers, 
their eldest son, Jonathan, and to the others an 
elder brother. Of the Elder s family, therefore, 
now present, were himself, his wife, and their 
three sons. From their daughters, they were still 
separated. How soon, or when, Lucretia, the wife 
of Jonathan, came with her son William, there 
appears to be no record. 

Often are favors and mercies the occasions of 
additional trials. Joyful and welcome as was the 
reception at this time of dear friends and connec 
tions, greatly as it added to the strength of the 
colony, it was soon apparent that a great scarcity 
of food must follow. With no knowledge or ex 
pectation of the arrival this season of additional 
consumers, no provision had been made for addi 
tional supplies, especially for a number nearly 
equalling their own. On board the Fortune, no 
provision had been made even for her own return, 
much less for the wants of those whom she had 

2 Bradford, pp. 105-6. 



They soon dispatched the ship homeward, how 
ever, laden with the avails of their hard earnings 
and self-denying efforts, as the best returns in their 
power to the merchant adventurers, for their first 
outlay in England. The value of their returns, in 
beaver, wainscotting, choice wood, and other 
articles, was five hundred pounds. 3 

The ship being dispatched, and their stores of 
provisions examined, the supply for all until the 
next summer s harvest of corn, eight months dis 
tant, was found to be only for six months, on half 
allowance, and upon this were they now placed; 
all taking it patiently. 

Not long after the return of the Fortune, came 
reports to Plymouth that the Narragansetts, a 
nation bordering upon the bay of that name, and 
who could assemble five thousand warriors, were 
assuming a threatening attitude, and were prepar 
ing to attack them, notwithstanding the peace 
that people sought with them the preceding sum 
mer. From Canonicus, their chief Sachem, came, 
by a messenger, as significant of his purpose, a 
bundle of new arrows wrapt in a snake-skin. The 
governor, suspecting, but not knowing, its import, 
on consultation, returned for answer that he had 
heard of the Sachem s many threatenings that 

3 On her way homewards, how- all that was worth taking ; but 

ever, this second emigrant ship to the vessel and those on board 

the colony, and the first to take (among whom was Mr. Cushman) 

returns of freight to their creditors, were allowed to return to England, 

was taken by the French, and where they arrived on the 17th of 

carried into France, despoiled of February. In Bradford, 118, 122. 


himself and people wished to live in peace, but if 
the Sachem would not live peaceably with him, as 
his other neighbors did, he might do his utmost. 
Learning afterwards from the interpreter the sig 
nificance of the suspicious token, the governor, on 
taking counsel, returned the snake-skin filled with 
powder and shot, with a corresponding message. 
The savage king, receiving the message, but 
fearing the charged skin, would neither touch nor 
suffer it to remain in his kingdom ; but one and 
another posted it from place to place, until it came 
back to the settlement entire, as it had been sent. 4 

In this state of things it was that the yet feeble 
colony adopted measures, in February of this 
second year, to inclose with paling their whole 
town. Outside of this paling, encircling the top 
of the hill and the town underneath, were arrange 
ments for four jetties or bulwarks, from which to 
defend the whole. In these were gates, to be 
locked at night, while watch also was kept by 

Next was a general muster day, and the organiz 
ation of their men in four companies, each under 
its own leader, and all under the command of 
their well-skilled Capt. Standish. 5 

The men, trained and drilled, were assigned 
their respective posts of duty, to be ready on any 
emergency or alarm. Special arrangement was 
also made in case a stealthy foe should attempt 

4 Bradford, 111. 

5 The origin of the New England militia system. 


the destruction of their dwellings by fire. The 
elder had his armor, as the others, to be used in 
case of necessity. 6 

Thus, with great additional labor, was their 
town inclosed, including a garden for each family, 
and the whole put in a state of defence. And all 
was done while upon short allowance. In the 
mean time, to keep their promise with their Mas 
sachusetts Indian neighbors of coming to trade 
with them, and to secure, even though it might be 
but a small supply of food, they sent out, amidst 
much danger, another expedition thither, which 
had the effect of securing, for the time, the body 
of that people in their favor. 

By the last of May, their stores of food were 
gone, even on their half allowance. Adding to 
their difficulties, a boat from a fishing ship, bound 
eastward, appeared passing before the town, caus 
ing alarm and fear that it was from the French in 
league with the Indians. It brought, however, 
not enemies; yet seven additional men for the 
colony, but no food even for their own sustenance. 

By this boat came the startling news of the 
terrible massacre by the Indians of near four 
hundred of the English in the Colony of Virginia. 
This, of course, added to the alarm of the Ply 
mouth Colonists in their present extremity, their 
stores of provisions being consumed, and famine 

6 In the inventory of his estate estate, they were assigned to his 
were the items of his armor speci- son Jonathan, as his eldest born, 
fied, and in the division of his Plymouth Records. 


staring them in the face. " Without bread, with 
abated strength, the flesh of some swollen, all 
were in fearful apprehension." Yet how often in 
man s extremity is God s opportunity ! In the 
letter by this same boat that brought the seven 
additional destitute men, and in which was the 
information respecting the Virginia massacre, 
were kind expressions of the interest of the 
writer, though a stranger, in the welfare of the 
Plymouth Colony. 

Influenced by these kind expressions, imme 
diately was Mr. Winslow dispatched with the 
colony boat, and with a message of thanks to the 
kind stranger, informing him of their extreme con 
dition, and the desire to purchase provisions. 
Readily and kindly did the Captain [Huddleston] 
part with such as his ship could spare, and asked 
of others at the fishing station to do the same. 
The boat returned, bringing such relief, as, with 
great care, availed them until the ripening of their 
growing corn, though but one-fourth of a pound 
of bread a day for each. "Without this relief 
(in Winslow s words), some had starved." " And 
had we not been in a place where divers sorts 
of shell-fish are, that may be taken with the 
hand, we must have perished, unless God had 
raised some unknown or extraordinary means for 
our preservation." 7 

7 Winslow, in Young, 293-4 ; Bradford, 124-5. 


The month of June of this year appears to have 
been the season of the colony s greatest extremity. 
The threatenings of famine, at other times, were 
remarkably relieved, in the good providence of 
God, before such long endurance. At such a time 
it was, when they had no bread, no vegetables but 
a few groundnuts, no meat, and only such shell 
fish and herring as could be caught by hand, that 
Elder Brewster lived months together, even with 
no drink but water. Yet in calmest submission 
to his lot, he would thank God that they were 
enabled to " suck of the abundance of the seas, and 
of treasures hid in the sand." 3 

It was in this extremity of weakness, and while 
affected by news of the awful massacre in Virginia, 
that the evil-disposed Indians around New Ply 
mouth began to throw out their insulting speeches ; 
intimating how easy it would be now to cut them 
off. Even King Massasoit appeared less friendly 
to them than formerly. Too critical, indeed, was 
the state of things now, not to cause the deepest 

Therefore, they resolved to erect on the hill, 
without delay, a strong timber fort, whereon their 
ordnance should be still more advantageously 
mounted, and from which a few men would be 
able to defend the whole settlement from assault, 
while the rest of the company might be more 
safely employed in their daily labors. 9 This, amid 

8 Belknap s Memoir of Brewster. Deuteronomy, xxxiii. 19. 

9 Brad, and Winslow, in Young, 295. 


all their deprivations and labors, was the great 
work of the second year, begun with eagerness and 
general approbation, and with the hope that being 
once finished, and with a continual guard, it would 
utterly discourage the savages from again attempt 
ing to rise against them. It was strong and 
comely, with a flat roof and battlements, with 
guard and watch rooms. Yet what added greatly 
to the interest in its construction, was, its ground 
story fitted for their place of public worship. 
Here for years their elder led their devotions, and 
in the words of their governor, " taught both 
powerfully and profitably," to the great content 
ment of the hearers and their comfortable edifica 
tion. "Yea, many were brought to God by his 
ministry ; he doing more in their behalf in a year, 
than many do in all their lives." 10 

Here, again, we are to mark another trial, fol 
lowed by what was esteemed by them, in their 
sad destitution, another merciful providence. 
Near the first of July, came into their harbor, two 
ships with men, sent by Mr. Thomas Weston, 
their former agent, to found another colony near 
by them, on Massachusetts Bay. From these were 
landed some sixty men, stout and strong, but with 
many sick. They were hospitably received, and 
the sick provided for by the best means in their 
power; out of respect to their condition and to 
Mr. Weston. 

10 Bradford, 413. 


While some of them were variously employed 
with their ships, the most of them remained for 
months, and became not only burdensome, from 
their rude, disorderly behavior, but from their 
wasteful and stealthy depredations upon the ripen 
ing corn, which, with great labor and care, the 
poorly provided Plymouth people were raising for 
their own supply. 

After the departure of these ungrateful visitors, 
from these and other causes, a scanty harvest en 
sued; and, notwithstanding all their diligence, 
gloomy was the prospect before them as to the 
coming winter and spring. Famine, it appeared, 
must again ensue. To uncertainties they dare not 
trust. No market was tliere within their reach, 
to which they could apply, except to the Indians ; 
and for this they had no articles of trade. 

But now came in a ship (one Master Jones, 
commander), sent to explore the coast, and having 
on board stores of knives and beads for this pur 
pose. Of him they most gladly purchased, though 
at the dear rate of over two-fold per cent. There 
fore, now were they fitted again to trade for 
beavers, and some supply of corn to relieve present 
and future necessities. 11 

11 Bradford, 127. his return he gratefully acknow- 

i In this ship was a gentleman ledged the same, thus : " To your- 

) passenger, Mr. John Poory, who self and Mr. Brewster, I must ac- 

had been secretary in Virginia, knowledge myself many ways 

and was now on his return to indebted, whose books I would 

England. Having received favors have you think very well bestowed 

from the Elder and governor, after on him, who esteemeth them such 


jewels, &c." * * "God have you 
all in liis keeping. 
Your unfeigned and firm friend, 
August 28th, 1622. 
In one of the ensuing expedi 
tions, in November, to purchase 
corn on the cape, Tisquantum fell 
sick of the Indian fever, at Mana- 

moick (now Chatham), where he 
died ; desiring the governor to 
pray for him, that he might go to 
the Englishman s God in heaven ; 
bequeathing various of his things 
to sundry of his English friends as 
remembrances of his love. Greatly 
was his loss felt. Brad., 128. 


Timely advised, the coining evil shun. PRIOR. 

THIS third year of the Pilgrims in New Eng 
land was full of stirring incidents ; and their con 
dition was one of continued though varied trials. 
A moment s glance shows it to have been such as 
to cause the most anxious thoughts and concern 
of the whole body ; and of no one more than of their 
Elder. New dangers now surrounded them. Firm 
as was their trust in the divine mercy and care, 
equally firm was their conviction that their 
progress, if not their very existence, depended, 
humanly speaking, upon their own most strenuous 
exertions to procure subsistence ; also to keep up 
and extend a friendly influence and intercourse 
among their Indian neighbors, and to guard 
against the combinations of such savage foes as 
wished for their destruction. 

In these circumstances, while there was .caution, 

their course was still open, bold, and confiding, so 

open and confiding as to attract the attention, and 

i even wonder, of the natives. 1 With this were 

1 Winslow, in Young, 325. 


united kindness, uprightness in dealing, and hos 
pitable entertainment; in short, a striving to 
manifest before them the principles of their 
religion. 2 

In this manner already had they won, as we 
have seen, and were winning, the friendship of not 
a few, the respect and confidence of more, while 
others had been kept in check from combining to 
exterminate them. 

But much of the influence of their upright 
course, kind and hospitable treatment, was now 
sadly counteracted by the base conduct of some of 
their own countrymen, men of another plantation 
lately commenced, called the " Weston Plantation." 
By these were their trials and dangers greatly 

These men had been sent out by Mr. Weston 
to plant another English colony. They came (as 
we have seen) to Plymouth the preceding summer, 
and proved themselves to be mostly unprincipled, 
indolent, and ungovernable men. On settling in 
the Massachusetts country, bordering upon the 
remaining Indian settlements of that name, their 
conduct had almost immediately provoked a quar 
rel with their Indian neighbors. The disaffection 
soon became so great between the two, that plun 
ders were committed on both sides, and blood was 
shed. A league, not yet known to the English, 

2 All the lands occupied by the to them by the Indians, according 
first settlers, or possessed by this to the forms of law. Russell, 
colony, were amicably conveyed keeper of the Plymouth Records. 


was now formed by warriors of the various tribes 
for the extermination of the Weston people. 
Among the chiefs thus leagued, as afterwards dis 
covered, was a noted insulting savage named 
Wituwamat, who boasted of his valor, and derided 
the weakness of the English. He had before im 
brued his hands in the blood both of the English 
and French. Captain Standish, while abroad at 
Manomet for food, barely escaped being assassin 
ated at his instigation. 3 

This secret league or plot to exterminate the 
Weston people, and finally the Plymouth Colony, 
was disclosed by an incident of no little interest. 

King Massasoit, the ally of the English, had 
fallen sick and was likely to die. The governor, 
hearing of it, dispatched Mr. Winslow, with a 
companion and Hobbamock, an interpreter, to 
visit him, and, if it might be, administer to his 
comfort. 4 On this friendly but self-denying errand, 
the messengers went, through forests and un 
friendly settlements, and arrived late the second 
night at Massasoit s dwelling. " They found him 
extremely low, his sight gone, his teeth set, having 
for two days taken nothing." In his house were 
men assembled performing charms or incantations, 
with fiendish noises ; " enough (says one messen 
ger), to sicken those that were well, and not likely 
to ease him that was sick ; while the women were 

3 Winslow, 310. 

4 Winslow s Narrative, in Young, 313, &c. 


chafing him to keep heat in him." Made to 
understand that Winslow had come, Massasoit 
put forth his hand as Winslow approached, utter 
ing "Keen Winsnow?" (Art thou Winslow 1) 
Being answered yes, " Oh, Winsnow," he uttered 
again in his native speech, " I shall never see thee 
again." It being made known to him that the 
governor, hearing of his sickness, had sent mes 
sengers to him with some things which, if he 
would take, might do him good, he signified .his 
desire to receive them. Such " confectionary" as 
they had brought was prepared and introduced 
between his teeth, and some dissolved, which he 
was made to swallow. As he called for drink, 
more of the same was administered. Little by 
little he began to revive, which gave encourage 
ment. For two days nothing but hard meat, 
which he could not receive, had been offered him. 
Ere long his sight began to come to him. Mr. 
Winslow continued to administer to his relief as 
far as his medical knowledge would permit, adapt 
ing his efforts to the neglected condition and 
necessities of the patient. And he had the satis 
faction of seeing, as well as those present, his 
efforts crowned with success. As the sick man s 
appetite returned, he called for food, and requested 
Mr. Winslow to prepare him some English pottage. 
The request being complied with, though with 
much difficulty for want of materials with which 
to prepare it, he drank of the savory dish, and 
with increasing benefit. Benefited himself, he 


desired Mr. Winslow to go among his sick people, 
and do the same for them; and this was done, 
notwithstanding the self-denying and forbidding 
nature of the office, owing to the neglected and 
filthy condition of the sufferers. At the end of 
two days and nights, the royal patient was so far 
restored, that, amid warm expressions of thank 
fulness from Massasoit and his people, the messen 
gers took their leave, while many, gathering 
together on report of the case from far and near, 
manifested their wonder at seeing with their own 
eyes the reality of the king s unexpected recovery. 

Most opportune was this visit of duty and kind 
ness. Before the messengers arrival, one sachem 
had chidingly said to him that " he might now see 
how hollow-hearted the English were. If they 
were indeed such friends as they pretended, they 
would have visited Massasoit in his sickness." 
With these and other arguments had such ones 
tried to turn him from them. But now, upon his 
recovery, Massasoit answered, " Now I see the 
English are my friends, and love me ; while I live 
I will never forget this kindness they have shown 
me." But there were other words spoken of 
deepest concern to the people of Plymouth. 

Ere Mr. Winslow had left, Massasoit had called 
to him the faithful interpreter Hobbamock, and, 
in presence of only a few of his council, had dis 
closed to him the secret plot, and charged him to 
make it known to Mr. Winslow on his way home 
ward; which was, that six of the surrounding 


tribes, led on by those of the Massachusetts, had 
leagued together to cut off the Weston people, 
and, lest those of Plymouth should avenge it, to 
cut them off also ; and further, that he himself 
had been urged since his sickness to join with 
them, but would not. " And he advised his 
friends at Plymouth, by all means, as they valued 
their own lives and the lives of their countrymen, 
to have the instigators of the plot dispatched at 
once. Then the plot would cease; otherwise, it 
would be too late." 5 

Important was this information, and marked the 
Providence thus manifested while, and only while, 
they were in the course of their plain duty. Had 
not this mission been undertaken, this plain duty 
performed, this plot would not have thus been 
made known to them. Therefore, it stands out 
among others a marked case, teaching a striking 

o o o 


The messengers, returning, reported the success 
of their mission, but especially the fearful dis 
closure by Massasoit. From the Weston people 
came also messages, confessing their wretched con 
dition and danger. 6 Another sachem, brother of 
the Massachusetts chief, signified the same. 7 

It was the 23d of March, the yearly court day, 
when the governor communicated the startling in- 

5 Winslow, in Young, 320-324. 

6 Winslow, in Young, 328 ; Bradford, 130. 

7 Ibid., 330. 


telligence to the whole company, and asked their 
advice. "A troublesome and grievous business it 
was," says Winslow ; " but especially, for that we 
knew no other means to deliver our countrymen, 
and preserve ourselves, but by returning their ma 
licious and cruel purposes upon their own heads, 
and causing them to fall into the same pit they 
had digged for others: though it grieved us much 
to shed the blood of those whose good we ever 
intended and aimed at, as a principle, in all our 
proceedings. But they must come to a conclusion, 
however sudden it might seem ; the fear being that 
the exterminating work would be commenced 
before they could inform the Weston people of 
their danger. 8 

The court publicly resolved that a " matter of 
such weight be committed to the governor, with a 
certain select council, to do as they should conclude 
to be best." Already had the governor and coun 
cil plead most earnestly with the Weston settlers 
not in any extremity to deal unjustly or provok- 
ingly with the Indians around them ; " it being," 
said they, " against the law of God and nature." 
" It would cross the worthy ends and proceedings 
of the King s majesty and council for this place 
the peaceably enlarging of his dominions, and the 
propagation of the knowledge of God, and the 
glad tidings of salvation, which we and they were 
bound to seek, and were not to use such means as 

s Ibid., 331, and Bradford, 131, 132. 


would breed a distaste in the savages against our 
persons and^ possessions." 9 

But the extremity had come, and the people of 
Plymouth must act, or all must suffer. Order was 
given to Captain Standish to take men and go, not 
in a manner to excite suspicion, but first to the 
Weston people, and inform them of the plot, and 
examine, u so as to judge of the certainty of it;" 
" but forbear, if possible, until he could make sure 
of the bloody Wituwamat." 10 

Arriving at the Weston settlement, and inform 
ing them of the purposes of his coming, seeing 
likewise their deplorable condition, the conspirators 
often coming and going, the captain scrutinized 
appearances, heard the taunts of the savages who 
came, awaited the arrival of the two bitterest con 
spirators, Wituwamat and Pecksuot, and skilfully 
prepared for the encounter. Those two, now com 
ing and daring the captain to do what he could, 
tauntingly insulted him from day to day. He 
bore all patiently until a favorable moment, when 
he and his men seized, and after a severe struggle 
slew these chief conspirators. 11 

Fearfully responsible was the whole proceeding ; 
especially so was the concluding act. Self pre 
servation, and the extremity of the case, were the 
reasons assigned. As to the results, the plot was 
broken up, the colonists relieved, and the death of 


9 Winslow, in Young, 328, 329. " Ibid., 337, 339. 

10 Ibid., 332. 



these chief movers in the conspiracy put a stop to 
further proceedings among those who .had leagued 
together in this project of extermination. 

The Weston people likewise abandoned their 
plantation, the most of them resolving to seek their 
way home, with such food as the captain could 
spare, while some few accompanied him and his 
men to Plymouth. " Thus ended this plantation 
in one year: all able-bodied men, who boasted of 
their strength, and what they would bring to pass, 
in comparison with the people at Plymouth, who 
had many women, children, and weak ones with 
them." 12 

What Elder Brewster felt and judged respecting 
this first shedding of the blood of the native 
savages, even under the necessities of the case, and 
to prevent a probable general massacre, we cannot 
now discover. But their pastor in Holland, on 
hearing of it (and it is a testimony of the workings 
of a benevolent Christian heart), wrote to them, 
" He hoped the Lord had sent the captain among 
them for good, if they used him right ; but doubted 
whether there was not wanting that tenderness of 
the life of man, made after the image of God, 
which was meet ;" and concludes thus : " O how 
happy a thing had it been that you had converted 
some before you had killed any." 13 

From this tragic affair, we turn to more peaceful, 
though still bitterly trying scenes. 

12 Bradford, 132. 164-5, in which is much that 

13 See his Letter in Bradford, partakes of the same spirit. 


Having all along been disappointed in their ex 
pectations of obtaining food from England, the 
colonists had been taught, by sad experience, the 
necessity of a more extensive cultivation and en 
riching of their own soil ; a soil which had proved 
to be not the most fertile. 

Actual experience had also taught them that 
the practice of cultivating their fields in common, 
and gathering the produce into a common store 
for distribution, was not the wisest. It was there 
fore ordered that, all being ranged in families, each 
family should have its enlarged allotment of land, 
and plant, and trust for food to its own exertions ; 
while at the harvest, each should bring a specified 
piortion to the public store for the maintenance of 
their chief officers and men engaged in fishing, 
and for other necessities. This latter arrangement 
was required in connection with their gains in 
trade and other ways, to secure means for making 
returns to the u merchant adventurers" in London. 

The plan now adopted met with encouraging 
success. Greater industry, especially in the case 
of some that had been burdensome, was soon mani 
fested. Even women and children entered the 
fields to share in the labors. Wherefore more was 
planted than in the former way, and their future 
prospects became brighter. 

As the third summer advanced, however, not 
withstanding their increased industry in planting, 
in hopes of large supplies, sore disappointment 
awaited them again. They were to meet trial in 


another form. Even these people must be taught 
still more practically the meaning of that declara 
tion "I will be inquired of by you, saith the 
Lord." So they viewed and improved the occur 
rence. Says Bradford, " By the time our corn is 
planted, our food is spent, not knowing at night 
where to have a bit in the morning, and have 
neither bread nor corn for three or four months 
together ; yet bear our wants with cheerfulness, 
and rest on Providence." 

" Having but one boat left, we divide our men 
into several companies, each take their turn to 
go out and fish, and return not till they get some, 
though they be five or six days out; knowing 
there is nothing at home, and to return empty 
would be a great discouragement. When they 
stay long, or get but little, the rest go a digging 
shell-fish, and thus we live the summer, only send 
ing one or two to range the woods for deer ; they 
now and then get one, which we divide among the 
company ; in winter, we are helped with fowl and 
groundnuts" 1 ^ 

Having in weakness and want completed their 
first planting, they awaited the kindly showers 
upon the fields to " bring forth the blade, then the 
ear, and then the full corn in the ear;" but the 
needed rain came not ; " their grounds became 
parched," their young corn withered. Day by day, 
even from May to July, the parching heat increased; 

14 Prince, 135. Bradford, 134-7. 


the " heavens became as brass over their heads, and 
the earth as ashes under their feet." At length 
nearly all hope was at an end, and threatened 
famine was before them. 

In their own language, " Now our hopes were 
overthrown, and we discouraged, and our joy 
turned into mourning." " To add to this, a supply 
that was sent unto us, many months since, having 
two repulses before, was a third time in company 
with another ship, three hundred leagues at sea, 
and now, in three months time, is no further 
heard of; only the signs of a wreck were seen on 
the coast, which could not be judged to be any 
other than the same, seemingly thus to deprive us 
at once of all future hopes. The most courageous 
were now discouraged ; because God, who hither 
to had been our only shield and supporter, now 
seemed in his anger to arm himself against us. 
And who can withstand the fierceness of His 
wrath r 15 

Hobbamock, their friend and interpreter, living 
among them, said, " I am much troubled for the 
English, for I am afraid they will lose all their 
corn by the drought, and so they will be starved." 16 

" These and like considerations," continues 
Winslow, " moved not only every good man pri 
vately to enter into examination of his own estate 
between God arid his conscience to humiliation 

15 Winslow, in Young, 348, 349. 16 Bradford, 141, 142, note. 


before him, but also to humble ourselves together 
before the Lord by fasting and prayer." 17 

It was about the middle of July. A day of 
fasting was set apart by public authority. It was 
no new observance with them, but was the first 
for the like occasion. It was founded on the 
" hope that the same God who had stirred them 
up thereunto would be moved thereby in mercy to 
look down upon them, and grant the request of 
their dejected spirits, if their continuance there 
might consist with his glory and their good." 

Assembled thus for humiliation and prayer, 
how especially and with what long pleading 
earnestness the Elder poured forth the soul s con 
fessions and entreaties for mercy, and spoke to the 
hearts of his people from the Word of Truth, we 
need scarcely be reminded. 

Peculiarly striking (says one of them) was his 
manner of laying open the heart and conscience 
before God in confessions of sin, and begging the 
mercies of God in Christ for pardon. 18 

" But, O ! (exclaims Winslow) the mercy of 
our God, who was as ready to hear as we to pray." 
The morning was clear, and it so continued ; the 
heat unabated ; not a cloud or sign of rain to be 
seen ; the drought as likely to continue as ever ; 
yet the exercises on this special occasion, as of 
life and death, being continued eight or more 
hours ere their close, the clouds gathered, the 

17 Winslow, in Young, 340. IS Bradford, p. 414. 


heavens were overcast, and before the next 
morning passed, gentle showers were distilling 
upon the earth, and so it continued some fourteen 
days, with seasonable weather intervening. " It 
were hard to say whether our withered corn or 
drooping affections were most quickened and 
revived; such were the bounty and goodness of 
our God." So revived and recovered were the 
fruits and corn, as still to give promise of a joyful 
harvest. Even by the Indians it was viewed as a 
matter of remark and astonishment. Being in 
the town, and asking the reason of the day s 
solemnity, as it was but three days from Sunday, 
and when informed, seeing what had followed, 
they confessed the goodness of the Christians 
God compared with the answers to their own in 
cantations. Hobbamock, who had before ex 
pressed his fears for the English, after the relief 
came, expressed himself in this manner: "Now I 
see Englishman s God is a good God, for he hath 
heard you and sent you rain, and without storms, 
tempest, or thunder beating down your corn. 
Surely your God is a good God." 

Still further, this people s experience had indeed 
verified the proverbial saying, that trials and afflic 
tions come not single; and now, they could say 
their acknowledged mercies came not alone. 
In this their extremity, Captain Standish arrived 
from an expedition among the Indians with such 
supply as would relieve their famishing state until 
the newly revived corn should ripen. 


Fears also had been entertained that certain 
persons in England, among whom was one Mr. 
Pierce, for private ends, had succeeded in obtain 
ing new grants of powers, and a new patent for 
New Plymouth, by which the patentee would hold 
the lands in perpetuity, and the colonists now 
settled on them would become only tenants, and 
be deprived of the liberties, rights, and privileges 
which had cost them so dear. 19 But now, infor 
mation reached them that, in ways most remark 
able, and which they deemed truly providential, 
every such attempt had been frustrated, every 
project brought to naught. 

For " these many signs of God s favor and ac 
ceptation," to use their own words again, especially 
for that great one of relief from threatened famine, 
another day was now set apart for special acknoAV- 
ledgment, a day of thanksgiving by public autho 
rity, considering that it would be great ingratitude 
to be content to pass over with only private 
thanksgiving that which by private prayer only 
had not been obtained. 

And with what grateful hearts this next day of 
thanksgiving was kept, we need no other evidence 
than the circumstances of the case, and the cha 
racter of the worshippers and of the leader of 
their worship ; "a day," concludes Winslow, 
wt wherein we returned glory, honor, and praise, 
with all thankfulness, to our good God, who dealt 

13 Bradford, 138-9. 


so graciously with us ; whose name, for these and 
all other mercies, be blessed and praised evermore. 
Amen." 30 

But along with all these incidents of struggle 
and relief, there was still to the Elder, as well as to 
many of the company, another remaining cause of 
anxious concern. They had heard from time to 
time of the fitting out of one or more ships from 
England with other members of their families, 
and others of their company, left in Holland and 
England ; and they had heard of the changes and 
delays of their sailing. And now for three 
months nothing further had been heard of them, 
except by a Captain West, 21 lately arrived, who 
informed them of his meeting those ships at sea, 
and of the storm that followed, and their probable 
shipwreck. Fourteen days, from the arrival of 
Captain West, did the Elder and his family, with 
others, pass between hope and fear; when, to 
their great relief, the ship Ann arrived (and soon 
after, the little James), bringing to the colony 60 
passengers, and to the Elder his two daughters, 
Patience and Fear. 22 The joyous welcome that 
followed from the warm-hearted, affectionate 
father and the tender and now feeble mother, 
taking to their hearts and homes in this new 
world their only, long looked-for, almost despaired- 
of daughters, after three years separation, and 

20 Winslow, in Young, 351. 22 Winslow, in Young, 351-353 ; 

21 Winslow, do., 348 ; Bradford, and Bradford, 142-3, and notes. 



now come to them across the perilous ocean, in 
health, in the freshness of young womanhood, can 
all be better imagined than described. 

But with what deep concern must these loving 
daughters have beheld the traces of care, exposure, 
and famishing want in the faded complexions and 
emaciated forms of their dearest ones, the cause of 
which was too plain in the poor and scant fare set 
before them. " The best dish we could present 
them," says Bradford, speaking of the whole, " is 
a lobster or piece of fish , without bread, or anything 
else but a cup of fair spring water. 77 

" When these passengers see our poor and low 
condition, they are much dismayed, and full of 
sadness." " Only our old friends rejoice to see us, 
and that it is no worse, and now hope we shall 
enjoy better days together." 23 

Of Elder Brewster personally he says : " He 
bore his burden with the rest, living many times 
without bread or corn, months together ; having 
many times nothing but fish, and often wanting 
that also." 

But the autumn harvest, revived by the gentle 
showers, and ripened by the favorable weather 
that followed, came in plentifully at last, to the 
great joy of all hearts. 

By the same ship also came a letter, signed by 
thirteen of their yet absent friends, in which they 
write: "Let it not le grievous to you that you have 


23 Bradford, 145, 146. 


been instruments to break the ice for others who 
come after with less difficulty ; the honor shall be 
yours to the world s end" " The same God who 
hath so marvellously preserved you from seas, foes, 
and famine, will still preserve you, and make you 
honorable amongst men, and glorious in bliss at 
the last day." 24 

24 Bradford, 145. 


" That is tlie best history which is collected out of letters." BARONIUS. 

IN the spring of 1624, arrived the last known 
letter (of the 20th of December previous), from 
their pastor in Holland, addressed to Elder "\Vm. 
Brewster at Plymouth, New England. Its first 
and last portions related to the Elder and members 
of his family individually, while an important 
portion had respect to him, and the Plymouth 
congregation officially. And these portions, being 
all that relate to our purpose, are as follows : 


That which I most desired of God in regard 
of you, namely, the continuance of your life and 
health, and the safe coming of those sent unto 
you that I most gladly hear of, and praise God 
for the same. And I hope Mistress Brewster s 
weak and decayed state of body will have some 
repairing by the coming of her daughters; 1 and 
the provisions in this and former ships I hear are 

1 Daughters Patience and Fear Brewster, as stated in the preceding 


made for you, which makes us with the more 
patience bear our languishing state, and the defer 
ring of our desired transportation, which I call 
desired rather than hoped for, whatsoever you are 
borne in hand by any others. For, first, there is 
no hope at all that I know, or can conceive of, of 
any new stock to be raised for that end; so that 
all must depend upon returns from you, in which 
are so many uncertainties as that nothing with 
any certainty can thence be concluded." * * * * 
"Now, touching the question propounded by you, 
I judge it not lawful for you, being a ruling elder 
(as Romans xii. 7, 8, and 1 Timothy v. 17, opposed 
to the elders that teach and exhort, and labor in 
the word and doctrine, to which sacraments are 
annexed), to administer them, nor convenient, if 
it were lawful. Whether any learned man will 
come unto you or not, I know not ; if any do, you 
must Consilium capere in arena (Take counsel 
in the time of action). ****** ".Be you 
most heartily saluted, and your wife with you, 
both from me and mine. Your God and ours, 
and the God of all his, bring us together, if it be 
his will, and keep us in the mean while, and always 
to his glory, and make us serviceable to his ma 
jesty, and faithful to the end. Amen. 
Your very loving brother 

X, December 20th, 1623." 

2 See the whole letter in Bradford, 165-7. 


Here we have a further insight into some of the 
circumstances of the Elder s family at the time, and 
a testimony of the high and affectionate regard in 
which he himself was held. 

And the official decision was one of no small 
concern to the Plymouth congregation. To the 
question which the Elder had propounded to Mr. 
llobinson (for his own satisfaction, or that of 
others), whether it were lawful or expedient for 
him as ruling elder to administer the Christian 
sacraments, Mr. Robinson answered, he judged it 
not lawful, nor convenient if it were lawful. 

We leave the statement as it stands, as a 
recorded fact without discussion, without any 
added opinion, without gloss or disguise, a witness 
of their pastor s judgment in the case. 3 

Connected with this judgment of the pastor in 
Holland, stands the other fact that the Elder acted 
in accordance with it ; declining to do the duties 
of the pastoral office in respect to the sacraments, 
however plausible the arguments for doing so, or 
urgent the circumstances might seem to be. He 
had not been ordained to that office: he would not 
assume it. And as to his declining the pastoral 
office, writers have suggested his extreme modesty 

3 Could facts be always stated so many faithful, truthful wit- 
in historic writing just as they nesses, ever ready to be used for 
were, history would take the the eliciting or establishing of 
place, and have the authority, truth. Immensely would this 
which belongs to it. Facts would course lessen the fields of angry 
thus stand forth unperverted as controversy. 


as the cause. 4 Yet in this, also, he doubtless acted 
conscientiously. The whole course of his life 
shows that he was not the man to do otherwise. 

The pastor, indeed, hoped that himself, or some 
other one, would ere long come to supply the defi 
ciency. When it was objected against them, by 
some in England, that they had not the Sacra 
ments, they answered : " The more is our grief that 
our pastor is kept from us, by whom we might 
enjoy them; for we used to have the Lord s supper 
every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there was 
occasion of children to baptize." 5 

"With the facts before us in relation to the parts 
of the pastoral office which Elder Brewster did not 
perform, according to their order of church govern 
ment, we next notice more specifically than we 
have yet done, the official duties which he did per 
form, and likewise how he performed them, and 
the results. Here we have the words of both pas 
tor and elder, defining their views of the duties 
of the office: 

1st. As to "ruling or governing." "Our elders 
do administer their office in admonitions and ex 
communications, for public scandals, publicly, and 
before the congregation." 6 In relation to Elder 
Brewster, says Bradford, " For the government of 
the church, which was most proper to his office, 
he w r as careful to preserve good order in the same, 
and to preserve purity, both in the doctrine and 

4 See Morton, Hubbard, Belknap, &c. 

5 Bradford, 161, and Plymouth Church Records. 

6 Bradford, 35. 


communion, and to suppress any error or conten 
tion that might begin to rise up amongst them." 
And as to the results of his labors in this particular, 
it is added, "God gave good success to his en 
deavors, and he saw the fruit of his labors herein 
all his days." 

2d. As to "teaching." "We choose none for 
governing elders but such as are able to teach." 
Accordingly, says Bradford, of their elder, " when 
the church had no other minister, he taught twice 
every Sabbath, and that both powerfully and pro 
fitably, to the great contentment of the hearers, 
and their comfortable edification." As to method, 
"he was very plain and distinct in what he taught; 
by which means he became the more profitable to 
his hearers." In manner, " he was easy of speech, 
of grave and deliberate utterance, effective in 
arousing the affections." " In prayer, both public 
and private, he was singularly gifted in laying open 
the heart and conscience before God, in the humble 
confession of sin, begging the mercies of God, in 

OO o 

Christ, for pardon. He was not long and tedious, 
but divided his prayers, except upon solemn and 
special occasions, as on days of fasting and humilia 
tion." And as the fruits of these labors, it is 
added : " Many were brought to God by his min 
istry; he did more in this behalf in a year than 
many do in all their lives." 7 

7 Bradford, 413, and 414, and 34, bands; these are mentioned in 
35. As to his official costume, he the Inventory, 
appears to have worn a gown and 


From this statement of his position and labors, 
and their results, we here pass over various inci 
dents, however interesting, concerning the colony 
in general, and proceed to those which, henceforth, 
more than others, concerned the Elder and his 
church in particular. 

Mr. Winslow having been in England near the 
close of the last year, and returning in the spring, 
brought with him, by the urgent request of a por 
tion of the " merchant adventurers," a minister 
named Lyford. Apparently he was intended by 
them to supply the place of Mr. Robinson. His 
subsequent course, however, proved him to be of 
no more credit to those who sent, than benefit to 
those who received him. 

Complaisant, humble, shedding many tears, and 
blessing (rod that he had been brought to see their 
faces, he was received by them and entertained to 
the best of their ability. Admitted at his desire 
into their church, he blessed God for the oppor 
tunity and freedom of enjoying the ordinances 
in purity among them. A larger allowance was 
made him for maintenance than to any other of 
the colony. And as the governor had been ac 
customed to consult in weighty matters with Elder 
Brewster, in council, with the assistants, he now 
called Mr. Lyford to the same. Not long after, 
however, it was discovered that their confidence in 
him was misplaced. He privately formed a party, 
without notifying either the Elder or governor, 
withdrew and held separate public meetings, and 



wrote letters to certain ones in England against 
the colony. Yet upon being accused of this last, 
he denied it ; but being confronted by his own 
letters, was confounded. When tried and con 
victed, he confessed all ; and in the end he was 
sentenced to expulsion, though with leave to re 
main six months. On this being done, he declared 
that his sentence was far less than he deserved, 
and that what he had written against them was 

A like confession lie also made before their 
church ; and such were the appearances of his 
sincerity and repentance, that he was restored to 
his place of teacher as before. But after a while, 
he again relapsed, and again wrote to England, 
affirming the truth of what he had before written, 
which caused the " adventurers" yet further trouble. 

He was invited the next season, as minister, to 
a new plantation at Nantasket. In the mean time 
Mr. Winslow, being again in England, the " ad 
venturers" there took the matter in hand ; when 
on Lyford s former misbehavior in Ireland being 
disclosed, for which he had been forced to leave 
that kingdom, it was resolved by the Moderators, 
to whom the case was committed for decision, that 
his conduct at New Plymouth was sufficient cause 
for his rejection, and that this further disclosure 
rendered him unmeet longer to do the duties of 
the ministry. We may well imagine how sore a 
trial all this must have been to the Elder, who 
doubtless presided in all their church meetings on 


the subject, and must have witnessed and passed 
through the excitement caused by it in his New 
Plymouth congregation. Greatly must he have 
feared its effects likewise among those friendly or 
unfriendly to their principles of church* order in 
England. 8 

What might have been the result in the Ply 
mouth colony had the company in England sent 
over an enlightened and worthy minister, imbued 
with the spirit of his Divine Master, and truly 
sympathizing with this people in their trials, yet 
conscientiously attached to the Church of England, 
while he disapproved of the oppressive acts of the 
court, and of the course of all who sustained those 
acts, we are not called upon to decide, or even to 
conjecture. Our business is with what did, and 
not with what might have taken place. 

Of Elder Brewster s public labors during this 
period, even while in connection with the other 
minister, we have ample testimony in the following 
record : "Our revered Elder hath labored dili 
gently in dispensing the word of God unto us be 
fore he (Lyford) came ; and since hath taken equal 
pains with himself in preaching the same ; and be 
it spoken without ostentation, he is not inferior to 

8 Bradford, 171, 173, 175, 192, of any further care or aid for the 
196. The result was, the breaking colony. Bradford, 196. 
up of the company of merchant Mr. Lyford went from. Plymouth 
adventurers, and the relinquish- and officiated at Nantasket, then 
rnent, by the greater part of them, at Naumkeug, or Salem, and thence 

to Virginia, where he died. 


Mr. Lyford (and some of his superiors), 9 either in 

1 gifts or learning, though he would never be per 
suaded to take higher office upon him." 10 

At the election of officers this spring (1624) the 
governor -desired the people to elect another than 
himself, as the opportunity to do this was the 
object of a yearly election. If it were an honor 
or benefit to be elected, it was meet that others 
should be partakers; if a burden, others should 
help to bear it. But they elected the same 
governor with five assistants in place of one, and 
gave the governor a double vote / u 

This spring, also, Mr. Winslow brought over 
with him from England four neat kine, " the first 
in the land," 12 a fact which brings vividly to mind 
the sore deprivation hitherto endured in this par 
ticular, and of the now anticipated luxury of milk, 
cream, and butter. 

At this time, the people requested of the 
governor land for continued possession, and not 
by lot yearly, as before; and hence was granted 
one acre to each person, and as near the town as 
practicable, for safer and easier defence. 13 

The acre granted to the Elder, as well as those 
to some others, might probably be yet recognized 
by the necessary search. No more land was 
granted until the expiration of the seven years, 

9 Original " letters." I2 Bradford, 158. 

10 Bradford, 187-8. 13 Do., 167. 

11 Prince, 145 ; and Bradford, 


or rather until the closing of the term of the 
original contract with the adventurers in London. 

As to the amount or extent of the " fisheries" 
on the coast of New England this year, the report- 
presents the number of fifty ships from England. 14 
Few of them, however, visited New Plymouth. 

On the 5th of August of this year, was an 
occurrence in the family of the Elder, an event of 
no small interest in every family wherever it takes 
place. It was the marriage of his daughter, Pa 
tience Brewster, with Mr. Thomas Prince. Thus 
were they "bride and bridegroom, pilgrims for 
life, henceforward to travel together." Mr. Prince f , 
came to the colony more than Jour years previous 
ly, in the ship Fortune, had brought a respectable , 
patrimony, and was now in his 24th year. He 
was frequently elected assistant to the governor,, 
and afterwards governor. 15 It was the ninth mar 
riage in the colony. At the close of this year, 
there were in the colony about 180 persons, 32 
dwelling-houses, and a well built fort of wood, 
lime, and stone, on " Fort Hill" (now Burial Hill), 
with a fair " watch tower," as well as the com 
modious room for public worship. The town had 
been surrounded by palisades, about half a mile in 
compass ; and they had just returned a ship of 180 
tons, with a valuable cargo, to the " adventurers" 
in London. 

14 Prince. 

15 Moore s Memoirs of American Governors, 139. 


The settlement was healthful, not one of their 
company having died since the close of the first 
year, notwithstanding their extreme suffering and 
want. All of which success no one could have 
viewed with more interest than he who, from the 
first, had been a chief promoter of the under 


Human life is checkered at the best, 

And joy and grief alternately preside. TRACY. 

DURING the year 1625, the affairs of the Ply 
mouth colony were internally more encouraging 
than in any previous year. They had general 
health, were at peace with the Indians, and their 
planting had resulted in a good supply of corn. 
But externally, in respect to their connection with 
the merchant adventurers in London, their pros 
pects were assuming a gloomy aspect. Many of 
those adventurers had entered into the agreement, 
at first, as a mere business speculation, and for 
large profits, and had found themselves dis 
appointed. The losses at sea, including the loss 
of a large portion of what the new colonists had 
been able to return to them, with the unsettled 
and trying times, had discouraged or embarrassed 
others. While party spirit and contentions, 
greatly aggravated by the late Lyford difficulty, 
caused disaffection and deep chagrin in many 
more. The largest portion of them, therefore, 
discouraged, disappointed, or alienated, withdrew, 


and broke up the connection. 1 It is true that the 
case of the adventurers was hard, hut harder had 
been that of the colonists. These had entered 
into the engagement on hard terms, at first. 2 
Their losses by death had been many ; and, after 
five long years of unexampled trials and efforts, 
still further aid was needed by them from abroad. 
In this state of things, those of the adventurers 
who stood firm to their original purpose, and were 
disposed to act further in the business, finding 
themselves left with a debt of 1400 pounds, now 
addressed the New Plymouth people accordingly : 
" The thing we feared is come upon us, and the 
evil we strove against has overtaken us, yet we 
cannot forget you, nor our friendship and fellow 
ship together." " You and we are left to bethink 
ourselves what course to take in the future, that 
your lives and our moneys be not lost." " We 
hope you will do your best to free our engage 
ments. Let us all endeavor to keep an honest 
cause, and see what time will bring forth, and 
how God in his providence will work for us. We 
are still persuaded you are the people that must 
make a plantation in those remote places when all 
others fail and return. And your experience of 
God s providence and preservation is such as we 
hope your hearts will not fail you, though your 
friends should forsake you (which we ourselves 

1 Brad., 196-200. 2 See on page 206. 


shall not do whilst we live, so long as your 
honesty so well appeareth)." 3 * * * 

In return, fresh efforts were made by the 
colonists to meet the expectations of those friends 
in whose hands the claims and remaining business 
of that association were now left. All that these 
could obtain in the way of trade was immediately 
collected and forwarded by the returning ship. 
But here again were both adventurers and colon 
ists to meet with another discouragement. This 
ship, after a prosperous voyage, even into the 
entrance of the English Channel, was captured 
with her freight of beaver and other furs and 
lading, by a Turkish man-of-war, and her men 
carried into captivity. In this state of their 
affairs, war threatening the country, and the 
plague raging frightfully in London, and all busi 
ness at a stand, little could the colonists agent do 
in procuring the means, and making purchases, 
even at exorbitant prices, for the next season s 
supply of clothing and goods for trade. Some 
first steps, however, were taken towards a final 
compromise with the remaining first adventurers. 

In their church, under the continued direction 
and teaching of their elder, notwithstanding the 
check received from Lyford s untoward course, the 
number of members appears to have increased. 4 

This year also was there another marriage in the 
Elder s family, that of his other remaining daughter, 

3 Brad., 198-200. 4 Bradford, 189. 


Fear Brewster, to Mr. Isaac Allerton, the first, and 
for several years,, the only assistant to the governor. 
He was in about his 36th year, had lost his first 
wife about five years before, soon after their land 
ing from the Mayflower, was one of their principal 
men, much engaged in public affairs, and was sub 
sequently confidential agent in England. 5 

Passing on to the year 1626, and early in that 
year, we find the first arrival of information of 
two occurrences which had taken place more than 
a year before, so long was it ere the news reached 
them. The first, and that which most intimately 
concerned them as a congregation, was the death 
of their pastor in Holland. 

Sad to them, and unexpected, was this news. 
Sudden and discouraging was his death. He had 
been strongly attached to them, and they to him. 
Now in the prime of life, he had proved himself 
to be a man of marked ability, piety, and varied 
attainments. All along had he desired, and they 
of Plymouth expected him to come to them, with 
the remaining portion of their people in Leyden, 
and minister to the w r hole again, as he before had 
done ; but want of means, and the opposing influ 
ence of those who had chief control among the 
merchant adventurers, had prevented. That ex 
pectation was now at an end. Their elder was 
now officially, as he had been before virtually, the 
chief teacher and guide of the pilgrim band. 

5 Prince and Bradford. 


Here it is matter worthy of inquiry, what were 
the religious characteristics of Mr. Robinson, with 
whom the Elder had been intimately associated 
for at least 13 years, in England and Holland, and 
with whom he had held most friendly correspond 
ence now some four years more I Also, what were 
his and the Elder s position in relation to brethren 
of the Church of England 1 And what was their 
distinctive position in relation to the other sepa 
rate congregations with whom they were classed 1 
That they held, doctrinally, the great principles 
then held in the Church of England, has already 
been stated. Were there any doubts on this point, 
they must at once be dispelled by the following 
" seven articles which the Church of Leyden sent 
to the Council of England, to be considered of in 
respect of their judgments occasioned about their 
going to Virginia." These are the " seven articles" 
mentioned by Sir Edwin Sandys in his letter to 
Mr. Robinson and the Elder, Nov. 12, 1617, and 
lately brought to light. We present them here 
entire, with the original spelling and contractions, 
as an important addition to our history in this con 
nection, and as a matter of curiosity to some of 
our readers, showing the manner in which the En 
glish language was written even by good scholars 
of that day: 



Seven Artikes which y e Church of Leyden sent 
to y c Counsel! of England to bee considered of in 
respeckt of their judgments occationed about their 
going to Virginia. 

1. To y e confession of fayth published in y e name 
of y e Church of England & to every artikell theerof 
wee do w th y e reformed churches wheer wee live 
& also els where assent wholy. 

2. As wee do acknolidg y e docktryne of fayth 
theer tawght so do wee y e fruites and effeckts of 
y e same docktryne to y e begetting of saving fayth in 
thousands in y e land (conformistes & reformistes) 
as y e ar called w th whom also as w th our bretheren 
wee do desyer to keepe sperituall communion in 
peace and will pracktis in our parts all lawfull 

S. The King s Majesty wee acknolidg for Su- 
preame Governer in his Dominion in all causes 
and over all parsons, and y* none maye decklyne or 
apeale from his authority or judgment in any cause 
whatsoever, but y* in all thinges obedience is dewe 
unto him, ether active, if y e thing commanded be 
not agaynst God s woord, or passive yf itt bee, 
except pardon can bee obtayned. 

4. Wee judg itt lawfull for his Majesty to 
apoynt bishops, civill overseers, or officers in 
awthoryty onder hime, in y e severall provinces, 


dioses, congregations or parrishes to oversee y e 
Churches and governe them civilly according to y e 
Lawes of y e Land, untto whom y e ar in all thinges 
to geve an account & by them to bee ordered 
according to Godly nes. 

5. The authoryty of y e present bishops in y e 
Land wee do acknolidg so far forth as y c same is 
indeed derived from his Majesty untto them and 
as y e proseed in his name, whom wee will also 
theerein honor in all things and hime in them. 

6. Wee beleeve y t no sinod, classes, convocation 
or assembly of Ecclesiasticall Officers hath any 
power or awthoryty att all but as y same by y e 
Majestraet geven unto them. 

7. Lastly, wee desyer to geve untto all Superiors 
dew honnor to preserve y e unity of y speritt w th 
all y* feare God, to have peace w th all men what 
in us lyeth & wheerein wee err to bee instructed 
by any. Subscribed by 



6 See in the Collections of the debted for the discovery of the 

New York Historical Society, Se- original manuscript of Bradford s 

cond Series, vol. iii., just pub- History of the Plymouth Colony, 

lished. and of Mr. Anderson, who more 

Mr. Bancroft, in presenting the distinctly announced to the world 

copy of the original to this society that the original manuscript of 

for publication, remarks : " None that long- lost work was in the 

of the successors of Prince seem library of the Bishop of London, 

to have been aware of the exist- " These Seven Articles, not in- 

ence of this document. It escaped serted in Bradford s History," 

the notice of Bishop Wilberforce, though "referred to on" pages 30 

to whom America is deeply in- and 31, "seem to have slumbered 



But were Mr. Robinson, the Elder, or their 
people, Brownists, or " rigid separatists," as many 
writers have called them ? or did they say and 
teach as did Robert Brown, or Mr. Smith, or other 
rigid separatists that the Church of England was 
no true church, that it was sinful or wrong to attend 
its worshipping assemblies, or hear the preaching 
of the Word therein V Though this has been in 
part answered, yet here again it is meet that they 

unnoticed for more than two cen 
turies, among the Virginia vol 
umes in the State Paper Office in 
Westminster. The copy I send 
you was made for me by Mr. 
Sainsbury, a clerk in that office, 
in whose accuracy I have entire 
confidence." Mr. Bancroft s Let 
ter preparatory to said Articles, 
New York, Oct. 3, 1856. 

7 The language of the extreme 
separatists was : " We confidently 
deny that ever the English nation, 
or any one of our predecessors, 
were of the faith of Christ, or at 
any time believed visibly in a 
true constituted church, but were 
come of the race of the pagans, till 
Rome the mother came, and put 
upon us her false baptism, worship, 
and ministry, and so our case is 
simply paganish." " Your Church 
of England, being of Antichrist s 
constitution, is a false church 
hath a false constitution, a false 
ministry, a false worship, a false 
government, and a false baptism, 
the door and entry into the church ; 
and so all is false in your church." 

Letter from two of Mr. Smith s 
Church, in Hunter s Appendix, p. 

And the very bitter language, 
(such as we like not to quote, did 
not historic faithfulness require 
it), used by that same Mr. Smith, 
even against Mr. Robinson and his 
people, because they would not go 
to the same extreme as himself, 
was such as this : " Be it known, 
therefore, to all the separation, 
that we account them, in respect 
to their constitution, to be as very 
a harlot as either her mother, the 
Church of England, or her grand 
mother, Rome is, &c." Smith s 
"Character of the Beast." Bp. 
Hall s works, vol. vii. 385, ix. 409. 

One reason of Mr. Robinson and 
people s removing from Amster 
dam to Leyden, was the extreme 
rigidness, in some particulars, of 
Mr. Smith and others who. were 
there before them. Brad., in 
Young, 441, 446 ; and Win slow, 
in Prince, 87, 88. How different 
from all this was the language of 
Robinson and his people ! 


should speak for themselves. " For myself (says 
Mr. Robinson), I believe with my heart before 
God, and profess with my tongue, and have before 
the world, that I have one and the same faith, 
hope, spirit, baptism, and Lord, which I had in 
the Church of England, and none other ; that I 
esteem so many in that church, of what state or 
order soever, as are truly partakers of that faith, 
(as I account many thousands to be), for my Chris 
tian brethren, and myself, a fellow member with 
them of that one mystical body of Christ, scattered 
far and wide throughout the world, that I have 
al \vays, in spirit and affection, all Christian fellow 
ship and communion with them, and am most 
ready in all outward actions and exercises of reli 
gion, lawful and lawfully to be done, to express 
the same ; and withal, that I am persuaded the 
hearing of the w r ord of God there preached, in the 
manner and upon the grounds formerly mentioned, 
both lawful, and upon occasion necessary for me 
and all true Christians, withdrawing from that 
hierarchical order of church government and 
ministry, and the appurtenances thereof, &c." 3 
Such, then, were his distinctive views. " And," 
says Winslow, " if any joining to us formerly, 
either when we lived at Leyclen, in Holland, or 
since we came to New England, have with the 
manifestation of their faith and profession of holi- 

8 Robinson s works. Treatise England ;" also in Young s Chroni- 
" Of the Lawfulness of Hearing of cles, Notes 400-401. 
the Ministers of the Church of 


ness, held forth therewith separation from the 
Church of England, I have divers times, both in 
the one place and the other, heard either Mr. 
Robinson, onr pastor, or Mr. Brewster, our elder, 
stop them forthwith, showing them that we re 
quired no such things at their hands, leaving the 
Church of England to themselves, and to the Lord, 
before whom they should stand or fall." 3 The 
application to them of the terms " Brownists," 
" rigid separatists," he pronounces " another gross 
mistake." "Very injurious it is (says Bradford), 
to call those after his (Brown s) name, whose per 
son they never knew, and whose writings, few, if any 
of them ever saw, and whose errors and backslid- 
ings they have constantly borne witness against." 10 
And Robinson adds, again, on parting with them 
at Leyden, " Use all means to avoid and shake off 
the name of Brownist, being a mere nickname and 
brand to make religion and the professors of it 
odious to the Christian world." 11 Hence they 
have been called semi- (half) separatists ; and Mr. 
Robinson, a " principal overthrower of the Brown 
ists," "ruining the rigid separation," by "allow 
ing the lawfulness of communicating with the Church 
of England in the Word and prayer "^ 

Thus much, at least, justice to the cause of 

9 Winslow, in Young, 389, 400. I0 Bradford, in Young, 444. 
/ " Tis true (says he), Mr. Robinson In Young, 397-8. 
was more rigid in his course and 12 Prince s Annals, ST. 
way at first than towards his latter 


historic truth, justice to their late pastor, justice 
to the Elder, and to the distinctive views of them 
selves and people, seem to have been demanded, 
in order to show their position relative to the 
Established Church, and other separating congre 
gations with whom, in many things, they sym 

But there was another occurrence, within a 
month after the preceding, the news of which 
came by the same ship from England, and which 
also deeply concerned the New Plymouth colony. 

On the 27th of March, old style, 1625 (being 
on Sunday), died James the First of England ; and 
he was succeeded by his only remaining son, the 
first Charles. 13 

During all the twenty-two years of James reign 
in England, as well as during some twenty of the 
preceding years of Elizabeth, had Brewster been 
an observer of their public measures ; and in some 
of them had he been personally interested. One 
of these measures, pressed to extremes by James, 
had caused the pilgrim movement, and the Elder s 
present position in the New World. 

What his reflections now were (for he was a 
man of reflection), on hearing of the death of his 
earthly sovereign, and while casting his thoughts 
back, and reviewing the whole period, it would be 
interesting to know, and we might perhaps easily 
conjecture, but we have no recorded evidence. 

13 Prince Maurice, of Orange, also died this same year. 


The evidence is clear, however, that towards that 
sovereign, in his legitimately approved acts, he 
had himself ever shown a spirit of loyalty ; one 
arbitrary measure only excepted ; and in respect 
to that, he had been willing to suffer. 

Even while in Holland, self-exiled, and under 
the protection of the states, he and his pastor gave 
evidence how "grievous it was to them to live 
from under the state, " away from the people and 
the institutions of England. And, in view of 
their removal from Holland to some other land, 
no tempting offers of gain, no inducements what 
ever, could draw him or his people from their 
desire and purpose to live under England s govern 
ment and shield. With their own hands did 
pastor and elder write to those in authority, ex 
pressing all this, 14 and their willingness, not only 
to take anew " the oath of allegiance" (submis 
sion and obedience to the king as temporal sove 
reign, independent of any other power on earth), 
but " the oath of supremacy (say they) we shall 
willingly take if it be required of us" acknow 
ledging the king as civilly the head of the church. 15 
The practical carrying out of the same was shown 
in the first and last words of the solemn compact 
on board the Mayflower. To the same effect was 
the late joint letter to the Weston people, urging 
them to fulfil the "worthy ends of the king s 
majesty and honorable council for New England. 

14 Winslow, in Young, 381. 

15 Bradford, 34, as well as the Seven Articles. 


in the peaceable enlargement of his majesty s 
dominions, and the propagation of the Christian 
faith," as their bonnden dnty. Upon all this, 
therefore, wonld the Elder look back, in respect 
to king and country, with an approving conscience. 

Even in respect to that, wherein was the offend 
ing point that, where men, Christian men, 
thought, judged, and acted differently, in respect 
to obedience to sovereign authority enforcing by 
arbitrary will a certain church order and cere 
mony even in this (whatever different minds 
might judge to be right or wrong), he would feel 
that himself had quietly submitted to the penal 
ties ; acting with no ill will to his sovereign, but 
with faithfulness to his God. 16 

But other things than these from the past would 
his memory bring up for review. With regrets 
had he seen the day when that sovereign, leaving 
the Protestant states to struggle for themselves, 
and violating his pledges to the Protestant cause, 
had negotiated long to unite his son to a princess 
of Spain, and finally contracted for him a marriage 
with a French princess, to bring into his court the 
influence of an opposite faith, at the same time 
neglecting his own Protestant daughter, suffering 
her dominion (the Palatinate) to be despoiled, and 
that daughter and her children to be driven for 
shelter wherever she could find it. 

16 This was the teaching of Luther; it was also the teaching of 
Robinson; see his "Just and Necessary Apology." 


He had seen the day when his majesty could 
barter away for his own personal use, the treaty 
claim upon Holland, left by Elizabeth, of over 
800,000, surrendering ingloriously, for one-third 
of that sum, those cautionary towns, and even 
that Flushing and its fortresses, of which he 
(Brewster) had once held the keys in the service 
of the Queen. 

He had seen the day when his sovereign had 
resorted to the high-handed acts of committing to 
the Tower eminent statesmen, like his friend, Sir 
Edwin Sandys, for asserting the right of freedom 
of debate on matters of state in their places in 
Parliament. 17 

He had seen the time when the King, in places 
lately filled by such able statesmen as Elizabeth 
assembled about her, had, from mere humor or 
fancy of a fine person, raised suddenly to posts of 
highest honor and trust, and endowed with 
princely estates the low and the ignorant ; 18 coun- 

17 Parliamentary Records of have in his new position. The 
1620-22. archbishop told him he had three 

18 The case of Villiers, entitled lessons to give him : First, to 
Buckingham, is a striking illus- pray without ceasing for the 
tration. We introduce the inci- king s prosperity, and for grace to 
dent as narrated by the historian serve his master faithfully. Se- 
Rapin. Raised suddenly by the condly, to labor continually to 
King from obscurity to a high preserve a good union between 
office of state, with no other quali- the King, Queen, and Prince. 
fications than an attractive person, Thirdly, to tell the King nothing 
and such qualities as struck the but the truth. Then the bishop 
fancy of the sovereign, Villiers caused him to repeat these three 
applied to the archbishop (Ab- lessons before him, to see if he 
bott) for instruction how to be- retained them. The King, hear- 


tenancing, also, in his court revolting intermix 
tures of profanity, excess, and licentiousness, with 
professions of religion. 

All this, and far more, equally painful to con 
template, had the Elder witnessed in his late sove 
reign s course. Again, on the other hand, along 
the line of that course he had seen bright spots 
(for some bright spots there really were). Among 
these he could call to mind that act by which 
James yielded to the firm decision of Chief Justice 
Coke and his associates, and gave the first blow, 
which was a prelude to the final death blow, to 
the illegal power of the High Commission Court. 
And yet there had been another act, which shone 
conspicuously above all others in the King s life. 
At his suggestion, and under his authority, was 
undertaken and executed, by some of the ablest 
scholars in his kingdom, " the authorized transla 
tion of the Holy Scriptures into the English lan 
guage :" a translation unrivalled in its faithfulness 
to the originals, in its majestic dignity yet sim 
plicity of style most wisely suited to reach the 
minds and hearts of the learned and unlearned ; 
a work that has even done more than all others to 
develop the power, scope, and beauty of the En 
glish tongue. Of which work, though nearly 
250 years have elapsed since its completion, there 

ing of this, said the lessons were could afterwards say, he was too 
worthy of a bishop. And yet of much of a Puritan for him. 
this very bishop King James 


could even now, after all the researches of later 
times, be made but few improvements. 

Yet, to glance no further at those acts in the 
life of James, which evidently, from all the cir 
cumstances, and from the volumes in his library, 
shared the thoughts and contemplations of the 
Elder, we shall allude to but one fact more. It 
was the apprehension of still more oppressive mea 
sures under the reign of his son. And how fully 
these apprehensions were realized, the history of 
Charles the First bears but too abundant testi 

Returning again to affairs of immediate concern 
in the colony, we find them still internally improv 
ing. Their grounds, by diligent cultivation, yielded 
an encouraging harvest ; and there was some sur 
plus with which to trade with the natives. But 
in respect to their connection with the adventurers 
in London, all was becoming extremely embarrass 
ing. Indeed, there was now an approaching crisis. 
One year more would end the seven years, when, 
according to the original agreement, all that 
belonged to the colony would be subject to a 
general division and distribution among the share 
holders in England as well as themselves. Thus 
the lands they had cultivated, the houses they had 
built amidst so much suffering, and their whole 
stock, might, to a large extent, go into the hands 
of others. And, more than all, their name and 
character for integrity and honesty, as Christians, 
would be called in question, if all claims upon 


them were not fairly satisfied. It was a matter 
which deeply concerned all, governor and people, 
the Elder and his church. Determined to show 
all fidelity on their part, they sent a special agent, 
the Elder s son-in-law, Mr. Allerton, the first 
assistant of the governor, to England, with power 
and instructions to negotiate, and " make such 
composition with the adventurers" as he best could, 
and in all due form, with writings drawn, signed, 
and sealed, but subject to their own examination 
and approval on his return. 19 Under their own 
names and seals, also, they empowered him to ob 
tain a loan, with which to purchase the needed 
supplies of clothing and goods. In this condition 
ends the sixth year of the New Plymouth Colony. 20 

19 Capt. Standish, as agent, had made some beginning in this 
matter the year previous. 

20 Brad., 208, 210. 


" The wise and active conquer difficulties, 
By daring to attempt them." HOWE. 

IT is the spring of 1627. The New Plymouth 
colonists have found themselves involved, one and 
all, in difficulties differing from all through which 
they had hitherto passed. The London Associa 
tion, on which they had depended for further aid, 
was broken up ; the interest and credit of their 
own little colony were at stake ; and a pecuniary 
crisis was before them. An agent dispatched to 
London with powers to bring matters to a settle 
ment, and to assume the necessary responsibility, 
had with great efforts executed the mission, and 

The terms of the settlement were, that the colo 
nists pay 1800 pounds sterling, in yearly payments 
of 200 pounds each, for nine years. On these 
terms they would be released from their former 
agreement ; their lands, houses, and all their effects 
be secured to themselves. These terms, as favor 
able as could have been expected, were now at a 
general meeting, accepted and ratified. 

But who, in their poor condition, would assume 


the obligations to meet these payments, and "dis 
charge their other engagements, and supply the 
yearly wants of the plantation V 9 

In this emergency, Governor Bradford, and 
Elder Brewster, with some five others, came for 
ward, and "jointly bound themselves, in behalf of 
the rest, for the payments." Great was the risk, 
but they shrank not from it. 1 

And now, having assumed the responsibility, 
how, under the circumstances, were the means to 
be procured] All was in an uncertain condition 
amongst them. They had other large liabilities ; 
and with great difficulty had they been able to 
meet their daily expenditures. 

Yet these tried pilgrims were equal to the task. 2 

Put to the test, they devise the plan, not by tax, 
not by forced labor, which, as far as it had been 
tried, had failed , but by a plan laid deep in the 
first elements of man s nature, calculated to bring 
into action personal interest and privileges with 
the highest public good. It would enlist the hopes 
and desires of personal advancement with a sense 
of duty, justice, and the nobler emotions, in one 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll., 1st series, when they were at lowest, they 
iii. 46, 47, 48 ; and Bradford, this began to rise again, and being 
year. stripped (in a manner) of all hu- 

2 Says Bradford, " To look hu- man helps and hopes, he brought 
manly on the state of things as things about, otherwise, in his 
they presented themselves, it is a Divine Providence, as they were 
marvel it did not wholly dis- not only upheld and sustained, but 
courage and sink them. But they their proceedings were both ho- 
gathered up their spirits, and the nored and imitated by others ;" p. 
Lord so helped them ; as now 208, &c. 


combined, patient, and zealous effort. By this 
plan, the Governor and Elder, with the few others 
mentioned, proposed to receive into partnership 
with themselves, all the first colonists, with every 
young man of prudence among them, and give to 
each a share in all that belonged to the colony, 
with the right to each head of a family to purchase 
a share for his wife, and one for each child ; also 
to divide at once to each shareholder equal portions 
of land, with title to his own habitation and im 
provements, on condition of his meeting his own 
specified share in the responsibility, by certain 
portions of the fruits of his industry ; the chief 
ones in the movement reserving to themselves the 
management of the trade of the colony, in order 
to meet with its avails, the pledged engagement. 
Simple as this plan may appear, it had in it the 
simplicity of wisdom. It was received with gene 
ral satisfaction, and adopted. Each shareholder 
drew by lot his or her portion of land, in addition 
to the homestead and small allotment before 
granted. Each drew also his share in the pre 
ciously valued domestic cattle in the colony. 3 

Under this arrangement the colonists passed 
from a state of dejection and fear to one of en 
couragement and hope. Fresh energies were 
awakened, new personal interests were enlisted, 

3 The number of acres now al- according to the currency of that 

lowed was twenty each ; the num- time, compared to the present, 

ber of shareholders was 156. The about $160. 
value of a certain red cow was, 


each went to his field of labor with the prospect, 
in due time, of an unencumbered home ; the forests 
gave way, the growing corn succeeded, while new 
channels for trade were opened, and ere long the 
happiest results crowned their united efforts. 4 

But we pass from this community of action and 
interest, in which the Elder had a twofold share, 
to an intervening occurrence in his own family. 
From the list of the names of all of the colonists 
living to whom grants of land were now made, 
Mrs. Brewster s name is missing. 5 She had died, 
then, before this date. How long before (though 
since the arrival of her daughters) we know not. 
Yet, though no record gives the date, and no stone 
marks the place of deposit of her earthly remains, 
she lives in the remembrance of her descendants 
as a Christian mother, and the revered companion 
of the Pilgrim Elder as one of the faithful band, 
who, from a home of plenty in England, accom 
panied her husband through all the self-sacrificing 
trials of the twelve years in Holland, the perils of 
the sea, and the still sorer trials of this new colony. 
At length, after having nurtured a worthy family, 
with enfeebled health, her spirit departed from this 
to a better world, leaving the Elder to finish singly 
his still longer pilgrimage on earth in the further 
service of his people and their God. Peace be to 
thy ashes, mother! and all due regard to thy 

4 See Bradford,- 217 ; Prince, 5 See the list in Hazzard, and 
161, 166. Baylie s, i. 262. 


memory! will every descendant of thine say. 
Though we have not seen thee, or the place of 
thy sepulture, may we meet thee in joy at the 
resurrection morn. 

Early in this year came messengers and letters 
from the governor of the Dutch plantation, signed 
by Isaac De Rasieres, Secretary. 

Some four years before this date, and some three 
years after the arrival of the pilgrim company, the 
Dutch from Amsterdam and other parts of Holland, 
had commenced a settlement at the mouth of the 
river Hudson, and called it New Amsterdam, after 
the chief city of their own country. 6 

Our Plymouth people had heard of them by 
way of the Indians, but could never meet with 
them, or in any other way learn anything from 
them until the present time. 

But now had come congratulatory letters, in 
French and Dutch, with a friendly deputation, and 
kind tokens of regard, from their governor and 
council, proposing amicable intercourse and trade. 
These were answered in Dutch, in accordance with 
the same friendly spirit, with all due acknowledg 
ments, and also with expressions of grateful re 
membrance of the years when many of themselves 
had received good and courteous treatment from 
their countrymen in Holland; "for which," says 
the answer, "we, and our children after us, are 

6 The regular settlement at New said to have been in 1623, though 
Amsterdam (after its capture by the Dutch had carried on trade in 
the English named New York) is those parts some years earlier. 


bound to be thankful to your nation, and shall 
never forget the same, but shall heartily desire 
your good and prosperity, as our own, forever." 7 

As the governor, with some few others, among 
whom was the Elder, became pledged for the pay 
ment of the debts, they became doubly interested 
in the trade of the colony. By that trade chiefly, 
in connection with any accruing produce of their 
lands, were the pledged payments to be met. 
Accordingly, for the conducting of that trade, 
while most of the people who were now partners 
in the new compact were engaged in planting, two 
prominent trading posts were established. One of 
these was at Manomet, called also Aptuxcet, some 
twenty miles south of Plymouth. Here, on a 
small but navigable stream of the same name, was 
the singularly favorable point where coasting 
vessels, coming from the Sound of Long Island, 
New Amsterdam (afterwards New York), and the 
Southern Colony, and passing up the Buzzard s 
Bay, could find a landing place nearest to the 
waters of Cape Cod Bay. Over this neck of land, 
called the Suez of New England, 8 was a land 
carriage of only about six and a half miles. 
Thus, in the transportation of all their light 
articles of traffic, was avoided the far longer and 
more dangerous passage around that singularly 

7 Brad., 222, 225. See the Let- 8 Russell s Plymouth, and in 
ters, also, in the Mass. Hist. Col., Young, 305. 
iii. 51, 53, dated March 19 (N. S.) 
and August 14, 1627. 


formed peninsula of Malabar and Cape Cod. 9 
Here, at Manomet, then, in the wilds of the 
Indian country, with the Indian village near at 
hand, and the seat of a sagamore on the adjacent 
hill, they built their hewn plank trading-house 
and their coasting " Barque," placing there men to 
plant and trade in peace, to the mutual benefit of 
themselves and the native Indians. 

There, too, was first made known to them, 
shortly after, that new medium of trade in place 
of money, the noted " Sewan" or " Wampum," 10 
which proved to be especially beneficial. " It was 
not profitable at first," says Bradford, " till the in 
land Indians came to know it ; and then we could 
scarce procure enough for many years together." 
" Strange it is to see the great alteration it in a 
few years makes among the savages ; for the Mas 
sachusetts, and others in those parts, had scarce 
any, it being only made and kept among the 
Pequots and Narragansetts, who grew rich and 

9 Brad., 221, and in Young, centre, to be strung like beads. 
306-7, and notes ; and Mass. Hist. The purple was of twice the value 
Coll., viii. 122, 123. of the white. A fathom of this 

10 This Sewan, Wampum, or stringed money was valued at 
Wanapumpeague, as a kind of about five shillings. Three pur- 
Indian money, was made of the pie shells or six white ones 
beautifully polished portions of passed for an English penny. Of 
the shell of the small clam, called the like material were made some 
quahog ; some say also of the peri- of the most valuable ornaments of 
winkles. It was both of the pur- the natives. Mass. Hist. Coll., i. 
pie and the white shell, of conve- 152, iii. 54, 231 ; Thatcher, 70 ; 
nient size, and graceful shape, Young, 305-7. 

with a drilled opening in the 


potent by it ; whereas the rest who use it not are 
poor and beggarly," 11 A striking evidence surely, 
from an eye witness, how greatly a circulating 
medium, be it what it may, promotes industry, 
improvement, and prosperity. 

Thus, and at this place, were the beginnings of 
New England s commerce. Here, the very ground 
on which stood the pilgrims first trading-house, 
can now be pointed out. On it may the traveller 
pause and reflect how things then were ! how 
they now are ! Now, on what sea, to what coast 
of the habitable globe, have not their descendants 
carried the products of their soil and industry, 
outstripping all other nations, with only England 
as a rival I 

But there was also another trading post estab 
lished nearly at the same time, some two hundred 
miles northeasterly from Plymouth, on the River 
Kennebec ; hence the name of the place, Kennebec. 
From it was easy access to the natives far into the 
interior, as well as to the fishermen on the coast. 
Here had previously been some profitable trade ; 
but now, having obtained from England chartered 
privileges, they erected their trading-house, and 
stationed men, as at Manoniet ; and here, with the 
surplus maize now raised in the colony, and with 
other commodities, and the use of wampum for 
money, were exchanges made for furs, skins, and 
other valuables ; and all equally advantageous to 

11 Bradford, 234. 


themselves and the native Indians, especially those 
of the interior. 12 

Now, also, was there still another undertaking 
the assuming of an additional responsibility. Fami 
lies, and parts of families, of their friends were 
yet in Holland, pleading and despondingly waiting 
to come to them. The governor and some chief 
friends, with the Elder, seriously considered the 
matter, " not only how they might discharge the 
great engagements which already lay heavily upon 
them, but also how they might, if possible, devise 
means to help over some of those friends and 
brethren of Leyden." The matter being anxi 
ously weighed, these men (knowing of no other 
way) resolved to run the risk of "hiring the trade 
of the colony for six years;" undertaking to pay, 
in that time, the eighteen hundred pounds, and 
the remaining debts of the plantation, amounting 
to six hundred pounds more; keeping in mind 
their purpose, as they informed some few of their 
friends, of providing also for the coming of those 
friends from Leyden ; and then to restore the 
trade again to the company as the term should 
expire. To the main resolution, laid before a 
general meeting and discussed, consent was given, 
and articles of agreement were signed. With in 
creased energy these men, quaintly called in the 
agreement, " undertakers," carried their purpose 
into effect. And in time, by patient perseverance 

12 Bradford, 233 ; Thatcher, 70, 72. 


through all difficulties, by self-denial, and with 
some assistance from England, the whole was 
effected. 13 The result was, that in the time, not 
only was the amount of the first obligations, 2400, 
discharged, but over 2600 more were expended 
in removing their brethren thither a proof of 
strength of attachment, and of faithfulness to each 
other, unexampled in the annals of any people. 14 

We have already noticed the opening of a cor 
respondence with them, and the commencement of 
friendly intercourse for purposes of trade, by the 
Dutch colony at New Amsterdam. 

On the 4th of October of the present year, came 
another letter from the secretary, De Easieres, in 
forming tne governor of his arrival in the barque 
Nassau, at Frenchman s Point, on the head- waters 
of Buzzard s Bay, near the Plymouth colony s trad 
ing station at Manomet. Sent for at his request 
by the colony boat, he arrived in her at Plymouth, 
" with sound of trumpets," and honorably at 
tended. Appropriately received and entertained 
for some days, he, with a skilful eye and master s 
hand, draws up, by way of report, a description of 

13 "The chiefs of the colony 1800 
(says Baylies), almost deprived 600 
themselves of the common neces- - 1400 
saries of life to get their brethren 550 
over, and to support them until 500 
they were able to support them- 200 

14 The various sums found men- 5050 paid in these six years, 
tioned in Prince, are (pages 168, besides 50 a year for company 
192,203) clothing. 



the location, the circumstances, prospects, and in 
stitutions, civil and religious, of the pilgrim colony. 
This report, unknown to our colonists, but made 
at the time by this intelligent and unbiassed 
foreigner, and lately brought to light from the 
archives at the Hague, has furnished valuable 
items in their history, nowhere else to be found. 

" New Plymouth (says he) is on a large bay to 
the north of Cape Cod, or Mallabear, west from 
the north point of the cape, which can be easily 
seen in clear weather. Directly before the com 
menced town lies a sand bank, about twenty paces 
broad, whereon the sea breaks violently with an 
easterly or northeasterly wind. On the north side 
lies a small island, where one must run close along 
in order to come before the town ; the ships run 
ning behind that bank, lie in a very good road 
stead." " At the south of the town flows a small 
river of fresh water, very rapid, but shallow, taking 
its rise from several lakes in the land above. 
Where it empties into the sea, there come so many 
herring, in April and the beginning of May, as is 
quite surprising." 

" The fish (caught in a singular manner) each 
man takes according to the land he cultivates, and 
deposits three or four in each hill, where he plants 
his maize, which grows therein luxuriantly ; if 
they lay not fish therein, the maize will not grow, 
such is the nature of the soil." 

" Their farms are not as good as ours, because 
they are more stony, and consequently not so 


suitable for the plough. But they have better 
means of living than ourselves." " They apportion 
their land according as each has means to con 
tribute to the 18,000 guilders promised to those 
who sent them out ; whereby they have their free 
dom without rendering an account to any one ; 
only if the King should choose to send a governor 
general, they would be obliged to acknowledge 
him sovereign chief." 

" Respecting trade, and payments from the pro 
duce of their fields (he continues), the maize which 
they do not require for their own use, 15 is delivered 
to the governor at three guilders (6 shillings) the 
bushel, who, in his turn, sends it in sloops to the 
north, for the trade in skins amongst the savages; 
reckoning one bushel of maize against one pound 
of beaver skins." " When division is made ac 
cording to what each has contributed, they are 
credited for the amount yearly towards the reduc 
tion of their obligation. With the remainder, 
they purchase what next they require, and which 
the governor takes care to provide every year." 

" The tribes (of Indians) in their neighborhood 
are better conducted than ours, because the English 
give them the example of better ordinances, and a 
better life ; and who also, to a certain degree, give 
them laws, by means of the respect which they 

15 " All the while, this people means to grind by the help of 
were (still) forced to pound their wind or water. Hubbard, Mass, 
corn in mortars ;" not having Hist. Coll., ii. v. 99. 


from the very first have established amongst 
them." 16 

" Their government is after the English form. 
The governor has his council, which is chosen 
every year by the entire community, by election or 
prolongation of term. In the inheritance they 
place all the children in one degree, only the eldest 
son has an acknowledgment for his seniority of 

" They have stringent laws and ordinances in 
respect to violation of the marriage vow, and the 
like, which laws they enforce very strictly indeed, 
even among the tribes that live amongst them." 

" The town itself, of New Plymouth, lies on the 
slope of a hill, stretching east towards the sea, 
with a broad street about a cannon s shot (800 
yards) long leading down the hill ; with a (street) 
crossing in the middle northwards to the rivulet, 
and southwards to the land. The houses are con 
structed of hewn planks, with gardens inclosed 
behind, and at the sides with hewn planks, so that 
their houses and courtyards are arranged in very 
good order; with a stockade, against a sudden 
attack ; and, at the ends of the streets, are three 
wooden gates. In the centre, on the cross street, 
stands the governor s house, before which is a 
square inclosure, upon which four patereros are 
mounted, so as to flank along the streets." 

16 u Even to this day," says Hub- bounds of Plymouth colony." 
>bard, "the hopefullest company of Mass. Hist. Coll., ii. v. 98- 
Christian Indians live within the 


But the part of De Rasieres description most 
material to our purpose, relates to their place of 
worship, and the order of their assembling ; bear 
ing in mind that the minister mentioned was 
Elder Brewster, and that this was the order of 
things twice on the Sabbath. 

" Upon the hill they have a large square house, 
with a flat roof, made of thick, sawn planks, stayed 
with oak beams, upon the top of which they have 
six cannons, which shoot iron balls of four and 
five pounds, and command the surrounding coun 
try. The lower part they use for their church, 
where they preach on Sundays, and the usual 

" They assemble by beat of drum, each with his 
musket or firelock, in front of the captain s door; 
they have their cloaks on, and place themselves in 
order three abreast, and are led by a sergeant 
without beat of drum. Behind comes the govern 
or, in a long robe ; beside him, on the right hand, 
comes the preacher, with his cloak on, and on the 
left hand, the captain, with his side arms and cloak, 
and with a small cane in his hand ; and thus they 
march in good order, and each sets his arms down 
near him. Thus they enter their place of worship, 
constantly on their guard, night and day." 

Thus wrote "Isaack De Rasieres," 17 messenger 

17 De Rasieres is said to have settled in Guilderland, on the 

been a descendant of French Pro- river Waal, and hence they were 

testant ancestry, who had fled called Walloons. He came on 

from persecution in France, and from Holland the year before to 



and secretary of the colony of New Amsterdam a 
wise observer and reporter of what he saw and 
heard at New Plymouth : an account more spe 
cific in some particulars, than is anywhere else to 
be found on record. 

New Netherlands, and on his ar 
rival had become chief commissary, 
next in rank to the governor, and 
secretary of that colony. Soon 
after his return from Plymouth, 
owing to certain factions, he re 
turned to Holland, and addressed 
this communication to one of the 
leading directors of the Dutch 

West India Company, S. Blom- 
maert. It found its way into the 
royal library at the Hague, where 
it was lately discovered, and was 
soon translated and published in 
the New York Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 
L, new series, p. 357, &c. The 
preacher mentioned was Elder 


I hear the tread of pioneers, 

Of nations yet to be, 
The first low wash of waves where soon 

Shall roll a human sea. WHITTIEK. 

PASSING on through the year 1628 into that of 
1629, we find the Elder all along performing ably 
and constantly all the duties of his position, " be 
loved and honored among the people, taking great 
pains in teaching and dispensing the Divine 
Word." 1 Their active counsellor, and one of the 
chief in all that concerned their civil and temporal 
interests, he yet manifested no cessation of effort 
on account of advancing years. 

Near the beginning of July (1629), there came 
incidentally to New Plymouth one Mr. Ealph 
Smith, a clergyman, lately from England. Elder 
Brewster, always declining to be any other than 
their Elder, and Mr. Smith, being a " grave man," 
and an accredited minister, was kindly entertained, 
and chosen, after some trial, to be their Pastor. 2 

This connection, bringing some relief to the 
Elder, continued for about six years. But Mr. 

1 Bradford, 256. 2 Bradford, 263. 


Smith proving (to use the words of Cotton), " to 
be, though a grave man, yet of low gifts and 
parts," the Elder, as a far abler man, would still 
be often called upon to expound the Scriptures, 
as well as rule in their church, as before. Having 
an ordained Pastor, however, they could now have 
the Christian ordinances. 

Elder Brewster, relieved in part from his long- 
accustomed labors, could now arrange more effect 
ively his private concerns, and more deliberately 
mark occurrences outside of the little colony. 
Other colonies there were which had attracted, or 
were now to attract, special attention. 

We pause not here to inquire what may long 
before have been his thoughts respecting the colo 
nies of South America, near to which some of 
their own company had once advocated their re 
moval, where golden fruits and golden mines had 
attracted a world-wide notice. Nor would we 
stop to inquire what may have been his and his 
people s views respecting the French settlements 
in Canada, stretching far into the interior, shut 
ting in, as it were, the prospects of the English 
on this continent. There were other nearer, and, 
in some respects, kindred colonies; one, long since 
commenced, others now about to be commenced, 
the success or failure of which was a matter of 
deep interest. Of the Dutch colony we have 
already had a passing notice. 

Respecting the colonizing spirit of his own 
nation, he could look back to the times of Eliza- 


beth, when such, bold spirits as Sir Walter 
Raleigh, and afterwards the far-famed Capt, 
Smith, for love of adventure and fame, went forth 
to explore, and plant the English standard in 
parts unknown. Others, too, had gone forth in 
pursuit of wealth, a larger number still, to re 
trieve broken fortunes, and some to be chiefs or 
leaders in new enterprises. Yet all these latter 
attempts to colonize, though sustained by wealth 
and power, and some by men of ablest talents, all 
these, with one exception, had Brewster seen 
come to a miserable end. 

Respecting this one, it was in the very year 
when himself and pilgrim band were leaving Eng 
land, exiles for their own church system, that 
men were on their way, chiefly for adventure, to 
plant themselves on the shores of Virginia, sup 
ported by one of the most powerful companies of 
the time in England. But of their failures, suf 
ferings, and almost entire extirpation by savage 
foes, and by their own recklessness ; of their times 
of despair, and revived hopes, and preservation by 
fresh aid and large additions, we speak not further 
than to state again that, while the Virginia colo 
nists were afterwards suffering most, the pilgrim 
company were also enduring the greatest priva 
tions. While the former became fitted to their 
more southerly location, the other, tried and 
inured to hardship, and cemented together by the 
strongest bond that earth can witness, became 
fitted to be the pioneers on the stern shores of 
New England. 


Connected with that Virginia company, and 
one of its chief promoters, and most earnest in 
making it the means of advancing the cause of 
religion, was Sir Edwin Sandys; at the same 
time, he showed himself the warm friend of the 
Elder, exerting himself to promote his and his 
people s purposes in their removal and settlement. 3 

In Virginia, also, for a time, was George 
Sandys, the worthy brother of Sir Edwin, and 
doubtless an acquaintance of Brewster, an active 
and laborious agent for that colony. Being an ac 
complished man of letters, he, in the year of King 
James death, and of the accession of the first 
Charles, after devoting " the days to his majesty s 
service," wrote the first English poem in the New 
World. In other words, he translated the Meta 
morphoses of Ovid into English verse ; a work of 
merit, though he modestly termed it " the sweet- 
tongued Ovid s counterfeit." In its dedication to 
his king, he offers it as a production " lim d by 
that unperfect light, which was snatched from the 
hours of night and repose ;" " for the day was not 
mine," says he ; " a double stranger (it is) sprung 
from the stock of the ancient Romans, but bred in 
the New World, of the rudeness whereof it cannot 
but participate, especially having wars and tumults 
to bring it to light, instead of the Muses." 4 

3 G. Chalmer s Annals of Vir- in the invaluable collection of 
ginia, and our preceding state- Peter Force, Esq., of Washington 
merits. City ; a collection nowhere equal- 

4 First edition, London, 1626 ; led, it is believed, in all that per- 


Nearly at the same time was there another 
person, named Brewster, of some note in the Vir 
ginia colony, whether a relative or acquaintance 
of the Elder, we know not. Cavalierly treated, 
however, by the acting governor, and by the 
power of martial law in time of peace, it required 
an appeal to the council in England to extricate 
him from a fatal dilemma. To this end returning 
to England, he appears not again to have visited the 
shores of that colony. 

Without even glancing at the history of this 
settlement, it is sufficient here to remark, that 
between it and New Plymouth there was early 
and frequent intercourse ; ships on the coast were 
passing and repassing; 5 while the success of the 
Plymouth people appears finally to have given no 
small encouragement to those in Virginia. When 
dangers threatened, or calamities befell the one, as 
in the great massacre of 1622, there was great 
sympathy felt, if there could not be direct aid, by 
their northern neighbors. Nor w r as sympathy all. 
Between them, as colonies of the same nation and 
blood, enduring similar trials, many were the acts 
of kindness, not hindered by the fact that in 
church organization and order the one was con 
nected with the Church of England, from which 
the other had separated. 6 

tains to the first colonial settle- 5 Chalmers, 38. 

ments of North America down to 6 Brad.. 123-5, 151-154, 218- 

the time of the American Revolu- 219. 



But there were now beginnings of other colo 
nies nearer home, and still nearer in habits of 
thought, in which the Elder and Plymouth people 
felt a peculiar interest. 

Growing agitations in England, on subjects and 
rites, civil and religious, were the moving causes. 
Charles the First, and those who acted with him, 
had now determined on enforcing conformity more 
rigidly, systematically, and indiscriminately, than 
had ever been done before. Consequently, many 
ministers, and among them not a few learned and 
able men, who had been suspended and oppressed 
for non-conformity, were, with their people who 
thought with them, disposed to leave their country, 
and find liberty in other lands. 

Added to this, was the increasingly bitter con 
flict between King and Parliament, now agitating 
the nation. The lines of division, which had some 
beginning in the days of Elizabeth, but had become 
still more distinctly marked in the late reign of 
James, were now assuming a threatening aspect. 
The agitation was beginning to reach the heart of 
the nation. The opposing elements were diversely 
combining and mustering their forces. On the 
one side was the King, vacillating, at one time 
claiming and exercising above all law, the highest 
stretch of arbitrary power, at another time yield 
ing, and then forfeiting his word. With him were 
the court with courtly advisers civil and ecclesias 
tical, and the hitherto larger, but now lessening 
portion of the nation. On the other side was the 


Parliament, with a daily increasing portion of the 
people, petitioning for, and finally demanding con- 
cessions a and defined limitations of the royal pre 

In the conflict, argument met argument; will 
met will ; the strongest passions were moved ; the 
long gathering storm was seen slowly rising; 
thoughtful men were becoming fearful ; the war 
ring elements, it was believed, must soon meet ; 
and if so, terrible must be the contest. In this 
state of things it was, that many were disposed to 
escape, while they could, from the coming struggle: 
some to the continent, others to the far off wilds 
of the west. If from the causes first mentioned 
resulted the settlement of Virginia, from the latter 
combination of causes were planted additional 
colonies in New England. 7 

In these additional settlements, of which Massa 
chusetts was the principal, a deep interest was felt 
by that at Plymouth. With its chief rulers and 
ministers, as well as many of its people, was Elder 
Brewster now brought into acquaintance and cor 

And even earlier than this, it would seem, had 
he become personally interested in another settle 
ment farther north, the germ of New Hampshire, 
at Portsmouth. 

7 See the period, Charles the opinions, chiefly, that first peopled 
First, Pictorial History of Eng. New England." 
" It was the concussion of religious 



In this year (1629), is the name of Wrestling 
Brewster found in Portsmouth, and there soon after 
settled with a family. It has been stated by various 
writers that the Elder s son, of this name, died 
young " died in his youth" " died without a 
family." How, indeed, he could have removed 
thither, and become located, and there left a family, 
and no writer had knowledge of it, we are unable 
to explain; but facts, of late brought to light, 
seem to show that such may have been the case. 8 

8 The statements and facts are 
these : Governor Bradford, in the 
Appendix of his History, page 451, 
speaking of Elder Brewster s 
family (those that had died, and 
those that were living in 1650), 
has this brief statement : " His 
son Wrestling died a young man, 
unmarried." Subsequent writers, 
in varied language, have said the 
same. He was numbered in the 
Elder s family, at Plymouth, on 
the division of cattle, in 1627. 
That he died young is admitted ; 
but in relation to his dying un 
married, other facts prove, either 
that the governor was here mis 
taken, or that there was another 
person, of the same name, about 
the same age, in this country at 
the same time. The proofs of this 
are : 

1st. A deed of land in Ports 
mouth, New Hampshire, commenc 
ing in the words following : " Ports 
mouth, sixth day of December, 
Anno Domini one thousand six 
hundred twenty and nine, and in 

the highly favored fifth year of 
the raigne of our soveraign Lord 
Charles the first, King of England, 
and Scotland, and France, and 
Ireland, and defender of the faith, 
&c. &c.," (by which) "Joseph and 
Hannah S. Pendleton" (convey to) 
" Wrestling Brewster eighty acres 
of land, for 8, adjoining to land 
previously belonging to said 

These lands have descended by 
inheritance in the Brewster family 
in Portsmouth, who claim to be 
descendants of this Wrestling 
Brewster, until within the memory 
of the present generation. 

2d. There are parts of a family 
record, still preserved, showing 
that said Wrestling Brewster was 
married, in 1630, to Emla Story; 
that they had a son, John Brew 
ster, born Jan. 20th, 1631, and a 
daughter, born May 3d, 1636, and 
named Love Lucretia (the names 
of the Elder s second son, Love, and 
of his eldest son s wife, Lucretia) 
a most significant fact surely. 


3d. There have been preserved, 
among the old papers belonging 
to said family, bills, receipts, and 
accounts, relating to this Wrestling 
Brewster s transactions in busi 

All these documents and papers 
are in the possession of Dr. George 
Gaines Brewster,. of Portsmouth, 
New Hampshire, from whom the 
author obtained the use of such as 
pertained to the present purpose. 

With the evidence before us, 
the writer is inclined to the opi 
nion that Wrestling Brewster of 

the pilgrim company and the 
Wrestling Brewster of Portsmouth, 
N. H., were the same person ; and 
that his removal to that place, and 
marriage there, were in some way 
unknown to the governor. That, 
dying soon after the year 1636, 
and having received all the patri 
mony that would come to him, as 
was the case with the Elder s 
daughters and their children, no 
notice would be taken of him or 
his in the settlement of the Elder s 

See also note 4, on page 38. 


" The axe rang sharply mid these forest shades, 
Which from creation toward the sky had tower d 
In unshorn beauty." MKS. SJGOURNEY. 

FROM the date in the last chapter to the begin 
ning of the year 1632, no marked occurrence 
appears in the Elder s life, requiring particular 
notice. His studies, duties, and labors were evi 
dently continued with unabated efficiency as last 

The body of the colonists were likewise pursuing 
their onward course, laboriously, but improvingly; 
while the chief ones, who had assumed the heavy 
indebtedness of the whole undertaking, were ex 
tricating themselves from embarrassment, and 
meeting their liabilities, though suffering heavy 
losses, by some of their unfaithful agents. 1 

But in this year (1632) were the increase and 
prosperity greater than in any former year. Many, 
desiring to escape from the increasing troubles in 
England, and encouraged by the success that was 
beginning to attend the emigrating enterprise, 
were now arriving in this and the neighboring 

1 Bradford, 284, 290. 


colony. Consequently, the products of their fields 
were now in increasing demand ; their cattle had 
a ready sale at high prices; goods from abroad 
became more plentiful ; more lands were required 
for cultivation. The town, in which they had thus 
far lived compactly, could no longer contain them 
with their new additions. Fears of the savage 
natives in their vicinity had diminished. The 
more enterprising now penetrated the surrounding 
forests, seeking out new locations, and more en 
larged farms. 2 There were, indeed, some occur 
rences unfavorable to the first settlement, particu 
larly the removal of many in order to secure better 
lands. Across the harbor, on the north side of the 
Plymouth Bay, and in fair sight of their first homes,, 
was commenced the next principal settlement. 
There, bordering on the bay, and nearest towards 
Plymouth, were the lands allotted to the brave 
Captain Miles Standish, including what is called 
: Captain s Hill" (a place of no little interest). 
This new town received the name of Duxbury, 
doubtless from the town of the same name, the 
seat of the captain s connections in England. 

Adjoining the captain s land northerly, and 
bordering on the Bay of Duxbury, including what 
from that day to this has been called " the Nook," 
lay the farm allotted to their venerable Elder 
Brewster. Bordering upon his, was that of his 

2 Bradford, 302, 303 ; also, Mass. Historic Collection, iii. 7 ; and Win- 
sor s Duxbury. 


eldest son, Jonathan. Here, on his own allotted 
acres, could the Elder with his other son, be often 
seen aiding in the labors of clearing away the 
forests, perhaps never before cleared since their 
first growth, after the earth s creation. 

Here was erected a new dwelling for himself, in 
his widower state, and his son Love ; and here, 
also, as in the first and older settlement, as his 
other duties would permit, would he aid in plant 
ing their newly cleared fields. Most favorable 
for this purpose was the location, proving to be 
on lands among the best in the colony. 3 

In this growing settlement, too far distant for 
constant attendance upon public worship at Ply 
mouth, was soon organized, though with many 
objections and hindrances, another church of the 
same order. Of this church also, it appears Brew- 
ster became, as in Plymouth, the ruling elder. 4 

Thus, while attending to family and other duties, 
as an active pioneer in the New World, was he 
continuing his accustomed duties as the only ruling 
elder of the colony. 

And clear evidence is there, that though advanc 
ing in years, no small portion of his time was 

3 Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d series, land, presented it to the wife of 

vol. vii. Appendix, pp. 74-5. the author. 

Some years ago was found in the Who were the Elder s indented 

garden of this farm, a small silver servants, we know not ; but in the 

.spoon, bearing the initials "I. B." year 1636, we find his record: 

Being valued as an ancient relic " Sold to Jonathan Brewster, as 

-of the Brewster name, Mr. M. servant, J. Bundy, for five years." 

Soule, the present owner of the 4 Winsor s Duxbury. 


devoted to reading and study, as well as to medi 
tation arid devotion. His principal residence was 
yet in Plymouth. 

We now turn to another incident of which we 
have particular record. In a former chapter, on 
the visit of De Easieres, the secretary of the 
Dutch colony to New Plymouth, we had a view of 
the assembling of the pilgrim congregation on the 
Sabbath morning, and their marching in order to 
their place of worship on Fort Hill. We now 
have an opportunity to take an observation within 
(probably in the same place), and to notice some 
particulars of their mode of teaching, and order 
of worship. 

It was on the occasion of a visit from the gover 
nor of the Massachusetts colony to the governor 
and chief men of the Plymouth colony; and the 
account of it is from Governor Winthrop himself. 

"On Thursday, October 25th, 1632, came 
Governor Winthrop, with Mr. Wilson, pastor of 
Boston, and other friends, to Plymouth. Governor 
Bradford, with William Brewster, their ruling 
elder, and some others, came forth to meet us 
without the town." " They conducted us to the 
governor s house, where we are entertained to 
gether, and are feasted each day at several houses." 
" On the Lord s day was the Sacrament, in which 
we partook. In the afternoon, Mr. Roger Wil 
liams proposes a question; Mr. Smith, their pas 
tor, speaks briefly upon it ; and then Mr. Williams 
prophesies (that is, explains) ; afterwards, the 


governor of Plymouth (who had studied the He 
brew and antiquities), speaks on the question." 
" After him, Elder Brewster (a man of learning) 
speaks; then two or three of the congregation." 
" Then the Elder desires Governor "Winthrop and 
Mr. Wilson to speak on the same, which they did. 5 
This ended, the deacon, Mr. Fuller, 6 puts the con 
gregation in mind of the duty of contributing for 
the poor, and the support of public worship, when 
the governor, and all the others, go to the deacon s 
seat, deposit their gifts, and return. After which, 
the exercises are brought to a close." 7 

The peculiarity in this public speaking, one 
after another, by members of their church, says 
Prince, " they had from Mr. Robinson, their for 
mer pastor, in Leyden, founded on the primitive 
practice of the church at Corinth, according to St. 
Paul. But, growing in knowledge, and, I suppose 
(says he), in the apprehension that such a practice 
was peculiarly accommodated to the age of inspi 
ration, to which they never pretended, they after 
wards gradually lay it aside." 

Should it seem to be entering into particulars 
too minutely to introduce here those apparently 
small matters, and some others that may follow, 
the remark may be met by that maxim, worthy of 
being kept in mind : " That small things in the 
beginnings of communities, civil or ecclesiastical, 

5 Alluding to Acts xiii. 14,15. 7 Prince, Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d 

6 Mr. Fuller was the physician series, vol. 7th, appen., 70, 71. 
of the colony. 


are of far higher importance, and more worthy of 
note, having more influence in after times, than far 
greater matters, when a people or nation has be 
come established." What the influence of prece 
dent is in legislation, such is the influence of even 
small acts or habits adopted in the origin of a 
people. They often form the peculiarities or 
habits in after generations, even when the origin 
of them has been forgotten, or the original prac 
tice has been discontinued. 

While the chief men of the older and of the 
younger colony were thus cultivating friendly 
feelings and relations, and consulting on matters 
of deep interest to them both, events were trans 
piring on their northern borders, in England, and 
on the continent, causing many anxious thoughts 
and fears. 

On their northern borders, the king and court 
of England had, by a late treaty with France, 
given up to that power the Canadas, including 
also Nova Scotia, Port Royal, and Cape Breton. 
These portions of the New World, most valuable 
for trade, fisheries, and naval stores, were thus 
yielded up, merely to settle the question respect 
ing one-half of the queen s dowry. 

One of the sad fruits of these proceedings to the 
Plymouth people, was the treacherous robbery of 
their trading post at Penobscot. Under pretence 
of distress, and for repairs, a French vessel put in 
at that place. Finding that the chief men of the 
post were absent, and only three or four servant 


men left in charge, the Frenchmen, violating all 
the principles of hospitality, with the greatest ap 
parent politeness, commenced by admiring the 
arms, and the manner in which they were arranged, 
asking if they were loaded ; then, taking them 
down from their places, they threatened death to the 
abashed servants if they resisted, and compelled 
them to help to carry on board the vessel the goods, 
beaver, and stores, amounting to 500 pounds ster 
ling ; and then left with a taunting message for 
the Plymouth owners, among whom was the Elder. 
To all of them it was a sore loss and hindrance in 
payment of their assumed responsibilities. 8 

Turning to England, the agitating and absorbing 
theme still was, the contest between the King and 
royalist party on the one side, and the Parlia 
ment and their supporters on the other. In this 
contest, the minds of all were becoming more and 
more involved, and the opposite parties more and 
more alienated. Prejudices and passions on both 
sides arousing the strongest elements of man s 
nature, caused some to gird themselves the more 
resolutely for the contest, and others to escape 
from it to the new colonies, to build new states ; 
notwithstanding the efforts of the government to 
prevent it. Many, therefore, were the hopes and 
fears, of the effects on the new settlements. 

On the continent, especially in Germany, and 
even to the borders of Holland, under the protec- 

8 Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d series, vii. Appen. 62; connected with the 
general history of the times. 


tion of which the pilgrim band had passed so many 
years, and where yet were not a few of their dear 
friends, had ruthless wars against human rights, 
liberty of conscience, and of the Protestant cause, 
been again raging with overwhelming power and 
awful cruelties. 

Again, and avowedly, had it been the purpose of 
the Emperor, Ferdinand II., and his general-in- 
chief, Count Tilly, as it before had been that of 
Philip II., of Spain, to exterminate the Protestant 
power, drive its adherents from the continent, or 
force them to renounce their faith. 

In their distressed and weakened state, Gustavus 
Adolphus had come forth from Sweden, with his 
small but heroic army, to their rescue. With a 
rapidity almost incredible, he had met and routed, 
in battle after battle, the Emperor s veteran forces, 
and their great commander ; until he had restored 
nearly the whole of Central Germany to their 
rights, and liberty to worship God, whether Catho 
lics or Protestants, in the way which they should 
choose. He was hailed everywhere by the Pro 
testants, as, under the Divine Hand, the great 
deliverer of their country. Thus proceeding, he 
proclaimed wherever he came liberty of conscience 
and of worship to all, Catholics and Protestants ; 
making no distinction, his maxims being, " Every 
one is orthodox who conforms to the laws ;" and 
" that to keep men from going to hell was not the 
calling of princes, but that of the ministers of 


On taking a Catholic town, to those who would 
induce him to treat its burghers with harshness, 
his answer was : " I am come to loosen, not to 
rivet afresh the fetters of bondage. Let them live 
as they have lived heretofore ; I give no new laws 
to them who know how to live as their religion 
teaches." 9 Progressing thus, victorious over the 
hearts of the people, as over the arms of the enemy, 
on the 6th of Nov. of this very year (1632), in the 
hour of victory over the mighty Wallenstein, he 
fell on the field of battle, sorely lamented all over 
Protestant Europe, and even in the new colonies 
on the far off shores of New England. 

All these victories, as well as thq subsequent 
reverses, were, to all our colonists, matters, next 
to their own, of absorbing interest. 10 

\Vhile these events, of so much interest to 
them, were transpiring in England and in Ger 
many, trains were being laid not only for bring 
ing into exercise the controlling power of the 
king and his ecclesiastical advisers over the colo 
nies, but, more than all (and what these colonists 
now began to fear) trains or plans for increas 
ing the French power; thus threatening to make 
the northern parts of America French instead of 
English as truly French as South America was 
Spanish. 11 

9 Kohlrausch s Hist. Germany, Of this the records of the 
337. time bear full testimony. This 

10 This is evident, not only from led to what was here colloquially 
the history of the colony, but from called the French war. 

the volumes on the subject in the 
Elder s library. 


Passing on now to the summer of 1633, we 
come to the next recorded event, personally affect 
ing the Elder ; it was the death of his daughter, 
Fear Allerton. She had been married to Mr. 
Isaac Allerton about seven years. Called hence 
thus early in life, she left an only son, Isaac Aller 
ton, jun., who afterwards became a resident with 
his Grandfather Brewster, and was probably, in 
part, fitted by him to enter the college at Cam 
bridge, Mass., where he was a graduate in the 
year 1650. 

We have next to notice an occurrence of some 
historical interest, which engaged the particular 
attention of the Plymouth church, and brought 
out their views on one point in respect to one of 
the Christian Sacraments. 

It was, to say the least, an unpleasant occur 
rence, causing differences of opinion, and no little 
agitation of feeling, in the Plymouth company. 

Associated for the last two years as teacher 
with Mr. Smith, their pastor, was one Mr. Roger 
Williams, who had begun to advance some opin 
ions which they had never entertained, but to 
which they had been opposed even while- in Hol 
land. These were, the extreme of separation from 
the Church of England, " pronouncing it sinful to 
attend its worship, or have with it any fellowship ; 
also renouncing any authority of the magistrates 
in matters of church order, and advocating a dif 
ferent mode of baptism, and some other minor 
points." Finding himself opposed in sentiment 


to the pastor and Elder, and to the greater part of 
the people, he asked to be dismissed to the Salem 
people, where he had before officiated. The sub 
ject became matter of public discussion. He was 
a man in many respects highly gifted, zealous, 
eloquent, and as such had been recommended 
from highly respectable sources in England, but 
in some things eccentric, exclusive, and extreme. 
As might be expected, some became attached to 
him and his views. Asking for a dismission to 
Salem, and the matter coming to a public discus 
sion in their church, some were in favor of, and 
others opposed to, his leaving. The counsel of 
Elder Brewster was called for in the emergency, 
and given, which was to grant the desired dismis 
sion, grounded on the considerations that Mr. 
Williams continuance with them "might cause 
divisions, that he might (as he feared would be the 
case) run the same course of rigid separation (as it 
was then called), Anabaptistry, which Mr. John 
Smith, the Separatist, of Amsterdam, had done." 
And this afterwards came to pass, as the Elder 
feared and foresaw. 

From the great respect for the Elder, and con 
fidence in the wisdom of his counsel, the Ply 
mouth church consented to Mr. Williams dismis 
sion, and liberty to go to the people of Salem. 

This act, with the remark of the Elder, has by 
some been censured, but with no good reason. 
Such censurers forget the maxim, fair, just, and 
universally applicable, that every organized body 


has the right to dismiss from its connection any who 
may cause division, or who may disagree with its 
standards. Nor was it uncharitable, in discussing 
the subject in their church assembly, to give the 
reasons of their action in the case, especially as 
the dismission was asked for, and was attended 
with no personal injury. He went from them in 
peace, with those who chose to go with him. The 
consciences of those from whom he differed were 
to be as much respected .as his who differed from 
them. In this, the action of the Plymouth people 
appears to have been blameless. 

As to the treatment Mr. Williams afterwards 
received from the Massachusetts colony, that is 
altogether another question, one which we are not 
here called upon to discuss. Had the only ques 
tion with them been respecting the great principle 
of toleration, for which Mr. Williams was a dis 
tinguished advocate, and for which his name may 
deservedly be held in honorable memory, it would 
be easy to vindicate him as being in the right. 

But when we take into account his extreme and 
exclusive views of separation, his uncharitable 
language at this time to those who differed from 
him in opinion ; his disrespectful acts, as well as 
treatment, towards the magistrates of Massachu 
setts ; the steps he took to change the rites and 
church order of that people, with whom he was 
next associated, the question assumes another as 
pect. And with this statement we leave the 
point at issue favoring neither extreme. 


" The world is full of meetings such as this, 
A thrill, a voiceless challenge and reply, 
And sudden partings after." WILLIS. 

IN this year, 1634, were two occurrences in 
Elder Brewster s family, presenting a strange con 
trast ; yet they are such as do at times meet in 
families less numerous than his : a marriage and a 

The marriage, the last in his family, was that of 
his second son, Love Brewster, on the 15th of May, 
to Miss Sarah Collier, lately from England. Her 
father, Mr. William Collier, had been one of the 
company of merchant adventurers, so often men 
tioned in these pages. He had not, like some of 
that company, engaged in that enterprise solely for 
purposes of gain, but from a good motive, and to 
promote a good work. Nor had he deserted the 
cause in the time of its deep depression and per 
plexities. On the contrary, he had continued 
steadfast ; and had only the year before this, come 
over and cast in his lot among this people. A 
man of wisdom and experience, already had he 
been chosen one of the governor s assistants, and 


was possessed, probably, of more property than 
most others of the colony. 1 The marriage of his 
daughter, with a son of the Elder, appears to have 
been satisfactory to both families. On the Elder s 
part there was a covenant endowment, or pledge 
to the bridal pair, that his house in Duxbury, in 
which they were to reside, and one-half of his 
estate and lands, should be theirs, after his own de 
cease. With such prospects did the young couple 
commence the married life. 2 

The death referred to (and how near it was to the 
date of the marriage we cannot say, except that it 
was soon afterwards) was that of his daughter Pa 
tience, or Mrs. Prince, the last daughter, and the 
last female of the Elder s own family. Already 
bereaved of his wife and his other daughter, in the 
loss of this only remaining one in the prime of 
life, he must have felt a saddening void nothing 
earthly could fill. She had been married (in 1624) 
to Mr. Prince, who is this present year elected 
governor of Plymouth. She now leaves to his care 
three children, daughters, under circumstances 
deeply affecting to parent and grandparent. 3 None 
but those similarly situated can realize the feelings 
of desolation which, even cheerful and resigned as 
the Elder usually was, this additional bereavement 

1 Brad., 308, and note ; Baylies, 3 Prince, Bradford, and Life of 
i. 214, and Winsor s Duxbury. Gov. Priiiee. 

2 Court Record of this date, with 
that of the settlement of the Elder s 


must have caused. About this period it appears to 
have been, and under the impression of all that he 
had passed through in life, and perhaps in reference 
to the loss, in their early years, of these endeared 
ones, that he wrote across the title-page of one of 
the Latin volumes 4 in his library this sentence, 
affixing thereto his name : 


It is the Hebrew, partly translated into Latin, of 
a portion of the 4th verse of the 144th Psalm, 
Englished thus : 

" Man is all vanity ;" and the same is illustrated 
in the words that follow, " His days pass away as 
a shadow." 

Thus bereaved, the Elder s lingering affections, 
though greatly weaned from earth, would now 
naturally rest more upon his sons, with the one of 
whom just married he not long after took up his 
residence. 5 

We have at length arrived at a period in the 
life of this venerated man, and in the settlement 
of the Plymouth colony, when small matters may 

4 The Harmonized Commentary 5 Plymouth Rec. of settlement 
on the History of the Four Evan- of his estate ; and Winsor. 
gelists, in the library of Yale Col 


be passed by, as no longer affecting his position or 
character. And after mentioning a few additional 
transactions, we may draw towards the close of our 

He is now in his 74th year, and yet, for years 
to come, we find him still in the active perform 
ance of his appropriate duties, as the Iluling 
Elder at Plymouth and at Duxbury nay, in the 
whole colony. In Duxbury he likewise appears 
to have been their spiritual teacher, from their first 
organization until the calling of their first minister, 
in 1637. 6 

Nor was this all. The dates and subjects of the 
volumes in his library, show that, even at this 
period of life, his thoughts, reading, and investiga 
tions were not confined to what related to his offi 
cial duties alone. His mind took a wider range. 
It acted upon all the various agitating questions 
of the time, not only respecting their own colony, 
but those around them, and in connection with the 
Indian tribes, and respecting changes abroad, that 
required corresponding action at home. Hence, 
with remarkably robust health, as v well as mental 
vigor, he continued to be the wise and experienced 
counsellor, the conciliatory medium in matters of 
debate, and active assistant in matters of legisla 

On the appointment of a special committee, for 
revising their former acts and establishing a code 

6 Baylies, i. 278, and Winsor s Duxbury. 


of laws for the colony, in the autumn of 1636, he 
was selected as one of its prominent members. 7 

Important was the occasion of this appointment. 
Up to this period, in the words of Judge Baylies, 
" The Plymouth colony may be considered to have 
been but a voluntary association, ruled by the 
majority." It "had adopted no constitution, or 
instrument of government, except the compact 
signed in the cabin of the Mayflower." That 
compact specified no controlling principles but 
allegiance to the King, and the power in the 
majority to elect such officers and enact such laws 
and constitutions as should, from time to time, by 
such majority, be deemed expedient. Scarcely 
had they, up to this date, availed themselves of 
their delegated powers, under their patent, to enact 
laws. A few laws only, and such as were of the 
most urgent necessity, had been established. All 
matters of general interest were decided at general 
meetings of the whole, called courts^ in which the 
governor presided. These courts decided matters 
judicially, except when committed to a jury. With 
the acknowledged royal authority, there appears 
to have been, tacitly, a general acknowledgment 
of that of the laws of England in general, but 
practically, here was, under the King, a pure 
" democracy." 8 

Such was the civil rule. 

7 Felt s Ecclesiastical Hist., i. 8 Baylies, i. 154, 241, 225, 227, 
290. 233. 


But the fact is to be borne in mind that New 
Plymouth was settled by a church. At first the ec 
clesiastical government had chief influence. " The 
power of their church was, in effect, superior to 
the civil ; but in terms, it was confined to cases of 
discipline, or the infliction of censure only, or final 
exclusion. As to the maintenance of their min 
isters, the attachment of the people insured that, 
without the coercion of law." In short, it was 
their union as a religious society, more than all 
else, that kept them together. It was true of the 
Leyden emigrants, as their pastor and the Elder 
had said, "We are knit together as a body in a 
more strict and sacred bond and covenant, of the 
violation of which we make great conscience, and 
by virtue of which we do hold ourselves straitly 
bound to all care of each other." Failings they 
had, but what colony ever had fewer] 9 In this 
body, after they left Leyden, through all the first 
period, the Elder was the centre of influence 
the guiding spirit. And afterwards, he had co 
ordinate rule in effect with their pastors. 

Such had been the state of things hitherto. 
But, in the words, of Judge Baylies, " as the set 
tlements expanded, as trade increased, as strangers 
came in in pursuit of gain, without any reference 
to the ordinances of religion, and who, regardless 
of their spiritual good, pursued their temporal 
interests, the authority thus founded became im- 

9 President Dwight s Travels, i., Letter xii. 


paired ; the selfish principles of man, interwoven 
in his system, became predominant." " Disputes 
would occur; wrongs would exist; and such 
authority would be questioned and found inade 
quate." The period now arrived when all perceived 
the necessity of defining the limits of the power, 
and prescribing the actual duties of the magis 
trates ; of securing the civil rights and privileges 
of the people ; of establishing fundamental and 
organic laws, civil and criminal, and of providing 
for their execution; thus "placing their govern 
ment on a stable foundation." This was the im 
portant work of their committee. This they 
accomplished, and the laws which they proposed 
were duly enacted. 

The first Tuesday in June was made the legal 
day of election of governor and seven assistants, 
to " rule and govern the plantation as prescribed 
by law." " The election was confined to the free 
men." To be a freeman, the individual must be 
" at least 21 years of age, of a sober and peaceable 
conversation, orthodox in the fundamentals of reli 
gion, and have a certain ratable estate." 

But to enter into particulars respecting the 
specified duties of the governor, of the assistants, 
of the construction of their courts and juries, the 
choosing of inferior officers, with their duties, the 
mode of legislation, and the laws enacted, would 
be foreign to our purpose, even though the Elder 
was one among the originators, as well as pro 
moters of the system adopted. 


Finally, it was provided that all " be done, di 
rected, and made, in the name of our sovereign 
lord the King," each freeman, as well as officer of 
every grade, acting under oath of fidelity to the 
King, and to the laws and interests of the colony. 10 

In this state of things, the Indians around them 
began, ere long, through their influence, to adopt 
a mode of government in some respects similar, 
and to follow their example in morals, laws, and 
judicial courts, with the proper officers. 11 

10 See the laws, &c., and Judge parison with our more verbose 
Baylies Memoir of New Ply- forms : 

mouth, i. 227-240. " I, Hihoudi, you Peter Water- 

11 The following is a curious man, Jeremy Wicket, quick you 
specimen of a "Warrant" issued take him, fast you hold him, 
by an Indian magistrate, and di- straight you bring him before me. 
rected to an Indian constable, Hihoudi." Thatcher, 146. 
which will not suffer by a com- 


" Learning is more profound 
When in few solid authors t may be found. 
A few good books, digested well, do feed 
The mind." R. HEATH. 

DURING the next seven years from 1636 to the 
close of 1643 were many incidents, in which it 
might be shown that the Elder had a personal, or 
by no means a remote interest. Indeed, so inter 
woven were his life, labors and character from the 
first, with the interest and progress of the colony, 
that whatever concerned that concerned him. 
But we pass those incidents, to notice here the 
position of his remaining family, and yet more 
particularly his literary acquaintances and associa 

The eldest of his three sons had become one of 
the well-informed, active, business men of the 
colony, and an enterprising agent in extending the 
new settlements, and in opening sources of trade, 
especially on the yet wild shores of the Connecti 
cut. Again, he was one of the public-spirited, 
Christian men of the new town of Duxbury, and 
one of its deputies to the colony or legislative 


court. When occasion required, he was a coun 
sellor before the judicial tribunals. In after years, 
he held yet more elevated positions in the colony 
of Connecticut. Removing thither near the close 
of 1648, or early in 1649, to the new settlement of 
New London, he was made keeper of its records, a 
deputy with the younger Winthrop to their colony 
court, and an associate judge ; to him were also 
committed other public trusts. Having established, 
by appointment, a trading post on the banks of the 
Thames, on lands purchased of Uncas, the chief 
of the Mohegans, and thenceforth called Brewster s 
Neck, he there, at length, resided until his death, 
near the year 166 1. 1 

The next son, Love, devoted himself to the cul 
tivation of the paternal acres in Duxbury, forming 
there (with his father) a family home, and, as far 
as the new country would afford, an abode of com 
fort, social and cheerful ; and where, in due time, 
a portion of the estate became his own and his 
children s inheritance. 2 

Respecting the other son, Wrestling, of whom 

1 On this tract, lying between ing the place have been exchanged 

the Thames and the Poquetanock for a noble monument, erected to 

Cove, and on the plain near its his memory, and that of his wife 

centre, was set apart a burial- Lucretia a testimony honorable 

place, where evidently rests his to the descendants by whom the 

dust, and by his side that of his work has been accomplished. 

wife, surrounded by the remains See Hist, of Duxbury, of New Lon- 

of their children, and children s don, and Conn. Court Records, 
children, to the present generation. 2 Plym. Court Records, and 

Lately, the crumbling stones mark- Winsor s Duxbury. 


there are conflicting statements, we have already 
spoken. 3 

But who were the Elder s literary associates ? 
Among such the mental powers are most developed ; 
mind meets mind, thought meets thought, culti 
vated mental energies meet correspondig energies. 

As had been the case in England and in Hol 
land, so was it to some extent in the New World, 
his associates included some of the able men and 
scholars of the day. 

Among such, for a time, at Plymouth, was Roger 
Williams, of original mind, liberal education, a 
pupil of Chief Justice Coke, eloquent, though er 
ratic ; but of whom we have before had occasion 
to speak more particularly. 4 

The pastor at Plymouth, at this time, was Mr. 
Raynor, educated at Magdalen College, Cambridge , 
ordained to the ministry in the Church of Eng 
land, and characterized as a man of great humility, 
worth, and piety. 5 

Another and more eminent man was Dr. Chaun- 
cey, from Trinity College, Cambridge, where he 
had taken his degrees in the arts and in divinity ; 
and where, for his attainments in the languages, 
he was made professor of Hebrew, and afterwards 
lecturer in Greek, and held other corresponding 
positions. He was also the friend of Archbishop 
Usher; but, for his Puritan tendencies, falling 

3 Near the close of chap. xxix. 6 Bradford and Morton. 

4 At the close of chap. xxx. 



under the displeasure of Laud and the High Com 
mission Court, he left for New England. Being 
solicited, he officiated for some time as teacher at 
Plymouth ; yet entertaining opinions decidedly in 
favor of baptism only by immersion, and unwilling, 
by any compromise, to continue permanently with 
this people who differed from him in that particu 
lar, he removed thence to Scituate. Notwithstand 
ing, on account of his learning, he was chosen not 
long after to the presidency of the New England 
Cambridge College (now Harvard University). 6 

The Rev. John Norton, who officiated also for 
a time at Plymouth, was a scholar of the first 
standing at the University of Cambridge, and 
curate for some time of Starford, Hertfordshire. 
Declining a fellowship in the university, and 
" marrying a lady of estimable qualifications and 
character," he came to New England, and to Ply 
mouth, and finally succeeded Mr. Cotton in Bos 
ton. That he was a writer of pure and elegant 
Latin is sufficiently evident from his Latin treatise, 
on the questions of Appolonius, for the divines of 
Zealand. Of him, as the author of various other 
works, the church historian, Fuller, says : " Of all 
the authors I have perused, none to me was more 
informative than Mr. John Norton, one of no less 
learning than modesty." 7 

Likewise the Rev. Ralph Patridge, who had 

e Baylies,i. 313,314; also, Felt; 7 Baylies, i. 314, 315; Mass. 
Bradford and Mass. Hist. Coll., iv. Hist. ColK, 2d series, vi. 640, 641. 
Ill, 112; x. 31. et caRtera. 


been for twenty years a minister of the established 
ohtirch, and eminent for scholarship and piety, 
but who, for non-conformity (according to his own 
words), was "hunted like a partridge upon the 
mountains," fled to New England, and was now, 
during all these years, the pastor of their church 
in Duxbury, and the near neighbor and associate 
of the Elder. 8 

Such, with Governors Bradford and Winslow, 
who, though not educated at a university, were 
yet men of extensive reading and knowledge of 
other languages, and, for that day, were no mean 
writers ; such, even in this far-off wilderness, 
were some of the chief scholars and literary asso 
ciates of Elder Brewster. 9 

But that we may have a further and more just 
idea of his own attainments as a scholar, we must 
examine the character of his library. A library, 
procured and used in circumstances like his, could 
be no untrue index of his mind. Gathered w r hen 
books were comparatively scarce and costly, and 
preserved through all the trying scenes, losses, and 
deprivations, to which he had been subjected, his 

8 Felt, Winsor s Duxbury, and ter of Gorges settlement, "Wey- 
Bradford. mouth, "but who resided at Ply- 

9 We have noticed the earliest mouth about a year, where he 
literary production of George San- wrote in 1623, and, on his return 
dys in the Virginia colony, and to England, published this poeti- 
we should not here pass unnoticed cal description, the translation of 
the first classical Latin poem on which is not worthy of the origi- 
New England (Nova Anglia), by nal. See Mass. Hist. Coll., i. 125- 
William Morell, Episcopal minis- 139. 


was surely most creditable to its possessor. Por 
tions of it appear to have been lost on leaving 
England ; gifts from it had probably been made to 
friends, and to members of his family ; yet with 
some additions from time to time, the inventory, 
at the close of his life, shows it to have consisted 
of over four hundred volumes ; 10 a choice treasure, 
indeed, to the colony, as well as to its owner. 

Yet to say that it consisted of four hundred 
volumes gives but a very indistinct idea of its 
value or character. To say, also, that of these 
four hundred volumes sixty-four were in Latin, 
with some in Greek and Hebrew, while it gives 
a clearer, furnishes still a very unsatisfactory 
estimate. 11 

On examining the works enumerated, and sepa 
rating them into classes according to the subjects 
of which they treat, we find, first, that of the 
sixty-four volumes in Latin, &c., no less than 
thirty-eight were versions of the Sacred Scriptures, 
or expositions and illustrations of them, critical 
and practical ; and of these, not a few were huge 
quartos and folios, of from 1200 to 1500 closely 
printed pages each. They were such as Beza s 
Greek and Latin Version of the New Testament 
with Notes ; a work appraised, even in the inven 
tory, at a sum amounting to $20, present currency ; 
Malaratus Latin edition of the New Testament, 

10 Plymouth Court Records, have said of it, only adding that 
book Wills, vol. i. 53-59. the inventory of the same was on 

11 And this is all that writers record. 


and Notes, at the same rate of valuation, $24; 
Tremelius and Junius edition or translation in 
Latin of the " Holy Bible," including also Beza s 
translation of the New Testament, with Notes, in 
all nearly 1600 folio pages, $18. 

The commentators, annotators, and illustrative 
writers were such as Beza, Musculus, Peter Mar 
tyr, Erasmus, Calvin, Chrysostom, Piscator, Ste- 
phanus, Scultetus, Pareus, Molerinus, not to men 
tion various harmonies, and other works of similar 
character. Taking these into view, and the fact 
that these were among the best editions and ex 
positions at that period, and that there were yet 
very few like them in the English language, we 
are enabled to form some distinct idea of the 
Elder s reading and acquirements in this depart 
ment of Christian literature. 

Along with these were other Latin works, such 
as the Syntagma of Vigandus, the work of Pola- 
nus, two volumes folio, the Clavis, or Key to cer 
tain portions of Scripture, by Flacius Illyricus, in 
folio, and others, illustrating or setting forth vari 
ous points of doctrine ; also treatises on church 
order and polity, history, natural philosophy, and 
the languages, giving a further view of the culture 
of his mind, and acquirements, not only in biblical, 
but other various departments. 

And we are to add to these, next, the three 
hundred and forty volumes or treatises in the 
English language. Of the English works, nearly 
sixty volumes were large folios and quartos, and of 


like class and character with those which we have 
just noticed in Latin, such as the Refutation of 
the Remish Translation of the New Testament, 
published by himself, in some 1600 pages folio, 
with kindred works in divinity, systematic and 
practical; also controversies with the Roman 
Church; discussions on the Reformation ; on the 
controversies of the times in England and Hol 
land; on toleration, controversies between them 
selves and the extreme separatists; church and 
civil history, philosophy, advancement of learning, 
views of the times, doings at court and in Parlia 
ment, with numerous other writings of the clay, 
civil, religious, devotional, political, and colonial, 
as well as those pertaining to the arts, trade, and 
every-day life. Such is a very brief view of his 
library. 12 

It was at a time, too, when English literature 
was acquiring character, and making a rapid ad 
vance on a broad and solid basis. The English 
mind was breaking loose from the fetters of arbi 
trary systems, and the dominant power of half 
civilized customs, and struggling forth into the 
open fields, not only of adventure, but of original 

12 It had been designed to place of those identical volumes which 

the entire inventory of the Elder s he possessed can now be discover- 

library in the appendix ; but the ed. The principal one which the 

additional expense it would occa- writer has seen, is in the library 

sion, and the difficulty in ascer- of Yale College, with the Elder s 

taining the true titles of some of name, written with his own hand, 

the works, will prevent the exe- across the title page, as we have 

cution of that design. Very few before mentioned. 


investigation and discovery in science and arts, 
and of discussion of principles of government and 
law. Pre-eminent among original thinkers Bacon 
arose, a sun in the firmament of science and lite 
rature, to send forth, with some darkening shades, 
its enlightening and expanding beams over all 
succeeding ages. 

Of his works, valuable portions were in the 
Elder s library, occupying evidently a share of his 
thoughts and meditations. And if, at such a 
period, and amidst such workings of mind, ex 
tremes and extravagancies sometimes followed, 
and errors were committed, it can be no matter of 
wonder; it would be something above human 
were it otherwise. They were explorers, prepar 
ing the way for others. 

Subsequent periods have brought forth works 
in all departments of science, law, government, 
divinity, history, poetry, fiction, such as have 
become the glory of the English name, but the 
chief beginnings were in the age of which we are 


The soul, immortal as its sire, 

Shall never die. MONTGOMERY. 

WE now approach the close of Elder Brewster s 
long and not uneventful life. His last years were 
passed in the enjoyment of the high esteem and 
reverential regard of the whole colony nay, of 
all the colonies. His was also the blessing of 
remarkable health, kept up to the last by tempe 
rate habits, continued mental exercise, active 
industry, and even labor in the fields. 

His closing years were marked by great serenity 
and peace. Eventful and agitating as had been 
the scenes through which he had passed, and fear 
ful as were the prospects abroad of the future, he 
ever trusted in God, and was not dismayed. 

He had seen forty years in the sixteenth century, 
and forty-three, at least, in the seventeenth ; and 
had thus witnessed nearly three long and most 
remarkable reigns of English sovereigns, and their 
memorable acts. In the times of Elizabeth, the 
period of great men, of thrilling events, and heroic 
deeds, he received his early training. Through 
alternate periods of peace, and of trials, public and 


private, in his own country and in Holland, his 
mental energies had. been matured. In this 
western world,* through suffering and endurance 
that passed description, he had lived to see a 
Christian colony planted; the savage foe to a large 
extent appeased, conciliated, and in several cases 
encouragingly influenced by Christian instruction 
and example. From that one poor settlement had 
others arisen, now numbering eight towns. Instead 
of one small church, he could now behold eight 
Christian folds, with their pastors. In room of 
the small number of fifty souls, spared through 
the first season, were now eight thousand, with a 
constitution, established laws, and a government 
defined. A neighboring colony, first encouraged 
by its example, now rivalled their own; while 
other infant colonies were rising in strength, and 
already uniting with them in confederacy, for pro 
tection against native and foreign foes. 1 

Along with their churches, he had witnessed 
the establishment of schools, to be the glory of 
New England ; and not only these, but a college, 
and its graduating classes, showing their purpose, 
that freedom, education, and religion, should go 
hand in hand. 2 

1 Bradford, 416. States. Its first graduating class 

2 Cambridge College, or Harvard took their degrees in 1642. Zeal- 
University, first named after Cam- ously sustained by nearly all the 
bridge University, England, where first settlers of New England, it 
most of its founders had been edu- furnished, for a long time, most of 
cated, was established in 1638 ; their educated men, for the min- 
beiiig the oldest in the United istry, and the other learned pro- 


Thus could he look over the past scenes of his 
life and times ; the conflicts, the sad errors, as well 
as heroic acts of the age ; the faults, as well as 
sterling virtues of his own people ; and could look 
forward with hope that, though they themselves 
had "sown in tears," their children "would reap 

in joy." 

And now his days were drawing to a close. Plis 
work on earth was done. Not sadly, but peacefully, 
and in the full possession of his faculties, his spirit 
was called to depart. 3 It was a privilege to mark 
the closing scene. Interesting particulars come to 
us from one evidently present, and who had been 
his junior companion for nearly half a century. 
Ci I am to begin this year," he says, "with that 
which was a matter of great sadness and mourning 
unto them all" the " death of their reverend 

fessions. The Elder s grandson, confirmation, also, from the fact 

Isaac Allerton, was here graduated,, that the Court Records show the 

in 1650. inventory of his estate to have 

3 Bradford gives the date of the been taken on the 10th and 18th 

Elder s death thus : " About tlie of May, 1644, and the letters 

18th of April, 1643." Morton, of administration to have been 

secretary of the colony, wrote in granted at the next annual meet- 

the church " Records, April 16th, ing of the court, " June 5th, 1644." 

1644." Again, as to his age, Bradford 

We should take Bradford s date says : " He was near fourscore 

to be the correct one, had not he years of age (if not all out) when 

himself said again afterwards, he died." Morton writes that the 

" He died, having lived some 23 or Elder was " aged 84 at his death." 

24 years here in this country." As Bradford s words indicate 

Now, even 22 years and 5 months that he did not speak from exact 

would bring us to April, 1644, as knowledge, and Morton speaks 

Morton recorded it. This latter positively, and had been twenty 

date seems to receive some further years in the colony when the 


Elder, and my dear and loving friend, William 
Brewster: a man that had done and suffered much 
for the Lord Jesus, and the Gospel s sake, and had 
borne his part, in weal and woe, with this poor 
persecuted church ahove thirty-six years, in Eng 
land and Holland, and in this wilderness, and done 
the Lord and them faithful service in his place 
and calling." " Upheld to a great age, notwith 
standing the many troubles and sorrows he had 
passed through, he had this blessing added to all 
the rest, to die in his bed in peace, in the midst 
of his friends, who mourned and wept over him, 
and administered to him what help and comfort 
they could, and he again, while he could, recom- 
forted them. His sickness was not long. Until 
the last day he did not wholly keep his bed ; and 
his speech continued until a little more than half 
a day, when it failed; and at about 9 or 10 that 
evening, without a pang, as a man fallen into a 
sound sleep, he sweetly departed this life unto a 
better." 1 How true, in such a case, are the words 
of Young 

" The death-bed of the just, undrawn 
By mortal hand, merits a Divine. 
Angels should paint it ; angels ever there. 
Dare I presume ? . . 

Elder died, and was for many Church Records and Court Re- 
years the keeper of the records, cords, compared with .Bradford, 
we are inclined to give his dates 408. and Appendix, 451, and Mor- 
the preference. Consequently, ton s Memorial, 
deducting the age 84 from the 4 See Bradford, 408. 
year 1644, leaves 1560 as the year 
of Elder Brewster s birth. 


. . I pause 
Is it his death-bed ? No, it is his shrine. 

You see the man ; you see his hold on heaven, 
Sweet peace, and heavenly hope, and humble joy 

. . beam on his soul. 
What more than human peace ! 
His comforters he comforts ; . . 

. . unreluctant gives, not yields 
His soul. 
Whence this ? 

His God sustains him in his final hour ; 
His final hour brings glory to his God ; 
He sleeps, 5 . . 

. . In Jesus sweetly sleeps, 
To waken at the resurrection morn." 

Let us approach the place, and view the scene 
where the venerable pioneer passed his closing 
years, and where his immortal part took its de 
parture to the " spirit land." 

North of Plymouth, some three miles by water, 
and nearly eight by land, is the picturesque point 
or neck of land, extending southerly into Plymouth 
Bay. As we draw near, from either direction, 
there looms up conspicuously before us, the noted 
" Captain s Hill ;" an elevation, oval-shaped, rising 
to the height of 180 feet. Ascending this hill, we 
have from its summit, on all sides, a view, which 
for variety, extent and beauty, has in this part of 
the country no equal. 

Far away over the waters, eastward, may be 
discerned in a clear atmosphere, skirting the ho 
rizon, the highlands of Cape Cod. We can almost 

5 Young, Night the 2d. 


see its sickle-shaped harbor, where the pilgrims 
first entered, and formed their compact ; and where 
for five long weeks lay moored their sea-worn 
barque. Nearer, and within clear view, we trace 
where the last of their exploring expeditions, after 
coasting the whole southern circuit of the Cape 
Bay, approached in their frail disabled shallop, in 
the raging storm, to enter the waters of the Ply 
mouth Bay. No lighthouse, or fair twin lights 
were there, as now, on the " Gurnet s Point," to 
guide them inward in safety. We trace where 
they pressed onward amidst fears and perils and 
bare escape from the roaring breakers. Still 
nearer before us is the memorable Clark s Islet, 
under whose lee they found shelter. Further 
south, rises to view the green point of Manomet. 
Nearer, on the right, is the outer, and next the 
inner Plymouth Harbor, where at length the 
"Mayflower" entered, and found her winter s 
moorings, and whence these emigrants landed, and 
built, amidst sufferings and deaths, the first town 
of New England. 6 

Returning to our stand-point, we see at our feet, 
including the hill, with all to the right or south, 
the lands allotted to the brave Capt. Standish. 

Descending the hill a few paces eastward and 
midway between its northern and southern ex 
tremities, we have full before us, extending to the 

6 Of the beauty of this landscape, tion, and from its position as 
an idea may be formed from the marked on the map of Plymouth 
annexed view of its eastern por- Bay, p. 241. 


water s edge, and around northerly, including the 
so-called "Nook," the grounds allotted to the 
Elder. On them, prominent before us, stands a 
gray, decaying farm-house, with its appendages ; 
not that built by the Elder, but evidently its re 
presentative, and near the site of the original. 7 

Here but lately had been the haunts of the red 
man ; here, in full view of scenes that could not 
fail to bring vividly to mind the past of their own 
fresh history, the Elder passed his closing years. 
Here he drank in more and more the spirit of that 
Word, and the grace of that Redeemer, in whose 
faith he had lived ; here he gave his last counsels ; 
here bid adieu to all of earth. 

We draw near the scene. We join in thought 
the sympathizing company. The death of one so 
greatly loved and revered could not but be deeply 
felt throughout the colony. " It was the sorest 
loss that had hitherto befallen them." 3 From all 
the scattered settlements they came, testifying their 
sense of their bereavement, and accompanying the 
remains to their final resting-place. They speak 
of the departed, of his early and matured piety, 
his sound learning, his acquaintance with men and 
life, from the peasant to the court; also, of his 
gentle manners, discreet, calm, social, innocent 
life and conversation. They call to mind his 
humility, undervaluing himself rather than others; 
and yet his firmness of purpose and unconquerable 

7 See the engraved view of the 8 Hubbard, Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d 
old Brewster Place. ser. vi. 663, 664. 


perseverance in what his judgment and conscience 
approved ; how he shunned no responsibility laid 
upon him, shrunk from no personal sacrifice for 
those with whom he sympathized, sharing in all 
their deprivations, and yet, withal, manifesting no 
repulsive austerities, no spirit of dictation. Their 
memories could bring up to view the many cases 
of his deep and effective sympathy for those re 
duced to want, or afflicted or oppressed. As their 
ruling elder, they could call to mind his mode 
of government firm, yet never severe ; and his 
manner and ability as a teacher, affectionate, per 
suasive ; in effect, powerful, in all, eminently 
successful. In short, there could be but one con 
clusion, peculiarly fitted had he been to be their 
spiritual guide, in all that they had passed through. 9 
With such reflections, we must suppose, and 
with arrangements, partaking of primitive sim 
plicity, they accompanied the remains in long pro 
cession, winding around on the bay s western shore 
to the Plymouth Burial Hill. 10 There doubtless 
had been deposited, more than seventeen years 
before, the remains of his beloved wife, and sub 
sequently those of his two daughters. There, too, 
in years gone by, in the basement of that fort, he 
had led their devotions ; there his voice, now 
silent, they had often heard proclaiming the life- 

9 See Bradford s Corresponding from several expressions in the 
Historic Reflections, pp. 413, 414, record of the settlement of his 
Ul, 12, 412. estate. Vol. i. of Deeds, &c., pp. 

10 This last is satisfactorily as- 198, 199. 
certained "by necessary inferences 


giving word. Now they were performing for him 
the last sad offices of love. Few were the rites of 
sepulture. No monument ever marked the place ; 
but his memory remains less perishable than the 

The solemnities ended, the chief part of the 
assembly, with the "two only surviving sons, 
returned from the burial, to the house of the 

The Elder having left no will, different views 
were entertained by the two sons in respect to the 
division of the estate. At the house of the 
governor, in the presence of the ministers of Dux- 
bury, Marshfield, and Plymouth, and of the present 
and subsequent governors, Bradford, Winslow, and 
Prince ; also, their military chief, Miles Standish, 
and a numerous company the two brothers, 
after a frank and friendly statement by each of the 
entire facts of the case, entered into an amicable 
arrangement for the harmonious division of the 
estate between them, " to the great satisfaction of 
the whole assembly:" a matter of note in the 
colony, and an example of peaceable proceeding 
worthy of the descendants of the Elder. 11 

11 See settlement of the Elder s his share in the undivided lands 
estate; record referred to last, as one of the purchasers of the , 
Though a minor consideration, it patent and plantation of New Ply- 
may be added that the estate, as mouth. In addition to this were 
divided between the two sons, con- his books, household furniture, 
sisted of his house, &c., in Dux- farming utensils, and cattle, ap- 
bury, with one hundred and eleven praised at 150 OOs. Id. currency 
acres of upland, besides marsh of that day. 
lands belonging to him, and also 


I like most its history ; for who understands any phenomenon if he 
is not master of the course of its development ? GOETHE. 

WE have traced the life, and taken a glance at 
the times of the Pilgrim elder. We have gone 
back to the period when he was living and acting. 
We have marked the surroundings and the deve 
lopment of principle that influenced the man, that 
moulded his character, that moved him to act, or 
led him to endure. Standing as at one of the 
great starting points in this portion of the world s 
history, we have viewed men agitated, changing, 
yet many of them clinging to the domineering 
sway of ages past, and all of them unconscious 
how largely " old things were to pass away," and 
equally unconscious what were to be " the new." 
There standing, we have viewed the instrument or 
instruments prepared. We have seen the first 
movement, as " a little cloud gathering, small as 
a man s hand," even over Scrooby s fenny soil. 
We traced thence its course, as moved or forced 
by winds adverse or favoring, from England to 
Holland, and from Holland to this western world. 
Here, increasing slowly at first, until joined by 


others, it at length spread forth far and wide across 
this entire hemisphere. 

In this view, we have marked with deep reve 
rence the evident providences of God, traced by 
discipline at every point, bringing good out of evil ; 
providences which, without presuming to scan, we 
gratefully acknowledge as facts standing out in 
bold relief on the pages of this portion of our 
history. And we mark one, and not the least of 
those providences, in the precise period of the pil 
grim movement. 

Had this portion of the new continent been 
thrown open and taken in possession earlier, before 
the Reformation, how unmistakably different would 
have been its destination, history, and character! 
Hither would then have been transferred the rank 
growths of despotism, and ignorance alike of real 
religious and political rights and duties. Hither 
would have come the debasing maxims, supersti 
tions, and corruptions, which degraded the fairest 
portions of Europe, to be here fixed, we know not 
how firmly or how long. 

On the other hand, had this movement been at 
a later period, when the demands for room in the 
Old World had become more pressing, when the 
causes and facilities for emigration had greatly 
increased, and the prospects of immediate gain 
more sure and tempting, how then would this new 
land have been flooded with the inrolling tides of 
emigrants of diverse nations, races, and languages, 
of opposite customs, conflicting laws, interests, pre- 


judices, and institutions! While no one people 
would have been here of enlightened views, and 
sufficiently established, to quietly receive, and 
happily mould the heterogeneous masses into one 
united whole. 

Or if some conquering power might, in such 
case, have forced its sway over the rest, how would 
its arbitrary dictates and military rule, instead of 
the mild laws of this Republic, have been even 
now going forth as of old : " The King and our 
Council, unto all the people, nations, and languages 
of our kingdom, do send our royal decrees" 

Nay, had the pilgrim movement been even one 
generation later, such were the claims, so extended 
were the settlements of the French, so strong their 
chain of posts, and their influence among the 
Indian tribes, from New Foundland to the farthest 
lakes, that, instead of a New England, as now, 
this would have been an Acadie or a new France. 1 

But what, at length, was the special purpose of 
the pilgrim movement ] and what the correspond 
ing development I Here is historically the im 
portant point around which all the rest centres. 

It was a twofold purpose, as the facts show. 
They left England for Holland to escape persecu- 

1 For tlie grounds of this latter possessions. Nor was the struggle 

statement, see Bancroft, or Hil- much less severe on the part of 

dreth, at the period mentioned, the Virginia colony, to maintain 

As things were, the northern Eiig- itself against the combined attacks 

lish colonies were but just able, of the Indians and French, 
after long contests, to keep their 


tiou. In Holland they found indeed what they 
thus sought, protection and toleration; but they 
found there, also, after twelve years of exertion in 
overcoming difficulties, that they were but an 
isolated company; and what was more, that their 
posterity would evidently soon degenerate, would 
lose their English name and character, and become 
absorbed in the Dutch. This became to them 
matter of profound grief. 2 To avoid this, and find 
an asylum, and found a civil commonwealth by 
themselves, in some unoccupied portion of the 
earth, was the immediate design. That design, 
put in execution, led to the memorable results. 

Already had they chosen and become accustomed 
to be guided by their own officers in their church 
system ; and were therefore prepared for the same 
course in their civil organization. What some 
few enlightened statesmen and philosophers were 
speculating upon in theory, respecting constitu 
tional liberty and law by the free choice of the 
governed, this brave, earnest-souled people were 
working out in practice. 3 Not all at once could 
the problem be solved, but step by step. Yet as 
circumstances favored, they had minds to seize the 
opportunity ; therein exercising man s right and 
duty under their earthly sovereign, and in unques 
tioning obedience to the teachings of the Divine 

2 Winslow, in Young, p. 381 ; liberal views in France ; Bacon 
and Bradford, 24. was now meditating and preparing, 

3 More had written his Utopia ; though he never completed his 
L Hopital had made known his New Atlantis. 


Before they crossed the ocean, a civil organization 
under the King was clearly in view. 4 But the first 
move, the germ, was in the compact formed ere they 
landed from the Mayflower. Thenceforth were 
its principles developed more and more ; the germ, 
planted in the favoring soil of the New World, 
became the tree ; the tree in due time sent forth 
its branches ; these, linked with others of kindred 
growth, multiplied and spread. Hence the deve 
lopment of this broad republic. 

Not then the individual man merely, not the 
founding of a little colony only, is it, that here 
attracts the attention, but the germ of a nation ; 
the rising of a power and of institutions on a new 
and wide theatre, which have changed the face of 
a continent, which seem destined to affect the whole 

But there was another, and in the minds of the 
pilgrims a still greater purpose in the movement. 
It was to found their church, where they and 
theirs after them, with all who should unite 
with them, might, without hindrance or danger 
of a degenerate end, worship God in mode and 
with a ministry after their own choice ; and also 
be the means, " though they should be but as step 
ping stones for others in the great work," of carry 
ing the blessings of the Gospel to the native savage 
heathen. 5 

4 Bradford, p. 66. specified purpose of the Virginia 

5 Winslow in Young, 382 ; and colony ; and the same was the 
Bradford, 24. This was also the case in the other subsequent colo- 


Here was the chief moving cause. For these 
combined purposes especially, they left Holland 
for this far-off wilderness. For these they labored, 
endured, suffered. Brave hearts, earnest, devoted, 
heroic souls, had they, those pilgrim fathers, strong 
in faith and hope, thus to go through all they did, 
so patiently, so perseveringly, so unflinchingly. 

We say not that they were without faults ; but 
who had less ] We pretend not that they under 
stood the broad principles of religious toleration in 
their full extent and clearness; but what com 
munity then understood them better ] They were 
in advance of their brethren in England, much in 
advance of what was afterwards manifested by 
their sister colony of Massachusetts, with whom, 
in this respect, they have been unjustly classed. 6 

nies. In this work the Plymouth croft, truly) carried with them to 

colony did much, but chiefly by the New World, the moderation 

example, counsel, and Christian which they had professed in their 

intercourse within their bounda- dealings with the court. There is 

ries. a marked difference in this respect 

Some five years later (in 1549), between the government of the 

was organized the first society in Old Colony, as that of Plymouth 

England, of which the recorder of was called, and the government of 

London, Wm. Steele, Baron, and Massachusetts." "The pilgrims 

afterwards Lord Lieutenant of Ire- at Plymouth were never betrayed 

land, was for a long time the first into the excesses of religious per- 

president ; and by the aid of which secution." " Mr. Anderson, in his 

the two distinguished Elliots, History of the Church of England 

father and son, as well as others, in the Colonies (vol. i. pp. 453, 

became successful missionaries. 454), of his first edition, has seen 

See Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i. pp. fit to attempt to refute the remark. 

168, 226; and 3d series, vol. iv. But in this he has only committed 

pp 161, 196, 200, et al. a double injustice in consequence 

6 u The Pilgrims (says Mr. Ban- of a mistake of his own, in con- 


" To judge them fairly (to use the words of 
Prescott), we must not do it by the lights of our 
own age. We must carry ourselves back to theirs, 
and take the point of view afforded by the civil 
ization of their time. Thus only can we arrive 
at impartial criticism in reviewing generations that 
are past. We must extend to them the same 
justice we shall have occasion to ask from posterity, 
when, by the light of a higher civilization (should 
we not say Chris tianization?) posterity shall survey 
the dark or doubtful passages of our own history, 
which hardly arrest the eye of a contemporary." 

Accordingly, whatever may be our distinctive 
views or opinions of church polity, whatever our 
estimate of some of their peculiar practices, yet 
over all, and above all sectional or denominational 
considerations, how much is there in which we 
may all unite in yielding to those fathers our high 
regard and veneration. 

founding the two colonies of the to the views of the Baptist per- 

Massaclmsetts Bay and New Ply- suasion, lived with them undis- 

mouth." "Should this notice turbed : except such as openly 

reach the eye of Mr. Anderson (he interfered with, and would subvert 

adds), I hope he will take pains their own church organization and 

to see for himself the error of the order. Strangers and visitors of 

statements which his misappre- other religious belief, were hos- 

hension has led him to make, and pitably received and entertained 

prove his substantial candor by by them for months together ; to 

the correction which historic truth the great increase of their own 

requires." New York Hist. Coll., deprivations and self-denial. The 

2d series, vol. iii. close of the Letter restriction was, that none but their 

on the Ley den Articles. own church members should be 

In the Plymouth colony, persons voters, or eligible to office ; though 

belonging to the Church of Eng- this restriction was at times dis- 

laiid, and those who were inclined pensed with and finally removed. 


We trace, indeed, some dark lines in the onward 
course of development in some portions of their 
descendants defections from the humility, unity, 
and some of the most dearly cherished principles 
of those first founders. Yet we trace also as cha 
racteristics the mighty elements of energy, perse- 
verence, zeal, with an unextinguished impress of 
their religious character. We trace the develop 
ment of most valued principles, and of a power of 
expansion without limit, along with institutions 
which are the glory of our land. 7 

But, finally, the movement itself stands out 
prominently before us as one of a peculiarly 
marked character. Many were the enterprises 
near that period, many the leaders influenced by 
various motives, for the founding of new settle 
ments, new colonies, new states, in new portions 
of the earth. Not a few adventurers came to the 
stern coasts of New England; but of them all 
there was but one only designated pilgrim band, but 
one Elder Brewster. 8 

7 Said Burke of them, in their successful industry, accumulating 

subsequent development in con- wealth in many countries, than 

nection with other colonies : the colonies of yesterday, than a 

" Nothing in the history of man- set of miserable outcasts, a few 

kind is like their progress. For years ago, not so much sent as 

niy part, I never cast an eye on thrown out on the bleak and bar- 

their nourishing commerce, and ren shore of a desolate wilderness, 

their cultivated and commodious three thousand miles from all 

life, but they seem to me rather civilized intercourse." 

ancient nations, grown to perfec- 8 This is not only true in re- 

tion through a long series of for- speet to the Elder, in the eminent 

tunate events, and a train of sense here implied, but equally 


Imperishable is their memorial. Theirs were 
deeds and sufferings which have laid hold of men s 
feelings and sympathies with a force unrivalled, 
undiminished. Though soon surpassed in num 
bers and wealth, and finally absorbed by the 
younger Bay colony, the interest in this first 
colony remains the deepest, the prestige of Ply 
mouth continues pre-eminent. Thither, more than 
elsewhere, the pilgrim visitor directs his steps. 
Where those pious founders trod, labored, prayed, 
he pauses and reflects with a more than classic 
interest. " To abstract the mind," said the stern 
Dr. Johnson, when standing on the Isle of lona, 
" to abstract the mind from all local knowledge 
would be impossible if it were endeavored, and be 
foolish if it were possible. Far from me and my 
friends be such frigid philosophy as may conduct 
us indifferent or unmoved over any ground which 
has been dignified by wisdom, bravery, or virtue. 
That man is little to be envied whose patriotism 
would not gain force upon the plains of Marathon, 
or whose piety would not grow warmer among the 
ruins of lona " may we not add, or. amidst the 
scenes of the struggles and endurances of the 
Pilgrim founders of New Plymouth ? 

true historically in another sense. Cushman, not being chosen until 

He was their only Elder from the some five years after his decease, 

formation of their Society; his that is, in 1649. Bradford, in 

successor at Plymouth, Mr. Thos. Young, 456, and Thatcher, 67. 





Being the names of those who came over first, in the year 1620, and 
were the founders of New Plymouth, which led to the planting of 
the other New England Colonies. This list of their " names" and 
families, was preserved by Governor Bradford at the close of his 
History, and is here presented in the order in which he placed them. 
The value of such an accurate list cannot be too highly estimated. 
See his History, Appendix No. 1. 

Mr. John Carver who was chosen their first Governor on their 
arrival at Cape Cod. He died the first 
Katherine, his wife she died a few weeks after her husband, 

in the beginning of summer. 
Desire Minter afterwards returned to her friends, in poor 

health, and died in England. 
John Rowland man servant, afterwards married the daughter 

of John Tillie, and had ten children. 
Roger Wilder man servant, died in the first sickness. 
William Latham a boy, after more than twenty years visited 
England, and died at the Bahama Islands. 
A maid servant who married, and died one or two years after. 
Jasper More who died the first season. 

Mr. William Brewster their Ruling Elder ; lived some twenty- 
three or four years after his arrival. 
Mary, his wife died between 1623 and 1627. 


Love Brewster a son, married, lived to the year 1650, had 

four children. 

Wrestling Brewster youngest son. (See note at the close of 
Chapter XXIX.)* 

r Richard afterwards married, 
Richard More ) ^ s . i and had 4 or more children. 

and Brother f placed Wlth 1 His brother died the first 
) the Elder. [ ^^ 

Mr. Edward Winslow Mr. W. afterwards chosen Governor, 

died in 1655, when on a commission 
to the West Indies. 

Elizabeth, his wife died the first winter. Mr. W. left two 
children by a second marriage. 

!G. Soule married and 
had eight children. 
E. Story died in the 
first sickness. 

Ellen More a little girl placed in Mr. Winslow s family, sister 
of Richard More, died soon after their arrival. 

Mr. William Bradford their second Governor, author of the 
history of the Plymouth Colony, 
lived to the year 165T. 

Dorothy, his wife who died soon after their arrival. Gov. 
Bradford left a son in England to come 
afterwards had four children by a se 
cond marriae. 

Mr. Isaa Allerton chosen first assistant to the Governor ; 
Mary, his wife who died in the first sickness ; 
Bartholomew son, married in England; 

{Remember married in Salem, 
had three or four children ; 
Mary married m Plymouth, 
had four children ; 
John Hook servant boy, died in the first sickness. 

* The Elder s remaining children came over afterwards : The author 
proposes to publish hereafter a full Genealogy of the descendants of 
the Elder. 


Mr. Samuel Fuller their Physician : his wife and child re 
mained, and came over afterwards ; 
they had two more children. 

William Butten servant, died on the passage. 

John Crackston who died in the first sickness ; 

John Crackston his son, who died some five or six years after. 

Capt. Myles Standish who lived to the year 1656 ; chief in 
military affairs; 

Rose, his wife died in the first sickness : Capt. Standish had 
four sons living in 1650, by a second mar 

Mr. Christopher Martin and 

his wife, 

, , ^ all died soon after their arrival, 

bolomon Prower ) 

[ servants 
J ohn Langemore ) 

Mr. William Mullins, -\ 

his wife, I these three died the first winter ; 

Joseph, a son ) 

Priscilla a daughter, survived and married John Alden ; 
Robert Carter servant, died the first winter. 

Mr. William White died soon after landing ; 

Susanna, his wife afterwards married to Mr. E. Winslow; 

Resolved, a son married, and had five children. 

Peregrine, a son was born after their arrival at Cape Cod, 
he cannot therefore be numbered among 
the passengers proper married, and had 
two children before 1650. 

William Holbeck and") 

T.J , , r servants, both died soon after landing. 

Edward Thomson ) 

Mr. Stephen Hopkins, and) both lived over twent ? years after 

Elizabeth, Tris wife C their arriva1 and had a son andfour 

daughters born in this country ; 


Giles, and )^ by a former (Giles married had four children. 
Constantia j marriage. (Constantia married had 12 children. 
Damans, a son, and ) ^^ ^ ^ marri 
Oceanus, born at sea) 

Eehvard Doty, and ) serv- j E " ty by a SeC nd marriage had 

Edward Litster ) ants. 1 seven children after his tem of 

* service went to Virginia. 

Mr. Richard Warren his wife and five daughters were left, 
and came over afterwards. They also 
had two sons ; and the daughters 
married here. 

John Billington he was not from Leyden, or of the Leyden 
Company, but from London. (Bradford in 
Y 149.) 

Ellen, his wife ; 

John, his son who died in a few years ; 

Francis, the second son married, and had eight children. 

Edward Tillie, and) i ,1 j. -. 

>- both died soon after their arrival ; 
Ann, his wife ) 

! Henry lived, married, had 
seven children ; 
Humility returned to Eng 

John Tillie and) , ,, -,. -, -, ,, 

> both died soon after they came on shore : 
his wife j 

Elizabeth their daughter, afterwards married John Howland. 

Francis Cooke who lived until after 1650 ; his wife and other 
children came afterwards ; they had six or 
more children. 

John, his son afterwards married had four children. 


Thomas Rogers died in the first sickness ; f Mr. Rogers other 
Joseph, his son was living in K&OyJ children came 
married and had six j afterwards, and 
children. had families. 

Thomas Tinker, 

wife, and J- all died in the first sickness. 


hn Rigdale, \ both died in the firgt sickness . 
ice, his wife ) 

James Chilton, j both died in the firgt gicknegs . 

his wife ) 

Mary their daughter, lived, married, and had nine children ; 
another married daughter came afterwards. 

Edward Fuller,) both died {n the firgt gickness . 

his wife ) 
Samuel their son, married had four children. 

John Turner, 

Two sons, names not given ; all three died in the first sickness. 
A daughter came some years afterwards to Salem and there 

Francis Eaton, 

Sarah, his wife she died the first winter ; by a third marriage 

he left three children. 
Samuel, a son married and had one child. 

Moses Fletcher, 
John Goodman, 
Thomas Williams, 
Digerie Priest, 
Edmond Margeson, 
Ilichard Britterige, 
Richard Clarke, 

These seven died in the general sickness ; 
the wife of D. Priest and children came 
afterwards, she being the sister of Mr. 


Peter Brown lived some fourteen years after, was twice mar 
ried, and left four children. 

Richard Gardiner became a seaman, and died abroad. 
Gilbert Winslow after living here a number of years, returned 
to England. 

John Alden "a hopeful young man," hired at Southampton, 
married Priscilla Mullens, as mentioned, and 
had eleven children. 

John Allerton, 
Thomas English. 

two seamen are commonly, but in 
correctly reckoned in the number of 

William Trevore and 

the first company of passengers for 
the Colony; Bradford himself says: 
" Two other seamen were hired to 
stay a year ; * * when their time 
was out they both returned." 

Accordingly, he says of the Mayflower company: "These 
being about a hundred souls, came over in the first ship." 
Afterwards he adds : "Of these one hundred persons who came 
over in this first ship together, the greatest half died in the 
general mortality, and most of them in two or three months 

Omitting those two hired sailors who returned, and counting 
the person that died and the child that was born while on the 
passage as one passenger, we have the exact number one hun 
dred of the Pilgrim Company, "who came over in the first 
ship." And, as fifty-one died the first season, this enumera 
tion makes good those other words of the historian, that, "the 
greater half died in the general mortality." See his Appendix, 
pp. 450, 455. 




Being parts of families, with others, left in England or Holland the 
year before. They arrived at New Plymouth, on the llth of Nov. 

John Adams, 

William Bassite (Bassett, probably two in his family), 

William Beale, 

Edward Bompasse, 

Jonathan Brewster the oldest son of Elder Brewster. (See 

pp. 273, 372.) 
Clement Brigges (Briggs), 
John Cannon, 
William Coner. 

Robert Cushman for several years the Leyden Company s 
agent in England. He returned in the 
Fortune to act still further as agent for 
the Company was of great service in 
various ways ; but died before coming 
again to settle in the Colony. 

Thomas Cushman sou of Robert, about twelve years old- 
came with his father in the Fortune, be 
came an exemplary man in the Colony, 
and succeeded Elder Brewster in the 
eldership, in 1649. 
Stephen Dean, 

Philip De La Xoye (.Delano), 
Thomas Flavell and 

Widow Ford and three children 
Martha, and 


Robert Hickes, 
William Hilton, 
Bennet Morgan, 
Thomas Morton, 
Austin Nicholas 

William Palmer (probably two in his family), 

William Pitt, 

Thomas Prince, or Prence married the Elder s daughter, Pa 
tience; was afterwards Governor. 
Moses Simonson (Simmons), 
Hugh Static (Stacy), 
James Steward (Stewart), 
William Tench, 

John Winslow brother of Mr. Edward Winslow. 
William Wright. See in Bradford, 105, 106, and in Young, 
p. 235. 


The following is an alphabetical list of those who came over in the 
" Ann," and " Little James." The vessels parted company at sea ; the 
" Ann" arrived the latter part of June, and the " Little James" some 
week or ten days later ; part of the number were the wives and 
children of persons already in the Colony. 

Anthony Annable afterwards settled in Scituate. 

Edward Bangs settled in Eastham. 

Robert Bartlett, 

Fear Brewster, J d hters of Elder Brewster> 

Patience Brewster>) 

Mary Bucket, 

Edward Burcher, 

Thomas Clarke. This Thomas Clark s grave-stone is the oldest 

on the Plymouth Burial Hill. 
Christopher Qonant, 


Cuthbert Cuthbertson was a Hollander. 

Anthony Dix, 

John Faunce, 

Manasseh Faunce, 

Goodwife Flavell probably the wife of Thos. Flavell, who 

came in the Fortune. 
Edmund Flood, 
Bridget Fuller apparently the wife of Samuel Fuller, the 

Timothy Hatherly, 
William Heard, 
Margaret Hickes ) the wife of Robert Hickes, who came in 

and her children ) the Fortune. 
William Hilton s wife and two children. He had sent for them 

before his death. 
Edward Holman, 

John Jenny had " liberty, in 1636, to erect a mill for grinding 
and beating of corn upon the brook of Ply 
Robert Long, 
Experience Mitchell, 
George Morton he brought with him his son Nathaniel and 

four other children. 
Nathaniel Morton son of George M., and afterwards Secretary 

of the Colony, 
Thomas Morton, Jr. son of Thomas M., who came in the 

Ellen Newton, 

John Oldham a man of some note afterwards. 
Frances Palmer wife of Wm. Palmer, who came in the For 

Christian Penn, 
Mr. Perce s two servants, 
" Joshua Pratt, 

James Rand, 

Robert Rattliffe, 
Nicholas Snow settled in Eastham. 


Alice Southworth (widow, afterwards the second wife of GOT. 


Francis Sprague settled in Duxbury. 
Barbara Standish i. e. second wife of Capt. Standish, married 

after her arrival. 
Thomas Tilden, 
Stephen Tracy, 
Ralph Wallen. 

Those who came in the first ships, the Mayflower, the For 
tune, the Ann, and Little James, are distinctly called the old 
comers, or the fore-fathers. See Hazzard s State Papers, I., 
pp. 101-103 ; and Young s Notes (p. 352) of his Chron. of 
the Pilgrims. 


At a general Court held on the 22d of May, 1627, a division of the 
cattle belonging to the Colony, proportionably to each share-holder, 
was concluded upon, and also twenty acres of land to each. This 
division being put upon record, it is believed that the record pre 
sents the name of every family and person then belonging to the 
Colony proper. The names taken from the Record are as follows : 

Francis Cooke, 
Hester Cooke, his wife, 
John Cooke, 
Jacob Cooke, 
Jane Cooke, 
Hester Cooke, 
Mary Cooke. 

Isaac Allcrton, 

Fear Allerton his wife, a daughterof Elder Brewster, 

Bartholomew Allerton, 

Mary Allerton, 

Sarah Allerton. 


Cuthbert Cuthbertson, 
Sarah Cutbbertson, 
Samuel Cuthbertson, 
Mary Priest, 
Sarah Priest. 

Myles Standish, 
Barbara Standish, his wife, 
Charles Staudish, 
Alexander Standish, 
John Standish. 

Edward Winslow, 
Susanna Winslow, his wife, 
John Winslow, 
Edward W T inslow, 
Resolved White, 
Peregrine White. 

John Howland, 
Elizabeth Howland, his wife, 
John Howland, Jr., 
Desire Howland. 

John Alden, 
Priscilla Alden, 
Elizabeth Alden, 
John Alden. 

William Brewster, 

Love Brewster, 

Wrestling Brewster, 

Jonathan Brewster, 

Lucretia Brewster, his wife, 

William Brewster,) chndren of Jon and L R 

Mary Brewster, ) 

Thomas Prince, 

Patience Prince, daughter of the Elder, 

Rebecca Prince, 


Humility Cooper, 
Henri Sampson. 

John Adams, 
Eleanor Adams, 
James Adams. 

John Winslow, 
Mary Winslow. 

William Bassett, 
Elizabeth Bassett, 
William Bassett, Jr., 
Elizabeth Bassett, Jr. 

Francis Sprague, 
Anna Sprague, 
Mercy Sprague. 

Stephen Hopkins, 
Elizabeth Hopkins, his wife, 
Giles Hopkins, 
Caleb Hopkins, 
Deborah Hopkins. 

Nicholas Snow, 
Constance Snow. 

William Palmer, 
Frances Palmer, his wife, 
William Palmer, Jr. 

John Billington, 
Helen Billington, 
Francis Billington. 

Samuel Fuller, 
Bridget Fuller, 
Samuel Fuller, Jr. 


Peter Browne, 
Martha Browne, 
Mary Browne. 

John Ford, 
Martha Ford. 

Anthony Anable, 
Jane Anable, 
Sarah Anable, 
Hannah Anable, 
Damaris Hopkins. 

Richard Warren, 
Elizabeth Warren, his wife, 
Nathaniel Warren, 
Joseph Warren, 
Mary Warren, 
Ann Warren, 
Sarah Warren, 
Elizabeth Warren, 
Abigail Warren, 
John Billington. 

George Sowle (Scale), 
Mary Sowle, 
Zacheriah Sowle. 

Francis Eaton, 
Christian Eaton, his wife, 
Samuel Eaton, 
Rachel Eaton. 

Stephen Tracy, 
Triphasa Tracy, 
Sarah Tracy, 
Rebecca Tracy. 


Ralph Wallen, 
Joyce Wallen, 
Sarah Morton. 

William Bradford, the Governor, 
Alice Bradford, his wife, 
William Bradford, Jr., 
Mercy Bradford. 

Manasses Kempton, 
Julien Kempton. 

Nathaniel Morton, 
John Morton, 
Ephraim Morton, 
Patience Morton. 

John Jenne, 
Sarah Jenne, his wife, 
Samuel Jenne, 
Abigail Jenne, 
Sarah Jenne. 

Robert Hicks, 
Margaret Hicks, 
Samuel Hicks, 
Ephraim Hicks, 
Lydia Hicks, 
Phebe Hicks. 

Moses Simonson (Simmons), 
Philip De La Noye (Delano), 
Experience Mitchell, 
John Faunce, 
Joshua Pratt, 
Phineas Pratt, 
Edward Bompassee, 
John Crackstone, 
Abraham Pierce, 
Thomas Clarke, 


Clement Briggs, 
Edward Doten (Doty), 
Edward Holdman (Holraan), 
llichard More, 
John Shaw, 
Robert Bartlett, 
Thomas Prence, 
Joseph Rogers, 
Thomas Cushman, 
William Latham, 
Stephen Deane, 
Edward Bangs. 



" Gentlemen : There was, in ancient times, a ship that 
carried Jason to the acquisition of the Golden Fleece. There 
was a flag-ship at the battle of Actium which made Augustus 
Ca3sar master of the world. In modern times there have been 
flag-ships which have carried Hawke, and Howe, and Nelson, 
of the other continent, and Hull, and Decatur, and Stewart of 
this, to triumph. What are they all, in the chance of remem 
brance among men, to that little bark, the Mayflower, which 
reached these shores in 1620 ? Yes, brethren, that Mayflower 
was a flower destined to be of perpetual bloom ! Its verdure 
will stand the sultry blasts of Summer and the chilling winds 
of Autumn. It will defy Winter. It will defy all climate and 
all time, and will continue to spread its petals to the world, 
and to exhale an everlasting odor and fragrance to the last 
syllable of recorded time." ****** 

" Gentlemen, brethren of New England, whom I have come 
some hundreds of miles to meet this night, let me present to 
you one of the most distinguished of those personages who 
came hither on the deck of the Mayflower. Let me fancy that 
I now see Elder William Brewster entering the door at the 


further end of this hall ; a tall erect figure, of plain dress, with 
a respectful bow, mild and cheerful, but of no merriment that 
reaches beyond a smile. Let me suppose that his image stood 
now before us, or that it was looking in upon this assembly. 
Are ye, he would say, with a voice of exultation, and yet 
softened with melancholy, are ye our children? Does this 
scene of refinement, of elegance, of riches, of luxury, does all 
this come from our labors ? Is. this magnificent city, the like 
of which we never saw nor heard of on either continent, is 
this but an offshoot from Plymouth Rock ? 

" Quis jam locus * * * * 
Quse regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ?" 

Is this one part of the great reward for which my brethren 
and myself endured lives of toil and of hardship ? We had 
faith and hope. God granted us the spirit to look forward, 
and we did look forward. But this scene we never anticipated. 
Our hopes were on another life. Of earthly gratifications we 
tasted little ; for human honors we had little expectation. Our 
\ bones lie on the hill in Plymouth churchyard, obscure, un- 
| marked, secreted, to preserve our graves from the knowledge of 
i savage foes. No stone tells where we lie. And yet, let me 
say to you who are our descendants, who possess this glorious 
country and all it contains, who enjoy this hour of prosperity 
and the thousand blessings showered upon it by the God of 
your fathers, we envy you not, we reproach you not. Be rich, 
be prosperous, be enlightened, * * if such be your allot 
ment on earth ; but live, also, always to God and to duty. 
Spread yourselves and your children over the continent, 
accomplish the whole of your great destiny, *and if it be that 
through the whole you carry Puritan hearts with you, if you 
still cherish an undying love of civil and religious liberty, and 
mean to enjoy them yourselves, and are willing to shed your 
heart s blood to transmit them to your posterity, then will you 
be worthy descendants of Carver, and Allerton, and Bradford, 
and the rest of those who landed from stormy seas on the 
Rock of Plymouth. " 

THE END. -$ 


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