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Source-Readers in American History - - No. I
COLONIAL CHILDREN
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i
cr
JOHN QUINCY
Source-Readers in American History --No. i
OLONIAL CHILDREN
SELECTED AND ANNOTATED BY
ALBERT BUSHNELL HART
OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY
WITH THE COLLABORATION OF
BLANCHE E. HAZARD
OF THE RHODE ISLAND NORMAL SCHOOL
WITH MANY ILLUSTRATIONS
NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
LONDON : MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.
1903
All rights reserved
COPYRIGHT, 1902,
BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped June, 1902. Reprinted April,
1003.
Norwood Press
J. S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
TO
little S. an* little S.
LOVERS OF PAPA'S STORIES
THESE VERITIES
112103
Preface
IN the conviction that the freshest and most direct writings
are those which most appeal to children of every age, this
volume and its three companions have been .prepared. The
books are made up of sources, but not of sources in the garb
of three centuries ago, unfamiliar to modern children. The
language and spelling have been freely altered, while the
thought has been preserved. Much has been omitted, but it
has not been the intention to add any statement not expressed
in the original. If children are interested in this book, it will
be because their ancestors were interesting, and not because a
modern mind has invented a story for them. History has been
taken in its large sense, as a record of the life of the people,
and hence many descriptions of manners and customs have
been included. While long narratives in general had to be
avoided, the lack of verse is due simply to the fact that colonial
poetry is in general too rugged or too stupid for children, and
cannot be modernized. In later volumes verse will appear
more freely.
ALBERT BUSHNELL HART.
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS,
December 19, 1900.
Contents
PAGE
INTRODUCTION FOR TEACHERS
PART I
DISCOVERY OF AMERICA . .... i
PART II
ON THE SEA . . • .... '-3
PART III
IN THE WILDERNESS . 55
PART IV
BIG INDIANS AND LITTLE INDIANS . 91
PART V
How THE COLONIES GREW . • J33
PART VI
LITTLE FOLKS .... T^5
PART VII
COLONIAL SCHOOLS 201
INTRODUCTION FOR TEACHERS
BY BLANCHE E. HAZARD
THE demand at the present day for reading-books
is not like that of fifty or even fifteen years ago.
Any collection of poetry and prose used to be thought
adequate, if made up of words of certain brevity and
paragraphs of appropriate choppiness about miscel
laneous subjects. Such a Reader was a good exercise
book for a drill in the mechanical process of reading.
In these days of teaching children instead of sub
jects, the demand is not merely for something to read,
but for something worth reading, both for its style
and its matter. During the last ten years various
Readers have appeared, made up of selections which
were good literature and at the same time suited to
young pupils. The subject-matter of such Readers
covers a wide range, including science, geography,
and history, descriptions of people and the world we
live in ; for we are teaching children to live and to
be interested in the lives of others.
Good reading-books may also be applied to the
problems of " anticipation and correlation " in educa
tion ; we have come to realize that at a given age cer
tain faculties can be developed more advantageously
than at other times. When the first bold pioneers of
"anticipation" tried to urge that some subjects for
merly reserved for secondary schools should be taught
in the grammar grades, there were cries of dismay
xii Introduction
and honest fears of a " stuffing process " by which
Latin and algebra were to be brought back into gram
mar grades, and science and history into primary
grades. Yet many schools throughout the United
States have proved that good teachers working with
good tools on wise plans can perform the impossibility.
Among the necessary tools are supplementary Readers
so used as to correlate the work of the grades.
For this reform it is not essential to ask faithful
and efficient teachers to do more work, but to use ef
fectively their time and strength and that of their
pupils, so that they may reach the ideals of the pres
ent day education. While they are teaching reading,
they are to think of the children not only as acquiring
a mechanical skill, but also as getting ideas about
things in life ; hence the growing use of " nature
readers," "history readers," and "geography read
ers," or as commonly termed " Supplementary Read
ers." The very name involves the conclusion that
these books are helping children to a knowledge of
subjects.
What are the characteristics of a good modern
reading-book? (i) Clear thought simply expressed;
(2) Good English; (3) Interesting pieces that will
train in expression ; (4) Valuable matter that is worth
remembering for its own sake. In my own work of
teaching methods to Normal School classes in the
Rhode Island Normal School and of supervising the
history study in the primary and grammar grades of
the Observation School connected with this Normal
School I have found the system of supplementary
readers an aid to the teacher and a stimulus to the
pupil. In talking with young children both in and
out of school, reading to them, hearing them read to
Introduction xiii
me, and listening to their unconstrained and valuable
criticisms, I have been convinced that they can under
stand and enjoy proper selections from real literature.
Colonial Children, like the other Readers of this
series which are to follow, is an attempt to give good
literature to children, and at the same time to do two
other things : to let people of bygone days speak for
themselves ; and to lay good foundations for accurate
knowledge of history. Hence the sources of Ameri
can history have been re-examined and narratives
have been selected which seem interesting to children,
and simple enough in thought for them to understand.
The stories are the same in substance as when they
were first told, two and three centuries ago ; but their
garb has been changed without adding a detail or
altering a statement of fact. The spelling and phrase
ology of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have
been corrected so that the story may be easily under
stood by young children. Nevertheless as much of
the quaintness of expression has been kept as was
allowable by rules of present good usage, with due
reference to the mental development of the pupils of
the fourth to the sixth grade. Those children can
now read aloud to their listening schoolmates the
words uttered by such leaders as Governor William
Bradford, Governor John Winthrop, John Smith, and
William Penn, great men of action, who were also
writers of clear thought and pure English style.
Perhaps a proper definition of oral reading might
be this, — getting the thought out of a writer's words,
and then expressing it in such a way as to pass that
thought on to others. An interest that awakens im
agination leads readily into an ability to get and to
transmit another's thought. This volume should have
xiv Introduction
in the training of expression as much helpfulness as
the many artificial story books, for it is full of adven
ture, wonderful happenings, graphic descriptions, and
altogether delightful tales. I have seen and heard
history stories read by children in all the grades from
the third to the sixth ; and I have observed that even
little children cannot help giving the right expression
when they read of triumph or of sorrow, for their
voices are unconsciously modulated to suit the
thought, because the feelings which control the voice
are awakened.
Reading aloud with taste and expression is only
part of the school training. Children must learn to
read both to and for themselves ; to get the sense by
the appeal of the printed page to the eye, as well as
of the spoken words to the ear. That children do
not acquire this power generally in the primary and
grammar schools is known to secondary school teach
ers ; repeatedly in my high school classes I have
found that reading twenty pages of a comparatively
easy history or even of a novel, was a " time-taking
task " without definite results in the way of securing
the ideas. Since this power cannot be acquired
without years of training, a beginning should be
made in the elementary schools. There is no doubt
that many of these stories would be most profitable
and engrossing " seat work," a means of relaxation,
which would not involve mischief making.
Varying conditions in schools and courses in the
East and in the West, and in different schools also of
one state, prevent a general statement as to the grade
for which this reading-book is intended. In selecting
and revising the extracts we hoped that it might fit
the average fifth grade, or say children ten or twelve
. Introduction xv
years old, and my own experience and a test of many
of the pieces show that average children of that age
can use it pleasurably.
The fourth requirement for a Reader is that it con
tain valuable subject-matter, worth remembering for
itself : we believe that the pieces in this book not
only cultivate the imagination and train the vocal ex
pression, but may aid the memory and aid the judg
ment so as to be an ultimate help in the study of
history in the fifth or in higher grades. While in
tended primarily as a reading-book, the volume has
been made up in accordance with the principles of
the scientific study of history : large bodies of sources
have been searched ; opinions have been weighed and
balanced ; and the merits of the writers and their
writings have been considered ; kindred subjects have
been grouped ; chronological order and historical
perspective have been kept in mind. If a teacher in
the fifth grade is required to teach American history,
in a simple though formal way, with a text-book or
without, she will find in this book a tool adapted for
her work.
For example, to make real the Norsemen who
visited our country so long ago, leaving few or no
traces of their coming, she can turn those shadowy
beings into seeming flesh and blood by reading the
story of the Wineland Baby (No. i). She can be sure
that children will remember not only the story, but
the story-teller, when Columbus (No. 2) or Higginson
(No. 20) tell what they saw in the New World. The
real nature of exploration will come home to the pupils
with force as they read about Balboa (No. 5) and
Pizarro (No. 6) and De Soto (No. 7). A fuller ap
preciation of the courage of the colonists will be pos-
xvi Introduction
sible for the children who notice the dangers, real
and imaginary, which were faced in the journey over
the ocean and during the first years in the wilderness ;
any of the selections grouped in the chapter " On
the Sea " and " In the Wilderness " will furnish these
pictures.
The volume contains some of the earliest and most
authentic accounts of the native Indians : but it was
not all scalping and war dances. The girls who read
of their home-life (Nos. 33 and 34) and the true story
of Pocahontas (No. 35) will find that the Indians can
interest 'as well as frighten them ; the boys will get
enough excitement in the stories of rescue from
Indian captivity found in Nos. 41 and 43 ; while both
boys and girls will find much to admire in the char
acter of the Indian chieftain, Passaconnaway (No.
39). Colonies seem more real to boys and girls when
they find that there were real children on the Virginia
plantations and in the New England towns ; as
"fathers" and "mothers" the parents of these
children (read Nos. 56 and 59, 60 and 61, 65, 66,
and 67) become infinitely more interesting than the
old-fashioned "colonists" could ever be. That per
sonal impression once gained, pupils may read Nos.
46 to 55 about "How the Colonies Grew." That
the accounts of the colonial schools, in the closing
chapter of this Reader, will make the children more
eager to go to their own schools, is, perhaps, too
much to promise, but that all these stories wisely used
will tend to keep this rising generation from " hating
history " is confidently expected.
To a sixth grade teacher, who takes up the formal
study of American history, with a class that has be
come acquainted with Colonial Children during the
Introduction xvii
previous year, there will come a grateful appreci
ation of the worth of a supplementary Reader that
gave the children something not only to read, and to
read with expression, but to remember ; she will see
a practical outcome of the system of "anticipation
and correlation," and she will be doing her share in
working out this problem in our primary and gram
mar schools.
PART I
DISCOVERY OF AMERICA
i. Saga of a Wineland Baby
BY HAUK ERLENDSSON (ABOUT 1000)
ONE summer a ship came from Norway to Green
land. The skipper's name was Thorfinn Karlsefni,
and he was the son of Thord called " Horsehead,"
and a grandson of Snorri. Thorfinn Karlsefni, who
was a very wealthy man, passed the winter there in
Greenland, with Lief Ericsson. He very soon set his
heart upon a maiden called Gudrid, and sought her
hand in marriage.
That same winter a new discussion arose concern
ing a Wineland voyage. The people urged Karlsefni
to make the bold venture, so he determined to under
take the voyage, and gathered a company of sixty
men and five women. He entered into an agreement
with his shipmates that they should each share equally
in all the spoils. They took with them all kinds of
cattle, as they intended to settle the country if they
could. Karlsefni asked Lief for his house in Wine-
land. Lief replied that he would lend it but not
give it.
This story
was handed
down by tra
dition for
many cen
turies ; but it
describes a
real settle
ment, the
first by
Europeans
in America
nine cen
turies ago.
I.e. to a
place called
Wineland.
Lief had
already made
a voyage to
Wineland
and built a
house there.
The name of
Lief s place.
The ships
which had
brought out
the colonists
were sent
back with a
cargo from
Wineland.
The
Skrellings
were natives,
probably
Esquimaux
or other
northern
tribes.
The
Skrellings
2 Discovery of America [NO. i
They sailed out to sea with the ship and arrived safe
and sound at Lief 's booths, and carried their hammocks
ashore there. They were soon provided with an abun
dant supply of food, for a whale of good size and qual
ity was driven ashore and they secured it. Their cattle
were turned out upon the land. Karlsefni ordered
trees to be felled ; for he needed timber wherewith to
load his ships. They gathered some of all the prod
ucts of the land,
grapes, all kinds of
game, fish, and other
good things.
In the summer
after the first winter
the Skrellings were
discovered. A great
throng of men came
forth from the woods ;
the cattle were close
by and the bull began
to bellow and roar
with a great noise.
At this the Skrellings
were frightened and
ran away with their
packs, wherein were gray furs, sables, and all kinds
of skins. They fled towards Karlsefni's dwelling and
tried to get into the house, but Karlsefni caused the
doors to be defended. Neither people could under
stand the other's language. The Skrellings put down
their packs, then opened them and offered their wares,
in exchange for weapons, but Karlsefni forbade his
men to sell their weapons. He bade the women to
carry out milk to the Skrellings ; as soon as these peo-
NO. i] A Homeland Baby 3
pie had tasted the milk, they wanted to buy it and had neither
nothing else. cows nor .
• • • g°ats. so that
Now it is to be told that Karlsef ni caused a strong miik was a
wooden palisade to be constructed and set up around novel luxuiy
the house. It was at this time that a baby boy was
born to Gudrid and Karlsefni and he was called Snorri. The first
In the early part of the second winter the Skrellings ^hild of
J 1 European
came to them again in greater numbers than before, race born in
and brought with them the same kind of wares to America-
exchange. Then said Karlsefni to the women, " Do
ye carry out now the same thing which proved so prof
itable before and nothing else." The Skrellings seemed
contented at first, but soon after, while Gudrid was sit
ting in the doorway beside the cradle of her infant
son, Snorri, she heard a great crash made by one of
the Skrellings who had tried to seize a man's weapons.
One of Karlsefni's followers killed him for it. " Now
we must needs take counsel together," said Karlsefni,
"for I believe they will visit us a third time in greater
numbers. Let us now adopt this plan : when the tribe
approaches from the forest, ten of our number shall
go out upon the cape in front of our houses and show
themselves there, while the remainder of our company
shall go into the woods back of our houses and hew
a clearing for our cattle. Then we will take our bull
and let him go in advance of us to meet the enemy."
The next time the Skrellings came they found Karl
sefni's men ready and fled helter-skelter into the woods.
Karlsefni and his party remained there throughout
the winter, but in the spring Karlsefni announced that
he did not intend to remain there longer, for he wished
to return with his wife and son to Greenland. They we do not
now made ready for the voyage and carried away with know what
, . . , J j i • became of
them much in vines and grapes and skins. these people
Discovery of America [NO.
This extract
is part of
Columbus's
own account
of his dis
covery of
the new
world.
King Fer
dinand of
Spain.
I.e. one of
the names
applied to
Jesus Christ.
Juana =
Cuba.
Cathay =
China, which
Columbus
had expected
to reach.
Or His-
panola, now
San
Domingo.
2. Throngs of Children to see
Columbus
BY CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS (1492)
THIRTY-THREE days after my departure from
Cadiz I reached the Indian Sea, where I discovered
many islands which were thickly peopled. I took
possession of these without resistance in the name
of our most illustrious Monarch, by a public procla
mation and with unfurled banners. To the first of
these islands, which is called by the Indians Guana-
hani, I gave the name of the blessed Saviour, San
Salvador, relying upon whose protection I had
reached this as well as the other islands. As
soon as we arrived at the great island, which I have
said was named Juana, I proceeded along its coast
a short distance westward, and found it to be so
large and apparently without termination, that I
could not suppose it to be an island, but the conti
nental province of Cathay. In the meantime I had
learned from some Indians whom I had seized, that
that country was certainly an island : and therefore
I sailed towards the east, coasting to the distance of
three hundred and twenty-two miles, which brought us
to the extremity of it. From this point I saw lying
eastwards another island, fifty -four miles distant from
Juana, to which I gave the name of Espanola. All
these islands are very beautiful ; they are filled with
a great variety of trees of immense height which
retain their foliage in all seasons, I believe, for when
I saw them they were as verdant and luxuriant as
they usually are in Spain in the month of May.
NO. 2] Children and Columbus 5
Some of them were blossoming, some bearing fruit,
and all flourishing in the greatest perfectipn. Yet
the islands are not so thickly wooded as to be impas
sable. The nightingale and various birds were sing-
©ceanica
COLUMBUS S SHIPS IN FACSIMILE.
ing in countless numbers, and that in November, the
month in which I arrived there.
The inhabitants are very simple and honest, and
exceedingly liberal with all they have ; none of them
refusing anything he may possess when he- is asked
Discovery of America [NO. 2
The friendly
people were
soon after
made slaves
by the
Spaniards,
and in a few
years were
almost all
dead from
the cruel
treatment of
their masters.
for it; but on the contrary inviting us to ask them.
They exhibit great love towards all others in prefer
ence to themselves : they also give objects of great
value for trifles, and content themselves with very
little in return. I, however, forbade that these trifles
and articles of no value, such as pieces of dishes,
plates, and glass, keys, and leather straps should be
given to them; although if they could obtain them,
they imagined themselves to be possessed of the
most beautiful trinkets in the world.
On my arrival in the new world I took some Ind
ians by force from the first island to which I came,
-in order that they might learn our language. These
men are still travelling with me, and although they
have been with us now for a long time, they continue
to entertain the idea that I have descended from
heaven. On our arrival at any new place they pub
lish this, crying out immediately with a loud voice to
the other Indians, " Come, come and look upon
beings of a celestial race " : upon which both women
and men, children and adults, young men and old,
when they get rid of the fear they at first entertain,
will come out in throngs, crowding the roads to see
us, some bringing food and others drink, with aston
ishing affection and kindness.
NO. 3]
Dressed in Silk
3. A Father dressed in Silk
BY Two ITALIAN GENTLEMEN (1497)
LONDON, 23d August. 1497.
OUR Venetian, John Cabot, who went with a small
ship from Bristol to find new islands, has come back,
and says that he has discovered, seven hundred leagues
off, the mainland of the country of China. He coasted
along it for three hundred leagues, and landed but
did not see any people. But he has brought here to
the king certain snares spread to take game, and a
needle for making nets. He found some notched
trees, from which he judged that people lived about
there. Being in doubt, he came back to the ship.
He had been away three months on the voyage, and,
in returning, he saw two islands to the right ; but he
did not wish to land, lest he should lose time, for he
.was in want of provisions. The king of this country
has been much pleased. He has promised for an
other time ten armed ships such as Cabot desires,
and has given him all the prisoners, except such as
are confined for high treason, to go with him. The
king has granted him money also, with which to
amuse himself till then. Meanwhile, he is with his
Venetian wife and his sons at Bristol. His name is
John Cabot and he is called the Great Admiral ;
great honor is paid to him, and he goes about dressed
in silk. The English are ready to go with him, and
so are many of our rascals. As discoverer of these
things, Cabot has planted a large cross in the ground
with a banner of England, and one of St. Mark, as
he is a Venetian ; so that our flag has been hoisted
very far away.
John Cabot
was sent out
by Henry
VII, King of
England, and
this was the
first English
voyage to
America.
A league =
three miles.
Henry VII
of England.
I.e. let Cabot
take them
as seamen,
so as to
relieve the
overcrowded
English
prisons.
Rascals =
poor men.
St. Mark is
the patron
saint of
Venice.
8 Discovery of America [NO. 3
It was still
supposed
that the coast
of America
was a part
of China or
Japan.
These two
letters were
written to the
governments
of Venice
and Milan.
1 8th December, 1497.
Perhaps amidst so many occupations of your Ex
cellency it will not be unwelcome to learn how the
King of England has gained a part of Asia without
drawing his sword. In this kingdom there is a cer
tain Venetian named John Cabot, of gentle disposi
tion, very expert in navigation, who, seeing that the
most serene Kings of Portugal and Spain had occu
pied unknown islands, wished to gain new territory for
the English king. Having obtained the king's prom
ise that he might have the lordship of the dominions
which he might discover, Cabot embarked in a small
vessel with a crew of eighteen persons, and set out
from Bristol, a port in the western part of this king
dom. He wandered for a long time; at length he
came to land, where he hoisted the royal standard,
and took possession for his Highness ; then, having
obtained various proofs of his discovery, he returned.
Since John was a foreigner and poor, he would not
have been believed if the crew, who are nearly all
English, and belong to Bristol, had not testified that
what he said was the truth. This Cabot has the
description of the world on a chart, and also on a
solid sphere which he has made. On this he shows
where he has been. They say that the new land is
excellent and the climate is temperate ; they also say
that perhaps dye-wood and silk grow there. They
affirm that the sea is full of fish, which are taken not
only with a net, but also with a basket, which has a
stone fastened to it in order to keep it in the water.
This I have heard John Cabot himself say. People
look upon him as a prince.
THE DEPARTURE OF COLUMBUS.
i o Discovery of America [NO. 5
The first
man to sug
gest the name
of America
was a
German
school
master whose
name means
"Miller of
the Wood
Pond."
Really
Americus
Vespucius
discovered
very little,
and does
not deserve
to have the
continents
named for
him.
The South
Sea, which
we call the
Pacific
Ocean,
which
washed the
eastern
shores of
India and
China, was
what most of
the early
European
explorers set
out to find.
Balboa, a
Spanish
officer, had
heard from a
4. The Name America
BY HYLACOMYLUS (1507)
AND the fourth part of the world having been dis
covered by Americus, it may be called Amerige ; that
is, the land of Americus or America.
Now truly, since these regions are more widely
explored, and another fourth part is discovered by
Americus Vesputius, as may be learned from the fol
lowing letters, I do not see why any one may justly
forbid it to be named Amerige, that is, Americ's Land,
after Americus the discoverer, who is a man of saga
cious mind ; or call it America, since both Europa and
Asia derived their names from women.
5. How to find an Ocean
BY ANTONIO HERRERA (1513)
BALBOA, having resolved to march over to the South
Sea, and having provided all things necessary for it,
set out from Darien in the beginning of September,
1513. He went by sea as far as the land of the Cacique
Careta. There he left the brigantines and the canoes
and advanced towards the mountain. Careta who was
friendly to him commanded some of his subjects to
attend Balboa. A neighboring Cacique, Ponca, by
name, who had spies abroad, was informed that the
Spaniards were coming up his mountain, and hid him
self in an out of the way part of his territory. Balboa
sent some of the Careta Indians to assure him that he
was doing no harm but would be his friend as he was
Careta's. So Ponca came, bringing a present of gold.
NO. 5] How to find an Ocean 1 1
Balboa received him with much joy because he did native chief
not wish to leave an enemy behind. He gave him an ^f^t
abundance of beads, looking glasses, and some iron seaacrossthe
axes. In return, Balboa demanded of Ponca some mountains,
guides and men to carry burdens. The Cacique granted
all he desired, and gave him plenty of provisions.
Then Balboa proceeded to the top of the mountain
whence he had been told that the other sea might be
seen. From Ponca' s land to the top was about six
days' journey ; but they spent twenty-five days
because of the roughness of the land, and because
they were short of provisions. At length they
arrived at the top of the high mountain, on the
twenty-fifth of September, 1513, whence the sea
could be seen. Balboa was given notice a little
while before they came to the top that they were
very near it. Commanding all to halt there, Balboa
went up alone and saw the South Sea ; then, with
uplifted hands and on his knees, he returned thanks
to heaven for being the first who had seen this sea.
After performing this act of devotion he called his
men and repeated the same, and they followed his
example, while the Indians stood amazed to see
them so overjoyed. Balboa praised Camegra's son
for giving him this news, and promised all his follow
ers much wealth and happiness. They all believed
him, for he was very much beloved because he made
no difference between himself and the common sol
diers. He always showed sympathy for the sick and
wounded, every one of whom he visited and com
forted. He was himself undaunted in dangers, never
showing the least fear in the greatest perils.
Balboa next ordered that a certificate should be
drawn of his taking possession of that sea and all
I 2
Discovery of America [NO. 6
The state of
Ferdinand's
Spanish
We shall
meet Pizarro
presently.
The tide
6 feet.
Nobody then
guessed that
there was an
opening
south of
which°they
could sail
Pacific6
Ocean.
that was in it for the Crown of Castile ; as a testi-
mony °f tki8 ne Cllt down trees, raised crosses and
heaps of stones, and cut the name of the King of
Spain on some of the trees. He then resolved to go
down the mountains to observe what there was on
them and on the sea-coast. He sent Captain Francis
pjzarro to vie\v the sea-coast and the country round
about. John Escaray and Alonzo Martin, with twelve
men each, he sent to find the shortest way to this sea.
Alonzo Martin hit upon the shortest road and in
two days came to a place where he found two canoes
upon dry land, yet saw no sea ; but whilst he was
considering how those canoes were up on the land,
the sea water came in and lifted them up about a
fathom in height ; for upon that coast the sea ebbs
an<^ fl°ws every six hours, two or three fathoms, so
that great ships are left dry and no sea water appears
for half a league at least. Alonzo Martin, seeing
^Q canoes begin to swim, went into one of them and
bid his companions to bear witness that he was the
nrst to enter the South Sea. Another man whose
name was Atienza did the like and bid them bear
witness that he was the second. They returned to
Balboa with the news, which made them all rejoice.
6. A Room Full of Gold
BY FRANCISCO XERES (1533)
Pizarro was GOVERNOR PIZARRO received news from the natives
officeTwho tnat ^e way to Cuzco passed through very populous
had got per- districts which were rich and fertile ; that there was
mission from an inhabited valley called Caxamalca ten or twelve
NO. 6] Room Full of Gold i 3
days' journey from the settlement where Atahuallpa,
the greatest lord among these natives, resided.
When Atahuallpa had come to the province of Ca-
xamalca years before he found it to be so rich and
pleasant that he settled there and continued to con
quer other lands from thence. This lord was held
so much in dread, that the natives of the valley did
not dare to leave his service for the service of the
king of Spain ; so they told the Christians and their
leader, Governor Pizarro, that a small detachment of
Atahuallpa's army would be sufficient to kill all the
Christians. Governor Pizarro thereupon resolved to
march in search of Atahuallpa to reduce him to the
service of the king of Spain and to win over the sur
rounding countries.
The Governor departed from the city of San
Miguel in search of Atahuallpa on the twenty-fourth
of September, 1532. He arrived at the town of
Caxamalca two months later at the hour of vespers.
In the middle of the town there was a great open
space surrounded by walls and houses. The Gov
ernor occupied this position and sent a messenger to
Atahuallpa to announce his arrival, to arrange a
meeting, and in order that he might show him where
to lodge ; meanwhile he ordered the town to be
examined with a view to discovering a strong posi
tion where he might pitch his camp. He ordered
all the troops to be stationed in the open space and
the cavalry to remain mounted until it was seen
whether Atahuallpa would come.
This town, which is the principal place in the val
ley, is situated on the edge of a mountain, with an
open plain in front of it. Two rivers flow through
the valley, \, ;h is level and well peopled with
Spain to
conquer the
region in
South
America
which we
call Peru.
Cuzco was
the native
capital.
Atahuallpa
was king of
the natives.
Pizarro had
only 213 men
and 63
horses.
Plaza — the
Spanish
name for
public
square.
A pace is
about three
feet.
A great
battle be
tween Ata-
huallapa's
forces and
Pizarro's
took place,
in which
Atahuallapa
was taken
prisoner.
Throughout
his captivity
he was kindly
treated, but
he felt un
easy about
his safety.
1 4 Discovery of America [NO. 6
about two thousand inhabitants. Near the entrance
there are two bridges because two rivers flow past.
The plaza is larger than any in Spain, surrounded
by a wall and entered by two doorways which open
upon the streets of the town. The houses are more
than two hundred paces in length, very well built,
being surrounded by strong walls, three times the
height of a man. The roofs are covered with straw
and wood, the interiors are divided into eight rooms,
much better than any we had seen before. Their
walls are of well cut stones, and each lodging is sur
rounded by a wall of masonry with doorways, and
has its fountain of water in an open court brought
from a distance by pipes for the supply of the
house.
Atahuallapa feared that the Spaniards would kill
him, so he told Governor Pizarro that he would give
his captors a great quantity of gold and silver. The
Governor asked him : " How much can you give and
in what time ? " Atahuallapa said : " I will give gold
enough to fill a room twenty-two feet long and seven
teen wide up to a white line which is half way up the
wall. The height will be once and a half that of a
man's stature." Atahuallapa also said, that up to that
mark he would fill the room with different kinds of
golden vessels, such as jars, pots, vases, besides lumps
and other pieces. As for silver, he said that he would
fill a whole chamber with it twice over. He under
took to do this in two months. Governor Pizarro told
him to send off messengers for this purpose, and that
when it was accomplished he need have no fear.
Then Atahuallapa sent messages to his captains who
were in the city of Cuzco, ordering them to send two
thousand Indians, laden with gold and ^ilver. After
NO. 6] Room Full of Gold i 5
some days, several of the family of Atahuallapa arrived.
There was his brother, who came from Cuzco, and
sisters and wives. The brother brought many vases,
jars, and pots of gold and much silver, and he said
that there were more
on the road ; but that
as the journey was
long, the Indians who
were bringing the
treasure became tired
and could not come
so quickly, but that
every day more gold
and silver would ar
rive. And it came.
On some days twenty
thousand, on others
fifty or sixty thou
sand pesos of gold
arrived. The Gov
ernor ordered it to
be put in the house
where Atahuallapa
had his guards, and
to be stored there
until he had accom
plished what he had
promised.
And so the gold was delivered to the Christians by
little and little and slowly, because it was necessary
to employ many Indians who had to go from village
to village to collect it. The Governor ordered the
pieces of gold to be counted, and the gold vessels and
plates to be melted down and weighed. It was found
A SPANIARD IN ARMOR.
A peso = a
dollar.
Worth about
$ 17,500,000
inour money.
The Spanish
king de
manded a
certain fixed
share of
1 6 Discovery of America [NO. 7
treasures
found in the
new world.
Having got
the gold,
Pizarro
murdered
Atahuallpa,
and enslaved
the people.
This is one
of the unsuc
cessful
expeditions
made by the
Spaniards.
De Soto
expected to
find gold as
Pizarro had
done.
Caravel = a
four-masted
ship.
that there was over three million pesos of good gold.
Of this, Governor Pizarro had as his share two hun
dred thousand pesos of gold and fifty thousand of sil
ver. The " royal fifth " was set aside for the Spanish
king. All the rest was divided among all the con
querors who had accompanied Governor Pizarro, and
the men who had been friendly to them during the
expedition. Thus every one of Pizarro's helpers in
the country received something out of this room full
of gold.
7. Buried in the Mississippi
BY A PORTUGUESE GENTLEMAN OF ELVAS (1542)
CAPTAIN DE SOTO was the son of a Spanish squire.
He went into the Spanish Indies when Peter Arias
was governor of the West Indies There he was with
out anything of his own save his sword and shield.
For his good qualities and valor, Peter Arias made
him captain of a troop of horsemen, and by his own
command De Soto went with Fernando Pizarro to the
conquest of Peru. Afterwards the Spanish Emperor
made him governor of the Isle of Cuba and President
of Florida, with the title of Marquis over a certain
part of the lands which he might conquer.
On Sunday, the eighteenth day of May, in the
year 1539, President De Soto departed from Havana
in Cuba with his fleet, which consisted of nine vessels,
five great ships, two caravels and two brigantines.
They sailed for seven days with a prosperous wind.
On Friday they landed on the western coast of Florida.
De Soto left Captain Caldero there with thirty
horsemen and seventy footmen with provisions for
NO. 7] In the Mississippi i 7
two years. Then he himself with all the rest of his
men marched into the mainland in search of the
"Great River"; and after many adventures they
found the river ; but the natives were hostile and the
country was poor.
After many weary and dangerous marches, the
governor fell into great dumps to see how hard it
was to get down the Mississippi to the sea. It
seemed even worse, because the number of his men
and horses was every day diminished, as they could
not find enough food to sustain them in this country.
Discouraged by that thought De Soto fell sick.
Before he took his bed, he sent an Indian to the
cacique at Ouigalta to tell him that he, Fernando
De Soto, was the Child of the Sun, and that all the
way on his journey thither, all men had obeyed and
served him ; that he requested him to accept of his
friendship, and come to him, for he should be very
glad to see him ; and in sign of love and obedience to
bring something with him of that which in his coun
try was most prized. The cacique answered by the
same Indian, saying that whereas De Soto said that
he was the Child of the Sun, if he would dry up the
Great River he would believe him ; and touching the
rest, that he was wont to visit none ; but rather that
all those of whom he had notice did visit him, served,
obeyed, and paid him tributes willingly or perforce.
Therefore, if De Soto desired to see him, it were best
he should come to his place. That if he came in
peace, he would receive him with special good will.
Or if De Soto came in war, even then the chief told
him to come and find the Indians in the town where
they were, adding, that for De Soto or any other per
son he would not shrink one foot back.
1 8 Discovery of America [NO. 7
half wide and
a hundred
feet deep.
By the time the Indian returned with this answer,
the governor had betaken himself to bed, very ill
with fever and much grieved that he was not able to
pass over the river and seek this cacique to see if he
could lessen that pride of his. But the current of
the river was very strong in those parts, where it was
A mile and a nearly half a league broad and sixteen fathoms deep.
On both sides there were many Indians, and his
power was not now so great but that he had need
to help himself when he could by flight rather than
by force.
Before he could do either, on the twenty-first of
May, in the year 1542, Don Fernando De Soto, the
valorous, virtuous, and valiant captain, Governor of
Cuba, and President of Florida, departed out of this
life. He departed in such a place and at such a
time that during his sickness he had had but little
comfort, and the danger wherein all his people found
themselves of perishing in that strange country, is
the reason why they did not visit. nor stay with him
as they ought to have done.
Luys de Moscoso determined to conceal this death
from the Indians because Fernando De Soto had
made them believe that the Christians were immortal ;
and, since they had considered him to be hardy, wise,
and valiant, Moscoso feared that if they should know
that he was dead they would be bold to set upon the
Christians, even if the Spaniards tried to live peace
ably among them.
As soon as De Soto was dead, therefore, Luys de
Moscoso commanded the men to put him in a house
secretly. Here he remained for three days. Re
moving him thence, Moscoso commanded them to
bury him in the night at one of the gates of the town
Next in com
mand in the
expedition.
NO. 7] In the Mississippi 19
just within the wall. As the Indians had seen
De Soto sick and had missed him, they suspected
what had happened. Passing by the place where he
was buried and seeing the earth disturbed, they
looked and spoke one to another. Luys de Moscoso,
understanding it, gave the order that De Soto should
be taken up by night and a great deal of sand cast
into the mantles wherein he was wrapped. Then
De Soto was carried in a canoe and thrown into the
midst of the Great River.
The cacique of Guachaya inquired for him, de
manding what was become of his brother, the gov
ernor. Luys de Moscoso told him that he had gone
to heaven as he had many other times, and because
he was to stay there certain days, he had left him in
his place.
The cacique still thought that the governor was Asmaiirem-
dead, and commanded two young and well proper- nantofthe
. . proud expe-
tioned Indians to be brought thither, praying Luys dition at last
to command them to be beheaded that they might escaped to
attend and serve his lord and brother after his death. Neither DC
Luys told him that the governor was not dead but Soto's pride
had gone to heaven and that he had taken such of "°s0.s°fe"s
his own Christian soldiers as he needed away with helped them,
him ; but the Indians believed nothing of what he
said.
2 o Discovery of America [NO. s
8. Esquimaux Foot-ball
BY RICHARD HAKLUYT (ABOUT 1590)
That is, of I FIND that in the manner of living the people of
two ports of tne northeast and those of the northwest are alike.
the northern .
lands visited They have an olive complexion, — are very active
by English and nimble men, — and are a strong, warlike people ;
for even in our sight on the tops of the hills they
explorers.
The Esqui
maux still
wear such
garments.
ESQUIMAUX CHILDREN.
would muster themselves, and in a mimic skirmish
scamper over the ground very nimbly. They man
age their bows and arrows with great dexterity.
They go about clad in skins of beasts such as
seals, deer, bears, foxes, and hares. They have
also some garments of feathers, finely sewed and
NO. s] Esquimaux Foot-ball 2 1
fastened together. In summer they wear the hairy
side of the skins outward, and in winter they wear
four or five thicknesses with the hairy sides turned
inward.
These people are by nature subtle and sharp-witted,
ready to understand our meaning by signs and make
answers that can be well understood. If they have
not seen the thing whereof we ask, they will wink or
cover their eyes with their hands as if to say it had
been hid from sight. If they do not understand what
you ask them, they will stop their ears. They are
willing to teach us the names of anything in their
language which we desire to know, and are quick to
learn anything of us. They delight in music and
will keep time and stroke to any tune which we may
sing, both with their voice, head, hands, and feet,
and will sing the same tune after us.
They live in caves in the earth and hunt for their
dinners just as the bears and other wild beasts do.
They eat raw flesh and fish.
On the twenty-first of August the captain of our
ship sent, a boat on shore for wood with six of our
men who had friendly dealings with these Esquimaux.
After that, they beckoned us on shore several times
to play foot-ball with them, and some of our company
went on shore to play with them ; but nimble as they
were, as often as they struck at the ball our men won
the game.
A SHIP AT SEA.
PART II
ON THE SEA
g. The [oke of the Pilot's Boy
BY FRANCIS PRETTY (1578)
FROM thence we went to a certain port called
Tarapaca, where we landed and found by the seaside
a Spaniard lying asleep. Beside him there lay thir
teen bars of silver, which we took, leaving the man.
Not far from thence we went on land for fresh
water, and met a Spaniard and an Indian boy driving
eight lamas, or Peruvian sheep, which were as big
as donkeys ; each one of these sheep had on his back
two bags of leather, each bag containing fifty pounds
of fine silver. So we brought both the sheep and
their burden to the ship and found we had obtained
eight hundred weight of fine silver.
From here we sailed to a place called Arica.
When we entered port we found three small brigs
which we rifled, and found in one of them fifty-seven
wedges of silver, each of them weighing about twenty
pounds weight. In these brigs we did not find a
single person, for all had gone ashore to the town,
which consisted of about twenty houses. If our
company had been larger we would have rifled the
23
a voyage
around the
with the
purpose of
capturing
Spanish
vessels and
towns ; and
Queen
Elizabeth
refused to
punish him.
The
Spaniards
had never
before seen
On the Sea
[No. g
Ocean.
The places
mentioned
here are on
the west coast
of South
America.
It is plain
that Drake
was little
better than
a common
pirate,
robbing
innocent
people right
and left.
Ordnance
cannon.
town, but our general contented himself with the
spoils of the ships, put off to sea again, and set sail
for Lima.
To Lima we came on the thirteenth of February, and
entering port, we found there about twelve ships lying
fast moored to their anchors, their sails having been
carried on shore. Their captains and the merchants
felt most secure here, never having been assaulted
by the negroes. Our general rifled these ships and
found in one of them a chest full of plate and good
store of silks and linen cloth. This chest he took to
his own ship. While he was on board this ship he
got news of another ship, called the Spitfire, laden
with treasure : hereupon we stayed there no longer,
but cutting all the cables of the enemies' ships in the
haven, we left them drift whither they would, either
to sea or to shore, and with all speed we followed
the Spitfire towards Paita. Before we arrived there,
the Spaniards shot out again towards Panama. Our
general speedily pursued. But we met a brig laden
with ropes and tackling ; we boarded and searched it
until we found a quantity of gold and golden cruci
fixes set with large emeralds.
Thence we departed, still following the Spitfire,
and our general promised the company that whoso
ever should first descry her should have his reward
of gold for his good news. It happened that John
Drake, going up to the top, descried her at about
three o'clock. About six o'clock we came to her,
shot at her with three pieces of ordnance, and struck
down her mizzenmast. Next we entered the boat
and found in her great riches, such as jewels, pre
cious stones, thirteen chests of fine plate, four-score
pound weight of gold, and twenty-six tons of silver.
NO. 10] Sir Francis Drake 2 5
The place where we took this prize was called Cape
de San Francisco, about one hundred and fifty leagues
from Panama.
The name of the pilot of this ship was Francisco.
He owned two fair gilt bowls of silver which our
General found, and said : " Signer Pilot, you have
here two silver cups, I must needs have one of them.
The pilot, because he could not choose otherwise,
yielded, giving one to the General and the other to
the steward of our ship. When the pilot left us, his
boy said to our General : " Captain, our ship shall be
called no more the Spitfire, but the Spittreasure, and
your ship shall be called the Spitfire." This bright
speech of the pilot's boy made us all laugh, both then
and long after.
Not San
Francisco,
California ;
though
Drake went
there later.
The Genei
was Drake
10. Far, Far at Sea
BY THE REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON (1629)
THE names of the five ships were as follows : —
The first was called the Talbot, a good and strong
ship of three hundred tons and nineteen pieces of
ordnance, with a crew of thirty mariners. This ship
carried more than a hundred planters, six goats, five
great pieces of ordnance, with all manner of ammuni
tion and provisions for the Plantation for a twelfth-
month.
The second ship was called the George. This
also was a strong ship of about three hundred tons,
with a crew of thirty mariners. Her general cargo
was of cattle, twelve mares, thirty cows, and some
goats. She had fifty-two planter^ on board.
Higginson
called this
narrative
" The true
story of the
voyage to
New Eng
land, made
during the
last summer.
Begun on
the 25th of
April, 1629."
Planters =
settlers.
26
On the Sea
[No. 10
This is not
the cele
brated
The third ship was called the Lion's Whelp, and
was a nimble ship of one hundred and twenty-two
tons, carrying many mariners and over forty planters
with provisions.
The fourth ship was called the Four Sisters.
The fifth ship was called the Mayflower. This did
carry both passengers and provisions.
voyage of the
Mayflower
to Plymouth ;
that had
been nine
years earlier.
Gravesend,
at the mouth
of the
A SHIP AMONG FLYING FISH.
The George having some special urgent reasons for
hastening her passage set sail before the rest, about
the middle of April. We who took ship in the Tal-
bot and the Lion's Whelp hoisted sail from Graves-
end on Saturday, the 25th of April. On Tuesday,
a week later, we entered the channel early in the
morning, and passed by Portsmouth very slowly for
No. 10]
An Emigrant
the wind was weak and calm. In the afternoon the
wind slackened and we were forced to anchor, a little
this side of Cowes Castle, where I and my wife and
daughter Mary, the two mates, and some others with
us obtained leave from the master of the ship to go
ashore to wash our linen, but the wind turning when
we were absent, they hoisted sail and left us there at
Cowes.
Wednesday, early in the morning a shallop was
sent from the ship to fetch us to Yarmouth, but the
weather proved rough and our women desired to
be set on shore at a point three miles short of Yar
mouth, and the rest of the way we went on foot, and
then regained the ship. The next Sabbath being the
first Lord's Day on which we had been at sea we
were disturbed in our morning services by the charge
of a man-of-war. The captain of this ship finding us
too strong for him durst not venture to assail us, but
made off.
This day, my two children, Samuel and Mary,
began to be sick of the small pox, which was brought
into the ship by one Mr. Brown who was sick with
the small pox at Gravesend. By Tuesday, towards
night, my daughter grew sicker. She died by five
o'clock that night, and was the first of our ship to be
buried in the great Atlantic Sea. By the following
Saturday we were comforted with the hope that my
son Samuel would get well. One morning while we
were at prayers, a strong sudden blast of wind came
from the south, stirred up the waves and tossed us
more than ever before. Towards night the wind
abated by little and little until it was calm. Mr.
Goffe's great dog, that fell overboard during the gale,
could not be recovered.
Thames,
below
London. It
often took a
sailing vessel
a week to get
around the
south of
England.
Channel =
English
Channel.
Cowes, on
Isle of
Wight.
Shallop — a
boat without
a mast.
Of course a
hostile
vessel.
Small-pox
was very
common and
very dan
gerous till
vaccination
came about
a century
ago.
28
On the Sea
[No. n
Sixty days !
The fastest
steamers now
cross the
same
distance in
six days.
Cape Sable,
near New
foundland.
These "gilly
flowers "
were an ordi
nary species
of marine
flower.
On Wednesday, just two months after we left our
English port, we had a clear sight of America, and
of Cape Sable which was seven or eight leagues to the
south. On the sea about us we saw yellow gilly
flowers. About the afternoon of the next day we had
a clear sight of many islands and hills by the seashore.
We saw an abundance of mackerel, and a great store
of whales puffing up water as they went by our ship.
Their enormous size astonished those of us who had
not seen them before ; their backs appeared like
small islands.
Friday, after the fog cleared, we saw many schools
of mackerel on every side of our ship. The sea was
abundantly stored with rock-weed and yellow flowers.
By noon we were within three leagues of Cape Ann ;
and as we sailed along the coast we saw every hill
and dale and every island full of great woods and
high trees. The nearer we came to the shore the
more flowers we saw, sometimes scattered abroad,
sometimes joined in sheets nine or ten yards long.
Towards night, we came near the harbor of Salem,
whither we were bound.
The Massa
chusetts
settlement
was made by
a rich cor
poration,
which could
send over
I I.
The Ship and the Indians
BY EDWARD JOHNSTON (1628)
THE whole Indian nation of Massachusets was
frightened at a ship that arrived in the bay, for they
had never seen one before. They themselves report
that when some Indians saw a great thing moving
toward them upon the waters, wondering what crea
ture it could be, they ran with their light canoes from
No. n]
Indian Visitors
29
place to place, and stirred up all their countrymen to hundreds of
come forth and behold this monstrous thing. At this Pe°Ple at a
sudden news the shores for many miles were filled
with the people of this unclothed nation. They gazed
at this wonder till some of the bravest among them Birch bark
manned their canoes. canoes,
fastened
INDIANS CANOEING.
Armed with bows and arrows, they approached together
within bow shot of the ship, and let fly their long
arrows at her. These were headed with bone and cedar trees,
some stuck fast in the wood. Others dropped into
the water. The Indians wondered that the ship did
not cry out, but kept moving quietly on toward them,
3 o On the Sea [NO. 12
and that its passengers made no defence. All of a
sudden the master caused a cannon to be fired. This
struck such fear into the poor Indians that they hur
ried to shore, and their wonder was greatly increased.
Once again the great crowd of Indians waited with
amazement to see the outcome. The seamen furled
up their sails and came to anchor, then manned their
long boat, and went ashore. At their approach most
of the Indians fled, but some saw that the newcomers
were men, who made signs to stop their flight, in order
that they might trade with the natives. For that pur
pose the newcomers had brought some copper kettles,
and the Indians by degrees made their approach nearer
and nearer.
Then they saw clearly the kettles which had been
set forth before them. The Indians knocked on them
and were much delighted with the sound. They were
much more astonished to see that they would not
break, although they were so thin.
To obtain those kettles the Indians brought the
white men many beaver skins. They loaded the
strangers richly according to their wishes.
12. The Ship in the Air
This won- OVER the harbor of New Haven appeared, in the
derfui evening, the form of a ship with three masts. Sud-
appearance ,,•,,, 11. M i
was probably denly all the tackling and sails were to be seen,
a mirage, or Shortly after, upon the ship there appeared a man,
verydfctant standing with one arm akimbo under his left side ;
ship. and holding in his right hand a sword stretched out
towards the sea.
NO. 12] Ship in Air 3 i
Then from the side of the ship which was toward
the town arose a great smoke, which covered all the
ship ; and in that smoke she vanished away. But
some saw her keel sink into the water. This was
seen by many men, women, and children, and it
lasted about a quarter of an hour.
The unhappy mourners of relatives lost in a ship
nearly two years before, tried to find some connection
between the ship in the air and their own sufferings.
In the gloomy and sad state of their minds they tried
to find some meaning in the strange appearance.
There are many accounts of this air-ship. One
says : " After the failure of news of their ship from
England, prayers, both public and private, were of
fered by the distressed people. They prayed that
the Lord would, if it was His pleasure, let them hear
what He had done with their dear friends, and that
He would help them to bow humbly to His holy will.
"Then a great thunder storm arose out of the north
west, and a ship was seen sailing against the wind.
The very children cried out, 'There's a brave ship.'
The air-ship remained before their eyes and came up
as far as there was water for such a vessel. It came
so near to some persons, that they thought a man
might throw a stone on board her."
The people were so sure and satisfied that they
had seen the ship that they believed that God, for
the quieting of their troubled hearts, had been willing
to send this wonderful ship to tell of what He had
done to those for whom so many prayers had been
made.
3 2 On the Sea [NO. 13
13. Treasure at the Bottom of
the Sea
BY COTTON MATHER (1692)
Phipswasa CAPTAIN WILLIAM PHIPS frequently told his wife
Massachu- that he would vet be captain of a king's ship, and
setls trader. J
that he should be the owner of a fair brick house in
the green land north of Boston. One year Captain
NOW Buenos Phips arrived with a ship and a tender at Port de la
Ayres. Platta. There he made a stout canoe of a stately
cotton tree, large enough to carry eight or ten per
sons. In doing this he used his own hand and adze
and endured no little hardship, living out of doors
Cotton in the woods many nights together. With this canoe
Mather was he had his men explore the reefs of shoals thereabouts
one of the r • i •
greatest New i°r they rise to within two or three teet 01 the surface
England of the sea, and are so steep that a ship striking on them
would immediately sink. Captain Phips had dragged
from an old Spaniard in a previous voyage a few
facts about this spot, which was supposed to be the
very spot where a wreck lay. This wreck was sup
posed to hold a great treasure.
One day after the men in the canoe were returning
to Captain Phips and his large boat with bad news
about their day's search, one of the men, looking over
the side of the' canoe into the calm water, spied a sea
feather growing, as he judged, out of a rock. He
bade one of the Indians to dive down and fetch this
feather that they might carry home something with
them. The diver who brought up the feather
brought also a surprising story. He said that he
saw a number of great guns down in the watery land
ministers.
NO. i3] P /lips' s Treasure 3 3
where he found the feather. That report of these
guns astonished the whole company exceedingly, and
at once turned their discouragement for their ill-suc
cess into assurances that they had now come to the
true spot of ground for which they had been looking.
Upon further diving the Indian fetched up a lump $1000 to
of silver worth perhaps two or three hundred pounds. $I5°°-
They prudently marked the spot with a buoy, that
they might find it readily again. Then they went
back to their captain, who for some time had de
spaired of anything but bad news. They gave a
similar report now, meanwhile slipping the lump of
silver under the table where the captain was sitting.
After hearing him express his determination to wait
patiently they pushed the lump to the spot where he
was, then he cried out : " Why, what is this ? " With
changed countenances the men told him how and
where they had got it. Then said Captain Phips :
" Thanks be to God. We are made."
So away they went, all hands to work. Now most This find was
happily they first fell upon that ruined wreck where wor*ab°ut
a million
the bullion had been stored, and they prospered so in dollars,
this " New Fishery " that in a little while they brought
up thirty-two tons of silver ; for now it had come to
measuring silver by tons.
Thus once again there came into the light of the For this feat
sun a treasure which had been groaning under the j^ips was^
waters for half a hundred years. In this time there William
had grown upon the plate a crust like limestone seven ™P^' b*f
inches thick. Besides this incredible treasure of England.
plate in various forms, they fetched up from seven
or eight fathoms of water vast riches of gold, pearls
and jewels.
34
On the Sea
[No. 14
Pirates or
sea-robbers
were the
curse of their
times ; and
there are still
some of them
in the seas
east of Asia.
Many good
ships were
destroyed
by them, and
thousands of
people
killed, for
the small
gain to be
had from
plundering
vessels and
passengers
of their
valuables.
Sometimes
they landed
and sacked
towns.
This does
not seem
very likely,
— many
times they
fought with
each other.
New Spain
= the
Spanish
possessions
in the new
world.
14. A Pirate's Pastimes
BY ESQUEMELIN (1666)
BEFORE the pirates go to sea, they give notice to
all concerned of the day on which they are to sail.
They oblige each man to bring so many pounds of
powder and gunballs. When all have come aboard
they decide where to get food, especially meat ; for
they eat scarcely anything else.
Sometimes they rob such and such hog-yards,
where the Spaniards often have a thousand hogs
together. They come to these places in the night.
They surround the keeper's house and force him to get
up and give them as many hogs as they wish to have.
They threaten to kill him if he will not obey or if
he makes any noise. When they have meat enough
for their trip they return to their ship. When well
supplied with food, they begin to plan where they
will go to seek their fortunes.
These pirates keep very good order among them
selves. They are very polite and kind to each other,
so that if any one wants what another has, he very
willingly gives it to him.
There was one noted pirate who lived afterwards
at Jamaica. He did many surprising things. His
real name was not known. His companions called
him Rache Brasiliano because he had long lived in
Brazil. He joined the pirates and was liked so much
that they made him captain. In a few days he took a
great ship coming from New Spain. It had a great
quantity of gold and silver on board which he carried
to Jamaica.
For this the pirates thought very highly of him.
No. 14]
A Pirate
35
But in his private affairs he governed himself very
poorly. He would sometimes appear brutal and
foolish when in drink, running up and down the
streets and beating or injuring those he met. No
person dared to oppose him.
Once while on a journey with his men, all were
very hungry and thirsty ; for it was a desert place.
FREEBOOTERS' PASTIMES.
They were chased by a troop of a hundred Span
iards. Brasiliano seeing their danger encouraged his
companions by telling them that they were better
soldiers than the Spaniards and ought, at least, to
die with their arms in their hands fighting, like men
of courage. That, he said, would be better than to
surrender to the Spaniards who would take away
their lives with torments.
36 On the Sea [NO. J4
The pirates were but thirty in number, yet seeing
their brave captain show such courage they resolved
to do the same. So they faced the troop of Span
iards, and discharged their guns at them so well that
they killed one horseman with almost every shot.
The fight lasted an hour ; then the Spaniards were
put to flight. The pirates took from the dead what
was most useful.
Captain Henry Morgan was another noted pirate.
He was born in England. His father was a rich
farmer of good rank. When Morgan was young he
had no wish to be a farmer. So he left his own coun
try, and found two pirates ready to go to sea ; and he
went with them. He learned their manner of living
so exactly that he became in time "a pirate captain.
On the island Finally he had twelve ships with seven hundred
Domin o %nting men- They decided to attack the town of
TO be Puerto de Principe. It was at a distance from the
attacked by sea> ancj ^acj never been plundered by any pirates
pirates was 111 i i • •
exactly like and they knew that the people living there were rich.
beins Captain Morgan and his men set sail, steering
horierf b3 * towards Puerto de Principe. When they came into
furious wild its bay, a Spaniard who was a prisoner aboard the
except that pirate ships swam ashore by night to the town and
no wild told its people of the plan of the pirates. This he
had overheard in their talk while they thought he
cruel as men. did not understand English. Upon hearing this the
Spaniards began to hide their riches and carry away
their movables.
The governor gathered together all the men of the
town and took a stand where the pirates would be
obliged to pass. He commanded many trees to be
cut down and laid across their path to hinder their
passing, when the pirates arrived. The Spaniards
No. 14]
A Pirate
37
charged them very bravely for a while, but the pirates
were very skilful with their guns. The governor with
many of his companions was killed, and the Span
iards fled into the woods to save themselves. But
before they could reach it, most of them were killed
by the pirates.
Many people upon seeing the pirates in the town,
shut themselves up in their houses, and from them
shot at the pirates. The pirates then threatened
them saying, — "If you do not give up willingly you
shall soon see the town in flames. Your wives and
children also will be killed before your faces."
At these threats the Spaniards surrendered. As
soon as the pirates got possession of the town, they
shut up all the men, women and children and slaves
in several churches. They stole everything they
could find. They also searched the country round
about, bringing in daily many goods and prisoners
and much food.
Then they had a merry time as is their way.
They did not remember the poor prisoners, but gave
them nothing to eat so that nearly all died of their
misery.
The pirates
got away
with their
booty, but
at a later
attack on
another
Spanish
town,
Morgan and
his followers
were beaten
by the
Spaniards.
On the Sea
[No. 15
This is one
of the boldest
defences
known in
American
history. A
privateer
was a vessel
authorized to
capture an
enemy's
property, but
the priva-
teersmen
often were
little better
than pirates,
as in this case.
15. The Privateers' Attack
BY JOHN FONTAINE (1708)
WITH a constant apprehension of attack before
us, we lived on the qui vive from the first day of
June, 1704, until the eighth day of October, 1708,
when, with all our precautions, we were actually
taken by surprise.
A French privateer entered the harbor during the
night, and anchored off Bear Haven, about five miles
from my house, and entirely out of our sight. She
hoisted English colors by way of deception. She suc
ceeded in her wish, for the officer no sooner dis
covered her, than he concluded she was a vessel just
arrived from America, and went down with two or
three soldiers of his company.
He was in great haste to be the first to board her,
in order to regale himself with rum punch, a beverage
of which he was unhappily much too fond. He was
made a prisoner the instant his foot touched the deck
of the vessel, but the captain and the officers behaved
towards him with the greatest civility.
He was a little shocked at first, but they made him
so very welcome, treating him to the best "of wine
and brandy, that he soon lost the remembrance of
his situation. He gave the captain all the informa
tion he wanted, and it was of a nature to encourage
him to proceed. He told him that the soldiers were
dispersed without any commander, for the captain
and lieutenant were both absent, as well as himself.
He was sure it would be very easy to surprise my
house, for I had no one near enough to help me but
my own family. Upon the strength of this informa-
No. 15]
Privateer
39
tion, the captain prepared for going ashore, and
sent eighty men in three boats, commanded by two
lieutenants.
They quitted the ship at midnight, and landed be
fore it was light. They commenced their march about
daybreak, in perfect silence, and stooping very low,
in order that they might be neither seen nor heard.
An Irish servant who was fetching home the cows
was the first person to discover them, marching in
good order, and only the distance of a long musket
shot from the house. He ran home as fast as he
could, and cried out that we were all lost, for a number
of armed men were
in sight.
We got up di
rectly, and I ordered
every door to be
shut, but there was
so much confusion
that the gates of the
large court in front,
and even the house
door below the tower
were forgotten and
left open for some
time. This was per
ceived by the enemy
as we afterwards
learned ; but it was
supposed to have
been done on pur
pose as a feint, and
that we. must have a
loaded cannon with- PORTRAIT OF A PIRATE.
4-O On the Sea [NO. 15
in ready to fire if any one approached. When the
men were near enough to hear me, I hailed them
through a speaking-trumpet. I told them if they
were friends to stop, and let us know who they were,
and if enemies, to come forward, and we would re
ceive them with vigor.
In the meantime my children were busily engaged
loading our arms and putting them in order. The
men continued to advance. I ordered my son James
to fire upon them from a garret window with our
largest gun, which was six feet long. This made
them lower their heads ; they then separated into six
detachments and took various posts. Some of them,
under cover of hedges and ditches, contrived to get
round to the back of the house. They had deter
mined to root us out this time, for their first act was
to set fire to the malt-house, which was towards the
east, then to the stacks of hay, straw and grain which
were at the north and east, and after that to the cow
house, stable, and long fish-press which were at the
west of my house.
These were all very combustible. In less than
half an hour we were encompassed with flames on
every side but one. By reason of the fire and smoke
between them and us, we were unable to see our
enemies, and we suffered much from the smoke,
which found its way to us through every crevice.
I ordered the servants to put water in every tub
and bucket that could be found, and then immerse
sheep-skins with wool upon them, and ox-skins, of
both which we had many in the house. When these
were thoroughly saturated I had them placed in the
windows, as being the most exposed parts of the
house. My dear wife superintended these arrange-
NO. 15] jl Privateer 4 1
ments. The roof was slated, so there appeared but
little danger of fire being communicated to us through
that channel.
The whole garrison consisted of my wife and my
self, our children and four servants. Two of the
latter were mere cowboys, and the other two had
never seen a battle. We fired hap-hazard, as fast as
we could load. We did so, because we could actually
see nothing but fire and smoke, and therefore could
not aim at our enemies.
My chief apprehension arose from the fear that
they might possess themselves of our cannon and
turn them against ourselves. Therefore I thought
that while unable to see what our assailants were
doing, I could not employ myself better than in firing
my large blunderbuss every few minutes in the direc
tion of the cannon.
While I was firing at random, I had a glimpse of a
man setting fire to the covering of the fish-press. I
took deliberate aim at him with my blunderbuss, loaded
as usual with swan-shot, and wounded him in several
places, but not seriously.
While we were blinded and suffocated by the smoke
from the burning stacks, our adversaries raised a small
mound of turf and wood, behind which they intrenched
themselves. They set to work with long poles to
detach the slates from the roof of the north-east tower.
As soon as they uncovered a portion, they applied fire
to it, by means of burning straw at the end of their
poles, and in this way the roof was on fire three times,
and we as often extinguished it from within.
42 On the Sea [NO. 16
1 6. How the Boys fought the
Privateersmen
BY JOHN FONTAINE (1708)
ABOUT two o'clock in the afternoon, they accom
plished making a breach in the wall of this same north
east tower. We could see them at work with iron
bars. While they were so engaged my children fired
upon them. They formed a sort of rampart with a
mattress on the top of a large basket, such as is used
in the country for carrying peat. They knelt behind
this rampart, and fired as fast as they could one after
the other, without daring to show their noses.
The enemy still continued at work with their long
poles and firebrands endeavoring to set the roof on
fire. When the smoke had subsided a little, I hit upon
a position from which I could see to take aim at their
hands, as they raised them above their intrenchment
to guide the poles.
I fired, and I thought I hit them, but as they still
persevered in their work I began to think it proba
ble that I had not put a sufficient charge in the piece,
so when I loaded again I put in a double quantity of
powder. I had no sooner loaded than I had the oppor
tunity of aiming at a hand I saw raised. I fired, but
my piece was overloaded, and it burst, by which
unfortunate accident I was thrown down with much
violence. Three of my ribs and my right collar-bone
were broken, and the flesh of my right hand was much
torn. I was so completely stunned that I had no power
to move, or even to breathe for some seconds.
My wife saw me fall, and she naturally concluded
NO. 16] Boys' Defence 43
I had been struck by a ball from the enemy. She ran
to my assistance, and raised me up without making
any noise whatever. As soon as I was able to articu
late, I told her how it had happened. After I was
prostrated, my dearest wife assumed the command.
She had an eye to every thing. She went round to
furnish ammunition as it was required, and she gave
courage as well by her exhortations as by her example.
My sons defended the breach by an incessant fire
from behind their mattress rampart. At last, a gre
nade was thrown in at the breach, which ran under
the basket. It overturned the whole affair, but with
out doing any harm, thanks be to God, except giving
the boys a fright which made them abandon their post;
but only for a very short time.
One of them ran to me, in great dismay, to tell me
that the hole was as large as any door, and that the
enemy were entering by it. The other boys were still
firing from the dormer windows.
I immediately rose from my bed, and asked them
to give me a pistol ready cocked and loaded, which I
took in my left hand, the right being useless. I called
my family around me, and I said to them, " I see, my
dear children, that we must be overpowered by the
great number of those who are attacking us. It is
inevitable ; but we will not stand quietly to be killed
like dogs. Let us rather sell our lives dearly, and die
like lions." I was advancing towards the breach while
I said these words.
As soon as I had done speaking, my poor boys
re-entered the room, and took up their old position
without a word or a gesture indicative of fear. They
replaced their basket and mattress, exposed to the fire
of more than ten muskets. It was, indeed, a melan-
44
On the Sea [NO. Z6
choly sight ! At the same time, I was gratified with
their display of unflinching courage. Blessed be thou,
O my God ! who preserved them from injury amid
such a shower of balls.
When they resumed the fire, the enemy retreated
from the breach, and did not dare to show their heads,
or even their hands. This caused all their fire to be
thrown away ; for, by not raising the butt-end of their
muskets, they carried too high, and the shot went far
above us every time. Seeing that we did not give way
in the least, they began to tire of our obstinate resist
ance. They might possibly have heard me speak to
the children, and it is very certain they overrated our
force extremely. From the constant fire in all direc
tions, as well as upon the main point of attack, they
concluded that we must have at least twenty men.
They called out to us to surrender, and they would
give us good quarter.
I held a conversation with my wife and children,
and we determined, at any rate, to hear what terms
they offered. The firing was stopped on both sides,
and I advanced to the breach to hold parley with them.
One of the lieutenants came forward and took aim at
me. My second son, Peter, saw what he was about,
before I observed him. He immediately caught hold
of me and drew me to one side, barely in time to save
me from being the victim of their treachery ; for the
ball passed within two or three inches of my stomach.
I was extremely indignant, and said, " Ah ! you
traitors ! was it then merely with the view of surpris
ing me, that you proposed a parley ? Fire upon these
traitors, my sons. Fire, I say." The boys obeyed
me without loss of time, and fired upon the deceitful
miscreants. I had foolishly exposed myself to a very
NO. 16] Boys' Defence 45
great danger, by placing confidence in the good faith
of an enemy whom I might have known was destitute
of all honorable feeling. The ever watchful provi
dence of God again interposed for my deliverance.
We kept up an incessant fire for another quarter of
an hour, when the enemy called out to us again, and
made a second offer of good quarter. I reproached
them with their recent perfidy, and told them I could
not trust persons who had already attempted to betray
the confidence I had reposed in them.
They then threatened that, if we refused to surren
der, they would throw a barrel of powder in the breach,
and blow us all up.
" I have three or four at your service here," said I,
"and I intend to scatter their contents over this floor
and the inner hall, and whenever you are pleased to
enter, I will throw a lighted turf upon it, and make
you dance. You may depend upon it, I will not per
ish without you."
The desperate tone of this reply made them repeat
once more their offer of good quarter. So we had
a cessation of hostilities on both sides. Their propo
sition was, that they should have the plunder, to which
I assented. I demanded life and liberty for myself
and all who were with me.
He was to guarantee life and liberty to all of us,
and to promise on their part the most strictly honora
ble deportment while in possession, and they were to
have the plunder. They swore to the observance of
these terms. I then had the doors opened, and ranged
myself, my wife, my sons and four servants in regu
lar order, to surrender our arms to the Commander,
as he entered.
Oh, God ! our Preserver ! thou knowest, and none
46
On the Sea [NO. X7
else can know the state of my feelings at that moment,
to see my beloved wife and dear children, at the mercy
of enemies, fourteen of whom we had wounded. Oh !
what everlasting praises do we owe to thee for our
preservation. It was thou who restrained our blood
thirsty enemies from executing the vengeance which
they had sworn against us. Oh, my God ! I beseech
thee to sanctify the lives which thou hast so miracu
lously preserved, and assist us to devote them to thy
service !
The Commander, and a good many of the men came
in, and seeing only five youths, and four cowherds,
they looked anxiously around, and asked me where
all my men were, evidently fearing an ambuscade.
" You need not fear anything dishonorable from
me," said I, "you now see our whole garrison."
"Impossible," said he, "these children could never
have kept up all the firing."
My wife then spoke to him, and said, " I am in hopes,
sir, that the fact of so few persons having made this
gallant defence, will be an inducement to you — whom
I trust we shall find a man of honor — to treat us with
the more consideration." Struck with her courage the
Commander ordered a guard to protect us, and con
tented himself with sweeping away what remained of
our place.
17. A Pirate's Fate
BY BENJAMIN COLMAN (1726)
in many . THE story of these wretched men is short and
cases piracy tragical. They sailed from Jamaica on board a
began with T u ^ r^ Ji_ j /-•
mutiny and snow, John Green, Commander, bound to Guinea.
No. 17]
Pirate s Fate
47
They had not been long at sea before they conspired the seizure
to seize the captain and mate and then go a-piratmg.
On the 27th of May, 1726, they put in execution
their wicked design, in a most cruel and barbarous
manner. About one o'clock in the morning, William
Fly, then boatswain of the snow "Elizabeth," after A snow is a
he had been for some time forward with several sortofbrig-
of the sailors, came aft with Alexander Mitchel and
others, and said to Morrice Cunden (gunner of the
ship), then at the helm. "You, dog, if you stir
hand or foot, or speak a word, I'll blow your brains
out i "
And immediately thereupon he went into the
cabin where Captain Green was in bed, and Alex
ander Mitchel followed him ; and while they were
there Morrice Cunden heard the captain cry out:
"What's the matter?" But they soon hauled him
upon deck, and were about to throw him overboard;
A SHIP OF WAR.
48 On the Sea [NO. 17
he was heard calling earnestly to the doctor to hand
him a rope. But the doctor was by this time himself
in irons. Thus bloodily these inhuman creatures be
gan their piracy, but vengeance followed them and
suffered them not to live.
William Fly, the chief and worst (we may suppose)
of these barbarous rogues, took on him the command,
and named the snow the " Fame's Revenge." They
were well stored with powder, and rum and pro
visions, but wanted a better vessel ; and in quest of
this it is likely they bent their course, first to Caro
lina, and from thence to New England. On the
third of June they took a sloop at anchor off North
Carolina, on board of which was Mr. William Atkin
son, a passenger ; who was afterwards the happy
instrument in the hand of God for their destruction.
They very much needed one so well skilled, as Atkin
son was both a mariner and pilot ; and Fly treated
him well on that account, but kept a strict eye upon
him, forbidding him to have any conversation with
the forced men ; and, lest he should talk to them, he
had a hammock hung for him in the cabin.
They commanded him to carry them to Martha's
Vineyard in order to wood and water there, and in
hopes to meet with some sloop fitting for their purpose.
But he resolved to run the venture of carrying them
past the Vineyard, and run them up into or near the
bay before they were aware of it. When they per
ceived it they began to look upon him with an evil
eye, and spake of throwing him overboard. But as
Fly was uttering his rage at him the next morning
on this account, and telling him what death he should
die if anything ill befell them through his conduct,
a schooner came in sight, which put an end to Fly's
NO. 17] Pirate 's Fate
49
rage, for the joy of a good prize. They found it a
schooner of Marblehead, George Girdler, Master.
Mr. Atkinson had some time before this meditated
the seizing on Fly and his company, and found means
secretly to communicate his mind to some on board,
whom he thought he might trust; particularly to
Samuel Walker, and Thomas Streaton ; and Walker
had spoken of it to James Benbrook ; who all con
sented if a fair opportunity should offer.
It was very necessary to his design to ingratiate
himself, as far as he honestly and with a good con
science could, with Fly and his pirates. Yet in doing
this he ran a risk both of his innocence and his life ;
of his innocence, for " with a furious man thuii shalt
not go, lest thou learn his ways and get a snare to
thy soul ; " and of his life, for as some of the pirates,
the captain especially, began to think friendly of
him and to hearken to his advice (they all depending
on him to navigate the ship). If a ship of war had
taken them, it is to be feared that he had in vain
pleaded his innocence and good intentions. But the
good God who preserved, has also pleaded his inno
cence. And we ought to praise his virtue, conduct
and courage, and give God the glory of it.
Fly had no sooner taken the schooner of Marble-
head, when they discovered another at a distance from
them. Whereupon he put three men on board the
schooner, and purposed to bear down on the new
sail with both his vessels. But Mr. Atkinson with
a ready thought advised him to put six men into the
schooner, and send her down on the fishing vessels,
for the schooner had been one of their company but
a day before, and so there would be no likelihood of
their flying from her: "but," said he, "if the snow
5 o On the Sea [NO. i7
and the schooner now bear down together, they'll
take you for wjiat you are, and make away from you."
Fly came into his advice and put three men more
into the schooner, and parted with her, standing a
course wide from her.
Now Atkinson's thoughts were hard at work how
to draw Fly away from his arms on the quarter-deck.
For there he kept alone, nor would suffer Atkinson
to step up, so much as to set down the bowl of
punch after he had drank to him. And probably
a message which he received from a chief pirate on
board the schooner, " To have a special care of his
friend," did increase his jealousy; though he seemed
only to laugh at it.
Within a little while Atkinson spied a sail ahead
to the leeward, and informed Fly of it. And pres
ently after he pretended to discover two or three
more sail, and told him he would have a fleet of
prizes. But Fly with his glass could see but one.
"Why," said Atkinson, "if you were but here, sir,
with your glass, ahead, you would easily see them
all." On a sudden Fly forgot his caution, and comes
off the quarter-deck, where his arms lay, and sits
him down ahead to spy the sails spoken of. Then
Atkinson gave the sign to his friends, and Walker
followed by Benbrook came up, pretending at first
to direct the captain to look a point or two on such
a side, while Atkinson (a spare and slender man)
passed aft toward the arms, and in the instant that
Walker laid hold of Fly he took the fire-arms, and
returned pointing the gun to the pirate's breast, and
telling him " He was a dead man if he did not im
mediately submit himself his prisoner." The wicked
Fly earnestly begged for his life, and now found that
NO. 17] Pirate s Fate 5 i
mercy which he had so barbarously denied to his
innocent captain.
When Fly found himself chained down and effectu
ally secured, he fell at times into the most desperate
ragings ; the same blasphemer now in his furious
despair, or worse than he ever was before in his
jollity and pride ; when he would sometimes even
dare to ridicule the noise of God's thunder, as it
rattled over him, saying, " That they were playing
bowls in the air," etc., and as the lightnings some
times flashed upon them, he would say — " Who fires
now? Stand by," etc. — So he dared the dreadful
vengeance, which pursued him swift as the lightnings
and suddenly struck him.
But Capt. Atkinson and his brave mates are much
to be praised, that they dealt so mercifully with these
bloody men; and neither "blew their brains out"
(their own phrase) nor threw them overboard. Blessed
be God that kept them that day from shedding blood,
and from avenging themselves with their own hands.
It was much better to reserve the murderers to the
judgment of the law, in the proper course of it. Capt.
Atkinson and his company now made the best of
their way for the port of Boston.
5 2 On the Sea [NO. is
i 8. Sharks and Water Spouts
BY REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD (1737)
My dear Friends, —
Rev. George Though I know no reason why you should be solic-
the great ' itous about anything that happens to such a dead
preacher, dog as I am, yet as your love (O unmerited Kindness)
somelrfthe Bounds exceedingly towards me, I send you a full
incidents and particular account of my voyage,
of his voyage Monday, Feb. 20, 1737. — I spent the morning: on
to America ,.... -.,.._,,
in 1737. board in writing letters to my dear mends in England.
Went in the afternoon on shore to Gibralter, and was
unspeakably delighted with the prospect of the place.
The seeing persons of all nations and languages gave
me great pleasure.
Saturday, March 18. — The weather being exceed
ingly fair, and the sea calm, I went with the Captain
on board the Lightfoot. Dined with the gentlemen
belonging to the ship ; married a couple ; dispersed
Bibles, testaments and soldiers' monitors amongst the
men. Exchanged some books for some cards which
I threw overboard. Preached a sermon against drunk
enness which God enabled me to finish yesterday ;
and returned in the evening highly delighted with
seeing the porpoises roll about the great deep.
Monday, March 20. — To-day the Colonel came to
dine with us, and in the midst of our meal we were
entertained with a most agreeable sight. It was a
shark about the length of a man. It followed our
ship, and was attended with five little fishes, called
the pilot fish, much like a mackerel, but larger.
These I am told always keep the shark company.
And what is most surprising, though the shark is so
NO. is] U^ater Spouts 5 3
ravenous a creature, yet let it be never so hungry, it
never touches one of them. Nor are they less faith
ful to him. For if at any time the shark is hooked,
these little creatures will not forsake him. They
cleave close to his fins and are often taken up with
him. Go to the pilot-fish, thou that forsakest a friend
in adversity. Consider his ways and be abashed.
Tuesday, April 18. — Was greatly delighted in see
ing two water spouts, which ran along for several
miles, and by the especial Providence of God escaped
us. We saw one of them coming, and were surprised
to observe a sudden calm for about six minutes.
The other parts of the sea boiled like a pot. But
surely the everlasting I AM said to the sea at that
instant, " Let there be a calm in that place." For
by that means our ship was immediately stopped in
her course. So the water spout passed by before we
came up to it. Otherwise it would have torn our sail
in pieces. God's hand was so visible in this, that
several said they never beheld the like before.
Saturday, April 22. — Fled as it were on the wings
of the wind for three days past. I find that God
generally sends us strongest winds when nearest our
port.
Friday, May 5. — This afternoon, after having lain
about a week on this coast, we saw Savannah River,
and sent off for a pilot. Oh what joy appeared in
everyone's countenance !
Sunday, May 7. — Last night, by the blessing of
God, we cast anchor near Tyby Island about four
teen miles off Savannah. After this I took boat and
arrived safe at Savannah, having a most pleasant
passage, about seven in the evening.
. -.S«»rX
AN INDIAN TOWN.
PART III
IN THE WILDERNESS
ig. How to grow Indian Corn
BY HENRY SPELMAN (1689)
THE Indians have houses, but few of the greatest The early
towns have more than twenty or thirty of them.
Their buildings are made like an oven, with a little chiefs
hole through which they go out and in. In the midst "kmgs-"
of the house there is a hole through which the smoke
goes out. The king's houses are broader and longer
than those of the other people, having many dark
windings and turnings.
When the Indians go hunting, the women go to a
place assigned beforehand to build wigwams for their
husbands to sleep in at night. They carry mats to
cover these huts, and as the men go further in their
hunting, the women go on ahead, carrying the mats.
By the side of their dwelling-houses the Indians
commonly make a place to plant their corn. If there
be much wood in that place, they cut down the larger
trees, and the smaller trees they burn to the root,
pulling most of the bark from them so as to make
them die. In these cornfields they used to dig holes
with a crooked piece of wood. Since then the Eng-
55
The Wilderness
[No. 19
"Their
wheat "
means
Indian corn;
the Indians
did not have
real wheat.
The Indian
King, that is,
the chief.
The beads
were brought
from Europe,
and the
Indians
greatly
valued them ;
lish have brought them shovels and spades. They
put into these holes ordinarily four or five kernels of
their wheat, and two beans. When the wheat has
grown up, having a stalk as big as a cane reed, the
beans run up on them, like our hops on poles.
The ear of the wheat is long and thick, and yet for
all its coarseness, the stalk has commonly four or five
ears. Their corn is planted and gathered at about
the same time as ours, but their manner of harvesting
is like our way of gathering apples. First they put
the ears in hand baskets, then empty them into larger
baskets, made of the bark of trees or of hemp. Then
they lay the corn upon thick mats in the sun to dry,
and every night they make a great pile of it, covering
it with mats to protect it from the dew. When it is
safely weathered, they pile it up in their houses, and
daily as they want to use some of the corn they rub
the kernels off into a great basket, wringing the ears
between their hands. A great basket of this takes
up the best part of some of their houses. Shelling
corn is chiefly women's work, for the men only hunt
to get skins in winter and dress them in summer.
But though now it is out of our purpose, we may
not forget altogether the planting of the King's corn,
for which a day is appointed. On that day a great
party of the country people meet and work so hard
that the greater part of the King's corn is planted in
one day. After the planting is over the King takes
the crown which the King of England sent him, and
puts it upon his head. This done, the people go
backwards and forwards among the corn hills che
King following. Their faces are always towards the
King, expecting that he will throw some beads among
them. It is his custom at such a time to make those
No. 20]
Indian Corn
57
who had been planting corn scramble for the beads, before the
Some of his favorites he calls to him and gives the J^*1^™1
beads into their own hands. This is the greatest only little
courtesy which he offers to his people. When his shellsand
. . fresh-water
corn is ripe the country people come to him again pearis.
AN INDIAN DANCE.
and gather, dry, and rub out all his corn for him, The English
and then store it in the houses abounding for that verrsoon
learned to
purpose.
20. Delights of New England
BY REV. FRANCIS HIGGINSON (1630)
eat the
Indian
"pone" or
corn bread,
baked in th<
ashes.
THE variety of the soil of New England is to be The writer of
admired. It appears in the abundance of grass JU?*^ *
which grows everywhere, very thick and very high Francis
The Wilderness
[No. 20
Higginson,
whose
voyage we
read about
in the last
chapter. He
is here writ
ing home to
his friends,
urging them
to come;
and thou
sands of
English
people did
come over at
that time.
in different places ; but it grows very wild with a
great stalk and broad wide blade, because it has
never been cropped by cattle, nor mown with the
scythe, and seldom trampled under foot. It can
scarcely be believed how our cows and goats, horses
and pigs, do thrive and prosper here in this country.
In our plantation we can already buy a quart of
milk for a penny. The abundant increase of grain
proves this country to be a wonder. Thirty, forty,
and sixty fold harvests are ordinary here. Our plant
ers hope to have more than a hundred-fold here this
year. Our children, by planting corn, may earn
more than their own support.
This country abounds with roots of great variety
which are good to eat. Our turnips, parsnips, and
carrots are both bigger and sweeter than those ordi
narily found in England. Barberries grow in plenty,
and pennyroyal, sorrel and water-cress, leeks and
onions. There also is an abundance of other wild
herbs, delightful to smell, whose names we do not
know. There is a plenty of single damask roses,
very sweet ; and two kinds of herbs which bear two
kinds of flowers, which they say are as good to make
cordage or cloth as our hemp or flax. We have mul
berries, plums, raspberries, currants, chestnuts and
walnuts, all of which grow in plenty here.
New England has water enough, both salt and
fresh, as the Atlantic sea runs all along this coast.
We have a number of excellent harbors, such as Cape
Ann and Massachusetts Bay and Salem. The abund
ance of sea-fish is almost beyond believing, and usu
ally I can scarce believe it with my own eyes. I
often see a great number of whales, mackerel, and
codfish taken in. Then there is a fish called bass, as
NO. 21] New England 59
sweet and wholesome a fish as ever I did eat. It is
altogether as good as our fresh herring. They come
in June, and again three months later. Of this fish
one may take many hundreds together. Indeed, their
nets ordinarily take more than the fishermen are able
to haul to land, so that they want for boats and men,
and often are forced to let many go that they have
taken. Besides bass, we took plenty of thornbacks,
and an abundance of lobsters, so that the smallest boy
in the plantation may both catch and eat as many
as he may wish of them.
The air of New England is one special thing that
commends this place. Experience shows that there
is hardly a more healthful place to be found in the
world, or one that agrees better with our English
bodies. Many who were weak and sickly in Old
England, by coming hither, have been safely healed,
and grown healthful and strong. A sup of New
England's air is better than a whole draught of Old
England's ale.
21. All Sorts of Creatures
BY JOHN JOSSELYN (1663-1672)
THE humming birds, the smallest of all birds, are John
of changeable colors, and are found in New Eng- ^I
land. They feed upon honey which they suck out the country,
of flowers with their long needle-like bills. They and also fond
J of telling a
sleep all winter and ar.e not to be seen until the big story; the
spring, at which time they brood in little nests, made humming-
of soft, silk-like stuff. Their eggs are no bigger aijpearin
than white peas, and they hatch four or five at a winter,
t- because they
go south.
6o
The Wilderness
[No. 21
Wild
turkeys.
Young
turkeys are
still thought
very hai d to
Two cen
turies later
such pigeon
roosts
existed near
the Ohio
River.
The turkeys are blacker than ours. I have heard
several trustworthy persons say that they have seen
turkey-cocks that weighed forty, even sixty pounds.
Out of my personal experience, I can assure you that
I have eaten my share of a turkey that weighed
thirty pounds after he was dressed. I have also
seen sixty broods of young turkeys on the side of a
marsh, sunning themselves early in the morning. The
English and the Indians have, by this time, nearly de
stroyed the breed, so that it is very rare to meet with
a wild turkey in the woods. Some of the English
people, however, have numbers of them in their yards.
The wild turkeys hatch twice or three times in a
year. If you would keep the young alive, you must
give them little water, for if they have their fill of
water, they will grow weak, and you will never be
able to raise any of them. The squaws weave coats
of turkey feathers for their children.
Of pigeons there are millions upon millions. In
the spring and in the fall when they return south
ward. I have seen a flight of pigeons four or five
miles long. To my thinking, they had neither begin
ning nor ending. So thick they were that I could
see no sun. In one tree might be seen nest after
nest. And one tree after another for miles among
the pine trees, I have seen, filled with these nests.
But they are fewer now.
The owl is the dullest bird there is. Of these
there are three sorts, a great grey owl with ears, a
little gray owl, and a white owl. Poor, ragged birds
they are, and have no glittering, golden feathers.
Of beasts of the earth there are not many kinds
here. The wolves have their kennels under thick
bushes by great trees, in far-off places in the swamps.
NO. 21] Wild Beasts 6 1
A dog caught a wolf which had got into the
sea, and held him there until some one went in and
led him out. The dog kept his hold upon the wolf
until they had tied its legs. When they brought the
wolf into the house, they unbound his legs, and he
did not offer to bite. He did not so much as show
his teeth. He put his head down, and looked toward
the door, as if he would willingly have his liberty.
But they killed him, as they did other wolves.
The bear at certain seasons is a terrible creature.
When hunted with dogs, he goes up a tree, where he
is shot. When he is fat, which is in acorn time, and
in winter, he makes good food. But then there is
no one who dares to kill him but the Indians.
The bear makes his den among thick bushes, push- The white
ing in here and there a lot of moss. This moss, Pe°Ple kllled
' lots of them.
being covered with snow, melts in the daytime with
the heat of the sun : but in the night it is frozen in
a thick coat of ice. The mouth of the den is very
narrow. Here they lie single, never two in a den all
winter.
The Indian, as soon as he finds them, creeps in
upon all fours. With his left hand, he seizes the
neck of the sleeping bear, drags him to the mouth of
the den, where with a club or small hatchet he kills
him, before he can open his eyes. But sometimes
the bear is too quick for the Indian, as one of them
called Black Robin can tell. He was badly hurt by
the bear before he could strike it.
The females among beasts and birds of prey, in
size and beauty, surpass the males. So do they
especially among fishes. *
To speak of fishes I shall begin first with the The whale is
whale. The whale is a kingly fish as all fishes of "otafish-
& * but an
The Wilderness
[No. 21
animal living
in the water ;
it cannot
stay long
under water
without
rising to take
breath.
No such big
lobsters are
left now.
great size are. There was one of them thrown up
on the shore about eight miles from where I lived.
This whale was fifty-five feet long. These sea crea
tures are of great strength and size.
The herring are very numerous. The people
catch them all summer long. We saw them once
driven into the harbour by other great fish that feed
upon them near the shore. It was at the time of
high water. They threw themselves upon the land
in such great numbers that we could have gone up
to the knee among them for a quarter of a mile.
I have seen a lobster that weighed twenty pounds.
They cast off their shell-coats in the spring, and so
do crabs. They have, underneath, a thin, red skin
r--«^f^-.v/w-u;.^«^.- •:-•:• •.--.: -.•.«•.....*,,,.,,.«,>> which gro ws thick
and hard in a short
time, and forms a new
shell-coat. The Ind
ians feed much upon
the lobster. Some
they roast and some
they dry.
The starfish has
five points like a star.
The whole fish is no
bigger than the palm
of a man's hand. It
is of a tough sub
stance, like leather.
It is about an inch in
thickness, whitish un
derneath, of the color
of a cucumber above
and somewhat rough.
A BIG COLONIAL TREE.
NO. 22] Tobacco 6 3
When it is warm in one's hand, you may see it
make a stiff motion, turning down one of its points
and putting up another. The starfish is very com
mon, and is found thrown up on the rocks by the
sea-tide.
22. How to raise Tobacco
BY ALSOP (1666)
THE three main commodities this country affords Tobacco was
for trade, are tobacco, furs, and flesh. Furs and cro^i^the
skins, as those of beavers, otters, musk-rats, rac- South in the
coons, wild-cats, and elk or buffalo, with several JjmeTajid
others, were first sold by the Indians of the country, therefore
They were sold to the white people living near, and we oufht to
know how it
by them to the merchants who carried them into Eng- was grown,
land and other places where they became salable.
Tobacco is the only regular article of trade of this
province. The use of it was first found out by the
Indians many ages ago. Its use was brought into
the Christian world by that great discoverer of
America, Columbus. It is generally made by all Sir Waiter
the people of this province. Between the months produced
of March and April, they sow the seed, which is smoking into
much smaller than mustard-seed, in small beds and Ensland-
patches. These patches are dug up and made with
care. About May the plants commonly appear green
in those beds. In June they are transplanted from
their beds, and set in little hillocks in distant rows,
dug up for the same purpose. To top
Twice or thrice they are weeded, and freed from tobacco =
poor leaves that are peeping out from the body of y°^ggrow.
the stalk. They cut off the tops of the several ing heads.
64 The Wilderness [NO. 22
plants as they find occasion, when they grow too fast.
About the middle of September they cut the tobacco
down, and carry it into houses, made for that purpose,
to bring it to its purity. And after time has brought it
to perfection, it is then tied up in bundles, and packed
into hogsheads. It is then laid away for trade.
Between November and January there arrive in
this province ships to the number of twenty sail
and upwards. All are trading vessels loaded with
goods to sell or trade. They trade with the planter
for silks, hollands, woolens, and broadcloths, and other
necessary goods, at such rates as shall be thought faii'
and lawful for tobacco at so much the pound. Ad
vantage on both sides is considered. The planter has
given his work, and the merchant has risked coming
with his goods into a far country. Thus is the trade
on both sides made in a fair and honest way.
The people of this province are seldom or never
put to the fear of being robbed of their money, nor
of dirtying their fingers by counting vast sums. They
have more bags to carry corn than coin ; but the
very product of the dirty ground of this province
affords as great a profit to the inhabitants as the
gold of Peru does to the Spaniard.
Our shops of Maryland are the merchants' store
houses, where with few words goods are bought and
delivered. They are not like those shop-keepers'
boys in London that continually cry, " What do ye
lack, sir ? What do ye buy ? "
Tobacco is the coin of Maryland, and will purchase
goods from the merchant quicker than money. I
must confess the New England men that trade into
this province, had rather have fat pork for goods,
than tobacco or furs.
No. 23]
Wild Things
23. Carolina Beasts
BY THOMAS ASH (1680)
Fireflies. — There are in Carolina great numbers
of fireflies, who carry their lanterns in their tails, in
dark nights flying through the air, shining like streaks
of fire, and lighting it with their golden spangles. I
have seen a larger sort at Jamaica. These have two
lights upon their eyes and a third in their tails ; on
dark nights they shine like candles, so that I have
often, at a distance, mistaken their sparkle for the'
lights of some distant plantation. Amongst large
orange trees in the night I have seen many of those
flies whose lights have appeared like hanging candles
or hanging torches which amidst the leaves yielded a
sight truly curious. With three of these fireflies
secured in a glass bottle in a very dark night I have
read very small print.
Turtles. — The tortoises, more commonly called by
our Indians the turtles, are of three sorts : the hawks-
bill, whose shell is that which we call the tortoise
shell; the green turtle, whose flesh is good to eat;
the third kind is called the loggerhead turtle, and
neither its shell nor its flesh is of worth. The kind of
creatures who live both on the land and on the sea,
in the day usually keep in the sea, swimming on the
s irface. In fair weather they delight to expose them
selves to the sun, oftentimes falling asleep, lying there
without any motion on the water, until they are dis
turbed by the approach of some ship. Then, as they
are very quick of hearing, they awaken quickly and
dive away. In the night they often come on shore
to feed, and lay their eggs in the sand, which once
Thomas Ash
was born in
England in
1650, and
came over to
the part of
the coast at
first con
sidered the
southern part
of Virginia,
but which in
1676 was
chartered as
the colony of
Carolina. He
was Gov
ernor of that
colony from
1689 to 1694,
and wrote
one of the
best accounts
of the coun
try that has
come down
to us.
Fireflies were
not known in
England.
The turtles oi
which Ash
speaks are all
water turtles.
The colonists
found them
very useful
for food,, but
at the present
day very few
come ashore.
66 The Wilderness [NO. 23
covered they leave for the sun to hatch. The little
turtles dig their passage out of the sand, immediately
making their way towards the water.
The sea cow Sea Cow. — There is, farther to the southward of
the^anatel^ Carolina, a fish called the sea cow, of extraordinary
it is now very size, sometimes of a thousand pounds. It feeds on
scarce m the ^ banks on the grassy herbage. She has a head like
waters of the J
coast of the a cow and is of a green color. Her flesh is said to
Umted ke sweeter than the tenderest veal. Its skin makes
excellent whips for horses, which are very serviceable
and lasting.
A rifle-bail Alligator or Crocodile. — There are in the mouths
AcaHig^s °f their rivers> or in the lakes near the sea, creatures
hide. which are little known in the West Indies and are
called alligators or crocodiles. Their backs are scaly
and impenetrable, so that a musket ball cannot pierce
them. It lives both on land and on water, and is
such a greedy creature that it devours everything it
sees. Man, however, it dares to take on land 'only
by surprise or when asleep. In the water the croco
dile is more dangerous. It sometimes grows to great
length, from sixteen to twenty feet, and has a long
mouth set with sharp teeth. Its body, when full
grown, is as large as that of a horse, growing smaller
towards the tail. Nature has given land creatures an
instinct to avoid the crocodile, warning them by its
strong musky smell, which can be perceived at con
siderable distance, so that poor cattle, smelling it in
time, can get out of harm's way.
NO. 24] -A IF oman s Travels 67
24. The Dangers of the Way
BY MADAM SARAH KNIGHT (1704)
MONDAY, October 2nd, 1704.
About three o'clock afternoon I began my journey This brave
from Boston to New Haven, being about two hundred lady started
miles. When we had ridden about an hour, we came for her 'long y
into a thick swamp, which by reason of a great fog, and dan-
very much startled me, for it was now very dark. fourney;
In about an hour, or something more, after we left there were
the swamp, we came to Billing's tavern, where I was ^cis^n
to lodge. My guide dismounted and very complai- New Eng-
santly helped me down, and showed the door, signing Jand' and (
to me with his hand to go in ; which I gladly did.
But I had not gone many steps into the room ere I
was interrogated by a young lady (I understood after
wards she was the elder daughter of the family).
These were her words.
" Law for me — what in the world brings you here
at this time a' night ? I never see a woman on the See for saw.
road so dreadful late in all the days of my versall life. Versaii =
Who are you? Where are you going? I'm scared
out of my wits." With much more of the same kind.
I told her she treated me very rudely, and I did not
think it my duty to answer her unmannerly questions.
But to get rid of them I told her I came there to
have the mail carrier's company with me tomorrow on
my journey. I begged the Miss to show me where I
must lodge.
She conducted me to a parlor in a little back
lean-to, which was almost filled with the bedstead. It
was so high that I was forced to climb on a chair to
get up to the wretched bed that lay on it. Having
68 The Wilderness [NO. 24
stretched my tired limbs on it, and laid my head on a
sad colored pillow, I began to think on the transactions
of the past day.
TUESDAY, October 3rd. About eight in the morn
ing I, with the mail carrier, proceeded forward with
out anything remarkable. And about two in the
afternoon, we arrived at the carrier's second stage,
where the western postman met him with letters.
Here, having called for something to eat, the
woman brought a twisted thing like a cable, but a
little whiter, which proved to be a loaf of bread. Lay
ing it on the table she tugged for life to bring it into
a capacity to spread. Having with great pains accom
plished this, she served also a dish of pork and cab
bage. I suppose this was the remains of dinner.
The sauce was of a deep purple, as I thought, be
cause it was boiled in her dye pot. The bread was
of Indian meal and everything on the table service
in keeping. As I was hungry, I got a little down.
But my stomach was soon cloyed.
About three in the afternoon I went on with my
third guide, who rode very hard. We came to a
river which they generally ride through. But I dared
not venture. So the mail carrier got a lad and canoe
to carry me to the other side, and he rode through
and led my horse. The canoe was very small and
shallow, so that when we were in it seemed ready to
take in water, which greatly terrified me.
This caused me to be very circumspect, sitting
with my hands fast on each side, my eyes steady. I
did not dare so much as to lodge my tongue a hair's
Lot's wife breadth more on one side of my mouth than on the
was turned other. I dared not so much as to think of Lot's wife,
into salt for
lookingback. for a wry thought would have overset our wherry.
NO. 24] A Woman s Travels 69
But I was soon put out of this pain by feeling the
canoe on shore, and I as soon almost saluted the land
with my feet.
Rewarding my canoeman, again I mounted and
we made the best of our way forward. The road
here was very even and the day pleasant, near the
sunset. The carrier now told me we had nearly
fourteen miles to ride to the next stopping place,
where we were to lodge.
I asked him about the rest of the road, forseeing
that we must travel in the night. He told me there
was a bad river which we were to ride through with
a current so very fierce that a horse could hardly
stem it ; he said it was narrow, and we should soon
be over.
I cannot' express the concern of mind caused by
this account. No thoughts but those of the danger
ous river could entertain my imagination. They tor
mented me with blackest ideas of my approaching
fate. Sometimes I saw myself drowning, other times
drowned, and at the best like a holy sister just come
out of a spiritual bath in dripping garments.
Now was the glorious sun, with his swift courses,
arrived at the end of his day's journey, leaving poor
me with the rest of this part of the lower world in
darkness, with which we were soon surrounded.
The only glimmering we ' now had was from the
spangled skies of which imperfect reflections ren
dered every object formidable.
Each lifeless tree trunk with its shattered limbs,
appeared an armed enemy, and every little stump
like a ravenous devourer. Nor could I so much as
see my guide, when at any distance which added to
the terror.
70 The W^ilderness [NO. 24
Thus absolutely lost in thought, and dying with
the very* fear of drowning, I came up with the post
man, whom I did not see till I was beside his horse.
He told me that he was stopping for me ; and we
rode on very deliberately a few paces when we entered
a thicket of trees and shrubs.
I perceived by the horse's gait that we were on the
descent of a hill. As we came nearer the bottom
it was totally dark, from the trees that surrounded it.
But I knew by the going of the horse, we had entered
the water, and, my guide told me that this was the
hazardous river of which he had been talking.
Riding up close to my side he bid me not to fear
for we should be over immediately. I now rallied all
the courage I was mistress of. I knew I must either
venture the fate of drowning or be left like the chil
dren in the wood.
So, as the postman bade me, I gave reins to my nag,
and sitting as steady as just before in the canoe, in a
few minutes got safe to the other side, which was the
Narragansett country.
No. 25]
Wild Creatures
71
25. Creatures of the Wilderness
BY COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD (1728)
WE came to the banks of a creek called in the
Indian language, " Ohimpa-moni," signifying Jump
ing Creek, from the frequent jumping of fish during
the spring season.
Here we encamped, and by the time the horses were
hobbled, our hunters brought us no less than a brace
and a half of deer, which made great plenty and conse
quently great content in our quarters. Some of our
people had shot a great wild cat which was at the
fatal moment making a comfortable meal upon a fox-
squirrel.
The wild cat is as big again as any household cat,
and much the fiercest inhabitant of the woods. When
ever it is disabled it will tear its own flesh for mad
ness. Although a panther will run away from a man,
a wild cat will only make a surly retreat before him.
Now and then he will face about if he be not too
closely pursued. He will even pursue in his turn, if
he observe the least sign of fear or even of caution
in those that pretend to follow him. The flesh of
this beast, as well as of the panther, is as white as
veal, and altogether as sweet and delicious.
One day a great flock of cranes flew over our
quarters. They were exceedingly noisy in their flight.
They seemed to steer their course toward the south
(they are birds of passage) in quest of warmer weather.
They only took this country on their way. They are
as rarely met with in this part of the world as a high
wayman or a beggar. These birds travel generally
in flocks. When they roost they place upon the high-
Colonel
Byrd was
a great
traveller in
the back
woods of
Virginia, and
got beyond
all the settle
ments into
the wild
woods, which
are here
described.
A brage and
a half is
three.
Of course
there could
be neither
robbers nor
beggars
where there
were no
people.
7 2 The Wilderness [NO. 25
est trees sentinels, which constantly stand upon one
leg to keep themselves waking.
i.e. Several We forded several runs of excellent water. After
wards we crossed a large level of high land full of
lofty walnut, poplar, and white oak trees. As we
marched along we saw many buffalo tracks, but could
not have the pleasure of seeing the animals. They
either smelt us out, having that sense of smell very
lively, or else they were alarmed at the noise which
so many people must necessarily make in marching
along. At the sight of a man they will snort and
grunt, cock up their ridiculous short tails, and tear
up the ground with a fury of fear. These wild cattle
hardly ever range alone, but herd together like tame
cattle.
We had been so refreshed by a day of rest that we
broke camp one morning earlier than usual and passed
the several fords of the Hico River. The woods were
very thick a great part of this day's journey, so that
we were forced to scuffle hard to advance seven miles.
We took up our quarters again on Sugar-tree Creek.
A little distance from this creek one of the men had
the luck to meet with a young buffalo of two years
old. Notwithstanding he was no older he was as big
as an ordinary ox. His legs were very thick and
very short and his hoofs exceeding broad. His back
rose into a kind of bunch a little above the shoulders.
This I believe contributes not a little to that crea
ture's enormous strength.
The portly figure of this animal is disgraced by a
shabby little tail, not above twelve inches long. This
he cocks up on end, whenever he is in a passion ;
and instead of lowing or bellowing, grunts with no
better grace than a hog.
No. 25]
The Buffalo
73
THE SUPPOSED BUFFALO.
The hair growing
on his head and neck
is long and shaggy,
and so soft that it
will spin into thread
not unlike mohair.
Some people have
stockings knit of it,
that would have
served an Israelite
during his forty years'
march through the
wilderness.
Its horns are short and strong, and the Indians i.e. they are
make large spoons out of them, which they say will ^°"^leand
split and fall to pieces whenever poison is put into Therewasno
them. The color of the buffalo is a dirty brown, and ground for
its hide is so thick that it is scarcely penetratable. thlsbelief-
Buffaloes may be easily tamed when they are taken
young.
As thick as this poor beast's hide was, a bullet made
shift to enter it
and fetch him
down. He was
found all alone,
though buffa
loes seldom
are. The men
were so de
lighted with
this new diet,
• that the grid
iron and the
frying pan had
THE REAL BUFFALO.
74 The Wilderness [NO. 25
no rest all night. Before we marched this morn
ing, every man took care to pack up some buffalo
steaks in his knapsack, besides what he crammed
into himself.
Another day we encamped on a pleasant hill, over
looking a river which seemed to be deep everywhere
except where we forded. The Indian killed a very
fat doe, and came across a bear which had been put
to death and half devoured by a panther.
The last named of these brutes reigns absolute
monarch of the woods. In the keenness of his hun
ger he will venture to attack a bear ; though then it
is always by surprise, as beasts of the cat kind come
upon their prey.
Their play is to take the poor bears napping. The
bears are very drowsy animals. And though they
are exceedingly strong, yet their strength is heavy ;
while the panthers are too nimble and cunning to
trust themselves within their hug.
As formidable as the panther is to his fellow brutes,
he never has the confidence to venture upon a man.
He retires from him with great respect if there be a
way open for his escape. However it must be con
fessed his voice is a little contemptible for a monarch
of the forest. It is not a great deal louder or more
awful than the mewing of a household cat.
Not far from our quarters one of the men picked
up a pair of elk's horns, not very large, and discov
ered the track of the elk that had shed them. The
elk is as big as a horse and of the deer kind. Only
the stags have horns and those exceedingly large and
spreading.
Their swiftest speed is a fast trot. In that motion
they turn their horns back upon their necks, and cock
NO. 26] The Beaver 75
their noses aloft in the air. Nature has taught them
this attitude to save their antlers from being caught
in the thickets.
The Indians say if one of the drove happen by
some wound to be disabled from making his escape,
the rest will forsake their fears to defend their friend.
This they will do with great obstinacy till they are
killed on the spot, although otherwise they are so
alarmed at the sight of a man, that to avoid him they
will sometimes throw themselves down very high
precipices into the river.
26. Beavers and Bears
BY COLONEL WILLIAM BYRD (1728)
WE had difficulty in passing a water called Yapat- The beaver
sco or Beaver Creek. Those industrious animals, !?ad the mls"
fortune to
the beavers, had dammed up the water so high that carry a coat
we had much ado to get over. It is hardly credible of beautiful
how much work of" this kind they will do in the hence has
space of one night. been hunted
T, v ., T . , 1-1 almost out of
They bite young saplings into proper lengths theworld
with their fore-teeth, which are exceedingly strong Very few are
and sharp. Afterwards they drag them to the place f0°u%
where they intend to stop the water. Then they United
know how to join timber and earth together with States-
so much skill that their work is able to resist the
most violent flood that can happen.
In this they are qualified to instruct their betters.
It is certain their dams will stand firm when the
strongest that are made by men will be carried down
the stream.
76
The Wilderness [NO. 26
On our return journey we again had difficulty
in crossing the Yapatsco. The beavers had dammed
up the water much higher than we found it at
our going up. So we were obliged to lay a bridge
over a part that was shallower than the rest, to
facilitate our passage.
Beavers have more of instinct — that half brother
of reason — than any other animal, especially in
matters of self-preservation. In their houses they
i.e. a gate of always contrive a sally-port, both towards the land
exit- and towards the water. This enables them to escape
by one, if their retreat should happen to be cut
off by the other.
They perform all their works in the dead of
night to avoid discovery. They are kept diligently
to it by the master beaver, which by his age or
strength has gained to himself an authority over
the rest.
If any of the gang happen to be lazy, or will
not -exert himself to the utmost in felling of
trees, or dragging them to the place where they
are to be made use of, this superintendent will
not fail to chastise him. This he does with the
flat of the tail, with which he is able to give
unmerciful strokes.
The beavers lie snug in their houses all day,
unless some unneighborly miller chance to disturb
their repose, by demolishing their dams to supply
his mill with water. It is rare to see one of them.
The Indians, for that reason, have hardly any
way to take them, except by laying snares near the
place where they dam up the water.
Both beavers and wolves, we know, when one of
their legs is caught in a trap, will bite it off, that
No. 26]
The Bear
77
BEAVER.
they may escape with the rest. The fur of the
beaver is very valuable, especially in the more north
ern countries, where it is longer and finer.
Our Indian killed a bear that was feasting
upon the wild grapes. In the fall, the flesh of
this animal has a very high relish, different from
that of other creat- .^sgv ^^^^^^^
ures ; but in its taste
it inclines nearest to
that of pork. This
beast is in truth a
very clean feeder,
living, while the season lasts, upon acorns, chestnuts
and chinquapins, wild honey and wild grapes. About Chinqua-
January, when there p!ns,ar,e£
Jm kind of
IS nothing tO be gOt acorn.
in the woods, they
retire into some
cave or hollow tree.
There they sleep
away two or three
months very com
fortably.
One of the young
fellows whom we
sent to bring up the tired horses entertained us in
the evening with a remarkable adventure of that day.
He had strayed, it seems, from his company in a bog,
and made a bear cub a year old betake itself to a tree.
While he was new-priming his gun with intent to fetch
the cub down, the old gentle-woman appeared. Per
ceiving her son in distress, she advanced open mouthed
to his relief. The man was so intent on his game
that she had approached very near before he saw her.
BEAR.
7 8 The Wilderness [NO. 26
But finding his danger, he faced about upon the
enemy. She immediately reared upon her hind legs
and put herself in battle array. The man, won
dering at the bear's assurance, endeavored to fire
upon her. But owing to the dampness of the prim
ing, his gun did not go off.
He cocked it a second time, and had the same
misfortune. After missing fire twice he had the
folly to punch the beast with the muzzle of his
gun. But mother Bruin was on her guard, seized
the weapon with her paws, and by main force
wrenched it out of the fellow's hands.
The man being thus fairly disarmed, thought
himself no longer a match for the enemy. There
fore he retreated as fast as his legs could carry him.
The brute naturally grew bolder upon the flight of her
adversary, and pursued him with all her heavy speed.
For some time it was doubtful whether fear
made one run faster or fury the other. But after
an even run, the man had the mishap to stumble over
a stump and fell down at his full length. He now
would have sold his life a pennyworth.
But the bear fearing there might be some trick
in the fall, instantly halted, and looked with much
attention on her prostrate foe. In the meanwhile,
the man had with great presence of mind resolved
to make the bear believe he was dead. So he lay
breathless on the ground, in hopes that the beast
would be too generous to kill him over again.
To carry on the farce, he lay motionless for
some time without daring to raise his head to see
how near the monster was to him. But in about
two minutes, to his remarkable comfort, he was
raised from the dead by the barking of a dog. The
NO. 27] The Alligator 79
dog belonged to one of his companions who came
seasonably to his rescue and drove the bear from
pursuing the man to take care of her cub. For
she feared it might now fall into a second distress.
27. The Alligator in Georgia
(1735)
THE crocodile, which seems to be the chief of rep
tiles, abounds in all the rivers of Georgia. They
call them alligators. I have seen some of these
twelve feet long, I believe.
A number of various errors are commonly reported
about these creatures. One is that their scales are
musket proof ; whereas I have frequently seen them
killed with small sfiot. Nay, I have heard from peo
ple of good credit, that when they have found one at
a distance from the water, they have killed him with
sticks. They did not think him worth a shot.
Mr. Horton has more than once struck one through
with a sword. The watermen often knock them on
the head with their oars, as the alligators lie sleep
ing upon the banks. For they are very sluggish and
timid ; though they can make one or two springs in
the water with nimbleness enough.
They can also snap with strength whatever comes
within their jaws. They are terrible to look at,
stretching open a horrible large mouth, big enough
to swallow a man. They have rows of dreadful large
sharp teeth.
Their feet are like those of dragons, armed with
great claws. They have a long tail which they throw
80 The Wilderness [NO. 27
about with great strength, and which seems to be
their best weapon. For their claws are weakly set
on ; and the stiffness of their necks hinders them
from turning nimbly to bite.
When Mr. Oglethorpe was at Savannah for the
first time, he tried to make an end of the fear which
the people had for the crocodiles. So he wounded
and caught one about twelve feet long, and had him
Bait = worry, brought up to the town. He set the boys to bait
him with sticks.
The creature gaped and blew hard, but had no
heart to move. It only turned about its tail, and
snapt at the sticks.
At our first coming they would stare at the boats,
and stay still till they came up close to them ; so
that Mr. Horton killed five in one day. But after
frequent attacks, they grew more shy. They destroy
a great many fish, and will seize a hog or a dog if
they see him in the water. But their general way
of preying is to lie still, with their mouths open and
their noses just above water. So they watch till the
stream brings something down as prey to them.
They swallow anything that comes into their mouths,
A kind of and upon opening them, knots of lightwood have been
Pine- found inside of them.
They lay eggs which are smaller than those of a
goose. They scrape together a number of leaves,
and other trash, of which nature has taught them
to choose such as will be warm. Of these they make
a hot-bed, in the midst of which they leave their
eggs covering them with a sufficient thickness. The
heat of the heap, helped by the warmth of the climate,
hatches the eggs and the young crocodiles creep out
like small lizards.
NO. 28] Tamed Creatures 8 1
28. Colonial Pets
BY PETER KALM (1748)
UPON trial it has been found that the follow
ing animals and birds which are wild in the woods
of North America can be made nearly as tame as
domestic animals. The calves of the wild cows, i.e. buffalo,
which are found in Carolina, and other provinces
to the south of Pennsylvania, can be brought up
among tame cattle. When they are grown up
they are perfectly tame but at the same time
very unruly, so that no enclosure is strong enough
to hold them if they try to break through. As
they possess great strength in their necks it is
easy for them to overthrow the fences with their
horns, and to get into the cornfields.
The American deer can likewise be tamed. A
farmer in New Jersey had one in his possession,
which he caught when it was very young ; at present,
it is so tame that in the daytime it runs into the
woods for its food, and towards night returns home,
frequently bringing a wild deer out of the woods,
giving its master an opportunity to hunt at his
very door.
Beavers .have been tamed to such an extent that
they have brought home what they caught by fish
ing to their masters. This is often the case with
otters, of which I have seen some that were as tame
as dogs, and followed their master wherever he
went ; if he went out in a boat the otter went with
him, jumped into the water and after a while came
up with a fish.
The raccoon can in time be made so tame as to
82 The Wilderness [NO. 28
run about the streets like a domestic animal ; but it is
impossible to make it leave off its habit of stealing.
In the dark it creeps to the poultry, and kills a whole
flock in one night. Sugar and other sweet things
must be carefully hidden ; for if the chests and boxes
are not always locked, it gets into them and eats the
sugar with its paw. The ladies, therefore, have some
complaint against it every day.
The gray and flying squirrels are so tamed by the
boys that they sit on their shoulders and follow
them everywhere.
The turkey cocks and hens run about in the woods
of this country and differ in no respect from our
tame ones, except in their superior size and more
palatable flesh. When their eggs are found in the
woods and put under tame turkey hens, the young
ones become tame ; however, when they grow up, it
sometimes happens that they fly away ; their wings are
therefore commonly clipped when they are young.
Wild geese are likewise tamed in the following
manner. When the wild geese first come hither in
the spring and stop a little while the people try to
shoot them on the wing. They then row to the
place where the wild goose falls, catch it and keep it
for some time at home ; by this means many of them
have been made so tame that when they were let out
in the morning they returned in the evening ; but to
be more sure of them, their wings are commonly
clipped.
Partridges which are here in abundance, can be so
far tamed as to run about all day with the poultry,
coming along with them to be fed. In the same
manner I have seen wild pigeons so tame that they
will fly out and return again.
NO. 29] The Mosquito 83
pg. Gossip about Bears and
Mosquitoes
BY PETER KALM (1748)
BEARS are very numerous higher up in the country,
and do much mischief. Mr. Bartram told me, that
when a bear catches a cow, he kills her in the follow
ing manner. He bites a hole into the hide, and blows This does
with all his power into it, till the animal swells exces- "°rts^.™v.
sively and dies ; for the air expands greatly between and Pro-' '
the flesh and the hide. fessor Kalm
o 11 -i XTM /"• did not say
An old Swede, called Nils Gustave s son, who was that he had
ninety-one years of age, said, that in his youth, the ever seen it-
bears had been very frequent hereabouts, but that
they had seldom attacked the cattle. Whenever a
bear was killed, its flesh was prepared like pork, and
it had a very good taste.
The flesh of bears is still prepared like ham, on the
river Morris. The environs of Philadelphia, and
even the whole province of Pennsylvania in general,
contain very few bears, for they have been extirpated
by degrees. In Virginia they kill them in several
different ways. Their flesh is eaten by both rich and
poor, since it is reckoned equal in goodness to pork.
In some parts of this province, where no hogs can be
kept, on account of the great numbers of bears, the
people are used to catch and kill them, and to use
them instead of hogs. The American bears, however,
are said to be less fierce and dangerous than the
European ones.
The gnats, which are very troublesome at night
here, are called mosquitoes. They are exactly like
84 The Wilderness [NO. 2g
the gnats in Sweden, only somewhat smaller. In
daytime or at night they come into the houses and
when the people have gone to bed they begin their
disagreeable humming, approach nearer to the bed,
and at last suck up so much blood that they can
hardly fly away. Their bite causes blisters on peo
ple with delicate skins.
When the weather has been cool for some days,
the mosquitoes disappear. But when it changes
again, and especially after a rain, they gather fre
quently in such quantities about the houses that their
numbers are astonishing. The chimneys which have
no valves for shutting them out afford the gnats a
free entrance into the houses of the English. In
sultry evenings the mosquitoes accompany the cattle
in great swarms from the woods to the houses, or to
town, and when the cattle are driven past the houses
the gnats fly in wherever they can.
In the greatest heat of the summer they are so
numerous in some places, that the air seems to be
quite full of them, especially near swamps and stag
nant water, such as the river Morris in New Jersey.
The inhabitants therefore make a big fire before the
houses to expel these disagreeable guests by the smoke.
The old Swedes here say that gnats have formerly
been much more numerous ; that even at present they
swarm in vast quantities on the seashore near the
salt water; and that those which troubled us this
autumn in Philadelphia were of a more poisonous
kind than they commonly used to be. This last
quality appeared from the blisters which were formed
on the spots where the gnats had made their sting.
In Sweden I never felt any other inconvenience from
their sting than a little itching while they sucked.
NO. 3o] The Bullfrog 85
But when they stung me here at night my face was
so disfigured by little red spots and blisters that I
was almost ashamed to show myself.
30. Bullfrogs
BY PETER KALM (1749)
BULLFROGS are a large species of frogs which I had This seems
an opportunity of hearing and seeing to-day. As I hke a la^?e
TUJ -i-r JT story : thls
was riding out, I heard a roaring before me; and I kind of bull-
thought it was a bull in the bushes, on the other side fr°ss must
of the dyke, though the sound was rather more hoarse pelredjor
than that of a bull. I was however afraid, that a bad nobody sees
i 11 -I.L-L i.-< i_ T j*j them now.
goring bull might be near me, tnough I did not see
him.
I continued to think so till some hours after, when
I talked with some Swedes about the bullfrogs, and,
by their account, I immediately found that I had
heard their voice. The Swedes told me, that there
were numbers of them in the dyke. I afterwards
hunted for them. Of all the frogs in this country,
this is doubtless the greatest.
I am told, that towards autumn, as soon as the air
begins to grow a little cool, they hide themselves
under the mud, which lies at the bottom of ponds and
stagnant waters, and lie there torpid during winter.
As soon as the weather grows mild, towards summer,
they begin to get out of their holes, and croak.
If the spring, that is, if the mild weather, begins
early, they appear about the end of March ; but if it
happens late, they tarry under water till late in April.
Their places of abode are ponds and bogs of stagnant
86 The Wilderness [NO. 3o
water ; they are never in any flowing water. When
many of them croak together, they make an enormous
noise.
Their croak exactly resembles the roaring of an ox
or bull which is somewhat hoarse. They croak so
loud that two people talking by the side of a pond
cannot understand each other. They croak all to
gether ; then stop a little, and begin again.
It seems as if they had a captain among them :
for when he begins to croak, all the others follow ;
and when he stops, the others are all silent. In day
time they seldom make any great noise, unless the
sky is covered.
The night is their croaking time ; and, when all is
calm, you may hear them, though you are near a
mile and a half off. When they croak, they com
monly are near the surface of the water, under the
bushes, and have their heads out of the water. There
fore, by going slowly, one may get close up to them
before they go away. As soon as they are quite
under water, they think themselves safe, though the
water be very shallow.
Sometimes they sit at a good distance from the
pond ; but as soon as they suspect any danger, they
hasten with great leaps into the water. They are
very expert at hopping. A full-grown bullfrog takes
near three yards at one hop. I have often been told
by the old Swedes the following story, which hap
pened here, at the time when the Indians lived with
the Swedes.
It is well known, that the Indians are excellent
runners. I have seen them, at Governor Johnson's,
equal the best horse in its swiftest course, and almost
pass by it. Therefore, in order to try how well the
NO. 3o] The Bullfrog 87
bullfrogs could leap, some of the Swedes laid a wager
with a young Indian, that he could not overtake the
frog, provided it had two leaps before hand.
They carried a bullfrog, which they had caught in
a pond, upon a field, and burnt his back. The fire,
and the Indian, who endeavored to keep close up
to the frog, had such an effect upon the animal,
that it made its long hops across the field, as fast as
it could. The Indian began to pursue the frog with
all his might at the proper time.
The noise he made in running frightened the poor
frog. Probably it was afraid of being tortured with
fire again ; therefore it redoubled its leaps, and by
that means it reached the pond before the Indian
could overtake it.
In some years they are more numerous than in
others. Nobody could tell, whether the snakes had
ever ventured to eat them, though they eat all the
lesser kinds of frogs. The women are no friends to
these frogs, because they kill and eat young duck
lings and goslings.
Sometimes they carry off chickens that come too
near the ponds. I have not observed that they bite
when they are held in the hands, though they have
little teeth. When they are beaten they cry out
almost like children. I was told that some eat the
thighs" of the hind legs, and that they are very
palatable.
88
The Wilderness
[No. 31
31. Rattlesnakes
(1756)
I WILL give here an account of that infamous reptile,
the rattle-snake, which is considered the most danger
ous of any poisonous creature known in this part of
the world.
The rattle-snake hardly ever measures out six feet
in length. He has a gorgeous skin or coat, that may
vie with any rich brocade. His summer haunt is in
meadows and swampy grounds among long grass.
During the winter season he harbors in the ground
or in the sides of hills where there are craggy stones.
They are said to lie together in numbers. Their age
may be known by the number of rings upon their tail.
But it is certainly a mistake that the rings grow
single, one every year. Were that the case, some
that I have seen must have been eight or ten years
old. But having had the curiosity to take in pieces
one of these rattles, I found the parts which must be
of one year's growth, to consist of two rings and a
small tip.
The next year there grows such another part under
the first, which thrusts it off from the flesh, and it
remains like a cap upon it. That protuberance which
is next the tip holds it on. In like manner the suc
ceeding growths are made.
This curious member nature has designed for giv
ing persons warning, when they happen unwarily to
approach too near the snake. A man has just time
to recollect himself, and stop his pace before he
comes in immediate danger of a bite ; which will be
within distance of the snake's length.
NO. 3i] Rattlesnakes 8 g
For if he lay at his full stretch before, as soon as
any one comes near him, he draws himself in. He
is then wound up in a close coil, with his tail pointed
upward, and his head laid back. And he gives his
rattle such a brisk shake, that it sounds like the
tremulous motion of a musical chord.
Then if the person does not stop or divert his
course, he instantly flings out upon him. The teeth
of this snake are curved, exquisitely fine and sharp,
two on each side the gum. They are shut up like
a cat's claw till when he goes to bite.
Sometimes the mowers happen to stumble over
them and receive no hurt ; but they always give the
signal when they are prepared for mischief.
AN INDIAN BOY.
PART IV
BIG INDIANS AND LITTLE
INDIANS
account
32. A King's Nephews and Nieces
BY CAPTAIN ARTHUR BARLOWE (1584)
THE twenty-seventh day of April in the year 1584, This
we departed from England, with two barks well fur- js a part of a
°. . . letter written
nished with men and victuals, alter receiving our last by Captain
directions by vour letters and also your commands Barioweto
, ,. 11 ir i • ^i • Sir Walter
delivered by yourself upon our leaving the river Raieigh,who
Thames. fitted out the
The second of July, we found shoal water, where expedl
we smelt as sweet and as strong a smell as if we had
been in the midst of some delicate garden abounding
with all kinds of flowers, by which scent we were
assured, that the land could not be far distant. Keep
ing good watch, and bearing but slack sail, the fourth This makes
day of the same month we arrived upon a coast, which
we supposed to be, a continent. We sailed along this days,
coast for a hundred and twenty English miles before
we could find any entrance or any river issuing into Harquebus
the sea. The first opening that appeared to us we gu**££a
entered, though not without some difficulty, casting range of per-
anchor about three harquebus shot within the haven's fiaps,sey(;n
hundred teet.
91
Indians
[No. 32
This was mouth on the left hand side. After we had given
Ocracoke
North
Carolina.
Queen
Elizabeth of
England.
hdetTnow in tnan^s to God for our safe arrival thither, we manned
our boats, and went to view the land next adjoining,
and " to take possession of the same, in the right of
the Queen's most excellent Majesty, as rightful Queen
and Princess of the same." This being performed,
according to the ceremonies used in such enterprises,
we viewed the land about us, finding it very sandy
and low toward the water's side, but so full of grapes
that the very beating and surge of the sea overflowed
the fruit.
We passed from the sea side towards the tops of
those hills next adjoining, and from thence beheld
the sea on both sides, to the north and to the south,
finding no end in either direction. This land we
found to be only an island, twenty miles long and
nearly six miles broad. Under the bank or hill
whereon we stood, we beheld the valleys filled with
goodly cedar trees, and having discharged our har
quebus-shot, a flock of white cranes arose under us,
with such a cry redoubled by many echoes, as might
be made if an army of men shouted altogether.
We remained by the side of this island two whole
days before we saw any people of the country : on
the third day we espied one small boat rowing towards
us, having in it three persons. This boat came to
the island side, four harquebus-shot from our ships,
and two of the people remaining there, the third
came along the shore side toward us. We were all
on board ; he walked up and down upon the point
of the land next to us. Then the master and the
pilot of the " Admiral," Simon Ferdinando, and the
Captain Philip Amadas, myself, and others rowed to
the land. Our coming did not make this fellow show
No. 32]
A Chief
93
any fear or doubt. After he had spoken of many i.e. in a ian-
things not understood by us, we brought him with f^eag^0^c
his own good liking aboard the ships, and gave him not under-
a shirt, a hat and some other things, and made him stand-
taste of our wine and our meat, which he liked very
well. After looking carefully at both barks, he de
parted, and went to his own boat which he had left
in a little cove or creek nearby. As soon as he was
INDIAN WARRIORS.
two bow shot into the water, he fell to fishing, and in
less than half an hour, he had laden his boat as deep
as it could swim. With this he came again to the
point of land, and there he divided his fish into two
parts, pointing out one part for the ship, and the
other for the pinnace. Thus, after he had requited The pinnace
as far as he could the benefits he had received, he J^
departed out of our sight. sail.'
The next day there came unto us divers boats, and
94 Indians [NO. 32
in one of them the King's brother, accompanied with
forty or fifty men, very handsome and goodly people,
and in their behaviour as mannerly and civil as any
King here = in Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the
chief. King is called Wingina, the country Wingandacoa,
Raleigh and now by her Majesty, Virginia.
named it -^he King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and
Virginia for 1^1 T/-- i. • ir •
Queen children reverenced. Ihe King himself in person
Elizabeth the was a{- ^Q time, sorely wounded in a fight which he
had had with the King of the next country. A day
or two after this, we fell to trading with them, ex
changing some things that we had, for deer skins.
When we showed him our whole store of merchandise,
of all the things that he saw, a bright tin dish pleased
him most.
After two or three days the King's brother came
aboard the ships and drank wine, and ate of our meat
and of our bread, and liked it exceedingly. Then
after a few days had passed, he brought his wife with
him to the ships, his daughter and two or three chil
dren. His wife was very well favored, of medium
stature and very bashful. She had on her back a
long cloak of leather, with the fur side next to her
body. About her forehead she had a band of white
coral. In her ears she had bracelets of pearls hang
ing down to her waist. The rest of her women of
the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in
either ear, and some of the children of the King's
brother and other noblemen, had five or six in either
ear. He himself had upon his head a broad plate of
gold or copper, for being unpolished we knew not
which metal it might be, neither would he by any
means suffer us to take it off his head. His apparel
was like his wife's, only the women wear their hair
NO. 33] Home Life 95
long on both sides of the head, and the men on but
one side. They are of color yellowish, and their hair
black for the most part, and yet we saw children who
had very fine auburn and chestnut colored hair.
33. Indian Home Life
BY WILLIAM STRACHEY (1610-1612)
THE drink of the Indians is like that of the Turks,
clear water. For although they have grapes in
abundance, they have not learned the use of them.
They have not found out how to press them into
wine. Pears or apples they have none with which
to make cider.
The men spend their time in fishing, hunting, wars,
and such manlike exercises out of doors. They scorn
to be seen in any woman's work. This is the reason
why the women are very busy and the men so idle.
Their fishing is often much in boats which they
call quintans. They make one out of a tree by
burning and scraping away the coals with bones and
shells, till they have made it in the form of a trough. These are
Instead of oars they use paddles and sticks. They ^oo^n'
row faster than we can in our barges. They have canoes; fur-
nets for fishing, which are made of the barks of cer- ther north
0 . birch canoes
tain trees, and of deer sinews. There is a kind of wereused.
grass out of which their women spin a very even
thread, rolling it with their hands.
This thread serves for many purposes. They use
it to make coverings, to sew their garments of
feathers, and to make their leggings. With it, also,
they make lines for fishing.
96
Indians
[No. 33
In England
game laws
forbid the
killing of
birds at cer
tain times.
Bandy =
hockey :
the game
was probably
lacrosse.
Football in
England was
very rough,
and there
was plenty
of foul
tackling.
In the time of their hunting, they leave their habi
tations and gather themselves into companies ; and
then they go to the wildest places with their families.
There they pass their time in hunting and getting
wild fowl. In the time of hunting every man will
try to do his best to show his skill. For by excelling
in the chase they obtain the favor of the women.
While they are hunting in deserts or wildernesses
there are commonly two or three hundred together.
With the sunrising they call up one another and go
forth searching for the herd of deer. When they
have found it they encircle it with many fires. Be
tween the fires, they place themselves, making the
most terrible noise that they can. The deer, fright
ened by the fires and the voices, betake them to their
heels. The Indians chase them so long within that
circle, that many times they kill six, eight, ten, or fif
teen in a morning.
Hares, partridges, turkeys, fat or lean, young or
old, even in laying or in brooding time, they devour.
At no time do they spare any that they can catch.
There is a kind of exercise that they have among
them much like that which boys call bandy in Eng
lish. Likewise, they have the exercise of football.
In this they only use the foot forcibly to carry the
ball from the one to the other. They kick it to the
goal with a kind of skill and swift footmanship, to
excel in which is thought a great honor. But they
never strike up one another's heels, as we do. They
do not consider it praiseworthy to win a goal by such
an advantage.
The spare time between their sleep and meals they
usually use in gayety, dancing, and singing. For
their kind of music, they have different instruments.
NO. 33] Amusement 9 7
They have a kind of cane on which they pipe. A sort of
These can hardly be sounded without great strain- flute>
ing of the breath. Upon these instruments they
keep a certain rude time. But their chief instru
ments are rattles, made of small gourds or of shells.
These mingled with their voices, sometimes twenty
or thirty together, make such a terrible. howling as
would rather frighten than give pleasure to any man.
The women love children very dearly. To make
their children hardy they wash them in the coldest
mornings in the rivers. By painting and ointments,
they so tan their skin, that after a year or two no
weather will hurt them.
To practise their children in the use of their bows
and arrows, the mother does not give them their
breakfast in a morning until they have hit a mark
which she sets for them to shoot at.
So skilful do they expect the children to become,
that the mother often throws up in the air a piece
of moss which the boy must hit as it falls, with his
arrow. If he does not succeed he cannot have his
breakfast.
H
98
Indians
[No. 34
The author
of this piece
lived among
the Indians.
Powhatan
was the most
powerful
Indian living
near the
English in
34. The Capture of Pocahontas,
the Little Indian Princess
BY RAI-HE HAMOR (1613-1614)
IT chanced that
Powhatan's delight
and darling, his
daughter Pocahon
tas, whose fame
has been spread
even in England,
took the pleasure
to visit her friends
at the Potomac.
Her friends had
been sent thither
like shopkeepers at
a fair, to exchange
some of her father's
commodities for
those of this re
gion. She came
in the absence of
Captain Argall.
When she had been staying here some three months
or longer, it happened that Captain Argall arrived
in search either of hope or profit. Pocahontas, desir
ous to renew her familiarity with the English, and
delighting to see them, said she would gladly visit
them, keeping herself unknown, perhaps because she
was afraid of being seized. No sooner had Captain
POCAHONTAS.
NO. 34] Pocahontds 99
Argall received intelligence of her, than he planned the colony
with an old friend and adopted brother of his, called °fvirsinia-
Argall was
Japazeus, how and by what means he might procure governor,
her as a captive.
He told the Indian that now or never was the time Japazeus was
, i_- r • i T 1 11 i an Indian,
to give pleasure to his friend, if he really possessed Wh0had
that love of which he had made profession. Captain gone through
Argall told him that as a ransom for Pocahontas he ^0^
might recover some of our English men and arms, hood with
now in the possession of her father. He promised to Ar&a11-
use her fairly and with gentle treatment.
Japazeus, fully assured that his brother would use
her courteously as he promised, gave in turn his word
that he would use his best endeavors and secrecy to
accomplish this desire. And thus he wrought it, mak- The plot
ing his own wife an instrument to aid his plot. For *'as that .
Japazeus s
Japazeus agreed that his wife, Pocahontas, and him- wife should
self would accompany his brother, Captain Argall, to make it seem
t . ' a favor to her
the waterside. Then, according to the plan, his wife for pocahon-
should feign a great and longing desire to go aboard tas to s° on
the ship, for although it had been in port three or
four times before, she had never seen it. She was
to be earnest with her husband, begging him to give
her permission. Then he was to seem angry with
her, and to pretend that her request was needless,
especially since she had women with her to bear her
company ; and she in turn was to pretend to take it
unkindly, feigning to weep ; whereupon her husband,
seeming to pity those counterfeit tears, was to give
her leave to go aboard, only if it pleased Pocahontas
to accompany her.
Now came the greatest labor, to win Pocahontas to
go with her, for perhaps she might feel responsible
on account of her father's wrong treatment of the
ioo Indians , [NO. 34
English, even though she supposed herself unknown.
By earnest persuasions, Pocahontas assented, and
forthwith aboard they went.
The best cheer that could be made was seasonably
provided. To supper they went, merry on all hands,
especially Japazeus and his wife, who, to express their
joy, would once in a while tread upon Captain Argall's
foot, as if to say, " 'Tis done ; she is your own." Sup
per ended, Pocahontas was lodged in the gunner's
rooms, where Japazeus and his wife left her, because
they desired to hold a conference with " their brother."
This conference was only to acquaint him by what
stratagem they had betrayed his prisoner.
After this discourse they went to sleep, and Poca
hontas as well, mistrusting nothing of their plot
Nevertheless, a little frightened and anxious to re
turn, she was up first in the morning and hastened to
Japazeus, urging him to be gone. But Captain Argal)
well rewarded him secretly with a small copper kettle
and some other less valuable trifles, which he so
highly valued that doubtless he would have betrayed
his own father for them.
Argall permitted both Japazeus and his wife to re
turn on shore, and in the hearing of others he told
Japazeus as he went away that he should keep Poca
hontas because the father of Pocahontas held as pris
oners eight of our Englishmen, many swords, firearms,
and other tools which he had at several times by
treacherous murders taken from our men.
Whereupon she began to be exceedingly pensive
and discontented, although still ignorant of the
treachery of Japazeus ; in outward appearance, he
was no less unhappy than she was herself that he
should be the means of her captivity.
run
NO. 35] Powhatan i o i
35. In Powhatan's Country
BY RAPHE HAMOR (1613-1614)
MUCH ado there was to persuade Pocahontas to be A continua-
patient. With extraordinary courteous usage they tlonofthe
accomplished this little by little, and so to James- story.
town she was brought, and a messenger to her father
was forewith despatched to tell him that his only
daughter was in the hands and possession of the Eng
lish. There she was to be kept until such time as he
would ransom her with our men, swords, arms, and
other tools treacherously taken from us.
The news was unwelcome and troublesome to him, Probably
partly for the love he bare to his daughter and partly they had
. . . <• i away to the
to the love he bare to our men his prisoners, or whom Indians.
he made great use although with us they seemed un
fitted for any employment. And those swords and
firearms of ours, though they were of no use to him,
delighted him just to look upon.
He could not without long advice and deliberation
with his council, resolve upon anything, and it is
really true that we heard nothing from him till three
months afterwards. Then by persuasion of others
he returned seven of our men, and with each of them
an unserviceable musket. By them he sent us word
that whenever we pleased to deliver his daughter, he
would give us in satisfaction of the injuries he had
done to us, and for the rest of our firearms broken
and stolen from him, would pay five hundred bushels
of corn and be forever friends with us.
The men and arms we received in part payment,
and returned to him for an answer that his daughter
was very well, and was kindly treated, and should be
i o 2 Indians [NO. 35
well treated, however he dealt with us : but we could
not believe that the rest of our arms were either lost
or stolen from him and therefore until he returned
them all, we would not by any means deliver his
daughter. Then it should be at his choice whether
he would establish peace or continue enemies with us.
This answer as it seemed did not please him very
well for we heard no more from him till last March.
Then with Captain Argall's ship and some other ves
sels belonging to the colony, Sir Thomas Dale with
an hundred and fifty men well equipped went up into
Powhatan's river, where his chief habitations were.
We carried with us his daughter, either to move them
to fight for her, if such were their courage and bold
ness, or to restore the remainder of our goods, that is
our swords, arms, and tools.
We proceeded and had entered the narrows of the
river, where the channel lay within shot of the
shore, when from an ambush they let their arrows
fly amongst us in our ship. We were justly pro
voked, and forthwith manned our boats, went ashore
and burned in that very place some forty houses ; and
of the things we found therein, we made free booty
and pillage. As they themselves afterwards con
fessed us, we wounded and killed five or six of their
men. With this revenge, we satisfied ourselves for
their presumption in shooting at us.
The critical time now came ; we went the higher
up the river, and anchored near Powhatan's resi
dence. Here at a town called Matchot were as
sembled about four hundred men well appointed with
their bows and arrows to welcome us. They dared
us to come ashore, a thing which we had planned
before ; so ashore we went.
NO. 36] Pocahontas 's ll^edding 103
36. The Wedding of Pocahontas
BY RAPHE HAMOR (1613-1614)
Two of Powhatan's sons came to us who were very Continuation
desirous to see their sister, there present on the shore
with us. They rejoiced greatly at the sight of Poca- story,
hontas and at her well-being, for they had suspected
that she would be badly treated, although they had
often heard the contrary. They promised that they
would persuade their father to redeem her and to con
clude a firm peace forever with us. Upon this resolu
tion the two brothers went on board our boat with us.
We had already despatched two Englishmen, Mas
ter John Rolfe and Master Sparkes to acquaint their
father with the business in hand. The next day
these men returned saying that they had not been
admitted to Powhatan's presence ; but they had
spoken with his brother Apachamo, his successor,
who had already the command of all the people ;
and promised his best endeavors to further our just
request.
It was then April and the time of year called us
to our business at home, to prepare ground and to
plant corn for our winter's provisions ; so we de
parted upon these terms, giving the Indians respite
till harvest, to decide what was best for them to do.
We told them clearly that if a final agreement were
not made between us before that time, we should re
turn again and destroy or take away all their corn,
burn all the houses upon that river, leave not a fish
ing weir standing nor a canoe in any creek there
abouts, and kill as many of them as we could.
Long before this time, a gentleman of approved
Indians
[No. 37
The James
town settle
ment was
commonly
spoken of as
the Planta
tion.
behavior and honest carriage, Master John Rolfe,
fell in love with Pocahontas and she with him. Of
this fact I made Sir Thomas Dale aware by a letter
from Master John Rolfe, even while we were confer
ring and making conditions with Powhatan's men.
In the letter Rolfe begged Dale's advice and assist
ance in his love, if it seemed to him for the good of
the Plantation. Pocahontas herself told her brothers
about it. Sir Thomas Dale's approval of the match
was the only reason why he was so mild amongst
Powhatan's people. Otherwise he would not have
departed from their river, without other conditions.
The rumor of this intended marriage soon came to
Powhatan's knowledge and was acceptable to him, as
appeared by his sudden consent thereto. Some ten
days after he sent an old uncle of hers, named Opa-
chisco, to give her away in the church as his deputy,
and two of his sons to see the marriage solemnized.
This was done about the fifth of April, and ever since
then we have had friendly relations not only with
Powhatan himself, but also with his subjects round
about us ; so that now I see no reason why the colony
should not thrive apace.
37
Children of Moshup turned
into Fishes
BY THOMAS COOPER (1620)
A half-blood- THE first Indian who came to Martha's Vineyard
abouTsfcfr was Brought there with his dog on a cake of ice.
years old told When he came to Gay Head, he found a very large
NO. 37] An Indian Story 105
man whose name was Moshup. He had a wife and these stories,
five children, four sons and one daughter. He said they
He lived in a den. He used to catch whales and him by his
then pull up trees and make a fire and roast them, grandmother
The coals of the trees and the bones of the whales ^rong'giri
are now to be seen. After he was tired of staying when the
here, he told his children to go and play ball on a ^f^f
beach that joined No Man's Land to Gay Head. her people.
He then made a mark with his toe across the beach
at each end. He made it so deep that the water
came in and cut away the beach, so that his children
were in fear of drowning.
They took their sister up, and held her out of the
water. He told them to act as if they were going to
kill whales, and they were all turned into fishes.
The sister was dressed in large stripes. The father
gave them a strict order always to be kind to her.
His wife mourned the loss of her children so greatly
that he threw her away. She fell upon Seconet, near
the rocks, where she lived some time, begging from
all who passed on the water. After a while she was
changed into a stone. The entire shape of her re
mained for many years.
But after the English came, some of them broke
off the arms and head ; but most of the body is there
to this day. Moshup went away, no one knew
where. He never talked with the Indians, but he
was kind to them, by sending whales ashore for them
to eat. But after there grew to be too many Indians
around him, he left them.
io6
Indians
[No. 38
Passaconna-
way was
chieftain of
the Penna-
cook Indians,
in the
Merrimac
River. No
one set down
his speech at
the time, but
this is the
spirit of his
words.
At the doors
of the lodges
the Indians
set up poles,
ornamented
with the
scalps of
those whom
they had
killed.
I.e. they went
west and
attacked the
fierce
Iroquois.
The English
muskets
seemed
strange to the
Indians on
account of
the flash of
light and
noise made
when one
was fired.
38. A Chieftain's Lament
BY PASSACONNAWAY (1660)
HEARKEN to the words of your father. I am an
old oak that has withstood the storms of more than a
hundred winters. Leaves and branches have been
stripped from me by the winds and frosts. My eyes
are dim. My limbs totter. I must soon fall !
But when young and strong, my bow could be bent
by no young man of the Pennacooks. My arrows
would pierce a deer at a hundred yards, and I could
bury my hatchet in a sapling up to the handle.
No wigwam then had so many furs. No pole had
so many scalp locks as Passaconnaway's ! Then I
delighted in war. The whoop of the Pennacooks
was heard upon the Mohawk — and no voice so loud
as Passaconnaway's. The scalps upon the pole of
my wigwam told the story of Mohawk suffering.
The English came, they seized our lands ; I sat me
down at Pennacook. They followed upon my foot
steps. I made war upon them, but they fought with
fire and thunder. My young men were swept down
before me, when no one was near them.
I tried magic against them, but they still increased
and got the better of me and mine. I gave place
to them and came to my beautiful island of Natti-
cook.
I, that can make the dry leaf turn green and live
again — I, that can take the rattlesnake in my palm
as I would a worm, without harm — I, who have had
communion with the Great Spirit dreaming and awake
— I am powerless before the pale faces. The oak
will soon break before the whirlwind. It shivers and
NO. 39] A Lament 107
shakes even now. Soon its trunk will be fallen —
the ant and the worm will sport upon it !
Then think, my children, of what I say. I com
mune with the Great Spirit. He whispers to me
now : " Tell your people peace, peace, is the only
hope of your race. I have given fire and thunder
to the pale faces for weapons. I have made them
plentier than the leaves of the forest, and still shall
they increase !
These meadows shall turn with the plough. These
forests shall fall by the axe. The pale faces shall
live upon your hunting-grounds, and make their vil
lages upon your fishing-places ! " The Great Spirit
says this and it must be so !
We are few and powerless before them ! We must
bend before the storm ! The wind blows hard ! The
old oak trembles ! Its branches are gone ! Its sap
is frozen ! It bends ! It falls ! Peace, peace with
the white men — is the command of the Great Spirit
— and the wish — the last wish of Passaconnaway.
39. Indian School-Boys
BY CAPTAIN DANIEL GOOKIN (1674)
PART I
THAT which I shall here offer, may be included Apprentices
under two heads. First, that our utmost efforts be were Placed
used, with all industry and diligence, that the Indians, pLents or
especially the children and youth, may be taught to guardians
-, , , . i T- T 1 with master
speak, read, and write, the English tongue. workmen
For this end I propose, first, that as many of their who agreed
io8
Indians
[No. 39
to teach them children as may be procured, with the free consent
household °^ tne^r Parents and relations, be placed in sober and
work. Christian families, as apprentices, until the youths
are twenty-one years, and the maids are eighteen
INDIAN WRITINGS.
years of age : the boys to be instructed in the trades
practised by their masters ; and the girls in good
housewifery of all sorts : with this provision in all
contracts and indentures, that they shall be taught to
read and write the English tongue at the cost of their
masters. And this may be easily accomplished, be
cause servants are scarce in New England. The
ordering of this affair must be committed to the man
agement of prudent persons, who have an interest in
the Indians, and who may be able, by their authority
and wisdom, so to argue the case with the Indians,
as to convince them that such a plan is for their chil
dren's good. For Indians are generally so indulgent
to their children, that they are not easily persuaded
to give them over to the English.
Secondly, another way for bringing this matter to
pass, is by setting up one or two free schools, to teach
them to read and write English. But this thing hath
NO. 39] School-Boys 109
some difficulty in it ; partly because a person suitable
to be a schoolmaster will not be willing to leave the
English society, and to live constantly among the
Indians, as such a work would require. There is also
the question as to how the Indian children that are
sent to school, shall be provided with food and cloth
ing, without charge on the Indian property of the
Indian tribe. The only exception to this should be a A blue coat
blue coat for each of them once a year, which will wasablue
' blanket.
not cost much, but will greatly encourage the Indians.
For the accomplishing of this matter for the Ind- John Eiiot-
ians within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, I have mfsS->nary
consulted and advised^ with Mr. Eliot; and we both to the
joined in a proposal to the honored commissioners of ]
the United Colonies, at their last meeting. I have
consulted also with most of the principal rulers and
teachers of the praying Indians, and they have gen- /.^.Christian
erally agreed and approved the expedient following. Indians-
PART II
THERE is an Indian village, within twenty-eight or
thirty miles from Boston, westward upon the road to
Connecticut, called Okommakamesit, otherwise Marl-
borough, which lieth very near the centre of most of
the praying villages. This Indian plantation joineth Plantation
unto an English town called Marlborough ; so that settlement-
the English and Indian plantations bear the same
name. In this Indian plantation there is a piece of
fertile land, containing above one hundred and fifty
acres, upon which the Indians have lived for some
little time, and they have planted apple-trees there
upon which bear an abundance of fruit.
This parcel of land, with the addition of twenty
I TO
Indians
[No. 39
Two hun
dred pounds
= $ 1000.
In Massa
chusetts the
state legisla
ture has
always been
called the
General
Court.
acres of the nearest meadow, and a woodland of
about fifty acres, is well worth two hundred pounds
in money. Yet the Indians will willingly devote it to
this work ; for it brings little or no profit to them, nor
is it ever like to do so. The Englishmen's cattle
devour all in it, because it lies open and unfenced ;
and while the Indians planted there, it was in a way
fenced by them ; yet by their improvidence and bad
fences, they reaped little benefit in those times ; and
that was one cause of their removal.
Now I propose that the parcel of land above de
scribed, be set apart for an Indian free school, and
confirmed by an act of the General Court of this
colony, for this end forever : and that it be fenced
with a stone wall into two or three enclosures for cow
pastures. This may be done easily, because there
are stones enough at hand upon it. Then to build a
convenient house for a schoolmaster and his family,
and under the same roof may be room for a school :
also to build some outhouses for hay, and cattle. The
cost of all this will not amount to above two hundred
pounds in money. When this is done, the place will
be fit to accommodate a schoolmaster and his family,
without any other salary than the use of this farm.
Moreover, it is very probable, that the English
people of Marlborough, will gladly and readily send
their children to the same school, paying the school
master for them. This will better his income and be
good for them, for they have no school in that place
at the present. In regard to this plan, I have heard
some of the most prudent white people lament ; but
it is expensive to raise a school and support a school
master for twenty or thirty children, and the inhabi
tants are backward in doing it.
NO. 39] si dcnool iii
The laws of the colony require every village con- i.e. since
sisting of fifty families, to provide a school to teach
T-T t- i • compelled
the English tongue and to write ; but these people of by law to
Marlborough, because they have not quite fifty fami- keeP UP a
Tallin i school, they
lies, take that low advantage so as to ease their savecl their
purses of this common charge. But as soon as this money by
school herein proposed, is set up, it will be to their
interest to put their children to it, because this will be duty,
the cheapest and easiest way that they can take.
By my plan the schoolmaster will reap an advan
tage in his neighborhood, and be in communion with
the English church at Marlborough. This will tend
to remove the first difficulty. Besides, the English
and Indian children will learn together in the same
school, and that will promote the Indians' learning to
speak the English tongue. Of this we have had
experience, when Indian children were taught by
English schoolmasters at Roxbury and Cambridge,
in former years. Then several Indian children were
kept at those schools. A second difficulty is this :
how shall these Indian children, though they have
their schooling free, be provided with diet and cloth- Diet =
ing, without public charge ? I answer, that I have
conferred with several of the most prudent and judi
cious Indians of the other towns, who think there will
be no difficulty to provide board for their children,
by procuring it at reasonable rates from the Indians,
their countrymen, who inhabit Marlborough. And
as for clothing, a little serves them, and that of a
poor sort, and their parents can provide it, especially
if the Honorable Corporation order them a blue coat
once a year in the beginning of winter, and also pro
vide them with books.
112
Indians
[No. 40
Several per
sons who
have been
taken pris
oners by the
Indians tell
touching
stories con
cerning the
goodness
of God in
carrying
them through
many dan
gers, and at
last setting
them in a
safe place
again. Here
is one man's
story in his
own words.
40. Rescued from Captivity
BY INCREASE MATHER (1677)
BETWEEN sunset and dark the Indians came upon
us. Another man and I who were together ran
away at the outcry the Indians made. They were
shouting and shooting at some others of the English
that were close by. We took for our place of safety
a swamp that was near.
The Indians seeing us so near them, ran after us
and shot many guns at us. Three shots were fired
upon me, while the Indians were quite close to me.
As the swamp was muddy I slipped and fell down ;
whereupon one of the enemy stepped up to me, with
his hatchet lifted up to knock me on the head.
He thought I was so hurt by my fall that I could
not go any farther. As it happened, I had a pistol
with me, which I pointed at the Indian. He stepped
back thinking it was loaded, but it was not. He said
if I would give myself up, I should have no hurt ; he
added that the woods were full of Indians.
So I gave myself up and by three of them was led
away. Two other Indians came running to us ; and
one lifted up the end of his gun to knock me on the
head. But the other put up his hand and stopped
the blow, and said I was his friend.
They now took me, bound me, and led me away.
Soon I was brought into the company of other cap
tives that were that day brought away from the town
of Hatfield. It was cause for both sorrow and joy to
see the other people : for company in such a sad con
dition was a comfort, though of little help in any way.
Then we were all bound and led away in the night
NO. 4o] Captives 113
over the mountains. Through dark and awful places,
we went at least four miles, before we found a place
for a brief rest. This was in a dismal place of woods
on the side of the mountain.
We were kept bound all that night. The Indians
kept waking, and we had little mind to sleep in this
night's travel. The Indians scattered, and as they
went made strange noises, as of wolves, and owls,
arid other wild beasts. This was so that they would
not lose each other, or be discovered by the Eng
lish.
About the break of day, we marched again and
went over a great river. There we rested, and the
Indians marked out upon trays the number of their
prisoners, as their custom is.
Here I was again in great danger. A quarrel arose
about me over a question as to whose captive I was ;
for three took me. I thought I must be killed to end
the trouble ; so when they put it to me, whose I was,
I said three Indians* took me. So they agreed to have
all a share in me ; and I had now three masters. That
one was my chief master who laid hands on me first,
and so I was fallen into the hands of the worst of all
the company.
In this place they gave us some food which they
had seized from the English.
The next night found us in another dismal place. A common
We were then staked down and spread out on our f^'J^ns
backs ; and so we lay all night, yes, so we lay many to prevent
nights. lheir captives
. . . . . from escap-
They told me their law was that we should lie ing.
so nine nights. By that time, it was thought, we
should no longer know where we were. The manner
of staking down was this : our arms and legs stretched
i
114 Indians [NO. 4o
out were staked down fast, and a cord was about our
necks, so that we could not stir.
The next day we crossed the river again, and there
we took up our quarters for a long time. We were
now so many miles away, that the Indians were quite
out of all fear of the English. But they were now in
great fear of other tribes of Indians. Here they built
a long wigwam.
Here they had a great dance, as they call it, and
decided to burn three of us. They had got bark to
do it with, and as I understood afterwards, I was one
that was to be burnt. Though I knew not which was
to be burnt, yet I knew some were intended for that :
so much I understood of their language. The next
day when we were to be burnt, our master and some
others took our part, and so the evil was prevented
in this place.
Here I had a shirt brought to me to make. One
of my Indian masters said it should be made this way,
a second said another way, a third his way. I told
them I would make it the way my chief master said.
Then one Indian struck me on the face with his fist.
I suddenly rose up in anger ready to strike too : upon
this there was a great hubbub. I had to humble my
self to my master and so that matter ended.
While we were here one of the English captives
made his escape from them ; and when the news of
his escape came, we were all called in and bound.
One of the Indians, a captain among them, and always
our great friend, met me coming in : he told me about
the run-away. The Indians were very angry, and
spoke of burning us. They held court, and it was
decided that the Indian that let the run-away go was
the person to blame. So no harm was done to us.
NO. 4o] Captives 115
While we lingered here food grew scarce. One
bear foot must serve five of us for a whole day. Then
we parted into two companies. Some went one way
and some another way. We went over a great moun
tain. We were eight days going over it, and travelled
very hard. Every day we had either snow or rain.
Here also we lacked food.
WTe came to a lake and stayed there a great while
to make canoes to go over the lake. Here I was
almost frozen and here we almost starved. All the
Indians went hunting but got nothing.
Then they wished the English to pray and see what
the Englishman's God could do. So we prayed. The
Indians came believingly, night and morning, to our
prayers. Next day they got bears. Then they would
have us give thanks to God at meals. But after a
while they grew tired of this, and the chief stopped it.
Then a storm overtook us. And I was for several
days without food. When I came to travel in the ice
I soon tired. Two Indians ran away ; and one only
was left. He would carry me a while and then I
would walk a while. He carried me to a Frenchman's
house, and set me down. There they gave me food
and drink and sent for the doctor, who said he could
cure me.
My Indian master was in want of money, and
pawned me to the white man for fourteen beaver
skins. But he could not get the beavers, and so I
was sold. But by being thus sold, I was in God's
good time set at liberty and returned to my friends in
New England.
n6
Indians
[No. 41
The Pipe of Peace
BY MONSIEUR JONTEL (1679)
WHILE we
halted on the
bank of a river
to eat, we heard
the tinkling of
some small
bells. This
made us look
about and we
spied an Indian
with a naked
sword-blade in
his hand. It
was adorned
with feathers
of several colors, and two large hawks' bells, which
made the noise we had heard.
He made signs for us to come to him, and gave us
to understand that he was sent by the leaders of the
Indians to meet us, and bring us to their village. He
caressed us in a strange way. I noticed that he took
pleasure in ringing the hawks' bells.
Having travelled a while with him, we saw a dozen
other Indians coming towards us. They made much
of us and conducted us to the village, to the chief's
cottage. There we found dried bear-skins laid on the
ground. They made us sit on these. We were then
treated with eatables, and a throng of women came to
see us.
The next day the elders came to visit us. They
brought us two buffalo hides, the skins of four others,
PIPE OF PEACE.
NO. 4i] Friendship 117
one white wild goat's skin, all of them well dried.
They also gave us four bows. These things they
gave in return for the present we had before made
them. The chief and another Indian came again some
time after, bringing two loaves, the finest and the
best we had yet seen.
Towards evening, we were entertained with a cere
mony we had not seen before. A company of elders,
with some young men and women, came to our cot
tage in a body, singing as loud as they could roar.
The foremost had a calumet, so they call a very long
sort of tobacco-pipe, adorned with several sorts of
feathers. When they had sung a while, before our
cottage, they entered it, still singing on for about a
quarter of a hour.
After that they took our priest, whom they consid
ered our chief, and led him in solemn manner out of
the cottage, holding him under the arms. When they
were come to a place they had ready, one of them
laid a great handful of grass on his feet. Two others
brought clean
water in an earthen
dish and washed
his face. Then
they made him sit
down on a skin,
put there for the
purpose.
When the priest
was seated, the
elders took their
places, sitting
round about him.
The master of the WEAPONS OF WAR.
I i 8 Indians [NO. 4i
ceremonies fixed in the ground two little wooden forks.
He laid a stick across these ; all the things were
painted red. He placed on them a buffalo hide dried,
a goat's skin over that, and then laid the pipe thereon.
The song was begun again, the women joining in
the chorus. The concert was made louder by great
hollow gourds, in which there were large gravel
stones.
The Indians struck upon these, keeping time with
the notes of the choir. And the most amusing of all
was that one of the Indians placed himself behind
our priest, to hold him up ; at the same time he
shook and dandled him from side to side, doing all
in time with the music.
The concert was hardly ended, when the master of
the ceremonies brought two maids, one having in her
hand a sort of collar, and the other an otter's skin.
These they placed on the wooden forks, at the ends
of the pipe. Then he made them sit down on each
side of our priest, facing each other and with their
feet spread out on the ground.
Then one of the elders fastened a dyed feather to
the back part of the priest's head, tying it to his hair.
The singing went on all that time. But the priest
grew tired of all this and made signs to us. We
made it known to the chief that the priest was not
well. So two of the Indians took hold of him under
the arms and led him back to the cottage. They
made signs to him to take a rest.
This was at about nine in the evening and the Ind
ians spent all that night singing. In the morning
they went again to the priest, took him again out of
the cottage, with the same ceremony, but made him
sit down while the singing was going on.
NO. 42] Pipe of Peace i i g
Then the master of the ceremonies took the pipe,
filled it with tobacco and lighted it, next he offered
it to the priest ; but he drew back and came forward
six times before he gave it to him. Having at last
put it in his hands, the priest made motions as if he
were smoking, and gave it back to them. Then they
made us all smoke round, every one of them in his
turn, the music still going on.
The sun was growing very hot, and the bare headed
priest made signs that it did him harm. Then at last
they stopped singing and took him back into the cot
tage. They took the pipe and put it into a case made
of wild goat's skin, with the two wooden forks and
the red stick that lay across them. All of these one
of the elders offered the priest.
They told him that he might pass through all the
Indian nations which were their friends. Because he
had this sign of peace, he .would every where meet
with kindness. This was the first place where we
saw the calumet, or pipe of peace.
42. Saving a Flock of Children
BY DANIEL NEAL (1697)
ALL the plans of the English during the year 1696
seemed to be upset and nothing but murmurings and
complaints were to be heard from one end of the
Massachusetts province to the other. The Indians
on the other hand were strangely exalted with their
late success and threatened to ruin the whole country
during the next summer. In the meantime they
posted themselves so advantageously that it was
i 2 o Indians [NO. 42
hardly safe for the people on the frontiers to stir out
of their houses. They killed many people who were
at work in their fields. To crown the calamities of
the year there was a very great scarcity of all sorts-
of grain, and the poor were ready to break out into
riot for want of bread.
In the winter the enemy were pretty quiet, but upon
the fifteenth of March, they made a descent upon the
outskirts of Haverhill, burnt about half a dozen houses
and captured thirty-nine persons. Among the prison-
erswas Hannah Dunston,whowasa very brave woman.
At this time she was weak and sick in her bed with
only her nurse and eight small children in the house,
when the Indians surrounded it. Her husband was at
work in the field and seeing the enemy at a distance
he ran home and bade seven of his eight children to
get away as fast as they could to some garrison in
the town. He then informed his wife of her danger,
but before she could rise the enemy were so near that
her husband despaired of being able to carry her off.
He took his horse and his firearms, resolving to live
or die with his children. He overtook them about
forty rods from his house and drove them before him
like a flock of sheep as fast as their little legs would
carry them till they got to a place of safety about a
mile or two from his house. The Indians pursued
him all the while, but he kept in the rear of his little
flock, and when any of the Indians came within reach
of his gun, he aimed at them and they made their
retreat.
NO. 43] Children at Home i 2 I
43. Indian Children at Home
BY JOHN FONTAINE (1715)
AFTER breakfast, I went down to the Saponey
Indian town, which is about a musket-shot from the
fort. I walked round to view it. It lies in a plain
by the riverside. The houses join all the one to the
other, and altogether make a circle. The walls are
large pieces of timber, squared, and sharpened at
the lower end, which are put down two feet in the
ground, and stand about seven feet above the
ground. These posts are laid as close as possible
the one to the other. When they are all fixed after
this manner, they make a roof with rafters, and cover
the house with oak or hickory bark, which they strip
off in great flakes, and lay it so closely that no rain
can come in.
Some Indian houses are covered in a circular man
ner, by getting long saplings, sticking each end in
the ground, and so covering them with bark. For
entering into this town or circle of houses there are
three ways or passages of about six feet wide, be
tween two of the houses. All the doors are on the
inside of the ring, and the ground is very level
within, making a place which is in common, for all
the people to divert themselves.
In the centre of the circle is a great stump of a
tree. I asked the reason they left that standing, and
they informed me it was for one of their head men
to stand upon when he had anything of consequence
to relate to them, so that being raised, he might the
better be heard.
The Indian women bind their children to a board
122
Indians
[No. 43
that is cut after the shape of the child. There are
two pieces at the bottom of this board to tie the two
legs of the child to. The head or top of the board
is round, and there is a hole through the top of it for
a string to be
passed through,
so that when the
women tire of
holding them, or
have a mind to
work, they hang
the board to the
limb of a tree, or
to a pin in a post
for that purpose.
There the chil
dren swing about
and divert them
selves, out of the
reach of anything
that may hurt
them. They are
kept in this way
till nearly two
years old, which
I believe is the
reason they are
all so straight,
and so few of
them lame or odd-
shaped.
Their houses are pretty large, they have no garrets,
and no other light than the door, and that which
comes from the hole in the top of the house, to let
INDIAN MONEY.
NO. 43] Indians at Home 123
out the smoke. They make their fires always in the
middle of the house. The chief of their household
goods is a pot, and they have also some wooden
dishes and trays, which they make themselves. They
seldom have anything to sit upon, but squat upon the
ground. They have small divisions in their houses
to sleep in> which they make of mats made of bull-
rushes.
They have bedsteads, raised about two feet from
the ground, upon which they lay bear and deer skins,
and all the covering they have is a blanket. These
people have no sort of tame creatures, but live en
tirely upon their hunting and the corn which their
wives cultivate. They live as lazily and miserably as
any people in the world.
Between the town and the river, upon the river- Watties =
side, there are several little huts built with wattles, in sma11
branches
the form of an oven, with a small door in one end of woven in and
it. These wattles are plastered on the outside very out-
closely with clay ; they are big enough to hold a man,
and are called sweating-houses.
When they have any sickness, they get ten or
twelve pebble stones which they heat in the fire, and
when they are red-hot they carry them into these
little huts. The sick man or woman goes in with
only a blanket, and they shut the door.
There they sit and sweat until they are no more
able to support it, and then they go out and immedi
ately jump into the water over head and ears, and
this is the remedy they have for all distempers.
To-day the governor sent for all the young boys,
and they brought with them their bows. He got an
axe, which he stuck up, and made them all shoot by
turns at the eye of the axe, which was about twenty
124 Indians [NO. 43
yards distant. Knives and looking-glasses were the
prizes for which they shot, and they were very dex
trous at this exercise, and often shot through the eye
of the axe. This diversion continued about an hour.
The governor then asked the boys to dance a war
dance, so they all prepared for it, and made a great
ring. The musician came and sat himself in the
middle of the ring. All the instrument he had was
a piece of board and two small sticks. The board
he set upon his lap, and began to sing a doleful tune ;
and by striking on the board with his sticks, he ac
companied his voice. He made several antic motions,
and sometimes shrieked hideously, which was an
swered by the boys. As the men sung, so the boys
danced all round, endeavoring who could outdo the
one the other in antic motions and hideous cries, the
movements answering in some way to the time of
the music. All that I could remark by their actions
was, that they were representing how they attacked
their enemies, and relating one to the other how
many of the other Indians they had killed, and how
they did it, making all the motions in this dance as
if they were actually in the action.
By this lively representation of their warring, one
may see the base way they have of surprising and mur
dering the one the other, and their inhuman manner
of murdering all the prisoners, and what terrible cries
they have, they who are conquerors. After the dance
was over, the governor treated all the boys, but they
were so little used to have a stomach full, that they
simply devoured their victuals. So this day ended.
The next day after breakfast we assembled our
selves, and read the Common Prayer. With us were
eight of the Indian boys, who answered very well to
NO. 44] Magic Bears 125
the prayers, and understood what was read. After
prayers we dined, and in the afternoon we walked
abroad to see the land, which is well timbered and
very good. We returned to the fort and supped.
44. The Indian Boy and the
Magic Bears
THE youngest of the three brothers now decided to This is a
go away, because both he and his sister feared that the story told by
• • i_ u • -4. 4.u J J 4-u • • • Indians of
surviving bears would visit them and do them injury in our own
revenge for what the boy hunter had done to their times; but it
people. The sister urged her brother to go, and gave ^hTtories
him a stone ornament which she wore in her hair, and as were told
a large handful of blueberries. The boy hunter still ^pfolsof
had four arrows. These things he was to use as she the Indians
instructed him, at a time which would come, when whom our
forefathers
every other means of saving his life failed. Then he visited.
started away in a direction new to him, to find a place
where he might live in safety.
While he was going along slowly one day, he heard
behind him a peculiar sound, as of many footsteps.
Looking back, he beheld some bears following him,
and he at once realized that they had discovered his
trail, and that they were now in pursuit of him. He
began to run, crying out, " What shall I do ? The
bears have found my tracks, and are after me ! " The
country in which he was now passing was an appar
ently endless prairie, with nothing growing upon it
but short grass; but as he flew onward he heard a
voice, which said, " So soon as the bears catch you
they will kill you ; now you must use your arrows."
126 Indians [NO. 44
Immediately the boy hunter remembered that he had
his weapons and the articles which his sister had given
him. Taking an arrow from his quiver, he fixed it to
his bowstring, and as he was about to shoot it into
the air before him he said to the arrow, " When you
come down, there shall be about you a copse covering
an area as wide as the range of an arrow. There I
shall hide myself."
Away flew the arrow, and the moment it struck and
entered the earth there was a small hole in the ground,
around which sprung up a dense growth of brush.
The little boy ran to the hole, crawled into it, and
then went to the edge of the brush, where he came
up and hid by the side of a tree which also had sprung
out of the ground. As the bears came to the spot
where they had seen the boy disappear, they began
to tear up the brush until not a piece remained stand
ing. Not finding the hunter, the bears began to search
for his last footprints, and finding that they terminated
at the hole made by the arrow they at once followed
him. As the bears were now in close pursuit of the
boy, he again disappeared in the ground and started
away until he had got quite a distance from the tree,
when he again emerged and started to run away along
the prairie.
By the time the bears reached the tree where the
boy had rested for a moment, they were again delayed
in trailing him, but they finally succeeded in tracking
him out to the prairie, where they espied him running
in the distance. They immediately set out in pursuit,
but it was a long time before they neared him. When
the bears approached, the hunter took his second ar
row, and shooting it into the air before him, said to it,
" When you come down there shall be about you a
No. 44]
Magic Bears
127
copse as wide as the range of an arrow. There I
shall hide myself."
When the arrow descended and entered the earth
there appeared a dense undergrowth which completely
hid the boy, who then went to the hole, crawled into
it, and travelled along in the ground until he had
passed beyond the^nd
of the copse, where he
emerged and hid by a
tree which also had
sprung up.
As before, the bears
were infuriated at the
escape of the boy, and
tore up the brush in
every direction in
their search for him.
Finally they discov
ered the arrow .hole,
which they entered.
Following the foot
steps of the boy they
soon found the place
where he had taken
refuge, but before they
reached him he found
himself pursued, and, again diving under the sur
face, he started away for some distance, when he
emerged from beneath the ground and started away
over the prairie as before. A second time were the
bears baffled, and by the time they found the foot
prints of the boy he was far off. They at once started
in pursuit, and as the boy began to tire a little the
bears gained rapidly on him, until he found that the
AN INDIAN PAPOOSE.
128 Indians [NO. 44
only way to escape was to use his third arrow. Tak
ing the shaft from his quiver and fitting it to his bow
string, he aimed upward into the air before him and
said, " When you come down there shall be about you
a copse as wide as the range of an arrow. There I
shall hide myself."
The arrow descended, making a hole in the ground
as before, and a copse appeared all around ft, hiding
it from view. The boy at once went down into the
hole and away to the edge of the copse, where he as
cended to the surface and hid near one of the trees
which had sprung up at his command.
The chase was a long one, and in time the boy
began to tire and the bears to gain on him, so that he
was compelled to take his last arrow, which he fixed
to the string of his bow and shot into the air, saying,
"When you come down there shall be about you a
marsh filled with cat-tails, from the middle of which
there shall be a trail; by that shall I escape."
When the arrow descended the boy found himself
in the midst of a large marsh, and from his feet for
ward a trail of firm ground, which enabled him to
continue running whilst the bears struggled in the
mud and amongst the cat-tails. After a while the
bears also found the trail, and renewed their pursuit
of the boy, giving him no opportunity for a moment's
rest. As they neared him, the bears shouted, " We
are now close upon you, and in a short time we will
catch you and kill you ! " Then the boy remembered
the stone which his sister had given him, and taking
it out of his pouch he put it in a strip of buckskin and
slung it round several times above his head, then
threw it forward on the prairie, saying, " As I sling
this it will cause a long high rock to appear, upon
NO. 44] Magic Bears 129
which I shall take refuge." The little stone bounded
and rolled along over the ground and suddenly became
transformed into a steep, high cliff with a flat top and
with many loose stones lying about the edge. As the
boy reached the cliff he clambered to the summit and
looked over the edge to watch the bears. The bears
ran around the base, looking for the boy everywhere,
and when they appeared beneath the boy, he began
to roll over the large loose stones upon them, killing
a great many and breaking the bones and otherwise
disabling others. While the unharmed bears, who
were even more astonished at what had transpired,
went to look at their killed and wounded compan
ions, the boy hastily descended on the opposite side
of the cliff and started out in a new direction to
escape.
After gazing awhile at their dead and wounded
companions the un maimed bears began to look foi
the boy, but neither hearing nor seeing him they sus
pected that he had escaped, and at once began to
search for footprints leading away from the rock.
When these were found, the bears followed in pursuit
until they were almost certain of capturing their
enemy.
Now the bears had not eaten anything for a long
time, and they began to feel very hungry ; but there
was nothing in sight that they could devour save the
boy, so they tried their utmost to catch him, and were
slowly gaining on him when he remembered the blue
berries which his sister had given him. These he took
from 'his pouch, and threw them into the air, scatter
ing them far and wide, and said, " When you fall to
the ground there shall be blueberries growing every
where ; these will deliver me." When the berries
130 Indians [NO. 44
fell, surely enough there instantly appeared blueberry
bushes laden with fruit, which caused the bears to
stop. They were so eager to eat that they entirely
forgot the boy until they could eat no more ; they
then remembered what they had contemplated doing
when they first set out. One old bear, observing dis
satisfaction among his friends, said, " My brothers, we
had better give up the chase ; the boy is merely a mys
tery. Let us stop and live here, for here we shall
have sufficient food without digging for it." To this
the rest of the bears assented ; so here they made
their home.
THE FAIRBANKS HOUSE.
PART V
HOW THE COLONIES GREW
45. The First Landing at Plymouth
BY GOVERNOR WILLIAM BRADFORD (1620)
OMITTING other things, I will tell you that after
long beating about at sea they came to Cape Cod
and they were not a little joyful. Having thus arrived
in a good harbor and having been brought safe to
land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God
of Heaven who had brought them over the vast and
furious ocean, and delivered them from all the perils
and miseries of the sea. Even now they had no
friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain or
refresh their weather-beaten bodies ; no houses and
much less towns in which to seek for succor.
It was in the winter season, and those who know
about the winters of that country know them to be
sharp and violent, with cruel and fierce storms, which
make it dangerous to travel even to known places,
much more to search an unknown coast. They knew
that they were in a desolate wilderness, full of wild
beasts and wild men, in what numbers they knew not.
If they looked behind them, there was the mighty
ocean which they had crossed, seeming now like a
The May
flower and
its passen
gers, carry
ing English
people who
had been
living lately
in Holland.
New Eng
land winter?
seemed very
severe to
Europeans.
134 Colonies [NO. 45
gulf or a bar to separate them from all the civilized
parts of the world.
It was on the eleventh day of November that
they arrived at Cape Cod and necessity called them
to look immediately for a place of habitation. They
had brought a large shallop with them out of Eng
land, stowed away in the quarters of the ship. Now
they took her out and set their carpenters to work to
trim her up. This work they saw would take a long
time because the ship had become much shattered
during the foul weather which struck the big vessel.
Whilst the ship was being mended a few of them
offered to go along the land to explore the places
near by. Some of them thought that they saw a river
as they went into the harbor. Sixteen men well armed
started out under the leadership of Captain Standish.
After some hours sailing it began to snow and rain
and the sea became very rough ; they broke their
rudder and it was as much as two men could do to
steer the shallop with a couple of oars. Their pilot
bade them be of good cheer, for he saw the harbor,
but the storm increased and the night came on ; so
they put on what sail they could in order to get there
while they could see. By doing this they broke their
mast in three pieces and their sail fell overboard.
The men set things to right as far as they could, and
having the current with them they came into the har
bor. Then the pilot saw that he had been deceived
in the place and that they were in a dangerous rough
cove, full of breakers. A lusty seaman who steered
bade those who rowed to put the shallop about, or
Clarke's else they would all be cast away. This they did with
Plymouth speed, so that he bade them be of good cheer and to
harbor. row bravely for there was a fair bay before them
NO. 45] Plymouth Rock 135
which he thought they might find, and there ride in
safety. Though it was very dark and rained hard
they got under the lee of a small island and remained
there all night in safety.
They did not know that this was an island until
morning. Then they were divided in their minds ;
some wished to stay in the boat for fear they might
be amongst the Indians ; others were so weak and
cold that they felt they could not endure that, so they
went ashore to make a fire. This they did with great
trouble, everything was so wet. Then the rest were
delighted to come to them, for the wind had shifted
to the northwest, and had frozen their clothing, which
had been wet in the storm. So after a day and night
of much trouble and danger, God gave them a morn
ing of comfort and hope, for the next day was a fair
sunshiny day. They found themselves on an island
secure from the Indians, where they might dry their
clothes, clean their firearms and rest themselves. So
they gave God thanks for his mercies. This being
the last day of the week, they prepared to keep the
Sabbath the next day.
On Monday they sounded the harbor and found it They crossed
fit for shipping. They marched up into the land, *^^r>
found many cornfields and little running brooks, and landed
making it a place, as they supposed, fit for a settle- onthemain-
ment. At least, it was the best they could find and
both the season and their present necessities made
them glad to accept it, so that they returned to their
big ship again with this news, which did much to
comfort the hearts of the rest of their people.
On the fifteenth of December, the big ship weighed
anchor to go to the place which Miles Standish and
his exploring party had discovered, and came within
136
Colonies
[No. 46
Two leagues
= six miles.
Then they
landed at or
near Ply
mouth Rock,
a big boulder
which is still
in place.
two leagues of it, but they were obliged to wait there
a day. On the sixteenth day the wind came fair, and
they arrived in this harbor. Afterwards they took a
better view of the place and decided where to pitch
their dwelling. On the twenty-fifth day they began
to erect the first house, for the common use of all.
46. The First Settlement of
Massachusetts
BY EDWARD JOHNSON (1628)
THESE new-comers were a supply of servants from
England sent over in 1628 to provide against the
wants of a lonely wilderness. Among them came
over a mixed crowd of people, by whom little was
done. But the much honored Mr. John Endicot came
over with them to govern. He was a good person to
begin this wilderness work, for he was courageous,
bold, and fearless ; yet sociable and of a cheerful dis
position. He could be loving or austere as occasion
demanded.
The place picked out by this people for a settle
ment was in the midst of the outstretched arm of
Cape Ann. Here they began to build a town which
is called Salem.
After some little time they found out how insignifi
cant were the neighboring Indians, and the boldest
among the English people gathered in different
places which they began to take up for their own.
Those that were sent over as servants had a great
desire to see the new sights in the new world, and
No. 46]
Massachusetts
found it easier to eat up of their master's provisions,
than to get more.
Those that came over as their own masters had but
little food left. Most of them began to regret coming
when beer and corn began to fail. The poor Indians
could not relieve them for they were obliged to eke
out their own food with acorns.
What added to the unhappiness of the settlers was
the thought that the ditch between England and their
new place of abode was so wide that they could not
leap over with a leaping-stick. Yet some delighted
their eye with the novelty of things about them ; and
they kept thinking of the new discoveries they would
make when spring came. They managed to get
through the winter's cold by keeping near the fire
side, and found fuel enough groaning at their very
doors. They smoked burned tobacco with all the
comfort they could.
They talked, between one while and another, of the
great progress they would make after the summer's
sun had changed the earth's white furred gown into
a green garment.
In the year 1629 there came over three godly min
isters. This was to strengthen the faith of the settlers
in meeting difficulties. Now although the number of
the faithful people of Christ was small, yet their long
ing desire to gather themselves into a church was very
great. The church of Christ being thus begun, the
Lord in His tender mercy caused it to increase and be
fruitful.
And now behold several other regiments of the
soldiers of Christ, shipped for His service in the
western world. Their difficulties were many and
mournful. The billows were high and angry, cover-
I.e. that they
could not
easily go
home again.
That is, more
colonists set
out, and the
writer likens
them to sol-
i38
Colonies
[No. 46
diers of the
Lord.
" Ship fever,
a very dan
gerous
disease, was
common in
the voyages
of that time.
ing them with awful water and dashing their bodies
from side to side. Their goods were thrown from
place to place on the ships. After the Lord had
given them these trials, He sent diseases to visit their
ships.
On the twelfth day of July or thereabouts, 1630,
these soldiers of Christ first set foot on the western
end of the world. There they arrived in safety, men,
women, and children. On the north side of the
Charles River they landed, near a small island called
A SOLDIER'S OUTFIT.
NO. 46] Boston 139
Noddell's Island. Lady Arabella and some other Now East
godly women abode at Salem while their husbands
remained at Charlestown to settle the civil govern
ment and to form another church of Christ.
The first court was held aboard the ship Arabella.
The much honored John Winthrop was chosen gov
ernor for the remainder of that year, 1630. The
worthy Thomas Dudley was chosen deputy governor.
Then sore sickness fell upon the people, so that in
almost every family mourning and sorrow was heard ;
and they had no fresh food to strengthen them. Yet
it was wonderful to see with what Christian cour
age these soldiers of Christ persevered amidst all
calamities.
Soon they had formed other churches and towns.
The fourth church was seated at Boston, which be
came the central town and largest city of this wilder
ness. The form of this town is like a heart. It is
naturally situated for fortifications. It has two hills
on the front part of it, facing the sea. One is well
fortified with heavy cannon. The other has a very
strong battery built of whole timber and filled with
earth.
At the bottom of these hills lies a great bay on Boston
which this town is built. It is over-topped by a third Harbor-
hill. From all three of these overtopping towers a Beacon Hill,
constant watch is kept to foresee the approach of gJJ^J^
any danger from strange enemies. Each hill is fur- now stands,
nished with a beacon and land guns. By their re
doubled echoes these give notice of any danger to all
their sister towns.
The buildings of this city are beautiful and large.
Some are pleasingly built of bricks, tiles, stone, and
slate. They are placed in an orderly fashion upon
140
Colonies
[No. 47
beautiful streets. Much shipping is built here yearly,
and some ships of good size. Both tar and masts,
the country affords from its own soil ; there is also a
supply of food, both for their own — and for foreign
ers' ships. This town is the very market of the land.
French, Portuguese, and Dutch come here to trade.
47- How the Englishmen sailed
past New Amsterdam
BY DAVID DE VRIES (1632)
Fort Amster- WHEN we arrived before Fort Amsterdam, we found
N^York a Company's ship there with a prize taken on the way,
Ciiy, was the laden with sugar. She had brought over the new gov
ernor, Wouter Van Twiller. He had been a clerk in
principal
NEW AMSTERDAM.
trading post the West India Department at Amsterdam. I went
in New*"1 ashore to the fort, out of which he came to welcome
Netherlands, us, and inquired of me how the whale fishing suc-
The-Com-
NO. 47] New Amsterdam 141
A few days later, on the eighteenth of April, an pany"was
Englishman arrived here, who came from New Eng- west hidia
land to trade up the Hudson River. This English- Company,
man invited the governor to come and see him. I which man'
went with them, in company with a number of offi- cSiony.6
cers, who became drunk and got into such high words
that the Englishman could not understand how it was
that there should be such unruliness among the offi
cers of the company, nor why the governor should
have not more control over them ; he was not accus
tomed to such conduct among his countrymen. The
Englishman and his crew remained six or seven days,
lying before the fort, and then said that he wished to
go up the river, and that the land belonged to the
English. This we denied, declaring that they had
never made any settlement there.
On the twenty-fourth, however, the Englishman
weighed anchor and sailed up the river to Fort Now Albany.
Orange. Then Governor Wouter Van Twiller as
sembled all his forces before his door, had a cask of
wine brought out, filled a bumper, and cried out for
those who loved the Prince of Orange and him to do The greatest
the same as he did, and protect him from the outrage ™an m
of the Englishman who was already out of sight, sail
ing up the river. The people all began to laugh at
him ; for they understood well how to drink dry the
cask of wine, but did not wish to trouble the English
man, saying that they were friends.
As I sat at the table with him at noon I told him
that he had been very foolish, as the Englishman had
no permission to navigate in the river, but only a
paper of a custom house, stating that he had paid so
much duty and might sail with so many passengers
to New England, and not to New Netherlands. I
142
Colonies
[No. 47
Solid iron
beans, of
course.
said, if it were my matter, I would have helped him
away from the fort with beans from eight pounders,
and not permitted him to sail up the river. I told
him that since the English had troubled us in the
East Indies, we ought to take hold of them ; that I
had no good opinion of that nation, for they were so
proud that they thought everything belonged to them ;
were it an affair of mine I should send a ship after
him to make him haul down the river. I added that
the Englishman was only making sport of the Gov
ernor.
A NEW YORK LADY.
NO. 48] Maryland 143
48. Maryland, My Maryland
BY FATHER ANDREW WHITE (1634)
ON the third of March we sailed into the Chesa
peake Bay, bending our course to the north that we^
might reach the Potomac River. The Chesapeake
Bay, ten leagues broad, and four; five, six, and even
seven fathoms deep, flows gently between its shores ;
it abounds in fish when the season of the year is
favorable. A more beautiful body of water you can
scarcely find.
A larger or more beautiful river than the Potomac
I have never seen. The Thames compared with it
can scarcely be considered a rivulet. It is not made
impure by marshes, but on each shore of solid earth
there are beautiful groves of trees, not choked up with
an undergrowth of brambles and bushes, but looking
as if the place were laid out by hand, in a manner so
open that you might freely drive a four-horse coach
in the midst of the trees.
At the very mouth of the river we beheld the na
tives armed. That night fires were kindled through
the whole region, and since so large a ship had never
been seen by them, messengers were sent everywhere
to announce, "a canoe, as large as an island, has
brought as many men as there are trees in the
woods." We proceeded, however, to the Heron
Islands, so called from the immense flocks of birds
of this kind.
The first island that presented itself we called by
the name of St. Clement's ; the second, St. Cather
ine's, and the third St. Cecilia's ; for, having arrived
at the wished-for country we gave such names as we
1 44 Colonies [NO. 49
liked to the places that we found. We landed first
at St. Clement's, to which the approach is difficult,
except by wading, because of the shelving nature of
the shore. Here the young women, who had landed
for the purpose of washing, were nearly drowned by
the upsetting of the boat, and a great portion of my
linen was lost — no trifling misfortune in these parts.
Probably the This island abounds in cedar, sassafras, and the herbs
hickory-nut. an(^ flowers for making salads of every kind, and with
the nut of a wild tree, which bears a very hard nut, in
a thick shell, with a kernel very small but remarkably
pleasant to taste. Since this island was only four
hundred acres in extent, however, it did not appear
to be a place sufficiently large for a new settlement.
Nevertheless, a site was sought for building a fort to
shut out foreigners from the trade of the river, and
to protect our boundaries.
The writer of On the day of the Annunciation of the Holy Virgin
wlsTcaL Mary» on the twenty-fiftn of March, in the year 1634,
lie priest. we offered in this island, for the first time, the sacri
fice of the mass : in this region of the world it had
never been celebrated before.
49. Creatures in Pennsylvania
Bv GABRIEL THOMAS (1698)
Christians- THE natives of this country are very charitable to
iropeans. Qne anotjier< -pne iame and the blind amongst them
live as well as the best. They are also very kind and
obliging to the Christians.
In person they are ordinarily tall, straight, and
well formed. Their tread is strong, and they gener-
NO. 49] Pennsylvania 145
ally walk with the chin high up. Of complexion,
they are dark, but in features they are gypsy-like,
greasing themselves with bear's fat, and using noth
ing to protect them against the injuries of the sun
and weather, so their skins cannot fail to be dark.
Their eyes are small and black. They have pleasing
faces.
Their language is dignified and polite. But they
use few words. One word serves in the place of
three. The language is sweet, and of noble sound.
Take here a specimen : —
Hodi hita nee Cuska a peechi, nee, machi
Pennsylvania huska dogwachi, Keshow a peechi
Nowa, huska haly, Chetena Koon peo.
This is the English of it : —
Farewell friend, I will very quickly go to
Pennsylvania, very cold moon will come presently,
And very great hard frosts will come quickly.
As soon as their children are born, they wash
them in cold water, especially in cold weather. To
harden them and make them courageous, they plunge
them in the river. The children find their feet early ;
usually at nine months they can walk alone.
The boys fish till they are fifteen years of age,
then hunt. When they have given a proof of their
manhood by getting together a large lot of skins,
they may marry. This is usually at the age of seven
teen or eighteen. The girls stay with their mothers,
and help to hoe the ground, plant corn, and carry
burdens. They marry when they are about thirteen
or fourteen years of age.
146
Colonies
[No. 49
The next people who settled in what is now Penn
sylvania after the Indians were the Dutch. They
called the country New Netherland. They were
the first planters in those parts, but they made little
or no improvement in the land. They gave them-
WILLIAM PENN.
selves wholly to trading in skins and furs, which the
Indians furnished to them for rum, strong liquors,
sugar, and other things.
Soon after the Dutch, came the Swedes and Fins.
They gave themselves to farming, and were the
first Christian people that made any great improve
ment there.
NO. 4g] Pennsylvania 147
The air in this region is very fine and pleasant,
and healthful. The heavens are serene, seldom
cloudy, and somewhat like the better part of France.
The corn harvest is ended before the middle of July,
and most years they have between twenty and thirty
bushels for every bushel they sow.
There are several sorts of wild beasts good for
trade and for food. Panthers, wolves, deer, beaver,
otter, hares, musk-rats, minks, wild-cats, foxes, rac
coons, rabbits, and opossums are to be found. The
possum is a strange creature, having a pouch to shel
ter her young ones. By this means she saves them
from danger, when anything comes to disturb them.
There are also bears, and some wolves. But they
are now pretty well destroyed by the Indians for the
sake of the reward given them by the Christians for
so doing. Here is also that wonderful creature, the
flying squirrel ! It has a kind of skinny wings, al
most like those of the bat. It has the same kind of
hair and color as the common squirrel, but is much
smaller.
I have myself seen it fly from one tree to another
in the woods. But how long it can keep on flying is
not exactly known. There are in the woods many
red deer. I have bought of the Indians a whole deer
— skin and all — for a little gunpowder.
The venison is excellent food, most delicious, far
exceeding that of Europe. This is the opinion of
most careful and observing people.
There are vast numbers of other wild creatures,
such as the elk and buffalo. All of these beasts,
birds, and fish, are free to any one who will shoot or
take them away. There is no hindrance or opposi
tion whatever.
148
Colonies
[No. 49
There are among other things various sorts of
frogs. The bull-frog makes a roaring noise hardly
to be distinguished from that of the beast from which
it takes its name.
Tree-toads. There is another sort of frog that crawls up to the
tops of trees. There it seems to imitate the notes
of several birds. There are many other strange and
different creatures.
Bees thrive and increase wonderfully in that coun
try. The Swedes often get a great supply of them
in the woods, where they are free to anybody.
Philadelphia. Choice honey is sold in the capital city for five pence
a pound. Wax is also plentiful and cheap ; they
have a considerable trade in it.
I must needs say, even the present encouragements
are very great and inviting. Poor people, both men
and women, of all kinds, can here get three times the
wages for their labor that they can in England.
The Christian children born here are generally
fine-looking and beautiful to behold. In general
they are seen to be better-natured, milder, and more
tender-hearted than those born in England.
A BLOCK-HOUSE.
NO. 5o] Virginia 149
50. Plantation Life in Virginia
BY ROBERT BEVERLY (1720)
As the families live altogether at country-seats, That is, they
they each have their graziers, seedsmen, gardeners, orslaveT"1
brewers, bakers, butchers, and cooks. They have for each of
plenty and a variety of provisions for their table ; these duties-
and as for spicery, and other things that the country
does not produce, they have constant supplies of them
from England. The gentry pretend to have their
victuals served up as nicely as if they were in
London.
When I come to speak of their cattle, I cannot for
bear charging my countrymen with exceeding unthrift.
By not providing sufficiently for them during the win
ter, they starve their young cattle, or at least stunt
their growth.
Their fish is in vast plenty and variety, and ex
traordinarily good of its kind. Beef and pork are com- English
monly sold there, at from one penny to two pence Penny = two
.. \ cents. An
the pound, or more, according to the time of the English six-
year ; their fattest and largest pullets at six pence a Pence =
,,.,., , f i -11- i twelve cents.
piece ; their chickens at three or four shillings the An English
dozen; their ducks at eight pence or nine pence a shilling =
piece; their geese at ten pence or a shilling; their fo^cem^
turkey hens at fifteen or eighteen pence; their turkey
cocks at two shillings or half a crown. Oysters and
wild fowl are not so dear as poultry, and in their sea
son are the cheapest food they have. Their deer are That is, from
commonly sold from five to ten shillings according to $1<25to
their scarcity or goodness.
The bread in gentlemen's houses is generally made
of wheat, but some choose the pone, which is the bread
Colonies
[No. 50
Small drink
was anything
but distilled
spirits. In
those days
everybody
drank freely
(and often
too much)
of all sorts of
fermented
and distilled
liquors.
made of Indian meal. Many of the poorer sort of
people have so little regard for the English grain,
that although they might have it with the least trou
ble in the world, yet they do not sow the ground,
because they will not be at the trouble of making a
fence particularly for it. And therefore their con
stant bread is pone, so called from the Indian name
oppone.
A kitchen garden does not thrive better nor faster
in any part of the universe, than in Virginia. They
have all the fruit plants that grow in England, and
in greater perfection than in England. Besides
these they have several roots, herbs, vine-fruits, and
salad flowers peculiar to themselves, most of which
will neither increase, nor grow to perfection in Eng
land.
Their small drink is either wine and water, beer,
milk and water, or water alone. The richer sort of
people generally brew their small beer with malt,
which they have from England, though barley grows
there very well ; but for want of the convenience of
malthouses, the inhabitants take no care to sow it.
The poorer sort brew their beer from molasses and
bran ; from Indian corn, malted by drying it in a
stove ; from persimmons dried in cakes and baked ;
from potatoes ; or from the green stalks of Indian
corn cut small, and bruised.
Their strong drink is Madeira wine, cider, mobby
punch, made either of rum from the Caribbee Islands,
or brandy distilled from their apples and peaches ;
besides brandy, wine and strong beer, which they
have constantly from England.
Their fuel is altogether wood, which every man
burns at pleasure, for it costs him only the cutting
NO. 5o] Virginia 151
and carrying it home. In all new grounds it is such
an incumbrance, that they are forced to burn great
heaps of it, to rid the land. They have very good About fifty
pit-coal in several places of the country, but no man yearsasothe
11-11 burning of
has yet thought it worth his while to make use of it, this coal
as he has wood in plenty, which is lying conveniently besan- and
t . J has ever
near him. since con.
They get their clothing of all sorts from England, tinued.
as linen, woolen, silk, hats, and leather : yet flax and
hemp grow nowhere in the world better than there.
Their sheep yield good increase, and bear good
fleeces ; but they shear them only to cool them.
The mulberry-tree, whose leaf is the proper food of
the silk worm, grows there like a weed, and silk
worms have been observed to thrive extremely well.
Most of their hides lie and spoil, or are made use of
only for covering dry goods, in a leaky house. In
deed, some few hides with much ado are tanned, and
made into servants' shoes, but in so careless a fashion,
that the planters do not care to buy them, if they can
get others. Sometimes perhaps a better manager
than ordinary, will vouchsafe to make a pair of
breeches of a deerskin. Nay, they are such abom
inably poor managers that though their country be
over-run with wood, yet they have all their wooden
ware from England ; their cabinets, chairs, tables,
stools, chests, boxes, cart-wheels, and all other things,
even so much as their bowls and birchen brooms, to
the eternal reproach of their laziness.
For their recreation, the plantations, orchards, and
gardens constantly afford them fragrant and delight
ful walks. In their woods and fields, they have an
unknown variety of vegetables, and other rarities of
nature to discover and observe. They have hunting,
1 52 Colonies [NO. 5i
fishing, and fowling, with which they entertain them
selves in a hundred ways. There is the most good
nature and hospitality practised in the world, both
towards friends and strangers ; but the worst of it is,
this generosity is attended now and then, with a little
too much intemperance.
A neighborhood is as much scattered as in the
country in England ; but the goodness of the roads,
and the fairness of the weather, bring people often
together. The inhabitants are very courteous to
travellers. A stranger has only to inquire upon the
road, where any gentleman, or good house keeper
lives, and there he may depend upon being received
with hospitality. This good nature is so general
among their people, that the gentry, when they go
abroad, order their principal servant to entertain all
visitors, with everything the plantation affords. And
the poor planters who have but one bed will very often
sit up, or lie upon a couch all night, to make room for
a weary traveller to rest himself after his journey.
51. Puritan Amusements
BY P. BENNETT (1740)
A chaise was SEVERAL families in Boston keep a coach, and a
a one-horse pajr of horses, and some few drive with four horses ;
as for chaises and saddle horses, considering the
size of the place, they outdo London. They have
some nimble lively horses for their coaches but not
any of that beautiful, large, black breed so common
in London.
The common horses used in carts about the town
NO. 5i] Puritan Fun 153
are very small and poor. They seldom have their
fill of anything but labor. The country carts and
wagons are generally drawn by oxen, from two to
six, according to the distance or to the burden they
are loaded with.
When the ladies ride out to take the air, it is gen- A chair was
erally in a chaise or chair, and then but a single horse a kmd of
is used. They have a negro servant to drive them.
The gentlemen ride out here as in England, some in
chairs, and others on horseback, with their negroes
to attend them.
They travel in much the same manner on business
as for pleasure. Their roads are exceedingly good
in summer. Yet it is safe travelling night or day ;
for they have no highway robbers to interrupt them.
Riding through the woods is pleasant, and the coun
try is dotted with farm houses, cottages, and some
few gentlemen's country houses.
The best of their inns and public houses are far
short of the beauty and convenience of ours in Eng
land. They have generally a little rum to drink, and
some of them have a sorry sort of Madeira wine.
For food they have Indian corn roasted, and bread
made of Indian meal. Sometimes they have a fowl
or fish dressed after a fashion ; they have pretty good
butter, and a very sad sort of cheese. But those who
are used to these things think them tolerable.
For their amusements, every afternoon, after drink
ing tea, the gentlemen and ladies walk the Mall.
From there they go to one another's houses to spend
the evening, that is, those who are not disposed to
attend the evening lecture. This they may do, if Lectures
they please, six nights out of seven, the year round.
What they call the Mall is a walk on a fine green
A COLONIAL KITCHEN.
NO. 52] Puritan Fun 155
common. It is nearly half a mile over, with two Boston
rows of young trees planted opposite to each other. Common-
There is a fine footway between in imitation of St. St. James's
James's Park. Part of the bay of the sea which Park,in
J i.i London.
encircles the town, takes its course along the north- where now
west side of the Common. one sees the
Their country sports are chiefly shooting and fish- Gar(jen
ing. For the former the woods afford them plenty
of game. The rivers and ponds, with which this
country abounds, yield them a great plenty as well
as a great variety of fine fish.
The government is in the hands of the Dissenters, Protestants
who do not allow theatres or music houses. But beion^the
although plays and such entertainments are not held Church of
here, the people don't seem to be dispirited or to °fefenf^j
mope for want of them. For both the ladies and Dissenters
gentlemen dress and appear as gay, usually, as court- and Puritans.
iers in England on a coronation day or birthday.
And the ladies here visit, drink tea, and do every
thing else in the height of fashion. They neglect
the affairs of their families with as good a grace as
the finest ladies in London.
52. Impressions of South Carolina
BY ELIZA LUCAS (May 22d, 1742)
I AM now set down, my dear brother, to obey your
commands and give you a short description of the
part of the world I now inhabit.
South Carolina is an extensive country near the sea.
Most of the settled part of it is upon a flat. The soil
near Charlestown is sandy ; but furfher inland it is
i56
Colonies [NO. 5c
clay and swamp lands. The country abounds with
fine navigable rivers and great quantities of fine tim
ber. At a great distance, that is to say about a hun
dred and fifty miles from Charlestown, it is very hilly.
The soil in general is very fertile and there are few
European or American fruits or grains but what grow
here. The country abounds with wild fowl, deer, and
fish. Beef, veal, and mutton are here in much greater
perfection than in the islands, though not equal to
that of England. Fruit is extremely good and grows
in profusion. The oranges exceed any I ever tasted
West indies, in the West Indies or from Spain or Portugal.
" The people in general are hospitable and honest;
and the better sort add to these qualities a polite gen
teel behavior. The poorer sort are the most indolent
people in the world, or they would never be so wretched
in so plentiful a country as this.
The winters here are fine and pleasant. But four
months in the year are extremely disagreeable, —
excessively hot, much thunder and lightning, and
mosquitoes and sand flies in abundance. Charlestown,
the metropolis, is a neat pretty place. The inhabi
tants are polite and live in a very genteel manner.
The streets and houses are regularly built. The
ladies and gentlemen are gay in their dress. Upon
the whole you will find as many agreeable people of
both sexes, for the size of the place, as almost any
where.
St. Phillips Church in Charlestown is a very ele
gant one and much frequented. There are several
more places of public worship in the town, and in
general the people are of a religious turn of mind.
I began in haste and have shown no order in writ
ing, or I should have told you, before I came to sum-
NO. 53] South Carolina 157
mer, that we have a most charming spring in this
country. Especially is this true for those who travel
through the country. For the scent of the young
myrtle and yellow jessamine, with which the woods
abound, is delightful.
The staple commodity here is rice, which is the
only thing they export to Europe. Beef, pork, and
lumber they send to the West Indies.
Mama and Polly join in love, with dear brother.
Yours affectionately,
E. LUCAS.
To GEORGE LUCAS, Esquire.
53. Slavery in Virginia
LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE (1757)
As to your query, whether enslaving our fellow
creatures be a practice agreeable to Christianity, I
shall only mention something of our present state
here. Like Adam we are all apt to shift off the
blame from ourselves and lay it upon others, how
justly in our case you may judge. The negroes are
enslaved by the negroes themselves before they are
purchased by the masters of the ships who bring
them here. It is to be sure at our choice whether
we buy them or not, so this then is our crime, folly,
or whatever you will please to call it.
Our Assembly, foreseeing the bad consequences Legislation.
of importing such numbers amongst us, hath often
attempted to lay a duty upon them which would
amount to a prohibition, such as ten or twenty pounds
a head ; but no Governor dare pass such a law, hav-
iS8
Colonies
[No. 53
The home
government
forbids the
Colonies to
favor the
trade.
The home
government
did not like
to have the
Colonies lay
taxes on
things sent to
England.
About $ 100.
Spend about
$ 140 and
you can buy
a slave.
ing instructions to the contrary from the Board of
Trade at home. By this means they are forced upon
us, whether we will or will not. This plainly shows
the African Company hath the advantage of the
colonies, and may do as it pleases with the Ministry.
Since we have been exhausted of our little stock
of cash by the war, the importation of slaves has
stopped ; our poverty then is our best security.
There is no more picking for their ravenous jaws
upon bare bones ; but should we begin to thrive they
will be at the same business again.
All our taxes are now laid upon slaves and on
shippers of tobacco, which the English wink at while
we are in danger of being torn from them ; but we
dare not do it in time of peace, it being looked upon
as the highest presumption to lay any burden upon
trade.
This is our part of the grievance, but to live in
Virginia without slaves is morally impossible. Before
our troubles, you could not hire a servant or slave for
love or money; so that, unless you are robust enough
to cut wood, to go to mill, to work at the hoe, etc.,
you must starve, or board in some family where they
both fleece and half starve you. There is no set
price upon corn, wheat, and provisions, so they take
advantage of the necessities of strangers, who are
thus obliged to purchase some slaves and land. This
of course draws us all into the original sin and curse
of the country of purchasing slaves. This is the
reason we have no merchants, traders, or artificers of
any sort who do not become planters in a short time.
A common laborer, white or black, if you can be
so much favored as to hire one, is a shilling sterling
or fifteen pence currency per day ; a bungling car-
NO. 54] Slaves 159
penter two shillings or two shillings and sixpence per
day ; beside diet and lodging. That is, for a lazy
fellow to get wood and water, ,£19. 16. 3, current
per annum ; add to this seven or eight pounds more
and you have a slave for life.
Nevertheless I cannot help expressing my concern
at the nature of our Virginia estates, so far as they
consist in slaves. I suppose we have, young and old,
one hundred and fifty thousand of them in the coun
try, a number, at least, equal to the whites. It is a
hard task to do our duty towards them as we ought.
We run the hazard of temporal ruin if they are not
compelled to work hard on the one hand — and on
the other, that of not being able to render a good
account of our stewardship in the other and better
world, if we oppress and tyrannize over them.
Besides, according to our present method, which
every body appears afraid to go out of, it seems
quite necessary to lay most stress on that useless
weed, tobacco, as our staple commodity. This is the
reason that all other useful trades and occupations
are neglected. Every Virginia tradesman must be at
least half a planter, and, of course, not to be de
pended upon as a tradesman.
54. In New Jersey
BY A GENTLEMAN (1756)
THE province of New Jersey, of which I come now
to give you some description, has been settled a little
more than a hundred years. It is as well cultivated
as any of the colonies, yet is in a careless condition,
1 6 o Colonies [NO. 54
or at least seems so to one who has not seen newly
settled places.
The farms which lie interspersed in the bosom of
thick woods, resemble the face of the sky after a tem
pest, when the clouds are breaking away and dispers
ing. The pleasantest spots that you see here are but
homely beauties. Almost everywhere you pass upon
the roads, you are either in woods, or have woods on
one side of you. And the view which is on the open
side is terminated by trees within the breadth of a
field or two. So that the horizon is hardly any where
clear, and to view the country from an eminence it
seems to be almost all woods.
The roads in most places are very good, but then
you travel in a maze. You have neither milestone
nor Mercury for your direction. Only here and there
Guide-post, is a tree marked with the initial letter of the name of
the next town, but so ill cut that one can hardly know
it to be an alphabetical character. A few scattered
houses make here a village. And in those towns
where the buildings stand in line they are not near
together.
The people are naturally brisk and of a lively tem
per. They stand much upon a footing of equality
with each other. Those of the common sort by con
versing freely with persons in office acquire a knowl
edge of things and business. Thus they receive a
brightening by which they are far superior to our
country men of the same rank.
Religion is here divided into many sects and parties.
The men who are extremely kind husbands go com
monly the way of the wife in this matter.
The poor people in general live better here than in
most places, I believe. This is because of the plenty
No. 54]
New "Jersey
161
and cheapness of provisions. They are able to place
their children in good families by the time they are
six or seven years of age, and they have little experi
ence of what it costs to bring them up. So that very
few of them turn beggars, or go to seek their bread
from home : if they do go, they carry their working
tools upon their backs.
You must certainly think that thefts and robberies
cannot but be rife among us, as these colonies are
obliged to take all the rogues and villains that are
yearly transported from the several jails in England.
But I can assure you it is far otherwise. People think
so little of the danger of these things that many fami
lies never fasten their doors when they go to bed.
And the good housewives that have cloth in bleach
ing never take it in at nights. As to picking of pock
ets, the practice is utterly unknown, and the roads are
perfectly uninfested and secure.
But the wonder of this will evaporate when I tell
you that none of the Newgate gentry are landed here,
but always either in Virginia or some of the southern
colonies, where however they are no calamity. For
the masters of the transports make them all bind
themselves to him by indenture for four years. Thus
they are obliged to honest labor.
The spring here is commonly late, but when the
year dees begin to dress, the ornaments of Nature are
out all at once. In a few days the scene is quite
changed. The vast orchards are clad in a thick
bloom which makes the country look and smell like
paradise.
The country is well watered with fine streams and
rivers, and every house has a well. The woods,
though abounding with very beautiful birds, are the
Newgate was
a prison in
London.
" Newgate
gentry " were
convicts.
That is, the
convicts and
other bad
characters
have to agree
to serve a
master for
four years
after landing.
1 62 Colonies [NO. 54
dullest of all sylvan scenes. The mocking bird is
the mimic of them all, and a complete joker in his
way.
Nothing is so beautiful and diminutive as that little
feathered spark, the humming bird, who with the
most gallant address courts the daughters of the gar
den in a coat of plumage composed of the finest
feathers.
In summer time for about two months the air is
bespangled every night with a kind of flies which
they call fire-flies. They abound in swamps and
woods of a wet soil. In those gloomy places they
make an extraordinary appearance. Their light is
not steady ; and in the silent night, hovering about
in their bright form they almost give the mind an
impression of a haunted place.
EDWARD WINSLOW.
PART VI
LITTLE FOLKS
55. Where the First English Child
in America was Born
BY GOVERNOR JOHN WHITE (1587)
ABOUT the sixteenth of July, we arrived at the These set-
mainland of Virginia, which Simon Ferdinando took tlers were
~^ sent out by
to be the Island of Croatoan. Here we came to sir Waiter
anchor and rode there two or three days. Finding Raleigh, after
, i • i -11 1 i'ii two attempts
ourselves deceived, we weighed anchor and sailed to establish a
along the coast, where in the night, had not Captain colony in
Stafford been more careful in looking out than our Jortfa'c^.
Simon Ferdinando was, we should have been cast lina had
away upon the coast at a point called Cape of Fear, failed- Fer~
f . . iiii r • dmando was
for we came within two cables length of it; such the pilot,
was the carelessness and ignorance of our master. Master
The two and twentieth day of July we came safely
to Cape Hatteras where our ship and pinnace anchored.
The Governor went aboard the pinnace accompanied
by forty of his best men, intending to pass up to
Roanoke. He hoped to find those fifteen English
men whom Sir Richard Grenville had left there the
year before. With these he meant to have a confer
ence concerning the state of the country and the sav-
165
1 66 'Little Folks [NO. 55
ages, intending then to return to the fleet and pass
along the coast to the Bay of Chesapeake. Here we
intended to make our settlement and fort according
to the charge given us among other directions in
writing under the hand of Sir Walter Raleigh. We
passed to Roanoke and the same night at sunset went
ashore on the island, in the place where our fifteen
men were left. But we found none of them, nor any
sign that they had been there, saving only that we
found the bones of one of them, whom the savages
had slain long before.
The Governor with several of his company walked
the next day to the north end of the island where
Master Ralph Lane, with his men the year before,
had built his fort with sundry dwelling houses. We
hoped to find some signs here, or some certain knowl
edge of our fifteen men.
When we came thither we found the fort razed, but
all the houses standing unhurt, saving that the lower
rooms of them, and of the fort also, were overgrown
with melons of different sorts, and deer were in rooms
feeding on those melons. So we returned to our com
pany without the hope of ever seeing any of the
fifteen men living.
The same day an order was given that every man
should be employed in remodelling those houses which
we found standing, and in making more cottages.
On the eighteenth a daughter was born in Roanoke
to Eleanor, the daughter of the Governor and the wife
of Annanias Dare. This baby was christened on the
Sunday following, and because this child was the first
Christian born in Virginia she was named Virginia
Dare.
By this time our shipmasters had unloaded the
NO. 56] Lost Colony i6j
goods and victuals of the planters and taken wood
and fresh water, and were newly calking and trim
ming their vessels for their return to England. The
settlers also prepared their letters and news to send
back to England.
56. How the First Colony Dis
appeared
BY GOVERNOR JOHN WHITE (1590)
WHEN our boats were fitted again, we put off from white went
Hatteras, numbering nineteen persons in both boats. to E"gland
Before we could get to the place where our settlers elghtyiine
were left, three years before, it v/as so exceedingly men, seven-
dark that we overshot the place by a quarter of a SdES"1
mile. There we espied, towards the north end of the children at
island, the light of a great fire through the woods, to ^The could
which we presently rowed. When we came right not get back
over against it, we let fall our grapnel near the shore tlH thr.ee
years later.
and sounded a call with a trumpet, and afterwards This extract
many familiar English tunes. We called to them in teiisuswhat
friendly tones, but had no answer ; we therefore
landed at day-break, and coming to the fire, found
the grass and sundry rotten trees burning about the
place. From thence we went through the woods to
that part of the island where I left our colony in the
year 1587. All along this way we saw in the sand
the print of the savages feet of two or three sorts,
trodden during the night. As we went up the sandy
bank, upon a tree and on the very brow thereof, were
curiously carved these fair Roman letters, C R O :
which letters at once we knew to signify the place
1 6 8 Little Folks [NO. 5e
where I should find the settlers living, according to a
.secret token agreed upon between them and me, at
my last departure from them. This agreement was,
that they should in no wise fail to write or carve on
the trees or posts of the doors the name of the place
where they should be seated ; for when I came away
they were prepared to remove from Roanoke fifty
miles inward. Therefore at my departure from them,
in the year 1587, I told them that if they should hap
pen to be distressed in any of those places, that then
they should carve over the letters or name, a cross
in this form but we found no such sign of distress.
Having well considered all this, we passed towards
the place where we had left the people in sundry
houses ; but we found the houses taken down, and
the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisade
of great trees, looking very fort-like. One of the
chief trees, or posts, at the right side of the entrance,
had the bark taken off, and five feet from the ground,
in fair capital letters, was graven CROATOAN,
without any cross or sign of distress. This done, we
entered inside the palisade, where we found many
bars of iron, two pigs of lead, four iron fowlers, iron
sacker-shots, and such heavy things, thrown here and
there, almost overgrown with grass and weeds. From
thence we went along the waterside, towards a point
of the creek, to see if we could find any of their boats
or the pinnace, but we could perceive no sign of them
nor any of the small arms which were left with them
at my departure from them.
At our return from the creek, some of our sailors,
meeting us, told us that they had found where several
chests had been hidden, and long since dug up again.
These had been broken up, and much of the things
No. 56]
Lost Colony
169
in them spoiled and scattered about. Presently Cap
tain Cook and I went to the place, which was in the
end of an old trench made six years ago by Captain
SIR WALTER RALEIGH.
Amadas. Here we found fine chests that had been white did
carefully hidden by the planters, and among the same ^^
chests three were my own. About the place I found and nothing
many of my things spoiled and broken, and my books
was ever seen
170 Little Folks [NO. 57
again of a torn from the covers, the frames of some of my pic-
the^ne'huiv tures anc^ maps rotten and spoiled with rain, and my
dredand armor almost eaten through with rust. This could
seventeen ^e no other but the deeds of the savages, our enemies,
whc.e\v^reP * who had watched the departure of our men to Croa-
left there toan, and as soon as they were departed, these men
before^3 dug up every place where they suspected anything
to be buried ; but although it grieved me much to see
such spoil of my goods, yet on the other hand, I
Nobody greatly rejoiced that I had safely found a certain
knows what t k f th j f b • t Croatoan, which is the
became of *>
little Virginia place where Manteo was born, and where the savages
Dare. of tne island were our friends.
57. Boyhood of a Famous Colonist
BY THOMAS SHEPHARD (1605-1620)
I WAS born on the fifth day of November in the
year 1605, in Lancaster, some six miles from the town
of Northampton in Old England. My father's name
was William Shephard. As one of my older brothers
had been called William he gave the name of Thomas
to me.
I remember my father well and have some little
remembrance of my mother. My father was a wise
and prudent man, the peace-maker of our town. My
mother had a great love for me, perhaps because I
was the youngest; but she died when I was about
four years old. Later my father married another
woman who let me see the difference between my
own mother and a step-mother. She did not seem to
love me and turned my father against me. Then my
NO. 57] English Boyhood 171
father sent me to school to a Welshman, Mr. Rico,
who kept the free school in the town of Lancaster.
He was exceedingly cruel and dealt unjustly with me.
This discouraged me so about school and lessons that
I remember wishing often times that I might take
care of pigs, for once when I was a little fellow on a
visit at my grandfather's, he had let me take care
of the geese and do other farm-work. I still had a
memory of it and thought I should like it better than
I did to go to school and learn. My father died when
I was about ten years of age, so I was left to the care
of my step-mother who neglected my education very
much, although my father had left a hundred pounds About $ 500.
to pay for my schooling. When John, an older brother,
decided to take me out of this mother's hands, he was
granted the right, and my portion was paid over to him.
So I lived with this brother who showed much love
for me and to whom I owed much, for he seemed to
be a brother, father, and mother to me.
Just about this time the cruel schoolmaster died, and Thomas
another came to take his place. This man stirred up Shephard
1 lived to be
in my heart a desire of learning, and I told my friends the minister
I would be a scholar. I studied Greek and Latin; °f the^hurch
and finally I could take notes of the sermons on bridge,
Sundays. Massachu-
So I continued at my studies until I was about
fifteen years of age and was considered ripe for the
University at Cambridge, in England.
172
Little Folks
[No. 58
Two-pence
= about four
cents.
58. Let's Go A-Fishing
BY CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH (1614)
Now here in New England savage boys and girls,
or any other children may turn, carry, and return fish
without either shame or any great pain. He is a very
idle boy who has passed the age of twelve years and
A COLONIAL CRADLE.
cannot do so much ; and a girl is very stupid who
cannot spin a thread to make nets to catch the fish.
What pleasure can be greater, when people are
tired with work on shore, whether they have been
planting vines, or building houses or ships, than to
get recreation for themselves before their very doors,
in their own boats upon the sea. There man, woman,
and child, each with a small hook and line, may take
divers kinds of excellent fish at their pleasure. And
is it not a pretty sport to pull up two-pence, sixpence,
NO. 58j Fishing 173
and twelve pence as fast as you can haul and change
a line ?
He is a very bad fisher who cannot take in one day
with his hook and line one, two, or three hundred cods.
These, dressed and dried, if they be sold here in New
England, will bring ten shillings for a hundred ; or in Ten shillings
England, more than twenty. If a man work but three wouldbe
about $2.50
days in seven he may get more than he can spend, a hundred,
unless he is very wasteful.
Now carpenters, masons, gardeners, tailors, sailors,
and smiths may all take this pretty recreation. Even
if they fish for an hour only in a day, they may take
more than they will eat in a week. Or, if they do
not eat it, they may sell it or exchange it with fisher
men and merchants for anything they want.
What sport doth yield a more pleasing feeling of
contentment and less harm than angling with a hook
and breathing the sweet air, from isle to isle, over the
silent streams ?
My purpose is not to persuade children to leave
their parents, or servants to leave their masters, but
to bring over such as may be spared freely. Each
parish or village in England, which will clothe its
fatherless children of thirteen or fourteen years of
age and send them here, will find that they can live
exceedingly well here by their labor.
174 Little Folks [NO. 59
59. Boys and Girls in New Neth
erlands
BY CORNELIS VON TIENHOVEN (1650)
WE are of the opinion, that permission should be
obtained from the magistrates of some provinces and
cities in Holland to send over boys and girls from
the almshouses and orphan asylums. There ought
to be three or four hundred of these boys and girls
of ten, twelve, or fifteen years of age. And their
own consent should be obtained also.
With that intention a large ship might be char
tered suitable to carry horses and pork from Curacco,
and afterward to return here with a cargo of log-
children, and \\rood
thTexpense ^ must be understood that the children are not to
be bound to their masters longer than six or seven
years. If the girls should get married during that
time, they must have a chance to hire again as ser-
vants with their masters or mistresses, if they will.
Or they may remain wholly at liberty, or settle in
New Netherland for themselves, on condition that
\hgy be allowed some land by the government, as
much as the director of the colony shall think proper
that each should have for the support of her family.
This land is t0 be free fr°m a11 reiltS and taXCS f°r
their parents ten years after they settle upon the land. But after
or guardians. ^^ tjme the peOple living in those parts shall pay
one-tenth of what is made on their land, for the sup
port of the colony.
No. 60]
Send Children !
60. London Children in Virginia
BY THE VIRGINIA COMPANY (1619)
IT is asked what land the children are to have in
return for their going over to Virginia. The answer
is that they are not to have any ; but at the end of
their apprenticeship they are to be tenants of the
common land. It is thought that the council of the
company would then allow twenty-five acres apiece,
for every one of them. For the good of these same
children it is ordered by the council that every one
of the children who are now living at the expense of
the Virginia Company shall be educated and brought
up in some good trade and profession.
By this means they will be able to get their living
and support themselves, when they have reached the
ages of four-and-twenty years, or are out of their
apprenticeships. Their apprenticeships are to last at
least seven years, if they live so long.
Further it is ordered that all of these children
when they become of age, or marry, whichever shall
happen first, shall have freely given and made over
to them fifty acres of land apiece. This land is to
be in Virginia within the limits of the English plan
tation.
It is fully intended that this next spring one hun
dred children more shall be sent and carried by the
Virginia Company out of the city of London to Vir
ginia. During their voyage they shall have their
food sweet and good. They shall also be well dressed
and have all other things necessary for the voyage.
Every one of these children shall there be placed
as apprentices with honest and good masters. The
The city of
London had
agreed to
furnish one
hundred
children for
Virginia, and
to pay the
Virginia
Company a
premium of
twenty-five
dollars
apiece for
each child,
partly to pay
for the
passage to
Virginia, and
partly for the
children's
clothes.
Apprentice
ship.
The custom
of the time
was to draw
up agree
ments for
boys and
girls who
were going
into trades
or service, by
which their
parents or
guardians
put children
under the
legal control
of masters
who had a
right to their
services for a
term of
years, usually
seven.
I76
Little Folks
[No. 60
Virginia
wanted as
manyfarmers
or planters
as she could
get. The
first appren
ticeship was
to be fol
lowed in each
case by a
second, upon
easier terms,
or at least
terms better
suited to the
age of the
apprentice.
After a man
had worked
as a farmer
for fourteen
years, he
would be
likely to con
tinue in that
occupation.
boys shall serve for seven years, or until they are
twenty-one years old or more. The girls shall serve
for seven years, that is, until they are twenty-one
or married.
Their masters during that time must educate them
and bring them up in some good trade or business.
In this way they will be able to get their living and
support themselves when their apprenticeships are
over.
During their terms of labor, they shall have all
things necessary provided for them, such as food,
drink, and clothing. At the end of their apprentice
ships, every one of these
children shall have freely
given to them by the Vir
ginia Company enough
corn to serve for food for
a whole year.
They shall also each
have a house ready built
to live in, and shall be
placed as tenant in some
convenient place upon as
much land as they can
manage. Each of these
children shall, at this time,
have one cow, and as much
corn as he or she will plant.
Each shall have suitable
clothing, convenient weap
ons, and armor for defence
in war.
Every one shall have the necessary implements
and utensils for the household, and enough working
AN OLD DOLL.
NO. 6ij Lost Boy 177
tools for his trade. Every one who has thus served
the apprenticeship shall be bound to be tenant or
farmer for seven years after his apprenticeship end.
During that time of their labor and care they shall
have one half of all the profits that shall arise from
the management of their farms. At the end of the
last seven years every one of the young men and
women is to be at liberty to remain as farmer on the
same land if he will, or to provide for himself else
where.
61. The Lost Boy
BY GOVERNOR BRADFORD (1621)
TEN of our men made a voyage to the Kingdom of
Nauset to find a boy that had lost himself in the
woods. The nth of June we set out, the weather
being very fine.
Before we had been long at sea, however, there
arose a storm of wind and rain with much lightning
and thunder. So that a water-spout arose not far
from us. But God be praised, it did not last long;
and we put in that night at a harbor where we had
some hope of finding the boy.
Two savages were in the boat with us. The one
was Tisquantum who was our interpreter. The other
was Tokamahamon, a special friend. It was night
when we came into the bay.
In the morning we saw savages hunting lobsters, and
sent our two interpreters to speak with them. They
told the Indians who we were and whence we came.
They told the Indians not to fear us for we would not
hurt them, as we were only searching for a lost boy.
i78
Folks [NO. ex
Their answer was that the boy was well but that
he was at Nauset. Yet, since we were there, they
wished us to come ashore and eat with them. This
we did.
They brought us to their sachem, lyanough, a man
not over twenty-six years of age. He was very gen
tle, polite, and considerate. Indeed he was not like
a savage, with the exception of his dress.
He entertained us in the same kind polite way;
and his foods of different kinds were plentiful.
One thing was very sad to us at this place. There
was an old woman, whom we judged to be no less
than a hundred years of age. She came to see us
because she had never seen any English people. Yet
she could not look at us, without breaking out in great
anger, weeping and crying loudly.
We asked the reason of this. They told us that
she had three sons who went aboard a ship when Mr.
Hunt was in this place, to trade with him, and he car
ried them away as captives into Spain.
So the old woman had lost the comfort of her sons
in her old age. We told them we were sorry that
any English man should do them that wrong. We
said that Hunt was a bad man, and that all the Eng
lish people who heard of the deed would say the
same. But for us, we would not do them any harm,
even if it would gain us all the skins in the country.
So we gave her some small presents, which quieted
her anger somewhat.
After dinner we took boat for Nauset. lyanough
and two of his men went with us. We sent Tisquan-
tum to tell Aspinet, the sachem, at Nauset why we
came. The savages here came very thick about us.
But we had little cause to trust them, as they had
NO. 61] Puritan Children 179
some time before made an attack upon us in that
place. When our boat was aground they gathered
on the shore, but we stood upon our guard, not allow
ing any of them to enter the boat except two.
AN OLD TOY.
After sunset, Aspinet came with a great company
of Indians, and brought the boy with him. One Ind
ian carried the boy through the water. He had wan
dered five days, living on berries. Then he saw the
lights of an Indian village which proved to be that of
these people who first attacked us.
Aspinet, when he brought the boy to us, had not
less than a hundred Indians with him. Half of them
came with him to our boats' side unarmed. The others
stood at some distance with their bows and arrows.
There he gave over to us the boy, hung with beads,
and then made peace with us. We presented him
with a knife. We gave one also to another Indian
who had cared for the boy at his home and brought
him here. Then they went away from us.
180 Little Folks [NO. 62
62. Puritan Children
BY GOVERNOR WILLIAM BRADFORD (1622)
THE Puritans who went to Holland had hard work
to support their families in a strange land where the
chief industry was cloth-making. The children suf
fered, too, by the change from country life in Eng
land to city life at Amsterdam and Leyden.
A COLONIAL FAMILY.
Necessity was a taskmaster over them and so the
Puritans were forced to be taskmasters, not only to
their servants, but in a way to their dearest children.
This greatly wounded the tender hearts of many a
loving father and mother.
So also it caused many sad and sorrowful effects.
Many of their children were of the best dispositions
and of right intentions. They had learned to bear
the yoke of hardships in their youth. They were
willing to bear part of their parents' burdens also.
NO. 62] Puritan Children i 8 i
But oftentimes they were so weighed down by their
heavy work, that although their minds were willing,
yet their bodies bowed under the weight. And so
they became like old, weak people even in their early
youth. The strength of nature was used up in the
very bud as it were.
But there were other things more to be grieved
over, which of all sorrows, were most heavy to be
borne. Many of their children, because of these
hardships and the great wickedness of young people
in that country, and the many temptations of the
place, were drawn away into evil.
By bad example they were drawn into spendthrift
and dangerous ways of doing. Having got the reins
off their necks they left the good teachings of their
parents. Some became soldiers. Others went upon
far voyages by sea.
Some others did worse things which led them to
evil, to the danger of their souls. This brought great
sorrow to their parents, and dishonor to God. So the
parents saw that those who would be born after them,
in years to come, would be in danger of being weak
and wicked.
To show how strict and serious life was among the
Puritans, we have only to notice how different a time
Christmas was then than it is now.
On the day called Christmas, the governor called This part of
them all out to work, as was the way then. But the J^JJJJf
most of the people, newly come at this time, said it life in Ply-
was against their conscience to work on that day. ?ol!!hl after
. the Puritans
So the governor said, if they made it a matter of had come
conscience, he would let them alone until they knew over to New
better. So he led away the rest and left them.
But when those with him came home at noon from
i 8 2 Lit fie Folks [NO. 63
The Puritans their work, he found the others in the street at play,
did not ceie- pubijciv Some were pitching the bar, some were
brate Christ- r . J
mas because playing at stool-ball, and such sports,
they thought So he went to them and took away the things they
Catholic day were playing with. He told them that it was against
ofrejoicing. his conscience that they should play while others
Puritan chii- workec]. If they made the keeping of the day a
dren had
sport, but not matter of religion, let them stay in their houses,
on Christmas There should be no merry-making in the streets.
Day, which . . . .. r , i i • i • -i
is now a day After that time nothing of the kind was tried again.
of rejoicing
everywhere. ^
63. A Poem about my Son Samuel's
Going to England
BY ANNE BRAUSTREET (1657)
THOU mighty God of sea and land
I here resign into Thy hand
The son of prayers, of vows, of tears,
The child I looked for many years.
Thou heard'st me then and gave'st him me ;
Hear me again ; I gave him Thee.
He's mine, but more, O Lord, thine own,
For surely grace on him is shown.
No friend I have like Thee to trust,
For mortal helps are brittle dust.
Preserve, O Lord, from storm and wrack.
Protect him there and bring him back.
And if Thou shalt spare me a space,
That I again may see his face
Then shall I sing henceforth Thy praise
And bless Thee for it all my days.
No. 64]
Son Samuel
i83
64. On Samuel's Return from
England
BY ANNE BRADSTREET (1657)
ALL praise to Him who hath now turned
My fears to joy, my sighs to song,
My tears to smiles, my sad to glad,
He's come for whom I waited long.
Thou did'st preserve him where he went,
On raging seas did safely keep,
Did'st that ship bring to quiet port,
While others sank into the deep.
From dangers great Thou did'st him save
Of pirates who were near at hand ;
And ordered so the adverse wind
That he before them got to land.
On eagle's wings him hither brought
Through wanton dangers manifold ;
And thus hath granted my request
That I Thy mercies might behold.
O help me pay my vows, O Lord,
That ever I may thankful be,
And may put him in mind of what
Thou did for him, and so for me.
Tn both our hearts erect a shrine
Of duty and of thankfulness,
That all Thy favors great received
Our upright walking may express.
In the years
when many
pirates
threatened to
give chase
to ships
bound for
England or
America, it
was a most
serious thing
to be depend
ent upon the
winds, as all
the sailing
vessels were
184
Little Folks
[No. 65
A letter
written to the
Dutch Com
pany which
had charge
of New
Netherland,
from the
Manhattans,
i.e, the pres
ent city of
New York.
The Dutch
Colonists at
first had few
Fort Amster
dam on
Manhattan
Island, on or
near the spot
now called
the Battery.
The settle
ment here
was begun
about the
year 1613.
65. Send us More Children
BY J. ALRICHS (1658)
Honorable, Worshipful, Wise, Prudent Gentlemen :
IN regard to the salt, which your Honors suppose
is quite plenty at the Manhattans, you are mistaken.
We have only a hogshead and a half, and can hardly
get any there for money. Hardly a cup of salt can
be had for extraordinary occasions ; this causes great
discontent and uproar. In well regulated places it
happens that scarcity and want occur. Much more
is this the case in a colony far distant and newly
begun. Such a colony ought to be provided for one
year with whatever is not produced there or procured
easily from others.
Little or no butter is to be had here, and less
cheese. Whenever any one is about to go on a jour
ney he can get hardly anything more than dry bread,
or he must carry along a pot or kettles to cook some
food. Therefore, as a reminder, I say once more
that it would be well if some rye meal, cheese, and
such things were sent in all the ships. As horses are
required here for agriculture, means should be found
of sending a good supply of horses.
In regard to the fort, it is in a great state of decay.
I have resolved on building a house of planks about
fifty feet in length and twenty in breadth ; also I
have had one-third of the house, in which I have
been lodging very uncomfortably, repaired, yet the
greater part of it is still so leaky that it is orrly with
great difficulty that anything can be kept dry. We
shall be obliged to pull down and rebuild the soldiers'
barracks immediately.
No.65] Children Wanted 185
I had expected, at least, a supply of provisions in
the ship which had just arrived. There is a set of
insolent fellows on board of her who will not turn a
hand to work if there be anything to do, and there
never is any one to be hired here for such work.
Laborers will not stir for less than a dollar a day.
Carpenters, masons and other mechanics earn four
guilders ; this amounts to much in extensive works. A guilder =
There is no reason or plea for refusing to supply f
the settlers, who have been here some time from our
common store, in exchange for their money. There
is no merchant's store here, and scarcely any one
who has provisions for sale, for the daily supply of
the inhabitants ; nay, not even bread, although there
are over six hundred souls in this place. Whoever
has anything will not sell it, and who so has none, can
not. Things are here in their infancy, and demand
time. Many who come hither are as poor as worms
and lazy withal, and will not work unless compelled
by necessity.
Send in the spring, or in the ships sailing in
December, a large number of strong and hard work
ing men. Should they not be forth coming at the
right time, their places can be filled with boys of fif
teen, sixteen, seventeen years and over. Bear in
mind that the boys be healthy and strong. What
ever is done here must be done by labor.
The children sent over from the almshouse have
arrived safely, and were in such demand that all are
bound out among the inhabitants ; the oldest for two
years, most of the others for three years, and the
youngest for four years. They are to earn forty, That is,
sixty, and eighty guilders during the period, and at about$8'°°
the end of the term, will be fitted out in the same
i 86 Little Folks [No. 66
manner as they are at present. Please 4o continue
sending others from time to time ; but, if possible,
none ought to come under fifteen years of age. They
ought to be somewhat strong, as little profit is to be
expected here without labor.
'Tis as yet somewhat too soon to send many women
or a multitude of little children ; it will be more
advisable and safer when crops are gathered, when
abundance prevails, and everything is cheaper.
I might enlarge upon this account, but time does
not permit, as the sloop by which I send it, is ready
to sail.
66. A Sick Boy Cured
BY JOHN BARNARD (1766)
IT pleased God that I should be taken with
scarlet fever ; through the raging of the fever, and a
fierce pain at my heart, every breath I drew was as
though a sword had been run through me. I was so
ill that they thought I would not live.
On the third night, I think, it seemed to me that a
certain woman came and brought me some small
dark-colored pills. She told me to put one in my
mouth and hold it there till it grew soft. Then I was
to squeeze it flat between my thumb and finger and
put it on my breast.
It would soak in, she said, and before I had used
them all so, I should be well. I did as I was told,
and when I had used the third pill, my pain and
fever left me, and I was well.
My tender father, very early the next morning
NO. 66] Sick Boy Cured 187
came into my bed-room to ask how I was. I told him
I was quite well and intended to get up soon. I said
the pills Mrs. Baird gave me last night had entirely
cured me.
He said to me : " Child, I believe she was not here ;
I heard nothing of it." To satisfy him I said : "Sir,
I have the other four pills now in my hand." I put
my hand out of the bed to show them, but they
dropped out of my hand into the bed.
I then raised myself up to look for them but could
not find them. He said to me : " I am afraid, child,
you are out of your senses." I said to him : " Sir, I
am perfectly awake and in my senses, and find myself
truly well."
He left the room, thinking I was delirious, and I
saw by his face that he feared I would die. He then
asked of all the house whether that woman had been
at the house the day or evening before. They all let
him know that they had not seen her here. He went
to his own room, and in about an hour came to me
again.
I was firm in the story I had told him. He talked
to me of some other things and found by my answers
that I was thoroughly awake. He was better satis
fied, and left me with a more cheerful face.
By noon I got up and was perfectly well of my
sickness. I thought I would have given ever so much
to know what the pills were, that others might have
the benefit of them. Finding that the woman had
not been at our house, and I was perfectly healed, I
could not help thinking that a merciful God had sent
a good angel to heal me.
And to this very day I cannot but think it was
more than a common dream, or the wild ideas of a
1 88 Little Folks [N0.67
feverish mind. It seemed to me a dream from God.
And what else can you make of it ?
Thus has God kindly helped me. Forever blessed
be his name.
67. Wants in New Jersey
ADVERTISEMENTS BY MANY PEOPLE (1700-1750)
WANTED : — A good schoolmaster for children ;
one who can teach reading, writing, and ciphering,
at Rariton, about six miles above Bound Brook. Any
person properly qualified may meet with good en
couragement by applying to
JOHN BROUGHTON.
The hired Ran away on Wednesday, the eighth of January,
servants very r TT T^. „
often ran from Hartshoriie HtzRandolph, of Woodbndge, in
away, and the province of East New Jersey, an Irish servant
broughfback lad» name Michael Hibbets. He is about sixteen or
by force, if seventeen years old, of a dark complexion, has dark
mentsTmcf6' curty ^a^r' *s °^ middle size, and is a chimney sweeper
not run out. by trade. When he went away he had on an old
wide-brimmed wool hat, a very ragged brown over
coat, a homespun Kersey coat and jacket, with metal
buttons. He wore leather breeches, coarse yarn
stockings, and shoes tied with leather strings. He
speaks very good English. He was seen in New
York, and it is thought that he is in or about that
city. It is supposed that he has silver amounting to
About $15. three pounds. All masters of vessels are warned
against carrying him off. Whoever takes up this
servant and returns him to his master shall have
NO. 67] Wants in Jersey i 8 g
thirty shillings reward, and all reasonable charges
•paid.
Stolen from Thomas Steeples, of Springfield, New
Jersey, on the first day of March, a white horse, of
low stature, well built for strength, and short backed.
He has a small head, little ears, two white eyes, one
whiter than the other, a long mane on the off side,
curled and trimmed on the other ; also a large switch
tail, and four white hoofs.
Any person bringing to me the horse and rider
shall have five pounds reward, or for the horse alone, $2501-310.
forty shillings reward.
John, the son of Peter Hodgkinson, a boy about Families
thirteen years of age, was taken by a Spanish pri- were often
vateer, in his passage from Dublin to Philadelphia captures
on board a brigantine. His father can obtain no made by
satisfactory account of him at present. If any per
son will take care of this boy if he is on the continent
among English inhabitants, and send word to his
father, in Burlington, New Jersey, or conduct him
there, he shall receive five pounds for the said boy $25.
or reasonable satisfaction for any information.
To-morrow at two o'clock in the afternoon, at the
Fort there will be exposed for sale at public auction
the following goods, belonging to the estate of the
late Governor Montgomery : —
A fine yellow Camblet bed lined with silk and
trimmed with lace, which came from London.
One fine field bedstead and curtains.
Some blue cloth lately come from London for
liveries, and some broad gold lace.
Camblet =
a woven
fabric,
originally of
camel's hair,
now of goat's
hair and silk,
or of wool
and cotton.
i go Little Folks [No.67
A very fine medicine chest, with a great variety of
valuable medicines.
A parcel of sweetmeat and jelly glasses.
A case of twelve knives and twelve forks with
silver handles.
A large iron fireplace and iron bars.
All to be seen at the Fort.
Pleasant country seat, fit for a gentleman or a
storekeeper, on the Rariton road, which leads down
from Wells Ferry. On it there is a good dwelling
house, fifty-two feet wide in front, and thirty-two
feet wide in back. It has an entrance ten feet long,
a parlor on each side, and a room over each. The
rooms and entry are wainscotted, and have sash
windows. There is a cellar running the whole length
and breadth of the house, part of which makes a
large kitchen. The remainder may be used as a
dairy and cellars. There is a fireplace in each
room.
There is a barn sixty by thirty feet. Besides this,
there is a small dwelling house or shop, twenty-four
by twenty feet. All these buildings are well shingled
and in very good repair.
The orchard is a good one, containing about two
hundred apple-trees, and may be extended at pleas
ure. There is a very good kitchen garden, at the
back of which is a grass plot, with a prim hedge
about it. There are forty acres of woodland, a spring
of running water near the house, and a brook
whereon may be built a grist mill. The cleared land
is well fenced and in good condition.
Whoever is inclined to purchase may apply to Dr.
William Farquhar in New York, Benjamin Franklin
NO. 67j M^ants in Jersey 191
in Philadelphia, or Jacob Janeway, who lives on the
premises.
This advertisement is to give notice that on the
sixteenth day of July, 1/16, an Indian man named
Nyrn ran away from his master, David Lyell. Nym
is about twenty-one years of age, and is a short,
broad shouldered fellow. His hair has been cut off
lately and he has a swelling on the back of his right
hand. He has with him two new shirts, a new waist
coat and breeches of white coarse linen, a homespun
coat, and he wears a hat, shoes, and stockings. It
is believed that he is trying to get on board some
vessel.
Whoever brings the said Indian into the Jerseys to
his master shall have forty shillings.
On the eighteenth of September, there ran away
from Thomas Hill of Salem, an Indian man named
Pompey, who was of medium height, pretty much
pox marked, and aged about thirty. He wears a
yellow coat, with horn buttons, an Ozenbridge shirt, Ozenbridge,
and a pair of white yarn stockings. Pompey took usually
• i i • 1-1111 • i 11 i spelled Ozna-
witn him a little black pacing horse, branded on the brig, was a
side with the letters " H. M." standing thus H M.
Whoever takes up this Indian and brings him to his Germany!"1
master shall receive a reasonable reward.
Little Folks
[No. 68
This extract
describes life
in the New
England
Colonies
more than a
century ago.
Small clothes
were
breeches,
worn with
long stock
ings.
68. Young People's Life in New
Hampshire
FROM OLD COLONY MEMORIAL (1765)
IN general, men old and young, who had got their
growth, had a decent coat, vest, and small clothes,
and some kind of fur hat. These were for holiday
use and would last half a lifetime. Old men had a
great coat and a pair of boots. The boots generally
lasted for life.
For common use they had a long jacket, or what
was called a fly coat, reaching down about half way
to the knee. They had a striped jacket to wear
under a pair of small clothes like the coat. These
were made of flannel cloth.
They had flannel shirts and stockings and thick
leather shoes. A silk handkerchief for holidays would
last ten years. In summer time they had a pair of
wide trousers reaching half way from the knee to
the ankle.
Shoes and stockings were not worn by the young
men. Few men in farming business wore them either.
As for boys as soon as they were taken out of petti
coats, they were put into small clothes summer and
winter. This lasted till they put on long trousers
which they called tongs. They were but little differ
ent from the pantaloons of to-day. These were made
of linen or cotton, and soon were used by old men
and young through the warm season.
Later they were made of flannel cloth and were
in general use for the winter. Young men never
NO. 68] New Hampshire Life 193
thought of great coats ; and overcoats were then
unknown.
As for the women, old and young, they wore
flannel gowns in winter. The young women wore
wrappers in the summer, and about their ordinary
business they did not wear stockings and shoes.
They were usually contented with one calico gown.
They generally had one woolen gown, and another
of camel's hair goods ; and some had them made of
poplin. The sleeves were short and did not come
below the elbow.
On holidays they wore one, two, or three ruffles on
each arm. They wore long gloves coming up to the
elbow, fastened by what were called glove-tightens,
made of black horse hair. They wore aprons made
of checked linen or cotton ; and for holiday use of
white cotton, lawn, or cambric.
They seldom wore caps when about their ordinary
affairs ; but they had two kinds. One kind they
wore when they meant to be much dressed up. One
was called strap-cap ; it came under the chin ; the
other was called round-cord cap, and did not come The colonials
Over the ears. knew nothing
They wore thick leather, thin leather, and broad- Dances-
cloth shoes, all with heels an inch and a half high, their dances
These had peaked toes, turned up in a point at the ™*^fly
toes. They generally had small, very small muffs ; dances,11
and some wore masks people drawn
up in two
The principal amusements of the young men were iineSlorjigs
wrestling, running and jumping, or hopping three and such
hops. Dancing was considered an important thing ^nces one
to know. Dances to step-tunes, such as Old Father doing the
George, Cape Breton, High Betty Martin, and the ^Tc£k-
Rolling Hornpipe were favorites. ing on.
ig4 Little Folks [No.e9
At their parties dancing was their principal exer
cise ; they sang songs also, and had a number of for
feit plays, such as "breaking and setting the pope's
neck" and " find the button."
At the time I speak of, a young woman did not
think it a hardship or a disgrace to walk five or six
miles to a meeting. There was no chaise or any sort
of wagon or sleigh in the town where I lived. I
remember the first chaise that passed through the
town. It caused the greatest possible wonder.
Potatoes were a scarce article in those days.
Three bushels were thought a very large crop. I
was quite a large boy before I ever saw a potato as
large as a hen's egg.
69. Colonial Sundays
BY DR. ABIEL ABBOTT (about 1780)
THIS Sunday evening I will say a word about Sun
day of olden times. On Saturday evening the work
of the week was finished. My father, after washing
and putting on a skillet of water, would get his razor
and soap, sit down by the fire and shave off his
beard. Then he would take his Bible and sometimes
some other book.
My mother, after washing the potatoes and other
vegetables, and getting ready the Sunday food, used
Hasty pud- to make hasty pudding for supper. This was eaten
0m *n milk> or if we nad no milk, it: was eaten witn but
ter and molasses. Then the little children were put
to bed.
NO. 69] Colonial Sundays 195
Early in the evening my father read a chapter in
the Bible and made a prayer. Soon after that the
younger part of the family and the hired help went
to bed. Indeed the family every night went to their
rest soon after supper, especially in the summer.
Saturday night and Sunday and Sunday night,
there was a perfect stillness. No play was going on,
and no laughing. Those of us who were old enough
took the Bible or learned a hymn. We read in the
COLONIAL PEWS.
testament or primer to father or mother in the morn
ing. For breakfast, when we had milk enough, we
had bread and milk. Otherwise we had beans and
corn porridge.
After the war of the Revolution, tea and toast were
used for Sunday morning breakfast. As we lived at
a distance from meeting, those who walked started
as early as nine o'clock. Those who went on horse
back set out soon after.
The roads and bridges were very bad. The horses
Little Folks
[No. 6g
" The New
England
Primer,"
everywhere
read by
children.
The tithing
man was an
officer of the
church, who
kept order
during ser
vices, and
saw to it that
people did
not stay away
without
reason.
always carried two, and often a child in the mother's
lap. Sometimes there was another child on the pom
mel of the saddle before the father. All went to
meeting, except someone to keep the house and to
take care of the children who could not take care of
themselves.
The one who stayed at home was told when to put
the pork and vegetables into the pot for the supper
which we had after meeting. Those who went to
meeting used to carry in their pockets some short
cake, or doughnuts and cheese for dinner. We used
to get home from meeting generally at four o'clock.
Then the women set the table, and the men took
care of the horses and cattle in winter. After sup
per the children and younger part of the family were
called together to read in the Bible and primer and
to sing some hymns and prayers. Soon after this,
before my father read in the Bible and made a
prayer, the cows were brought from the pasture and
milked.
No work was done except what was absolutely nec
essary. The dishes for supper and breakfast were
left unwashed till Monday. Every one in the town,
who was able to go to meeting, went. If any were
absent, it was noticed, and it was supposed that sick
ness was the reason. If any one was absent three
or four Sundays, the tithing man would make him a
visit. But this did not often happen.
Sunday was not unpleasant to me. I did not feel
gloomy, or want to play, or wish Sunday was gone or
would not come. This was because I was so used to
its rules.
NO. 7o] Franklins Whistle 197
70. Too Much for the Whistle
BY BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (1779)
I AM charmed with your description of Paradise, This piece is
and with your plan of living there ; and I approve Pnnted in
r J the old-fash-
much of your conclusion, that, in the mean time, we ioned style
should draw all the good we can from this world. with italics>
In my opinion, we might draw more good than we ^rlifkiin
do, and suffer less evil, if we would take care and not wrote it.
to give too much for whistles. For to me it seems
that most of the unhappy people we meet with are
become so by neglect of that caution.
You ask what I mean ? You love stories, and will
excuse my telling one of myself.
When I was a child of seven years old, my friends,
on a holiday, filled my pockets with coppers. I went
directly to a shop where they sold toys for children,
and being charmed with the sound of a whistle, that
I met by the way in the hands of another boy, I vol
untarily offered and gave all my money for one.
I then came home, and went whistling all over the
house, much pleased with my whistle, but disturbing
all the family. My brothers, and sisters, and cousins,
understanding the bargain I had made, told me I had
given four times as much for it as it was worth.
They put me in mind what good things I might have
bought with the rest of the money ; and laughed at
me so much for my folly, that I cried with vexation.
The reflection gave me more chagrin than the whistle
gave me pleasure.
This, however, was afterward of use to me, the
impression continuing on my mind ; so that often,
when I was tempted to buy some unnecessary thing,
Little Folks [NO. 7o
I said to myself, Don t give too much for the whistle ;
and I saved my money.
As I grew up, came into the world, and observed
the actions of men, I thought I met with many, very
many, who gave too much for the whistle.
When I saw one too ambitious of court favor, sac
rificing his time in attendance upon levees, his repose,
his liberty, his virtue, and perhaps his friends to at
tain it, I have said to myself, This man gives too much
for his ivhistle.
When I saw another fond of popularity, constantly
employing himself in political bustles, neglecting his
own affairs, and ruining them by that neglect, He
pays indeed, said I, too much for his whistle.
If I knew a miser, who gave up every kind of com
fortable living, all the pleasure of doing good to
others, all the esteem of his fellow-citizens, and the
joys of benevolent friendship, for the sake of accum
ulating wealth, Poor man, I said, you pay too much
for your whistle.
When I met with a man of pleasure, sacrificing every
laudable improvement of the mind, or of his fortune,
to mere corporeal sensations, and ruining his health
in their pursuit, Mistaken man, said I, you are provid
ing pain for yourself , instead of pleasure ; you give too
much for your whistle.
If I see one fond of appearance, or fine clothes,
fine houses, fine furniture, fine equipages, all above
his fortune, for which he contracts debts, and ends
his career in a prison, Alas ! say I, he has paid dear,
very dear, for his whistle.
When I see a beautiful, sweet-tempered girl married
to an ill-natured brute of a husband, What a pity, say
I, that she should pay so much for a whistle !
NO. 7o] Franklins W^ his tie 199
In short, I conceive that great part of the miseries
of mankind are brought upon them by the false esti
mates they have made of the value of things, and by
their giving too much for their whistles.
FROM A COLONIAL PICTURE BOOK.
PART VII
COLONIAL SCHOOLS
71
Letters from a Father to his
Son
BY JOHN WINTHROP (1622)
" To my beloved son, John Winthrop, at the Col
lege in Dublin.
Dear Son :
Though I have received no letters from you yet, I
cannot let any chance pass without some expression
of my fatherly affection, and care for your welfare.
Because of this affection, I am content to have you
absent from me at so great a distance, for I know
that God's power and care are alike in all places.
And as for my own comfort, it shall be in your suc
cess and well-doing wherever you may be.
Because I cannot so often put you in mind of those
things which concern your good, as if you were
nearer to me, you must take the more care to think
about those teachings which I give you. Try, by all
means, to keep in your heart the fear of God. And
let not the awful profaneness and contempt of un
godly men lessen the respectful and great regard for
the Great King, which is in your heart.
201
This was
written by
John Win
throp, later
governor of
Massachu
setts, to his
son, about
eight years
before he
came over to
America.
2O2 Colonial Schools [NO. 7i
But remember still, that the time is at hand when
they shall call the mountains to hide them from the
face of Him whom now they slight and pay no atten
tion to.
When you write back, let me know about the state
of things at your college. Tell me how you like it.
And remember my love to your teacher. Your grand
father, grandmother, and mother, send blessings to
you.
Your brothers and sisters are in health, I thank
God.' The Lord in mercy, fill your heart with his
goodness. May he keep you from all evil.
Your loving father,
JOHN WINTHROP.
GROTON, Aug. 6, 1622.
My Beloved Son, —
I pray the Lord to bless thee with goodness and
peace. I give him thanks for thy welfare. I hope,
through his goodness, that this sickness which is now
upon thee will turn to thy health. I received two
letters from you, written, I see, in haste. But they
were welcome to me and the rest, to your grand
mother and mother.
They all are glad that you like the college. I sent
you two letters a good while ago. I hope they will
reach you, though they may be long in going. The
further you are from me, the more careful I am of
your welfare, both in body and soul. The best way
to both of these lies in your own trying.
Your friends may pray for you and advise you ;
but your own faithfulness and watchfulness must be
added to make you blessed. God has given you a
No. 71]
Father to Son
203
tlmnopqrjf
large number of outward good things. You must try
to use them carefully.
Remember that your happiness is not in food,
drink, and such things, but in the favor of God for
your part in a better life. I
send you the books you wrote
for. I shall also send you
some cloth for a gown and suit.
For a study gown, you would
better buy some coarse Irish
cloth. I shall, if God is will
ing, write to you again soon.
Your grandfather and grand
mother will write to you also.
Your mother sends you her
blessings.
We are all in health, I thank
God. Remember my love to
your good teacher. The Lord
in mercy bless and keep you,
and direct and prosper your
study.
Your loving father,
JOHN WINTHROP.
tlu pout «?t)ort: 3mett 9
"^ B r f attu t,tol)tcf) art in tya-
i-/t)cnv©alot»<6 be tftp jSamtt
Hip Kingdom tomr.Tftn unl be
ionelw<£art[),aaiitsml9tat«m
tint bstfrs tap our OaitpbieaD
nDfoJBttubS ourirerpa(te?,as
t-t fo;aiue ti)fm that trefyalTe
and Itabtusnot into
GROTON, Aug. 31, 1622.
A HORN BOOK.
72. Letters from a Son to a Father
BY FORTH WINTHROP (1622)
Most Loving Father, —
Having such a chance as the coming down of my This is
room fellow, Thomas Archisden, I thought good,
204
Colonial Schools
[No. 72
letter — loves though in some haste, to write to you.
his father,
means to do
right, and
wants some
new clothes.
I hope you
are all in health as I am here, blessed be God Al
mighty.
I humbly pray him to help me by his holy spirit to
keep in the way of goodness and to escape the poi
sonous sins of these evil times. I was once entangled
in such sins, but I hope by the good spirit of God to
avoid them more and more.
My teacher sent down a letter to you some time
ago by Deverux. I did not know about it. Now I
have heard that he forgot to deliver it. I wish you
to send word whether you got it, for that Deverux,
as I am told, takes in hand letters to deliver and
then opens them and does not send them.
I suppose you have heard our college news about
the change in the rules of the library. The duke is
about to come to the college. If you have not heard
all this, Tom Ark. can tell you when he sees you.
I remember my duty to yourself and my mother, and
I send love to the rest of my friends. I wish always
to have your prayers and blessings. In haste, I am,
Your dutiful and obedient son,
F. WINTHROP.
I wish you to send me the shoes of which I wrote
you. I have need of some clothes, for these are
worn out. I ask you to send me, sometime when it
seems best, some stuff to make me clothes. Or do
as you think right about this.
NO. 73] A Learned U^oman 205
73. A Puritan's Objection to
Women's Education
BY GENERAL JOHN WINTHROP (1645)
MR. HOPKINS, the governor of Hartford upon Con
necticut, came to Boston and brought his wife with
him- (a godly young woman, and of special parts),
who was fallen into a sad infirmity, the loss of her
understanding and reason, which had been growing
upon her divers years, by
occasion of her giving herself
wholly to reading and writ
ing ; and she had written
many books. Her husband
being very loving and tender
of her, was loath to grieve
her; but he saw his error
when it was too late.
^-o-;^:fo,ris--- '
myG'gLagcE ...•-•Ciit^.'i:;
For
if she had attended to her
household affairs, and such
things as belong to women,
and had not gone out of her
way to meddle in such things
as are proper for men, whose
minds are stronger &c. she
had kept her wits and might
have improved them usefully
and honorably in the place
God had set her. He brought
her to Boston and left her with her brother, one Mr.
Yale, a merchant, to try what means might be had
for her. But no help could be had.
A SAMPLER.
We know
now that
girls can be
educated
without
learning to
neglect their
household
affairs.
2O6
Colonial Schools
[No. 74
74- Rules of Dorchester Schools
BY THE TOWN or DORCHESTER (1641)
THE schoolmaster shall faithfully attend his school
and do his best to benefit his scholars. In this he is
to use his best judgment, and not remain away from
school unless necessary. This would be to the dis
advantage of his
scholars and would
hinder their learning.
From the begin
ning of the first
month until the end
of the seventh, he
shall begin to teach
every day at seven
of the clock in the
morning. For the
other five months he
shall begin every day
at eight of the clock
in the morning and
end at four in the
afternoon.
Every day in the
year the usual time
fordismissingatnoon
COLONIAL HANDWRITING. shall be at eleven ; to
begin again at one.
But every second day of the week, he shall call his
scholars together between twelve and one of the clock
to examine them. This is to find out what they have
learned the Sabbath day before. At this time he shall
,--'->,
No. 74]
Good Rules
207
take notice of any wrong-doing or disorder that any
of his scholars have committed on the Sabbath.
Then at some suitable time he shall instruct them
how they must do at another time. Or he may pun
ish them if the offence shall require it.
He shall equally and impartially teach such as are
placed in his care. No matter whether their parents
be poor or rich, he shall not refuse any who have a
right and interest in the school.
Such as are placed in his care he shall faithfully
teach both in the regular school studies and also in
points of good manners. He shall teach them dutiful
behavior to all, especially those who are their superiors.
Every sixth day of the week he shall question his
scholars in the principles of Christian religion.
All men's efforts, without the blessing of God must
be fruitless and unsuccessful. Therefore it is to be
a chief part of the schoolmaster's duty to commend
his scholars and his work to God in prayer. This he
shall do morning and evening, taking care that his
scholars do devoutly listen during the prayer.
The rod of correction is a rule of God necessary
sometimes to be used upon children. It may easily
be abused by too much severity or too much kindness.
The schoolmaster shall have full power to punish all
or any of his scholars, no matter who they are.
He shall do as the offence seems to require. All
his scholars must be subject to this rule. No parent
or other person living in the place shall go about to
hinder the master in this.
But if any parent or others shall think there is just
cause for complaint against the master for too much
severity, they shall have liberty to tell him so in
friendly and loving way.
This warning
was neces
sary in a
century when
the richer
and more
influential
men were
always given
the better
places.
That is, every
Saturday.
At that time
parents and
teachers fre
quently
whipped
their childrer
with rods.
208
Colonial Schools
[No. 75
75
Harvard
College was
for more than
a century
the only col
lege in the
English
Colonies.
Until two
centuries
later the cost
of broken
Strict Rules for College Stu
dents
BY HARVARD COLLEGE (1660)
1. IT is hereby ordered that the president and fel
lows of Harvard College have the power to punish all
misdeeds of the young men in their college. They
are to use their best judgment and punish by fines or
whipping in the hall publicly, as the nature of the
offence shall call for.
2. No student shall live or board in the family or
private house of any person in Cambridge without
permission from the president and his teachers. And
if any shall have leave to do so, yet they shall attend
all college exercises both for religion and schooling.
They shall also be under college rules, and do as
others ought to do. In case any student shall be and
live in town out of the college grounds, more than
one month or several times, without permission, he
shall afterwards be looked upon as no member of the
college.
3. Former orders have not prevented unnecessary
damage to the college, by the roughness and careless
ness of certain students. Yet for their benefit a great
amount of money has been spent on these things.
It is therefore ordered that hereafter all possible
care shall be taken to prevent such injury to things.
And when any damage shall be found done to any
study room or other room used, the person or persons
living in it shall pay for this.
And where any damage shall be done to any part
of the college building (except by the act of God),
this shall be made good or paid for by all the students
NO. 75] College Rules 209
living in the college at the time when such damage windows was
shall be done or found to be done. This means dam- a^sessed on
all the
age to any empty room, the college fences, pump, students,
bell, clock, etc.
But if the person or persons that did these things
be discovered, he or they shall make good the dam
age. He or they shall also be in danger of further
punishment and fines for such misconduct.
If any student shall take any study room for his
use he shall pay the rent of it for a whole year,
whether he live in it so long or not. He shall be
under promise to leave the room in as good condition
as he found it when he first came into it.
Parents are greatly annoyed by reason of ill-treat- This shows
merit put upon their children when they first come J^JJ^JuSS
to college. This is because the older students send hundred and
them upon their own private errands. For the future forty years
great care shall be taken to prevent this same thing.
All doings of this kind shall be severely punished,
by a fine paid by such persons as shall do so. Or
they shall receive bodily punishment if it is consid
ered best.
4. M , H , and W— - were expelled from
college and their names cut out of the tables in the
dining room. By order of the president of the col
lege, this was done before all the fellows interested.
It was because of the disorder and bad actions of
these three young men toward Andrew Belcher.
They killed Grandma Sell's dog and stole ropes with
which to hang him. They hung him upon a sign
post at night, as one of them afterwards confessed
before the college authorities and before his com
panions. And at the time it was not denied in
any way; but two of the students afterwards got
2 i o Colonial Schools [NO. 76
the third one to say that after all what he had
related was not true. Many great lies were told
by all of them, and especially by one. And there
were many reasons for the belief that they committed
these crimes.
76. Benjamin Franklin's Boyhood
BY BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (1706)
I WAS the youngest son of my father, Josiah Frank
lin, and was born in Boston, New England. My
father had in all seventeen children ; of which I re
member thirteen sitting at once at his table.
I was put to the grammar school at eight years of
age, my father intending as an offering to God, to
make me a minister of the church. My readiness
in learning to read must have been very early as I
do not remember when I could not read. Later my
father sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic.
I learned good writing pretty soon but I failed in the
arithmetic. At ten years of age I was taken home
to help my father in his business.
He was a tallow-candle-maker and soap-boiler. He
was not brought up to follow this business. He had
gone into r, when he came to New England; for he
found his dyeing trade would not support his family.
So I was at work cutting wick for the candles, fill
ing the moulds for dipping the candles, keeping the
shop, and going on errands. I disliked the business.
I had a strong desire to go to sea ; but my father
declared against it.
Living near the water, I was much in and about it.
I learned early to swim well and to manage boats.
No. 76]
Ben Franklin
211
And when in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was
generally allowed to manage things, especially in any
case of danger.
Upon other occasions I was generally a leader
among the boys. Sometimes I led them into scrapes.
I will tell of one such time.
There was a salt marsh on one side of the mill
pond. On the edge of this, at high water, we used
to stand to fish for
minnows. By much
trampling we had
made it a mere
quagmire. My plan
was to build a
wharf there fit for
us to stand upon ;
and I showed my
comrades a large
heap of stones
which were intended for a new house near the marsh.
These would very well suit our purpose.
So, in the evening, when the workmen were gone,
I gathered together a number of my playfellows ; we
worked very hard, like so many ants. Sometimes two
or three of us were needed for one stone. Finally
we brought them all away and built our little wharf.
The next morning the workmen were surprised at
missing the stones, which were found in our wharf.
They began to ask who moved them. We were
found out and complaint was made. Several of us
were punished by our fathers. And although I said
for excuse that it was a useful kind of work, my
father convinced me that nothing was useful which
was not honest.
A SCHOOL-BOY'S TRUNK.
212 Colonial Schools [NO. 76
My father was often visited by leading people, who
asked his opinion in affairs of the town or of the
church to which he belonged. They showed a good
deal of respect for his judgement and advice. He
liked to have some sensible friend or neighbor to
talk with him at his table. He always took care to
start some useful subject for conversation, which
might help to improve the minds of his children.
By this means he turned our attention to what was
good, just, and wise in the affairs of life.
Little or no notice was ever taken of the food on
the table. If it was well or poorly prepared, in or
out of season, of good or bad flavor, better or worse
than some other thing of the kind, we did not discuss
it. I was brought up to pay so little attention to
these things, that I cared little what kind of food was
set before me. To this day, if I am asked, I can
hardly tell a few hours after dinner what I had to eat.
This has been a great convenience to me in travel
ling. When my companions have been very unhappy
sometimes for want of what would suit their more
delicate tastes I have been satisfied.
I never knew my father or my mother to have any
sickness but that of which they died, he at 89 and
she at 85 years of age. They lie buried together
at Boston, where I some years ago placed a tomb
stone over their grave.
From a child I was ever fond of reading, and all
the little money that came into my hands was ever
laid out in books. My father's little library was
chiefly of books on religious discussions, most of
which I read.
I have since often been sorry that, at a time when
I had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper books
No. 76]
Ben Franklin
213
had not fallen in my way, since it was later decided
I should not be a minister.
My taste for books at last caused my father to
make me a printer. I like it much better than my
father's business, but I still had a hankering for the
sea. To prevent this my father was in haste to have
me bound to my brother as an apprentice in the
printing business.
As funs the Glafs, .':&
Our Life doth pafs; ;£
My Book and Heart
Mull never part. ;
Lot fled to Z*tr, .f;
Saw fiery Shower ~!
On Stdtm pour. •':•.
Afwfovrasht :i
Who 1jr»T* Hoft ^
Led lhn>* the Seat '••. <
Noah did vjew
TheoldworJd&new.
AH were plom.
Peter den/<I
His Lord and cry'd.
Queen Efther fues,
Young pious Ruth-
Left all for Truth,
Young a
The Lord
did fear.
THE NEW ENGLAND PRIMER.
I now had a chance to read better books. Know
ing the apprentices of book-sellers enabled me some
times to borrow a small one which I was careful to
return clean. Often I sat up in my room reading
the greatest part of the night, when the book was
borrowed in the evening and had to be returned early
in the morning.
After some time, Mr. Matthew Adams, who had a
214 Colonial Schools [NO. 77
pretty collection of books, took notice of me, invited
rne to his library, and very kindly lent me such books
as I chose to read.
77. School Days and School Fights
BY JOHN BARNARD (1687-1700)
I, JOHN BARNARD, was born at Boston, November
6, 1 68 1. My parents were respectable and very
pious and charitable. In the spring of my eighth
year I was sent to the grammar school.
My master was the aged and famous Mr. Ezekiel
Cheever, and well he merited the fame so heartily
given him. I have many interesting memories of him.
He placed me in the lowest class/ but finding that
I soon read through my books, he put me, after a
few weeks, into a higher class, and the next year
made me the head of it.
Although my master put me in a higher class, I
was a very naughty boy, much given to play. So at
last he said before all : " You, Barnard, I know you
can do well enough if you will. But you are so full
of play that you hinder your classmates from getting
their lessons. Therefore, if any of them cannot say
their lessons I shall correct you for it."
One unlucky day, one of my classmates did not
look into his book, so he could not say his lesson,
although I had once and again told him to mind his
book. Therefore, my master beat me. I told my
master the reason why he could not say his lesson
was his saying that he would beat me if any of the
class could not do their part in lessons. Ever since
NO. 77] Discipline 215
he said that this boy would not look into his book,
though I told him to mind his book as the class could
prove.
The boy was pleased with my being punished and
kept on failing in his lessons. For this I was still
punished, and so for several days. I thought in jus
tice I ought to punish the boy, and make him do
better.
So, after school was done, I went up to him and
told him I had been beaten several times for his fail
ures. I told him that since the master would not
punish him I would, and I should do so as often "as
I was punished for him. Then I drubbed him well.
The boy never came to school any more. And so
that unfortunate matter ended.
Though I was often beaten for my play, and my
little roguish tricks, yet I don't remember that I was
ever beaten for my lessons more than once or twice.
Once, in a Latin lesson, my master found fault
with the way I used a word. It was not used so by
me, carelessly, but on purpose. So I told him there
was a plain grammar rule for it. He angrily replied
there was no such rule. I took the grammar and
showed the rule to him. Then he smilingly said,
" Thou art a brave boy. I had forgotten it." And
no wonder ; for he was then more than eighty years
old.
2 1 6 Colonial Schools [NO. 7s
78. Indian Students at William
and Mary College
BY GOVERNOR SPOTSWOOD (1711-1712)
VIRGINIA, Nov. 11, 1711.
To my Lord Dartmouth, —
My Lord :
I . have given your lordship an account of my
intention to meet and treat with the Tuscarora Ind
ians for securing the peace of this colony and pun
ishing the Indians who had part in the recent savage
massacre.
My messenger is returned. He brought with him
five of the chief men of that nation to represent the
rest. These chiefs came at a very good time, just
as I had brought into view a body of militia consist
ing of about sixteen hundred men. So great an
appearance of armed men in such good order very
much surprised them.
It gave them a better opinion of the strength of
this government than they before had. I thought
this a good time to let them know what I expected
of their nation if they wished to keep our friendship.
I told them that either they must themselves carry
on a war with our Indian foes or help us to destroy
them. And that we might be the better assured of
their friendship I proposed that two of the sons of
the chief men in each of their towns should be edu
cated at our college. These sons were to be sent to
our government as hostages.
The king of the Nausemonds has sent his son and
cousin. The Nottaways and Meherrins have each
NO. 78] Indian Students 217
sent two of their chief men's sons to the college.
They have consented for them to be brought up in
the Christian religion.
To encourage them I have taken care to have them
well clothed and kindly treated. The queen of Pa-
munkey, upon seeing their good treatment has also
promised that her son and one of the sons of a chief
in her nation, shall soon be sent. I expect one from
the Chickahominys.
That they shall no longer pay tribute of skins is
one of the conditions upon which they send their
children to the college. It was as much with an
intention to bring the Indians to accept Christianity,
as to secure their friendship to the government, that
I proposed to have their children here.
There are now about twenty-five Indian children
at the college. They have a master to teach them,
and are decently clothed and cared for ; so that they
seem very well pleased. So also are their parents,
and others of their nations, who come often to see
them.
These Indians express much satisfaction at the
treatment which is given to their children. They
often grieve that they were not so fortunate as to
have such advantages in their young days.
Among the Indian children now at the college
there are several that can read and write quite well.
They can repeat the church catechism and know how
to take part in the service at church. Both the boys
and the parents show a great desire that they should
receive baptism.
2l8
Colonial Schools
[No 79
79. A Philadelphia School-Boy
BY ALEXANDER GRAYDEN (1760-1766)
WHEN I was about eight years of age, it was deemed
expedient to enter me at the academy, and I was
accordingly introduced by my father to Mr. Kinnes-
ley, the teacher of Eng
lish and professor of
oratory. The task of
the younger boys, at
least, consisted in learn
ing to read and to write
their mother tongue
grammatically ; and one
day in the week, I think
Friday, was set apart
for the recitation of se
lect passages in poetry
and prose.
For this purpose, each
scholar, in his turn, as
cended the stage, and
said his speech, as the
phrase was. This speech
was carefully taught him
by his master, both with
respect to its pronunci
ation, and the action
deemed suitable to its
IN SCHOOL. -,
several parts. More
profit attended my reading. Aft^r yEsop's fables,
A French and an abridgement of the Roman history, Telema-
chus was put into our hands ; and if it be admitted
book.
NO. 79] Philadelphia 219
that the human heart may be bettered by instruction,
mine, I may aver, was benefited by this work of the
virtuous Fenelon.
A few days after I had been put under the care
of Mr. Kinnersley, I was told by my class mates,
that it was necessary for me to fight a battle with
some one, in order to establish my claim to the honor
of being an academy boy. I found that the place of
battle was fixed, and that a certain John Appowen,
a lad who was better set and older than myself,
though not quite so tall, was pitted against me. A
combat immediately began between Appowen and
myself, which for some time was maintained on each
side with equal vigor and determination, when un
luckily, I received his fist directly in my gullet. The
blow for a time depriving me of breath and the power
of resistance, the victory was declared for my adver
sary, though not without the acknowledgment of the
party, that I had at least behaved well, and shown
myself not unworthy of the name of an academy
boy.
I have said that I was about to enter the Latin
School. The person whose pupil I was consequently
to become, was Mr. John Beveridge, a native of Scot
land, who retained the smack of his mother tongue
in its primitive purity. His acquaintance with the
language which he taught, was, I believe, justly
deemed to be very accurate and profound. But as to
his other acquirements, after excepting the game of
backgammon, in which he was said to excel, truth
will not warrant me in saying a great deal. He was,
however, diligent ?nd laborious in his attention to his
school ; and if he had possessed the faculty of mak
ing himself beloved by the scholars, and of exciting
220
Colonial Schools
[No. 80
Very few
boys of four
teen nowa
days have
read these
Latin
authors.
their emulation and exertion, nothing would have
been wanting in him to an entire qualification for his
office. But unfortunately, he had no dignity of char
acter, and was no less destitute of the art of making
himself respected than beloved. Though not per
haps intolerably severe, he made a pretty free use of
the rattan and the ferule, but to very little purpose.
As my evil star would have it, I was thoroughly
tired of books and confinement, and my mother's
advice and even entreaties were overruled by my
extreme repugnance to a longer continuance in the
school. So, to my lasting regret, I bid it adieu when
a little turned of fourteen, at the very season when
the minds of the studious begin to profit by instruc
tion. We were at this time reading Horace and
Cicero, having passed through Ovid, Virgil, Caesar,
and Sallust.
80. A Word about Schools
BY DR. ABEL ABBOT (ABOUT 1780)
A WORD about schools. These were poor enough.
We used to read, spell, write, and do numbers.
The primer, spelling book, and the Bible were the
books. My father became aware that the schools
were useless and hired Mr. John Abbott, who was
then in college, to teach a month in his vacation. He
then invited other people to send their children free.
This made the schools there of a different sort.
For a number of years after this good teachers were
hired for about eight weeks in the winter. They
were usually students from college. Other places
then began to have as good schools.
NO. soj Plain Fare 221
I respect my father and mother deeply for their
anxiety and sacrifices to give their children the best
education possible. Their children, grandchildren,
and so on to the twentieth generation will have reason
to bless the memory of parents of such true worth.
Now for something else. For breakfast in olden
times there was bread and milk, as soon as the cows
were milked. About nine o'clock there was a lunch
eon of bread and cheese, or fried pork and potatoes.
For dinner we had a good Indian pudding. Often
there were blue-berries or suet in it. We had also for
dinner pork and beef, through the winter and spring,
besides potatoes, turnips, and cabbage.
At four or five o'clock in the summer evenings, we
had some bread and cheese or the like. For supper
we had bread and milk.
When there was company chocolate was used for
breakfast, but no coffee. Pewter basins and some
times wooden bowls were used. Wooden plates were
used for dinner. When a friend dined pewter plates
and spoons were used by father, mother, and the
friend.
I do not think that swearing was ever heard in the
town until after the Revolution. I do not remember
seeing my father or mother angry ; but they were
sometimes displeased no doubt. I do not remember
more than one man being drunk.
Rum was commonly used at the raising of build
ings. If the raising was finished before night, the
men amused themselves with wrestling, goal, and
coits. Goal was the favorite game of the boys after
thanksgiving and Election days, the only holidays
which I remember.
222 Colonial Schools [No. si
8 i. From Childhood to College
BY SAMUEL KNEELAND (ABOUT 1750)
THE most remarkable thing in my childhood was a
wonderful talent which I possessed to imitate any
thing that I saw or heard. I could grunt like a hog,
roar like a lion, or bellow like a bull. I was once
very near being worried by a pack of rascally dogs,
who took me for a fox, I deceived their ears with so
natural a squeal. I was a particular favorite of all
the hens in the neighborhood ; I rivalled the cock
with a crow as exquisite as it was inimitable. I will
add for the satisfaction of my enemies, that when
I hoot they would infallibly take me for an owl.
Also on occasion, I can bray so very advantageously,
that few donkeys can go beyond me.
Nay, to such a perfection am I now arrived in the
art of mimicry, that I am able not only to make any
sound that I hear, but I have a faculty of looking like
anybody I think fit. There is no person whom I
have ever seen, but I can immediately throw all his
features into my face, assume his air and monopolize
his whole countenance. I remember when I was a
school-boy my master once gave me an unlucky rap
on my pate, for a fault committed by Giles Horror,
whose visage I had at that time most unfortunately
put on. Esau Absent may remember to this day, if
he is living, how his mother took me for him, when I
marched off in triumph, with a huge lunch of bread
and butter, that was just spread for Esau's dinner.
When I was three years old, I was sent to school
to a mistress, where I learned to read with great dis
patch ; in my fifth year, I was taken away and put to
A COLONIAL SCHOOL-GIRL (MISTRESS CAMPION).
224
Colonial Schools
[No. 82
a writing master. In my seventh year I could flour
ish a tolerable hand, and began my grammar. By the
time that I was fourteen, I was considerably profi
cient in the Latin and Greek languages, and was
admitted into Harvard College.
Fithian was a
graduate of
Princeton
College who
went down
to Virginia
to be the
tutor of the
children of
the wealthy
Carter
family, at
their estate
called Nom-
ini Hall.
Horse races
were the
favorite
amusement
of the time in
the southern
colonies, and
were usually
followed by a
ball called
the Assem
bly.
82. A Tutor and his Pupils
BY PHILIP FITHIAN (1773-1774)
Monday^ November i. We began school. The
school consists of eight. Two of Mr. Carters sons,
one nephew, and five daughters. The eldest son is
reading Sallust ; grammatical exercises, and Latin
grammar. The second son is reading English gram
mar, and reading English writing, and ciphering in
subtraction. The nephew is reading and writing as
above ; and ciphering in reduction. The eldest
daughter is reading the Spectator, writing, and be
ginning to cipher. The second is reading now out of
the spelling-book, and beginning to write. The next
is reading in the spelling-book. The fourth is spell
ing in the beginning of the spelling-book. And the
last is beginning her letters.
Thursday, November 25. Rode this morning to
Richmond Courthouse, where two horses ran for a
purse of 500 pounds : besides small bets almost in
numerable. One of the horses belonged to Colonel
John Tayloe, and is called Yorick ; the other to Dr.
Flood, and is called Gift. The Assembly was re
markably numerous ; beyond my expectation and
exceedingly polite in general. The horses started
precisely at five minutes after three ; the course was
NO. 82] ^4 Virginia Tutor 225
one mile in circumference, they performed the first
round in two minutes, the third in two minutes
and a half. Yorick came out the fifth time round
about 40 rods ahead of Gift; both horses, when the
riders dismounted proved very lame ; they ran five
miles, and carried 180 pounds.
Almost every lady wears a red cloak ; and when
they ride out they tie a red handkerchief over their
head and face, so that when I first came into Virginia,
I was distressed whenever I saw a lady, for I thought
she had the toothache. The people are extremely
hospitable, and very polite, both of which are most
certainly universal characteristics of the gentlemen
in Virginia. Some swear bitterly, but the practice
seems to be generally disapproved. I have heard
that this country is notorious for gaming; however
that may be, I have not seen a pack of cards, nor a
die, since I left home, nor gaming nor betting of any
kind except at the Richmond-race. Almost every
gentleman of condition, keeps a chariot and four;
many drive with six horses. I observe that all the
merchants and shopkeepers in the sphere of my
acquaintance are young Scotchmen, several of whom
I know. It has been the custom heretofore to have
all their tutors, and schoolmasters from Scotland,
tho' they begin to be willing to employ their own
countrymen.
In the evening Ben Carter and myself had a long
dispute on the practice of fighting. He thinks it
best for two persons who have any dispute to go
out in good-humour and fight manfully, and says that
they will be sooner and longer friends than to brood
and harbour malice. Mr. Carter is practising this
evening on the guitar. He has here at home a
Q
226 Colonial Schools [NO. s2
harpsichord, forte-piano, harmonica, guitar, violin,
and German flutes, and at Williamsburg, he has a
good pipe organ.
In the morning so soon as it is light a boy knocks
at my door to make a fire ; after the fire is kindled, I
rise which now in the winter is commonly by seven,
or a little after. By the time I am drest the children
commonly enter the school-room, which is under the
room I sleep in ; I hear them round one lesson, when
the bell rings for eight o-clock (for Mr. Carter has a
large good bell which may be heard some miles, and
this is always rung at meal times;) the children then
go out; and at half after eight the bell rings for
breakfast, we then repair to the dining-room ; after
breakfast, which is generally about half after nine,
we go into school, and sit till twelve, when the bell
rings, and they go out for noon ; the dinner-bell rings
commonly about half after two, often at three, but
never before two. After dinner is over, which in com
mon, when we have no company, is about half after
three we go into school, and sit til the bell rings at
five, when they separate til the next morning. We
go into supper commonly about half after eight or at
nine and I usually go to bed between ten and eleven.
Saturday, December 18. After breakfast, we all
retired into the dancing room, and after the scholars
had their lesson singly round Mr. Christian, very
politely, requested me to step a minuet ; I excused
myself, however, but signified my peculiar pleasure
in the accuracy of their performance. There were
several minuets danced with great ease and propriety ;
after which the whole company joined in country-
dances, and it was indeed beautiful to admiration, to
see such a number of young persons, set off by dress
NO. 82] A Virginia Tutor 227
to the b'est advantage, moving easily, to the sound of
well performed music, and with perfect regularity,
IN A LIBRARY.
tho' apparently in the utmost disorder. The dance
continued till two, we dined at half after three.
Soon after dinner we repaired to the dancing-room
228 Colonial Schools [NO. s2
again ; I observe in the course of the lessons, that
Mr. Christian is punctual, and rigid in his discipline,
so strict indeed that he struck two of the young
Misses for a fault in the course of their perform
ance, even in the presence of the mother of one of
them ! And he rebuked one of the young fellows
so highly as to tell him he must alter his manner,
which he had observed through the course of the
dance, to be insolent, and wanton, or else absent
himself from the school. I thought this a sharp
reproof to a young gentleman of seventeen, before a
large number of ladies ! Nothing is now to be heard
of in conversation, but the balls, the fox-hunts, the
fine entertainments, anci the good fellowship, which
are to be exhibited at the approaching Christmas.
Mr. Goodlet was barred out of his school last Mon
day by his scholars, for Christmas holidays, which
are to continue till twelfth-day ; but my scholars are
of a more quiet nature, and have consented to have
four or five days now, and to have their full holiday
in May next, when I propose by the permission of
Providence to go home, where I hope to see the
good and benevolent Laura.
When the candles were lighted, we all repaired, for
the last time, into the dancing-room ; first each couple
danced a minuet ; then all joined as before in the
country dances, these continued till half after seven
when at the proposal of several, we played Button, to
get pawns for redemption ; here I could join with
them, and indeed it was carried on with sprightliness,
and decency ; in the course of redeeming my pawns
I had several kisses of the ladies ! Half after eight
we were rung in to supper. The room looked lumi
nous and splendid ; four very large candles burning on
NO. 82] Christmas 229
the table where we supped ; three others in different
parts of the room ; a gay, sociable assembly, and four
well instructed waiters ! So soon as we rose from
supper, the company formed into a semicircle round
the fire, and Mr. Lee, by the voice of the Company
was chosen Pope, and the rest of the company were
appointed Friars, in the Play called " Break the Pope's
Neck." Here we had great diversion in the respective
judgments upon offenders, but we were all dismissed
by ten, and retired to our several rooms.
Saturday, December 25. I was waked this morn
ing by guns fired all round the house. The morning
is stormy, the wind at south east and it rains hard.
Nelson the boy who makes my fire, blacks my shoes,
does errands, &c. was early in my room. He made
me a vast fire, blacked my shoes, set my room in
order, and wished me a joyful Christmas, for which
I gave him half a bit. Soon after he left the room, Half a bit
and before I was drest, the fellow who makes the ^{utten
fire in our school room, dressed very neatly in green,
but almost drunk, entered my chamber with three
or four profound bows, and made me the same saluta
tion ; I gave him a bit, and dismissed him as soon as
possible. Soon after my clothes and linen were sent
in with a message for a Christmas box, as they call
it; I sent the poor slave a bit, and my thanks. I
was obliged for want of small change, to put off for
some days the barber who shaves and dresses me.
There were at table Mrs. Carter and her five
daughters that are at school with me — Miss Pris-
cilla, Nancy, Fanny, Betsy, and Harriot, five as beau
tiful delicate, well-instructed children as I have
ever known ! Ben is abroad ; Bob and Harry are
out.
230 Colonial Schools [NO. 82
Ben, the eldest, is a youth of genius: of warm im
petuous disposition ; desirous of acquiring knowledge,
docile, vastly inquisitive and curious in mercantile,
and mechanical matters, very fond of horses and
takes great pleasure in exercising them.
Bob, the other brother, is by no means destitute of
capacity. He is extremely volatile and unsettled in
his temper, which makes it almost wholly impossible
to fix him for any time to the same thing, on which
account he has made but very little advancement in
any one branch of study, and this is attributed to
barrenness of genius. He is slovenly, clumsy, very
fond of shooting, of dogs, and of horses, but a very
stiff rider, good natured, pleased with the society of
persons much below his family, and estate and tho'
quick and wrathful in his temper, yet he is soon mod
erated, and easily subdued.
Harry, the nephew, is rather sullen in his make.
He is obstinate, tho' steady, and makes a slow uni
form advance in his learning, he is vastly kind to
me, but in particular to my horse.
Miss Priscilla, the eldest daughter, about 16 years
old, is steady, studious, docile, quick of apprehension,
and makes good progress in what she undertakes ;
she is small of her age, has a mild winning presence,
a sweet obliging temper, never swears, which is here
a distinguished virtue, dances finely, plays well on
keyed instruments, and is on the whole in the first
class of the female sex.
Nancy, the second, is not without some few of those
qualities which are by some (I think with great ill-
nature, and with little or no truth) said to belong
intirely to the fair sex. I mean great curiosity,
eagerness for superiority, ardor in friendship, but
No. 82]
Young People
231
bitterness and rage where there is enmity. She is
not constant in her disposition, nor diligent nor
attentive to her business. But she has her excellen
cies, she is cheerful, tender in her temper, easily
SCHOOL DAYS.
managed by perswasion, and is never without what
seems to have been a common gift of Heaven to the
fair-sex, readiness of expression !
Fanny, the next, is in her person, according to my
judgment the flower of the family. She has a strong
resemblance to her Mamma, who is an elegant, beau
tiful woman. Miss Fanny seems to have a remark-
232
Colonial Schools
[No. 83
able sedateness, and simplicity in her countenance,
which is always rather cheerful than melancholy ;
she has nothing with which we can find fault in her
person, but has something in the features of her face
which insensibly pleases us, and always when she is
in sight draws our attention, and much the more be
cause there seems to be for every agreeable feature a
corresponding action which improves and adorns it.
Betsy, the next, is young, quiet, and obedient.
Harriet is bold, fearless, noisy and lawless ; always
merry, almost never displeased ; she seems to have
a heart easily moved by the force of music ; she has
learned many tunes and can strike any note, or succes
sion of notes perfectly with the flute or harpsichord,
and is never wearied with the sound of music either
vocal or instrumental.
These are the persons who are at present under
my direction, and whose general character I have
very imperfectly attempted to describe.
This extract
is a good-
natured
piece of fun
at the ex
pense of the
college pro
fessors of the
time.
83. A Mock Examination
BY FRANCIS HOPKINSON (1784)
METAPHYSICS
PROFESSOR. WHAT is a salt-box ?
STUDENT. It is a box made to contain salt.
PROF. How is it divided ?
STU. Into a salt-box, and a box of salt.
PROF. Very well ! — show the distinction.
STU. A salt-box may be where there is no salt;
but salt is absolutely necessary to the existence of a
box of salt.
NO. 83] A Mock Examination 233
PROF. Are not salt-boxes otherwise divided ?
STU. Yes : by a partition.
PROF. What is the use of this partition ?
STU. To separate the coarse salt from the fine.
PROF. How ? — think a little.
STU. To separate the fine salt from the coarse.
PROF. To be sure : — it is to separate the fine
from the coarse : but are not salt-boxes yet otherwise
distinguished ?
STU. Yes : into possible, probable, and positive.
PROF. Define these several kinds of salt-boxes.
STU. A possible salt-box is a salt-box yet unsold in
the hands of the joiner.
PROF. Why so?
STU. Because it hath never yet become a salt-box
in fact, having never had any salt in it; and it may pos
sibly be applied to some other use.
PROF. Very true : — for a salt-box which never
had, hath not now, and perhaps never may have,
any salt in it, can only be termed a possible salt-box.
What is a probable salt-box ?
STU. It is a salt-box in the hand of one going to a
shop to buy salt, and who hath six-pence in his pocket
to pay the grocer : and a positive salt-box is one which
hath actually got salt in it.
PROF. Very good : — but is there no instance of
a positive salt-box which hath no salt in it ?
STU. I know of none.
PROF. Yes : there is one mentioned by some au
thors : it is where a box hath by long use been so
impregnated with salt, that although all the salt hath
been long since emptied out, it may yet be called a
salt-box, with the same propriety that we say a salt
herring, salt beef, &c.
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