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Children's Drawings 

as Measures 

of Intellectual Maturity 



CHILDREN'S DRAWINGS 
AS MEASURES OF 
INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



A Revision and Extension 

of the Goodenough Draw-a-Man Test 



DALE B. HARRIS 

The Pennsylvania State University 




HARCOURT, BRACE & WORLD, INC. 

New Yor Chicago Burlingame 



1963 by Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. 

All rights reserved. No part of this boolc may be repro- 
duced in any form or by any mechanical means, including 
mimeograph and tape recorder, without permission in writ- 
ing from the publisher. 

Printed in the United States of America 



To the memory of Florence L. Goodenough 



Preface 



A PREFACE OFTEN SERVES the author better than the reader. It 
gives the author an opportunity to explain those circumstances that facilitated, 
or limited, his project. Thus it serves a valuable personal function by giving 
"closure" to the author. One also has, of course, the pleasant satisfaction of 
acknowledging publicly the assistance of colleagues and friends. 

This project originally was undertaken collaboratively with Dr. Florence L. 
Goodenough, as a revision of her well-known scale. Her illness prevented active 
collaboration, but her interest was always keen. 

The present book has sought to accomplish several goals: to put in order 
certain uncompleted aspects of the Goodenough research, and to extend the 
knowledge of the psychology of children's drawings through certain original re- 
searches. In the process of these researches, including the revision and at- 
tempted extension of the original scale, the author's respect for this brief test 
of intellectual maturity steadily increased, as did the author's respect for the 
validity of Dr. Goodenough's original ideas. Dr. Goodenough outlined the 
true scope of the problem and delineated essential dimensions in 1926, in her 
short but insightful book. The present work has built onto, but not substan- 
tively changed, the insights of that work. 

Another goal the author sought was to present a comprehensive survey of 
the literature on children's drawings in this country and abroad. The major 
theoretical positions reflected in this literature have been outlined. Such an 
encyclopedic review assembles so many contradictory findings that generaliza- 
tions are necessarily broad. Much contemporary psychology rather vigorously 
disowns eclectic empiricism. As a result, reviews of the literature are sometimes 
made in terms of one theoretical position. The danger in this approach is that 
materials failing to support the chosen position are overlooked, ignored, or 
discarded outright. The oversimplified position presented may mislead several 
generations of students by its easy, persuasive statement, based on what is in 
fact a selected body of evidence. 

Despite the acknowledged dangers of eclecticism, the author has tried faith- 
fully to set forth the contending and contrasting points of view, He believes 
that in a field as amorphous and as theoretically undeveloped as the psychol- 
ogy of children's drawings, a comprehensive survey is essential to reveal where 
theory may profitably be constructed. 



vn 



As must be the case, the author's expressions of appreciation list only a few 
of the many persons who have contributed significantly to his work. More 
than he can express he regrets the fact that Florence Goodenough herself did 
not live to see this work brought to conclusion. To John E. Anderson, former 
teacher and, later, colleague, he expresses his gratitude for many stimulating 
and insightful discussions of the psychology of art and drawing, for critical 
reading of parts of the manuscript, and for many valuable suggestions which 
have been incorporated. Professors John Hall and Arthur Brayfield of The 
Pennsylvania State University also contributed critical readings of the manu- 
script. Dr. Pramila Phatak of the University of Baroda, India, made helpful 
suggestions on the final scoring instructions, growing out of her extensive work 
with children's drawings in India and in the United States. To art educators, 
Clifton Gayne of the University of Minnesota and Kenneth Beittel of The 
Pennsylvania State University, the author owes an appreciative statement for 
their helpfulness with respect to children's art. Dr. Beittel also contributed 
critical readings which were most valuable. Professor Robert Spencer, anthro- 
pologist at the University of Minnesota, was instrumental in obtaining the 
sample of drawings from Eskimo children at schools in Alaska. 

To students and other colleagues and to his research assistants who supplied 
so many valuable hours, the author owes a particular debt of gratitude. He 
only hopes that these people gained in some proportion as they gave to his 
work. 

Elizabeth S. Harris made considerable contributions to the research and to 
the preparation of the manuscript. At a time when the author's professional 
duties were particularly pressing, she relieved him of work with the proofs. 
This assistance is gratefully acknowledged. Appreciation is also expressed to 
Miss Mariette de Groot of the Netherlands, who helped with the translation 
of Dutch sources. 

Substantial contributions to the project were made from the Graduate Re- 
search Fund of the University of Minnesota, by the Institute of Child Devel- 
opment and Welfare of that University in research facilities, and by the Psy- 
chology Department of The Pennsylvania State University, also in time and 
facilities. 

DALE B. HARRIS 



vm 



Contents 



Preface vii 

List of Tables xi 

List of Plates xiii 

PART ONE 

I Introduction 1 

II Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 10 

III The Clinical and Projective Uses of Children's Drawings 37 

IV Methodology of the Revised Scale 68 
V Reliability and Validity of the Scales 90 

VI Standardization of the Revised Man Scale and the Woman Scale 100 

VII Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 108 

VIII Nonintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 126 

IX The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions Concerning 155 

Drawing Behavior 

X The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 174 

XI Children's Art 211 

XII Summary and Conclusions 225 

PART TWO 

The Test Manual 239 

Administering the Test 239 

General Scoring Instructions for the Point Scales 242 
Uses of the Drawing Test 246 
Requirements for Scoring the Draw-a-Man Scale 248 
Scoring Examples 264 
Scoring Practice 270 

Short Scoring Guide, Man Point Scale 275 
Requirements for Scoring the Draw-a-Woman Scale 276 
Short Scoring Guide, Woman Point Scale 292 
Instructions for Converting Rmv Scores to Standard Scores 293 
Instructions for Using the Quality Scales 302 
Plates for the Quality Scales 303 

ix 



Instructions for Converting Quality Scale Scores to Standard 

Scores 309 
Instructions for Converting Standard Scores to Percentile 

Ranks 311 
Completed Test Booklet 312 

Appendix 317 

Instructions to Judges Used in Preparing Quality Scales 317 
Statistical Data on Quality Scale Plates 318 
Guide for Analysis of Self Drawing 319 
Scoring for Figures 9a-33, Chapter IV, Pages 79-86 322 
Scoring for Figures 34a-45b, Chapter VIII , Pages 135-138 327 
Bibliography 331 

Name Index 353 

Subject Index 357 



List of Tables 



1 Distribution, by Parental Socioeconomic Status (Occupational Group), 74 
of Age Samples for Validation of Scale Items 

2 Mean Scores of Drawings Showing One Hand or Both Hands, Com- 87 
pared with Drawings Concealing Both Hands 

3 Mean Scores of Full or Partial Profile Drawings Compared with Full- 87 
Face Drawings 

4 Reliability of the Drawing Scales; Intercorrelations Between Two Inde- 91 
pendent Scorers 

5 Analysis of Variance of Goodenough Scores Made by Children in Four 92 
Kindergarten Groups on Each of Ten Successive School Days 

6 Effect of Examiner vs. Classroom Teacher as Administrator of the Draw- 92 
a-Man Test (Time Interval One Week) 

7 Summary of Correlations Between Goodenough Scores and Scores on 96 
Other Psychological Tests 

8 Comparison Between 1926 and Revised Draw-a-Man Scales 99 

9 Distribution of Standardization Samples by Parental Socioeconomic 101 
Status (Occupational Group) 

10 Means and Standard Deviations of Point Scores for the Standardization 102 
Group, Man Scale 

11 Smoothed Means and Standard Deviations for the Standardization 102 
Group, Man Scale 

12 Means and Standard Deviations of Point Scores for the Standardization 103 
Group, Woman Scale 

13 Smoothed Means and Standard Deviations for the Standardization 103 
Group, Woman Scale 

14 Correlations Between Man and Woman Scales at Selected Ages 106 

1 5 Correlations Between Judges Using the Quality Scale to Rate Drawings 1 1 3 
of a Man by Seven-Year-Olds (N = 75), Twelve-Year-Olds (N = 75) 

and a Heterogeneous Age Group, Ages Five to Fifteen (N = 110) 

16 Correlations Between Two Judges Using 12-Step and 23-Step Quality 113 
Scales to Evaluate Drawings of a Man by Seven-Year-Olds (N = 75) 

and a Heterogeneous Age Group (N = 110) 

17 Judges' Ratings of Three Groups of Children's Drawings of a Man Using 1 1 3 
12- and 23-Step Quality Scales Correlated with Point Scores of the Same 
Drawings 

xi 



18 Means and Standard Deviations of Quality Scale Scores Assigned by 115 
Three Raters 

19 Intel-correlations Between Quality Scale Scores Assigned by Three 115 
Judges 

20 Means and Standard Deviations for Quality Scale on Standardization 116 
Samples, Man Drawing 

21 Means and Standard Deviations for Quality Scale on Standardization 116 
Samples, Woman Drawing 

22 Smoothed and Interpolated Means and Standard Deviations for Quality 117 
Scale Scores, Man Drawing 

23 Smoothed and Interpolated Means and Standard Deviations for Quality 117 
Scale Scores, Woman Drawing 

24 Correlations Between Scores on Point and Quality Scales 118 

25 Estimates of Probable Correlations Between Scores on Point and Quality 119 
Scales 

26 Regression Equations for Estimating Point Score (X') from an Ob- 123 
tained Value on the Quality Scale (Y), and Standard Errors of Esti- 
mate, Man Drawing 

27 Regression Equations for Estimating Point Score (X') from an Ob- 123 
tained Value on the Quality Scale (Y), and Standard Errors of Esti- 
mate, Woman Drawing 

28 Sex Differences in Performance on Drawing Test Items, Significance 128 
Evaluated by the Dixon-Mood Test 

29 Smoothed Means for Eskimo Group Compared with Standardization 131 
Group, Man Scale 

30 Per Cent of Eskimo Drawings Illustrating Different Types of Garb 1 34 

31 Per Cent of Eskimo Drawings Illustrating Different Types of Garb, by 134 
Local School 

32 Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores: Drawing of a 294 
Man, by Boys 

33 Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores: Drawing of a 296 
Man, by Girls 

34 Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores: Drawing of 298 
a Woman, by Boys 

35 Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores: Drawing of a 300 
Woman, by Girls 

36 Standard Score Equivalents for Quality Scale Scores: Drawing of a Man, 309 
by Boys "" 

37 Standard Score Equivalents for Quality Scale Scores: Drawing of a Man, 309 
by Girls 

38 Standard Score Equivalents for Quality Scale Scores: Drawing of a 310 
Woman, by Boys 

39 Standard Score Equivalents for Quality Scale Scores: Drawing of a 310 
Woman, by Girls "** 

40 Percentile Rank Equivalents for Standard Scores 3 1 1 

xii 



List of Plates 



I Smoothed Raw Score Means, Man Drawing 104 

II Smoothed Raw Score Means, Woman Drawing 105 

III Mean Point and Quality Scale Scores, Man Drawing 120 

IV Mean Point and Quality Scale Scores, Woman Drawing 121 

V Boys' Drawing of a Man: Accuracy of the Point Scale and of Point 124 
Scores Estimated from the Quality Scale 

VI Boys' Drawing of a Woman: Accuracy of the Point Scale and of Point 125 
Scores Estimated from the Quality Scale 

VII Comparison of Items in Original and Restandardization Series 141 



xin 



Preface 

and oceans. I could see my parents, brother and sister, relatives, 
friends, and enemies. They moved, they spoke. One person would 
draw another, one event lead to another. Thoughts, feelings, and 
words that had been slumbering within me rose to the surface, I dis- 
covered that the past was not past unless it had never been alive; 
that it lived way down below in the shadowy part of our inward 
self's immense domain, ready to rise to the light at the call of mem- 
ory. As my work progressed, I was often reminded of piano pieces 
that I had not played in a long time, and which I did not seem able 
to remember; but no sooner had I started playing than my fingers 
would run nimbly along their accustomed way. Memory depends 
upon the intensity with which a person has lived, acted, and felt* 
I have never wanted in intensity. But since its course is marked by 
curves, their low points are bound to be shrouded in a fog that 
the gaze can pierce only with difficulty. Thus it may well have hap- 
pened that I have erred in details, that my memory has deceived 
me at times. At any rate, I have endeavored to tell the full truth in 
everything. Whenever I was not quite sure, I have given expression 
to my doubts. 

It has not been my intention, however, to tell everything. My 
only resemblance to Bluebeard of fairy-tale fame lies in the fact 
that in my house, too, there is a chamber I refuse to have opened. 
True, it does not contain severed heads and a bloodied ax, but 
only personal experiences and sentiments that I recoil from dis- 
cussing and that can hardly be of interest to others. 

But is a musician's life at all able to arouse general interest? 
In my youth, I would mournfully have answered the question in 
the negative. Important in the eyes of the world were the prince, 
the statesman, the warrior; enjoyable perhaps, but dispensable, 
and by no means comparable to them in importance seemed the 
artist. Was not that expressed ever so plainly in the outward cir- 
cumstances of all those people's lives? The Emperor of Austria 
lived in the Imperial Palace, the chief of government in the minis- 
terial palace; Schubert and Mozart had dwelled in miserable quar- 
ters. The main part of the newspapers and their large headlines 
were given up to the historical events in the world, proving by their 
preferential treatment how yastly superior they were in importance 
to the news of art, to which but a secondary position was allotted. 
History told of Alexander and Napoleon, of Bismarck, Disraeli, 
and Metternich. How inferior, in comparison, how unimportant to 
the world seemed to me the circle comprising my world! Gradu- 
ally, however, I began to see more clearly. What was left of the 
deeds of Alexander and Napoleon? What had become of Bismarck's 
Reich and of the most tremendous historical revolutions? There 

[ viii ] 



Part One 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Changes in the Meaning of Intelligence 

A significant change has taken place in what is understood as "intelli- 
gence." Binet replaced the notion of many separable mental functions with 
the idea of "general intelligence." This idea, somewhat akin to a "faculty," 
was in line with an older psychology still influential in his day. Subsequent 
researches showed that the concept of a general ability arose from the sub- 
stantial intercorrelations among the work samples comprising intelligence 
tests. Further studies with larger varieties of items and appropriate statistical 
techniques suggested that the varying patterns of intercorrelation really ex- 
pressed the presence of a number of rather distinct abilities, often defined in 
terms of the mental operations required by the work sample. 

To determine how many such abilities exist has been something of a task. 
Spearman (e.g., 1927) argued for a general factor (g) plus a specific factor (s) 
that was peculiar to each different task sampled. Thurstone (e.g., 1938) held 
for a number of separate factors, of which 10 or 12 could be measured reli- 
ably. Guilford (e.g., 1959) felt that the number of factors is much larger 
than this, perhaps as great as 120. Others, notably British psychologists (e.g., 
Vernon, 1950), argued for a hierarchy of abilities, extending from one general 
to many specific abilities by way of major and minor group factors of differ- 
ing degrees of generality. 

However these differing viewpoints may finally be resolved, it is not likely 
that psychology will return to the notion of a monolithic "general intelli- 
gence/' except possibly for predicting school achievement. The abilities most 
involved in academic work seem to be verbal and abstract, and are sufficiently 
intercorrelated to permit the practical use of the general ability concept, even 
though separate abilities such as number concept and verbal fluency may even 
Ikere be discerned. It is becoming common practice to refer to such achieve- 
ment tests as tests of "general mental ability," or "general scholastic ability/' 
The term "general intelligence/' although widely known popularly, no longer 
nas the standing it once had in technical psychology. 



The Assessment of Abilities 

In technical usage, the idea of a pure measure of potentiality or intelligence 
has been abandoned as impossible. It has long been accepted that abilities or 
potentialities can be estimated only after their development. Such develop- 
ment is now seen not as a simple unfolding of inborn or native capacities, but 
as growth in richness of response, the result of learning processes in which the 
stimulation afforded by growth and special experience plays an important part. 
Abilities are not, however, to be equated with learned performances; attempts 
to equalize opportunities to practice, and to learn, often result in increased 
rather than decreased individual differences. The notion of structure or 



Introduction 3 

quality of the organism as setting certain limits on the effect of practice and 
learning opportunities persists, at least implicitly. 

The richness of the person's responses increases with the passage of time. 
His performances become more complex. As Thorndike showed (1926), men- 
tal performances move up in altitude or level, and broaden in range or scope. 
The mental performances that involve symbolization and problem solving 
increase in complexity as a result of associative processes, both simple and 
elaborate. So complex do these become that some psychologists prefer to 
speak of them as cognitive processes, and their contents as concepts or ab- 
stract ideas. 

Whether the components of so-called general mental ability become more 
numerous with development, and their organization more elaborate and com- 
plex, has been the subject of debate. It is easy, by analogy to anatomical 
growth, to hypothesize an early differentiation and elaboration from rather 
simple beginnings (e.g., Garrett, 1946). Not all investigators have agreed on 
this, however. There is general recognition that the development of mental 
abilities is best described by a negatively accelerated (though not uniformly 
so) growth curve. Increments of change are undeniably greater in the younger 
organism. Rapidity of growth in the early years gives the appearance of a high 
intercorrelation of abilities simply because the increments are large for units 
of time, and accumulate substantially. As rate of growth decreases, increments 
becoming smaller, the spurious correlation contributed solely by the sweep 
of rapid growth over time falls away, and abilities are less substantially inter- 
related. There is good evidence for this in the motor abilities of children (e.g., 
Wellman, 1937), though less so, perhaps, in mental abilities. 

Bayley (1957) believes that the principal components of the complex we 
call "general mental ability" do change with age, increasing in number as well 
as changing in their relative contribution to the total variance. A factor anal- 
ysis of Bayley's data (Hofstaetter, 1954) suggested that a "Sensory-Motor 
Alertness" factor is relatively more important in the first two years of life, a 
"Persistence" factor from age two to four, and a "Manipulating Symbols" 
factor after age four. Bayley also found evidence in her data for a growth 
spurt in mental development around age nine; other data (Freeman and 
Flory, 1937) showed this spurt occurring about two years later. Such data 
suggest an underlying control on the growth process; demonstrated changes 
in individual growth curves undeniably reflect also the differential effect of 
stimulation on growth. Having said that growth may be facilitated or retarded 
is not to say that it is known how such changes are accomplished. Indeed, 
growth factors and situational variables that might allow experimental manip- 
ulation of mental development are far from being identified. 

Piaget has studied children's mental growth by clinical interrogation (1950, 
1952) rather than by tests and growth curves. He concluded that there are 
four major stages of mental development: The first, up to age two, is pri- 
marily a sensorimotor stage, when the child comes to know that objects exist, 
even apart from his perception of them, and that these objects can be viewed 



4 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

from different perspectives. The next phase reaches from the development of 
language (age two) to age five or six. In this phase the child comes to repre- 
sent objects and events by symbols, but he is essentially "preoperational in 
that he seldom distinguishes between himself as agent and his goals as the 
effect of action. From five or six to ten or eleven, Piaget sees the child as 
acquiring the ability to carry out concrete operations. From eleven or twelve 
to fifteen or so, the child shifts from concrete operations to formal operations. 
Operations are defined as actions, overt or covert (as in thinking out a prob- 
lem). These operations mentally transform data about the real world in terms 
of functions, so that they can be used in the solution of problems. Piaget 
associates these operations with the formal operations of logic, such as class 
inclusion operations, serial ordering operations, and the like. 

It is interesting to note that Piaget's "stages" break at roughly the ages 
noted by Bayley as transitional periods. These periods acquire significance for 
the present studies when it is noted that the drawing test is most effective in 
the years between four or five and twelve or so, approximately Bayley's "ma- 
nipulating symbols" period and Piaget's "concrete operations" stage. 



The Index of Measured Abilities 

The final major shift since the early days of intelligence testing has been in 
the index of performance adopted. Binet's great contribution, the age-scale 
method, has only recently yielded ground. There is much to be said for an 
age-scale concept, with its implicit reference to normal or typical growth, 
when studying children; so many aspects of development are age-related. Yet 
the mental age concept has always presented difficulties as the fact of decreas- 
ing increments makes itself felt on the growth curve. The assumed straight 
line mental age function simply does not agree with the facts of development. 
As the process of development is more completely understood, age, or time, 
seems to be only a crude index. Cumulative changes that occur through ac- 
cretion or association seem to depend on repetition or reinforcement, not 
merely lapse of time. 

Convenient statistical methods for describing variation and for scaling in 
reference to such normal variation have been devised. These scales accurately 
place the individual in comparison with a known or defined group. Unfortu- 
nately, these methods do not readily supply growth measures; they are purely 
relative. But they do permit ready comparison with indices of other perform- 
ances or variables, which either have never been or cannot be scaled on an age 
basis. Consequently, percentile and standard score conversions are more and 
more preferred to the mental age concept and its derivation, the IQ. 

As the concept of many mental abilities has replaced the concept of a 
unitary intelligence, the notion of a multiple score test has come into use. 
Today one frequently meets the graphic "profile," or other representations of 
multiple scores, representing different "factors" or functions measured by a 



Introduction 5 

test. As has been pointed out, the single score measure of mental ability is 
becoming more and more restricted to measures of academic or scholastic 
ability. (Even in this area, however, recently developed tests tend to follow 
the multiple ability concept. 1 ) 

The score on the Goodenough Drawing Test is a single score; how, then, 
can one justify continuing its use, as has been done in the present research? 
Three reasons may be offered: (1) The score, in the age range of four or five 
to fourteen or fifteen, where increments can be measured, correlates sub- 
stantially (often in the .70's and .80's) with measures of general mental or 
scholastic ability; 2 (2) the components of the score, in the form of scoring 
points, appear to separate criterion groups selected both according to other 
measures of mental ability and to total score on the drawing test itself; 3 
(3) the concepts or ideas tapped by the drawing test seem to relate theoreti- 
cally; i.e., the concrete operations reflect elemental cognitive concepts that 
in turn logically make up more complex concepts. These more complex con- 
cepts are thus genetically related to the simpler order concepts, and it seems 
reasonable to use the simpler order concepts as an index to the more com- 
plex. 4 This point is expanded in the section that follows. 

Intellectual Maturity and Concept Formation 

In discussing the abilities tapped by the drawing test, it has seemed desir- 
able to replace the notion of intelligence with the idea of intellectual matu- 
rity, and perhaps more specifically, conceptual maturity. This change gets away 
from the notion of unitary intelligence, and it permits consideration of chil- 
dren's concepts of the human figure as an index or sample of their concepts 
generally. 

By intellectual maturity is meant the ability to form concepts of increas- 
ingly abstract character. Intellectual activity requires: (1) the ability to per- 
ceive, i.e., to discriminate likenesses and differences; (2) the ability to ab- 
stract, i.e., to classify objects according to such likenesses and differences; 
and (3) the ability to generalize, i.e., to assign an object newly experienced 
to a correct class, according to discriminated features, properties, or attributes. 
These three functions, taken together, comprise the process of concept forma- 
tion. 

For example, a child early learns to discriminate the features that set dogs 
apart from other animals. He does this in terms of the properties of dogs-- 
noises emitted, number of legs, general size, selected behaviors (e.g., tail- 

1 For example, the Differential Aptitude Tests, published by the Psychological Corpora- 
tion, or Holzinger-Crowder Uni-Factor Tests, published by Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. 

2 See Chapter II. 
s See Chapter IV. 

* See Chapters X and XII. 



6 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

wagging), type of skin or coat, and the like. Sounds, legs, size, coat or fur, and 
behavior are also properties of cats, cows, and horses, but in different kind and 
degree. The discrimination of likenesses and differences for a number of 
specific examples in each of these classes of quadrupeds permits a child to 
abstract the elements characteristic of, indeed essential to, "dogginess" (as 
separate from "horsiness"), and to generalize the concept appropriately when 
he first sees, for example, a Mexican hairless dog. 

The very young child may on first sight refer to a horse as a "big doggie." 
He is both right and wrong in his conceptualization; right in discerning, ab- 
stracting, and generalizing certain features as coat and four-leggedness; wrong 
in failing to discern, abstract, and generalize certain other essential features, 
such as sound, relative size, and tail-wagging. 

A concept is usually defined in psychology as the product of a mental or 
thought process whereby the qualities, aspects, and relations of objects are 
identified, compared, abstracted, and generalized. When the process covers 
different individuals or items it is called a class concept; when the process 
represents a common aspect of the class it is an abstract idea. 5 The processes 
which include perception, conceptualizing, and knowing, as well as judging 
and reasoning, are called cognition. 

As contrasted with the less mature child, the older child discerns and can 
specify properties in greater detail. He can also recognize more readily the 
characteristic and essential properties of a class and thus can form more pre- 
cise and specific concepts. 

Age or experience alone is not the only factor, however. Some quality of 
psychological organization seems to permit one child to form more precise 
and effective concepts than another child with roughly similar background 
and experience. In an earlier period of psychology this difference was attrib- 
uted to a hypothetical "general intelligence," which was said to be an in- 
trinsic property of the organism. More recently, as has been pointed out, 
psychologists have become less sure about the intrinsic nature of this property. 
It is believed that this property may be extremely complex and subject to 
learning or modification in ways that at present cannot be fully stated. 

The evidence of the accumulated literature and of certain studies reported 
in this volume suggests that a child's drawing of an object is an index to his 
conception of that object; that is, of his grasp of the essential features which 
permit him to form a class concept including that object as a member. The 
child learns to group "horses" and "dogs" as distinct and separate classes 
within the larger class of animals; he does this in terms of a progressive differ- 
entiation and specification of details in the objects he perceives and classifies. 
Presumably, then, as he draws familiar objects, or describes them in words, 
he includes the elements he finds essential to his class concepts. As he can 
express the common aspects of a class, he forms an abstract idea. 

5 So defined in Warren, H. C., Dictionary of Psychology, N.Y., Houghton Mifflin, 
1934. , 



Introduction 



The Hypothesis of This Book 

The review of the literature and the experimental studies reported in this 
volume have led to the following hypothesis: The child's drawing of any 
object will reveal the discriminations he has made about that object as be- 
longing to a class, i.e., as a concept. In particular, it is hypothesized that his 
concept of a frequently experienced object, such as a human being, becomes a 
useful index to the growing complexity of his concepts generally. 

The fact that Goodenough test scores cease to show increments soon after 
Bayley's "manipulating symbols" period of mental development terminates, 
and during Piaget's shift from "concrete operations" to "formal operations," 
suggests that the drawing test evaluates primarily the ability to form concepts. 
For the young child these are primarily concepts of concrete objects, experi- 
enced directly. Very possibly the child's conceptualization of the human per- 
son is not greatly different, in process, from his conceptualization of other 
animate or inanimate objects in his experience. Because the human being is 
so basically important to him, affectively as well as cognitively, it is probable 
that the human figure is a better index than, for example, a house, or an 
automobile. The concept of a person as a concrete object undoubtedly under- 
goes a more elaborate differentiation with age. The human figure both in its 
parts and as a whole must come to include a richer store of associations, or 
"meaning," than most other complex objects. 

When the child's intellectual processes become sufficiently advanced and 
complex for him to conceptualize relationships as well as objects, he moves 
into Piaget's "formal operations" period. Now his thinking characteristically 
involves higher order abstractions, governed by the rules of logic. At this time 
the drawing test, tapping more concrete concepts, ceases to show increments 
and therefore ceases to be an index to the child's further growth in intellectual 
maturity. 

It has been pointed out that psychological study of concept formation in- 
volves perception, a process which has increasingly engaged the research 
efforts of psychologists in recent years. The analysis of children's earliest draw- 
ings must take into account the psychology of perception as well as the organ- 
ization of perceptual responses into the systematic patterns called concepts. 
Because vision is the primary distance receptor, it is plausible that visual per- 
ception increasingly comes to dominate the child's conceptual processes as 
he matures and learns. A review of studies will show that the drawings of 
young children reflect several perceptual modalities, tactual and kinesthetic 
as well as visual. Increasingly with age, which in childhood is a simple meas- 
ure of learning and experience, the visual modality does come to dominate his 
drawings. This review will also show that with maturity comes increasing 
ability in drawing to specify relevant and significant features of concepts, 
both ideas of specific objects and class concepts. 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Contributions of This Book 

The contributions of this text may be briefly summarized as follows: 

L This revision of the Goodenough Draw-a-man Test attempted (a) to 

extend the Goodenough scale to include adolescent years, and (b) to develop 

an "alternate form" to the Man scale by deriving an analogous point scale for 

the figure of a woman. The second objective was successful, although the first 

2. A drawing of the Self was included as (a) a potential "third" form, (b) a 
possible avenue for studying the emerging self-concept, and (c) a possibly 
more valid "projective" device for the study of affect and interest than im- 
personal figures. Certain possible lines for further work with this drawing are 

indicated. 

3. The Man and Woman Point scales have been standardized on more rep- 
resentative samples than were available to Goodenough in the early 1920*8. 
The restandardization (a) shows a greater percentage of children now than 
then passing the majority of scale points, (b) confirms Goodenough's finding 
of a sex difference in mean score, and explores these differences more fully, 
and (c) confirms only in part Goodenough's guess that the woman figure 
would not be so good a device as the male figure. The drawing of the female 
figure shows a clearly defined progression. 

4. Quality scales for quick approximation to point scores have been devel- 
oped. For children from five to nine or ten years of age, Quality scales dis- 
criminate conceptual development about as adequately as the Point scales. 
These scales, however, only reflect the general conceptual development re- 
corded in total score; they are therefore useful as descriptive rather than as 
analytic or research devices. 

5. The accumulated empirical and theoretical literature is rather completely 
reviewed, and from this and the present researches it is concluded that for 
children from about four to fourteen years this drawing test assesses intellec- 
tual or conceptual maturity, and is of much less value as a "projective" de- 
vice for studying affect or personality. 

6. A basis is established for relating the drawing act to current theoretical 
developments in the study of perception and conceptual processes. 



Organization of This Book 

The plan of this book is as follows: Chapter II undertakes a comprehen- 
sive review of the early research literature on children's drawings, including 
a detailed review of the studies of Goodenough's method and its reliability 
and validity. This chapter seeks to summarize what is known about the 
psychology of drawing as a motor and cognitive act. Chapter III summarizes 
the significant studies that have viewed children's drawings as reflecting affect, 



Introduction 9 

or personality. This chapter includes a review and evaluation of drawing as a 
"projective" device and of various clinical applications. 

Chapter IV presents the methodology of a point scale for scoring draw- 
ings of a man and of a woman as indices to general intellectual maturity. 
These two drawings are presented with some qualification as "alternate 
forms" of the test. This chapter describes the original Goodenough scale and 
the modifications attempted in the revision and extension of the scale, and 
discusses certain scoring and scaling problems with the solutions adopted. 
A modified standard score rather than a "mental age" is used for summarizing 
test performance. General qualitative features in the conceptual development 
of the female figure are described. 

Chapter V presents evidence for the reliability of scoring the revised scales, 
certain evidences for validity, and the relationship of the old and new scales. 
Chapter VI describes how norms for the revised point scales were derived, 
presents sex differences in mean score on each of the drawings, proposes sep- 
arate norms for boys and girls because of these differences, and reports data 
on the intercorrelation of the Man and Woman scales. 

Chapter VII describes the construction and standardization of Quality 
scales for the man and woman figures and presents these as "short forms," 
more conveniently scored. Chapter VIII offers additional indirect evidence 
on the validity of the drawing test as a measure of conceptual maturity by 
discussing more fully the sex differences found in boys' and girls' drawings of 
the male and female figures, certain cultural differences noted in the drawings 
of the human figure by Eskimo children, and differences reflected in chil- 
dren's performances on the items of the revised scale as contrasted with 
Goodenough's data on the same items. Chapter VIII also discusses unsuc- 
cessful attempts to relate aspects of children's drawings to personality data. 
Some suggestions for further research on the drawing of the Self conclude the 
chapter. 

Chapters IX and X present summaries of principal "theories" of children's 
drawings, including Goodenough's, and through the reconsideration of new 
information offer an extension of her viewpoint concerning the psychology of 
children's drawings. Chapter XI relates this point of view to more general 
studies of children's art. 

Chapter XII recapitulates the major findings of the literature reviews and of 
the present research program. 

The Test Manual in Part II is also published separately for the psycholo- 
gist's convenience, but must be used in conjunction with the data and inter- 
pretations of the present volume. It contains instructions for administration 
and a general orientation toward scoring the test, detailed scoring requirements 
for the Man and Woman Point scales, and plates for the Man and Woman 
Quality scales, together with information for relating Quality scale scores to 
their Point scale equivalents. 



Chapter Two 



Historical Survey 

of the Study 

of Children's Drawings 1 



THE IDEA THAT the spontaneous drawings of young children may 
throw light upon the psychology of child development is not new. While psy- 
chology was still a youthful science, Ebenezer Cooke (1885) published an 
article on children's drawings in which he described the successive stages of 
development as he had observed them, and urged that art instruction in the 
schools be made to conform more nearly to the mentality and interests of the 
child. Corrado Ricci (1887) published an account of the drawings of a group 
of Italian children. His collection of children's drawings is probably the earli- 
est of which we have a record. 2 



Overview 

As the child study movement grew during the last decade of the nineteenth 
century, many investigations of children's drawings were undertaken. Interest 
has continued to the present day. 

For convenience, the psychological study of children's drawings may be con- 
sidered as falling into several periods, each following its own principal lines 
of inquiry. The early period of descriptive investigation fell between 1885 and 
1920, with greatest interest between 1890 and 1910, when a substantial litera- 
ture grew up on the Continent and in America. This period established the 
developmental character of children's drawings, and culminated in the excel- 
lent and psychologically perceptive account of developmental stages pub- 

1 More extensive reviews of the scientific literature on children's drawings may be 
found in Goodenough (1926, 1928, and 1931), Goodenough and Harris (1950), Graewe 
(1936), Naville (1950), and Schringer (1957), Baumstein-Heissler (1955) has surveyed 
work in Russia. Rioux (1951) lists a comprehensive bibliography with cross references to 
the annotations of Naville (1950). 

2 The English translation of the main part of Ricci's article may be found in Volume 3 
of the Pedagogical Seminary. 

10 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 1 1 

lished by Cyril Burt (1921 ) . During this time there were few serious attempts 
to establish a theory of drawing behavior; there were several unsuccessful 
attempts to parallel the child mind with the so-called primitive mind, in- 
spired by the oversimplified concept of societal evolution in vogue at the turn 
of the century. 

With Goodenough's (1926) successful demonstration that a large intel- 
lectual component existed in the development of children's drawings of a 
man, the study of children's drawings took a new direction, one closely linked 
theoretically to the psychometric study of intelligence. This emphasis, par- 
ticularly heavy in the literature up to 1940, has continued to the present time, 
especially in America, England, and Japan where the testing movement has 
flourished. The Goodenough test has been extensively investigated in India 
and in South Africa, where convenient nonverbal measures were needed to 
classify large numbers of nonreading children for educational purposes. The 
chief contribution of this period, and of this direction of research, was to dem- 
onstrate the intellectual aspects of children's drawings and to make a begin- 
ning at analytical studies. 

With the advent of the so-called "projective methods" of personality study 
in about 1940, a new interest in the drawing of the human figure appeared. 
Particularly prevalent in the American psychological literature of 1940 to 
about 1955, this research on the projective use of drawings has receded some- 
what in recent years in America. In terms of theory, this field of research 
has been quite diffuse. Rather than scientifically analytical, its proponents 
have tended toward intuitive impressionism. Goodenough anticipated that 
drawings could be used interpretatively in the study of personality. An interest 
in art as revealing the unconscious symbolically, and as a diagnostic tech- 
nique, goes back much further. Some of the more recent studies relate to 
body-image concepts; others to sex-role identification. Many investigators 
assume an isomorphic relationship between details of the human figure draw- 
ing and the adjustment mechanisms adopted by the ego. This area represents 
a particular emphasis rather than a coherent body of theory. 

The experimental study of children's drawings dates from the mid-twenties 
of the present century. While early results were promising, this approach has 
not attracted a large group of investigators. The few studies done proceeded 
descriptively and atheoretically, trying various stimuli and collecting drawings 
under different sets of instructions and from groups differing psychologically 
on known dimensions. Some studies were initiated by an interest in children's 
drawings as art. Many exploratory studies published since the 1920's do not at 
first seem to yield coherent generalizations. Yet some order may be discernible 
in the apparent empiricistic chaos. 

The growth of psychology toward theory and experiment since the 1930's 
and 1940's has stimulated new interest in perception and in cognitive proc- 
esses, especially since 1945. It is the author's hypothesis that this contem- 
porary interest in psychology affords a basis for organizing much of the ob- 
served phenomena of children's drawings. It is one of the purposes of the 



12 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

present book to review the literature that falls readily into the three cate- 
gories described above, i.e., (1) descriptive, developmental studies; (2) the 
Draw-a-Man technique; and (3) projective studies of children's drawings. 
Further, an attempt will be made to organize the remaining empirical studies 
in terms of the contemporary interest in perception and cognition. It is hoped 
that this effort will provide a basis for an experimental approach to children's 
drawings that will link with the perceptual and cognitive theories now being 
shaped in laboratories. The first two categories will be treated in this chapter; 
the third in the next chapter. The remaining literature on the psychology of 
drawing will be discussed later, following presentation of the author's re- 
searches with the Goodenough method. 



Early Developmental Studies 

Among the best known of the earlier writers are: Perez (1888), Barnes 
(1893), Herrick (1893), Baldwin (1894), O'Shea (1894, 1897), Maitland 
(1895), Lukens (1896), Brown (1897), Shinn (1893), Gotze (1898), Clark 
(1902), Sully (1907, 1908), and Luquet (1913). Their reports were chiefly 
descriptive although in some cases a few statistical figures were included. 
Nevertheless, their findings were very instructive, throwing much light on in- 
dividual differences and on mental development in children. The discussion 
that follows, to page 17, is taken from Goodenough's summary (1926, pp. 1-7) . 

Early Systematic Studies 

Between 1900 and 1915, two great international research undertakings were 
carried out. The first of these was conducted according to a plan proposed by 
Lamprecht (1906) and was based largely upon the method used by Earl 
Barnes in this country. Drawings were to be made by children from all parts 
of the world and from all levels of civilization, from primitive to advanced, 
according to standardized directions. These drawings were to be sent to a cen- 
tral bureau at Leipzig for examination and comparison. Lamprecht' s proposal 
was received with much enthusiasm, and many thousands of drawings were 
sent to him, examples coming from almost every nation in the world. The 
collection also included drawings made by several primitive African races. It 
is greatly to be regretted that this investigation, which held such possibilities 
for psychology, anthropology, and ethnology as well as for practical education, 
was not carried through to completion. Levinstein (1905), who collaborated 
with Lamprecht, published a summary of certain parts of the material, but 
no adequate comparative study of the entire collection ever appeared. 

Claparede (1907) outlined a plan for the study of children's drawings that 
was quite similar to Lamprecht's, but that had a somewhat different end 
in view. Lamprecht was interested primarily in the question of racial simi- 
larities and differences, with special reference to the theory of recapitulation. 
Claparede proposed a careful study of the developmental stages in drawing, 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 1 3 

with the idea of ascertaining what relationship, if any, exists between aptitude 
in drawing and general intellectual ability as indicated by schoolwork. From 
Claparede's plan Ivanoff (1909) worked out a method of scoring the draw- 
ings according to a six-point scale including: (1) sense of proportion, 
(2) imaginative conception, and (3) technical and artistic value equal weight 
being given to each of the three criteria. He then compared the obtained 
values with teachers' ratings for general ability, standing in each of the school 
subjects, and certain moral and social traits. He found a positive correlation in 
nearly all instances. 

The material that Ivanoff collected from four Swiss cantons was used by 
Katzaroff (1910) in a study of the subjects most frequently drawn by chil- 
dren. KatzarofFs results for children aged six to fourteen showed fair agree- 
ment with those obtained by Maitland (1895) in this country, although it is 
impossible to make more than a rough comparison, since Katzaroff did not 
treat the different ages separately. Maitland found the human figure the most 
popular subject at all ages up to ten years. In KatzarofFs table it ranked third, 
with "miscellaneous objects" and "houses" taking first and second places. 

Schuyten (1901, 1904, 1907), in a study extending over a period of several 
years, made use of a method that differed greatly from those employed by 
other investigators of his time. His object was to establish, if possible, a stand- 
ard of excellence for each agethat is, a series of age norms. He used the 
human figure as the subject. Drawings were made from memory; the children 
were simply told to draw a man "in whatever way you are accustomed to draw 
it." By means of very minute measurements of each of the separate parts of 
the body and by comparison with classic standards, Schuyten hoped to be 
able to devise an objective method for his ratings. The plan was not success- 
ful, but the idea is worthy of note as one of the earliest attempts to devise 
a purely objective measuring scale based on age standards. 3 

Schuyten's method was used by Lobsien (1905) in a study of drawings 
made by public school children at Kiel. Although no precise norms were 
established, he found, as did Schuyten, that with increasing age the propor- 
tions of the different parts of the body as drawn by children approach more 
nearly the realistic standards. Lobsien also compared the drawings of im- 
beciles with those of normal children and found that, age for age, the sense 
of proportion displayed by imbeciles is decidedly inferior to that of normal 
children. 

Subjects Drawn Spontaneously by Children 

The early literature frequently comments that children draw the human 
figure by preference (e.g., Maitland, 1895; Lukens, 1896; Ballard, 1912; Lu- 
quet, 1913). Later studies generally confirm this, although McCarty (1924) 
found that houses, trees, furniture, boats, vehicles, parts of houses, and ani- 

3 Schuyten's original article is written in Dutch and has never been translated, but an 
excellent review and criticism can be found in Rouma's Le Langage Graphique de rEnfant, 
pages 14-16 and 80-83. 



14 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

mals were also drawn by five to ten per cent of all children. Indeed, when 
topics were grouped broadly, the per cents drawing "aspects of nature/' or 
"buildings/' slightly exceeded the proportion drawing "persons/ 7 Adolescents' 
spontaneous drawings (collected from high school and college wastebaskets, 
notebooks and similar sources), investigated by Hurlock (1943), show that 
the human form is a favorite subject, exceeded only by printed and decorated 
words and by caricatures. When caricatures and faithful reproductions of 
persons are combined, the human figure is by far the most popular single sub- 
ject. Animals and houses each constituted less than three or four per cent of 
Hurlock's total collection. A great many other subjects, including vehicles, 
ships, and scenes, also appeared in this collection, but each topic was repre- 
sented by a very small per cent of the cases. 

In more recent years, animal drawings have been specifically studied by 
several investigators. Graewe (1935) found evidence of clear-cut develop- 
mental progressions in children's attempts to draw animals. For the preschool 
child the same general schema serves for both animal and human figures. 
Later, by orientation of the figures to the horizontal plane, rather than the 
vertical, and by appendages such as a tail or leg, there is some deliberate at- 
tempt to differentiate the animal form from the human. Still later, as the 
child gains more technical control, he attempts to portray the animal as ani- 
mal from the start. In an unpublished paper filed at the University of Bar- 
oda, Miss Kunjlata Desai (1958) has attempted to scale the drawing of a 
cow in much the same fashion Goodenough (1926) has used with the human 
figure. Desai discerned thirteen clear-cut stages that reflect the develop- 
ment described in more general terms by Graewe. As in human drawings, 
body parts of animals are discerned and included before the problems of pro- 
portion are attempted or mastered. DuBois (1939) reported the standardiza- 
tion of a sixty-point Goodenough-type scale for the drawing of a horse. For 
Pueblo Indian children of the Southwest, he concluded that the horse-draw- 
ing test is a more valid measure of mental ability than the Goodenough. 

Anastasi and Foley (1938) found that animal drawings by Pacific north 
coast Indian children were predominantly realistic. Some of the drawings, 
however, were highly stylized, especially those in which children chose animals 
frequently used in the traditional legends and art of the tribe. These drawings 
reflected the techniques of representation found in traditional tribal art. The 
authors minimized age-level differences, finding sex differences in subject 
matter more striking. Boys were more likely to use stylized themes and to 
draw naturalistic horses and hunting scenes. The lack of age changes is not 
surprising in view of the fact that over half the children were more than 
twelve years old. 

Bender and Rapoport (1944) and Schwartz and Rosenberg (1955) obtained 
drawings of animals to throw light on patterns of personal and social malad- 
justment in children. Generalizations concerning the meaning of various 
species reflect the particular dynamic personality theories of the authors rather 
than empirical findings. 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 1 5 

Bender and Wolfson ( 1943) studied nautical themes, assuming the ship as a 
feminine sexual symbol. They noted that as contrasted with younger children, 
older subjects make more differentiated and detailed ships and are more likely 
to put in a sky line, or detailed background. We have seen that ships are not 
an uncommon subject in children's spontaneous drawings; Ballard (1913) 
found the ship in about one-third to one-half the drawings of elementary 
school children in seaport towns of England. 

Kerr (1937) and Markham (1954) have studied children's drawings of 
houses; both found few consistent qualitative changes with age, but did find 
a general improvement in symmetry and in the neatness of lines and angles. 
The absence of marked qualitative differences is probably attributable to the 
wide variance in the type of houses with which children are familiar. 

The Nature of Developmental Sequences 

One of the most extensive and carefully controlled studies ever made in 
this field was made by Kerschensteiner (1905) at Munich during the years 
1903-1905. Kerschensteiner was given the task of reorganizing the course of 
study in drawing for the folk schools of that city. In order to establish a scien- 
tific basis for his work, he spent about two years collecting and studying almost 
100,000 drawings made under standardized conditions by children in Munich 
and surrounding areas. He classified these drawings under three main heads, 
with certain intermediate types. The main heads were as follows, and repre- 
sent a rough age sequence: 

1. Purely schematic drawings. These correspond to what Verwom (1907) 
has called the "ideoplastic stage" in drawing. 

2. Drawings in terms of visual appearance Verworn's "physioplastic 
stage." 

3. Drawings in which the child attempts to give an impression of three- 
dimensional space. 

The Kerschensteiner book was profusely illustrated and contained many 
tables showing, by grades and sexes separately, the percentages of children 
whose drawings fell within each of the three classes mentioned above. The 
author also devoted several pages to discussing the drawings of three espe- 
cially gifted boys. He analyzed the differences between the drawings made by 
the feeble-minded and those made by normal children, and demonstrated that 
differences are qualitative as well as quantitative. Not only do the feeble- 
minded tend to produce drawings that are more primitive than those made by 
normal children, but their drawings also show lack of coherence "Zusam- 
menhangenlosigkeit" This latter difference has been remarked upon by sev- 
eral other writers as well for example by Cyril Burt (1921), who believed 
that it is possible in most instances to differentiate between the drawings of 
normal and backward children by that characteristic alone. 

Kerschensteiner found very marked differences between the performance 
of the two sexes. The boys exceeded the girls in all types of drawings except 
certain kinds of decorative design, in which the girls did better than the boys. 



Theme and Variations 

How serious my endeavors were is shown by an "invention" that 
enabled me to grasp with rhythmic precision the synchrony of reg- 
ular eighths and triplet-eighths such as occur, for instance, in Men- 
delssohn's Song Without Words in E-fiat major. I would hurry 
along the street and, while taking two steps, count aloud and in 
exactly equal rhythm "one, two, three/' my "one" always coin- 
ciding with my left foot. Then I would just as exactly count "one, 
two** while taking three steps, my "one" coinciding alternately 
with the left and the right foot. Thus the correct execution of a 
triplet accompaniment to regular notes soon became an effortless 
habit. 

During my early years at school I had developed a passion that 
seriously competed with my love for music: reading. The poetically 
inspired profound fairy tales of the Danish poet Andersen and the 
inexhaustible wealth of Grimm's German fairy tales had occupied 
my imagination from early childhood, for I knew many of them 
from having them read or told me before I myself was able to read. 
Later, a book and myself in blissfully enraptured solitude, I became 
wholly absorbed in the charmed circle of those fairy tales, teeming 
with figures and events, now demoniac and now humorous. 
Throughout my life, a certain mental affinity has attracted me to 
them again and again. Still later, I was captivated by the fabulous 
world of Greek mythology. A juvenile edition of Tales of Classic 
Antiquity by Gustav Schwab told me of Heracles and Perseus, of 
Icarus and Prometheus, Iphigenia, Agamemnon, the rape of Helen 
and the Trojan War, of the adventures of shrewd Odysseus and his 
return, of the expedition of the Argonauts and the tragedy of 
Medea. I am thankful to this day for the three volumes of that 
juvenile book. Beyond delighting me with its immortal tales and 
figures, it aroused within me the first faint idea of Grecism, a rever- 
ence for the antique, and a continuous desire to draw near to it. 
As for books about redskins, great favorites in those days with boys 
of a certain age, the only one I read was Cooper's Leather stocking, 
but I took a passionate interest in Robinson Crusoe's adventures, 
which I read over and over again. I also have a vivid recollection 
of how greatly I enjoyed Grube's Historical Pictures^ a boy's book 
containing tales about Hannibal, Charlemagne, Columbus, Cort6s, 
and other explorers and historical figures. 

When I was nine or ten, the attraction of my juvenile books be- 
gan to fade, and I felt drawn toward the treasures in my parents' 
bookcase. There, behind glass plates, stood Goethe, Schiller, Less- 
ing, Heine, Hauff, Riickert, and others. Shakespeare, too, was there 
in the excellent Schlegel-Tieck translation. Schiller's Die Jungfrau 
von Orlean$ was, I believe, the first drama I read. I used to recite 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 17 

manifestations of the flight of ideas. The drawings which cover a sheet of 
paper are not finished, and they have to do with a number of very disparate 
subjects. (5) Certain drawings by subnormal children, taken singly, are very 
complete; but when we examine them more closely we find that the child 
has confined himself to a series of sketches which have evolved slowly, and by 
slight modifications have gradually reached a certain degree of perfection. 
The conservative tendency of the child has favored the development of the 
drawing. It occasionally happens that a subnormal child possesses an unusual 
power of visual memory and is thus capable of producing very remarkable 
drawings. These cases are analogous to those of other inferiors who display a 
great superiority of one of their faculties, of whom Inaudi and Diamondi are 
celebrated types. (6) Many subnormal children show a great anxiety to rep- 
resent an idea in its totality, or to reproduce all the details in a given sketch. 
It is this tendency, above all others, wtfiich favors the perfection of the draw- 
ings mentioned in the preceding paragraph. (7) Subnormal children prefer 
those drawings in which the same movement frequently recurs, and (8) they 
do meticulous work. 

General studies of large collections of children's drawings are reported from 
Brazil by Rabello (1932) and by Barcellos (1952-53), by Marino from Uru- 
guay (1956), and by a number of French authors in a 1950 issue of Enfance. 
None of these studies contributes any new insights to the developmental 
principles developed forty years earlier. 

Possibly the most important single contribution of the early period of re- 
search on children's drawings was this classification into sequences or stages, 
and thus the delineation of children's drawings as developmental in character. 
Burt's early analysis and description (1921), based upon his own observations 
and those of earlier investigators, remain a lucid and psychologically per- 
ceptive account. For him, drawing was a mode of self-revelation, particularly 
useful when speech and writing are inadequate. Because drawings are neither 
linguistic nor arithmetical, they give a valuable access to the child's power of 
imagination and construction. Says Burt: 

Progress in drawing shows successive changes in kind as well as in degree. It 
resembles, not so much the uniform accretions of the inanimate crystal as 
the spasmodic growth of some lowly organism, one whose life-history is a 
fantastic cycle of unexpected metamorphoses. Each advance follows a differ- 
ent line from the last (1921, p. 318). 

In the progression several distinct steps may be noted. These stages, with 
discernible subdivisions, are here paraphrased from the essential features de- 
scribed by Burt (1921, pp. 319-327) : 

1. Scribble (ages two to three) 

a. Purposeless pencillings, enjoyed principally as motor expression. 

b. More purposive pencillings, the results themselves becoming the 
focus of attention. 



18 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

c. Imitative pencillings, modelled on an adult's movements rather than 
his production. 

d. Localized scribbling; child seeks to reproduce specific parts of an 
object. 

2. Line (age four). Single movements of the pencil replace oscillations of 
massive scribbling. In the man drawing, parts are juxtaposed rather than 
organized. 

3. Descriptive symbolism (five to six). In the man drawing a crude scheme 
becomes apparent, with little attention to shape or proportion, involv- 
ing principally head, body, arms, legs, and facial features. "Laid horizon- 
tally, with limbs appropriately rearranged, it serves, with equal felicity, 
drawn large, for a horse or a cow; drawn small, for a cat or a dog" (p. 320 ) . 

4. Realism (seven to nine or ten). Emphasis is on the descriptive rather 
than the depictive. The drawing still symbolizes rather than represents, 
though the scheme is more true to detail and to fact. Clothing and 
decorative detail appear. 

5. Visual realism (ten to eleven, or so) . Technique has improved, and child 
is inclined to copy or to trace the work of others, or to draw from nature; 
he attempts visual representation, 

a. Two-dimensional drawing, chiefly in outline and silhouette. 

b. Three-dimensional drawing. The three-quarter view may be at- 
tempted, particular persons are depicted, action is introduced. The 
child begins to compare and contrast his own several efforts at a 
subject and consciously to improve his rendition. Landscapes may be 
attempted, with some concern for overlapping and perspective. 

6. Repression (occurs prepubertally, eleven to fourteen years). Drawings 
show a deterioration or regression. Progress becomes laborious and slow. 
Some of this deterioration may be ascribed, perhaps, to emotional con- 
flicts, but cognitive and intellective factors are also assuredly involved. 
There is increased self-criticism, increased power of observation, and 
increased capacity for esthetic appreciation. Growing ability to self-ex- 
pression through language plays a large part. The human figure becomes 
rare in spontaneous drawings, but geometrical, ornamental, and dec- 
orative drawing becomes very common, when drawing of any kind is 
attempted. 

7. Artistic revival (early adolescence, though many children never achieve 
this stage). Drawings are now made to tell a story; they approximate 
more to the methods of the professional (e.g., use of portraits or bust). 
Definite esthetic elements appear, notably interest in color, form, and 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 19 

line as such. Boys may become interested in technical drafting. Artistic 
talents can rarely if ever be discerned before a child enters this stage, 
and special artistic powers are rarely discernible before age eleven, even 
in the most precocious. 

There has been a tendency in some recent writing to decry this emphasis 
on sequence of stages as artificial, obscuring the continuities which in fact 
exist throughout development. It is important to understand that these in- 
vestigators do not think of such steps as discontinuous with each other. Stages 
are merely convenient ways of describing perceptibly different orientations 
and organizations of the drawing act as the child moves from his first pencil 
strokes to quite elaborate productions. That different investigators have lo- 
cated similar stages, that these stages can be established against an age scale, 
and that the succession is notably similar for most children, has been suffi- 
ciently well validated to establish the usefulness of the concept of stages or 
phases in describing the course of development. Most investigators, certainly, 
have noted that the aspects which set off one phase from the next can be dis- 
cerned only by looking at the "middle" of the period covered by the phase, or 
by constructing an artificial or idealized example that contains the several 
most common or characteristic features a child might include at this stage. 
Most have explicitly stated that when one examines samples of work arranged 
between these modal or typical examples, he notes that the samples blend 
into each other by very small changes. 

Direction of More Recent Analytical Studies 

The major early studies were rich in insights into the psychology of chil- 
dren's drawing and art, and they have furnished a picture of developmental 
aspects of drawing that in general outline has been unaltered to this day. 
The more analytical temper of the last four or five decades, and the amount 
of attention given in research to techniques of sampling and control have, 
however, helped us fill in detail. Not the least important discovery of recent 
years is the discovery that children's drawings have great psychological com- 
plexity. The art of drawing delineates perceptual experience and conceptual 
formation; it represents fact and projects fancy; it shows clear developmental 
trends and permits innumerable idiosyncratic expressions. Another major step 
ahead has been the growing recognition that a knowledge of the usual is essen- 
tial for the recognition of the unusual. Many reputedly abnormal or unusual 
features in the drawings of individual children or of small, selected groups 
lose their apparent significance when the age and sex of the subjects and the 
conditions under which the drawings were made become known. All this 
serves to emphasize how valuable were these early descriptive studies of draw- 
ings by large groups of school children as a basis for more recent work. Cer- 
tainly the demonstration of developmental process in drawing laid the basis 
for the use of drawings as a test of intelligence, the next major emphasis in 
research to be reviewed. 



20 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



The Draw-a-Man Technique 

With the publication of the Goodenough test in 1926, a new method for 
evaluating children's drawings was available, 4 and the response of the scien- 
tific world of psychology has been gratifying. Using a point-scale method, 
Goodenough demonstrated that drawing, for children, had a more cognitive 
than esthetic meaning. She discussed briefly two possible applications that 
have since been explored at considerable length : the use of drawings in the 
study of children's personalities, their affect life and conflicts, and their inter- 
ests; and the use of drawings to study children limited by lack of language or 
by linguistic barriers. 

Psychological Development Portrayed in the Human Figure 

By far the most extensive research has used the Goodenough method to 
evaluate the psychological development of children, and to understand the 
developing concepts and ideas that their drawings reveal. This discussion will 
review the literature that bears principally on Goodenough's method and its 
value as a "test of intelligence, reserving for a concluding discussion research 
findings pertaining to the broader consideration of the psychology of children's 
drawings and the relationship of drawing to the development of cognitive 
processes generally. 

Goodenough's finding that the drawing test ceases to show age increments 
by early adolescence differed from the results of all other measures of intel- 
ligence, and early attracted attention. Oakley (1940) proposed to extend 
Goodenough's method to drawings by adolescents, and suggested a number 
of promising leads. A number of master's theses done at Columbia University 
(Cohen, 1933; Dyett, 1931; Eggers, 1931; Gitlitz, 1933; Levy, 1931) were de- 
voted to the general topic of ascertaining the usefulness of the Goodenough 
test for subjects older than those for whom it was originally designed. In gen- 
eral, Goodenough's original contention that the test ceases to discriminate 
intellectual differences at about age eleven or twelve was borne out. Berdie 
(1945) reported a correlation of +.62 between Goodenough and Wechsler 
IQ's with older adolescents of average and below-average ability, and Birch 
(1949) found that the Draw-a-Man discriminates adequately among adoles- 
cents of Binet IQ 70 or lower. 

* Apparently Fay (1923, 1934), in France, developed a method of drawing analysis 
somewhat similar to Goodenough's at about this time but it was never published widely. 
The Fay test consists of asking a child to illustrate the situation, "A lady takes a walk and 
it rains." The subject has five minutes to complete the drawing. Scoring is in terms of 
details included by the child. Wintsch (19 35) reported an extensive study of children's 
drawings of the human figure and gave norms for French-Swiss children. He also used the 
Fay test with various European children, as have Fontes and others (1944) and Andre" 
Rey (1946). Rey does not find the measure useful after age twelve; Wintsch suggests the 
age of nine. Weil (1950 a, b) prefers the Goodenough method and gives some normative 
data for French children. 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 2 1 

Israelite (1936) compared the relative difficulty of the items on the Goode- 
nough scale for normal and mentally defective children of the same mental 
age. In general, the defectives surpassed the normals in respect to the number 
of details shown, while the normal children excelled on items involving the 
correct organization and proportion of the parts. Earl (1933), who compared 
the drawings of adult defectives with those of normal children, found much 
the same thing to be true. Spoerl (1940 a,b), likewise, found that retarded 
children showed more details in their drawings than did normals who earned 
comparable total scores, but their sense of proportion was very poor. McElwee 
(1934), who compared the profile drawings of normal and subnormal chil- 
dren, found that although the latter depicted more detail than the former, 
the number of incongruities resulting from confusion between the full-face 
and the profile position was much greater in the drawings made by the sub- 
normal than in those made by the normal children. 

Statistical Evaluations of the Scale 

The reliability and validity of the Draw-a-Man technique have been the 
subject of a number of investigations. The most thoroughly controlled was 
carried out by McCarthy (1944), who gave the test to 386 third- and fourth- 
grade children on two occasions, with an interval of one week between the 
two administrations. Scoring was done by graduate students who had been 
given a period of preliminary training. Each drawing was scored three times, 
twice by the same person and once by a different person. The correlation be- 
tween self-scoring was +.94; between scorings by different persons, +.90. 
Reliability by the split-half method was +.89; by the retest method, +.68. 
Williams (1935), who had one hundred drawings scored independently by 
five examiners, found intercorrelations between scores ranging from +.80 to 
+.96. 

Smith's (1937) test-retest reliabilities for 100 subjects at each age from six 
to fifteen yielded values above +.91 in all but the oldest children. Yepsen 
(1929) found a retest correlation of +.90 for feeble-minded subjects. Brill 
(193?) found that upon repetition of the test within two to six weeks the like- 
lihood of a decrease in score was twice as great as an increase. The correla- 
tion between two tests separated by two and one-half weeks was +.77; for six 
weeks, the value was +.68. An abbreviated scale correlated in excess of +.90 
with the full-length scale. Of interest is a report by Naville (1948) on the 
Fay test used in France; three independent scorings of "a woman walking in 
the rain" by forty children, six to fourteen years old, yielded values of +.92, 
+.80 and +.79. 5 

McCurdy (1947) obtained drawings of a man from fifty-six first-grade 
children on two occasions, separated by about three months. The two sets of 
scores derived by the Goodenough technique correlated +.69, and the mean 
IQ equivalents differed by a very small amount, statistically insignificant. Of 

5 The average of the three scorings was used as the basis. 



22 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

particular interest in this study is the report of a collection of over one thou- 
sand drawings made by a boy between the ages of two and one-half and seven 
years. Fifty-six drawings of men were selected from this collection, the major- 
ity of the' complete human figures available, excluding a number "because 
they were obviously intended as comic distortions or were obviously not done 
with the usual amount of care." The IQ scores for these drawings averaged 
171 with an SD of 22. Two drawings made by this boy at school differ some- 
what in IQ score but correspond roughly with values obtained from drawings 
made at home at about the same time. Likewise, two Binet tests show a direc- 
tion of IQ difference paralleling Goodenough IQ's obtained from drawings 
made at home at about the same periods. 

McCurdy concludes that variation in Goodenough scores shows fluctua- 
tions of ability exceeding "error of measurement/' and that, in this instance, 
variability of the individual and variability of the group are of about the same 
magnitude. Unfortunately, individual and group variability are not compa- 
rable when mean performance differs so greatly. Only one of the fifty-eight 
IQ determinations for the boy fell below the 97th percentile of general norms. 

Williams (1930) constructed a series of growth curves showing progress 
on the Draw-a-Man scale when the counted items or "points' 7 were reduced 
to equally spaced units according to the Thurstone method of scaling. He 
showed that the growth of children whose school progress has been rapid, 
average, or slow was very similar in pattern, though proceeding at different 
rates. All three curves showed fairly marked negative acceleration. 

McHugh (1945 a,b) made an item analysis of the Goodenough scale with 
a view to shortening it. He discovered that thirty of the fifty-one points in the 
scale correlated significantly with his criterion, which was the Stanford-Binet. 
His findings with respect to the abbreviated scale, however, are questionable, 
inasmuch as he used the same group of subjects to validate the new scale as 
were used for the original derivation. He also found that significant IQ gains 
were registered on a second drawing of a man after an interval of a few 
months and concluded that the drawing of a man is not free from the influ- 
ence of experience. 

Influence of Specific Drawing Instructions 

A number of investigations, some of them truly experimental studies, cast 
light on the conceptual aspects of drawing the human figure. Ames (1943, 
1945) found that children under the age of five depicted more details when 
adding to an incomplete figure than they did when told merely to draw a man, 
but that the reverse was true with children over five. However, the Gesell In- 
complete Man, which was the model used, does not suggest the need of many 
details for its completion. A more sophisticated drawing might have yielded 
different results. The number of parts added to the incomplete man (1943) 
shows a more consistent and steady age relationship than do the specific parts 
added. This conclusion is in agreement with the basis of the Goodenough 
test. 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 23 

Gridley (1938), with four-year-olds as subjects, compared the results of nine 
prescribed drawing situations. The children were instructed to: (1) "Draw a 
man/' (2) "Draw a little man/' and (3) "Draw a big man/' They were asked 
to repeat (1), (2), and (3) in that order. Next, they were asked to make a 
schematic drawing of a man from copy, and then to draw a man from dic- 
tated instructions given one at a time while drawing the different parts. 
Finally, they were asked to draw a man according to instructions given in 
advance of the drawing. When scored by the Goodenough method, the aver- 
ages for most of the drawing situations were similar. As might be expected, 
the dictation of what was to be drawn brought about an appreciable increase 
in the score, although neither the provision of a copy nor previous instruction 
had much effect. 

Mott (1939) used the Goodenough scale to compare the drawings made 
by fifty-eight children between the ages of four and seven years when the 
instructions given were simply to "Draw a man," with drawings made when 
the instructions were to "Draw a policeman," "a farmer," or "a cowboy." The 
majority of the children did best under the first instruction. This may be be- 
cause in drawing the more specific figures the children's attention was di- 
verted to features of the costume instead of centering on essential aspects of 
the human subject as such. In another study (1945), Mott investigated the 
effect upon drawing scores of previous movement of specified parts of the 
body. Drawings were first made with only the general instruction to "Draw 
a man." Later, the children were put through a series of exercises involving 
certain parts of the body, verbalizing as they did so, e.g., "This is my head, 
I nod it." Drawings made immediately afterward showed that the exercised 
part was not only more likely to be shown but was drawn with more care for 
details. Two previous studies by the same author (1936 a,b) utilized drawings 
of the human figure done on three successive days with slightly different in- 
structions on each day. The drawings were rated for five characteristics. The 
most interesting feature of these studies is that in each a fairly high correla- 
tion is found between ratings on the amount of activity shown in the draw- 
ings and those obtained on the Marston Scale for introversion-extroversion. 
Because of insufficient data concerning the character of the ratings and the 
age-range of the subjects, corroboration of the findings is needed. 

The Draw-a-Man Test in Diagnosis of Behavior Disorders 

Goodenough has quite correctly been credited for pointing the way to the 
use of drawings in the study of personality. Noting that in the early literature 
there were observations concerning peculiar art forms in the work of mental 
patients, she also demonstrated that bizarre features in children's drawings 
appeared to be associated with behavior idiosyncrasies. She states (1926, 
pp. 62-63): 

In the course of the present study it was found that in a small proportion of 
drawings, qualitative differences may be observed of a type which cannot 



24 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

readily be accounted for. These differences are often of so subtle a nature as 
to render description very difficult, but they may be classified roughly as 
follows: 

1. "Verbalist" type. Drawings containing a large amount of detail but 
comparatively few ideas. Figure ... [1] is an example. See Mateer . . . 
[1924]. 

2. "Individual response" type. Drawings containing features which are 
inexplicable to any one except the child himself. See Figure ... [2]. Com- 
pare Kent and Rosanoff . . . [1910]. 

3. Drawings showing evidence of the flight of ideas, as when hair is shown 
only on one side of head, or when one ear but not the other has been drawn. 
SeeRouma . . . [1908]. 

4. Uneven mental development, as indicated by unusual combination of 
primitive and mature characteristics in a single drawing. (Analogous to 
"scatter" on the Stanford-Binet.) 

Nine children whose work showed one or more of the above characteristics 
were rated on a simple fifty-item adjective check list containing twenty-five 
words descriptive of psychopathic tendencies and their opposites. A slightly 
greater number of words was checked for the "clinical" subjects, and the 
differences on adjectives suggesting peculiarities were more marked. Goode- 
nough's conclusion was conservatively phrased as a research suggestion rather 
than proof that drawings can be used to index personality disturbances. 





FIG. 1. Man, by boy, 9-9 



FIG. 2. Man, by boy, 11-1 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 25 

In the last twenty- years, clinical psychologists have increasingly used human 
figure drawings to study personality. This trend has been a part of the move- 
ment in the use of "projective techniques" and has greatly outstripped the 
research evidence, as the following chapter will show in some detail. Increas- 
ingly it appears that Goodenough's early conservatism has been justified, 
though one must freely admit that drawings do reflect a child's idiosyncratic 
view of his world and experience. The problem appears to be essentially that 
of the "nomothetic" vs. the "idiographic" approaches in personality evalua- 
tion. If we use the child's drawing as a normative psychometric instrument in 
the study of personality, we find that validity coefficients are so low as to make 
individual prediction impossible. On the other hand, intimate knowledge 
of a child's experience and attitudes makes many of the details and special 
features of his drawing quite meaningful. However, the great variety of ways 
in which possible drawing elements can be (and are, in fact), combined by 
children makes it virtually impossible for one to read predictively from the 
drawing to the child, despite the seeming success of occasional "blind inter- 
pretations." These cases, it should be noted, are usually of quite disturbed 
children, and the predictions are cast in such graphic language that they 
cannot help but give a general "fit" to the phenomena observed. Drawings 
many times confirm or throw light on suspected trends in the detailed clinical 
study of cases; they are not psychometric instruments. 

That the Goodenough score is somewhat sensitive to the child's affect is 
shown in one experimental study. Reichenberg-Hackett (1953), working with 
106 nine- to eleven-year-old children, and 100 controls, has shown that posi- 
tively toned affective states, experimentally induced, influence children's 
drawings toward higher scores. This improvement was attributed to an in- 
creased ability to apply knowledge and skill acquired in previous learning 
situations, and to improved ability to perform concrete tasks requiring simple 
mental organization. 

In an "experiment of nature," Ochs (1950) compared fifty-two children 
diagnosed as primary behavior disorders who improved in social adjustment 
after a period of hospitalization, with seventy-two children similarly diag- 
nosed who failed to improve in the same period. The former group lost 4.89 
IQ points whereas the latter group increased their Goodenough IQ's 3.14 
points. Starting at almost the same IQ, this final difference of seven IQ points 
is statistically significant. 

The Goodenough scale has been used specifically as a qualitative aid in 
clinical diagnosis of specific disorders. Springer (1941) made an item analysis 
of the Draw-a-Man scale to ascertain which items differentiated between mal- 
adjusted and well-adjusted boys as classified by the Haggerty-Olson-Wickman 
Scale. Of the fifty-one items included in the Goodenough scale, fifteen 
showed critical ratios of 3.00 or higher. It is interesting to note that the pat- 
tern of the differences is the same as that found by those who have compared 
normal and retarded children; this, in spite of the fact that the two groups 
were equated for total score on the drawing test. 



26 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Berrien's (1935) study attempted an item analysis to obtain a diagnostic 
measure of different types of behavior disorders in children. The drawings of 
three groups of abnormal children were compared, including twenty-four 
post-encephalitics, thirteen diagnosed as "psychopathic personality/ 7 and fif- 
teen borderline mental defectives. The post-encephalitic cases showed a num- 
ber of the characteristics noted by Goodenough as possible indicators of 
neurotic or psychotic states; most notably, reversal of sex characteristics and 
combinations of mature and primitive characteristics in the same drawing. 
The small number of cases and wide spread of ages made the item analysis 

inconclusive. 

In the work of schizophrenic children, DesLauriers and Halpern (1947) 
found relatively lower IQ scores by the Draw-a-Man technique; this was re- 
lated theoretically to the psychotic child's "body-image disturbance" a point 
to be considered more fully in the next chapter. 

Like Berrien, Bender (1940) used the Draw-a-Man Test with a small group 
of children suffering from post-encephalitic behavior disorders. In each of six 
reported cases, the IQ obtained from the drawing was far below that obtained 
'on the Binet. Bender's interpretation is that the cerebral damage had caused 
a considerable disruption of the body image, and suggests that so marked a 
discrepancy between the two scales may afford a useful hint as to the possi- 
bility of brain injury. In another approach to this problem, Hanvik (1953) ex- 
amined discrepancies between Goodenough and WISC IQ's in children five 
to twelve years. The rank order correlation for twenty-five youngsters was 
only +.18 and the Goodenough values were significantly lower, on the aver- 
age, than mean WISC IQ. Of interest in this connection is Gunzburg's 
(1955) finding that IQ scores on drawings of a man correlate higher with in- 
dividual examination IQ's among familial mental defectives than among 
pathological mental defectives of the same general intelligence range. 

While not particularly productive when used with adults, except possibly 
the mentally retarded, the Draw-a-Man method has yielded a few noteworthy 
results with other forms of intellectual deterioration. Chase (1941) noted 
Goodenough test differences between small samples of adult paranoids and 
normals, and adult hebephrenics and normals, the latter remaining statisti- 
cally different after being matched for Binet M.A/s. Chase comments espe- 
cially on the deterioration to be observed in the drawings by hebephrenics, 
and their tendency to use geometric forms. That the Goodenough test is not 
suitable for testing the intellectual level of normal adults is obvious from 
Goodenough's (1926) standardization data and from Murphy's (1956) at- 
tempt to separate three groups of young adult males applicants for staff 
positions at a state hospital, alcoholics, and mental defectives. Only in the 
latter group was there a significant correlation with Wechsler-Bellevue IQ; 
there were no differences among the three samples in mean Goodenough 
score. On the other hand, the Goodenough test appears to discriminate to 
some extent intelligence levels among very old men. Possibly senile deteriora- 
tion returns the individual to the more concrete processes measured by the 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 27 

drawing test. Jones and Rich (1957) reported correlations of +.47 to +.65 
with the several measures supplied by the Wechsler-Bellevue, though the 
height of the drawing alone correlated about as well with intelligence as did 
the drawing score! The more deteriorated patients produced small drawings, 
devoid of detail. Darke and Geil (1948) observed that adult male homosex- 
uals drew men with more of Goodenough's "feminine" traits than males 
whose homosexuality was infrequent or minor, or males who took the active 
male role in homosexuality. 

The possibility of using the Draw-a-Man Test as an indicator of maladjust- 
ment was also studied by Brill (1937), who found that his group of malad- 
justed boys typically scored lower on the scale than they did on the Binet, 
while the reverse was more often true of his well-ad justed group. His attempt 
to devise a short form of the drawing test for the purpose of predicting mal- 
adjustment commits the too-familiar statistical error of using the same data 
for validating as for deriving the scale. 

In an unpublished master's study Palmer (1953) examined thirty-six nor- 
mal fourth-grade children, and discovered that Goodenough-Stanford-Binet 
IQ discrepancies were not correlated with measures of personal-social adjust- 
ment as assessed by the California Test of Personality. In another master's 
dissertation using the same fourth-grade children, Fowler (1953) correlated 
Goodenough-Stanford-Binet IQ discrepancies with sociometric measures, 
both measures of how a child is accepted by others and of how he accepts 
others. He found no tendency for a discrepancy between the two measures of 
intelligence to be significantly associated with low social acceptance. However, 
each measure of intelligence, taken by itself, correlated significantly with 
acceptance. The two intelligence measures themselves correlated +.41. 

One of the best studies of the comparative performance of delinquent and 
nondelinquent subjects on the Goodenough test was made by Hinrichs 
(1935). Unfortunately, his subjects (ages nine to eighteen years) were for the 
most part older than those for whom the scale was intended. Hinrichs at- 
tempted to remedy this difficulty by devising an upward extension of the scale 
but found, as have others, that the added section was neither as reliable nor 
as valid as the part designed for younger children. His subjects were eighty- 
one institutionalized delinquent boys, none with IQ's below 80. Several con- 
trol groups from various types of environment were matched with the delin- 
quents. In general, the study is well controlled and the statistical treatment 
adequate. Hinrichs 7 chief findings are as follows: The delinquent boys showed 

(1) somewhat lower mean IQ's on the Goodenough than on the Stanford; 

(2) more "incongruities" in their drawings than in those made by the con- 
trols; (3) greater juvenility in choice of subjects to draw, and more "blood and 
thunder" characters than in those of controls; and (4) more stereotyped draw- 
ings with fewer indications of activity. 

Starke (1950), also working with delinquents, examined the relation of 
dominance behavior, measured by an adaptation of the Pintner-Forlano 
schedule for the study of dominance feeling, a teacher-rating schedule com- 



28 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

posed of five linear scales, and a twenty-item "Guess-Who" type instrument 
based on dominance behavior. For carefully matched (age, grade soaoeco- 
nomic status) groups of delinquent and nondelinquent boys and girls, fie 
found no significant differences between his delinquent and nondelinquent 
measures. Furthermore, the three criteria of dominance failed to mtercorre- 
late significantly. His matched groups of boys differed significantly on those 
pairs of items on which both Springer (1941) and Bemen (1935) agreed 
that deviant children were more likely to show discrepancies, but the overlap 
was great. The girls did not differ to any degree. Delinquent girls were less 
successful on items that both Springer (1941) and Brill (1937) found to dis- 
tinguish maladjusted from adjusted children; this was not true for boys, how- 
ever On a composite list of points drawn from Machover (1949), Anastasi 
and Foley (1944), and Springer (1941), no differences appeared in either 

sex group. , 

Starlce, however, found marked differences between deviant and normal 
groups on items noted by Goodenough as treated differently by boys and girls. 
(See p. 32, following.) On features more commonly included by boys, both 
nondelinquent boys and girls exceed delinquent boys and girls. On features 
preferred by girls, delinquent boys scored much more often than nondelm- 
quents; as between comparable groups of girls, no such difference appeared. 
Empirically derived scoring keys based on the observed differences m figure 
drawings made by delinquent and nondelinquent children of both sexes main- 
tained their discriminating power on similarly selected, new, cross-validation 
groups. The overlap of the samples was extensive, however. 

Using a free-drawing technique, Vogelsang (1934) found that incarcerated 
delinquent adolescent boys heavily favored erotic themes (especially sketches 
of the female figure), and these themes increased with the length of time in 
the reformatory, Unlike the Hurlock (1943) study of adolescent free draw- 
ings, the caricature theme was relatively infrequent and the majority of hu- 
man figure drawings were of the same sex as the artist. Environmental factors 
undoubtedly account for these differences. 

When the evidence from these studies is put together, it appears that a 
Goodenough IQ markedly lower than that earned on the Binet may afford 
some indication of emotional or nervous instability or, possibly, of brain 
damage. However, inasmuch as the self-correlation of the Goodenough test 
is not high enough to warrant its use for exact comparisons, a finding of this 
kind cannot be regarded as more than one of the signs comprised in the total 
syndrome. If, in addition to the difference between the two test results, there 
are many incongruities or other unusual features in the drawing, the likeli- 
hood of personality disturbance is increased, especially if the Binet test shows 
the child to be of normal or near-normal intelligence. 

Drawings by Sensory Deviates 

On the assumption that the loss of one sensory receptor may give rise to 
a compensatory superiority in other receptors, a number of persons have ex- 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children s Drawings 29 

amined the drawings of the deaf. Several of these studies have utilized the 
Draw-a-Man technique, assuming that this test may provide more objective 
evidence of compensatory mechanisms than derived by subjective judgment, 
and assuming that it also offers a better index to the intellectual level of the 
deaf than is given by verbal tests. 

Three principal studies agree in finding mean lQ f s for the deaf that fall 
somewhat below the mean for the hearing. The averages are as follows: Peter- 
son and Williams (1930), 80; Shirley and Goodenough (1932), 88; Springer 
(1938), 96. The first two studies utilized institutional cases. The last study in- 
cluded day school children enrolled in special classes for the deaf in New 
York City. This group probably represents a higher socioeconomic level, on 
the average, than the institutionalized groups. On the other hand, Glowatsky 
(1953) found that deaf children, while distinctly inferior on verbal tests, were 
not so deficient on performance measures, including the Draw-a-Man (mean 
IQ was 98). 

The Clarke School for the Deaf has reported (1953) that the Draw-a-Man 
Test proved better than the Leiter or the WISC for differentiating between 
good and poor learners. Thiel (1927), on the basis of an examination of ap- 
proximately two thousand drawings made by children in schools for the deaf, 
came to the conclusion that the development of drawing among the deaf 
parallels that found for the hearing, but that progress is slower. Working with 
a number of tests, including the Goodenough Draw-a-Man, Myklebust and 
Brutten (1953) found a distinct perceptual inferiority of deaf children. Using 
the McAdory Art Appreciation Test, Pintner (1941) discovered that deaf 
subjects between the ages of eleven and twenty-one years performed as well, 
but no better, than hearing subjects of corresponding age. Although the deaf 
girls did slightly better than the boys, they showed no superiority over hearing 
subjects. 

For obvious reasons, the Draw-a-Man Test has not been used with blind 
children. Lowenf eld's (1939) important study, however, did incorporate draw- 
ings and paintings by children severely limited in vision, as well as clay models 
by the blind and partially sighted. His assumption was that in the art of sub- 
jects from whom the visual appearance of the external world is largely or 
wholly hidden one might study fruitfully the nature of creative experience. 
He questioned his subjects extensively about their mental processes while 
drawing, and inquired into the reasons determining their manner of drawing. 
From his studies, Lowenfeld concludes that there are two sources of experi- 
ence, leading to two types of creative expression. The first has its origin in vis- 
ual or other types of perception and in the esthetic pleasure directly experi- 
enced thereby; the artist attempts to reproduce the object as it appears, and 
thus to convey a similar pleasure to others. This type of art work Lowenfeld 
designates as the "optic or visual type." The other type of experience is per- 
sonal. It consists of the feelings and emotions aroused by the total situation; 
the artist primarily attempts to convey these feelings in his work. In Lowen- 
feld's terminology, such products are classed as "haptic." They differ from the 



30 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

type previously described in their lessened fidelity to objective reality and 
their greater fidelity to some core of affective meaning. This meaning is fre- 
quently, though not always, discernible to an outsider. There is a centraliza- 
tion of attention upon those features that convey the meaning, with corre- 
sponding neglect of other parts that are equally open to visual perception. 
Lowenfeld's discussion of these factors and his exposition of them in the 
many remarkably fine color prints contained in the Appendix is highly stimu- 
lating, and should be read by all who are interested either in projective theory 
or in the psychology of art. Revesz (1950) has also treated the haptic, espe- 
cially in relation to plastic art. 

In a later paper, Lowenfeld (1945) reports a number of ingenious tests to 
detect haptical and visual dispositions. He conceives these dispositions as 
broadly organized and differing ways of approaching experiences controlling 
artistic expression. On the basis of these tests applied to more than 1,000 
students, Lowenfeld reports that 47 per cent are clearly visual and 23 per 
cent clearly haptic; 30 per cent are mixed types. Presumably, the predomi- 
nance of the "visuals" and the large proportion of mixed types reflects the 
influence of a highly visual culture. In a more recent work designed as a text- 
book for teachers, Lowenfeld (1952, 1957) has placed more emphasis upon 
the developmental aspects of drawing together with extensive notes on the 
possible significance of color, line, and form at the various stages. 

The Draw-a-Man Test and Artistic Talent 

Goodenough (1926) reported several studies of her method in relation to 
art training; they indirectly supported the test's validity. She attempted to 
ascertain whether children who possessed special artistic talent made higher 
scores on the test than children of equal general ability; in general such did 
not occur. 

An exhibition of the art work of Pamela Bianca (Manson, 1919), classified 
according to her age when she did the work, was studied. Many of the 
sketches included drawings of the human figure; for these Goodenough found 
a mean IQ of 125, which she stated was "not out of proportion to the re^ 
ported facts concerning her (Pamela's) school progress and general ability" 
(Goodenough, 1926, p. 52) . Much of the work showed immaturity of thought 
despite its really remarkable artistic qualities. These observations led Goode- 
nough to an intense search for talented child artists. She discovered that 
while child musicians are not at all uncommon, the child artist is indeed a 
rara avis. Goodenough's statement is: 

In spite of careful research, both in connection with this study and during 
a year spent as a field worker in the Stanford University Gifted Children 
Survey, the writer has been unable to locate a single child under the age of 
twelve years whose drawings appeared to possess artistic merit of a degree at 
all comparable to the musical genius occasionally shown by children of this 
age. Examination of drawings which make unusually high scores on the test 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children's Drawings 31 

leads to the opinion that keen powers of analytic observation, coupled with a 
good memory for details, are more potent factors in producing high scores 
than is artistic ability in the ordinary sense of the term (1926, p. 53). 

Observing that varying viewpoints exist concerning the art instruction that 
should be accorded children, and that classroom teachers vary extensively in 
the emphasis given art and in their own abilities to teach the subject, Goode- 
nough projected two short experiments. In one, direct coaching according to 
the method used for scoring the test was given to a first-grade class after a con- 
trol drawing had been obtained from each child. The coaching consisted of 
half-hour periods of teaching and practice on two successive days. The 
teacher, who was familiar with the scoring method and had actually scored a 
good many drawings, dictated instructions to the children as they made their 
drawings, drew illustrations on the blackboard, pointed out errors in indi- 
vidual drawings, and asked the children to correct them. After such various 
ways of trying to improve scores, she obtained a second drawing on the second 
day of coaching. One week later she obtained a third drawing. She states: 

Thirty-seven children were present on all five occasions. The median score 
made on the first or control drawing was 16.7 points; on the first drawing 
where coaching was given, 19.2 points; on the second drawing with coaching, 
23.7 points. The median score on the drawings made four hours after the 
second coaching period was 22.5 points; a week later it had dropped to 20.7 
points, which is a gain equivalent to one year of mental age above the control 
drawing. A comparison of the control with the final drawings showed that 
70 per cent of the children had gained at least one point, while 8 per cent 
showed neither gain nor loss, and 22 per cent showed a slight loss. The 
standard error of estimate of a true score at this age is approximately 2 
points. Fifty-four per cent of the children gained more than this amount; 
40 per cent did not change their score by more than one standard error; and 
6 per cent (2 cases) lost one 3, the other 4 points. 

These data show that, at least in the majority of cases, specific training in 
drawing the human figure does affect the score made on the test. There is 
no evidence that the kind of art training which is most commonly given in 
the primary grades, and which does not include formal instruction on the 
human figure, has any appreciable effect upon the score (1926, p. 55). 

Goodenough also observed that children who had little or no previous ex- 
perience with a pencil should have some practice with drawing before being 
given the test. She believed that some experience with the pencil quickly re- 
moves any initial handicap that might result from unfamiliarity with the 
medium. She also remarked on the debilitating effect self-consciousness has 
on drawing, which becomes increasingly noticeable as children grow older. 

Sex Differences on the Draw*a-Man Test 

In the original standardization Goodenough noted a rather noticeable 
superiority of girls on the drawing test at every age except twelve, with a tend- 



32 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

ency for somewhat greater variability among the boys. This difference she at- 
tributed to the method employed for standardization of the items. She be- 
lieved that the school's tendency to promote girls through the grades more 
rapidly than boys and to hold back boys, made for a disproportionate number 
of girls among the accelerated children, with a large percentage of boys among 
the retarded children. This situation favored the selection of items in which 
girls might exceed boys. Goodenough suggested the hypothesis that girls may 
be somewhat more docile and of more studious habits than boys, and that the 
test may tend to favor those children willing to persevere in the face of diffi- 
culties and those who give careful attention to details. 

Goodenough noted, in addition, certain items that girls are more likely to 
include than boys, and some items that boys are more likely to include than 
girls. The accompanying list reports Goodenough's findings with regard to 
100 children of each sex scoring between 22 and 26 points: 



NUMBER OP DRAWINGS 
SHOWING CHARACTERISTIC 

BOYS GIRLS 

Masculine characteristics: 

At least head and feet shown in profile, and in 

same direction 58 36 

Some accessory characteristic present, as pipe, 

cane, umbrella, house, or scenery 21 9 

Trousers transparent 12 3 

Heel present 53 37 

Figure represented as walking or running 20 7 

Arms reaching below knee 11 3 

Necktie shown 25 14 
Feminine characteristics: 

Nose represented only by two dots 7 28 

Feet less than ^ total body length 4 16 

Eyes showing two or more of the following details: 

brow, lashes, pupil, iris 1 11 

Hair very smooth or neatly parted 13 34 

" Cupid's bow" mouth 1 7 

Cheeks shown 1 7 

Trousers flaring at base 6 21 

Head larger than trunk 9 17 

Arm length not greater than head length 11 26 

Curly hair 2 7 

Legs not more than | trunk length 2 12 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children s Drawings 33 

These children were selected at random from ten different localities, and repre- 
sented a wide range of social status and ethnic background. She states: 

For example, a difference in the interest taken in physical activity may be the 
reason for the greater tendency of the boys to exaggerate the size of the feet 
and the length of the arms and legs, as compared with the girls' tendency to 
minimize these parts. [Compare Fig. 5 with Fig. 7.] This is in line with the 
fact that the drawings of the boys more often show the figure in action. 
[See Fig. 8.] It is quite possible that it is this desire to express movement 
which leads to the characteristic change from the full-face to the profile posi- 
tion which has been so universally noted by students of children's drawings. 
In my collection, this change takes place appreciably earlier and more gen- 
erally with boys than with girls. 

The girls are inclined to exaggerate the size of the head and the trunk, 
and, more especially, of the eyes [Figs. 3 and 4 compared with 6 and 7]. It is 
not a very uncommon circumstance for a girl to draw the eyes larger than 
the feet [Fig. 4], while boys are likely to make the feet larger than the entire 
head [Fig. 8]. In general, however, the sense of proportion displayed by the 
boys is decidedly better than that shown by the girls, while girls excel in the 
number of items and the amount of detail with which they are shown 
(1926, pp. 60-62). 





FIG. 3. Man, by girl, 12-0 



FIG. 4. Man, by girl, 8-0 



34 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 





FIG. 5. Man, by girl, 8-2 FIG. 6. Man, by boy, 12-10 





FIG. 7. Man, by boy, 9-6 FIG. 8. Man, by boy, 12-9 



Historical Survey of the Study of Children s Drawings 35 

Relation of the Draw-a-Man Test to Other Tests of Intelligence 

At several points this review has mentioned the correlation of the drawing 
scale with the Stanford-Binet scale. Generally, the values are comparable 
with the values Goodenough has reported (1926). For example, values re- 
ported by Williams (1935), Yepsen (1929), and McElwee (1932) are +.65, 
+.60, and +.72, respectively. In the last few decades there has been a great 
deal of experimentation with human figure drawings used as a clinical tool. 
Unfortunately, these investigators have seldom correlated results attained by 
the Goodenough method with other modes of evaluation. 

Smith's (1937) report does not give specific correlations with the several 
group tests used in his study of 2600 children, but he does state: "Certain 
significant deviations from Goodenough IQ 7 s were revealed which indicate 
that the drawing test probably measures somewhat specialized abilities rather 
than general intelligence of the conventional linguistic type" (1937, p. 761). 
Pechoux and others (1947) report that for 100 abnormal and delinquent boys 
and girls between ages five and eighteen, the Goodenough M.A. correlates to 
only a slight extent with Porteus Maze results (r's of +.27 for the girls and 
+.25 for the boys) and only slightly more with the Stanford-Binet mental 
age (+.26 for the girls and +.38 for the boys) . Rottersman, in an unpublished 
master's thesis (1950), reports the following correlations of the Draw-a-Man 
Test with the WISC, using fifty six-year-old children: Verbal Scale, r = +.38, 
Performance Scale, r = +.43; Full Scale, r = +.47. In the same group the 
Draw-a-Man results correlated +.36 with the Stanford-Binet. 

Ansbacher (1952) studied the relationship between the Draw-a-Man scale 
and the Thurstone Primary Mental Abilities Test and with tests of tracing, 
tapping, and dotting, taken from the McQuarrie Test for Mechanical Ability. 
He used 100 ten-year-old youngsters as subjects. The Goodenough test was 
most highly correlated with factors of Reasoning (r = +.40), Space (r = 
+.38), and Perception (r=+.37), and less correlated with the McQuarrie 
Tapping (r = +.23), and Dotting (r = +.16). Correlations with the Primary 
Mental Abilities Verbal Meaning and Number tests were negligible. The 
Goodenough method correlated somewhat higher with the Tracing test (r = 
+.34). Ansbacher believed the Tracing test made heavy demands on "youth- 
ful willingness to follow directions," which he considered an attribute of 
personality. Ansbacher took this higher correlation as new evidence that the 
Goodenough test performance may be related to personality. 

Hanvik (1953) reported for twenty-five psychiatric patients, aged five to 
twelve, significantly lower mean IQ's on the Goodenough than on the WISC. 
The rank order correlation between IQ's on the two scales was only +.18. 
Gunzburg (1955) found that Draw-a-Man IQ's of adult mental defectives 
correlated higher with the nonverbal (r = .73) than with the verbal (r = .43) 
Wechsler-Bellevue scale; this correlation pattern was higher for familial (r's 
of .79 and .54, respectively) than for organic cases (r's of .64 and .35, respec- 
tively). For seventy normal ten-year-olds, Havighurst and Janke (1944) re- 



36 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

port correlations with the Draw-a-Man as follows: Stanford-Binet, r=.50; 
Cornell-Coxe, r = .63; Minnesota Paper Formboard, r = .48. 

The objectivity and reliability of the Goodenough scoring method for 
studying children's drawings of a man have been firmly established. Its value 
as an index of intelligence is perhaps not quite so firm. Validity coefficients 
are uniformly positive but range from very modest (the low 20's) to quite 
substantial (the 70's and 80's) depending on the age of the subjects, the age 
range included in the sample, and the measure used as a criterion. The corre- 
lation values show that the test measures intellectual more successfully than 
esthetic or personality factors. 



Summary 

When psychology focused interest on the study of the human mind during 
the late nineteenth century, children's drawings, as a means of understanding 
the child mind, came to prominence. Early observers quickly established that 
young children like to draw familiar objects, such as people, houses, trees, 
boats, and animals; the human figure being one of the commonest subjects. 
These early students also established the fact that there is a describable evo- 
lution in the child's portrayal of the human figure from simple schematic 
presentation of general features to detailed delineation. 

Those students of children's drawings most interested in the understanding 
of thought processes adopted an analytical method, the essential method of 
science. The measurement of drawings by millimeter scales soon, however, 
gave way to analytical study based on elements- details. This method has 
been important in the study of drawings to the present time. 

Florence Goodenough's scale of points for assessing intellectual maturity 
has been shown to be reliable; i.e., different scorers agree to a high degree in 
their results, and children show a high consistency in score from drawing to 
drawing. The psychological processes evaluated by the scale show consider- 
able resistance to special influence introduced by instructions or "sets" sup- 
plied by the examiner. 

This analytical method of scoring has been rather thoroughly investigated 
to see whether socially atypical children perform differently from "normal" or 
average children. It has been established that socially and emotionally malad- 
justed children do somewhat more poorly on the drawing test than well- 
adjusted children of the same general age and mental level. Their drawings 
tend to resemble those of retarded children. However, this scoring method 
fails to yield predictions of delinquency, neurosis, or severe disturbance suf- 
ficiently high to warrant its use for this purpose. It has some value for the 
analysis of abilities of deaf children. The method is clearly unrelated to ar- 
tistic talent, as it is generally appraised in the elementary grades. Girls tend 
to earn somewhat higher scores than boys, and show certain characteristic 
qualitative differences not included in the scale. 



Chapter Three 

The Clinical 

and Projective Uses 

of Children's Drawings 



ALTHOUGH SOME psychologists examine the content of graphic art 
for symbols to interpret (following Freud and Jung's approach), it is more 
common for clinicians and research workers to seek evidence of psychological 
traits, qualities, or states in the formal attributes or the stylistic features of 
drawings and paintings. The general hypothesis behind this approach is that 
unverbalized feeling states are projected into the procedure by which one 
manipulates and arranges a medium that can be formed and patterned. The 
pencil and paintbrush are devices for giving permanent record to the organiza- 
tion of visual space, and lend themselves particularly well to creative, organi- 
zational activity. 

Other psychologists are less interested in the general features of a drawing 
than in the specific treatment of parts or features, particularly in the graphi- 
cally portrayed human figure. For these psychologists the hypothesis relates 
to the projected ego or self-image that the subject presumably portrays. A 
voluminous and ingenious literature, highly theoretical and speculative, has 
been advanced in support of this hypothesis. 

Projection of Affect in Line, Form, and Color 

Goodenough's work noted her early interest in drawings as evidence for 
interests and personality traits (1926, p. 80). Luquet (1927, 1929), in dis- 
cussions that foreshadow the "projective hypothesis/' pointed out that chil- 
dren move from a stage of "emotional unrealism" to a stage of "intellectual 
realism/' Malrieu (1950) in a lucid discussion, emphasized this same point 
of view. Lembke (1930), who also anticipated projective use of drawings, 
noted that the boldest and shyest children in each of seventeen elementary 
school classes differed markedly in their use of color and form in crayon draw- 
ings, The bold children outlined their objects much less distinctly, and used 

37 



38 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

darker, noncomplementary color combinations, especially violet and brown. 

Lowenfeld (1947, 1952)' analyzed the progressive stages in the development 
of drawings in much the same terms as Luquet. He pointed out that the 
young child's drawings reflect his own desires, feelings, beliefs, and fancies 
rather than objective reality. Proportions, for example, represent values as the 
child conceives them rather than his perceptions of absolute size. As the child 
moves into what Luquet called the period of "realistic representation," his 
self-confidence is shaken by the contrast between his internal and external 
worlds. He may then give up all forms of creative activity, or he may express 
k his conflicts and confusions in his art products. 

^ Charlotte Buhler and colleagues (1952), in a book designed to enable 
teachers to analyze and understand child personality, affirm that children's 
drawings reveal much about their motivation. Because knowledge about chil- 
dren's motivations is essential to understand their needs and to judge their 
maturity or readiness for learning, teachers are urged to study children's art- 
work. The present author, however, cautions against the use of an elaborate 
symbolism in the interpretation of children's drawings. 

Empirical evidence has accumulated to suggest that drawings by children 
reflect more than sheer developmental or conceptual maturity. Schliebe 
(1934), for example, was interested in determining how children depict states 
of feelings in their drawings. Six drawings were secured from each of 478 
children between the ages of four and eighteen years. First they were told to 
draw a tree. This was used as the standard with which other drawings were to 
be compared. The children were then asked to draw a cold tree, a happy tree, 
a frightened tree, a sad tree, and a dying tree. Comparisons were made in 
terms of height and width, the direction in which the branches typically 
pointed and a number of other features. Schliebe believed he found charac- 
teristic patterns of such emotional expression. Children gave, as their chief 
reason for making the kind of drawings they did, either recalled or imagined 
kinesthetic sensations under similar conditions. 

Harms (1941) proposed three methods that he considered useful in the 
study of neurotic children: (1) single lines drawn to denote words having 
affective value, (2) a picture drawn to illustrate a word chosen from a list of 
strongly affective terms, and (3) one picture drawn to illustrate the thing the 
child artist likes best and another to illustrate the thing he most strongly dis- 
likes. These devices are not offered as confirmed techniques but as suggestions 
that have appeared promising. 

In a later article Harms (1946) elaborated the first of his three suggested 
techniques. Approximately ten thousand subjects ranging in age from kinder- 
garten to the adult level were asked to draw lines representing certain words, 
chiefly verbs and adjectives such as "walking," "cry," "silent." Harms' immedi- 
ate task was to reduce the material to a series of objectively defined types that 
could be used as a basis for further work. Six forms were eventually delimited: 
(1) monographical, (2) cursive, in which the same figure was repeated several 
times in a running line, (3) picto graphical, (4) script, in which a long line 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 39 

was drawn with undulations or circles such as to suggest writing, (5) spatial, 
in which the subject attempted to convey the quality by a change in the direc- 
tion or form of the line, and (6) final, in which the only guiding principle 
seemed to be that of bringing the line to an end. Whether or not the method 
will prove useful in the differentiation of personality types remains to be 
seen, but the study is one of the most carefully worked out in the field. 

This work had its precursor in experimental esthetics. Lundholm (1921) 
showed that artistically unsophisticated subjects, asked to illustrate certain 
adjectives by pencil line, produced discernibly similar patterns to particular 
classes of \vords. Using tie stylized patterns that Lundholm described as 
prototypes, Poffenberger and Barrow (1924) demonstrated overwhelming 
agreement (from 50 to 90 per cent agreeing on each of eighteen possible 
choices of patterns), by a large sample of young adults in matching particular 
patterns with groups of adjectives. 

Early work done with adolescents by Hevner (193?) and with children by 
Walton (1936) showed that lines and forms may express feelings as stated 
in adjectives. Also, they found considerable agreement as to the feeling states 
attributed, even among young children. Hevner found that both colors and 
forms express feeling tone, and that when colors and forms showing similar 
trends are combined as stimuli, the agreement on the feelings attributed dis- 
integrates. This finding could well be studied developmentally. Walton's 
work (1936) suggests that young children's attribution of feelings involves 
principally the pleasant-unpleasant dimension. However, as they learn more 
words and concepts, children make finer distinctions and discriminate more 
polar dimensions. His observations agree with developmental thinking con- 
cerning both emotional and cognitive processes. 

Krauss (1930) also found that when lines drawn by one set of students to 
depict various emotional states were shown to a second group, correct identi- 
fication was made in 72.5 per cent of the cases. Scheerer and Lyons (1957) re- 
port consistent and meaningful choices in matching "physiognomic" and 
"neutral" words with patterns of lines. More recently Peters and Merrifield 
(1958) proposed a list of adjectives and described typical, or "normative/' 
lines drawn to illustrate them. They comment that enough general agreement 
occurs in response to the stimulus words to warrant further exploration. 

Also studying the graphic expression of complex feelings and impressions, 
England (1943) asked a group of ten- to fourteen-year-old children to "draw 
the most important event in your life." Twenty-seven per cent of all the draw- 
ings were of fears, and the great majority of the fear situations reflected 
traumatic episodes. On the basis of this, England concludes that fears of 
older children (between the ages of ten and fourteen) are preponderantly 
concrete and based on trauma. This finding is contrary to most child psychol- 
ogy textbook teaching, which tends to hold that fears in older children are 
principally imaginative and based on associative learning. It apparently did 
not occur to England that simple situations are more readily illustrated than 
complex events. Williams (1940), who was also interested in questions of 



40 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

methodology, found that drawings made by maladjusted children when alone 
in a room without distracting influences were more revealing than those made 
in the presence of the examiner. However, this finding should be checked; it 
may vary with the interpersonal relations between examiner and child. Fur- 
thermore, most clinical psychologists hold that the drawing behavior itself 
must be observed. 

Following the example of Freud on Leonardo, Zilahi-Beke (1931) studied 
Michelangelo's works to learn how childhood experiences may influence 
the character of the artist's future work. He interprets the gigantic size of 
the young David (with whom the artist presumably identifies) as showing 
Michelangelo's jealousy and resentment of his older brother's favored family 
position. Shock and grief at the loss of his mother at the age of six is suggested 
as an explanation for the loving care with which he depicted the figure of the 
Virgin in the Pieta group, as well as for her very youthful appearance, which 
would correspond to his memories of his own mother at the time of her death. 
These speculations are interesting and, to some extent, plausible; but there is, 
of course, no way to verify them. 

Excursions into the artwork of children from many theoretical positions, 
then, have affirmed that such products reveal psychologically important as- 
pects about their creators. One of the most elaborate studies of preschool 
children's art and its meaning is the richly illustrated two-volume report by 
Alschuler and Hattwick (1947). Volume II presents the statistics on which 
the conclusions of Volume I presumably are based, together with biographi- 
cal data for each child. There is evidence of considerable confusion between 
what may be true for an individual and what is characteristic of the group to 
which he belongs. An example is a case described in Volume I. A little girl 
designated as Aileen, who was shuttled back and forth between the homes 
of her divorced parents with occasional side trips to the home of a grand- 
parent or other relative, repeatedly painted an ovular red mass which she said 
was a "house." Actually, 133 of the 187 paintings made during her first year in 
nursery school were of this type. The authors state, without giving figures, 
that these paintings were more likely to be made during periods when the 
child was unusually depressed and upset, and that in subsequent years when 
her paintings had advanced to the pictorial stage, she not infrequently re- 
verted to the old pattern at times when her home life was more than usually 
unhappy. Although one would wish some figures, the following explanation 
is at least plausible: 

It is not difficult to understand Aileen's unhappiness and her constant anxi- 
ety about "home/* ... In her persistent paintings of the ovular red mass, as 
the full data substantiate, Aileen was expressing her need and deep craving 
for a home which would give her adequate protection and love (Vol. I, 
p. 12). 

The present writer believes that in view of the very large amount of material 
available for each of the 150 children studied by Alschuler and Hattwick, the 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 41 

authors might have used statistical methods appropriate for the study of in- 
dividual cases, together with some interchild comparisons. The attempt to re- 
port findings for the group as described in Volume II may, in fact, be mis- 
leading. There is no good reason to suppose that the symbolic language of 
children is universal; it may well differ from one child to another. If this is 
true, the only generalizations possible are in terms of principles, not of specific 
symbols. In an attempt to confirm Alschuler and Hattwick's work, Windsor 
(1949) came to much the same conservative conclusion. 

Because of its direct character and primitive method, finger painting has 
appealed to a number of persons as offering unusual opportunities for emo- 
tional expression. A bibliography on this topic has been prepared by Napoli 
(1946, 1947) . Blum and Dragositz (1947) attempted to study the developmen- 
tal aspects of finger painting comparing first-grade and sixth-grade children's 
work. Unfamiliarity of both groups with the medium may perhaps account 
for the fact that so few differences were found. The older children obtained 
somewhat neater results with less smearing of the colors at points of junction, 
and better coverage of the paper. Even these differences, however, were so 
small that two art teachers who served as judges were able to separate the 
work of the two groups with only slightly better than chance success. 



Figure Drawings and the Study of Personality 

On the basis of studies and observations such as those cited above, many 
present-day psychologists have come to believe that drawings and paintings, 
being spontaneous behaviors, reveal children's feelings and desires. Such free 
activity, they hold, expresses not only the needs and emotions dominant at the 
time but also the more deep-seated and lasting characteristics known as "per- 
sonality." 

The use of children's drawings as a projective device was especially pro- 
moted by Bell's summary (1948), and there are now many proposals for 
interpreting the psychological significance of such drawing. Most of these sys- 
tems examine drawings in terms of signs having psychological significance. 
Several writers who have worked extensively with the language of signs in 
drawings cite Goodenough's study with psychopathic children as their inspira- 
tionfor example, Despert (1937), and Bender (1940). But all too many in- 
vestigators appear to have neglected Goodenough's warning: 

The facts herein reported are by no means intended to convey the impres- 
sion that the writer is able to diagnose psychopathic tendencies in children 
by means of a drawing. Certainly no such claim is justified. It is believed, 
however, that by an investigation carried out along the lines which have been 
indicated a method of scoring might be derived which would throw new 
light upon eccentricities of mental functioning during childhood (1926, 
p. 66). 



42 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

The Goodenough scale as a device for studying behavior disorders has al- 
ready been reviewed and evaluated (pp. 23-28) . The method essentially relies 
on noting the presence or absence of body parts, detail of body or garb, and 
the like, all quite carefully defined. 

In contrast, the figure-drawing approach and its several variations that have 
come into favor with clinicians in recent years rely on more loosely defined 
aspects of the drawing. The subject is asked to draw a person, and, having 
done that, to draw a person of the opposite sex. The psychological interpreta- 
tion may rest on the presence or absence of specific parts, but more com- 
monly uses qualitative features of the drawing, for examples, the general way 
a part is depicted, relative proportions of different parts, mode of treatment 
of line, contour, shading, etc., apparent expression or mood depicted, and 
"physiognomic" aspects of the sketch. Such a basis for evaluation introduces 
both clinical flexibility and statistical unreliability into the interpretation. 
Evaluations are not based on the accumulation of points, as in a scale; rather, 
they are based on impressions of "gestalt" effects produced by the arrange- 
ment and interrelationships (often only vaguely and very subjectively ap- 
praised), of the elements proposed. Although a large number of studies have 
applied the Goodenough scoring method to drawings obtained in this way, 
Bliss and Berger (1954) found that such drawings yield significantly lower 
mental age equivalents than drawings obtained according to Goodenough's 
instructions, which specify "... make a picture of a man. Make the very 
best picture that you can" (1926, p. 85). 

The psychological study of drawings began with analyzing the artwork of 
normal children and of a few adult psychotics. As clinical psychologists 
increased their contacts with noninstitutional adults, through the growth of 
clinics, the collections of adult drawings also increased. Consequently, some 
reference will be made to this literature, but the focus will continue to be on 
children's artwork and on developmental studies. 



The Theoretical Basis for Figure Drawing as a Projection of the Self 

The concept that drawings of the human figure are useful for the study of 
personality, or as diagnostic tools in clinical assessment, finds its theoretical 
justification in self-image psychology as well as in the psychoanalytic theory 
of projection. The physiological and psychoanalytical basis for the "body 
image" as the person's self-concept has been given by Schilder (1935). He 
noted that the body image is a configuration, or gestalt, composed of many 
physical, organic, and physiological sensations and experiences with one's 
body; these include seeing one's image in a mirror, as well as noting the re- 
actions of others to one's appearance and behavior. Accordingly, when an 
individual draws a person he may reflect the many impressions he has of his 
own body. 

Schilder treated drawings as equivalent to dream material in reflecting the 



Clinical and Projective Uses of Children's Drawings 43 

unconscious. Thus, whether one unconsciously portrays his "self when he is 
asked to draw a "person" is scarcely open to direct verification. The vast 
majority of children asked to draw a man doubtless portray an adult figure; 
the writer has found that, when specifically asked to draw "a picture of your- 
self," the majority of children depict juvenile features more or less successfully, 
and sometimes clearly idiosyncratic features. 

One of the more systematic presentations of psychological self-image theory 
is that by Snygg and Combs (1949), who argue for the significance of the 
world as perceived, contrasted with so-called "objective reality." It is the 
world as it is presented to the psychological self (sometimes called the phe- 
nomenological world) that is of value to psychology; it is only this subjective 
world that has psychological meaning and relevance. Rogers (1942) earlier 
developed a similar point of view in connection with a theory for psychologi- 
cal counseling and therapy. When perceptions can be changed, adjustment 
may be effected, even though no change is produced in the external situation. 

If the human figure drawing can be considered the self-image, consciously 
or unconsciously projected, then analysis of drawings could have great im- 
portance. Distortions in the drawing may be literal or symbolic representa- 
tions of inadequacies or distortions in the artists self-image. Such is the theo- 
retical assumption of Machover's Draw-a-Person technique (1949), Buck's 
House-Tree-Person test (1948), and similar drawing procedures. Machover's 
hypothesis is that the self-image is projected into the drawing of the human 
figure, and that interpretation can be based on analogy. She states: 

When an individual attempts to solve the problem of the directive to "draw 
a person/' he is compelled to draw from some sources. External figures are 
too varied in their body attributes to lend themselves to a spontaneous, com- 
posite, objective representation of a person. Some process of selection involv- 
ing identification through projection and introjection enters at some point. 
The individual must draw consciously, and no doubt unconsciously, upon 
his whole system of psychic values. The body, or the self, is the most inti- 
mate point of reference in any activity. We have, in the course of growth, 
come to associate various sensations, perceptions, and emotions with certain 
body organs. This investment in body organs, or the perception of the body 
image as it has developed out of personal experience, must somehow guide 
the individual who is drawing in the specific structure and content which 
constitutes his offering of a "person." Consequently, the drawing of a person, 
in involving a projection of the body image, provides a natural vehicle for 
the expression of one's body needs and conflicts. Successful drawing interpre- 
tation has proceeded on the hypothesis that the figure drawn is related to the 
individual who is drawing with the same intimacy characterizing that indi- 
vidual's gait, his handwriting, or any other of his expressive movements. The 
technique of personality analysis that is described in this book attempts to 
reconstruct the major features of this self-projection (1949, p. 5) .* 

* From Machover, Karen, Personality Projection in the Human Figure, 1st Ed., 1949. 
Courtesy of Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, Springfield, Illinois. 



44 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Buck accepts the human figure drawing as a projection of the self-image, and 
suggests further that the drawing of a tree is the projection of the self's ad- 
justment to the natural world, and the drawing of a house, its adjustment to 
the human or social world. Both "theories" make many specific statements 
about the meaning of particular "signs" the ways in which parts of the figure 
are drawn. There are other investigators (e.g., Silver, 1950), however, who 
deny that any such check list of characteristics can be given. They advocate 
a more intuitive approach; "If the observer tries to understand what is the 
body image concept represented in each drawing, what are its outstanding 
features, he will understand more of the patient's problems" (Silver, 1950, 
p. 136). Unfortunately no well-developed rationale for this theory exists, 
though some beginnings have been made by Machover (1949, 1951, 1953) 
and Levy (1950). 

Several lines of investigation bearing on this general theory may be sum- 
marized: the study of (1) the differentiation of sex in figure drawings; 
(2) preferred sex in figure drawings; ( 3 ) drawings made by persons who are 
physically atypical, and (4) drawings done by subjects with known neurologi- 
cal damage that interferes with cognitive processes. 

The Differentiation of Sex in Drawings 

Children's concepts of sex are undoubtedly reflected in the features they 
select to mark a drawing as one of a boy or of a girl. Bried (1950) has shown 
that preschool children make only the crudest attempts to differentiate sex 
in drawing human figures, even when requested to draw "papa" and "mama." 
Mott (1954) used drawings of preschool children in exploring the meaning 
of the concept "mother." She notes that prior to age five there is virtually 
no symbolization of sex; kindergarten children, however, use curly hair sur- 
rounding the head and a triangular body to designate femaleness. Knopf and 
Richards (1952) studied the figure drawings of forty six- and eight-year-old 
children, concluding that girls exceed boys in the complexity of their drawings 
of both sexes. This superiority may reflect cognitive and skill factors as well 
as greater sex awareness or more adequate sex identification. 

Swensen (1955) and Swensen and Newton (1955) studied pairs of human 
figure drawings produced by 163 elementary school children and a small 
group of young adults. The pairs of drawings were rated on a nine-point scale 
for adequacy of sex differentiation. Up to the seventh grade, the girls excelled 
the boys; after the seventh grade there was no difference between boys and 
girls in adequacy of differentiation. The sharpest rate of improvement was 
observed from the first to the third grades. Among adults, Murphy (1957), 
however, found women scoring above men in adequacy of sexual differentia- 
tion of drawing. Cutter (1956) applied Swensen's method of rating drawings 
to the work of adult sexual psychopaths in three classifications, finding that 
degree of differentiation achieved by a subject in his figure drawings was re- 
lated to his type of disorder; the better sex differentiation was achieved by 
the better integrated patients. Social or intellectual aspects of the subjects in 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children s Drawings 45 

relation to their type of disorder were not studied. Evaluation of the fore- 
going studies is, perhaps, aided by Sherman's (1958) demonstration that 
scores on Swensen's scale correlate significantly and substantially with a 
simple rating of artistic quality; it is probable that the ability to depict the 
sexes in drawings is itself a product of psychological development and corre- 
lates substantially with mental level. 

Preferred Sex in Figure Drawings 

It has been asserted that the figure drawn first in the "draw-a-person" pro- 
cedure designates the sex identification of the drawer. Weider and Noller 
(1950, 1953) found that only 70 per cent of primary school boys, but 90 per 
cent of the girls, drew their own sex first. While the tendency to draw one's 
own sex first was unrelated to socioeconomic status, the number of sex-spe- 
cific details depicted (hair, hat, garb, etc.) was definitely related to socioeco- 
nomic status. This trend probably reflects factors also reflected in intelligence 
test performance. 

Jolles (1952 b) has shown that children of ages five to eight, when asked to 
draw a person, draw their own sex first in about 80 per cent of the cases. After 
age eight, the percentage of boys drawing the male first rises, and the percent- 
age of girls drawing the female first falls. Granick and Smith (1953), Mainord 
(1953), and Schubert and Wagner (1954) agree that a smaller proportion 
of adult women draw the female figure first than the corresponding propor- 
tion of men who draw the male figure first. The operation of a social stereo- 
type seems to be as plausible an explanation for this discrepancy as that of 
unconscious sex-role conflicts. Finding no correlation with a measure of atti- 
tudinal masculinity or femininity orientation (the MMPI), Granick and 
Smith doubt that the human figure drawn is an unconscious self-portrait. Chil- 
dren probably draw the figure of the sex group with which they have had more 
contact, and thus are more closely identified. Deviates from this pattern may 
reflect psychological deviation; they may also reflect social and cultural factors, 
or merely incidental and situational influences. Brown and Tolor's (1957) re- 
view of the literature found no convincing evidence that choice of sex in figure 
drawing reflects adequacy of psychosexual identification or adjustment. 

Herman and Laffal (1953), in an indirect test of the self- or body-image 
hypothesis also based on drawings by adults, found a correlation of .35 be- 
tween Sheldon body-type ratings of drawings, and the Sheldon ratings of their 
respective drawers' physiques. 

Drawings by Physically Atypical Persons 

It might be expected that physically atypical subjects would handle the 
drawing of the human figure somewhat differently than do normals. Kot- 
kov and Goodman (1953) identified seven significant points of difference 
(P = .05) I between the human figure drawings made by obese women and 

1 These seven points survived from 129 examined and thus these values, too, could have 
arisen by chance. 



46 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

those by women of normal weight matched in age and general intellectual 
level. Six of these seven "signs" referred to the sketch of the female figure; 
four of these involved measures of area. 

Silverstein and Robinson (1956) were unable to distinguish human figure 
drawings made by orthopedically disabled children from drawings made by 
matched control subjects, either by a point-scoring system of "signs," or by 
a global rating method. Martorana'(1954) found that 94 per cent of a group 
of crippled children drew men as normal. When asked to make self-portraits, 
however, 72 per cent of the crippled children made drawings in keeping with 
their true body structure; while 94 per cent of normal children produced self- 
portraits in keeping with their bodily features. The presentation was uni- 
formly realistic, and approached fantasy or symbolism in only one case in 
sixty-four. Using ten features of drawings declared by Buck (1948) to char- 
acterize the self-image of the physically handicapped, Wawrzaszek, Johnson, 
and Sciera (1958) failed to confirm a single one of the features in a group of 
severely handicapped children as contrasted with a carefully matched control 
group. 

Thus, the case for unconscious representation of the "self" in human figure 
drawings has not been firmly established. But the very nature of the concept 
defies objective validation. The weight of evidence strongly suggests that chil- 
dren put into their drawings their cognitive concepts, especially the visual 
ones, and that distortions in size and proportion represent psychological and 
conceptual inadequacies and immaturities as much as they do affective con- 
ditions or unconscious dynamics. Goldworth (1950), coming to a similar con- 
clusion, has suggested that the body-image hypothesis may be valid only for 
those persons who are not highly "visual," who depend primarily on other 
modalities (e.g., kinesthetic) for their perceptions. Such persons, however, 
are probably in a very small minority. Lowenfeld (1939, 1945) has steadily 
affirmed that the visual mode of perception is the dominant one, especially 
in a culture that places much emphasis on reading and on pictures. 

Furthermore, child self-portraits, when such are explicitly requested, do por- 
tray the drawer's appearance as it is visibly given to the world, within the 
capacities of the child to represent. A child's symbolism is a logical one, quite 
explicable in terms of his understandings and concepts. Too few clinical 
studies have carefully controlled the psychological and social variables operat- 
ing selectively in their samples, which are known to affect art productions. 
Until this has been done the "evidence" adduced from drawings in- favor of 
the self-image theory (in the projective sense) must be regarded with caution. 

Drawings by Patients with Known Neurological Damage 

Drawings by persons sustaining known neurological damage reflect their 
condition; but it takes no elaborate dynamic theory to explain why a person 
suffering serious impairment of motor control produces distorted figures 
(thus, Sharp, 1949, and Silver, 1950). When no specific motor coordination 
factor is involved, the distortion of the figure usually reflects cognitive deficits 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 47 

occurring centrally. A literature far too extensive to summarize here has grown 
up around the Bender-Gestalt test (Bender, 1938) in which the ability to 
copy visually presented, patterned line drawings presumably reveals these 
central disorders of perception. Mira's Myokinetic Psychodiagnosis (1940), 
although promising for work in this area, has apparently not been tried out 
with children. The Ellis visual designs, similar to Bender's figures, have been 
used with children by Wood and Shulman (1940) and by Lord and Wood 
(1942). Sharp (1949) proposed the drawing of geometric designs from mem- 
ory as a differential test for various psychoses, the differing conditions dis- 
torting the reproductions in different ways. 

The work of Engerth (1933), of Vedder (1940), of Berrien (1935) and 
of Bender (1937, 1940), and of Reznikoff and Tomblen (1956) suggests that 
brain damage in children as well as adults may be indicated by distortions 
in drawing and copying. Bender (1940) affirmed that the inability to draw 
the human figure sometimes does not extend to other objects. She believes 
that this peculiar condition signifies disturbance not only in the perception of 
visual gestalts but also, possibly, in all other sensory impressions and memory 
images of earlier body experiences. Freed and Pastor (1951) found that thal- 
amotomy disturbed drawings produced in the weeks following the operation, 
but that six months later, figure drawings were indistinguishable from pre- 
operative samples made by the same subjects. From a collection of drawings 
completed before and after shock therapy, Fingert, Kagan, and Schilder 
(1939) noted a steady quantitative improvement in Goodenough score, and 
the disappearance of bizarre features in the drawings. 

Michal-Smith (1953), examining the diagnostic value of the H-T-P in a 
group of adult patients with abnormal cerebral electrical function (EEG), 
found that of the several elements designated by Buck (1948), only "line 
quality" distinguished his clinical from his normal subjects. Bieliauskas and 
Kirkham (1958) in an even more carefully controlled study failed to confirm 
a single "sign" of organic impairment proposed by Buck (1948) or by Jolles 
(1952 a) . These results are in keeping with the hypothesis that inconsistencies 
and uncertainties in execution rather than in content or in subject representa- 
tion are more likely to appear in central nervous system deficit. 

In a study of emotionally disturbed children age six and under, Owen 
(1955) claimed to have observed disorders of the body image. Considering 
how limited are the drawings of young children in concept of the human 
figure and in execution of detail and proportion, this claim is difficult to ac- 
cept. Cohn (1953) described how, in normal children of ages three to six, 
when multiple simultaneous cutaneous stimuli are applied to various regions 
of the body, stimulation on the face dominates (extinguishes response to) all 
caudal stimuli. Noting that this pattern occurs also in adults in states of dis- 
solution of normal brain function as a result of structural lesions of the brain, 
Cohn argues that the body-image concept held by a person reflects the ade- 
quacy of neurological functioning. He buttresses his position by noting that 
in human figure drawings by three- to six-year-old children, the head dom- 



48 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

inates all other members, which often are even absent. Cohn also found that 
figure drawings by brain-damaged adults are grossly malformed, or are very 
simple in form. But it should be pointed out that drawings by normal pre- 
school children are quite different from those by damaged or regressed adults 
in conception, in general quality, detail, and execution. 

A similar conclusion and probably equally erroneous, is inferred by Modell 
(1951), who reports that during recovery regressed adult patients show 
changes in figure drawings that can be summarized as body-image maturation 
and sexual maturation, because aspects of the drawing become increasingly 
more detailed, complete, and better organized. The inference is that drawings 
made in the regressed state are similar to those produced by much younger 
subjects. Such is not the case, as has been also shown in the work of hypnoti- 
cally regressed subjects (Orne, 1951). It is true that the human figure draw- 
ings are simplified under hypnosis, but they do not resemble, qualitatively, 
the work of normal younger subjects. Likewise, Lakin (1956) as well as 
Lorge, Tuckman and Dunn (1958), note that elderly persons produce draw- 
ings different both from younger adults and from children. The differences 
appear to lie in the greater constriction, less detail, and less adequately repre- 
sented concepts of the body shown in the drawings of the aged. 

Thus, it appears that neurological deficit may interfere with the production 
of human figure drawings. It is not clear that the hypothesis of a mediating 
"body-image" concept, which is subject to age regression, is particularly help- 
ful. Some such idea apparently lies behind the notion that when the IQ esti- 
mate obtained from drawing falls considerably below that obtained from 
verbal test assessments, there is evidence of "brain damage" (Bender, 1937, 
1938, 1940). This hypothesis is not yet firmly established but certainly war- 
rants further research. It is clear that suitable statistical criteria must be used 
to determine the limits of such a discrepancy when quantitatively expressed, 
in order to assure that the observed discrepancy lies beyond the limits of 
chance variation. This consideration has been generally lacking in the dis- 
cussions reported in the literature. 

Bender and Schilder (1951) have developed a plausible hypothesis from a 
study of children's reading disability and graphic art expression. While tachis- 
toscopic studies show poor readers equal to good readers in the mechanics of 
optic perception, poor readers appear to have difficulty in patterning such per- 
ceptions, in differentiating the foreground from the background, and in right- 
left discriminations. Drawings produced by poor readers may provide a clue 
to their problem. They have difficulty with the sign function of visual mate- 
rials; that is, with the attribution of meaning. They can copy a word readily 
but "it is not a specific object for them to which they can have a specific atti- 
tude" (1951, p. 148). Consequently, they may prefer to work with other 
than verbal symbols art, craft work, numbers and may come to excel in 
these activities. That such a condition, however, constitutes an "aphasia," as 
some have suggested (Reitman, 1951), certainly needs more demonstration. 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 49 

Proposals for the Qualitative Analysis of Drawings 

Machover's (1948) publication synthesizes her work of many years with dis- 
turbed children. She states (1953) that she came to see the projective signifi- 
cance of human figure drawing by noting that some children similar in IQ on 
other tests of intelligence differed markedly on the Goodenough scores. This 
could be explained statistically, in terms of the observed correlations between 
the Draw-a-Man and other estimates of intelligence, but Machover notes 
that if the drawing fails to express the IQ, it probably expresses something 
else, presumably personality (1953, p. 85). She also states: 

Although there exists a vast body of literature on the subject of the projective 
significance of drawing and painting, specific study of the projection of the 
body with its infinitely subtle language, is relatively unfamiliar to the non- 
clinician. Publication concerning the technique has not kept up to the in- 
creasing verification and support which it has received in its application to 
clinical problems for more than twenty years (Frank, et al., 1953, p. 89). 

It is a great pity that these clinical systems have become available so slowly 
to research workers for investigation and validation. Systematic review of the 
scattered clinical reports suggests inconsistencies and gaps, even contradic- 
tions, which should be cleared up if such systems are to be helpful, even to 
their proponents. Indeed, Machover's own suggestions, interesting and in- 
genious as they are, are presented so unsystematically that it is difficult to 
use them in research. 

Vernier says, ". . . the current absence of any standardized scoring system, 
of an integrated set of validated principles of interpretation, makes the use 
of the test hazardous except as one part of a total test battery in the hands of 
an experienced clinician" (1952, p. 1). The very fact of this acknowledged 
intuitive approach probably accounts for the inconsistencies among the prin- 
cipal writers on the subject. 

Buck's hypothesis concerning the self-image has already been mentioned. 
The mode or style of treating the human figure in comparison with the sub- 
ject's treatment of a house and a tree is Buck's (1948) basis for analyzing the 
person's adjustment as a self, in comparison with his adjustment to the 
human and social environment and to the natural world. Buck offers a series 
of conceptual headings for evaluating drawings, and some general principles 
for scoring. Buck's manual is not clear as to procedure of evaluation, or wholly 
satisfactory as a guide to interpretation. Two additional manuals have ap- 
peared for the H-T-P system (Jolles, 1952 a; Hammer, 1954), differing in a 
number of respects. Thus, no firm basis for quantitative study is afforded. 
Buck's own statistical criteria for denoting certain characteristics as unusual, 
while consistently applied, appear to have no basis in statistical logic (e.g., 



50 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

satisfying a particular level of significance). In Buck's monograph an appen- 
dix by Payne makes some suggestions concerning the use of color. Discussed 
also by Landisburg (1947), this method has generated a large body of studies. 
Buck's own work, as well as the general findings of an extensive literature 
on his H-T-P, confirm that drawing behavior exposes the individuals psy- 
chological maturity (by which is meant intellectual and conceptual aspects 
of maturity), somewhat more successfully than it does inner affective states 

(e.g., Rubin, 1954). ^. .. 

One of the most specific methods proposed for analyzing child personality 
through drawings is given by Wolff in a table of Graphic Elements (1946, 
pp 233-236). Although the table is preceded by a few precautionary remarks, 
the list is presented as if it were wholly factual. Some seventy characteristics 
of children's drawings are arranged in columns, with the personality attribute 
supposedly indicated thereby placed in a parallel column. Examples are: 

Preference for circular movements-Balance, changing moods, evading 
any decision, manic-depressive. 

Preference for shadings Tactile sensitivity. 

Interruptions in strokes Stubbornness, negativism. 

It is noted that most of the drawing characteristics named represent continu- 
ous rather than discrete variables, though they are not so indicated. Wolff 
also hypothesizes that proportions in the figure drawn have significance for 
balance and rhythm in the personality adjustments of the artist. Apart from 
descriptive accounts of individual cases, objective evidence for the validity of 
these relationships is wholly lacking. Unfortunately, in the years since the 
publication of this system virtually no evaluations of, or research on, his sug- 
gestions have appeared. 

Some systems have been nonanalytic, in that they have relied on ratings of 
general qualities to be observed in artistic productions. Such a plan has been 
proposed by Elkisch (1945), and is chiefly applicable to more complex pro- 
ductions than human figure drawings. Elkisch used the following criteria in 
evaluating paintings: rhythm vs. rule; complexity vs. simplexity; expansion vs. 
compression; integration vs. disintegration. Each of these terms was defined 
in some detail. In a second article, Elkisch (1947) reiterated her position 
that a single production is insufficient evidence for sound diagnosis, and that 
form rather than content should be the basis for judgment. 

This latter view, that formal elements are more significant for personality 
than content per se, is reminiscent of the theory underlying the Rorschach 
test. A similar view concerning formal elements is held by Schilder and 
Levine (1942). They apply Freudian symbolism to the formal elements of 
line, color, angles, borders, contours, balance, and the like, rather than to 
interpretations of content, as do the majority of psychoanalytically inclined 
psychologists. 

Waehner (1946) also used formal "scoring elements" to evaluate drawings 
of human faces and figures. Her scoring sheet suggests the Rorschach even 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children s Drawings 51 

more strongly than does the scheme of Elkisch. The statistical treatment is 
crude but so far as the data go they suggest that the method has some value 
in differentiating personality types. Munroe, Levinson, and Waehner (1944), 
with college students as subjects, found that the Waehner system of inter- 
preting drawings predicted Rorschach diagnosis with a degree of accuracy 
that exceeded the one per cent level of confidence (chi-square method). 

Neither the Elkisch nor the Waehner technique has been used widely, 
possibly because their criteria require the examiner to learn a special set of 
symbols, terminology and judgments. The "figure drawing" approach, as 
loosely described by Machover, Buck, Jolles, and others, appears more simple 
and direct, but permits the interpreter to "project" as much as his subject! 

Other techniques have been suggested. The Hares (1956) have suggested 
and evaluated a Dra\v-a-Group Test for identifying the social structure of 
the group and the individual's adjustment to it. Reznikoff and Reznikoff 
(1956) have offered an analysis of the Family Drawing Test, first suggested 
by Appel (1931), and also by Wolff (1942). All these psychologists use a 
form of self-concept theory in their interpretative systems. 

Caligor (1957) has his subject redraw, on an onion skin overlay, his original 
human figure drawing, to add to it or change it in any way he chooses. Then, 
masking the original figure, the subject redraws his first tracing, and continues 
thus for seven trials. Caligor offers a conceptual scheme for classifying the 
modifications, and a manual to aid in clinical interpretation. The latter ap- 
pears to be based on a "logical" analysis of projective theory rather than on 
data. This method might well be studied in relation to such intellectual 
characteristics as creativity, imagination and modification of set, as well as in 
relation to personality dynamics. 

Brown and Goitein (1943) believe that distortions in a subject's self-por- 
trait, drawn while blindfolded, will reveal certain characteristic personality 
"needs." Spielrein (1931), Wolff (1946), and Mira (1940) have also noted 
the clinical significance of drawings made without visual inspection of the re- 
sults. Hellersberg (1945, 1950) and Krout (1950), like Wartegg (1939), offer 
a child a few lines to incorporate into a picture; the former's analytical system 
is particularly systematic and elaborate. This approach deserves more study 
than it has thus far received, though Ames and Hellersberg (1949) have given 
some attention to developmental trends. 

Thus, many psychologists believe that children's drawings provide signifi- 
cant cues for personality diagnosis; however, no complete characterological 
system based on this evidence has appeared. Wartegg (1939) offers the only 
characterology based on drawings that has come to the writer's attention. As 
many of the German characterological systems developed during the 'thirties, 
Wartegg's study is politically oriented. In this country Alschuler and Hatt- 
wick, and Wolff come closest to a characterological system. The work of 
Buck and of Machover have possibilities of being enlarged into complete 
theories in which a psychology of drawings is integrated with a psychology 
of personality. All this material needs more extensive validation. 



52 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Generalizations Concerning the Use of Drawings 
in the Study of Personality 

The belief that the art of children is primarily a language, a form of ex- 
pression, is by no means new, but its emphasis has shifted. Earlier studies 
were for the most part based on the oft-repeated statement: "A child draws 
what he knows, rather than what he sees/' At the present time many students 
of child art would revise this hypothesis to read: "A child draws what he feels, 
rather than what he sees or knows to be true." In spite of those with poor 
scientific training who have used the method unwisely, evidence has accumu- 
lated to indicate that through his drawings the child frequently gives outward 
expression to his inner thoughts and feelings. 

From an extensive acquaintance with studies, observations, reports of cases, 
and the like, which have used children's drawings as a tool in clinical diag- 
nosis, one may make several generalizations concerning the psychological 
study of drawings. These generalizations represent in part the crystallization 
of experience, and in part wide acceptance of speculative "theory"; much less 
often do they have a basis in research data. They are stated here as eight 
affirmations that represent the widest practice or opinion as that practice or 
opinion is revealed in the literature, not as proved scientific generalizations. 
An attempt has been made to evaluate each affirmation in terms of the sci- 
entific evidence available. 

1. Drawing interpretation is more valid when based on a series of a sub- 
ject's protocols than when based on one drawing. Alschuler and Hattwick 
(1947) emphasize this principle as do Naumberg (1947) and many others 
who use drawings diagnostically. The Goodenough method uses one draw- 
ing to estimate intelligence; some evidence exists, for example, Seashore 
and Bavelas (1942), to show that estimates obtained from children's suc- 
cessive drawings of the man do not change significantly, unless the draw- 
ing situation itself is changed by instruction or through boredom or fatigue. 
It should be clear, however, that the Goodenough method assesses cog- 
nitive elements in an assigned task, and might well be more stable from 
drawing to drawing than more "open/ 7 impressionistic assignments. The 
Goodenough method, being a measurement device, would be expected to 
yield a more stable estimate from the average of several scores by the same 
child than from any single component of that average. Likewise, it is un- 
doubtedly true, when content or meaning of a drawing is being used as the 
significant datum, that any one protocol alone might lead to a quite different 
clinical deduction than would a collection of drawings or paintings. This gen- 
eralization, then, seems justified on logical if not empirical grounds. 

2. Drawings are most useful for psychological analysis when teamed with 
other available information about the child. This principle, too, seems well 
supported in logic, although instances of great success in "blind analysis" 
of drawings could be cited. Children are so varied in their productions, even 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 53 

on assigned topics, that details, symbols, and other aspects of drawings can 
have quite unique meanings. Highly individual treatments are illuminated as 
we know more about the child's background, his art training and experience, 
his interests, and the like. Vernier, for example, affirms that it is her opinion 
"shared by many other workers in the field, that projective drawings are not 
primarily a diagnostic test and should be used only as one test in the psycho- 
logical battery" (1952, p. 1). This principle seems sound, especially when 
it is the content of drawings alone that is being used for psychological 
interpretation. 

3. Free drawings are more meaningful psychologically than drawings of 
assigned topics. This principle, also growing out of clinical practice, reflects 
the particular use of the clinician. He wishes to get a different, suggestive, and, 
perhaps, illuminating view of the psychological dynamics of a single case; he 
believes he can get this by giving his client freedom of subject. On the other 
hand, when a measure of drawing ability, or an estimate of cognitive powers 
is required, an assigned subject permits the systematic, controlled compari- 
sons necessary. The anthropologist seeking to understand children's interests, 
the effect of culture on art styles, or the use of drawings as devices for com- 
municating meanings requires a large collection of drawings obtained under 
various circumstances; he may want a sample of controlled drawings also, if 
he wishes to compare children's drawing performance quite specifically and 
systematically. 

Thus, if one seeks new ideas and insights about the individual, or if one ex- 
plores the range of ideas and techniques of which children are capable, he will 
want free drawings many of them. If one seeks to compare children sys- 
tematically as to abilities, stylistic trends, use of symbols, and the like, he will 
want to control the production by setting the task or assigning the subject. 

4. When a human figure drawing is assigned, the sex of the figure first 
drawn relates to the image the drawer holds of his own sex role. While this 
principle is stated or implied in many clinical reports, and appears to be the 
raison d'etre for use of the "figure drawing" as opposed to "draw-a-man" ra- 
tionale (see the discussion of the "body image," pp. 42-44), the principle 
probably does not have universal validity. The majority of children draw their 
own sex first when asked to "draw a person." Among girls, the tendency to 
draw a man increases with age, this trend probably reflecting the cultural 
preference given to the male role as well as an increasing dissatisfaction with 
sex role; 2 the male figure may be culturally more stereotyped and hence 
easier to draw than the female figure. The deviates from this cultural norm 
may be psychologically different. If this is true, the deviation might have 
a quite different meaning for the two sexes. Certainly, there would be 
meanings unique to the individual also. Hence, the principle is probably 
not valid universally. 

2 Over several studies which include a spread of ages, the percentage figures are sur- 
prisingly stable; about 85 per cent of boys and 65 per cent of girls draw own sex first. 



54 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

5. A child adopts a schema or style of drawing which is peculiar to him and 
which becomes highly significant psychologically. Several studies, for example, 
Rouma (1913), Buit (1921), Goodenough (1926), have shown that a devel- 
opmental pattern emerges in children's drawings. That this pattern permits 
one to appraise the level of cognitive processes is now well established. 

That many individuals also adopt a unique expressive style or schema of 
drawing is also undoubtedly true, but the psychological meaning of such a 
schema for personality study is less clear. Certainly some children's work can 
be readily identified by a person only casually acquainted with the child's 
"style." But is the child who always draws the same subject in the same man- 
ner psychologically rigid, while the child who draws many subjects in quite 
different ways psychologically adaptable, imaginative, or creative? We cannot 
be sure scientifically, though such conclusions have been offered from time 
to time. However, no well-controlled studies exist, and those few studies that 
have tried to test particular hypotheses are generally negative (e.g., W. E. 
Martin [1955], Rawn [1957]). 

6. The manner in which certain elements are portrayed in drawings may be 
used as signs of certain psychological states or conditions in the artist. The 
identification of elements in a drawing to be treated as clinical "signs" fol- 
lows from the study of drawings produced by selected individuals represent- 
ing contrasted psychological conditions. Or, the identification of signs may 
follow deductively from personality theory. An example would be the notion 
that a person who is over-controlled, psychologically cramped and inhibited, 
will reflect this condition in motor behavior of all sorts, including pencil 
drawings. Hence, a tiny figure might be taken to signify psychological con- 
striction. In a sense, this is reasoning by analogy, and many assertions in the 
literature reflect this approach, inferring a one-to-one, or isomorphic, relation 
between the condition and its symbol in the drawing protocol. 

Whether or not "signs" are selected by an empirical or deductive procedure, 
there is still the question of whether form or content will provide the cues. 
Size, quality or texture of line, degree of angularity, pattern or shape, and 
placement on the page are often thought to be highly significant avenues for 
"projecting" unconscious motives or needs. 

Another approach is that employed by psychoanalytic theory, which hy- 
pothesizes a classic symbolism used for the expression of repressed drives and 
for the symbolic representation of sexual organs. Indeed, drawings are held 
to be analogous to dream work. Thus, phallic elements in drawings have been 
discussed (Jolles, 1952 c) and, as we have already seen, the "mandala" is be- 
lieved to have a primitive and fundamental character (Jung, 1950). Precker 
(1950), however, believes that the expressive movements involved in painting 
and drawing may have quite as much, if not more, psychological significance 
than the symbolic content of drawings. Hence, he would examine the more 
formal elements use of line, form, space, balance, and arrangement. Liss 
(1938), a psychoanalyst, and Schilder and Levine (1942), also analysts, join 
Precker in discarding content symbolism for a symbolism found in the formal 



Clinicd and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 5? 

aspects of drawings. We have already noted that Waehner (1946) similarly 
abandoned a symbolism of content for elements similar to those of the whole, 
detail, shading and the like. 

Useful and valid signs leading to dependable conclusions are, for the most 
part, still to be ascertained. We have already cited the 'systems advanced by 
Buck (1948), Machover (1949), and Wolff (1946), all of* which are based on 
the presence or absence of elements, which can be treated as signs. 

Bell's (1948) extensive compilation of elements in drawings that have 
been given psychological meaning shows that there is little uniformity with 
respect to their character and reputed meaning. That some agreement in 
interpretation of signs occurs, apart from the convergence of empirical evi- 
dence, is not surprising. Some agreement would be expected due to the com- 
mon acceptance of certain symbols by psychologists who share a particular 
theory. 

Common adult associations would account for the fact that smearing of 
colors should be accepted as a sign of "untidiness," that a preference for red 
should be thought to indicate feelings of aggression, or that excessive use of 
dark brown or black should denote depression. But that absence of hands 
should indicate masturbation, that placing the drawing of a man against one 
side of the page, or drawing a line under the figure should indicate "need for 
support/' or that a profile drawing indicates "reluctance to face the world" 
suggests analogical reasoning akin to the "sympathetic magic" of the primitive 
who sticks pins into an image of his enemy to give that person discomfort. Of 
all the clinicians who have written about the figure drawing method, only 
Raven (1951, p. 17) makes explicit the assumption of ispmorphy. As will 
be shown later in this chapter, attempts to validate such isomorphic signs 
have resulted in almost wholly negative findings. There is little evidence for 
the validity of signs beyond that of selected case studies using small clinical 
groups. The drawings made by these selected cases may or may not be repre- 
sentative of those made by others whose behavior is similar. Drawings similar 
in style or symbolism may be common among persons who show no indica- 
tions at all of the behavior such drawings have been assumed to symbolize! 
All this has been said many times before, but so much of the work with pro- 
jective methods has ignored the caution that it seems well to repeat it here. 

Few clinical studies have clearly recognized the great many ways in which 
children can represent a particular body part or detail. Despite the clear-cut 
developmental patterns which have been found repeatedly, there are many, 
many ways in which children can depict a particular concept. This fact mili- 
tates against a too-detailed schedule of specific forms with corresponding in- 
terpretations. In his detailed analysis of how children age three to ten treat 
parts of the body and face, Djukic (1953) emphasized this point particularly. 

7. Drawings must be interpreted as wholes rather than segmentally or 
analytically. Many writers, especially those who hold for the clinical signifi- 
cance of drawings, stress that drawings must be interpreted as entities. Thus 
Bell (1948), Buck (1948), Bender (1940), Machover (1949), and Windsor 



56 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

(1949), among others, emphasize the gestalt or total pattern of effects pro- 
duced by the drawing as vital to its interpretation. In view of her stress on the 
importance of particular body parts, Machover's position on this point might 
seem to be incongruous. However, her interpretation of details, although 
phrased as the treatment of specified features, invariably cites concomitance 
of two or three such features as evidence for her interpretations. 

Undoubtedly, the generalization that drawings be interpreted as wholes 
grows out of the impression, very common among those who work extensively 
with drawings, that any analytical or measurement approach fails decisively 
to convey all the researcher's impressions from the product. A similar position 
is frequently taken in art education; that the very nature of "art" is such as 
to deify identification by analytical procedures but may be apprehended di- 
rectly, by intuition. For this reason, Elkisch (1945) chose to evaluate such 
criteria as complexity vs. simplexity, and expansion vs. compression. (See 
p. 50 of the present volume.) 

The most extensive studies of the component qualities of children's draw- 
ings have been made by Martin and Damrin ( 1951 ), and by Stewart ( 1955) . 
Both studies evaluated qualities expressed in drawings, whether these qualities 
appeared in the drawing as a whole, or in the use of elements, such as form 
and line. These extensive, analytical studies suggest that drawings are actually 
appraised in terms of a few general dimensions, although they may be rated 
on a number of specifically defined elements or qualities. These studies lend 
credence to the belief that global, rather than highly particularistic, evalua- 
tions are more readily and reliably made, and suggest the direction that these 
global ratings may take. Their findings in relation to personality qualities, 
however, are not of such magnitude as to support the use of drawings in diag- 
nosing individual cases. 

8. The use of color in drawings can be significant for studying personality. 
There is considerable agreement among clinicians on this general point. The 
popularity of the idea probably reflects the widespread influence of Rorschach 
theory, though workers with the art of hospitalized patients have long be- 
lieved that color has expressive value. 3 Certainly Alschuler and Hattwick 
(1947) and Napoli (1946, 1947), already referred to, make much of the psy- 
chological significance of color. Unfortunately, these writers, although claim- 
ing the empirical origin of their statements, often disagree. 4 For example, 
Napoli affirms that black is used more than any other color by the very 
young, and that it refers to intellectual values, or to life's mysteries, death, 
fear, and depression. Alschuler and Hattwick affirm that black is very infre- 
quently used by young children but indicates a dearth of emotional behavior 
induced by repression. Purple, declares Napoli, is widely used by children, 

3 See Fortier (1953) for a comprehensive review of the clinical psychological signifi- 
cance of color. 

4 It should be noted that Napoli worked with finger paints while Alschuler and Hatt- 
wick used poster paints. However, both affirm the universality of color symbolism for 
children. 



Clinical and Projective Uses of Children's Drawings 57 

especially by successful and dominant child leaders; whereas Alschuler and 
Hattwick say purple is used by few children, and then mainly to express moods 
of dejection and unhappiness, or feelings of having been rejected by other 
children. 

Such studies seem to assume that deeply embedded intrinsic associations 
between colors and feeling states express a universal symbolism of feeling 
states. From many contradictions similar to the examples cited, one is led to 
wonder whether culturally created and widely held adult color symbolism is 
not being imposed on the work of children. Much more adequately controlled 
observations must be made before firm generalizations concerning the psy- 
chological meaning of color can be drawn. It may well be that situational 
factors are the crucial ones; Biehler (1953), for example, found that in easel 
painting young children worked systematically through the jars of color sup- 
plied them. The use and predominance of color in the child's work appeared 
to be quite as much a function of the arrangement of the jars in relation to 
the child's right-to-left or left-to-right work habits as of the child's color pref- 
erences, per se. 



Evaluation of the Projective Hypothesis 

Fundamental to the use of an instrument for assessment or research pur- 
poses are questions of validity and reliability. These questions also apply to 
the projective use of drawings. 

Consistency of Drawing and Its Assessment 

Before examining the diagnostic possibilities of drawing assessment, one 
may well ask whether the systems are applied similarly by different users. 
When judges or scorers agree reasonably well, we know that the criteria pro- 
posed have some objectivity; elements or aspects of drawings can be "seen" 
similarly by different judges. If criteria prove to be so subjective that they 
cannot be used consistently by different persons after suitable instruction or 
training, we must discard the criteria for practical as well as scientific pur- 
poses, or redefine them. This fact became painfully evident to one group of 
clinicians (Cassell, Johnson, and Burns, 1958), who reported that they were 
jarred by an inter-judge correlation of only .33, using appraisal methods with 
which they were familiar and which they had been using with confidence in 
the same hospital. More careful definition of the criteria increased the corre- 
lation to .71. 

In general, there seems to be fair to good agreement among judges as to the 
presence or absence of selected features or qualities in collections of drawing 
protocols. Likewise, in general, subjects show some similarity in the way they 
draw on different occasions. Lehner and Gunderson (1952), for example, re- 
rated after one week a series of ninety-one figure drawings made by adult 
psychology students on twenty-one graphic traits or variables, such as shading, 



58 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

erasures, position on page, detail. Percentages of agreement 5 on several points 
varied from 70 to 99, with a mean at 90. The authors 7 ratings, compared with 
the ratings of three other judges (each judge doing only thirty drawings), var- 
ied from 52 per cent agreement to 96, with a mean of 83 per cent agreement. 
The authors' ratings of a second set of drawings made by the original subjects 
four months later compared to ratings of their original sketches varied from 42 
to 93 per cent agreement, with a mean percentage value of 64. This latter 
comparison examines artist consistency as well as rater consistency and was in- 
terpreted as showing a "tendency for many of the traits to remain constant 
over a period of months." Lehner and Gunderson also remarked on the styl- 
istic consistency observed in many of the drawings over this period of time. 
The item "detail" (a "content" aspect) is one of the highly consistent items 
by all three approaches, which fact, say the authors, supports Goodenough's 
contention of reliability for the Draw-a-Man method. Other such "content" 
elements appeared e.g., treatment of eyes, mouth, hair, etc. among the more 
consistent or reliable traits as well as more formal aspects of drawinge.g., 
symmetry, position on page, shading, etc. Grams and Kinder (1958), using fif- 
teen "signs" proposed by Machover plus two of their own, obtained 76 per 
cent agreement between judges on clinical protocols and 83 per cent on nor- 
mal controls. Korner and Westwood (1955) have shown that inter-judge con- 
sistency may be considerably higher for drawing analyses than for Rorschach 
protocols. 

In a carefully controlled experiment, Holtzman (1952) demonstrated that 
figure drawings produced by subjects of both sexes were not affected by the 
examiner's sex, physical appearance, or personality (examiners with strikingly 
different social and temperamental qualities were used). Graham (1956) 
found that drawings made by students before and after a two hour lecture 
on the interpretations of human figure drawings in which "drawings were 
represented as an infinitely revealing device which appeared to expose the 
worst aspects of any individual's personality" were quite comparable when 
assessed by clinical standards. Presumably the projective aspects of the draw- 
ing experience successfully "resisted" any attempt to modify or to be con- 
cealed. Fisher and Fisher (1952) found complete agreement between raters 
in 86 per cent of all their judgments using four-point scales on selected ele- 
ments in figure drawings. With the H-T-P method specifically, Bieliauskas 
(1956) found that IQ determinations by different raters correlated from .68 
to .90, depending on the particular IQ score used. Generally, these values 
were considered "lower than necessary for individual prediction by a single 
judge," but "sufficient for group prediction." His results also suggested that 
judges tended to be more unreliable on certain features than on others; this 
finding argues for more careful definition of certain scoring points. 

5 Swensen (1957) has properly criticized this technique of ascertaining "reliability" in 
terms of the "base rate" or frequency of occurrence in a population of a trait on which 
judges happen to agree. The more frequently a trait or quality occurs in drawings generally, 
the higher must the per cent of agreement be in order to be significant. 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children s Drawings 59 

Albee and Hamlin (1949, 1950) evaluated a rating of "adjustment" ap- 
plied to drawings made by ten subjects drawn to cover a range of normal, 
neurotic, hallucinated and delusional psychotic conditions. Fifteen psycholo- 
gists applied the paired comparison technique to the ten drawings. When 
divided into two groups, the mean ratings of the judges correlated .96. Corre- 
lation of these ratings with ratings of the patient's case record was .62, which 
is significant at the 5 per cent probability level; the correlation with Wechsler 
intelligence test results was not significantly greater than zero. 

Possibly the most detailed and complete study of the "reliability" aspects of 
figure drawings is that by Gasorek ( 1951 ) . Her 400 fifth- and sixth-grade sub- 
jects drew four assigned objects (motifs), and made one free drawing, using 
both crayons and pencil. The subjects repeated their drawings one month 
later. Forty-three elements mentioned in the literature were carefully defined 
and scored for each of the five motifs by two judges working independently. 
Twenty of the elements occurred so infrequently that they were discarded 
from further statistical work. Inter-judge correlations (phi coefficients) for 
the remaining twenty-three elements (five motifs considered separately) 
ranged from .72 to .94. Thus, inter-judge consistency was found to be reason- 
ably high. 

Child consistency over one month, however, was much lower, correlations 
being generally about 30 to .60; but values were somewhat higher when aver- 
aged for the five motifs on each occasion (about .30 to .75). Although the 
results seemed to be unrelated to motif drawn, Gasorek found that such 
mechanical aspects as size, pressure, and line, as well as appearance of "rigid- 
ity" (a stylistic element), and amount of detail, were much more consistent 
over time than such features as erasures, bizarre features, sketchiness, omis- 
sions, shadings, use of color, reinforcement, etc. It is interesting to note that 
elements of this type are usually prominent among those used by clinical 
interpreters of drawings. Furthermore, the characteristics or elements do not 
appear similarly in the various motifs, either in the same or on different occa- 
sions. The correlations (phi values) run very low, in the .20's, and few exceed 
the fiducial limits of a hypothesized zero relationship. In most cases, how- 
ever, the consistency for all characteristics between any two motifs is Zower 
than the reliability over a period of time for the same characteristic on any 
one of the five motifs. 

Validity of the Protective Hypothesis in Drawings 

Judges may consistently apply definite or objective criteria in their assess- 
ments of drawings, and thus consistently locate certain elements or features, 
and children may use these same features in subsequent drawings. But are 
affective states of the "artist" carried into his graphic productions? Great art 
often profoundly stirs the viewer; the artist who produced the work presum- 
ably worked from an emotional state. Something of the artist's feeling is con- 
veyed to his public; but whether it is always the same feeling state is a point 
of debate even among art theorists. But whether untrained artists, particularly 



60 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

children, convey their personalities to their audience or represent them to 
the psychologically skilled interpreter, is the question considered in this sec- 
tion. The Reichenberg-Hackett study (1953), already mentioned, showed that 
experimentally induced positively toned emotional states influenced children 
toward improved drawing performance. Harris (1950) found no detectable 
projection of enjoyable and vigorous kinesthetic experience into drawings of 
a man made immediately subsequent to an exercise period. 

One of the better designed studies (Shapiro, 1957) attempted to evaluate 
the projection of aggression and withdrawal, considered phenomenologically, 
into children's figure drawings, including a self-portrait. Samples of thirty-three 
aggressive, thirty-five withdrawn, and thirty-three well-adjusted children were 
selected, similar in age, grade, social class membership, but differing in school 
performance. That the two "clinical" groups should work less effectively than 
the well-adjusted in school is not surprising, but an intelligence comparison 
would have been desirable. Results did not confirm hypotheses deduced from 
clinical theory, and the author concludes that they "are consistent with the 
general contention that behavior is mediated by central, cognitive processes" 
( P . 385). 

While verifying the Alschuler and Hattwick observation that there is a 
relationship between age and form (use of verticals), Thomas ( 1951 ) did not 
find that an experimental frustration experience induced a "regression" in the 
use of either form or color. Likewise working with easel painting, Aimen 
(1954) introduced nursery school children experimentally to experiences of 
success and failure, but failed to discover any differences in their paintings 
following the experiences. Windsor (1949) was able to verify a limited num- 
ber of the hypotheses affirmed by Alschuler and Hattwick as to the relations 
of certain easel painting procedures and techniques with rated personality 
characteristics, by dropping to the statistical probability level of 25 per cent. 
This probability level means that 25 times in 100 the relationships observed 
could arise by chance alone. This level is considerably more generous than 
the 5 per cent level which is often held as the minimum to establish a sig- 
nificant result. Windsor's observation that the validity of the method can be 
increased by more information concerning the child's background, interests, 
abilities and qualities, obviously raises the question of who is doing the pro- 
jectingchild or teacher! 

Oftentimes one must resort to "experiments of nature" in psychological 
work, and there are many more papers reporting differences in drawing per- 
formance between groups selected by social or by arbitrary psychological 
criteria than papers that are truly experimental. Most of these studies, un- 
fortunately, lack careful control in the comparisons made. Alper and Blane 
(1951), for example, reported a study of the finger paint and crayon work of 
middle and lower class children, on the hypothesis that toilet training in the 
middle class group had been started earlier, was conducted more rigorously, 
and presumably was more frustrating to instinctual urges to "mess." Despite 
the unfortunate finding that the groups did not differ sharply in mothers' 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 61 

report of toilet training ages and regimens, the middle class children were 
somewhat more constricted, dependent, and destructive in their work with 
the art media. These differences were more noticable in use of finger paints 
than of crayons. Alper and Blane interpreted these findings as substantiating 
their hypotheses! 

W. E. Martin (1955) failed to confirm Wolff's (1946) assertions about the 
crayon drawings of insecure children when he applied several criteria of 
security and insecurity, including a test devised by Wolff himself. Carp 
(1950) included crayon drawings of "your own family," "your very best wish/' 
and "how you feel" with several other projective tests in a study of "psycho- 
logical constriction" in children. Evaluations were based on measures of area, 
and number of colors used, as well as on a seven point holistic impression of 
constriction in the drawing. Although all these measures yielded relatively 
"reliable" results, judged by inter-rater agreement ranging from r's of .65 to 
.94, none of them correlated with behavior ratings by teachers of social and 
temperamental qualities, with sociometric measures contributed by the chil- 
dren themselves, or with other projective measures (free play constructions, 
and the Rorschach) . 

Working with small groups of children newly come to a residential school 
and home for normal children, Mildred Martin (1951 ) compared finger paint- 
ings of children adjusting well to cottage life with children who were showing 
distress. Using the Elkisch-Klages criteria, she found noticeable differences; 
the well-adjusted children showing greater rhythm, better integration, and 
more realism in their paintings than the poorly adjusted children, whose 
paintings were dominated by "rule" (rigidity), disorganization, and sym- 
bolism. The interpretation of these finger painting patterns accorded with the 
staff opinion of the children's adjustment. The well-adjusted were said to 
show in their paintings, as well as in their behavior, a greater sense of free- 
dom, better integration of behavior, and a more realistic approach to life. 
Phillips and Stromberg (1948) obtained finger paintings from twenty-five 
"randomly selected" high school students and twenty-five detention home 
inmates. The groups differed significantly (P = .05) on fourteen of the seven- 
teen points compared. O'Grady (1954), however, found that mentally re- 
tarded children used finger paints in a manner more like normal children at 
a comparable mental age level than like normals comparable in chronological 
age. The work of the delinquents in the Phillips and Stromberg study resem- 
bles, in a number of respects, that of O'Grady's mentally retarded children, 
calling into question a possible selection of the former's sample on intellectual 
factors. 

It is of the greatest importance, in studies of this type, to match groups care- 
fully on other factors that might correlate with artistic performance, to pro- 
tect judges carefully from contaminating knowledge of factors, and to use 
appropriate statistical tests of significance. When comparing art products of 
two groups contrasted on some psychological criterion, it is wise to introduce 
a third group, selected from the middle range of the criterion continuum. 



62 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Until rigorous conditions are observed in such "experiments of nature" we 
must accept with the greatest caution conclusions drawn from them. 

Finally, it is well to remember that projection is a mechanism that cuts 
two ways. All too frequently, adult associations and concepts have been pro- 
jected into the interpretation of children's "projections." This fact may be 
construed as evidence for the general soundness of projective theory, but it 
does not induce confidence in the accuracy of interpretations! And altogether 
too often investigations have committed the methodological error of using 
the same group of cases for validating a hypothesis as was originally used for 
formulating it. 

Validity of Personality Assessments Through Human Figure Drawings 

In a previous section (see pp. 23-30) evidence has been presented on 
the use of Goodenough's scale for assessing drawings obtained from disturbed, 
behavior problem, and other groups of atypical children. Much of this evi- 
dence is essentially negative, when the cognitive or intellective element is 
allowed for. This fact may be taken as additional evidence that the principal 
variance in the Goodenough score measures an intellectual rather than an 
affective component. 

It has also been shown that the more global, "intuitive" approaches, such 
as the Draw-a-Person technique, or the House-Tree-Person test, less circum- 
scribed by objective scaling methods, have been widely used in personality 
appraisals. Machover's chapter (Frank, et al., 1953) in a collaborative study 
of personality is one of the most fully documented studies of the human fig- 
ure drawing as a clinical tool to date. Unfortunately, the conclusions go well 
beyond the statistical tables. For example, it is stated that drawings by a group 
of adolescent girls show a "considerably greater degree of sexual wavering of 
identifications" (p. 97) than is found in a more mature population, data for 
which are not given. It is stated: "Consistent with her relative level of im- 
maturity, the prepuberal girl stands out in these areas" (p. 100) (outgoing 
and dependency qualities); only two of seven drawing items show the pre- 
puberal group to differ at all from the puberal group, and these differences 
are 11 per cent (concave mouth) and 18 per cent (arms out). The value of 
the paper is further marred by many assertions that are not supported by the 
data presented. For example, the statement is made: "Forced restraint of 
body impulses may be indicated by a tight waistline, a common feature in 
drawings of our group" (p. 90) . The percentages cited for this feature in four- 
teen groups vary from 4 to 29, with a median at 14. Of course, the criticism 
may turn on the semantics of the word "common"; but it is the frequency 
of such general, unprecise references that weakens the scientific quality of 
the study. 

From a very thorough review of the literature covering chiefly work with 
adult patients (eighty-seven references), Swensen (1957) concludes, con- 
servatively, that "Machover's hypotheses concerning the D.A.P. have seldom 
been supported in the literature . . ." (p. 463). Blum's cynical observation of 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 63 

a few years earlier goes further: "The Draw-a-Person technique has highly 
questionable validity but proves to be no worse than any of the other common 
clinical personality assessment procedures' 7 (Blum, 1954, p. 125). Blum's ob- 
servation may explain Swensen's comment, made despite his massive array of 
negative evidence, that ". . . Machover's system of interpretation is probably 
going to continue to be used in figure drawing analysis until a more valid sys- 
tem is proposed . . ." (Swensen, 1957, p. 462). Possibly the augurs of ancient 
Sparta fulfilled a contemporary cultural purpose and utility, even though they 
contributed nothing to Sparta's chances on the international scene of the day; 
but with clinical services so costly, one just ventures to hope that less use 
will be made of such nonvalid systems in the future. 

Furthermore, some disquieting evidence has accumulated indicating that 
the untrained judge does quite as well as the figure drawing "expert" in spot- 
ting the unusual cases. Thus Fisher and Fisher (1950) found that a stenog- 
rapher and a psychiatrist did quite well as psychologists in judging drawings! 
Plaut and Crannell (1955) obtained similar results with drawings of schizo- 
phrenics and normals. While Tolor (1955) and Tolor and Tolor (1955) in- 
terpret their data optimistically, the difference obtained between elementary 
school teachers and psychologists is actually rather unimpressive. The Tolors 
likewise found that both groups of judges, and especially the teachers, were 
using quality of the drawing to judge their experimental variable (popularity 
of children). Similarly, Whitmyre (1953) and Feldman and Hunt (1958) 
have shown that clinicians' judgments of drawings are strongly influenced by 
the same elements that commercial artists call "artistic excellence/' In this 
connection we may refer again to Sherman's (1958) discovery concerning the 
ability of children to differentiate the sexes in drawings. Woods and Cook 
(1954) likewise have shown that there is a marked tendency for better-quality 
drawings to conceal the hands or to omit them altogether, which suggests 
that factors other than personality dynamics in the clinical sense may be oper- 
ating in such omissions. 

One validation study merits more extensive discussion, not only because it 
is well designed, but also because it is not generally available. Stone (1952) 
used both an empirical and a theoretical approach. For his theoretically based 
instrument, he designed a figure drawing preference scale, composed of 
twenty-six sets of two to five pictures each. The several drawings in each set 
(usually three) illustrated normal and deviant conditions for one clinically 
familiar and often used "sign," taken from the literature concerning human 
figure drawings. The subject was asked to designate which of the choices was 
most like the drawing he would make himself. The retest reliability of this 
measure for a small sample was +.72. 

Stone devised an empirical instrument by obtaining sets of human figure 
drawings (man and woman) from 492 sixth-grade children free from obvious 
or serious behavior abnormalities. From this population a sample of drawings 
by sixty boys and sixty girls were selected randomly and scored on thirty- 
seven "signs" selected from the human figure drawing literature. An item was 



64 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

scored "typical" if a clear majority of the children included it, atypical when 
a minority of the children exhibited it. The corrected split-half reliability for 
this scale was .82 for first drawing and .76 for the second. First and second 
drawings intercorrelated .50 for the total group. 

Selected for study were six variables. Three were personality and behavior 
measures a "guess who" test descriptive of social-personal qualities, a teacher 
rating of personality and behavior (modified Haggerty-Olsen-Wickman Scale), 
and the California Test of Personality. Three were ability measures two 
group tests of intelligence, and the Stanford Achievement Test. Reading per- 
formance and chronological age (within the eighteen-month span included in 
this sixth-grade group) were also included as variables. On each of the first six 
variables as measured in this population, the child's status was determined as 
exceeding plus or minus one standard deviation, or falling between these points. 
Thus he was considered a deviate on one variable if he fell in the top or bot- 
tom 16 per cent. If he fell in the deviate group on two or all three of the per- 
sonality and behavior measures, he was designated as "maladjusted"; if he did 
not fall in the deviate portion of any personality and behavior measure, he 
was designated as "adjusted." Drawings of these adjusted and maladjusted 
groups selected from the entire population were rescored by the "typicality" 
scale derived in the subsample. Of the original thirty-seven "signs" studied, 
seventeen separated the adjustment groups significantly. On the Figure Draw- 
ing Preference Record, five cards for boys and one card for girls proved sta- 
tistically significant for the same criterion groups. 

On the other hand, the "typicality" scores on the figure drawings correlated 
as highly with each of the three criterion measures of adjustment, measured 
across the total population, as these three measures intercorrelated. Values 
varied from +23 to +.39, all significantly greater than zero. Somewhat 
smaller values resulted for the Figure Drawing Preference Record. With 
mental age partialled out, these values fell very slightly only about two units 
in the second decimal place. Correlations with mental age, chronological age, 
school achievement, achievement test and reading achievement were negli- 
gibleall very close to zero. 

The three criterion measures of personality, combined by multiple correla- 
tion methods, yielded correlations with figure drawing "typicality" scores of 
from 38 to .45, depending on sex and figure drawn. For the Figure Drawing 
Preference Record these values were .40 for boys and 31 for girls. Speaking 
statistically, one would usually refer to a combination of measures predicting 
a dependent variable, in this case figure drawing performance. Stone com- 
ments on the high validity of drawing performance shown by such substantial 
correlations with a multiple criterion of adjustment. Nevertheless, these 
values, whether or not taken as equivalent to usual validity coefficients, while 
considerably below those expected in performance measures, are higher than 
most such values reported in other studies. 

While undoubtedly drawings contain "projective features" i.e., exhibit 
a number of cues relating to affect, interest, typicality of personality,' and the 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children s Drawings 65 

like, they cannot as yet be used alone as predictive or even as selective instru- 
ments. Stone's correlations, standing virtually alone in the literature, suggest 
that figure drawings might be teamed statistically with other personality- 
measures. However, it is reasonably safe to say that the clinical enthusiasts 
will continue to work deductively (and intuitively) from drawings, and that 
use of drawings as a controlled psychometric device is still in the future. 

The H-T-P method fares no better in the hands of research workers. Like 
the Draw-a-Person procedure, this method has developed an extensive tradi- 
tion of drawing "signs" isomorphic to psychological conditions. But tests of 
specific hypotheses are usually negative. For example, Levine and Galanter 
(1953) and Bolin and associates (1956) could find no correlation between 
the location of a lightning scar placed on the tree in the H-T-P test and the 
time of occurrence of "worst event" in the subjects' lives. Jolles (1952 a,b,c; 
Jolles and Beck, 1953 a,b), one of the most enthusiastic and ingenious pro- 
ponents of the H-T-P, who is particularly facile in his clinical interpretations, 
is able to support them by lowering the significance levels and over-inter- 
preting "trends" in data which fall short of the levels selected. Jolles 7 paper 
(1952) is an example of a quantitative study which, after essentially negative 
findings, reaffirms the significance of the generalization with which the study 
began. This is altogether too common in the so-called "projective-drawing" 
literature. 

Gunzburg (1950) accepts a discrepancy between an individual intelligence 
test and the IQ estimated from a figure drawing as presumptive of maladjust- 
ment, especially when supported by anomalies in the drawings of a tree and a 
house on the H-T-P. His study contained no control groups, and he accepted 
uncritically the presumptive indicators of maladjustment he found in the 
drawings made by his subnormal subjects. Hammer (1953) found Negro- 
white differences on the H-T-P to express the hostility of frustrated Negroes 
generally; he made no allowance for the educational and intellectual disad- 
vantage which the Negro group invariably suffers. Tolor (1957) found no rela- 
tionship of H-T-P "rigidity" signs and similar indicators on the Rorschach. 
Rubin (1954) found correlation values in the .60's between Wechsler-Belle- 
vue IQ's and H-T-P IQ's, but correlations found by Sloan and Guertin 
(1948), while statistically significant, are even lower. The latter see no point 
in displacing standard intelligence measures by H-T-P estimates. 

Applying Buck's criteria to the drawing of a man made according to Goode- 
nough's instructions, Johnson, Ellerd, and Lahey (1950) obtained psychologi- 
cal descriptions of 209 child subjects. They compared these descriptions with 
teachers' descriptions of the same children. All children were in the school 
program of a state institution for mental defectives; their mean Binet IQ 
was about 50, and they included all types of mental retardation. The teachers 
rated the children; the psychologists rated their drawings. Psychologists and 
teachers achieved a comparable base in their personality descriptions by check- 
ing within each pair of eleven paired characteristics, such as "confident- 
lacking self-confidence," "calm-nervous," etc. Among 2,299 ratings made on 



66 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

the 209 children, there was agreement between psychologists and teachers 54 
per cent of the time, and of these agreements 58 per cent were on positive 
traits and 42 per cent on negative traits. 

This is certainly not a striking record for drawings as appraisal devices, as- 
suming that a teacher's impression of child behavior has as much validity as 
we are likely to find (and for description of behavior this assumption appears 
tenable). On the assumption, however, that drawings tap fundamental as- 
pects of personality (an assumption which some clinicians apparently are 
willing to make, a priori), teachers simply do not know their children. Yet 
educational research consistently (and with good reason) uses teacher judg- 
ment as a prime validating criterion! 

Finally, it may be that drawing analysis has a different utility for children 
than for adults. The young child's pleasure in drawing has often been noted. 
The clinical literature is generally silent on the ease or difficulty of obtaining 
drawings from older subjects or patients. But in all probability youths and 
adults do not as willingly submit samples of their work, and those collections 
of drawings assembled may be much more highly selected along uninvesti- 
gated and even unadmitted psychological dimensions than is most generally 
recognized. 

Reitman (1951) has commented that very few psychotics draw, but that 
schizophrenics are more productive than other classes. Vernier (1952, p. 1) is 
virtually alone in stating that it is very difficult to get adults to try to draw 
and that most adults reject the test completely. Writers on normal children's 
drawings often comment on the increased reluctance of older children to 
draw, especially in the early adolescent period, and a few with clinical refer- 
ence relate this reluctance to presumed conflicts over the body and sex. More 
will be said on this point in a later chapter dealing with the psychology of 
drawing. 

Goldworth (1950) has a further suggestion from his validation study of 
Machover "signs" with normal, neurotic, schizophrenic, and brain-damaged 
adults. His conclusion is that the drawing as an index to the self-image is 
valid only in the case of those whom Lowenfeld would call "haptics"; highly 
visual persons do not successfully project the kinesthetic aspects of the body 
image, which are presumably important in the drawing approach. Goldworth's 
well-designed study suffers from the fact that the proportion of women was 
not adequately balanced throughout his four samples, and this fact un- 
doubtedly influenced the sex differences he found. Likewise, his normal group 
was appreciably better educated and possibly more intelligent than his three 
clinical groups; therefore, it is not surprising that his normals significantly 
excelled his clinical samples on virtually every point or quality rated, and 
there were fifty-one scales used altogether. That Machover's conflict signs 
(erasures, size changes, redrawing, reinforcement, etc.) are significantly more 
numerous in the normals should not be surprising, either. If the normals were 
more critical and sought (as they apparently did) to achieve good quality 
drawings, they would make more corrective attempts. 



Clinical and Protective Uses of Children's Drawings 67 

Summary 

Aspects of affect and temperament, of attitude and personality may be 
revealed in an individual's drawings and paintings. This is an expression of 
the "projective hypothesis/' used so widely in clinical psychology since World 
War II. Many techniques have been suggested to evaluate the symbolic and 
the manifest content of drawings as well as the more formal aspects of line, 
form and color. The results of a vast array of studies have not been nearly so 
positive as those of the more analytical procedures reviewed in the previous 
chapter. 

A comprehensive review of the literature leads to the following conclusions: 
L Children as well as adults intentionally adapt lines and color in drawings 
to indicate moods, states or affect. However, it is not possible from the avail- 
able evidence to state that there is a language of line, form or color particu- 
larly expressive of affect. 

2. There is little evidence that the human figure drawing is in fact a draw- 
ing of the self, presented directly or indirectly, overtly or covertly. 

3. When children are assigned the task of drawing the "self/' they ap- 
proach the task representatively and realistically. Handicapped children un- 
dertake this task on the same basis and in the same manner as normals. Pa- 
tients with neurological damage reveal their impairment in drawings, but 
through gross malformations and simplifications rather than in any special or 
exotic fashion. Such distortions appear in their general art work as well as in 
the self-image picture. 

4. A number of general statements based on the research literature may be 
made concerning the use of drawings in the clinical study of the human per- 
sonality. The more cautious and generalized of these statements are plausible 
common sense. The more specific claims and positive assertions do not seem 
to have reasonable support in the accumulated evidence. 

5. A survey of the research and clinical literature is persuasive; the pro- 
jective hypothesis as it applies to human figure drawings has never been ade- 
quately or consistently formulated, and systems for the evaluation of such 
drawings have, for the most part, been exceedingly loose. Consequently, the 
assessment of drawings by such methods very often shows modest reliability 
and low validity. The more rigorous the conditions of the experiment con- 
trol of variables, matching of control samples, and the like the lower the 
validity of the human figure drawing as a measure of affect and personality. 



Chapter Four 



Methodology 

of the Revised Scale 



THE LITERATURE on children's drawings shows quite clearly that 
the nature and content of such drawings are dependent primarily upon intel- 
lectual development. Previous to Goodenough's introduction of the Draw-a- 
Man technique, however, attempts to classify children's drawings were very 
crude. The classifications usually included only a small number of categories, 
to which drawings were assigned by a simple inspection, without formal analy- 
sis. The categories were defined in very general terms, thus permitting con- 
siderable variation in the classification. Such methods revealed distinctions 
between groups, but were of little value for individual ratings on children. 

Development of the Goodenough Scale 

The derivation of the 1926 Draw-a-Man scale differed from the method of 
approach used by previous investigators in the following respects: (1) No 
arbitrary decisions were made as to what constitutes intellectual merit in a 
drawing. (2) A double criterion for judging mental development chrono- 
logical age and school grade was used as a basis for determining the validity 
of the test, and for establishing norms. Supplementary criteria were used 
when available. (3) Every effort was made to eliminate the subjective ele- 
ments in judgments; each characteristic was defined as objectively as possible. 
(4) Artistic standards were entirely disregarded. (5) Standard subject matter 
and directions for drawing were chosen; but to allow as much freedom as 
possible in the working out of the task, no further specifications were made as 
to how the drawing should be done. 

Although Goodenough had first hoped it would be possible to allow each 
child to choose his own subject for drawing, it soon became evident that the 
plan was not feasible. Without careful and systematic study of the relative 
difficulty of the various subjects children might choose, it would be impossible 
to decide, for example, whether a greater degree of ability is shown by a good 
representation of an easy subject, or by a poor representation of a more dif- 
ficult subject. Earlier work had shown that older and brighter children tend 

68 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 69 

to be more critical of their work, and are also more likely to select the "easier" 
subjects to draw. 

In deciding upon the subject matter of the drawing, Goodenough believed 
the following considerations were paramount: (1) The subject must be some- 
thing with which all children are equally familiar. Either the situation pre- 
sented must be an entirely new one for all children, or all children must have 
had nearly equal opportunity to become familiar with it. The latter circum- 
stance is probably better for very young children, since it is less likely to con- 
fuse them; also, it has the additional advantage of measuring the learning 
factor as shown by present accomplishment. (2) The subject must present 
as little variability as possible in its essential characteristics. (3) The subject 
must be simple in its general outline, so that even very little children will be 
able to attempt it, yet sufficiently complicated in its detail to tax the abilities 
of a youth or adult. (4) The subject must be one of universal interest and 
appeal, in order that motivation be maintained among children. 

The human figure, a common subject in children's spontaneous drawings, 
was selected as fulfilling all the above requirements. The greater uniformity of 
man's clothing suggested that a man was a more suitable subject for the 
test than a woman, or a child, and was therefore chosen for the original scale. 

Goodenough developed a first scale by selecting ten drawings at random 
from the work of children in beginning and in advanced kindergartens, and in 
beginning and advanced halves of each of the first four elementary grades. 
These 100 drawings were picked from a collection of 4,000 obtained from 
many kindergartens and elementary grades in an eastern city. From inspection 
of these small samples, changes in children's drawings with increasing age and 
increasing intellectual development could be discerned. No a priori assump- 
tions were made as to the probable nature of these changes, and differences 
based on artistic effects were entirely disregarded in favor of comparative 
differences in details. This first scale resulted in forty separate "points" 
empirically selected. A point was defined as a single unit of the scale. It 
could be based on the presence or absence of a specified element, on the 
method of representation of a given quantitative or spatial relationship, or 
on eye-hand coordination. The points referred chiefly to the presence or ab- 
sence of various parts of the body and to the relationships of these parts. 

These 100 drawings were scored according to this plan. Each point was 
recorded separately, and curves were plotted showing the comparative num- 
bers of successes at each age level. 



Validation of the Separate Points 

A threefold criterion determined the validity of each point, or unit of the 
scale. The requirements were: (1) A regular and (2) a fairly rapid increase 
in the percentage of children succeeding with the point at successive ages, 
and (3) a clear differentiation between the performances of children who 



Theme and Variations 

pretation, watched over and continued by Cosirna and her aides. 
The Bayreuth example had a vitalizing and instructive effect on op- 
era in Germany. Wagner performances were benefitted first and 
foremost, but not exclusively, for singers and directors were made 
aware of a new way leading generally toward a deeper dramatic 
seriousness. Later, when Gustav Mahler was at the head of the 
Vienna Court Opera, higher operatic aims were introduced there. 
Mahler's deeds and suggestions fruitfully influenced the activities 
of directors and conductors of other stages. A new generation of 
them was inspired by his example. As for myself, I believe that I 
contributed to the best of my ability in Munich as well as in 
Berlin, in Salzburg as well as in Vienna to a further development 
and increased use of those re-creative principles on the operatic 
stage. 

II 

I LEFT Berlin at the end of August 1893. Accompanied by my 
parents' wishes and anxious thoughts, I started on my travels. They 
led me first to "ancient sacred Cologne/' immortalized by Heine 
and Schumann in the Dichterliebe. From the mighty span of the 
bridge over the Rhine, across which my train was carrying me, I 
beheld the Cathedral and was captivated by it. Without unpack- 
ing, I hurried from the furnished room I had hired back to Cathe- 
dral Square, to face the gigantic edifice and submit to its over- 
whelming effect. I had never before seen a Gothic building; now 
Gothic art entered my life. Deeply stirred, I succumbed to the 
magnitude of the impression. I wandered around the structure and 
finally entered the solemn dusk of its interior a forest of stone, 
so it seemed to me. I told myself with growing consternation that 
I would never be able fully to comprehend that sublime and varied 
mystery of forms, and I promised myself to submit to its influence 
every day, childishly confident that, as I could not rise up to the 
spirit of the wonderful edifice, it would condescend toward me. 
I soon realized that I had succumbed not so much to the wealth 
and expressive power of the language of Gothic forms, which I 
gradually came to see more clearly and to understand, as to the 
simultaneousness with which the gigantic edifice assailed the eye 
and the soul. The wonders of music and poetry affected me differ- 
ently. To be sure, they, too, were full of the creative secret; but 
not only did I feel that the essence of music was disclosed to me and 
that I was able to live in the world of Shakespeare, but music and 
poetry were more accommodating, as it were, in that they pro- 
gressed with time, whereas architecture's ponderous existence in 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 71 

results obtained in this way showed clearly that the point was one which 
should be retained in the scale; accordingly another method of scoring was 
tried. 

SCALE 4. Both vertical and horizontal measurements of head less than the 

corresponding measurements of the trunk. 

Objection: This method applies very well to full-face drawings, but is not 
satisfactory with profiles. 

SCALE 5. Area of head not more than one half or less than one tenth that 
of the trunk. 

This is the method finally adopted. 

It will be seen that the general procedure employed has been of the "cut 
and try" sort. A point which appeared to have differentiating value was noted, 
and a method of scoring was then devised. If the results showed a clear sepa- 
ration of different age and grade groups, the point was retained; if not, other 
scoring methods were tried. When no satisfactory scoring method could be 
found, the point was rejected. Typical examples of rejected points are the 
following: 

1. Teeth shown. 

Up to about the age of seven, the curve shows a regular increase in the 
percentage of children who draw the teeth. After this age there is an equally 
marked decrease, a fact which renders the point useless. 

2. Attempt to show color by shading. 

This varies according to the hardness of the lead and the condition of the 
point of the pencil used. 

3. Attempt to represent movement, as walking or running. 

This point was rejected only after several attempts to score it had been 
made. There is little doubt as to its being, in some degree, a valid indication 
of intellectual maturity. The difficulty lies in differentiating between real 
attempts to show movement and mere bad coordination. As a result of poor 
coordination the drawing may seem to show one leg being raised, as in walk- 
ing, when nothing of the sort was intended by the child. With the more 
mature drawings it is usually possible to make the distinction, but with those 
of the younger children it is often difficult, if not impossible, to do so. 

4. Pupils of eyes symmetrically placed, so as to focus the glance correctly. 
Gives too much weight to eye details, and is difficult to score consistently. 

A modification of the point has been retained. 

5. Entire figure in correct alignment. If the full-face position has been 
chosen, all parts must be in full face. If the profile has been shown, all parts 
must face in the same direction. 



72 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

The curve shows a very marked drop from eight to ten years, due to the 
confusion which arises at the time of transition from the full-face to the pro- 
file drawing. 

Other points were rejected for reasons analogous to those just cited. It is 
probable that in some instances further trials might disclose methods of 
scoring which would do away with the objections mentioned, but such 
methods have not yet been found (1926, pp. 19-21). 



Development of the Present Revision 

The present revision and extension of the scale has seemed desirable for a 
number of reasons. There has been a renewed interest in children's drawings. 
Much of this interest has reflected a concern with the emotional significance 
of drawings and the usefulness of these drawings for measuring person- 
ality differences. The Goodenough scale has been widely used in psycho- 
logical clinics to assess the intellectual maturity of children (Louttit and 
Browne, 1947). Many who have used human figure drawings as projective 
devices have calculated a mental age based on the original Goodenough scale. 
In some cases, the discrepancy between an IQ obtained from the drawing 
scale and IQ's obtained from more conventional intelligence tests has been 
used in differential diagnosis of mental conditions, notably brain damage. At 
least one important source has called for a revision and the establishment of 
new norms of the scale (Euros, Fourth Mental Measurements Yearbook, 
1953, pp. 291-292) . More than once the idea has been voiced that the drawing 
task reflects somewhat differently the intellectual maturity of adolescents as 
contrasted with that of younger children. 

It was decided that the new scale should attempt to encompass the fol- 
lowing: (1) An upward extension into the adolescent years, following sug- 
gestions by Hinrichs (1935); (2) the exploration of new items which might 
increase the reliability and validity of the scale by sampling different aspects 
of cognitive ability; (3) the development of extended or alternate forms of 
the scale; (4) the development of a basis for possible projective uses of the 
scale. 

Because of its popularity with children, the human figure was accepted as 
the most meaningful basis for the scale, and a test of three drawings a man 
figure, a woman figure, and the drawing of the selfwas then set up, to be 
accomplished in that order. Preliminary work revealed that children are will- 
ing to attempt these three tasks in one sitting, even kindergarten children 
finding this not beyond their capacities. As was anticipated, more resistance 
was encountered on the self drawing than on the drawing of the man or 
woman. Older children increasingly were reluctant to draw at all. This ob- 
servation has been frequently noted, and will be further commented on in a 
later section of this book. 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 73 

The Subjects 

For testing new points and the development of new scales, a sample of 
urban and rural children in Minnesota and Wisconsin was selected to repre- 
sent the 1940 occupational distribution according to the categories of the 
Minnesota Scale for Paternal Occupations. More than 300 children were 
tested at each grade level from kindergarten through the ninth grade. These 
children were drawn from schools selected to give a fair approximation of 
the range of occupational status. All subjects were classified on the Minnesota 
scale according to the occupation of the father as recorded by the child and 
checked with the school record. 



The Revised Draw-a-Man Scale: Validation of Items 

Originally it was hoped that samples as small as fifty would give sufficiently 
stable results for the preliminary analysis. Consequently, twenty-five boys and 
twenty-five girls were selected whose chronological age at the time of testing 
fell between five years nine months and six years two months, and between six 
years nine months, and seven years two months, and so on, so that the year 
samples were evenly distributed about a mid-value of six years, seven years, 
and the like. For checking purposes an additional sample of fifty children, 
twenty-five boys and twenty-five girls, was selected between six years three 
months and six years eight months, between seven years three months and 
seven years eight months, and the like. These samples of fifty were thus 
grouped about the mid-birthday. Each of such samples was stratified as closely 
to the socioeconomic norm as possible. 

However, analysis indicated that fifty cases were not sufficient to provide 
stable proportions passing the separate items. Consequently, the age samples 
were combined into groups of 100 including, for example, from five years nine 
months to six years eight months. Each age sample thus was grouped around 
a mid-point approximately one-fourth of the way through the year; thus, six- 
year-olds being centered around a value of approximately six years three 
months and the seven-year-olds around the value of seven years three months, 
and so on, for each age sample. 

The samples of 100 were drawn from the larger numbers available at each 
age to represent the U. S. distribution of paternal occupations, according to 
the 1940 census. A quite close fit of each age sample to this distribution was 
obtained. 1 It was found that computing percentages on 100 children rather 
than on 50 children gave substantially more stable results, and the resulting 

1 Tables giving data in full on these samples, and the item analysis, are on file with the 
Test Department of Harcourt, Brace, & World, Inc. Table A of this series gives the actual 
distributions of boys and girls by parental occupation for each of the age samples. 



74 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

TABLE Distribution, by Parental Socioeconomic Status (Occupational 
1 Group) , of Age Samples for Validation of Scale Items 



AGE GROUPS 



PER 5-9 to 8-8 8-9 to 11-8 11-9 to 15-8 TOTAL 



CLASS OCCUPATION 


CENT 


N 


% 


N 


V N % 


N 


% 


I 


Professional 


4.3 


12 


4.0 


12 


4.0 


15 


3.7 


39 


3,9 


II 


Semiprofessional 
and managerial 


10.7 


18 


6.0 


18 


6.0 


25 


6.3 


61 


6.1 


III 


Clerical, skilled 
trades and retail 


23.1 


48 


16.0 


46 


15.3 


59 


14.7 


153 


15.3 




business 




















IV 


Farmers 


6.0 


29 


9.7 


39 


13.0 


50 


12.5 


118 


11.8 



VI 



Semiskilled occu- 23.5 84 28.0 
pations, minor 
clerical positions 
and minor business 



Slightly skilled 
trades and other 
occupations re- 
quiring little 
training or ability 



22.0 46 15,3 



77 25.7 102 25.5 263 26.3 



48 16.0 64 16.0 158 15.8 



VII Day laborers 10.4 63 21.0 60 20.0 85 21.3 208 20.8 
of all classes 


Total 


100.0 300 100.0 300 100.0 400 100.0 1000 100.0 



age curves were much smoother. Table 1, above, summarizes the socioeco- 
nomic distribution of these age samples. 

For selection of items to be included in the scale, the following criteria 
were used: (1) The items should show a regular and fairly rapid increase with 
age, in the percentage of children passing the point. (2) The items should 
show a relationship to some general measure of intelligence. (3) The items 
should differentiate between children scoring high on the scale as a whole 
and those scoring low on the scale as a whole. 

The criterion of brightness as measured by a group intelligence test was 
used in place of Goodenough's over-age- and under-age-for-grade criterion. 
Thirty years ago the situation in the schools was such that bright children 
were put ahead and dull children were retained in grades. The present wide- 
spread practice of "social promotion" makes this criterion impossible, and the 
general availability of group intelligence measures gives a rough criterion 
which, along with others, helps establish the validity of the drawing score as 
a measure of intellectual maturity. 

The first criterion was rather easily applied by computing the percentage 



Methodology of the Revised Scde 75 

of children in each sample of 100 passing the item. From the percentage of 
children earning credit on the item at each age, 2 curves were drawn for that 
item. An atlas of such curves supplied a ready visual check for the selection of 
items according to the criterion of age progression. 

The second criterion was obtained by looking up the IQ in the school rec- 
ords. Since a number of different tests were included in the records of the 
several schools participating in this original study, the IQ scores were con- 
verted into standard scores based on the distribution of IQ J s reported in the 
standardization data of the particular test, or system-wide test data for certain 
tests used in large school systems. Each IQ was converted into a standard 
measure and distributed for each year of age. Records were not available on 
all children; but approximately top and bottom 25 per cent groups were sep- 
arated, and the percentage of these high- and low-intelligence groups passing 
the item was computed. Although the degree of relative exceptionality of 
these deviant samples differed somewhat in the several age groups, about 
twenty children were included in each deviant sample so that percentages 
could be computed. 3 An atlas of curves for each item was prepared from 
these data, to provide a convenient visual check for the selection of items 
according to the criterion of general intelligence. 

On the basis of a tentative scale including approximately 100 points, a 
total score was derived for each child. The twenty-seven high-scoring and 
twenty-seven low-scoring individuals on the drawing scale for each age group 
were separated for analysis. The percentages of these groups passing each 
item * provide the third criterion, that of internal consistency. An atlas of 
curves for this criterion was also prepared. 

Some 100 scoring points were tried: all of the previous Goodenough points 
and modification of them, Hinrich's points, and some others devised by the 
writer. The following data were examined: the percentage "passing" the item 
at each age group, the separation in per cent passing each point between 
brighter and duller children in each age group, and the separation in per cent 
passing between high-scoring and low-scoring children in each age group. 
By these criteria, seventy-three items were selected. This selection was some- 
what arbitrarily done, as no statistical combination of the three criteria was 
devised. These points included a number which are inoperative in childhood 
but show some incidence in early adolescence. They were included to give 
special opportunity for adolescents to earn increments on the scale, and to 

2 These percentages, for all items in the final scale for the male figures, appear in 
Table B of the material on file in the Test Department of Harcourt, Brace, & World, Inc. 
See footnote, p. 73. 

8 These percentages for all items in the final Man scale, together with the actual num- 
ber of children in each deviant group, appear in Table C of the material on file with the 
Test Department of Harcourt, Brace, & World, Inc. See footnote, p. 73. 

4 The percentages for all items in the final Man scale, together with the actual number 
of children in the high- and low-scoring groups, appear in Table D of the material on file 
with the Test Department of Harcourt, Brace, & World, Inc. See footnote, p. 73. 



76 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

permit more careful study of the relationships among these "adolescent" 
items. Detailed descriptions of the seventy-three points as scoring standards 
for the man drawing appear in Part II of this book, which is the Manual for 
this revision known as the Goodenough-Harris Drawing Test. 



The Draw-a-Woman Scale 

Each of the children had produced three drawings: a man, a woman, and 
the self. Consequently, the work of these children was available to formulate 
a scale for the drawing of a woman. Exactly the same procedure described for 
the man drawings was applied to the drawings of a woman. 5 From the in- 
spection of a series of drawings, a tentative scale was constructed. Approxi- 
mately ninety items were tried, of which seventy-one survived the test of 
the three criteria. Detailed descriptions of these seventy-one points appear in 
the Manual (Part II of this book, pp. 276-291) as the scoring standards 
for the woman drawing. 

Some comments on certain items not retained in the Woman scale may 
be of interest. In the drawing of a woman, the attempt to designate glance 
(both eyes looking in the same direction indicated by positioning of the 
pupils) /shows some increase with age, but does not differentiate significantly 
between high and low scorers or between the more and less intelligent stu- 
dents. In the drawing of a man, there was enough association with both cri- 
teria to warrant its inclusion in that scale. Ornamentation on the head by the 
use of a ribbon, flowers in the hair, or a feminine hat, shows very little in- 
crease with age and does not differentiate sharply between intelligence groups, 
though it shows some differentiation between high- and low-scoring groups. 
Moreover, there is some tendency for older children to include this feature 
less often than do seven- and eight-year-olds. Therefore, the item was dis- 
carded. Originally, necklace and earrings were scored separately. It was found 
that they showed better differentiation when they were scored as necklace 
and/or earrings. The items were therefore combined and retained in this 
changed form. 

Another interesting item was the inclusion of a pattern or design on the 
garment. This feature is much more frequent at ages seven and eight than at 
any other age and shows a steady decline with age. While at seven and eight 
it differentiates between the more and less intelligent pupils, it ceases to do so 
very quickly thereafter. The item was therefore dropped. An attempt was 

5 In the material on file with the Test Department of Harcourt, Brace, & World, Inc. 
(see footnote, p. 73), Table E presents the frequencies of boys and girls at each age who 
passed each item in this provisional scale. Because the N is 100 in each age group, the fre- 
quency totals may be read as per cents, thus offering evidence for the first criterion, that 
each item progress in difficulty with age. Table F presents the evidence on validity by an 
external criterion for the provisional Woman scale; Table G the evidence by the criterion 
of internal consistency. 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 77 

made to score on the use of accessories in the garb or action of the figure, but 
this item showed no age increase or clear discrimination among certain 
groups. In an early analysis a peculiar characteristic, the squaring of the lower 
portion of the face, appeared to be valuable, but more complete tabulation 
through the age groups showed that this feature appears at eight or nine and 
disappears by age thirteen and is never included by more than 10 per cent of 
the cases. Moreover, it makes no consistent differentiation between intelli- 
gence groups. 

The resulting scale of seventy-one points roughly parallels the Man scale, 
but differs in a number of specific aspects. It was not possible, for example, 
to use the ear as a scoring point in the female figure; too often the long hair 
conceals this organ. Earrings, when combined with necklace, became a useful 
substitute. Arm movement and leg movement, both useful items in the Man 
scale, did not qualify for the Woman scale. Leg movement was disqualified, 
possibly because of the long skirt with which many children provide their 
drawing in the age range where leg movement is an effective item. The point, 
modeling or shading, has been included in the treatment of the skirt rather 
than appearing as a separate item. 



Developmental Aspects of Drawing the Female Figure 

The American child drawing the female figure goes through some clear and 
distinctive "stages." Reference to Figures 9a through 33 on pages 79 to 86 
will illustrate the following statements. (Figures 9a through 21 were drawn by 
boys, ranging from ages five to fifteen; Figures 22a through 33 were drawn by 
girls of similar ages.) 

At the earliest ages the feminine figure is not perceptibly differentiated 
from the masculine figure. Questioning the child often reveals that whereas 
he distinguishes sex differences in his thinking, his symbolization of them in 
a drawing is insufficient to be apparent even after his explanation. One of the 
earliest signs of femininity is the attempt to show hair in somewhat different 
fashion than it is shown on the male figure. The scribbled indication of hair 
on the male figure is likely to be placed more on top of or on the upper por- 
tion of the head. On the female figure this representation most commonly 
takes the form of scribbled masses around the head, hanging down at the side 
of the face (Figs. 9a,b; 22a,b). Where short pencil strokes are used to indi- 
cate hair, the man's hair may stand up; in the woman figure there is a tend- 
ency for these strokes to point downward to the sides (Figs. 9b, 14, 22b, 23). 
While this tendency appears most commonly at age six or seven, it may ap- 
pear as early as four or five in some cases. In the illustrations provided, Figures 
22a and b, by a girl, are superior to Figures 9a and b, by a boy, but note that 
both the boy and the girl differentiate the sexes mainly by the hair. Note also 
that this five-year-old girl has already adopted eyebrows and eyelashes, more 



78 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

commonly draw f n by girls than by boys, as Goodenough pointed out long ago. 

In the earliest attempts at a profile drawing of the woman figure, the "pend- 
ant" mass of hair curving around the contour of the head and then hanging 
down the back in a rounded mass is a striking characteristic used by both 
boys and girls about seven or eight years of age (Figs. 13, 15). This represen- 
tation gives the hair the appearance of being shaped or molded. It is carried 
into the full-face figure also, apparently as a more mature representation of 
the scribbled hanging masses noted at ages six and seven (Figs. 16, 24, 27). 
Still later, there may be an attempt to show styling (Figs. 18, 27, 28, 29); 
girls attempt this more commonly than boys. This styling may be achieved 
with some degree of skill in better drawings (Figs. 20, 30, 32). 

By age six and more commonly by seven, there is some attempt to differen- 
tiate the dress or garb. This depiction takes the form of a triangular-shaped 
trunk, sometimes with a belt line across (Figs. 10, 23). This basic form may 
be retained even after the upper part of the trunk is differentiated from the 
skirt (Fig. 12). While this crude triangularity persists, the placement of the 
legs far apart and continuous with the line of the skirt is very common (Figs. 

12,23). 

In the next advancement, the legs are brought closer together and are no 
longer continuous with the corners of the triangular skirt (Figs. 13, 15, 25). 
By this time also, the upper portion of the trunk is commonly differentiated 
from the skirt, usually by lines that take a different angle from the belt or 
waist (Figs. 13, 15, 24). Occasionally, in the transition to this representation 
an "hour glass" arrangement indicates the skirt (not illustrated in the ex- 
amples). Still later the sharp corners of the skirt are rounded (Fig, 24) and 
some attempt made to drape or model it (Figs. 18, 29). Around age seven or 
eight, also, some children of both sexes elaborate the dress with flowers or 
other attempts to show a figure or pattern on the fabric (Figs. 10, 12, 16, 24, 

25,27). 

The "cupid's bow" mouth or "cosmetic lips" is clearly apparent in at least 
one-fourth of the cases by age nine, and is increasingly used thereafter, espe- 
cially by girls (Figs. 18, 27, 28, 30, 32, 33). The use of accessories, such as 
jewelry, purse, feminine hat, and the like, appears in some cases by age ten 
or eleven. Although such accessory items are seldom included in more than 10 
per cent of the figures, the use of at least one accessory is present in 20 to 25 
per cent of the drawings done after age eight, but shows no tendency to in- 
crease further with age. 

Secondary sex characteristics, such as the indication of the breast, the model- 
ing of the dress or skirt across the hips, or the depiction of the calf of the leg, 
appear frequently after age nine or ten (Figs. 18, 30). By age twelve, 50 per 
cent of the children include the breast and the shaped calf of the leg, and 30 
percent the hips (Figs. 20, 30). By this age, also, specific stylistic designations 
of sex are likely to be included in the drawings, such as a styled coiffure (Figs. 
19, 20, 27, 28, 29), "cosmetic lips" (Figs. 18, 30, 32), and an indication of 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 



79 



cheelcs (Figs. 18, 20 ? 32) . By this age, also ? many children draw a long gown or 
"formal" dress. 

It is instructive to compare the drawings of mentally retarded children with 
those of normals. On the woman drawing, the differences are much the same 
as those that have been noted on the drawing of a man. 6 On almost every 
point in the scale, mentally retarded children are slower than normals to 
achieve success. However, mentally retarded children are relatively more defi- 
cient on items of proportion and dimension, the treatment of shoulders, el- 
bow joints and fingers, the elimination of transparencies, and motor coordina- 
tion items (especially the treatment of lines and body contours). Mentally 
retarded children are relatively less handicapped on the inclusion of specific 
body parts. 

6 See Goodenougti (1926, pp. 71ff., and scored examples, pp. 112-153). 





FIG. 9a. Man, by boy, 5-1 



FIG. 9b. Woman, by same boy 



80 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 





FIG. 10. Woman, by boy, 5-3 



FIG. 11. Woman, by boy, 5-4 





FIG. 12. Woman, by boy, 6-5 



FIG. 13. Woman, by boy, 6-8 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 



81 



FIG. 14. Woman, by boy, 6-10 FIG. 15. Woman, by boy, 9-5 




FIG. 16. Woman, by boy, 10-2 FIG. 17. Woman, by boy, 10-9 



82 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 






FIG. 18. Woman, by boy, 11-5 FIG. 19. Woman, by boy, 13-0 



, 

r. -V 



/ \ 




FIG. 20. Woman, by boy, 13-2 FIG. 21. Woman, by boy, 15-3 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 



83 





FIG. 22a. Man, by girl, 5-0 FIG. 22b. Woman, by same girl 




FIG. 23. Woman, by girl, 5-0 FIG. 24. Woman, by girl, 7-0 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 





FIG. 25. Woman, by girl, 7-2 FIG. 26. Woman, by girl, 9-8 




FIG. 27. Woman, by girl, 9-9 FIG. 28. Woman, by girl, 9-11 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 



8? 



FIG. 29. Woman, by girl, 10-10 FIG. 30. Woman, by girl, 11-3 




FIG. 31. Woman, by girl, 13-3 FIG. 32. Woman, by girl, 13-3 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



FIG. 33. Woman, by girl, 15-2 



Some Special Scoring Problems 

For some time researchers in children's drawings have noticed that older 
and brighter children tend to evade the difficult task of portraying the human 
hand. Often they do this by drawing the figure in such a position that the 
hand does not show; such as by placing the hands in pockets or behind the 
back. How should such drawings be scored? Presumably, strict adherence to 
scoring standards might penalize ingenious children! Table 2 (p. 87) indicates 
the mean total score achieved by children concealing the hand and those por- 
traying one or both hands in three successive age groups. It is clear that the 
present method of scoring, which requires the presence of one or both hands, 
does not unduly penalize the children who draw both hands concealed. Hence, 
it has seemed inadvisable to introduce a correction in score when both hands 
are concealed. 

Similarly, in preparing the scoring scale for the drawing of a woman, it 
appeared that enough children portray a long gown or "formal" to make the 
scoring of feet and legs a problem. By rule of thumb, several points were 
credited automatically in such instances. The age progression of scores on 
these items was watched carefully. When a tendency appeared for the item 
to increase in percentage passing with age when such allowances were made, 
this lenient credit was retained. Where such credit did not seem to make a 
difference to age progression, it was not retained. Examples of points on 



Methodology of the Revised Scale 



87 



TABLE 

2 



Mean Scores of Drawings Showing One Hand or Both 
Hands Compared with Drawings Concealing Both Hands 



AGE 



N 



TYPE OF DRAWING 



MEAN SCORE 



S.D. 



IQ 


13 


Both hands concealed 


48,1 


10.71 




87 


One or both hands depicted 


50.2 


11.32 




12 


Both hands concealed 


52.5 


10.27 




88 


One or both hands depicted 


50.3 


11.12 


] 


23 


Both hands concealed 


48.7 


10.16 




77 


One or both hands depicted 


49.7 


10.84 



Note: The t for the largest observed difference, that at age 14, is 1.09, which is not significant 
at the .05 level. 

which credit was allowed are the following: legs present, attachment of arms 
and legs, and arms and legs in two dimensions. Points which were not allowed 
on this basis pertain chiefly to feet and include the elaboration of the foot 
and any credit for shoe. 

The question of whether the full-face or the profile figure in the drawing 
received a particular advantage is partially answered by the data in Table 3 7 
which refers only to data for the man drawing. Although the difference is not 
statistically significant at any age reviewed in the table, it is consistently in 
favor of the profile drawings, and suggests that allowing bonus points for com- 



TABLE 

3 



Mean Scores of Full or Partial Profile Drawings Compared 
with Full-Face Drawings 



AGE 



N 



TYPE OF DRAWING 



MEAN SCORE 



S.D. 



10 


22 

78 


Profile 
Full-face 


43.8 
40.2 


11.98 
11.82 


11 


29 
71 


Profile 
Full-face 


43.3 

42.3 


11.42 
9.26 


12 


41 
59 


Profile 
Full-face 


49.2 
47.6 


10.78 
11.31 


13 


38 
62 


Profile 
Full-face 


51.7 
49.3 


10.49 
11.60 


14 


39 
61 


Profile 
Full-face 


51.3 

51.0 


11.09 
10.16 



Note: The t for the largest observed difference, that at age 10, is 1.25, which is not significant 
at the .05 level. 



88 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

pleteness in the profile presentation is too generous. The profile seems to be 
the more mature type of drawing, is more adequately executed, and there- 
fore needs no additional credit. Such a correction should be made in any fur- 
their revisions and restandardizations of the Man scale; it was not included in 
the Woman scale. 



Scaling Problems 

Goodenough established her scale on a point score basis and adjusted the 
point scores to mental age equivalents, using her age norm data. She calcu- 
lated the IQ by the customary method of dividing mental age by chronologi- 
cal age. Her published distribution of calculated IQ's for samples of boys and 
girls at each age, six to twelve inclusive, permitted the calculation of standard 
deviations of IQ, and coefficients of relative variation at each age. 

It has been shown repeatedly that because mental abilities do not develop 
as a strictly rectilinear function, this method of depicting mental level pre- 
sents certain statistical problems. Unless the construction and standardization 
of the measure are very carefully conducted, there will be a variation in the 
standard deviation of scores from age to age, which will make a given IQ 
value of different significance, so far as indicating exceptionality is concerned. 
Theoretically and statistically, the standard deviation should increase by an 
amount proportionate to the increase in the mean score. This condition makes 
the relative variability, or the Coefficient of Variation as it is sometimes 
called, reasonably constant. In the 1926 Goodenough scale this requirement 
was roughly achieved. Moreover, the 1926 scale, as shown in the normative 
data, falls below the theoretical IQ average of 100 by age ten, and progressively 
so thereafter. Particularly is this underestimate true for boys. The review of 
the literature in earlier chapters includes considerable evidence that older 
subjects are seriously underestimated by this method of presenting the indi- 
vidual score. 

In the literature of measurement generally, the intelligence quotient has 
increasingly come under criticism, for the above reasons. When Wechsler 
developed his Adult Intelligence Scale (1939), he abandoned the IQ in favor 
of a deviation or "standard score" method, though in it he attempted to re- 
tain the appearance of the IQ. He set his average at 100 for each age, and 
adjusted the standard deviation of scores at each age to a standard value of 
fifteen points. This standard deviation is somewhat more than the standard 
deviation of IQ's characteristically found by the 1916 Stanford-Binet and a 
little less than that obtained by the 1937 Binet. This procedure represents a 
compromise between the standard score method of representing exceptionality 
and the general concept of how "intelligence/' as measured by the conven- 
tional IQ, distributes itself in the population. This general concept has been 
formed through the repeated use of these other widely used measuring devices, 
and through widespread familiarity with their results. 



Methodology of the Revised Scale ^ 

Wechsler's scales departed from the monolithic concept of intelligence 
and attempted to represent the measurement theory that intelligence is a 
mosaic of abilities. Wechsler gives standard score equivalents for raw scores 
on each of his ten sub-tests. Because five of these tests conform to the general 
principle of 'Verbal" materials and five to "performance" and "manipulative" 
items, Wechsler devised a system for combining each of five scores into the 
standard form described above, which would approximate an IQ distribution. 
He also devised a method for combining his verbal and performance "IQV 
into a full scale estimate of intelligence, also having the appearance of an "IQ." 

The standard score method of measuring the child's performance has been 
adopted in the revision of the Draw-a-Man Test and in the Draw-a-Woman 
Test. Because of the dominance of the IQ concept in the literature and in 
professional thinking, and because of the precedent set by Wechsler, the 
present scales likewise have used a mean standard measure of 100, with a 
standard size for the standard deviation of fifteen points. In terms of the 
theoretical distribution of values, roughly 68 per cent of children at each age 
should score between the values of 85 and 115, and 99.8 per cent should score 
between the values of 55 and 145. Provision is also made for combining esti- 
mates of the child's ability measured separately in the Man and Woman 
scales. The tables for these conversions appear in Part II of this book, pages 
294-301. 



Chapter Five 



Reliability and Validity 
of the Scales 



THE USEFULNESS of a psychological measuring scale hinges on the 
consistency with which it measures whatever it measures (its reliability), and 
on the demonstration that it does in fact assess the abilities for which its 
claims are made (its validity) . In the present revision reliability is evaluated in 
two ways: (1 ) the consistency with which scorers evaluate a particular set of 
drawings, and (2) the consistency of children's performance in the drawing 
task as evaluated by the scale. Validity is evaluated by: (1) considering from 
several angles the effects of special experience and training on drawing-test 
performance, and (2) relating the scale statistically to other measures of "in- 
telligence/ 7 and to other abilities presumably related to the traits assessed by 
the drawing scales. 



Evidence for Reliability 

A number of studies (see Chap. II, pp. 21-22) have already established 
the consistency with which scorers can, with a minimum of training, score the 
Goodenough Draw-a-Man Test. Intercorrelations between different scor- 
ings range from the low .80'$ to as high as .96. Values commonly exceed .90. 

In an unpublished study conducted by the present author, two scorers 
independently scored several samples of drawings by eight-year-olds and ten- 
year-olds. Table 4 (p. 91) gives the results, and indicates that a high level of 
agreement can be obtained between the scoring of briefly trained undergradu- 
ate students. 

Another approach to evaluating reliability is through the study of scorers' 
agreement item by item. A group of thirty-six drawings, representing the work 
of children from seven through twelve years and including boys and girls, 
were given independently to three scorers after a short training period with 
the scales. Judge A disagreed with the normative scoring provided by the 
writer on 5.03 per cent of the items, Judge B on 5.05 per cent of the items 
and Judge C on 5.02 per cent of the items. After a conference concerning the 

90 



Reliability and Validity of the Scales 91 



TABLE 



4 



Reliability of the Drawing Scales; Intercorrelations 
Between Two Independent Scorers 







MAX 


WOMAN 


AGE 


X 


SCALE 


SCALE 


8 


75 boys 

75 girls 


.92 

.97 


M 
.91 


10 


75 boys 
75 girls 


.98 
.97 


.98 
.97 



discrepancies, and scoring a new sample of drawings, the disagreement scores 
dropped to less than 2 per cent on the average for the three judges. 

A number of studies have indicated correlations in the .6Q's and .70's be- 
tween the scores of children's drawings separated by a time interval of as 
much as three months. McCurdy (1947) compared the variability of Goode- 
nough IQ's derived from a long series of drawings by one boy with that of 
a group of children comparable to the boy in age. He concluded that the 
variability within the individual was about of the same magnitude as that 
for the group, and inferred that the individual variability of this one child's 
scores was more than "error of measurement/ 7 and rested on true fluctuations 
of ability. Unfortunately, this boy was extremely intelligent, and his mean 
score was quite different from the mean of the group of children his age. 
Hence, the direct comparison made by McCurdy is somewhat unwarranted. 

In preparing the present revision of the Goodenough scale, the author 
administered the Draw-a-Man Test on each of ten consecutive school days to 
four classes of kindergarten children. The scores were translated into Goode- 
nough IQ's, and treated by analysis of variance procedure. Results appear in 
Table 5 (p. 92). These results indicate that although there were significant 
differences between the performances of boys and girls, and between the in- 
dividual children, the portion of the total variance accounted for by variation 
within the sequence of ten drawings was quite insignificant. 



Validity: Indirect Evidence 

A question frequently raised in testing is whether the examiner has an effect 
on the performance of the subject. The writer conducted a study in six first 
and second grades of two schools to assess this influence. In two examina- 
tions scheduled one week apart, the writer and the classroom teacher admin- 
istered the Draw-a-Man Test according to the same instructions. In two 
classes the examiner tested the children first; in two classes the teacher 
examined the children first; and in the remaining two classes the teacher 
administered the test on both occasions. Table 6 (p. 92) shows that the 



Theme and Variations 

irradiating flame, a temple in which indolence and cynicism, the 
enemies of artistic endeavor, were unable to gain a foothold. 
But I gained considerably more than mere musical growth. Soon 
after our first meeting in the theater's office Mahler had asked 
me to his home, which he shared with his two sisters. I frequently 
walked with him there by way of Grindelallee and Rotebaum- 
chaussee, our conversations embracing the wide realms open to 
a mind as prolific as his. Just as I unreservedly acknowledged 
the artistic and mental superiority of the man who was sixteen years 
my senior, so I was firmly convinced from the beginning that I 
profoundly understood his demonic nature. No sooner did my ini- 
tial reserve permit it than I asked him about his creative work. It 
was he, seated at the piano, who introduced me to his First Sym- 
phony, to the work of his impetuous youth, with its flowering early 
movements, the brilliantly conceived Funeral March, and the tem- 
pestuous finale. He played his Second Symphony for me at the time 
he put the finishing touches to its orchestral score. He showed me 
Das klagende Lied and sang for me songs with piano and orches- 
tral accompaniments. They lay in his desk, still undiscovered. How 
am I to describe my deep emotion when, guided by him, I wan- 
dered through that new land? How am I to report the upheaval 
caused me by a view into the great man's soul, stirred to its depths 
by world-woe and the yearning for God? 

"Who is right, Alyosha or Ivan?" Emma, Mahler's younger sis- 
ter, asked me at one of my visits. Seeing my look of surprise, she 
explained that she was referring to the chapter "The Brothers Get 
Acquainted*' in Dostoyevsky's Brothers Karamazov. The subject 
was so passionately occupying her brother's mind that she took it 
for granted that he had talked to me about it. That conversation 
between Ivan and Alyosha eloquently reveals a condition similar 
to Mahler's mental grief, to his suffering because of the world's 
afflictions, and to his search for a comforting uplift. Basically, all 
that Mahler thought, spoke, read, or composed was concerned with 
the questions of whence, to what purpose, whither? He had 
moments of believing tranquillity and was fond of Roadmender- 
Hans's beautiful words in Anzengruber's daring play Die Kreuzel- 
sckreiber: "There's nothing that can happen to you." But the at- 
mosphere of his soul was stormy and unpredictable. Cheerful, 
childlike laughter would suddenly, and without outward cause, 
give way to an inward spasm, the rising of fierce and desperate 
suffering. 

Mahler showed me the way to Dostoyevsky, who soon took pos- 
session of my soul. It was he who aroused my interest in Nietzsche, 
with whose Thus Spake Zarathustra he was deeply occupied at the 



Reliability and Validity of the Scales 93 

tiate Goodenough ? s conclusion that: "Repeated comparisons of the work of 
children who have had this type of training [elementary school art], with that 
of children from schools in which no drawing at all is taught in the primary 
grades, have failed to show any consistent differences between the perform- 
ance of the two groups in drawing the human figure" (1926, pp. 53-54). 

Phatak (1959) made an interesting study of the relationship between the 
artistic merit of children's drawings and their scores obtained by the Goode- 
nough method. From approximately 2,500 drawings made by children be- 
tween the ages of five and fifteen she selected ninety-nine groups of two or 
three, matched for age, sex, and score on the Draw-a-Man scale. In each set, 
one of the drawings appeared to her to have particular outstanding artistic 
merit. Following the criterion that a drawing may be considered artistic if it 
is "pleasing, appealing, interesting," sixty raters were asked to pick the most 
artistic drawing from each of the ninety-nine groups, and to express their 
degree of confidence in their selections. These raters were divided equally 
among Psychology students, Fine Arts students, and Art Education majors. 
The judges 7 academic background made little difference in the drawings he 
selected as having "artistic merit," though Art Education majors differed 
from the other two groups in the number of confident judgments they made. 
Twenty-six sets of drawings were selected for further study all those in which 
at least forty of the sixty judges agreed on the most artistic drawing of a set. 

On only six items of the seventy-three in the revised Man scale were sig- 
nificant differences found between the more artistic and less artistic drawings 
of matched pairs. These items in general pertain to two aspects of the draw- 
ing: The artistic drawings exceeded the nonartistic on the representation of 
arms, the development of the hip joint or crotch and the use of a sketching 
technique; whereas the nonartistic drawings exceeded on three points per- 
taining to finger and hand detail. When the seventy-three items were grouped 
by such categories as (1) body parts, (2) dimensional representation, propor- 
tion and perspective, (3) clothing and activity represented, (4) precision of 
motor control in the execution of the drawing, and (5) location of specific 
body parts, a significant difference appeared between two categories: the 
artistic drawings showed higher clustering of points on the clothing and ac- 
tion items, while the nonartistic drawings exceeded on the proper location 
of different body parts. This study adds substantially to the evidence that the 
method of scoring the drawing is independent of its artistic qualities. 

Goodenough's experiment to show that certain types of formal training do 
affect scores on this test has been reported (Chap. II, pp. 30-31). Likewise, 
Motfs study (Chap. II, p. 23) confirmed that drawings made after children 
had engaged in rhythmic games emphasizing certain body parts verbally and 
in body motion increased scores on the parts thus emphasized. Harris (1950), 
however, investigated the effect of rhythmic exercises, not emphasized verbally, 
on children's drawings. Four groups of first-grade children in two schools of 
a lower-middle class district were subjects for this study; a total of forty-eight 
boys and fifty-six girls. All drawings were made immediately after the morning 



94 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

routine of assembly and attendance-taking had been observed. One class 
served as a control group, producing a drawing of a man according to Goode- 
nough's instructions on each of ten successive school mornings. A second 
class, the experimental group, experienced a fifteen-minute exercise period in 
which games were led by a college student trained in choreography and dra- 
matic exercises for children. Various musical group games and exercises em- 
phasizing arm and leg movements were used. The room teacher then took 
charge and conducted the drawing test. No connection between the "visiting 
teacher" and the drawing period was mentioned, nor did the children at any 
time appear to perceive such a relationship. The remaining two classes served 
both as additional experimental groups and controls. One of these groups had 
exercises preceding the drawing during the first week and no exercises the 
second week. The other group reversed this procedure. All drawings were made 
with soft pencils on standard Wi X 11 buff manilla paper. The children co- 
operated enthusiastically in every instance. For all it was the first experience of 
drawing with a pencil in school; only crayons had been used before. 

Measurements derived from the drawings included the Goodenough IQ, 
measurements of leg length, arm length, head length and trunk length in 
millimeters, an estimate by protractor of average angle of arms and legs in re- 
lation to the vertical dimension of the picture, and a simple rating of the 
amount of movement portrayed in the figure. The person making the meas- 
urements knew the general purpose of the study but did not know the allo- 
cation of groups in the experimental plan. Ratings by teachers on the Hag- 
gerty-Olson-Wickman Schedule were supplied. 

Several null hypotheses were tested. The chief statistical analysis used was 
the analysis of variance, as the most convenient technique to test the null 
hypothesis, using several groups. Although several classifications appear in a 
number of the analyses, no effort was made to test the significance of inter- 
actions of these sources of variance. Where more than three drawings were 
missing, the case was omitted from computations. In each case retained, the 
mean of the child's measurements was substituted for any missing estima- 
tions to secure symmetry in the analyses. It is recognized that this introduces 
a certain element of spurious intra-child consistency. Hypotheses and results 
have been reported (Harris, 1950) and are here summarized in general terms. 

Hypothesis 1: That drawings made following exercise periods do not differ 
significantly from drawings made after no exercise with respect to: mean 
length of leg, mean length of arm, mean angle at which arm or leg is depicted 
in relation to the major vertical axis of the figure, and mean rating of motion 
indicated in the drawing. 

This hypothesis was accepted with respect to each of the criteria noted 
above. The evidence suggests that motor and kinesthetic experiences are not 
projected into drawings; or, that a ^teen-minute period is insufficiently long 
to produce carry-over effect. This finding differs from that of Mott (1945). 

Hypothesis 2: That the intra-child variance in certain dimensions of draw- 
ings does not differ significantly from the inter-child variance. 



Reliability and Validity of the Scales 95 

This hypothesis was rejected at the .01 level, for over-all length of figure, 
length of each leg taken separately, and length of each arm. This study thus 
gives evidence that children adopt a characteristic size for their drawing of 
the human figure and maintain this with relatively little variation over a 
period of days. There was no statistically significant sex differences in the 
above measurements; however, even though statisticall}' unreliable, there was 
a consistent tendency for boys to draw longer arms. Goodenough (1926, p. 61) 
comments on boys' tendency to draw longer arms and legs than girls. 

Hypothesis 3: That intra-child variance in proportions between certain 
dimensions of the child's drawings does not differ significantly from the inter- 
child variance. 

This hypothesis w T as rejected at the .001 level for trunk to leg length, head 
to trunk length and arm to leg length. This finding would, of course, tend to 
follow from the finding of Hypothesis 2, and supports Wolff (1946) in dem- 
onstrating that certain children adopt characteristic proportions for major 
dimensions in their drawings. 

An attempt was made to score drawings by the Wolff method, which is 
based on the number of certain types of ratios observed in major dimensions 
of the drawing. It was not possible for independent scorers to obtain con- 
sistent results, so this method was abandoned. A rating of introversion-extro- 
version based on the Haggerty-Olson-Wickman Schedule, as suggested by 
Olson (personal communication), was derived for each child. These ratings 
were correlated with gross size of drawing, with placement of the drawing on 
the page, with head-trunk ratio, and with trunk-leg ratio. Correlations were 
statistically not significantly greater than zero, and were, in fact, very 7 close to 
zero. 

While the studies reported here did not attempt to assess the significance 
of drawing style for personality, they lend support to the contention that chil- 
dren adopt particular styles of drawing, and that these styles tend to be con- 
sistent over a period of time. 



Validity: Relationship to Other Measures 

The Goodenough Draw-a-Man Test has been correlated with a number of 
other measures. Most of these correlations have been reviewed in Chapter II, 
and the pertinent data are presented in Table 7 (pp. 96-97) . In addition, Ellis 
(1953), working with 123 emotionally disturbed children between the ages 
of four and nine, compared Mental Age and IQ values on the WISC and the 
Goodenough. For 116 children she had values on the Binet and the Goode- 
nough. These children were for the most part below average in intelligence, 
ranging from the low 80's to about 110. The mean IQ's for the various age 
groups (although the numbers are small, from sixteen to thirty-four cases), 
range from the low 80's to the mid 90's. Table 7 summarizes the relevant 
correlation data for these groups. 



96 



TABLE 

7 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Summary of Correlations Between Goodenough Scores 
and Scores on Other Psychological Tests 



PRIMARY MENTAL ABILITIES 

CORRELATIONS 



Ansbacher (1952) 100 ten-year-olds 



Harris (unpublished) 164 kindergarten children 



Yepson (1929) 

McElwee (1932) 
Williams (1935) 

Havighurst and 
Janke (1944) 

McHugh (1945) 
Pechoux,eaL(1947) 

Rottersman (1950) 
Johnson, et al. (1950) 

Ellis (1953) 



(PMA quotients) 
.40 Reasoning 
.38 Space 
.37 Perception 
.26 Verbal Meaning 
.24 Number 
.41 Total test 

(Raw scores) 
.29 Verbal Meaning 
.17 Perceptual Speed 
.43 Quantitative 
.43 Motor 
.46 Space 
.46 Total score 



STANFORD-BINET 



CORRELATIONS 



37 institutionalized mentally .60 (IQ values) 
retarded boys, aged nine to 
eighteen years 

45 fourteen- and fifteen-year- .72 (MA values) 
olds, ungraded class 

100 children, aged three to .80 (MA values) 
fifteen, subnormal to gifted .65 (IQ values) 



70 ten-year-olds 

90 kindergarten children 

100 abnormal and delin- 
quent children aged five to 
eighteen 

50 six-year-olds 

all mentally subnormal, epi- 
leptic, and brain-damaged 
children in a state hospital 



116 children in outpatient 
psychiatric clinic, aged four 
to nine years 



.50 (IQ values) 

.45 (MA values) 
.41 (IQ values) 

.38 boys (MA values) 
.26 girls (MA values) 

.36 (IQ values) 
.48 (IQ values) 



AGE N 

.75 4 I? (MA values) 

.78 5 19 

.69 6 20 

.79 7 26 

.92 8 20 

.60 9 14 



Reliability and Validity of the Scales 

TABLE 7 (continued) 

WECHSLER INTELLIGENCE SCALE FOR CHILDREN 

CORRELATIONS 



97 



Rottersman (1950) 50 six-year-olds 



Hanvik (1953) 
Ellis (1953) 



25 psychiatric patients, aged 
five to twelve years 

psychiatric outpatients, aged 
eight to thirteen 



V .38 (IQ values) 
P .43 

FS.47 

FS .18 (rho, IQ values) 



(IQ values) 

P FS AGE N 



.77 


.67 


.70 


8 


16 


.63 


.59 


.67 


9 


34 


.17 


.26 


.24 


10 


20 


.45 


.46 


.50 


11 


17 


.50 


.68 


.62 


12 


19 


.05 


.15 


.13 


13 


17 



Berdie (1945) 
Gunzburg (1955) 



WECHSLER ADULT INTELLIGENCE SCALE 

CORRELATIONS 
56 older, retarded adolescents .62 (Raw scores) 



adult mental defectives 



V .43 (IQ values) 

P .73 

FS.63 



MISCELLANEOUS TESTS 



CORRELATIONS 



Havighurst and 
Janke (1944) 



70 ten-year-olds 



Peehoux, eaL(1947) 

Ansbacher (1952) 100 ten-year-olds 



100 abnormal and delin- 
quent children, aged five to 
eighteen years 



Harris (1959) 
Spoerl (1940) 



98 kindergarten children 



30 mentally retarded chil- 
dren, tested during three 
successive years 



(IQ values) 
.63 Cornell-Coxe 
.48 Minnesota Paper Form- 
board 

(MA values) 

.25 boys Porteus Mazes 
.27 girls Porteus Mazes 

(Raw scores) 

.34 Tracing McQuarrie Test 
.23 Tapping of Mechanical 
.16 Dotting Ability 

.22 (Raw scores) Raven Pro- 
gressive Mat- 
rices (1947) 

Examination, presumably indi- 
vidual, not named (IQ values) 
.56 first year 
.67 second year 
.78 third year 



98 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

The present investigator correlated the Goodenough Draw-a-Man score 
with results of the SRA Primary Mental Abilities test (Primary Form) for 
164 children, representing seven different kindergartens. The children came 
predominantly from middle- and lower-class occupational groups. The re- 
sults are also listed in Table 7, and suggest that the Goodenough score is 
more strongly associated with Quantitative and Space than with Verbal- 
Meaning or Perceptual-Speed abilities. While the Motor factor is not con- 
sidered to be a reliably established dimension in the Primary Mental 
Abilities battery, it is perhaps not surprising that it shows as strong a re- 
lationship to the Goodenough score as do the Quantitative and Space com- 
ponents. 

These data differ from Ansbacher's (1952) findings, using the Elementary 
Form of the PMA, which showed the Number factor scores in ten-year-olds 
to be very modestly related to their Goodenough scores. In his data, the Per- 
ception factor scores correlated higher with Goodenough scores than had 
been observed among five-year-olds. Whether these two studies reflect the 
changing significance of the drawing test in the hierarchy of mental abilities 
cannot be confirmed from these few data; certainly there is cause, from the 
standardization data presented in this revision, for hypothesizing that the 
significance of the drawing test as a measure of intellectual maturity does 
change with age; especially between middle childhood and adolescence. 
Ansbacher's total score at ten years, however, correlated only slightly less 
(r = .41 ), than that observed for the Primary Mental Abilities Test at age five 
^ r _^g^ g ven though Ansbacher notes that his correlation values are at- 
tenuated because of smaller standard deviations than those reported in the 
standardization of the tests, they are comparable in order if not in pattern to 
those obtained by the present investigator. The tetter's results in part confirm 
Goodenough's idea (1926, p. 73) and the conclusion of Havighurst, et d. 
(1946), and of Ansbacher (1952), that one thing measured by the Draw-a-Man 
Test is children's ability to form abstract concepts; they suggest, also, that at 
age five and in relation to ability to draw the figure of a man, children's han- 
dling of quantitative and spatial concepts may be relatively more important 
than the emerging components of verbal meaning and perceptual speed as 
measured by the Primary Mental Abilities Test. Possibly the verbal abstrac- 
tions and concepts in which these latter factors will come to play an impor- 
tant role have not yet taken sufficient form, developmentally. The fact that 
perceptual motor skills are also involved in drawing a man is suggested by Ans- 
bacher's correlation of .34 with the McQuarrie tracing test as well as by the 
present data. 

The Raven Progressive Matrices test purports to assess form perception and 
analogical thinking abilities. However, its value is somewhat controversial 
(Burke, 1958) because of consistently low validity and reliability coefficients. 
Harris (1959) used the Raven with 100 kindergarten children selected to be 
representative of the U. S. urban occupational distribution. The Goodenough 
(revised) score showed the same correlation with this performance measure 



Reliability and Validity of the Scales 99 

(r = .22 between raw scores) as with the Primary Mental Abilities factors re- 
ported above. 

With young children, the Goodenough test score is considerably associated 
with intellectual maturity as assessed by the Stanford-Binet or the WISC. As 
would be expected, 3MA scores correlate more highly than IQ scores. It is 
probable that the drawing test also measures other aspects of psychological 
development. The attempt to determine what particular components of men- 
tal maturity are measured has not been entirely successful, possibly because 
such components are not clearly differentiated in young children "(Garrett, 
1946). Goodenough's original assumption that the drawing task in part re- 
flects the ability to form concepts is probably correct. From the evidence 
summarized in Table 7 ? and in the additional studies reported here, the 
Draw-a-Man Test is not more allied with performance than with verbal 
abilities. 



Relation of the Original and Revised Draw-a-Man Scales 

Despite the extensive and intensive effort to develop new items that would 
extend the scale upward in age, it has been noted that few additional items 
could be found. 1 Some items added are actually elaborations or subdivisions 
of existing points. None has managed to extend the usefulness of the scale 
into the adolescent years. It is a tribute to Goodenough's insight and scholar- 
ship in her original work with children's drawings that few additional items 
have been found. Table 8 gives the results of comparing the old and new 
scales on a sample of Canadian Indian children. The correlations are un- 
doubtedly spuriously high, because the old scale is largely contained in the 
new scale. Although these children tend to score higher than whites, there 
is no reason to believe that the relationship of their performance on old and 
new scales would be affected for this reason. 



TABLE 

Comparison Between 4926 and Revised Draw-a-Man Scales 

o 

CORRELATION BETWEEN 

1926 SCALE REVISED SCALE 1Q26 AND REVISED 

AGE N MEAN S.D. MEAN S.D. SCALES 



6 


84 


18.9 


5.52 


22.9 


8.93 


.97 


8 


73 


25.0 


6.15 


30.6 


8.57 


.96 


10 


73 


32.3 


7.60 


42.3 


12.45 


.98 


12 


79 


34.3 


7.06 


45.7 


10.91 


.97 


14 


55 


37.5 


6.22 


52.7 


11.27 


.91 



* A. comparison of percentages passing items on Goodenough's scale with percentages 
passing the same items in the present study appear in Chapter VIII, Plate VII, pp. 141fL 



Chapter Six 

Standardization 

of the Revised Man Scale 

and the Woman Scale 



FOR THE SELECTION and validation of items, all scoring of draw- 
ings selected for the validation samples was completed by the present author. 
Several psychologists tested the comprehensibility of the instructions used. 
Successive rephrasings of scoring descriptions were tried until reasonably 
clear, concise and understandable test instructions resulted. 

For the standardization of the test, new samples of drawings were obtained. 
Through the courtesy of the Research Division of Harcourt, Brace & World, 
Inc., drawing tests were administered to several thousand children in four 
geographic areas of the country: the middle Atlantic and New England area, 
the South, the West Coast, and the upper Midwest. 1 For final standardiza- 
tion of the scale, seventy-five children were selected from this test pool at 
each age level from each of these geographic areas so as to represent the oc- 
cupational distribution of the United States as a whole. At each age level 
children were selected and distributed throughout so that the sample cen- 
tered at the mid-year, with an approximately equal number of children se- 
lected from each month in that age interval. An equal number of boys and 
girls were selected in each occupational stratum when possible. The stand- 
ardization and norms, then, are based on 2,975 children, representative of 
the occupational distribution of the U. S. in 1950, and are distributed among 
four geographic areas. A summary of the socioeconomic distribution of these 
groups appears in Table 9. 2 

The drawings thus selected were scored by a team of assistants; under- 
graduate or graduate students in Psychology who had been trained in the 
rationale and methodology of the scales. Scorers worked independently on 
practice papers, until a better than 95 per cent agreement was achieved for 

1 Specifically, these schools were located in rural and urban areas of New York, Con- 
necticut, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Louisiana, Texas, and California. 

2 The paternal occupations of this sample, for each age group, arc distributed in Table 
H of material filed with the Test Department of Harcourt, Brace, & World, Inc. 

100 



Standardization of the \lan and Woman Scales 



101 



TABLE 

9 


Distribution of Standardization Samples by Parental 
Socioeconomic Status (Occupational Group} 


TYPE OF 
CLASS OCCUPATION 


1960 

PEE 
CENT 


AGE GROUPS 




TOTAL 


5-8 9-12 


13-15 


N % N % 


N % 


N 




I 
II 


Professional 
Semiprofessional 


4.3 

10.7 


31 2.8 32 2.8 
116 10.3 120 10.4 


22 3.1 
66 9.4 


85 2.9 
302 10.2 



and managerial 

III Clerical, skilled 
trades and retail 
business 

IV Fanners 

V Semiskilled oc- 
cupations, minor 
clerical positions 
and minor business 

VI Slightly skilled 
trades and other 
occupations re- 
quiring little 
training or ability 



23.1 237 21.1 234 20.3 143 20.4 614 20.6 

6.0 99 8.8 120 10.4 76 10.9 295 9.9 

23.5 252 22.4 253 22.0 165 23.6 670 22.5 

22.0 251 22.3 250 21.7 138 19.7 637 21.4 



VII 

Total 


Day laborers 
of all classes 


10 


.4 


139 


12.4 


143 


12.4 


90 


12.9 


372 


12.5 


100 


.0 


1125 


100.1 


1150 


100.0 


700 


100.0 


2975 


100.0 



all items in three successive test samples of ten representative papers each. 
The age samples were later rescored by a second team, and any differences in 
scoring were resolved by this team in relation to the scoring principles. 



Normative Data 

Table 10 reports means and standard deviations calculated for raw scores 
on the Man scale furnished by age samples of boys and girls. Table 11 pre- 
sents these values smoothed by the three point moving average method. The 
smoothed data were used to calculate the standard score "IQ's" discussed in 
Chapter IV and presented in Part II of this book, which contains the Man- 
ual for the Goodenough-Harris Drawing Test. These standard score IQ's 
constitute the test norms. Tables 12 and 13 offer comparable data for raw 
scores of the Woman scale. The conversion tables for this scale also appear in 
the Manual, pages 298-301. Plates I and II (pp. 104-105 ) present the smoothed 
raw score means graphically for the Man and Woman scales, respectively. 



102 



TABLE 
10 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Means and Standard Deviations of Point Scores 
for the Standardization Group, Man Scale 



BOYS 



GIRLS 



COMBINED 



AGE 



MEAN 



S.D. 



MEAN" 



S.D. 



MEAN 



S.D. 



5 


13.8 


4.67 


16.6 


4.92 


15.2 


5.01 


6 


19.7 


5.68 


19.0 


5.96 


19.3 


5.86 


7 


21.6 


6.78 


24.3 


6.95 


23.0 


6.98 


8 


26.3 


7.99 


27.2 


7.82 


26.8 


7.91 


9 


30.0 


8.53 


31,2 


8.95 


30.6 


8.76 


10 


36.0 


10.32 


37.1 


9.27 


36.5 


9.81 


11 


37.6 


10.67 


40.6 


9.84 


39.1 


10.38 


12 


39.2 


11.55 


42.8 


10.22 


41.0 


11.06 


13 


44.1 


10.81 


45.4 


10.91 


44.8 


10.86 


14 


44.4 


9.65 


44.6 


8.54 


44.5 


9.11 


15 


45.5 


11.07 


45.5 


9.25 


45.5 


10.19 



TABLE 
11 


Smoothed Means and Standard Deviations 
for the Standardization Group, Man Scale 



BOYS 



GIRLS 



COMBINED 



AGE 



MEAN 



S.D. 



MEAN 



S.D. 



MEAN 



S.D. 



5 


15.8 


5.01 


17.4 


5.27 


16.6 


5.29 


6 


18.4 


5.71 


20.0 


5.94 


19.2 


5.95 


7 


22.5 


6.82 


23.5 


6.91 


23.0 


6.92 


8 


25.9 


7.77 


27.6 


7.91 


26.8 


7.88 


9 


30.7 


8.95 


31.8 


8.68 


31.3 


8.83 


10 


34.5 


9.84 


36.3 


9.35 


35.4 


9.65 


11 


37.6 


10.85 


40.2 


9.78 


38.9 


10.42 


12 


40.3 


11.01 


43.0 


10.32 


41.6 


10.77 


13 


42.6 


10.67 


44.2 


9.89 


43.4 


10.34 


14 


44.7 


10.51 


45.1 


9.57 


44.9 


10.05 


15 


45.1 


10.60 


45.2 


9.01 


45.2 


9.83 



In Tables 10 through 13 levelling of the means and shrinkage of the vari- 
ances are noticeable in the thirteen- to fifteen-year age groups. This finding 
is quite consistent with Goodenough's original observation that the test is 
most appropriate with young children, and with the conclusions of Eggers 
(1931), Levy (1931), and Cohen (1933) that no gain in score can be expected 
after age twelve or thirteen. Using a scale similar to Goodenough's, The Fay 
Test, Key (1946) and Wintsch (1935) arrived at a similar conclusion for 
European children. Apparently, the expectation of Hinrichs (1935) and of 
Oakley (1940), that the test could be extended upwards, is not fulfilled. 



Standardization of the Man and Woman Scales 



103 



TABLE 

12 


Means and Standard Deviations of Point Scores 
for the Standardization Group, Woman Scale 




BOYS 


GIRLS 


COMBINED 


AGE MEAN S.D. 


MEAN 


S.D. 


MEAN 


.SD. 


5 
6 


14.5 4.97 
18.8 6.34 


18.3 
21.4 


5.73 
6.66 


16.4 
20.2 


5.70 
6.63 


7 


22.9 7.93 


28.7 


8.84 


25.8 


8.89 


8 


28.0 7.23 


30.8 


8.14 


29.4 


7.81 


9 


32.0 8.64 


34.4 


9.22 


33.2 


9.01 


10 


36.4 9.25 


40.6 


9.03 


38.5 


9.36 


11 


36.6 9.57 


44.0 


9.93 


40.3 


10.44 


12 


38.8 9.78 


45.4 


9.27 


42.2 


10.09 


13 


43.9 9.49 


48.0 


9.53 


46.0 


9.72 


14 


43.2 9 


.56 


48.7 


9.32 


46.0 


9.82 


15 


45.0 9 


.19 


47.9 


8.06 


46.4 


8.74 



TABLE 

13 


Smoothed Means and Standard Deviations 
for the Standardization Group, Woman Scale 




BOYS 


GIRLS 


COMBINED 


AGE MEAN S.D. 


MEAN 


S.D. 


MEAN 


S.D. 


5 


16.0 5.43 


19.3 


6 


.04 


17.6 


6.01 


6 


18.8 6.41 


22.8 


7 


.08 


20.8 


7.07 


7 


23.3 7.17 


27.0 


7 


.88 


25.2 


7.78 


8 


27.6 7.93 


31.3 


8 


.73 


29.5 


8.57 


9 


32.1 8.37 


35.3 


8 


.80 


33.7 


8.71 


10 


35.0 9.15 


39.7 


9 


.39 


37.3 


9.60 


11 


37.3 9.53 


43.3 


9.41 


40.3 


9.96 


12 


39.8 9.61 


45.8 


9 


.58 


42.8 


10.08 


is 


42.0 9.61 


47.4 


9 


.37 


44.7 


9.88 


14 


44.1 9.41 


48.2 


8.97 


46.1 


9.43 


15 


44.4 9.31 


48.2 


8.48 


46.3 


9.10 



Sex Differences 

There is a slight but quite consistent tendency for girls to score higher than 
boys on the Man scale (Plate I and Table 11). This tendency disappears as 
both groups reach the "ceiling" of the test, which clearly occurs by age thir- 
teen. Goodenough (1926, pp. 56flF.) noted this tendency, but reasoned that it 
was probably due to the fact that girls tend to make more rapid progress 
through the grades. She attached more significance to the qualitative than 
to the quantitative differences between the drawings of boys and of girls, 
and discussed the former at some length. 



PLAT: 
I 

40 

ui 30 
cr 
O 
o 

CO 

1 

20 
10 


E 

[ 


Smot 


)thed 


Raw * 


Score 


Mear 


is, M 


an Di 


*awin 

"/ 


g 







? 




- 


- 










J 


{/ 


/ 








- 


~ 








// 














- 


- 






// 
















_ 


- 




j 


^ 
















_ 


- 


'/" 


/ 


















_ 


- 






















} 



9 10 11 12 13 14 15 
AGE 



Boys , 



Girls , 



Standardization of the Man and Woman Scales 
PLATE 



105 



II 



cr 
o 
o 

CO 



20 



10 



Smoothed Raw Score Means, Woman Drawing 



10 11 12 13 14 15 




Boys . 



Girls , 



106 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Plate II and Table 13 compared with Plate I and Table 11 show that in the 
present standardization the advantage held by the girls increases appreciably 
in drawing their own sex. Because of marked changes in school practices 
with respect to grade acceleration (less than one per cent of the Midwest 
standardization samples had been accelerated), one can no longer accept 
Goodenough's hypothesis described above. The alternative hypothesis which 
she suggested (1926, p. 58), that perseverance, care with details, and docility 
(on all of which girls are generally rated higher than boys), lead to this dif- 
ference, may well be the more plausible. The sex differences noted could also 
be due to "cultural" factors which give girls greater practice with drawing (or 
other finely coordinated work ) , or engender greater interest in and attention 
to people and clothing. To these suggestions should be added the fact that 
girls exceed boys developmentally in social interests and skills and very pos- 
sibly in certain intellectual abilities. The widening discrepancy between mean 
scores of boys and girls, both on the drawing of the man and of the woman, 
as the children approach puberty may result from the relatively greater ma- 
turity of the girls. 

Relationship Between the Man and Woman Scales 

Table 14 contains correlations between the point scales for the even-num- 
bered age groups. There is no discernible trend among the correlation values, 
by sex or by age. Using the z' transformation of Fisher (McNemar, 1949), 
the mean value for boys for the age groups in Table 14 is 1.006 (r = .76); for 
girls the value is 1.023 (r = .77). For the sexes combined the z' transforma- 
tion yields a mean value of .9693, which corresponds to an r of .75. This value 
may be presumed to be the best estimate of the true correlation obtaining 
between the point scales. Although an r of .75 is not as high as the test-retest 
values often reported for the Draw-a-Man scale, it compares favorably with 
the split-half reliability of .77 (Spearman-Brown formula) reported by Goode- 
nough (1926, p. 48). In a sense, an alternate form reliability can be logically 
compared with a split-half reliability. 

A correlation of .75 between two reliable forms of the same test seems 



TABLE 



14 



Correlations Between Man and Woman Scales 
at Selected Ages 



AGE N BOYS N GIRLS N COMBINED 



6 


150 


.74 


150 


.73 


300 


.71 


8 


149 


.75 


151 


.81 


300 


,77 


10 


151 


.80 


149 


.72 


300 


.74 


12 


124 


.80 


126 


.79 


250 


.79 


14 


127 


.72 


123 


.80 


250 


.73 



Standardization of the Man and Woman Scales 107 

rather low, and suggests that perhaps different abilities are measured by the 
Man and Woman scales. However, each scale may measure several abilities, 
represented by different kinds of items, which are in fact only modestly inter- 
correlated. In such case the items in both scales reflect two or more rather 
different test components. These components, being less than perfectly 
measured, and combined in unknown proportions in the scales, result in 
modest split-half and alternate-form reliabilities. A detailed study, including 
factor analyses, of both scales' items might be instructive. 

It is this "possibilitythat different "kinds" of items are combined in tests 
that modern theories of intellectual development point out Contemporary 
theories are beginning to suggest that the criteria of item progression and 
validity, plus internal consistency (in this case, total score on the drawing 
scale) "may force a unity that actually blurs the measurement of several 
rather distinct abilities. The fact that several such abilities are all significantly 
age related subordinates their distinctiveness to the mere fact of age re- 
latedness. 

Thus the Man and Woman scales may be mixtures of several only modestly 
related developmental abilities. Each scale may in truth be an index to the 
formation of concepts which are theoretically of a similar order and should 
show a much higher correlation. That these scales include other, uncorrelated 
abilities would attenuate the relationship which theoretically should obtain. 

In use, the values obtained from scoring the Man and Woman drawings 
should probably be combined, to give a more reliable estimate of test achieve- 
ment. This is done quite simply by taking half of the sum of the two stand- 
ard score IQ equivalents, for the Man and Woman drawings respectively, 
which can be read from the appropriate tables in Part II, pages 294-301. The 
average thus obtained is a statistically more accurate estimate of the ability 
measured by the drawing test than that obtained from either drawing alone. 



Chapter Seven 



Construction 

and Standardization 

of the Quality Scales 



A CHILD'S DRAWING of the human figure, being organized and 
unitary, invites an immediate appraisal as crude or excellent, as simple or 
detailed. Very early in the history of psychological measurement, techniques 
were devised for rendering such immediate judgments of quality, when com- 
plex products could be arranged along some general but defined continuum. 
Indeed, various so-called ''quality scales" were applied early to children's 
drawings, as well as to handwriting samples, examples of creative writing, and 
the like. 



Evaluation of Drawings by Quality Scales 

The more globalistic or qualitative approach was initiated by Thorndike 
(1913), who applied the statistical method of judgment by equal-appearing 
intervals to samples of children's drawings selected from Kerschensteiner's 
published material (1905). While in many respects the Thorndike scale is a 
model of methodology, it has the limitation of beginning at age eight, when 
the development of drawing is already well along. -It has the further flaw of 
containing examples of different subject matter, requiring a broader generali- 
zation and greater judgment by the examiner than a scale limited to one sub- 
ject, for example, the human figure. 

The Kline-Carey scale (1922 a,b), following a statistical methodology, 
remedied this latter defect by developing scales on four assigned topics: a 
house, a rabbit, a boy running, and a tree. This scale reaches from the kinder- 
garten level to the level of high school seniors. McCarty (1924), interested 
particularly in the work of younger children (ages four to eight), developed 
scales for three subjects popular with children of that age: a person, a house, 
and a tree. McCarty's study was more adequate in number and representa- 
tiveness of children sampled than other work available at that time. Her re- 

108 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 109 

suits showed clear-cot age progression in all drawings, and established correla- 
tions with intelligence from + .08 to +.63 in the age groups between four 
and eight y centering on a correlation value of +.35. 

Cyril Burt in Mental and Scholastic Tests (1921), and in later editions, 
provided an age scale, from three to fourteen, of drawings of the male fig- 
ure. This representative collection of drawings was obtained by taking the 
median example from a collection at each age level. Burt built detailed 
quality scales within each age level, but urged even- teacher and psychologist 
who wishes to study drawings to construct his own scales for subjects com- 
monly drawn by children. From such qualitative scales, Burt urged that one 
proceed to enumerate the technical details, and thus to develop analytical 
schedules for instructional and remedial purposes in the teaching of drawing. 

The next phase in the wholistic approach to children's drawings appeared 
when Lark-Horowitz and her associates (1939) at the Cleveland Museum of 
Art developed a series of samples illustrating degrees of quality in children's 
drawings. While these samples do not constitute statistically graded scales, 
they do represent an arrangement in order of merit, and are designed as an 
aid to art teachers who must grade children's work. Kerr (1937) used a simple 
scaling in her study of children's drawings of a house; Tiebout (1936) de- 
veloped a nine-point scale of "artistic merit" for grading children's paintings. 

Of those quality scales constructed in the 1950's, Dunn's (1954) is the most 
elaborate and carefully devised, using a developmental point of view. He 
asked four judges to sort a large collection of drawings into ten piles, accord- 
ing to a criterion of maturity of representation. The judges then ranked the 
drawings within each of the ten piles. After separating by sex of subject, and 
determining a composite rank order for the drawings, Dunn converted the 
results to percentage positions from .002 to .998. He then selected twenty 
drawings from each set, one drawing at each five per cent interval. These 
drawings constitute his quality scales for the male and female figures. Dunn 
has used his scales principally in studies of drawings made by aging persons. 

Using a considerably less elaborate scaling method, Wagner and Schubert 
(1955) developed seven-step quality scales for drawings of the male and 
female figure. Unlike other scales, theirs provides separate scoring for the full- 
face and the profile figure, for both the male and female figures. Their sam- 
ples were obtained from the work of older adolescents and young adults, and 
thus do not cover the developmental period. However, their samples covered 
a range of quality and could be correlated with age scales. Methodologically, 
they used the model of the normal curve of distributed judgments. Judges 
divided a large pile of drawings into seven groups, graded from lowest to 
highest in quality. The piles were to include the following percentages: 2.5, 
8.0, 23.0, 31.0, 23.0, 8.0, and 2.5. They stated, however, that "no effort was 
made to be exact about this distribution or to hold the rater to it" (1955, 
p. 3). From each stack agreed upon by three judges, model representative 
front and profile views were selected to be included within the final scales. 
Only drawings upon which there was unanimous agreement were used. 



110 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Beatrice Lantz (1955) published a scale for easel paintings made by chil- 
dren in kindergarten and primary grades, as well as by older retarded children. 
While this device is primarily a point scale, it requires that the examiner 
make a difficult qualitative distinction between pictures that primarily express 
the emotions and those that reflect mental and physical maturity. This dis- 
crimination is accomplished with the aid of verbal criteria and twelve color 
plates. The points of the developmental scale are based not so much on the 
presence or absence of specific details, as on four seven-point rating scales, 
using detailed descriptions at each of the seven points. These scales relate to 
the dimensions of Form, Detail, Meaning, and Relatedness and can be ap- 
plied regardless of the "subject" of the painting. Scores on these dimensions 
intercorrelate from +.52 to +.87. The scale as a whole correlates substan- 
tially (+.90) with Draw-a-Man scores and appreciably (+.64 to +.86) with 
verbal tests of intelligence. The scale predicts subsequent reading test per- 
formance somewhat less successfully (r = +.48 to +.74). The scale is thus 
a modified quality scale. 



The Quality Scale Method Applied to the Draw-a-Man Test 

The quality scale appears to provide a convenient and economical, as 
well as a valid and reliable index to children's drawings of the human figure. 
It has the added advantage of providing a visual impression of the growth in 
drawing ability which no collection of points or array of scores can supply. 

The present investigator and a graduate student 1 experimented with a 
quality scale for children's drawings of the male figure. A considerable range 
in quality of drawing is represented in the distance from kindergarten to high 
school. How many steps are needed to give a workable, yet valid, discrimina- 
tion in such scales? What is the correlation with the Point scales over both 
limited and wide age spans? Such questions as these prompted the building 
of two new quality scales. The method of equal-appearing intervals (Guil- 
ford, 1954), referred to earlier in this chapter, was adopted. 

Using drawings selected from those collected for the present restandardi- 
zation of the Draw-a-Man Test, Frankiel ( 1957) experimented with a quality 
scale of twenty-three drawings of the male figure. The scale was constructed 
according to the Thurstone method using the validation sample of the pres- 
ent study 100 children, 50 boys and 50 girls, at each age level from five to 
fifteen years, stratified to represent the socioeconomic distribution in the 
United States, according to the Minnesota Scale for Paternal Occupations, 
1950 revision. Twenty drawings, ten by boys and ten by girls, were selected 
from each age group according to a table of random numbers. Thus, 240 
drawings were selected: 20 at age five, 20 at age five and one-half, and 20 for 

1 Miss Rita Frankiel. 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 111 

each year of chronological age from six to fifteen. These 240 drawings were 

arranged in a randomized order and presented to each of twelve judges in this 
same predetermined random order. The judges were given the following in- 
structions: 

You are asked to judge a number of drawings made by children of different 
ages. We are concerned with the ideas portrayed in the drawings rather than 
with the technical skill of the drawings. Thus, we are NOT interested in 
evaluating artistic skill as such. 

Inclusion and accuracy of detail, and proportion are important, as they re- 
veal the level of MATURITY of the drawings. It is this maturity which we 
wish to evaluate. Please try to rate all the drawings at one sitting, since 
ratings done in several periods may have an error introduced. 

Enclosed you will find 13 manila folders numbered from to 12 and a 
number of drawings in a predetermined random order. 

Group the enclosed drawings in folders 1 through 1 1 according to the cri- 
teria described above. Make eleven groups of drawings such that each group 
is EQUALLY SEPARATED from the next Group 1 would be of least excel- 
lence, group 6 of median excellence, group 1 1 of greatest excellence. Thus, 
in going from groups 1 through 11, each succeeding group exceeds the next 
lower group by about the same "amount" of excellence. Categories and 12 
have been included so that drawings of OUTSTANDINGLY poor quality and 
drawings of OUTSTANDINGLY good quality may be set apart, where the judge 
feels that they deviate enough to place them one unit above or below all the 
rest. 

After each judge completed his ratings, he returned the drawings to the 
experimenter who tabulated the ratings and put the drawings back into the 
prearranged order for presentation to the next judge. Thus, no judge had 
knowledge of how his ratings compared with those of other judges. 

Because the distributions of the drawings near the ends of the scale were 
markedly skewed, non-parametric measures of central tendency and disper- 
sion were adopted. All examples that had Q values of 1.00 or less were taken 
into consideration for inclusion in the final Quality scale; thus, restriction of 
range of judges' ratings became a primary consideration for the selection of 
drawings for the final scale. Drawings having the smallest Q values, which 
were closest in median placement to intervals equally spaced along the scale 
continuum, were chosen. 

Thus, the Quality scale as finally devised consists of twenty-three drawings 
which range in median placement from 0.5 to 11.5, at 0.5 intervals. The score 
of a particular drawing to be evaluated by this scale is the median value of 
the scaled drawing it is judged to resemble most closely. Using all twenty- 
three drawings, one has a twenty-three-step, finely graded.Quality scale; using 
alternate values from the twenty-three-step scale, one has a short, twelve-step 
scale. Thus, the design of Frankiel's study permitted investigation of the 
relative precision of a twenty-three-step and a twelve-step Quality scale. 



112 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

To establish the reliability and validity of this qualitative scale, three 
groups of drawings, two by children homogeneous with respect to age, and 
one by children heterogeneous with respect to age ? were used. The homo- 
geneous age groups, each containing thirty-eight boys and thirty-seven girls, 
were selected at ages seven and twelve. These samples were selected to repre- 
sent the occupational distribution in the United States. 

In the heterogeneous group, age variance was maximized by including the 
work of 110 children, five boys and five girls for each year of chronological age 
from five to fifteen years. To restrict the effect of socioeconomic or environ- 
mental factors, these children were selected to represent only the middle oc- 
cupational groups (III, IV, and V on the Minnesota Scale of Parental Occu- 
pations). At each age the ten drawings were selected randomly (except for 
the restriction on socioeconomic status), from an age sample of seventy-five 
drawings stratified with respect to paternal occupation. The samples from 
which these were selected were quite distinct from the samples from which 
the drawings were selected for the Quality scale itself. They were, in fact, 
cross-validation samples used for the normative data presented in this volume. 

Five judges applied the Quality scales selected by the previous method to 
these new samples of drawings. One was an expert with the Goodenough 
method, two were psychologically sophisticated graduate students, and two 
were naive judges (an undergraduate student and a secretary) neither of 
whom had ever dealt with children's drawings evaluatively. Using the short, 
twelve-step scale, three judges rated the seven-year-olds and then the twelve- 
year-olds. The remaining two judges rated the twelve-year-olds first and then 
the sevens. The standard set of instructions used by these judges appears in 
the Appendix, pages 317-318. One week later, one of the psychologically so- 
phisticated judges regraded the drawings. Two weeks after the original judg- 
ments were made, the other sophisticated judge and one of the naive judges 
rated the heterogeneous age group. At the same time, these judges rerated the 
seven-year-old and the heterogeneous groups, using the twenty-three-step 
scale. 

The ratings assigned by each judge were correlated with the ratings given 
by every other judge for that group of drawings. In the instance where one 
judge repeated his ratings, the ratings assigned in the two sessions were corre- 
lated. Judges' ratings for each group were then correlated with the quantita- 
tive Goodenough scores for that set of drawings. Pearson product-moment 
correlations are given in Tables 15, 16, and 17. 

Table 15 gives the pattern of correlation coefficients among the several 
judges. Correlations between the successive ratings of the same judge were 
+.85 and +.89. Correlations between judges run from +.71 to+.91. Table 16 
shows that although the intercorrelations on the twelve-step scale may tend 
to be slightly higher, they are not significantly higher than on the twenty- 
three-step scale. 

Table 17 gives the correlations between the ratings of the qualitative 
method (i.e., using the Quality scale) and the scores obtained by the quanti- 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 113 

Correlations Between Judges Using the Quality Scale to 
TABLE Rate Drawings of a Man by Seven-Year-Olds (N = 75), 
15 Twelve-Year-olds (N = 75) and a Heterogeneous Age 

Group, Ages Five to Fifteen (X = 110) 

AGE GROUP 



B 2 



JUDGE 



7 12 7 12 5-15 



12 



7 12 5-15 



A 


.71 .85 .79 


.81 


.74 


.83 


.74 


.86 





BI 


.82 


.81 .91 


.81 


.82 


.84 


.83 


.88 


B 2 






.76 


.84 


.77 


.84 


.90 


Ci 






.85* 


.89* 


.79 


.83 






* Repeat ratings after one week 
A Experienced judge 
BI Inexperienced judge 



B 2 Inexperienced judge 

Ci Graduate student, some training 

Cs Graduate student, some training 



TABLE 

16 



Correlations Between Two Judges Using 12-Step 
and 23-Step Quality Scales to Evaluate Drawings 
of a Man by Seven-Year-Olds (N = 75) 
and a Heterogeneous Age Group (N = 110) 



AGE GROUP 



JUDGE * 


SCALE 


7 


5-15 


B l? C 2 


12-step 


.84 


.88 


B!, C 2 


23-step 


.80 


.87 



* See explanatory statement in Table 15. 



TABLE 

17 



Judges' Ratings of Three Groups of Children's Drawings 
of a Man Using 12- and 23-Step Quality Scales, 
Correlated with Point Scores of the Same Drawings 



AGE GROUP 



JUDGE * 


SCALE 


7 (N = 75) 


12 (N = 75) 


5-15 (N = 


110) 


A 


12 


.79 


.84 







B 2 


12 


.84 


.80 


.91 




Ci 


12 


.82 


.85 







C 2 


12 


.76 


.83 


.89 




C 2 


23 


.79 





.87 




Bi 


12 


.80 


.84 


.89 




Bi 


23 


.82 





.85 





* See explanatory statement in Table 15. 



114 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

tative method (i.e., using the Point scale). These values run from +.76 to 
+.91, depending on the group rated. The twenty-three-step Quality scale 
yields correlations with the Point scale no higher than does the twelve-step 
scale. Thus, the data of Frankiel's study (Tables 15-17) suggest that the 
twelve-step scale orders the drawings about as successfully as the twenty-three- 
step scale, either within an age group or across the range of several ages. 

The judges reported that the nature of the judgmental task changed as 
they moved up the Quality scale. The earlier steps of the scale seemed to be 
distinguished from each other largely in terms of the details included in the 
general configuration of the body drawing. Thus, the "better" figure seems 
to be more representative, more detailed. Beyond the middle of the scale, 
from about 5.5 to the upper end, the distinction seems to involve more the 
increasing fluidity of the figure, rather than an increase in detail. Apparently 
this quality of the drawing, which here is termed fluidity, is harder to appraise 
than accuracy of detail, and may be the factor that makes the Quality scale 
less accurate than a simple quantitative approach. The greater ease and speed 
of scoring by the qualitative method 'must be weighed against the greater 
accuracy of the more time-consuming point-scale method. 

Although the Quality scales are much simpler to use, and although they 
give results that correlate substantially with the Point scales, they are useful 
principally because the Point scales had been previously constructed, and their 
validity painstakingly spelled out, item by item. The analytical procedures of 
the Point scales have greatly illumined the growth of the abilities measured 
by the drawing test. However, the Quality scales provide a total or wholistic 
impression of the growth of drawing behavior portrayed in the human figure 
which the tables of percentages for the items of the Point scales do not give. 
Thus, each method has its particular advantage and affords its own useful 
results. In the following section the relative precision of the two types of 
scales as measuring devices will be considered. 



Statistical Evaluation of Quality Scales for Man and Woman Drawings 

By the methods described earlier in this chapter, but on independently 
selected samples of drawings, twelve-step Quality scales for the drawing of a 
man and of a woman were constructed. 2 As in the Man scale, twelve scoring 
values were determined by twelve carefully selected drawings, for each of 
which the dispersion of ratings was small, the medians being about equally 
spaced on a linear scale of values. 

The plates for both these scales, together with instructions, scoring values, 
and norms appear in Part II of this volume. The statistical data pertinent 
to the selection of these plates appear in the Appendix. 

2 Instructions for judges as used in the final scaling procedure are included in the Ap- 
pendix, pages 317-318. 



118 BERLIN 

the conference on the 5th or whether yon will withdraw 
entirely. The notices in the papers seem to point to the 
latter. 
Always with the visor up, my dear Director! 

With all due respect, 

Yours truly, 

von Htilsen. 

As I had just obtained the Master's consent for the 
" Mbelungen " production in the Eoyal Opera House, von 
Hulsen was wrong in his hypothesis : for it was my firm 
conviction, openly expressed, that the Eoyal Opera was 
the best to be had, because of its glorious orchestra. 
Therefore I wired von Hiilsen: "Tour assumption is 
wrong, I shall hold to the conference " and forthwith 
started for Berlin with our head machinist Eomer, to 
inspect the technical capacity of the stage. After our 
conference on December 5th I telegraphed Forster a Con- 
ference brilliaht victory* Business concluded subject 
to final consent of Kaiser. Hulsen has just been to call- 
Discreet silence as yet. Eomer arrives to-morrow noon, 
I to-morrow night. Keep me informed by wire as to the 
news from Wagner." 

One further difficulty developed in our conference. I 
had to insist that Anton Seidl, whom Wagner had chosen 
as our best possible leader, should conduct all the re- 
hearsals and the performances ; whereas von Htilsen gave 
ine to understand that there was a tradition in the Eoyal 
Opera House that the orchestra could only be led by a 
conductor under a royal appointment Finally I pro* 
posed that Seidl should have a three months' engagement 
at the opera to which yon Hulsen agreed subject always 
to Ms Majesty's approval. 

On entering my hotel that night after the theatre I 
found a card from the director saying, Just spoken to 
the Kaiser, SeidFs appointment assured." 

On the day of our conference von Hulsen had declared 



116 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



appear in Tables 20 and 21. The data pertaining to the Quality scales in 
these tables were smoothed by the three point moving average method and 
then plotted graphically, separately by scale and by sex. Best fitting curves 
were drawn through the points by inspection. From these graphs were read 
the estimated values of mean and standard deviations for intermediate years 
where actual values had not been obtained. The curves were also extrapolated 
to give values for ages five and fifteen. These values, as read from the graphs, 
are recorded in Tables 22 and 23. 

In connection with Tables 20, 21, 22, and 23, reference to Tables 10 
through 13 (pp. 102-103) demonstrates that the Quality scale is less sensitive 
to increments of performance in the upper age ranges, as would be expected 
from the less exact character of the measure. On the Point scale the incre- 
ments between the means at ages ten and eleven and between eleven and 
twelve are significant at the .001 level or better. For the mean Quality scale rat- 
ings obtained at these same ages, the increments fall between the .03 and .02 
levels. 

Table 24 (p. 118) records the observed correlations between scores on the 



TABLE 

20 


Means and Standard Deviations for Quality Scale 
on Standardization Samples, Man Drawing 


BOYS 


GIRLS 


COMBINED 


AGE 


MEAN 


S.D. 


MEAN 


S.D. 


MEAN 


S.D. 


6 
8 
10 
12 
14 


3.19 
4.78 
6.49 
6.15 
6.63 


1 
1 
2 
1 
1 


.07 
.34 
.08 
.71 
.80 


3.48 
4.89 
6.50 
6.72 
7.03 


1.15 
1.34 
1.87 

1.77 
1.75 


3.34 
4.83 
6.49 
6.44 
6.83 


1.10 
1.36 
2.29 
1.76 
1.80 



TABLE 

21 


Means and Standard Deviations for Quality Scale 
on Standardization Samples, Woman Drawing 


BOYS 


GIRLS 


COMBINED 


AGE 


MEAN 


S.D. 


MEAN 


S.D. 


MEAN 


S.D. 


6 
8 
10 
12 
14 


3.03 
4.77 
6.26 
6.00 
6.26 


1.04 
1.14 
1.91 
1.55 
1.65 


3.59 
5.32 
7.22 
7.07 
7.65 


1. 
1. 

2. 
1. 
1. 


09 
34 
01 
60 
59 


3.31 
5.04 
6,74 
6.54 
6.96 


1.10 
1.30 
2.45 
1.67 
179 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 



117 



TABLE 

22 


Smoothed and Interpolated Means and Standard Deviations 
for Quality Scale Scores, Man Drawing 


AGE 


BOYS GIELS COMBINED 


MEAN S.D. MEAN S.D. MEAN S.D. 


5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 


2.50 .95 2.90 1.10 2.85 1.00 
3.25 1.15 3.60 1.20 3.65 1.20 
4.00 1.25 4.25 1.25 4.15 1.30 
4.80 1.45 5.00 1.45 4.90 1.55 
5.40 1.60 5.60 1.55 5.60 1.70 
5.80 1.70 6.00 1.70 5.90 1.80 
6.20 1.80 6.50 1.75 6.30 1.90 
6.40 1.85 6.75 1.90 6.55 1.95 
6.45 1.85 6.80 1.80 6.65 1.90 
6.50 1.75 6.95 1.75 6.70 1.80 
6,45 1.65 6.90 1.70 6.70 1.70 


TABLE 

23 


Smoothed and Interpolated Means and Standard Deviations 
for Quality Scale Scores, Woman Drawing 


AGE 


BOYS GIRLS COMBINED 


MEAN S.D. MEAN S.D. MEAN S.D. 


5 
6 
7 
8 
9 
10 
11 
12 
13 
14 
15 


2.50 .90 3.00 1.00 2.75 .95 
3.10 1.05 3.80 1.20 3.50 1.15 
4.00 1.35 4.60 1.35 4.30 1.40 
4.70 1.35 5.35 1.50 5.00 1.60 
5.20 1.50 6.00 1.60 5.55 1.75 
5.70 1.60 6.50 1.65 6.10 1.90 
5.95 1.65 7.00 1.75 6.50 1.95 
6.10 1.70 7.30 1.70 6.75 1.90 
6.15 1.65 7.40 1.65 6.85 1.75 
6.20 1.50 7.50 1.60 6.85 1.70 
6.20 1.40 7.50 1.50 6.85 1.60 



Point scales and Quality scales in the age groups for which data were avail- 
able for calculation. The correlations were converted to zf 3 values and aver- 
aged across all five age groups, separately by scale and by sex. Reconverted to 
correlation equivalents, these means are +.84 and +.80 for boys and girls, 
respectively, on the Man scale. For the Woman scale, the corresponding 
values were +.84 and +.79. 
When one examines the separate z' values, he notes that in the younger 

3 Fisher's z'. 



118 

TABLE 
24 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Correlations Between Scores on Point and Quality Scales 



MAN SCALE 



AGE 


BOYS 


GIRLS 


COMBINED 


6 


.82 


.87 


.88 


8 


.88 


.94 


.94 


10 


.88 


.83 


.75 


12 


.86 


.81 


.84 


14 


.75 


.69 


.72 



WOMAN SCALE 



AGE 


BOYS 


GIRLS 


COMBINED 


6 


.81 


.88 


.82 


8 


.85 


.88 


.89 


10 


.91 


.86 


.73 


12 


.84 


.79 


.83 


14 


.77 


.74 


.78 



ages there may be a tendency for Point and Quality scales to correlate more 
highly among girls than among boys. There is no discernible difference be- 
tween Man and Woman scales, however. There is also a tendency for the 
correlation to drop somewhat in the older age groups, for both sexes and 
both Man and Woman scales. Therefore the differences between mean z' 
values for various age combinations were tested. Between boys and girls, the 
observed difference in each scale is significant at the .01 probability level for 
the mean zf, taken across the five values. For each scale and sex the difference 
between the eight- and fourteen-year correlations is significant at the .01 prob- 
ability level. It was decided, therefore, to calculate several estimates of the 
true relationship obtaining between the Point and Quality scales. The ob- 
tained correlation values at the six- and eight-year levels were averaged to pro- 
vide an estimate for years five, six, and seven. The obtained values at the 
eight-, ten- and twelve-year levels were averaged to give a value for those and 
the intervening years. The obtained values at ages twelve and fourteen were 
taken to give the best estimate for the thirteen-, fourteen-, and fifteen-year 
levels. These operations yielded the estimates of correlation recorded in 
Table 25. 

Plates III and IV (pp. 120-121 ) compare the means and standard deviations 
of both Point and Quality scale scores, reduced to a common base. Using 
the obtained means and standard deviations (boys and girls combined) at age 
five as a base, all other year means (i.e., age norms) were calculated as devia- 
tion scores from the five-year performance level. Reference to Plate III thus 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 119 



TABLE 

25 



Estimates of Probable Correlations Between Scores on Point 
and Quality Scales 



MAN SCALE 


AGE 


BOYS 


GIRLS 


5 to 7 
8 to 12 
13 to 15 


.85 
.87 

.81 


.91 
.88 
.76 



WOMAN SCALE 


AGE 


BOYS 


GIKLS 


5 to 7 


.83 


.88 


8 to 12 


.87 


.85 


13 to 15 


.81 


.76 



shows that, on the Man Point scale, thirteen-year-old boys score, on the aver- 
age, almost five standard deviations above the five-year-old average; the stand- 
ard deviation unit being the dispersion of point scores for all children at the 
five-year level. On the Quality scale, however, the comparable thirteen-year- 
old performance is only about three five-year-standard-deviations above the 
five-year mean or norm. Clearly, the Quality scale is not as discriminative, not 
as differentiating of age increments in ability, as is the Point scale, especially 
among older children. Up to the age of eight there is no difference between 
the scaling methods, in either man or woman figure, in the sensitivity of the 
test. By nine, the advantage of the Point scale method begins to appear, and 
is appreciable by age ten. 

It is of considerable interest that the advantage of the Point scale method 
is notably greater for the man figure. Possibly the Point scale method of 
scoring the woman figure is not quite as revealing of changes in psychological 
maturity as is the man figure, and the shift to a qualitative method of evalu- 
ation does not reduce the sensitivity of the measure quite as much as it does 
in the man figure. 

These graphs (Plates III and IV) also bring out strikingly certain other 
features of the drawing performance of children as measured by these scales. 
As we have already noted in Chapter VI, on the Point scale for the man 
figure girls tend to excel boys, especially up to the age of thirteen or fourteen. 
This difference is noticeably greater on the drawing of the woman, in 
which the sex difference does not disappear at ages fourteen and fifteen. It 
is most interesting that the Quality scale appears to increase this relative 
difference, and even for the man figure, accords clear superiority to the work 
of girls in the oldest age groups. In addition to blurring out age increments in 



STANDARD DEVIATION UNITS 

BASED ON MEAN AT AGE FIVE ^ J~l 
1 < IT 1 ^ 
f^> OJ ^ ^ ^ IZ3 ^ 

=> o o o o o !-H 


E 


DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Mean Point and Quality Scale Scores, Man Drawing 


- 




i 


\ 

i 
i 
! 

i 


i 












- 


I 








1 
















: 


_ 


"7 




- 












/ 


// 


K 






i 


- 










^ 


y 

/', 


x; 


^~ 








: 








i 


- 








A 


!/ // 


v 










- 


I 




A 


/ 


V 














i 


Pi 


I 


4 


/ 


















_ 


u 


I 






















i 



Boys: 



Quality - 



Girls: 



8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 

AGE 
Point 

Quality 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 



121 



PLATE 

IV 


Mean Point and Quality Scale Scores, Woman Drawing 


a A 


i ' ' ! 

! 
i i i \ ~ 


D.U 


1 








1 




- 


r A 








O.U 
H 

z: 
=>^ 

_-U- 
^^ ... A A 












i 


:M 


^4=^ i 


D DEVIATIO! 

ON MEAN AT AGE 

J 
3 C 












,^ 


/ / 
/ 




/ 






- 


erg 3.\j 

gg 

CO 

2.0 
1.0 









// 


/j 


X 


x x 










i 








(/ , 


/-' 














i 


i 


/ / 
/ 


r 


















i 


- 


/ 























5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 

AGE 



Boys; 



Point 
Quality 



Girls: 



Point 

Quality - 



122 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

the work of older children, the Quality scale method seems to increase the 
relative advantage of girls over boys, and especially in drawing a figure of 
their own sex. Attention to detail in drawing seems to be a feminine char- 
acteristic, and the Point scale method reveals this on drawings of male as 
well as female figures. A qualitative or impressionistic method of evaluating 
drawings, while less sensitive to increments in presumed intellectual maturity 
measured by the scales, may be more sensitive to features of the drawings 
only in part captured by the Point scale method. In turn, the qualitative 
method captures elements more clearly related to sex than to intellectual 
maturity, which appears to account for a large portion of the variance in the 

drawing test. 

When one uses the Quality scale as a quick approximation, he may wish 
to know the equivalent Point scale score. As we have seen, the saving in scor- 
ing effort is considerable. What loss in precision will occur by this estima- 
tion? The data necessary to this statistical relationship are provided in Tables 
11, 13, 22, and 23 and in the correlation coefficients of Table 25. It is necessary 
to' set up the regression equations for estimating Point scale scores from 
Quality scale scores. Because of the sex differences observed between average 
scores on both Point and Quality scales, the constants for predicting Point 
scale scores, given the Quality scale scores, are presented separately for the 
sexes. These constants, together with the standard errors of the estimated or 
predicted Point scale scores, are given in Tables 26 and 27. 

A visual comparison of the reliability of Point scores estimated from Qual- 
ity scale scores compared to Point scores achieved by the Point scale appears 
in Plates V and VI (pp. 124-125). In these plates the standard errors of esti- 
mate for the boys' data from Tables 26 and 27 are plotted, together with 
means and standard deviations of Point scale scores. These graphs also show 
the standard errors of measurement for the Point scale scores, assuming a 
scoring reliability of +.90, which from various studies seems a reasonable fig- 
ure. Clearly, the saving in time by using the Quality scale is accompanied by 
an appreciable reduction in accuracy of measurement, when the Point scale 
equivalent is estimated according to the constants of Tables 26 and 27. Such 
estimates must be used cautiously, as indeed must estimates of intellectual 
level obtained by the drawing method generally. 

Scores estimated from correlations of less than 1.00 are regressed- that is, 
they are estimated closer to the mean than they would be from actual com- 
putation. The effect of regression is progressively greater, the farther away 
from the mean the particular score lies. Therefore, from the data of Tables 
22 and 23, standard deviation equivalents were calculated similar to those 
established by methods described in Chapter IV for the Point scale. These 
standard deviation scores for the Quality scale, possessing a mean of 100 and 
a standard deviation of 15 at each age, appear in the Manual in Tables 36 
through 39. Although these values are based on smoothed curves of means 
and standard deviations for Quality scale scores, and in part on interpolated 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scdes 123 

values, they are probably to be preferred to values derived from regression 
equations, even though they are based on more exactly computed normative 
statistics. 



Regression Equations for Estimating Point Score (X') 


^ from an Obtained Value on the Quality Scale (Y), 
zo 




and Standard Errors of Estimate, Man Drawing 




BOYS GIRLS 


AGE 


REGRESSION EQUATION S.E.eat. REGRESSION EQUATION S.E.t. 


5 


X' = 4.72(7) + 4.00 1.58 X' = 4.36(F) + 4.76 2.16 


6 


X' = 4.22(10 + 4.68 1.80 X' = 4.50(7) + 3.80 2.44 


7 


X' = 4.64(7) + 3.94 2.16 X f = 5.03(7) + 2.13 2.83 


8 


X' = 4.66(7) + 3.53 2.45 X' = 4.80(7) + 3.60 3.80 


9 


X' = 4.86(7) + 4.46 2.83 X' = 4.93(7) + 4.19 4.17 


10 


X' = 5.04(7) + 5.27 3.11 X' - 4.84(7) + 7.26 4.49 


11 


X' = 5.25(7) + 5.05 3.43 X' = 4.92(7) + 8.22 4.69 


12 


X' = 5.18(7) + 7.15 3.48 X' = 4.78(7) + 12.41 4.95 


13 


X f = 4.67(7) + 12.48 3.37 X' = 4.17(7) + 15.84 6.43 


14 


X 1 = 4.87(7) + 13.04 3.32 X' = 4.16(7) + 16.19 6.22 


15 


X f = 5.20(7) + 11.56 3.35 X' 4.03(7) + 17.40 5.86 




Regression Equations for Estimating Point Score (X'} 


TABLE 




flF7 


from an Obtained Value on the Quality Scale (Y), 


27 


and Standard Errors of Estimate, Woman Drawing 




BOYS GIRLS 


AGE 


REGRESSION EQUATION S.E. es t. REGRESSION EQUATION S.E.est. 


5 


X' = 5.00(7) + 3.50 1.72 X' = 5.32(7) + 3.34 2.90 


6 


X' = 5.06(7) + 3.11 2.03 X' = 5.19(7) + 3.08 3.40 


7 


X* = 4.41(7) + 5.66 2.27 X' = 5.14(7) + 3.36 3.78 


8 


JT' = 5.11(7)+ 3.58 2.51 X' = 4.95(7) + 4.82 4.63 


9 


X' = 4.85(7) + 6.88 2.64 X' = 4.68(7) + 7.22 4.66 


10 


X' = 4.98(7) + 6.61 2.89 X' 4.84(7) + 8.24 4.98 


11 


X' = 5,03(7) + 7.37 3.01 X' = 4.57(7) + 11.31 4.99 


12 


X' = 4.92(7) + 9.79 3.04 X' = 4.79(7) + 10.83 5.08 


13 


X' = 4.71(7) + 13.03 3.04 X' = 4.32(7) + 15.43 6.09 


14 


X' = 5.08(7) + 12.60 2.97 X' = 4.26(7) + 16.25 5.83 


15 


X' = 5.39(7) + 10.98 2.94 X' = 4.29(7) + 16.02 5.51 



ORGANISATION AND REORGANISATION 12V 

operas, I accepted this so-called "Honorarium" (20 
Louis d'or, I believe) for " Tannhauser," u Lohengrin/' 
etc. 

It could hardly Tbe considered legal and certainly 
would not be regarded as ethical to take these purely 
personal contracts (the first with Dr* Schmidt, the second 
with Herr Wirsing, etc.) as binding, and as giving the 
city of Leipsic permanent rights in the works wrung from 
me by the force of adverse circumstances. 

My agents have only been able to claim legal restitution 
where there has been a legal contract; yet in spite of 
this every other theatre Vienna, Hanover, Cassel, Wies- 
baden on an equally insecure claim,, has recognised my; 
rights, purely from a sense of decency. 

It would be most desirable, then, that my native town 
should come to the same conclusion and follow their noble 
example. 

Hence I ask you, who have hitherto worked so well in 
my interests, to devote your energies to this cause and 
secure me my author's royalties for the earlier operas: 
" Rienzi/' " The Flying Dutchman/ 7 " Tannhauser," 
" Lohengrin " and " Meistersinger." This would mean a 
royalty on each production* I should propose L (to be 
quite reasonable) a modest five per cent of the gross 

receipts. 

With the greatest respect, 

Yours very truly, 

Richard Wagner. 
Bayreuth, January 10, 1881. 

The same day came a telegram: 

Bayreuth, January 10, 1881. 
When do London performances take place? 

Wagner. 

The next in Wagner's hand deals with the question of 
the royalty : 



Construction and Standardization of the Quality Scales 125 

Boys 9 Drawing of a Woman: Accuracy of the Point Scale 



PLATE 

VI 



and of Point Scores Estimated from the Quality Scale 



60 



DC 
O 
O 
CO 




20 



10 



f 



14 15 



Mean 



Standard 
Deviation 



Standard Error 
of Measurement 



Standard Error 
of Estimate 



Age means; plus and minus one standard deviation, and plus and minus 
one standard error of measurement for the Point scale; plus and minus one 
standard error of estimate on predictions from the Quality scale. 



Chapter Eight 

Nonintellectual 
and Cultural 
Influences on Drawings 



SINCE GOODENOUGH stated that ". . . the present experiment, 
which has dealt chiefly with the intellectual side, has by no means exhausted 
the possibilities which these drawings possess for the study of child develop- 
ment" (1926, p. 80), there has been an assiduous search for such possibilities. 
Chapters II and III of this book have reviewed this literature. Drawings are 
unmistakable indices to certain aspects of intellectual or conceptual develop- 
ment. They measure aspects of development that cut across cultural divisions 
of mankind, since children of all cultures show age progression in scores. The 
Goodenough scale, however, is clearly related to educational influences, as 
is demonstrated by the fact that many groups tend to score below American 
or European children, particularly in later childhood. Notable sex differences 
are evident. The search for idiopathic signs in drawings, whether by children 
or adults, has not been particularly successful; yet children are clearly idio- 
syncratic in their drawings in style, in subject and in details recorded. 
Whether the uniqueness recorded in a child's graphic products reflects his 
temperament, his personality, his interests, or something else entirely has not 
been proved. 

Sex Differences in Children's Drawings 

In her 1926 monograph, Goodenough reported two trends in the data from 
the drawing of a man: (1) slight but consistent sex differences in mean score, 
favoring girls; (2) marked sex differences in the treatment of certain qualita- 
tive features of the drawing. Goodenough attributed the difference in total 
score between boys and girls to the method of standardizing the scoring items. 
Goodenough's conclusion, minimizing her observed sex differences in score, 
may have been encouraged also by her observation (1926, p. 13) that several 
European investigators had noted marked sex differences favoring boys. 

126 



Nonintettectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 127 

Sex Differences Not Due to Standardization Procedure 

The present studies have suggested that sex differences cannot be attributed 
to differential selection of boys and girls according to intellect, and reflect 
more than the effect of a few items. The sex difference in total score appears 
at an early age and considerably exceeds that noted by Goodenough. For the 
drawing of a man, the sex difference between mean scores favors girls at each 
year of age by about one-half year of growth. For the drawing of a woman, 
this difference is roughly equal to one year of growth. 

Goodenough also reported a marked trend for girls to treat certain features 
in rather different ways from boys. These differences certainly could not be 
attributed to the standardization procedure. For example, girls emphasized 
eye detail, cheeks, "cupid's bow" mouth, curly hair, and arms no longer than 
head length. Boys were more likely to draw profiles, to put in the heel, to 
represent the figure in motion, and to draw long arms reaching below the 
knee. Goodenough suggested these points as the basis for a masculinity-fem- 
ininity scale. Since that time a few investigators have examined these dif- 
ferences, reaffirming them and suggesting further that excessive "femininity" 
in boys 7 drawings may be associated with maladjustment (see, for example, 
Chapter II, p. 28). 

An item analysis of the provisional forms of the present scales showed con- 
siderably more fluctuation than did the total scores. This is to be expected. 
Based on an analysis of drawings in the original standardization samples 
(fifty girls and fifty boys at each year of age, selected to represent the U. S. 
occupational distribution in terms of paternal employment), many items 
show differences between boys and girls in the per cent passing at each age. 
Some of these differences satisfy criteria of statistical significance. 

Based on the simple criterion of the number of items on which one sex 
exceeds the other, regardless of amount, Dixon and Mood's sign test (1946) 
results in the information in Table 28 (p. 128). Clearly, the girls exceed the 
boys in the number of developmental points included in their drawings, es- 
pecially in the drawing of a woman. 

The following discussion is based on sex differences in performance on in- 
dividual items in this revision. To be relevant to this discussion, a difference 
between boys and girls satisfying the five per cent level of significance had to 
occur in more than half the age groups from five through fifteen. All such 
differences, furthermore, had to favor the same sex. 

On the drawing of a man, girls do consistently better on eye detail and pro- 
portion items. Boys are considerably more likely to get the nose in two dimen- 
sions. Girls definitely excel on indicating the lips and giving the line of the 
jaw. Girls do better on hair items and on proportion of the ears. Boys excel 
consistently on the proportion of the foot and indication of the heel. Girls 
do better on arm proportion. Girls solve the problem of clothing or figure 
transparencies sooner than boys, but do not otherwise tend to do better on 
clothing items. While girls definitely do better on motor coordination items, 



128 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



TABLE 

28 



Sex Differences in Performance on Drawing Test Items, 
Significance Evaluated by the Dixon-Mood Test 



AGE GROUP 



10 11 12 13 14 15 



MAN SCALE 



Total number of items* 86 86 86 86 86 86 86 86 86 86 86 

No difference 39 32 25 20 21 8 17 11 10 15 16 

Girls exceed boys 21 43 35 39 37 75 45 26 56 42 45 

Boys exceed girls 26 11 26 27 28 3 24 49 20 25 25 

Confidence level n.s. .01 n.s. n.s. n.s. .01 .05 .05 .01 n.s. .05 



WOMAN SCALE 



Total number of items* 84 84 84 84 86 86 86 86 86 86 86 



No difference 


25 


22 


20 


16 


10 


6 


9 


10 


9 


7 


5 


Girls exceed boys 


48 


44 


45 


49 


58 


75 


63 


52 


61 


71 


65 


Boys exceed girls 
Confidence level 


11 
.01 


18 
.01 


19 
.01 


19 
.01 


18 
.01 


5 


14 
.01 


24 
.01 


16 
.01 


8 
.01 


16 
.01 



* Based on provisional scoring key ; including items later discarded. 

boys are more likely to portray action in the arms. Most of these observations 
confirm Goodenough's earlier work. 

In the drawing of a woman, more girls than boys score successfully on the 
great majority of items. Again, girls do better on most facial features, but 
again boys exceed girls in depicting the nose in two dimensions. On the draw- 
ing of a woman, girls score more often than boys on points based on hair 
and hair styling. Girls also are more likely to depict jewelry. At most ages 
girls more frequently depict neckline and waistline of the female figure, and 
give a "flare" to the skirt. Boys are more likely to draw the female legs in 
such fashion that a distinct angle is indicated; this effect is often produced 
by separating the feet. Girls are more likely to draw the legs parallel. 

Earlier we noted no particular sex differences in depicting garb of the male 
figure. In portraying the female figure, girls are much more likely than are 
boys to score clothing and costume points, especially at the older ages, above 
eight or nine. Girls also excel boys on the motor coordination items on this 
figure, as well as on the male figure. Motor coordination items evaluate body 
contours, including in the female figure such secondary sex characteristics as 
breast, hip, and calf of leg. 

These data fit quite well into what is already known concerning sex differ- 
ences in drawing performances. McCarty (1924, p. 74) noted that girls drew 
the human figure better than boys. Boys, however, excelled in drawing com- 
position. In her study, girls more frequently used mass, and boys more fre- 



Xonintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 129 

quently worked with outline. Zazzo (1948), In a study involving more than 
5,000 children, found indisputable sex differences in handwriting and draw- 
ing. Girls excelled in the motoric aspects of drawing (coordination items dis- 
cussed above may be considered as similar to Zazzo's motoric aspects), 
while boys excelled in the "intellectual organization of space" in drawing. 
These data may further be related to information on other psychological 
sex differences. A common observation in the literature of sex differences is 
that boys appear to excel on certain general motor and performance items, 
notably space orientation, comprehension, and use. This observation has 
been repeatedly confirmed by studies of the so-called "primary mental abil- 
ities," in which boys excel on the S (Space) factor. McCarty, in the study of 
drawing already referred to, found that boys were superior in the use of per- 
spective. 

Interpretation of Sex Differences in Drawing 

The interpretation of the sex differences noted offers something of a prob- 
lem. Depending on his theoretical predilections, one can interpret the ob- 
served sex differences in different ways. In psychometric instruments sex dif- 
ferences are usually minimized by excluding items favoring one sex. In the 
long history of mental testing, the few items in intelligence measures that 
consistently favored one sex have either been discarded or balanced by items 
that favored the other sex. In constructing scales, this procedure has worked 
quite well, and it has been customary to speak of "no real sex differences in 
intelligence." 

The analytical approach to abilities, however, has consistently turned up 
small differences in a number of dimensions, which appear at early ages and 
persist through childhood and into adolescence. Girls show a slight but con- 
sistent acceleration in general development and perhaps in verbal perform- 
ance. Boys seem to excel in arithmetic performance, particularly reasoning. 
Girls do slightly better on fine motor coordinations and on tests of number 
and name checking. As early as age five, girls show more esthetic interests, 
and more interest in painting and modeling activities. Girls are often found 
to show greater awareness of people and personal relationships. Regardless of 
whether these differences arise from psychobiological or culturally derived 
origins, they are consistently noted from early ages in our culture and prob- 
ably should be taken into account in test building. A base research question 
is: How does the drawing scale relate to tests of perceptual and fine motor 
skills as well as to cognitive and verbal factors? 

Some may prefer to explain sex differences in terms of personality dy- 
namics. Many of the differences here summarized could be related to dy- 
namic theories of personality organization. Culturally reinforced sex differ- 
ences in libidinal investment of body parts, differences between the sexes in 
the significance of the body image, and differences in sexual symbolism, all 
could be drawn upon in discussing the restandardization data. The greater 



130 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

relative sex differences in drawing the female figure are interesting. It may be 
that girls have a greater identification with sex role than do boys. Certainly 
there is no indication that girls reject the feminine sex role in their drawings; 
they do not "masculinize' 7 the feminine figure. Moreover, it has often been 
observed that social values in Western cultures emphasize the male role. The 
fact that boys and girls are less likely to exhibit characteristic sex differences 
in drawing the male figure than in drawing the female figure is not surprising. 
That a majority of both boys and girls of all ages characteristically draw the 
male figure when only the drawing of a person is called for has already been 
noted in Chapter III. Another possibility is that girls excel in drawing the 
human figure because of a greater awareness of and concern with people and 
personal relationships. More than one of such factors is undoubtedly in- 
volved in girls' superior drawing performance. 



Cultural Differences in Children's Drawings 

That sex differences in drawings cannot be separated from cultural influ- 
ences was suggested in the literature review of Chapter II. In various Ameri- 
can Indian groups boys do as well as or better than girls in drawing. Among 
American Negro and New York Puerto Rican children, however, girls tend 
to excel boys, as is true also in native Japanese and Argentinian groups. Such 
a finding is also common in European samples. Data available to the author 
from a number of Eskimo schools under the jurisdiction of the U. S. Depart- 
ment of the Interior have confirmed the observation that sex and cultural 
differences in drawings are complexly related. Unfortunately, the number of 
cases available did not warrant an item analysis for boys and girls separately. 
It was possible, however, to make certain interesting comparisons with test 
norms. The results are reported here and suggest that more detailed studies 
of children who have had limited experiences with print and pictures might 
be fruitful. 1 

Drawings of Eskimo Children 

Through the courtesy of their teachers, a total of 318 Eskimo children 
were tested in several remote Alaskan schools. Figures 34a-45b (pp. 135-138) 
are examples of these children's drawings. Table 29 presents the mean 
scores by age groups and compares these values with means based on the 
normative samples. Relative to the norm group, a consistent superiority of 
the Eskimo children is apparent, and the drawings showed many evidences of 
superior quality in performance. 

1 The author has in preparation a monograph which will survey anthropological, cross- 
cultural and other studies of the Draw-a-Man Test with so-called primitive and culturally 
underprivileged groups. This volume will incorporate original studies of several thousand 
drawings from a dozen areas of the world. 



Nonintellectucd and Cultured Influences on Drawings 



131 



TABLE 

29 


Smoothed Means for Eskimo Group Compared 
with Standardization Group, Man Scale 




BOYS 


ESKIMO GROUP 
GIRLS 


STANDARDIZA- 
TION GROUP 

TOTAL 


AGE 


N MEAN 


N 


MEAN 


MEAN 


MEAN 


5 


3 12.3 


5 


17 


.5 


15.4 


16.6 


6 21 17.7 


19 


20 


.8 


19.4 


19,2 


7 


11 23.8 


9 


26 


.2 


24.6 


23.0 


8 


7 30.0 


5 


33.4 


31.7 


26.8 


9 


7 35.3 


10 


37 


.2 


36.4 


31.3 


10 27 41.5 


10 


41 


.1 


41.2 


35.4 


11 


16 44.5 


13 


43 


.5 


44.1 


38.9 


12 15 47.1 


19 


47 


.7 


47.4 


41.6 


13 23 51.3 


14 


49 


.3 


49.7 


43.4 


14 


13 52.3 


12 


51 


.5 


51.2 


44.9 


15 


18 53.8 


15 


52 


.1 


52.4 


45.2 


16+ 


11 52.9 


15 


53 


.5 


52.6 







The consistent difference between boys and girls in norms, favoring girls, 
is not as clearly reflected in the Eskimo children's results. It should be noted, 
however, that the smaller number of cases in the Eskimo group introduces 
a considerable sampling error into the statistics. The standardization studies 
have indicated that small numbers produce considerably less stable average 
performances than NTs of 100 or more in any one age group. 

To increase the number of cases for computational purposes, the adjacent 
age groups in the Eskimo sample at the prepubertal ages were combined. The 
cases at ages ten and eleven were made into one group, and the cases at 
twelve and thirteen were made into another group. The percentages of chil- 
dren in these combined samples passing each item were compared with the 
percentages in the corresponding age groups of the norm group sample. A 
deviation of 15 per cent points or greater was selected arbitrarily as "signifi- 
cant." 2 A list of items was compiled for each age group on which Eskimo 
children exceeded or fell short of children in the norm samples. The two 
Eskimo age groups were then examined. Where a notable difference, as de- 
fined above, appeared in both age groups, the item was tentatively con- 
sidered to be one handled differently by the Eskimo children. 

Using this criterion, a number of items show cultural differences. Eskimo 
children are less likely to depict the neck, the ears, and to correctly place the 
ears. These facts seem to reflect the greater prevalence of parkas in the Eskimo 

2 Actually, this percentage difference in the middle range of the distribution corresponds 
roughly to a five per cent level of statistical significance. 



132 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

group's drawings and is thus an artifact of the drawing situation. Due to the 
voluminous parka garments, elbow joints, knee joints and modeling of the 
hip are less likely shown, resulting in greater stiffness of figures portrayed. 

Since the Eskimo boot does not have a heel, Eskimo children are less likely 
to indicate heels in their drawings. Figures 37, 38, and 42, however, show 
that when the garb is appropriate, the heel is shown. The children do have 
the concept of heels; their drawings are quite appropriate to the type of figure 
they are representing at the time. Eskimo children are also less likely to por- 
tray the arm and shoulder performing some type of movement, probably due 
to the loose parka (Figs. 45 a,b), though this is not invariably the case (for 
example, Figs. 39 and 44). 

On the other hand, Eskimo children are more likely to portray with exact- 
ness the nostrils, the bridge of the nose, and, when portrayed at all, the 
thumb or fingers. The characteristic tendency of the Eskimo children to show 
a mittened hand earns for them a greater credit on the thumb opposition 
point and on the hand as distinct from fingers or arm in the age groups ten 
to thirteen inclusive. In this age group also the Eskimo is more likely to draw 
the arms down at the side than held out stiffly from the body. The Eskimo 
child is more likely to show the feet with a wide stance, that is, with toes 
pointing apart, or in perspective in either full-face or profile drawings. The 
Eskimo drawings include fewer transparencies in these age groups, and a 
larger percentage of them earn credit for showing a distinct costume, which 
of course follows from the tendency to draw the parka the everyday costume 
in this part of Alaska. 

Aspects of the Eskimo drawings that are distinctive and that are not ap- 
parent in the detailed scoring technique of the Goodenough method include: 
a greater emphasis on the eyebrow, on the nostrils and nose (as indicated 
above), and on general detail of facial features. There is some evidence of a 
general decrease in quality of the drawing in adolescence. This is not suffi- 
ciently great, however, to reveal itself as markedly in the trend of median 
scores as in the normative group. It is most noticeable in the increased tend- 
ency to draw the facial features and hands "sketchily." Particularly among 
younger Eskimo children there is a very distinct tendency to draw shorter 
arms and legs than in the norm group. Here again there is the possibility that 
the proportions of the body are distorted somewhat by so many children 
depicting the figures in parkas. 

Another notable feature of Eskimo drawings is the great detail in which 
the boot, or mukluk, is drawn (see Figs. 39, 40, 41, 43 a,b, 45 a,b). It often 
includes a corrugated toe and heel, decorations on the upper part of the muk- 
luk, tassels, and the like. In relation to the rest of the picture this feature is 
the one most likely to appear in great detail. Another feature shown on most 
of the drawings is the device on the breast of the parka for warming the 
hands (Fig. 39). This, too, is noted by most children, even the six-year-olds, 
and is usually presented in careful detail. The sewn and embroidered patterns 



\onintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 133 

around the skirt of the parka are usually portrayed elaborately (see Figs. 
34b,39,40,41,44,45a,b). 

A breakdown by type of drawing made by children eight years and older 
appears in Table 30 (p. 134). The preponderance of the native costume and 
the relative absence of business suits is apparent. The few cowboy figures are 
interesting, however (e.g., Fig. 38). One of these cowboys was drawn with a 
cactus plant in the background! The presence of military personnel is re- 
flected in the drawings that show individuals in uniform or in military fatigue 
clothing. Only three drawings included evidence of traditional Eskimo tools 
or weapons (Fig. 39), while several times this number included the tools or 
weapons of an industrial age (Fig. 40). One drawing was labelled "hunter 
in the old time." The airplane featured in several drawings, and the sled in 
only two. 

Table 31 (p. 134) gives a breakdown of Table 30 by individual school. 
While the number of cases is quite small, particularly in some schools, the 
variation in "type" clearly represents proximity to military posts. While the 
distinction between military fatigue uniform and nondescript jacket and 
trousers is probably not completely reliable (e.g., Fig. 45 a), the work uni- 
form of the military services was unmistakable in quite a proportion of those 
so classified (e.g., Fig. 37). The military uniform itself and the native parka 
were unmistakable when drawn. 

Although culture influences drawings in rather obvious ways, such as type 
of garb, vehicles, implements, actions portrayed, these elements do not in- 
fluence a Goodenough-type score. For this reason the Draw-a-Man Test has 
been rather widely used as a "culture free" intelligence test. Yet the data 
above suggest that the child's drawing of certain body features or parts is in- 
fluenced by garb, and possibly by other conditions of living that call attention 
to particular parts or their functions. Allowance would have to be made, both 
in scoring and in the norms, for parts omitted in one of these cultures in- 
cluded in the present scoring system. Such allowance would have to be 
worked out empirically within each culture group. It has been affirmed 
(Goodenough and Harris, 1950, p. 399) that although the test may be un- 
suited to comparing children across cultures, it still may rank children within 
a culture according to relative intellectual maturity. 

The present writer would further amend this position to state that, for the 
most valid results, the points of the scale should be restandardized for every 
group having a distinctly different pattern of dress, mode of living, and qual- 
ity or level of academic education. This conclusion virtually rules out the 
scale for cross-cultural comparisons; indeed, psychologists increasingly be- 
lieve that mean differences among large, representative samples drawn from 
varying cultures, express the gross differences in conceptual experience and 
training these groups have had. Further work, to determine exactly which 
aspects of intellectual or conceptual maturity the drawing task expresses, 
will be necessary to explain scientifically these observed cultural differences. 



134 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

TABLE Per Cent of Eskimo Drawings Illustrating Different Types 
30 of Garb 

BOYS (N = 136) GIRLS (N = 112) 



Parka 


43 


46 


Jacket and Trousers 


28 


24 


Military Uniform 


4 


8 


Military Fatigues 


13 


13 


Cowboys 


4 


1 


Indians 


1 





Business Suits 


7 


8 




100 


100 



TABLE 

31 


Per Cent of 
of Garb, by 


Eskimo Drawings 
Local School 


Illustrating Different Types 










JACKET 


MILI- 
TARY 




BUSI- 












AND 


UNI- 


MILITARY 


NESS 


COWBOY, 


SCHOOL 


N 


PARKA 


TROUSERS 


FORM 


FATIGUES 


SUIT 


INDIAN 


Barrow 


115 


49 


16 


8 


15 


10 


2 


Kivalina 


25 


76 


20 








4 





Meade River 9 


100 

















Point 


Hope 


39 


33 


27 


5 


20 


13 


2 


Point 


Lay 


18 


44 


34 





22 








Wain wright 


42 


31 


35 


7 


12 


5 


10 



Secular Changes Within a Culture 

Children's drawings from the same culture may be compared at different 
points in history. If any changes have directionality with reference to some 
norm or standard, such changes are said to express a secular trend. If there is 
reason for supposing a change over time in the culture patterns of a group, 
or in its social values and mores, and such a secular trend in drawings can 
plausibly be related to this culture change, then the change demonstrates 
the impact of culture on drawings. Sufficient items in the scale remain un- 
changed from Goodenough's original formulation to permit such a study. On 
most points in the scale, more present-day children score successfully than 
did the children in Goodenough's original normative group. The discussion 
of these results follows on page 1 39. 



Xonintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 



135 









's 



FIG. 34a. Man, by girl, 5-10 FIG. 34b. Woman, by same girl 




Z 7 



FIG. 35. Woman, by girl, 9-5 FIG. 36. Woman, by boy, 10-2 



136 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 




FIG. 37. Man, by boy, 10-3 



n 



FIG. 38. Man, by boy, 10-5 






FIG. 39. Man, by boy, 10-9 



FIG. 40. Man, by boy, 10-11 



Nonintellectud and Cultured Influences on Drawings 



137 



FIG. 41. Man, by girl, 12-1 FIG. 42. Woman, by boy, 13-0 



V 



Ai.il' 1 



. 

" 



FIG. 43a. Man, by boy, 1340 FIG. 43b. Woman, by same boy 



138 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 




FIG. 44. Man, by boy, 15-10 




FIG. 45a. Man, by girl, 15-11 FIG. 45b. Woman, by same girl 



Nonintellectudl and Cultural Influences on Drawings 1 39 

In the present standardization children draw features of the face more 
poorly. Their drawings less frequently indicate the projection of the chin, or 
portray both nose and mouth in two dimensions. The legs are less success- 
full}- portrayed in suitable proportions. There is virtually no difference be- 
tween the groups on the presence of general features of the man, such as 
head, legs, fingers, neck, items of clothing, costume, and the more general 
proportion and motor coordination items. 

The drawings in the present standardization tend consistently to excel on 
the presence of arms and trunk, attachment of limbs, correct number of 
fingers, depiction of hand, head and two dimensional arms and legs, ears, 
eye details, chin, and forehead. Children in the present group achieve notably 
higher performance on hair, finger detail and thumb opposition, absence of 
transparencies, proportion of trunk, and coordination in drawing arms and 
legs. The list (p. 140) and Plate VII (pp. 141-147) present these differences. 

Because this text has consistently warned against overinterpretation of 
drawings, it may seem presumptuous to interpret observed trends. The reader 
is certainly free to draw his own conclusions, but he may wish to know the 
author's speculations. It appears that the depiction of the most general fea- 
tures of the human figure shows no differences over time. However, children 
of the mid-1950's appear to be more successful in handling a number of body 
and limb details; they have particularly "improved" with respect to hair, ab- 
sences of transparencies, and hand items. Since the 1920's there has been a 
full generation of excellent health education in the schools. The emphasis 
on the body, its development and its comfort, has often been singled out as 
a feature of mid-century American culture. These differences may reflect a 
greater emphasis in recent years on the body, possibly a greater "body accept- 
ability' 7 now than a generation ago. 

Children of the 1950's, in contrast to those of the '20's, give less attention 
to the mouth, nose, and chin. One might be tempted to speak of a "faceless 
generation" characteristic of a period of conformity! The author, however, 
prefers somewhat less dramatic hypotheses. 

Since the 1920 7 s there has developed a new philosophy of art education. 
In contrast to the old emphasis on copying, on stylized patterns and design, 
and on the stereotyped reproduction of models, the new philosophy has em- 
phasized freedom of expression, encouraging children to express their own 
ideas through art media and, at an early age. 

Also, during the second quarter of the present century, there was a virtual 
revolution in the attitudes of adults toward children, and in the general 
management and guidance of children, especially in the schools. It is often 
hypothesized in current child development literature that children are, as a 
consequence, freer, more spontaneous and expressive, and also more observ- 
ant. Changes in general art education theory and in the general attitude 
toward handling children appeal to the author as more plausible hypotheses 
than the notion that greater materialism and hedonism have led to more 
"body emphasis" in modem drawings. 



140 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Summary of Changes in Performance on M Hems 
Common to the Original and Revised Draw-a-Man Scales 



MARKED DIFFERENCES, FAVORING PRESENT STANDARDIZATION GROUP 

Trunk in proportion 

Hair shown 

Hair on more than the circumference of the head 

No transparencies 

Finger detail 

Thumb opposition 

Motor coordination : arms and legs 

SOME DIFFERENCES, FAVORING PRESENT STANDARDIZATION GROUP 

Arms portrayed 

Trunk present 

Attachment of limbs 

Correct attachment of limbs 

Two items of clothing 

Correct number of fingers shown 

Hand distinct from fingers or arm 

Head in proportion 

Proportion: both arms and legs in two dimensions 

Ears present 

Pupil of eye 

Eye detail: proportion 

Both chin and forehead shown 

VIRTUALLY NO DIFFERENCE BETWEEN STANDARDIZATION GROUPS 

Head present 

Legs present 

Neck present 

Eyes present 

Mouth present 

Clothing indicated 

Four items of clothing 

Costume complete 

Fingers present 

Proportion: arms 

Proportion: feet 

Head outline 

Trunk outline 

Motor coordination: features 

Profile A 

Profile B 

SOME DIFFERENCES, FAVORING ORIGINAL STANDARDIZATION GROUP 

Nose present 

Nose and mouth in two dimensions 

Proportion: legs 

Brow or lashes 

Projection of chin 



\onintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 



141 



PLATE 

VII 



Q 
o 



Comparison of Items 
in Original and 
Restandardization 
Series 



i nn 




90 




80 


! I : Xi 


70 


x^ 


60 


/^ 


en 


!/ ' 


40 




30 

on 


1 ...K ! 




* 





i i i 

5 6 7 8 9 10 



AGE 

2. Neck present 




5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

5. Eye detail: brow or lashes 



5 

o 



100 

90 

so 

70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
i n 




* 
























! i ; [ 


5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 



100 
90 

S 8 
t 70 

i 60 

C/3 

g 50 
z 40 

UJ 

30 
20 
10 


100 
90 
^ 80 


5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 

1. Head present 


^ I" f j 














































































1 


5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

4. Eyes present 


















































PER CENT PASSING i 
ooooooo c 




































^^1 










x 









/ 




X* 








/ ... 


.-" 
































6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

6. Eye detail: pupil 



Restandardization Data. 



Goodenough Data., 



142 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



PLATE VII (continued) 



i nn 








i 


1 


on 








! 




or\ 










1 


I 70 








' 




O 

7" fin 












C/3 

2 sn 








i 




< 50 








| 


/ 


UJ 








i / 


r 

T . 


o_ on 








y s 


*** 










<^-f* 




10 




r*^ 11 


^"* 














i 








5 i 


5 3 


^ 8 5 

AGE 


3 10 



7. Eye detail: proportion 



JLUU 








"^1 


n " 




^* 1 ^.** 










2 8 

H 70 












fin 












CO 
C/) en 












< 50 
F ^.n 












g 40 
S ^0 












Q_ 9O 


















































5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 



11. Mouth present 



100 












on 
























| -tr\ 






s* 


^y* 4 




a 
2 fin 




X 










X 










H 


x 


/* 








LJ 
Q 












o_ 20 


/ 










10 





































5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 

14. Chin and forehead shown 

















1 


..- 





*"" - 


--J 




.** 


r^ 






I 


s 80 

LU 












i 60 












t j- A 












< 50 
H- /in 












z: 4U 

"0 












cr 30 

UJ 


















































5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 



9. Nose present 



























QO 












s 80 
w 7n 










. 


i so 










/ 


c/o 
03 c n 










/ 


< 50 

f ^LO 












UJ 

^ ^n 








... 






D_ 9O 






.... 






i n 




/ 






,-r^: 






/ 


X 



















10 



AGE 



13. Nose and lips, two dimen. 



100 
90 

S 80 

t 70 
o 

1 60 
< 50 

s 40 

o 

cc 30 

- 20 

10 





10 



AGE 



Restandardization Data. 



15. Projection of chin shown 

Goodenough Data 



Xonintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 
PLATE VII (continued) 



143 



o 

cr 



100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 









/-^_^. 


\^*~S^ 


.*" 


i ; / -* 


; ^ J \ , ! 


i - ,>* 


| '""* 




i i i 


5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 

18. Hair i 



100 














on 














on 












i 


Z 
UJ 7Q 




























o5 
< =n 














< 50 
l AH 














Z 40 

UJ 

o 3 Q 




*^ 











cr ^ 
o! on 















i n 




,.-** 


























. 













6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

22. Ears present 



PER CENT PASSING ITEM 

-rotd-i^oiaixjoovoo 
ooooooooooo 
































- 


s^& 








/>' 


..- 








y 












/> 








--- 































































6789 
AGE 

24. Fingers present 



10 



PER CENT PASSING ITEM 


100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 

AH 












/^ 


/ 


30 




on 


y 




s^ ....<* 




i ^s^ .""* 

s^ ; "' 






5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 



19. Hair il 



100 














on 














on 














70 














CA 














Cf) 














40 












/I 


on 












/ 


20 










^ , 


'A 


10 






^^^ 







** 








^-**** 























9 10 

23. Ears: proper., position 



5678 
AGE 



o 

cc 

s; 



100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 
n 






































- 




















^-^" 










..* 




y 








* 


^** 













/ 


/ 










/.*' 























> 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

25. Fingers: number 



Restandardization Data. 



Goodenough Data., 



144 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

PLATE VII (continued) 



1UU 


i 


OA 


| 


3 

H- 70 




z 






j 


CO 

< 50 




\ ^ i 

jX^ 




~ An 


' j/" 




Z 4U 

UJ 

30 


i iX^ 




,** 


5 

D_ of> 


y 


^ 


.**"*' 




1 A 


L/ 


..-i" 











! 










1 








5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

26. Fingers: detail 


i nn 
























JJA 












w 70 












t 7U 

i 60 












CO 

W t- n 










/ 


50 

t AO 








/ 


..** 


uu 
O on 




/ 


^"^x, 




*' 


n AA 


^ 


/ 


t * 








<^ 





** 






























5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

28. Hands present 



100 
90 

on 


-** 


Uh^- 






.^ 


















s 80 

LU 

\ 7n 












O 












<* RO 












< bu 

t AO 












UJ 
on 












a. 20 












10 












ft ~ 

























AA 




I . ._ 




i 


























| 


CA 
























jQ 






















J 












pX 








^s 


X" 


. 






, ' 


x^ 





* 

















5 




> i 

AGE 


5 c 


) 10 



27. Thumb opposed 

















y 


^^*" 






.**"* 


on 


/ . 










70 


/* 










CA 


/ 










EA 












/A 












30 












on 












1 












- 














5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

30. Arms present 



100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 

















































<^ 








.** 


..-/ 








/ 




^ 










-y 










S 


/ 










/ 












/ 



































AGE 

35. Legs present 



5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

40. Feet II: proportion 



Restandardization Data. 



Goodenough Data. 



\onintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 
PLATE VII (continued) 



145 





|_ 
| 



IOC 






^S^ ..-" 


30 


~Y^7^~ 


70 


/ / 


CA 


/ 


50 


/ 


40 


' 


30 




20 




i fY 














5 6 7 8 9 

AGE 

44. Attachment limbs 



10 



IX 



!= 70 

i 60 

CO 

I 5 

g 40 

UJ 

30 

* 20 

10 



~Z_ 



5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 

45. Attachment limbs 11 



i nn 












QO 


X 


^s 






\ 


QA 


^ ^ 










s 80 

K 70 










\ 


z 60 












c/5 
52 e;n 












< 50 

H- jjA 












2 40 
UJ 

O 3Q 












o_ ?n 

















































6789 
AGE 

46. Trunk present 



10 



i AH 














on 






/ 


"^-H 




"-'" ' } 


OA 














2 8 

y 7n 




/ 








..**! 


i 60 




/ 








k X i 


Q 5O 










S 




< 50 
f~ AD 






s 








o 30 






* 








D_ 9n 




..*** 










i n 































c 


) ( 




7 ? 

AGE 


5 S 


) 10 



47. Trunk, proportion 



I 



100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 





1 








































**#> 


<** 






/ 


*^S* 










/ j 


\S 








/ 


t ** 










..**"" 



























































6789 
AGE 

48. Propor.: head I 



10 



100 
90 
s 80 

S 70 

O 

i 

g 50 

Z 40 
S 30 

LU 

* 20 
10 





















































































^ 










, 


^^ 










xX 










..* 


/ 










***j^" 


















5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 

53. Propor.: legs 



Restandardization Data. 



Goodenough Data. 



146 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

PLATE VII (continued) 



i nn 




















/ 




*- ' 


t ..** 


on 






/ 








i~ 70 




/ 




/ 






z 




/ 




' 






8 




/ 


,*** 








50 

H~ /jn 




/ 










LU 
on 




/ 











CL. on 

























































5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

54. Propor.: limbs, two dimen. 



























on 












7A 












en 










/ 


en 










/*' 


Art 










fr 


on 






^X 






on 




/ 




/ 








/ 


x** 








^ 


**"" 









10 



AGE 



56. Clothing I 



1 nn 












90 












on 
























60 












50 






















^ 


30 










r 


20 








*** 


^ 


i n 




_^> 










' 


^ 


*** 




















5 




7 i 

AGE 


3 i 


3 10 



58. Clothing IV 



100 












on 


I 




,..^X 


-*^ 




on 




./ 


s 










V 








60 


jf 












/? 










40 













on 


* 






















1 O 












n 













7 8 
AGE 



10 



55. Clothing 1 



100 

80 
70 
60 

30 

10 | 




9 10 



AGE 



57. Clothing 



Restandardization Data. 



100 
90 
80 
70 
60 
50 
40 
30 
20 
10 


i Da 

























































































































^^ 






_ 






_^__ 


5 6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

59. Clothing V 

ta 



X ' onintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 
PLATE VII (continued) 



147 



100 




, 




90 




or 




80 




on 




f 70 




3 




CJ 

z 60 




i 60 




05 




to 

2 en 




5 40 




< 50 
*- An 




^ "30 




z 4U 




cc d 

LU 

o_ 20 


*** 


3 




10 


! .-X 









: ...L-^tf^ 





; , .! U^ 




5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 

60. Profile 1 




5 6 7 8 9 10 

AGE 

61. Profile II 


100 




inn 




90 






I j i 


80 




90 


i j i 


1 70 


i ' ! : 1 i 


P^ vn 


i ! - 

1 


CJ 
2 60 


; ' 


O 


1 






C/J cr, 


i / 


< 50 

a. 
[ An 


i ' ..-i 


o. 


1/1 


2 AU 
S 30 


i i ' !-*>^ 


tu 

O on 


// ! 


cc 5U 

LU 

o_ 20 


i i.x>r i 


n on 


/\ r ^\ 




i A/ \ \ 




/ x*'* i 




rr^^^^\ 




.-<^>"""" i 




! "*" 1 1 i 1 




i i 



6 7 8 9 10 
AGE 

66. Head outline 



AGE 



68. Arms and legs, form 

Restandardization Data, 



56789 
AGE 

67. Trunk outline 



100 
















i nn 












QH 
















on 












on 
















on 












7H 
















5 80 

LLl 

1- 7n 








































en 












/ 




w 60 

CO 




























Q_ 3 * J 

t An 


















/ 











on 


















/ 






# , 




g 

a. on 


















/ 




. 


***** 














,* 







^:. 






x 




















6 7 8 9 

AGE 

69. Facial features 



10 



Goodenough Data. 



148 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

The Use of Drawings to Diagnose Personal Qualities 

A comprehensive survey of literature (Chapter III) has already indicated 
that drawings are not generally useful as diagnostic devices for personality 
study. Although seriously disturbed subjects sometimes use bizarre or dis- 
torted forms, such drawings are seldom needed to detect the condition, which 
is usually first noted on other grounds. The "blind" analysis of children's 
drawings is particularly hazardous; children use many and ingenious devices 
to portray their ideas, 'limited only by the medium or by their lack^of tech- 
nique or skill. What appears to the naive adult analyst as a "bizarre" feature 
may have a straightforward and perfectly sensible explanation in light of the 
child's thought and intention. Some examples from the restandardization 
work may serve to illustrate this point. 

Figure 46 was selected by a psychologist as the work of a disturbed child, 
described by her teacher as "different/ 7 However, when the child described 
the picture" as "a clown carrying balloons in a parade," the spots on the 
cheeks, the peculiar appendages suspended from the arms, and a number of 
"bizarre" features of the garb became quite meaningful. The drawing was 
made by a bright and very imaginative six-year-old girl. Figure 47 was drawn 
in a group setting by a very intelligent eleven-year-old boy. Questioning 
quickly revealed that he, suspecting the psychological purpose of the task, 
had resolved to trick the investigator! Figure 48, on the other hand, was 
drawn by an eight-year-old boy, of "average" mental capacity and average 
social background. He was described as excessively tense, rigid, unsure of 
himself and very compliant. He offered no explanation for the odd markings. 

Thus, despite Goodenough's ingenious study of psychopathic traits in 
children and the modest association she demonstrated between descriptive 
adjectives applied to children by their teachers and certain odd features in 
their drawings, the usefulness of drawings for personality diagnosis remains 
questionable. At best, because of the many possible determinants of both de- 
tail and thematic content, the child's drawing must be understood against 
the backdrop of a great deal of other information about him. With sufficient 
information available to throw light on the drawing, the drawing itself loses 
significance as a diagnostic tool. 

A number of studies were conducted to examine the drawings of children 
selected as possessing certain personality qualities to a marked degree. To 
select criterion groups, classroom teachers were asked to respond to "guess- 
who" descriptions for the following qualities or attributes: anxious, carefree, 
rigid, hostile, neat, extratensive, self-confident, sex-appropriate interests and 
attitudes, sex-inappropriate interests and attitudes, "odd," aggressive, and 
compliant. Elementary school teachers nominated the two or three boys 
and/or girls in their classrooms who best fitted the verbal descriptions sup- 
plied for each of the above-named qualities. By taking one boy and/or girl 
so named from each of a large number of classrooms, a "sample" of children 



Nonintellectual and Cultural Influences on Drawings 



149 




FIG. 46. Man, by girl, 6-1 




' A > 



FIG. 47. Self, by boy, 11-3 



FIG. 48. Man, by boy, 7-11 



150 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

was formed, having in common a notable degree of the trait named. Draw- 
ings by these children were compared with samples of drawings selected ran- 
domly from children in the same classrooms, not named for any trait. Using 
various analytical as well as global or judgmental approaches, the author was 
unable to identify any features of drawings, or kinds of drawings, that dif- 
ferentiated the groups. 

Two other major attempts (unpublished) were made by the author to 
utilize descriptive aspects of the drawings. A list of "signs" or features com- 
monly reported in the literature as significant in personality study was pre- 
pared. This list contained some eighty or ninety items including: (1) a num- 
ber of linear measurements, e.g., length of nose; (2) ratios or proportions 
formed by combinations of these measurements, e.g., trunk width to height; 
(3) relationships of specific body parts, e.g., shoulder width to hips; (4) qual- 
itative treatment of hands and hair; (5) presence of accessory objects, e.g., 
cigarette, necktie, baseline, background object; (6) type of costume, e.g., 
"fashion plate"; (7) amount of erasure; (8) quality of lines, etc. 

Several major problems at once appeared. While many items could be 
judged on a "present-absent" basis, such as garment accessories, others had to 
be rated subjectively, such as amount of erasure or treatment of lines. Agree- 
ment of judges on the rated items was low. The tabulation of these items 
through several age samples showed no particular relationship to age, and 
many features occurred in an exceptionally small proportion of cases in any 
age group. In the latter instance it was not possible to relate the items to 
other features of the drawings, or to any known data about the child. It was 
the fruitlessness of these attempts, plus the endless variety of combinations 
in which drawing qualities appear, that have led the author to the conclusion 
that consistent and reliable patterns having diagnostic significance for per- 
sonality probably cannot be found in children's drawings. 



The Self Drawing as a Possible Indicator of Nonintellectual Aspects 

A drawing of the self had been obtained from all children in the restand- 
ardization and normative studies. Extensive perusal of these drawings sug- 
gested that most children took the self-portrait assignment seriously, although 
many apparently found it quite difficult, and the older children often resisted 
the task. 

If any of the three drawings was carelessly or incompletely done, it was 
most likely to be this one. But whether this fact represents a conflict within 
the self, a greater reluctance to tackle a specific portrait as contrasted with a 
generalized "man" or "woman," or a condition of simple fatigue or boredom 
from having completed two preceding drawings, cannot be said. It is the 
author's impression that all three factors play a part, but that the latter two 
are more common than the first. Occasionally one can detect the "flip" atti- 
tude of the wiseacre older child from a written caption or remark included 



NoninteUectud and Cultural Influences on Drawings 151 

in the drawing. One encounters a caricature or cartoon infrequently, a some- 
what remarkable finding in view of the quite common cartoon element in the 
doodlings and notebook scribbles of many older school children. 

From this survey a detailed guide to analysis has been developed but 
remains untested empirically. This analysis involves the examination of the 
self drawing for apparently idiosyncratic features, "juvenile" features and 
specific comparisons with the like-sex and opposite-sex adult figures. The 
Guide for Analysis of Self Drawing appears in the Appendix, pages 320-321. 

The theory that has prompted the questions included in the guide to draw- 
ing analysis is relatively simple. The self drawing, so labelled, is the child's 
attempt to portray his own image as he is acquainted with it via direct inspec- 
tion, mirror image, and the comments of others. This drawing will contain 
both realistic features as well as concepts suggested or symbolized more in- 
directly. 

Realistically portrayed features take the form of general indications of 
child or youth status, such as a baseball cap, or a hair ribbon or barrette; or 
they include features unique to a particular child, such as glasses or freckles. 
The general juvenile features may reveal something of the child's developing 
idea of age or sex role; the unique or idiosyncratic features may reveal some- 
thing of the child's self-concept. 

The child may represent activities of considerable interest or significance. 
These activities may be portrayed directly, as reading or diving in a pool. 
More often they are suggested through accessory items or equipment, such as 
a baseball bat or a doll. He may reflect something of his sense of self-worth 
in his drawings, by caricature or ridicule. For example, he may: (1) draw an 
enormous nose on the self drawing when that feature was more realistically 
shown in the adult figures, (2) attach a derisive nickname as a label, or (3) 
use a cartooning technique. Attempting a self-portrait puts excessive demands 
on the child's ability to portray realistically. He may be willing to try a gen- 
eralized man or woman, but his own picture challenges him and he may use 
the cartoon technique, popular with children, which is representational only 
in a general sense. 

Concepts or ideas suggested indirectly may possibly show up in size or 
treatment relative to the adult figures. It is possible that comparisons with 
like- and cross-sex adult figures may relate both to identification and to the 
self-image. Most research heretofore has assumed this meaning of the self 
drawing, but the assumption needs empirical verification. 

All these suggestions must be understood as tentative until tested further. 
But it is likely that meaningful interpretations will be fairly obvious and 
"close to the surface" and not require an elaborate theory of symbolism. 
Furthermore, the meanings will probably be readily apparent, and the child 
will be able to explain them in his own words. 

The present investigator offers the following suggestions concerning the 
drawing of the self test and its further development. To yield a develop- 
mental measure, the self drawing test may be scored with either the Man or 



152 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Woman scale, as is appropriate. The qualitative analysis of the self drawing, 
or some modification, should be validated systematically, against personality 
variables in both normal and clinical populations of children. It may be that 
the more general, comparative approach suggested by the Guide m the Ap- 
pendix, pages 320-321, will be no more useful than analytical scoring by the 
measurement of parts or the counting of "signs." However, preliminary work 
suggests that there may be some value in this more comparative approach. 

In any event, further 'studies- of drawings should be made on children tested 
individually rather than in groups. This requirement will add much to the 
cost and the time involved in the research; but with so little evidence of 
universal symbols, it will be necessary to observe the child's procedures and 
behavior sequences, and especially his verbal behavior as it relates to the 
drawing. A systematic post-drawing inquiry would be very helpful. If, as 
seems to be the case, much of the drawing act reflects cognitive processes, the 
investigator should bring out as many verbal correlates of these processes as 
possible, along with the graphic correlates. 

In discussing drawings with young children the author has always been im- 
pressed by the seriousness with which they approach the task. He has found, 
as undoubtedly teachers have discovered, that it is unwise to ask a child, 
"What can it be?" or "What is it a drawing of?" Rather, the courteous re- 
quest, "Tell me about it" elicits a great deal of discussion, without affronting 
the child. Most young children regard their drawings, which usually are the 
product of intense effort however brief the time required, as important pieces 
of work. The author has found it advantageous to describe his interest in ad- 
vance, and to request the drawings as gifts "for his collection. 7 ' This courtesy 
to children invariably wins their cooperation and willingness to part with 
their work. 

The Relative Significance of Affect and Cognition in Drawings 

The results of the analyses reported in this and previous chapters seem to 
reinforce the author's position that drawings primarily express cognitive proc- 
esses. Children's drawings are much more likely to reveal concepts than affec- 
tive processes, except insofar as the latter become caught up in expressions of 
knowledge, recognition, and awareness. 

It has long been an axiom in psychology that temporary or mild states 
are continuous with more permanent or intense states of the same kind. 
Thus, if drawings reflect diagnostically the emotions of chronically upset 
children, the same signs should, in lesser degree perhaps, occur in drawings 
made when a child is temporarily upset. 

Researchers are reluctant to manipulate children's feelings experimentally, 
and for good reason. In a few studies, however, children have produced draw- 
ings under conditions of frustration or gratification. These studies have 
shown general deterioration or improvement in the drawing as a whole; the 



Nonintellectud and Cultural Influences on Drawings 153 

appearance of specific features or affect symbols has not been noted. The 
literature on the art of psychotics suggests that deterioration of meaning is 
the usual effect of mental disease, and that it is knowledge about or the cog- 
nitive meanings of the subject matter drawn that suffers, not the drawing 
skill itself. 

A child is seldom asked to draw while known to be emotionally upset, 
unless the drawing situation itself is stressful for him. In this case, if stress is 
experimentally increased, it is more common to get outright refusal, or a 
deteriorated product, than a drawing that contains specific symbols of affect. 

Art educators have long held that the activity of drawing may be quite 
as valuable educationally as the product. Considering drawing or painting as 
psychological therapy, the process may be much more important to the pa- 
tient than the product If this is true, it is all the more important when con- 
ducting research to capture the sequences by which this product is achieved, 
many of which will not show in the end result. More descriptive research 
should be done on the process of drawing, and on the verbalization of the ideas 
and thoughts that accompany the act of drawing. 

If the act of drawing is looked upon as expressive of ideas and of problem- 
solving attempts, where the problems are those of both conceptual and 
graphic organization and arrangement, the study of the drawing act in the 
early teens may take on a special significance. The dramatic 'leveling off" 
after age twelve or thirteen to which these studies attest may indicate that a 
shift in "center of gravity" of thought processes is in fact occurring. A num- 
ber of studies of mental processes and abilities have suggested that in early 
adolescence the child shifts over from habits of relatively concrete thought 
to much more abstract thinking and reasoning. No studies have shown that 
this occurs in saltatory fashion; yet as one views the properties of thought 
processes of ten- and eleven-year-olds in contrast with thirteen- or fourteen- 
year-olds, he is struck by the noticeable difference in ability to formulate and 
apply general principles. 

Attractive though this hypothesis may be, certain alternative hypotheses 
must be recognized. One view, often associated with Garrett (1946), though 
others have held it also, would have it that the composition of "intelligence" 
changes during childhood and adolescence, becoming more differentiated, 
complex, and highly organized. This issue has been controversial, such per- 
sons as Swineford (1947) and Doppelt (1950) holding that there is relatively 
little change in the principal components in intellectual growth during 
childhood and adolescence. That the change in the drawing task involves 
something other than a simple progressive change in the intellective com- 
ponents of intellectual maturity is attested by the relatively abrupt termina- 
tion of growth increments in early adolescence, and by the fact that inter- 
correlations of the test with other measures hold up quite well through later 
childhood. 

Another hypothesis is simply that the test itself has been quantitatively 
"exhausted"; that is, since the number of scorable points on the drawing of 



154 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

a human figure is finite, the "ceiling" of the test is reached by early adoles- 
cence. This hypothesis has some plausibility, in view of the extent to which 
it was necessary to canvass small details to find possible additional points. 
Indeed, a number of the points that appeared to be useful in later childhood 
were "technique" points such as shading, foreshortening, and perspective. 
These points, from the evidence, measure something other than cognitive 
content and add little to the measure as a whole. This hypothesis, that the 
task of drawing the human figure ceases to measure conceptual growth largely 
because there is a finite limit to the details which can be recognized and used, 
is also consonant with the evidence. 

A child's drawing of an object may convey much of his thoughts and gen- 
eralizations about the concrete aspects of that object. As he is impelled more 
and more to consider properties arising not out of appearances but out of 
functions and relationships, the representativeness of graphic portrayal no 
longer suffices. Unless he masters the techniques developed by the artist to 
suggest properties and relationships, he must abandon his attempts to por- 
tray his concepts and understandings graphically. Verbal techniques, much 
more highly practiced, and considerably more suited to portraying abstract 
properties and relationships, take over. Indeed, the child is encouraged to 
abandon artistic attempts by the very increase of his verbal powers of com- 
parison, evaluation, and criticism. By these powers he detects and condemns 
the deficiencies of his graphic portrayals. 

Hence, as Lowenfeld maintained (e.g., 1947, and again in 1957), the period 
of early adolescence is a critical one for the creative graphic process. If the 
youth can be encouraged to explore and learn through this period of increas- 
ing discouragement and rejection, he may find that he can continue his 
graphic productions both as cognitive and as truly esthetic communications. 
The fact that drawing changes from a primarily cognitive process to include 
other, possibly esthetic and affective elements, may make the drawing act 
for adults more truly "projective," in the clinician's sense. 



Chapter Nine 

The Psychology of Drawing : 
Empirical Conclusions 
Concerning 
Drawing Behavior 



AS WAS POINTED OUT early In this volume, research on children's 
drawings may be divided into several phases of interest. Following the early 
general and descriptive studies, there appeared a succession of empirical 
studies focussing on many relatively limited aspects of the drawing process. 
To establish a foundation for a theoretical approach to drawing behavior, 
the present chapter organizes this diverse, scattered and particulate literature 
under a series of empirical generalizations. Chapter X will discuss more fully 
the several investigators who have made an approach to a theory of children's 
drawing behavior. From these two discussions, and from a review of recent 
developments in the study of perception and cognition, it may be possible 
to point toward a reconciliation of apparently divergent psychological view- 
points and to formulate a "psychology" of children's drawing activity. 

1. The earliest scribbles are more than random markings. They are pat- 
terned by the mechanical arrangement of the hand, -wrist and arm as a mul- 
tiple jointed lever; they are probably modified by the scribblers visual ob- 
servation and to a very limited degree by relations within the drawing field. 

a. Early scribbles show a circular character. Since the 1920's, the prerepre- 
sentative stages of drawing or scribbling have received considerable attention. 
That the young child's crayon or pencil scribbles are not fortuitous, but repre- 
sent the expression of movements for which the arm as a complex lever is 
well constructed, has been noted by Bender (1932, 1938), Bender and 
Schilder (1936), and others. Side-to-side sweeping movements of the entire 
arm, and then of the wrist and forearm produce slightly curved lines. Per- 
ceiving the mark produced by the crayon probably reinforces the tendency to 
produce those marks; thus, scribbles become patterned. With the added 

155 



156 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

motor control coming from maturation or experience, or both, the slightly 
curved lines become more and more circular, forming loops and then whorls. 
In the motor movements basic to the production of lines can be seen the 
operation of the laws of developmental direction. 

Seeman (1934) found the whorl to be characteristic of the drawings of all 
infants and young children, regardless of race or culture. The whorl gradu- 
ally evolves into the "stick-man/ 7 in which the circle still predominates but 
to which various appendages are added in accordance with cultural influences. 
The apparently universal occurrence of the "whorl" led Read (1945) to a 
rather curious theory of the development of child art. This theory combines 
some observations from early descriptive accounts on the subject with ideas 
drawn from psychoanalytic theories and typology, apparently influenced by 
Jung. Read advanced trie theory of "primordial images/' exemplified by the 
circle, whorl, and radiating lines that appear in the drawings of young chil- 
dren. He believes that these forms represent "electrostatic patterns produced 
in the cortex by normal phenomenal experience 7 ' (p. 189), a concept appar- 
ently borrowed'from Gestalt psychology. To the present writer, this does not 
appear to add much to the generally accepted belief that all behavior with 
cognitive components is mediated through cortical action. 

Special mention should be made of Rhoda Kellogg's monumental collec- 
tion of young children's scribbles, described by her in a privately published 
booklet (1955). From observations of many children aged two to five, while 
crayoning or painting, and from the study of many thousands of scribbles, 
she has constructed a classification for the myriad forms produced. Her in- 
genious vocabulary and classification attest to the complexity of the problem. 

Kellogg identified twenty Basic Scribbles, starting from the simple dot and 
straight vertical, horizontal, diagonal, and arc lines, through "roving" lines, 
to various modifications of the imperfect circle. These simple, basic line 
forms may appear in the work of all children, and the twenty Basic Scribbles 
encompass all the forms she has observed. These basic forms are variously 
combined into six Diagrams: the Greek Cross, Square or Rectangle, Circle 
or Oval, Triangle, Odd Shaped Area, and Diagonal Cross. In turn, these Dia- 
grams are combined into at least thirty-six Combines, and then into innumer- 
able Aggregates (in which three or more Diagrams combine, with or without 
additional Scribbles ) . 

Kellogg has stressed the fundamental pleasure children obtain from scrib- 
bling; how the process is self-reinforcing and "self-teaching"; and how, gradu- 
ally, the forms produced combine with the childis perceptions and intent to 
yield simple representations of human figures, houses, and animals. She is 
convinced that an orderly sequence appears in drawing development, but is 
chary of describing it precisely, due to its complexity and varied mode of ex- 
pression. Her work appears to have been influenced by Jung's (e.g., 1950) 
theories, through Read (1945), whose contributions will be reviewed later. 
As is true of many other art educators, Kellogg believes that the child's ex- 
pression should be natural unhampered by adult guidance or naming. Fur- 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 157 

thermore, she believes that the child's drawings may reveal facts about his 
perceptions and understandings. 

b. Innate aspects of motor action may control the origins of drawing be- 
havior. Extensive and analytical studies of infants putting crayon or pencil 
to blank paper have yet to be made, though some interesting work on chim- 
panzees has been reported. Schiller (1949) believes that innate aspects of 
motor action (such as grasping, pointing, shaking, earning, placing, pull- 
ing) form the basis for learning manipulative patterns, including problem 
solving, subject, of course, to physical limitations imposed by the media. 
These innate propensities, plus the limiting conditions just described, are 
elaborated into "characteristic," "preferred/* or "habitual" manipulative 
movements by a process of serialization rather than selection. The unifying 
mechanism appears to be the reinforcing effects of such basic manipulative 
activities. It has long been noted that there is an "exploratory" or manipula- 
tive tendency in animals, becoming especially noteworthy- in primates. Ap- 
parently, the effects produced by action become important reinforcements in 
all types of learning, perceptual and cognitive as well as motor, giving ma- 
nipulative behavior an additional "drive" quality. The generalization of such 
responses to non-associated stimulus conditions must be considered to be 
independent of "expectation" and "purpose" and remains one of the most 
difficult aspects of learning to explain. "Expectation," or set, may itself be a 
learned response (Harlow, 1949). 

c. Primate scribbles s/iow orientation in space. Schiller (1951) has reported 
observations of a chimpanzee with a propensity for "scribbling" with crayons. 
Short dashes or zig-zag lines were characteristic; curved lines seldom appeared. 
The subject, Alpha, reacted according to perceptual features of figure and 
ground. She first oriented to the corners of the blank sheet, and then to the 
center. An outlined square in the center of the sheet focussed her efforts on 
the square, which was "colored" over by many heavy marks; attention to 
the corners of the page was completely inhibited. If the square was presented 
off center, the scribbling was placed in the largest open area to "balance" the 
figure, in about half the cases. Triangles, more frequently than circles or 
squares, seemed to serve as "figures" evoking symmetrical scribbling. 

A solid geometric form with a part cut out concentrated the animal's mark- 
ing efforts on the "cut out" area. Continuous but incomplete outlines were 
not completed. Scattered spots did not define a field and were ignored. Sym- 
metrical arrangements of spots with one or more spots missing concentrated 
marking activity in the missing locations. This reaction did not occur if the 
number of spots was less than about six. Attention to a "figure" diminished 
after two or three minutes and the whole sheet filled up with scribbles. 
Schiller noted that Alpha was much more interested in the activity than in 
its effects or in the finished product, yet she would not "draw" with a pointed 
stick and rejected a pencil when the point broke, or when a broken pencil 
was offered her. 



158 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Desmond Morris, an English biologist, obtained drawings and paintings 
from thirty-two primates of four species. By far his best "artists" were chim- 
panzees, often considered psychologically closest to man among the primates. 
One chimp in particular proved a most apt pupil, and a preliminary report 
(1961) dealt mostly with this animal's work. Morris noted a basic "fan-shaped" 
pattern of strokes made by push-pull movements of the arm; only after long 
experience (two or three years) did these develop into side-to-side or circular 
movements noted early in the human child's development. Morris 7 observa- 
tion that the young human child appears to favor horizontal rather than verti- 
cal strokes suggests that he has done some work with human infants, but it 
has not yet been reported. 

As did Schiller's subject, Morris' chimpanzee clearly "drew"; he kept his 
work under visual-perceptual control. Given a plain sheet, he distributed his 
marks over the entire area. Given a sheet with a large imprinted rectangle, 
the chimp treated the rectangle as a frame, confining his marks within the 
delineated area. A much smaller rectangle was treated as an object, with 
marks around and converging on the rectangle. A small grey square on a 
large white sheet was similarly treated when centrally located. If the square 
were placed off center, the chimp's markings converged on the largest open 
space, thus "balancing" the design offered by the figure on the white field. 
Similarly, a vertical line dividing a sheet into halves was ignored, marks being 
scattered across the entire field. A vertical line placed off center was counter- 
balanced by "scribbles." 

It is Morris' (1962) belief that the human infant goes through the same 
stages as the chimpanzee initially, but is capable of going much farther, de- 
veloping the early scribbles into definite forms. Apparently some fundamental 
figure-ground relationships operate in perception, coincidentally with the 
earliest patterning of motor activities. The coordination of visual regard and 
motor expression in higher primates, including man, becomes the basis of 
drawing and perhaps of art. 

Busemann's work (1950) with children two to four years old found that 
some children ignored stimulus figures (angle, rectangle, circle) on the draw- 
ing sheet, while others oriented their scribbles and crude drawings to such 
figures. He, too, utilized field-theory language in discussing his results. 

Stotijn-Egge's account of drawings by severely mentally retarded children 
in the Netherlands (1952) gives a comprehensive account of the genesis of 
drawing in terms of motor behavior, concept formation and cognitive ele- 
ments. She did not, however, examine the children's perceptual orientation 
to the page in the act of drawing. 

d. Drawing and writing show analogous patterns of early development and 
may have similar origins. To the very young child "writing" and "drawing" 
are much the same. Legrlin (1938) described a series of developmental stages 
by which the two forms of graphic expression become differentiated. The 
progress is from completely unorganized scribbles with no apparent design, to 
forms of a more definite shape, with occasional attempts at letters of the 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 1 59 

alphabet. Hlldreth (1936) also reported on the early stages of handwriting 
shown by 170 children between the ages of three and six years. She was able 
to differentiate seven levels of progress in writing, beyond which further im- 
provement seemed to involve mainly a higher degree of accuracy, neatness, 
and speed. Both Legriin and Hildreth noted that letter-like forms usually ap- 
pear earlier than true letters, and that irregular scribblings tend to give way 
to arrangement in forms of lines or rows as the concept of writing evolves. To 
a certain extent both activities are imitative in that the incentive to create 
forms with pencil or crayon probably comes from observing others draw and 
write. Pnidhommeau (1948) has remarked that self-criticism in drawing ap- 
pears earlier than it does in writing. 

2. The majority of young children show a common directionality in draw- 
ing simple forms. This directionality in the drawing act is probably influenced 
by components of motor development. The way the object drawn is oriented 
on the page is also predictable for most children, and likewise may be related 
to motor development. 

a. Directionality in drawing shows developmental trends. The development 
of directionality in drawing was the subject of an extensive investigation by 
Gesell and Ames (1946). Approximately 1,500 drawings were secured from 
children between the ages of eighteen months and seven years, most of whom 
were tested semiannually, and from twelve adults. The tasks included draw- 
ing a vertical and a horizontal stroke in imitation of the examiner, copying 
a cross, a circle, a square, and a rectangle with a diagonal, and copying a dia- 
mond from a printed form. Of the reported findings, the following seem to be 
reliably established: (1) For both the vertical and horizontal strokes the aver- 
age length of line increases as age increases. This probably reflects more pur- 
poseful action as well as improved control in use of the hand. (2) Symmetry 
in the form of the cross improves with age, as does the tendency to make the 
cross by means of two intersecting lines (rather than half-lines to the point 
of intersection, then completed by a separate line). (3) Younger children 
commonly draw both the square and the diamond using four separate lines. 
Older children and adults usually draw the square using a single continuous 
line, but are likely to use four downward strokes for the diamond. Gesell and 
Ames also note the usual errors in copying the square and the diamond, but 
these are too well known to require description here. 

Gesell and Ames (1946) found no consistent relationship between direc- 
tionality and handedness. Rice (1930a), however, had 293 subjects ranging in 
age from two-and-one-half to fourteen copy the diamond presented in both 
the horizontal and the vertical position. She found that right-handed subjects 
commonly follow a clockwise system in making the strokes. Although her 
number of left-handed subjects was too small to yield highly dependable re- 
sults, the indicated trend is that left-handed subjects follow a counter-clock- 
wise system. Other findings are similar to those obtained by Gesell and Ames. 

b. Orientation of the figure on the page appears to be related to handed- 



160 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

ness, but, -with age, comes under the influence of cultural conventions of read- 
ing and writing. Orientation in the direction depicted in railway trains drawn 
by kindergarten and primary grade children in Japan and Formosa was studied 
by linuma and Watanabe (1937). They have presented the following figures: 
of 1,648 drawings collected, 26 were front views, and the direction of 105 
could not be determined. Of the remainder, more than 80 per cent of the 
trains were shown traveling toward the left. 

Stimulated by this report, Ballinger (1951) asked Indian children of the 
Southwest to iliustrate this subject: "A boy is riding across the desert on a 
horse. Suddenly it starts to rain and he must hurry to his home/' Three hun- 
dred and ninety-three paintings and drawings were analyzed according to a 
series of criteria. Fifty-seven per cent oriented the human figure toward the 
left; 21 per cent to the right; 1 per cent gave a frontal interpretation, and 21 
per cent gave mixed or indeterminate interpretations. (In addition, some sub- 
jects introduced a dog or other figure, facing in an opposite direction to the 
main figure.) It should be noted that Ballinger interpreted the drawing as a 
whole, using clues to show direction of rain, wind, etc., not merely the direc- 
tion of the horse and rider. Thus, of the drawings showing direction, 73 per 
cent were oriented, as a whole, to the left, and 27 per cent to the right. Bal- 
linger made the interesting observation that when a group of older adoles- 
cents (ages fourteen to twenty-one) were separated from the total, the per- 
centages differed. Of the younger children, 82 per cent oriented to the left; 
while of the older group, only 52 per cent oriented in that direction. 

Hildreth (1941) reported a similar left-orientation tendency in the draw- 
ings of the boy whom she studied; however, no exact figures were given. 
Among right-handed children, unwillingness to cover their work with the 
hand that holds the pencil seems the best explanation for this tendency. This 
point has been particularly stressed by 0stlyngen (1948) and by Zazzo 
(1950). A similar trend has been noted in drawings of animals and in profile 
drawings of human figures; both usually face toward the left. Zesbaugh (1934) 
noted this in her analysis of more than 10,000 drawings of a mailman. 

Jensen (1952a) asked children in Egypt and Norway, and from various so- 
cial and educational backgrounds in America to draw a human profile. In 
each group the majority of profiles faced left. Egyptian children in almost the 
sdme proportion as American rural children (66 per cent) faced profiles to 
the left. Urban and high socioeconomic status American children signifi- 
cantly exceeded this proportion, while Norwegians gave the highest percentage 
of left-oriented drawings. Jensen concluded: 

Although the majority of our S's faced their profile drawings toward the 
left, the left-to-right reading habit is not regarded as the chief determiner 
of profile orientation. There is a possibility that the left-to-right reading habit 
may strengthen a tendency for left orientation and that the right-to-left read- 
ing habit may weaken such a tendency. Probably there are other cultural 
factors affecting profile orientation but they are not identified. Profile orien- 
tation may be slightly affected by handedness (1952a, p. 83). 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 161 

This conclusion is further supported by Jensen's study (1952b) of almost 
9,000 Japanese children, the majority of whom also faced their drawings to 
the left. However, there is a steady and signiicant decline in such orientation 
with age, and with experience in right-to-left reading practice. At age fifteen, 
the per cent facing the profile to the left approaches 50, or the theoretical 
"chance" figure. It should be recalled, however, that Ballinger noted a similar 
trend in Navajo children, whose reading experience was from left to right. 

Dennis (1958) also observed children's drawings in culture groups con- 
trasted in orientation of handwriting: Americans who write English and 
Lebanese who write Armenian from left to right; Lebanese and Egyptians 
who write Arabic from right to left. Approximately half the children in each 
sample oriented the drawing to the top and to the side of the page on which 
writing is normally begun. In each sample, the remaining half began their 
drawing in various other positions on the page. His data on drawing behavior 
are consonant with a habit-transfer hypothesis but do not explain the varia- 
tion within the group. 

Cases of inversions in the up-down orientation of children's drawings are 
reported by Belart (1943), Billing (1935), and Gerald (1928). For the most 
part, interpretations are the same as those generally given for inversions found 
in the writing of young children. Although Pearson (1928) regards his cases 
of inverted drawings as very unusual at the ages specified (five to six years), 
they are actually more common than he supposed, as any kindergarten 
teacher will testify. It has been observed that primitive peoples entirely unac- 
quainted with the conventions of printing and of pictures have considerable 
difficulty at first in relating the idea of "up" with the top of the paper. 
Graewe (1935) observed that one of the first distinctions to appear between 
the human and animal figures as drawn by young children is the vertical ori- 
entation of the human figure and the horizontal orientation of the animal 
figure. 

c. Features of motor development other than handedness also influence de- 
velopmental trends in drawing. Naville (1950b), working with children's paint- 
ings, concluded that the young child's tendency to daub before he produces 
lines is actually an exteriorization of gross, diffuse smooth muscle and auto- 
nomic activity. Once highly controlled striped muscle activity becomes pos- 
sible, lines appear, and drawings become increasingly socially conditioned as 
to form, material and instrument preferred. Belves (1950) noted that as they 
grow, children normally move from graphism, to filling in pre-drawn sketches, 
to direct painting. 

d. The motor behavior in the dra-wing act serves to guide the production, 
especially in worfe by preschool children. As long ago as 1913 Rouma observed 
that young children name their first drawings according to fancied resem- 
blances after completion. Later, while engaged in drawing, they will name the 
work in terms of some feature produced quite fortuitously. It is only later still 
that children announce in advance what their drawings will be. Rey (1950) af- 
firmed that older children also do not draw solely from a mental picture of 



162 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

their subjects but are influenced by the drawing process itself. After a stroke 
has been made, the child artist sees and uses cues in the changed sketch and 
thus is progressively guided in making further strokes. The drawing act is thus 
governed by factors intrinsic to the process, and some of these may reflect 
Gestalt principles. Bender ( 1932) has made much of this point. From evidence 
on perceptual processes in children, to be discussed later, it appears that young 
children are relatively more influenced by motor aspects of drawing; secondary 
schemata arising out of experience, and visual imagery play a more important 
role in later years. 

Child psychology has long recognized the significance of motor activity in 
the child's exploration of his world, his language growth, his concept forma- 
tion and his social development. It is, thus, not surprising to discover that 
the motor components of a complex, expressive act may be significant, espe- 
cially in the early phases of its organization. 

e. Although his motor behavior may guide a child's execution and interpre- 
tation of his drawings, his work after the acquisition of speech primarily reflects 
comprehension and cognition. In a study to be discussed more fully later, 
Meili-Dworetzki (1957) concluded that the preschool child commonly inter- 
prets drawings much as he performs them; that is, the same limitations of idea 
that appear in drawings appear also in children's discussions of the drawings. 
An unpublished study by Campbell (1958), conducted experimentally with 
carefully chosen samples of children, amply confirmed Meili-Dworetzkf s find- 
ing that children interpret drawings in much the same manner as they produce 
them. Campbell showed a simple "face" with two lines projecting below to 
twenty children in each of seven age groups. Over half the three- and four- 
year-olds, and one-sixth of the five-year-olds called these "legs"; all the chil- 
dren six and over saw this feature as a "neck/' When asked to copy a simple 
profile face, no three-year-olds, only a sprinkling of four-year-olds, about half 
of the five-year-olds, but a large majority of the six-year-olds and seven-year- 
olds, and all of the eight-year-olds and nine-year-olds complied. Thus, the re- 
lationship between comprehension and execution in young children is close, 
and one probably cannot logically or empirically separate the motor from the 
cognitive in interpreting children's drawings. 

That the child interprets drawings in the manner of his execution, and that 
he moves from simple to complex forms, extends also to his preferences in art. 
French (1952) conceived the idea of relating the features displayed by chil- 
dren's drawings and paintings to the elements of pictures they preferred and 
rejected. Selecting the ages of seven and eleven as representing two rather dif- 
ferent stages, he hypothesized that children will respond favorably to those 
pictures whose organizational pattern is comprehensible to them. He further 
hypothesized that these aspects of organization which are comprehensible are 
the same as those characteristic of the productions of children at particular de- 
velopmental stages. Where younger children use clear-cut unbroken unac- 
cented lines, older children often experiment with sketchy and incomplete 
lines; where younger children use unvaried color locally within drawn outlines, 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 163 

older children often use variegated, blended colors to suggest effects of texture 
and atmosphere; where younger children represent objects In flat, two-dimen- 
sional outlines, older children attempt linear and aerial perspective, use over- 
lapping, and reduce size with distance; where younger children isolate forms, 
older children experiment with composition and attempt to represent the 
entire figure from a consistent point of view. 

French, an artist, prepared thirteen pairs of simple representational pictures 
equated as to content but varying according to the above-listed principles. A 
group of elementary school teachers consistently preferred the more complex 
member of each pair, whereas 83 per cent of first-grader's choices went to the 
simpler members of each pair. No sex differences appeared at any point in his 
study. Interestingly, the tendency to prefer the simple forms increased from 
kindergarten to the second grade and then decreased thereafter, and sharply so 
after the third grade. Had the investigator prepared his simple compositions to 
reflect the elements used by kindergarteners, would his results have shown a 
straight line rather than a curvilinear trend? Possibly the representational work 
of preschool children is so very simple and rudimentary that satisfactory ex- 
perimental stimulus pictures, matched as to content, could not be prepared. 
French, however, has demonstrated his point that children's preferences 
differ from adults 7 due to differences in comprehension. 

3. Children's drawings represent objects as they perceive them. Even the 
simplest, most "primitive" drawings are wholes, yet contain discernible parts. 
With increased age this whole or Gestalt quality of drawings shows a progres- 
sion; it is more detailed, and at the same time more complexly organized. 

a. Children's drawings are at first influenced more by concrete features than 
by abstract properties of objects. The Goodenough method of scoring drawings 
has shown conclusively that the representation of features of the human figure 
increases with mental growth. Evidence from many other sources suggests that 
a similar process occurs in the representation of other familiar objects. Age 
norms in Goodenough's and the present study show that the appreciation of 
abstract properties of the human figure, such as relative size or proportional 
and spatial relations between parts, develops much more slowly than the aware- 
ness of the existence of parts. Goodenough, as well as others, long ago observed 
that children seem to depict first the parts which have a particular significance 
for them at the time. It may be that this increase in detail is related to the 
visual process itself; children may perceive the whole or the largest masses 
earliest, and then supply the detail as visual experience increases. (In Chap- 
ter X evidence on children's perception is explored in greater detail.) 

Meili-Dworetzki (1957) has reported on long-term detailed observations of 
children in family and neighborhood settings and on drawings collected from 
over 100 other children two to seven years of age, in both free and controlled 
settings. She concluded that the concept of the human body and its parts is 
derived more from seeing others than from experiencing the self physically. 
The infant's and young child's awareness of his own body seems to follow a 



164 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

definite sequence: hands, feet, face, trunk. From age two to four, the feature 
most prominent in the child's awareness of his own body is his abdomen, or 
belly. The abdomen is prominent in his conversation and in his attention to 
his own body. This portion of the anatomy, however, plays virtually no role in 
the perception and image of others, as evidenced by oral sentence completion 
tasks, definitions tests, and general interviews and discussions. Rather, the 
child's awareness, or image, of other persons 7 bodies is concentrated on the 
head (especially the eyes), followed by a global awareness of the total figure, 
within which the various parts slowly become differentiated. 

In his drawing of the human figure, as we have seen, the child manifests 
much the same order of awareness. Head (and face) and the vertical dimen- 
sion dominate, the latter indicated either by a line or (more commonly) by an 
undifferentiated, elongated form. Often the global, "rest of the body," comes 
after the appearance of the face. Meili-Dworetzki reports a most interesting 
phenomenon; the child at the scribbling stage can often tell more about the 
human body orally than children who have already begun to depict the human 
figure. When asked to describe parts of the body, there is very little progress 
in the number of parts enumerated between the ages of two and five! 

Meili-Dworetzki also asked a number of children to tell her how to draw a 
man, what to draw first, and so on. Most children described or listed only those 
parts which they themselves included in drawings. Their oral descriptions and 
their drawings were almost identical, with the exception of the very youngest 
subjects who could not draw at all. Older children, five-, six-, and seven-year- 
olds, drew more parts than they mentioned orally. Meili-Dworetzki hypothe- 
sized that children develop an underlying graphic pattern (head and legs; later, 
head trunk legs) for the human figure. Through a certain compression the 
child becomes preoccupied with achieving a synthesis of parts which previously 
seemed unconnected. This synthesis, or structure, is all he can keep in mind. 
As he becomes aware of a coordinating principle, he states in words less of the 
figure's complexity than he did before he recognized any order. Thus it is pos- 
sible that there is an interaction or "feedback" between perception and re- 
production in drawing, such that the child's perceptions and drawing repre- 
sentations reinforce or modify one another in the construction of concepts. 

b. In comprehending the concrete features of objects, young children may 
depend on tactual and kinesthetic cues relatively more than do older children, 
who seem to depend primarily on visual cues. The importance of the tactile 
sense in perception has only recently been recognized (Frank, 1957; Philip 
Solomon, et al, 1961) although Revesz (1950) and Lowenfeld (1939) both 
gave it a considerable place in their discussions of the art of the blind. Lowen- 
feld particularly considered the tactile sense to be a more primitive, funda- 
mental mode of apprehending reality; one closely linked to affect. Volkelt 
(1926) observed that in their drawings children frequently emphasize the 
pointedness and angularity of objects, and exaggerate dimensions to portray 
movement. He believes these qualities express children's perceptions rather 
than their immaturity or lack of skill with a pencil. 



The Psychology of Drmnng: Empirical Conclusions 165 

Mira (1940 ) has presented an elaborate theory of the kinesthetic-motor ex- 
pression of temperament In drawings, but apparently has conducted no re- 
search to test his hypotheses. Young children seem to live closer to their 
senson- and motor experience than do adults; they possess fewer abstractions 
and less complex structures of meaning for classifying their perceptions. Hence, 
young children use more emotional referents, identify aspects of objects with 
immediate senson* experience, and the like, as many investigators have pointed 
out. In a later discussion of the organismic theory of children's drawings, this 
point will be more fully discussed. 

Research on tactual stimulus localization appears to show a developmental 
shift from tactual to visual localization in sighted subjects (Renshaw, et aL, 
1930). In form discrimination studies, young children quite commonly trace 
with their fingers, apparently finding kinesthetic and tactual cues helpful to 
visual perception. 1 

The influence of motor components on cognition has long been affirmed by 
child psychology. Mott (1945) with children, and Geek (1947) with college 
students have shown that adding kinesthetic experience to visual and auditory 
impressions improves the quality of drawings. Mott had children exercise parts 
of the body as a group "game" before drawing the human figure. Geek em- 
phasized specific tactual and kinesthetic experience by having students explore 
manually a modelled human head before sketching it. Practical manuals for 
the training of artists have long stressed this point. 

c. As children grow in maturity they draw objects as increasingly differenti- 
ated, yet organized, wholes. As they grow older children depict more features 
in the objects represented. The parts always fit the representation; the object 
is always a unity. Indeed, incongruities are taken to suggest abnormalities in 
mental growth. 

Variations in style resulting from differences in manner of perceiving part- 
whole relationships at different ages were studied by Kobayashi (1937) and by 
H. Martin (1932). These investigators, however, regarded the child's product 
as evidence of the child's perception. Both found that with age there is an in- 
creasing tendency to perceive an object or figure as a differentiated whole, 
rather than as a conglomeration of parts. Much the same results are reported 
by Kato (1936) for Japanese kindergarten children who were asked to draw 
from a doll model of a man. At first only the main parts were drawn, then 
details were added, until finally the concept of the figure as a whole with differ- 
entiated parts was indicated. The careful, detailed observations of Meili- 
Dworetzki (1957), already mentioned, support this view. Probably both theo- 
ries are correct: (1) Children's drawings present a progressively differentiated 
conception, regardless of the children's immediate perceptual experiences. 
(2) Increasing skill in technique enhances the represented conception. Ignat'ev 
(1950) applied a technique similar to Barnhart's (see below), but concluded 

1 This view, as will be shown later, assumes considerable importance in Bell's (1952) 
analysis of the psychology of drawing. 



166 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

that children's drawings reflect more their understanding of the task, and 
the techniques required, than their perception of the world. He urged draw- 
ing instruction to sharpen perception and give an understanding of the draw- 
ing task itself. 

d. The organization of a drawing containing many objects, as the organiza- 
tion of the details of an object, proceeds according to a describable sequence of 
stages. The hypothesis that, in drawing, children proceed from the whole to 
the parts is not entirely confirmed by Barnhart (1942), who constructed an 
ingenious device for studying the problem. It consisted of a frame in which the 
drawing surface covered a sheet of carbon paper which, in turn, covered a long 
sheet of paper wound on a roller. At intervals of one minute, while drawing, 
the subject was asked to pause while the lower paper was pulled out to the 
length of one panel. This made it possible to determine the order of drawing. 
Fifty-two children between the ages of five and sixteen years were asked to 
make a picture of children playing in the snow in a park. Some children, chiefly 
the older ones, began with a broad outline of the entire picture and later filled 
in the details; but the younger children more frequently completed each detail 
separately before passing on to the next. The complexity of the subject is likely 
to have been a contributing factor in this case, but it would be interesting to 
know what characteristics other than age differentiated the two groups. 

Barnhart further examined the manner in which space was depicted by chil- 
dren of different ages. His findings are very similar to those obtained by Stern 
(1909) and others many years ago. At first there is no apparent concept of 
graphic portrayal of space; objects are scattered at random over the paper. 2 
This is followed by a linear form of representation in which objects are ar- 
ranged in a row, usually upon a ground line. Next comes a period of ranked 
space in which there are two or more rows. The ground lines in the background 
are either straight or curved to indicate relative distance. This technique shows 
only a rudimentary idea of perspective. A transitional period follows leading to 
the final idea of "true space," with recognition of such factors as perspective, 
partial concealment of objects in the background by those in the foreground, 
foreshortening, and the like. Lack of skill may still lead to very crude ways of 
depicting these factors. These are essentially the stages described by Lowen- 
feld (1957). 

4. Central or cognitive factors appear to be crucial in determining develop- 
mental features of children's drawings. 

a. In drawings of a model, changes appear which are associated with age 
and, presumably, with mental level. As a test of mental development, Rey 
(1947) experimented with children's drawings of small wooden cubes piled in 
different arrangements and viewed from different angles. He assumed that a 

2 Even at age five or six, association between persons or objects is shown by placing 
them near each other or even in juxtaposition; but the concept involved seems to be that 
of a functional relationship, rather than that of position in space. 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 167 

concrete model would reassure the timid child who lacked imagination. Age 
changes were evident, but the test was scored by a rating procedure that al- 
lowed a total variance of only six points; such a 'test" is necessarily limited in 
power. Rev's data show that reassured or not, children are decidedly limited 
in the ability to draw from three-dimensional models. 

Osterreith (1944) studied the child's ability to copy, both from inspection 
and from memory, a line drawing of complex geometric design. Scoring this 
drawing on a point basis, he found negatively accelerated age curves, which 
levelled off at about nine years. On the other hand, Neubauer (1931) reported 
that adolescents, when asked to decorate and complete an outline drawing of 
a teapot, showed a distinct age progression in use of color, geometric patterns, 
composition, and the emergence of idealistic and realistic types. These findings 
differ markedly from those generally reported for adolescents unselected as to 
aptitude for graphic art. To copy a complex geometric design, for \vhich the 
child has no memory image or schematic referents, may actually be a some- 
what different perceptual-conceptual task than to draw 7 a figure for which con- 
siderable associations exist. "Decorating and completing" a basic outline may 
differ as a psychological task from constructing the figure, just as drawing a 
familiar object may differ from copying a complex geometric figure. 

Townsend (1951) conducted a study designed to identify certain correlates 
of the ability to copy. He used geometric figures a total of fifteen items in- 
cluding the Bender-Gestalt designs with a large group of children six to nine 
years of age. He rated the children's work on: (1) the inclusion of components, 
(2) general form, (3) correct orientation, and (4) a "preciseness" element not 
adequately defined in the report, but seemingly a rating of size relationship to 
the model. The battery also included tests of form perception, motor skill, and 
intelligence. His results showed that copying ability of children may be much 
more highly correlated with form perception than with motor skill. When 
mental age was controlled, for example, form perception correlated +.18. This 
finding led the author to suggest that in both form perception and copying, 
higher mental age permits more adequate form comprehension. In general, 
copying skill correlated more highly with mental age than with chronological 
age; this ability increased to about C.A. seven and slowed down thereafter, 
whereas it increased to M.A. eight before slowing. Gollin (1960) has published 
some simple designs useful for studying the ability of young children to copy. 

Campbell's study (1958), already referred to, contained the suggestion that 
alterations in copying a model result from perceptual errors. While Campbell 
used a wholistic approach to discuss his findings, he denied that Gestalt laws 
could entirely explain his observations. For example, given an incomplete 
schematic drawing of the human body (arms missing, and legs not joined to 
the trunk), many of the three-year-olds, most of the fives and sixes, and all 
the sevens and older added arms. Only a few children at each age filled in 
lines to attach the legs without adding the arms. Campbell concluded that 
evidence for a "strength of Gestalt" feature of children's drawing was thus not 
entirely confirmed. 



168 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Campbell also presented an angle of 41 degrees, first as an open angle, and 
then as part of a parallelogram, with instructions to copy it. Not all children, 
especially among the younger groups, could do this; but of those who at- 
tempted it, the four-year-olds overestimated the angle by 18 degrees, on the 
average, whereas all the older children came, on the average, within 4 de- 
grees or less of the model. In copying the parallelogram, the tendency to 
produce a rectangle, and thus to overestimate the angle, was much stronger, 
especially among the fours, fives, and sixes, where the overestimation was close 
to 40 degrees. The overestimation was less for children aged seven and older. 

Campbell's hypotheses, which he believed were confirmed by these data, 
stated that children's drawings exhibit simplification tendencies because sys- 
tematic biases affect human cognition, and these biases are stronger in less 
experienced individuals. The origin of these biases was discussed in a paper by 
Campbell and Gruen (1958), which treated the progression from simple to 
complex drawings as a molar law of learning. Some of the bias is perceptual 
and apparently inherent. One effect of experience (i.e., learning) is to over- 
come this initial bias; another is to produce more complex cognitive structures. 

Campbell believed his findings also demonstrated that children's percep- 
tions differ from those of adults not just as randomly imperfect versions of 
adult performances, but as systematic (hence, developmental) deviations. To 
check this hypothesis further, he included an optical illusion test (length of 
lines), ingeniously presented so as to eliminate failure due to misunderstand- 
ing and incompetence. He found that while all age groups were influenced by 
the illusion, the younger children were much more susceptible to it. 

b. When a time interval occurs between viewing the model and making the 
drawing, systematic rather than aimless modifications take place in drawings. 
Graewe's intensive study (1932) of over six thousand drawings, by subjects 
from the preschool to the adult level, included both free drawings and draw- 
ings from a model, with later reproduction from memory. His treatment of 
the data is descriptive only; there are no tables and few quantitative state- 
ments of any kind. However, his long and intensive study of the problem 
enabled him to make many keen observations with respect to developmental 
changes relating to: (1) the tendency to perseveration, (2) the trend toward 
concreteness, and (3) the manner of representing space or perspective, fore- 
shortening, and the like. 

It has been recognized that adults' perceptions tend to incorporate the new 
into the known or familiar. Goodenough (1926) cited two early studies, by 
Paulsson (1923) and by Albien (1907) to show that a subject's perception of 
meaning in a stimulus influenced what he selected to draw and the manner 
of his depiction. Albien reached the fairly modern conclusion that the pri- 
mary factors in the ability to reproduce a recalled figure are: (1) directed ob- 
servation and analysis followed by (2) the organization of many partial ele- 
ments into a unified whole. He also concluded that observation per se is less 
important than the relationships observed. 

Both of the above-mentioned researchers anticipated the now better-known 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 169 

studies of Gibson (1929) and of Carmichael, Hogan, and Walter (1932), 
that showed the effects of Idiosyncratic aspects of perception upon drawing 
reproduction, Gibson intended to study how observers learn to reproduce 
correctly a number of geometrical figures, and the decay of this learning over 
time after stimulus presentation has ceased. He discovered that he could not 
complete his study as designed because the exact reproduction of a figure 
never occurred, even after numerous presentations! He noted that modifica- 
tions occurred systematically and suggested that at least five "modes of appre- 
hension/' based on five ways in which reproductions were modified from 
stimulus figures, could be consistently discerned among his subjects. The 
most frequent mode reflected the influence of figures previously exposed in 
the series. The next most frequent mode reflected a perceived similarity be- 
tween the figure presented and a familiar object; the reproduction was modi- 
fied to resemble more closely the object the figure w T as seen to resemble. 
Another mode of apprehension was more common on broken or interrupted 
figures; these figures were often "completed" in reproduction, but sometimes 
more decisively broken or separated into components. Less commonly, re- 
productions were influenced by verbal tags or descriptions attached in the 
perception of the stimulus figures. A final mode consisted of straightening 
curved lines. 

Gibson took his experiments to Indicate that conceptual materials, in the 
absence of visual models, influence reproduction of visually perceived forms, 
and this process follows systematic lines of occurrence, reflecting the manner 
in which the figure is apprehended. He concluded that his data argued against 
a single law r of perception and for the existence of a variety of perceptual 
habits which arise in individual experience. 

The famous sequel study, by Carmichael, et al. 7 showed that descriptive 
words associated with ambiguous figures "slanted" reproductions in the direc- 
tion of the object suggested by the words, overriding idiosyncratic associations 
of observers. Both of these studies emphasize that form perception and re- 
production are greatly influenced by experience, both past and present. 

c. A tendency to simplify or to concretize the model -when it is reproduced 
from memory has frequently been reported. An experiment by Krober (1938) 
incorporated explicit kinesthetic and motor elements into perception and ex- 
amined the effect on drawing from memory. More than four thousand chil- 
dren between the ages of thirteen and sixteen years drew from memory a 
picture of a formboard into which they had previously fitted eighteen simple 
geometrical figures a circle, a square, a star, etc. Half of the subjects made 
the drawing immediately after fitting the forms in place; the remainder, after 
a lapse of two hours. No age differences were noted within the range covered, 
but boys reproduced more figures than girls, though the sex differences were 
not large. The more complex the figure, the more likely it was to be modified 
in accordance with its "meaning" for the subject. 

Lark-Horowitz (1936), who compared children and adults with respect to 
their ability to draw a series of figures from memory, found that although on 



170 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

the average the adults did better than the children, there were many adults 
who drew considerably simplified representations, as do children. She com- 
mented particularly on the interrelationship, or "interlinkage," of different 
sensory modalities in producing the memory image. Due to this interlinkage, 
drawings by different persons vary in accordance with the type of sense im- 
pression dominant in that person when the image was formed. 

Rostohar (1928) had elemental}' school children reproduce from memory 
a number of designs, some of which were in black and white, others in color. 
After each unsuccessful attempt the original was again exposed and a new 
trial given. This was continued until an approximately correct copy was made, 
or until it became apparent that no further improvement was likely. Examina- 
tion of the successive trials showed that two different methods were employed 
in building up the memory image. Some children proceeded from the general 
contour to the details, while others worked from the parts to the whole. Re- 
tests at weekly intervals indicated that the process of forgetting followed in 
reverse order the same general plan as the process of learning. Children be- 
longing to the first group forgot the details before the general form was for- 
gotten; those of the second group retained details after the main figure could 
no longer be recalled. 

Two papers by Slochower (1946 a,b) described the attempts of children 
between the ages of five and ten years to reproduce line drawings of a geomet- 
rical figure in each of three media pencil and paper, clay, and Tinker Toy. 
The younger children kept to the two-dimensional forms shown in the models 
with only such minor variations as were necessitated by the medium used. 
Children of nine and ten, however, showed a definite tendency toward the 
construction of three-dimensional forms when the clay and Tinker Toys were 
used. Slochower also found, as have others, a definite tendency to simplify the 
more difficult forms and an increase, with age, in accuracy of reproduction. 

d. A tendency to amplify or "interpret" a model reproduced from memory 
has also been reported. Burton and Tueller (1941) found that children may 
amplify a drawing for the purpose of giving it more meaning. These investi- 
gators asked nursery school children to make successive copies of a schematic 
human face until they refused to make more. Children frequently added ele- 
ments to the "face"; the results were similar whether the model remained 
before the children or was removed after the first reproduction. 

The Burton and Tueller study may be considered a "satiation" experiment, 
of which the work of Lewin (1935) was the prototype. Lewin compared the 
drawing performances of normal and feeble-minded children. Bender (1940) 
conducted a similar experiment with children suffering from organic brain 
damage. All these investigators found that when it serves to give concrete 
meaning to a relatively abstract symbol, the tendency to amplify is more com- 
mon than the tendency to simplify. However, this is true only when the 
original stimulus is well within the child's ability to copy, and seems to him 
an imperfect or incomplete representation of the object he conceives it to de- 
pict. In spite of the complexity of studying the conditions under which chil- 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 17! 

dren amplify in copying designs and under which they simplify, more research 
should be done in this area. 

With the purpose of studying behavior under increasing frustration, Sea- 
shore and Bavelas (1942) obtained a drawing of a man, using Goodenough's 
instructions. Upon completion of the drawing, they immediately asked the sub- 
ject to make another man, "this time a better one." This request was repeated 
until the children refused, or until a maximum of fifteen drawings had been 
obtained. Apart from overt verbal and motor behaviors showing frustration, 
ten of the fifteen subjects progressively produced lower scores, though many 
w r ere quite erratic in this trend. Some appeared to show "escape efforts" by 
adding extraneous elaborations designs, flowers, etc. to their drawings. 

e. The tendencies to simplify and to amplify, or "interpret" are also present 
in the drawings of children who copy directly from models. Hildreth (1944) 
commented on the tendency among children to simplify that which is too 
difficult, or to give meaning to that w r hlch is meaningless. Both Sorge's (1940) 
work with rural and urban European children and Homma's (1937) w 7 ork 
with Japanese children lead to a similar conclusion and suggest that the tend- 
ency is geographically widespread. Portocarrero de Linares (1948) studied 
1,375 girls from the public schools of Lima, Peru, ranging from kindergarten 
to sixth grade. Each subject copied a series of eight designs printed on the test 
blank. Most of the designs were highly conventionalized representations of 
common objects, such as a table or a fish. The following eight categories ap- 
peared: (1) entirely correct reproduction, (2) correct except for minor errors 
in proportion or symmetry, (3) amplification, i.e., the addition of elements 
not present in the model, (4) simplification, (5) deformation, (6) broken 
structures in which changes were made in the conventionalized figure in order 
to bring about a closer resemblance to the real object, (7) concretization, in 
which realistic changes were introduced into the conventionalized example, 
and (8) confabulation, in which the subject apparently drew pictures at will, 
with no attempt to copy the model. 

There was general improvement with school grade for all the models, but a 
comparison of changes in the various categories is interesting. In all grades and 
for all models, simplification was much more common than amplification. In 
sixth grade, for example, the relative proportions were 12.9 per cent to 0.6 per 
cent. Concretization and confabulation were largely confined to the kinder- 
garten and preparatory classes except in the case of the much-conventional- 
ized fish, for which the percentages in the former category continued to make 
up an important percentage of the total throughout the first four grades. 

Burkhardt (1933) attempted experimentally to control the complexity of 
familiar forms and meaningless figures by equating them in terms of the num- 
ber of lines and angles. Alterations of form, which in Burkhardt's opinion 
represent "improvements" from the child's point of view, were much more 
common in copying familiar forms than in copying meaningless figures. Ap- 
parently, unless a child is able to see some meaning in a figure at the start, he 
is not likely to improve upon it. Although Portocarrero de Linares did not 



172 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

classify her figures with respect to their meaningfulness, it may be noted that 
her Models II and VIII, which appear to be the least abstract in her series, do 
tend to show more alterations in the direction of concreteness than the others. 

Prudhommeau (1947) devised a "test 77 of eighteen line drawings, to be 
reproduced from direct inspection rather than from recall. His published re- 
sults are limited to case studies and general statements of trends and do not 
include statistical data. Unlike virtually all other investigators, he concluded 
that the young child's simplified or "schematic" drawing results not from con- 
ceptual limitations but from limitations of time, attention and energy. To the 
present writer, the few cases presented in detail appear to represent only very 
advanced or intellectually gifted children. 

Apparently, no universal statement can yet be made with respect to the 
tendency to add or omit elements in drawings made from memory or from 
examples; this varies with the difficulty and meaningfulness of the material. 
Moreover, difficulty and meaningfulness are not absolute factors, but depend 
on the maturity and knowledge of the subjects. Complex figures, especially 
those that are not familiar, tend to be simplified by children as well as by 
adults. Under some conditions, amplification, by the addition of details neces- 
sary to give a more obvious meaning, may occur. 

It is hard to escape the conclusion that the person's cognitive content is 
fundamental; both simplifications and amplifications usually lead to "meaning- 
fulness" the incorporation of the object into a familiar body of concepts. 

f . In children's drawings, language development and use are related to draw- 
ing performance. In an earlier discussion, Mott's study (1945) was cited as 
showing the influence of motor involvement on children's drawings. It should 
be remembered that children not only went through a motor drill with respect 
to body parts, but named the parts in chorus as they proceeded with the drill. 
As may be recalled, these children showed gains in Goodenough scores, based 
largely on the body parts involved. That Harris (1950) failed to find any effect 
of rhythmic body exercise on Goodenough scores may have resulted from the 
fact that children's attention was not drawn verbally to the motions and pos- 
tures of arms and legs; the exercise was a dance, demonstrated in pantomime. 

In a comprehensive study of mentally retarded children up to age fourteen 
in the Netherlands, Stotijn-Egge (1952) found the same drawing sequence ob- 
served in normal children of about three to eight years of age. However, none 
of her "non-performing" children (those who made no drawings at all) 
possessed words; "scribblers" in every case had a few words, and nearly half of 
them had speech; all children who achieved recognizable drawings of objects 
had more or less acquired language. The "drawers" preferred to draw the 
human figure, but all except one could copy a circle, square and vertical cross. 
Fewer were able to copy a triangle or rhomboid. Only a small proportion 
could copy a tree, table, or house. About half of those with language drew one 
or more of the following objects on request: animal, house, car, boat. Very 
few of these could draw a bottle or a cube placed before them as a model. 



The Psychology of Drawing: Empirical Conclusions 173 

\\Tiile these results are extreme!}" suggestive, they cannot be taken as proof 
that language Is necessary to successful drawing. Children with serious lan- 
guage defects, due to deafness for example, do produce drawings, although the 
performance Is somewhat retarded (Shirley and Goodenough, 1932 > . Research 
on children's concepts uniform!}* concludes that concepts are greatly en- 
hanced by language. Biihler (1930) considered that the development of lan- 
guage first aids drawing and ultimately defeats It as a mode of expression. 



Summary 

From his earliest years, the child's pencil or crayon marks have form. This 
form Is due partly to the mechanical arrangements of the human hand and 
wrist, and partly to developmental trends In the achievement of complex motor 
control. The way in which form is achieved, through the directionality of mark- 
ing movements and the orientation of the object on the page, likewise seems to 
be a matter of handedness and factors of motor development; cultural con- 
ventions of directionality are overlaid on these primary preferences. Motor 
aspects of the drawing act, however, at all stages of development have some 
influence on the form of drawings and on the manner in which drawings are 
developed. 

From the very outset, also, the child's drawings have meaning. This mean- 
ing is of much greater significance than explained by motor factors controlling 
the substance and arrangement of drawings. The child's progress from simple 
to more complex form, his preoccupation with concrete features of objects 
and, as he grows, his increasing ability to represent more such features in his 
drawings, may well depend upon his perceptual experience with objects. In 
deriving meaning, young children seem to depend more on motor and kines- 
thetic experience than on visual experience. Older children become increas- 
ingly "visual." These "improvements" with age and experience are such that 
with maturity children's drawings become increasingly more differentiated, yet 
remain organized wholes. 

Children never portray objects exactly as they appear. In their drawings, 
they select, modify, and even add to what may be perceived in the object. 
These tendencies occur whether objects are copied from models or drawn 
from memory. The "meaningfulness" of the object to the child, even more 
than its difficulty ( complex! ty and amount of detail), influences the drawing 
that is made. This effect can be noted regardless of the maturity of the child. 
Language seems to be closely related to the child's ability 1 to draw; this fact 
adds strength to the conclusion that drawing for the child is primarily a cog- 
nitive process. 



Chapter Ten 



The Psychology 

of Drawing: Theories 



MODERN SCIENCE considers theory the sine qua non for experimen- 
tation and the discovery of laws. While, as has been shown, there are many 
descriptive and empirical studies of drawing, there are relatively few experi- 
mental investigations. This lack may occur because so few investigators have 
taken comprehensive theoretical positions concerning children's drawing be- 
havior. Points of view exist more as philosophies than as empirically based 
theories. This chapter presents the more articulate theoretical positions that 
have appeared. It is hoped that this discussion will stimulate more truly ex- 
perimental studies of drawing behavior. 

In psychology, two implicit (and sometimes quite explicit) opposing view- 
points have long existed concerning the nature of the organism's development 
and function; that between nativists and empiricists. Although this distinction 
is no longer valid, it still appears in the literature of children's drawings. The 
fundamental question is how drawing, basically a succession of pencil or brush 
marks, becomes organized into form. Two or three writers have taken a nativ- 
istic position, holding that organization is given either by properties intrinsic 
to the stimulus field or intrinsic to the nervous system of the stimulated organ- 
ism. These writers have tended to use the concepts of Gestalt psychology to 
express the intrinsic or "given" nature of organization in drawing behavior 
and its products. Two principal writers, likewise borrowing Gestalt concepts 
and language, state their positions in terms of an interaction between organ- 
ism and its environing stimulus field. These writers have referred to their posi- 
tion as "organismic," but are more clearly wholistic than behavioristic in their 
thinking. Another general theoretical position uses the conditioning effects 
of experience to show how complex representations result from very simple 
beginnings. Several major contributors have taken such empiricistic positions 
and have used terms and concepts that in one form or another have come 
down from associationistic psychology. As will be shown, however, their inter- 
pretations are not based on simple mechanistic viewpoints. Rather, they are 
based on the interaction of a perceiving, learning organism and a succession of 
environmental stimuli, some of which are created by the organism's responses. 
The emerging viewpoint is, thus, empirical, organismic, and transactional. 

174 



The Psychology of Droning: Theories 175 

With the possible exception of the most explicitly Gestalt-based theories, 
all discussants have noted the phenomena catalogued by the empirical studies 
reviewed earlier in this book. Although the theorists have generalized from 
these phenomena in rather different terms, all in one way or another found 
concepts and cognitive processes at the core of the drawing process. Except for 
a passing interest in line and geometric form, often noted in children age six 
or seven, spontaneous drawings uniformly depict objects known in experience. 



Theories Implying an Inherent Organization 

That the structure of children's drawings evolves, at least in part, through 
inherent features of children's physical and mental development is implicit in 
many discussions. To a greater or lesser degree such a theory is implicit in all 
so-called "developmental" approaches to creativity or to the expression of 
aptitudes. The notion, expressed most simply, is that the urge to express one- 
self is bound up with the potential, or capability, of the individual; all that 
capacity needs is an opportunity and some encouragement. Such a view has, 
in one form or another, been implicit in virtually all theories of art education 
and in many views of general education, especially in the elementary school. 

That drawings are governed by laws of structure and form in the stimulus 
field is held in one way or another by many who are not formally identified 
as Gestalt theorists. Obviously, drawings require at least two psychological 
processes- perceptual (visual sensory) and expressive (motor). A third process, 
cognition, presumably mediating between perception and behavior," is some- 
times posited also. The Gestaltists hold that perceptual processes, controlled 
by hypothesized neural actions in the brain, cause all stimulus situations to 
be experienced as "patterned" into figure-ground relationships. The respond- 
ing organism is thus selectively oriented to the stimulus field. His motor re- 
sponses are likewise patterned by neural activity, and may also be subject to 
Gestalt principles. 

The literature on visual perception demonstrating the Gestalt principles is 
well known and will not be discussed here. The qualitative, subjective phe- 
nomena of art have appeared to be conveniently expressed by Gestalt theory 7 , 
with its emphasis on wholes, organization, and phenomenalism generally. It is 
not surprising, therefore, that psychological theorists who approach art, or art 
theorists who seek a rapprochement with psychology, have generally turned 
to Gestalt psychology. 

Gestalt Theories of Drawing 

Britsch (1926) was one of the most clearly avowed Gestalt theorists in the 
field of art. His influence in the United States has been largely mediated by 
lie writing and lectures of Henry Schaefer-Simmern (e.g., 1950), who has 
both crystallized and extended Britsch's original viewpoint. According to 
Schaefer-Simmern, drawing, as well as all artistic activity, has an intrinsic 



176 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

or inherent character whereby it evolves from simple to more complex forms. 
This feature is as much a part of drawing as growth is of the embryo, or the 
organism. However, graphic art follows a natural sequence only when untram- 
melled by artificial instruction. Though the end result is representative draw- 
ing, the child's early efforts (when untutored '5 are not to portray what he sees, 
what he remembers, or what he conceives abstractly. 1 Rather, his drawings 
follow strictly developmental laws, based on Gestalt principles of the con- 
trast of figure and ground, the contrast of horizontal and vertical ("greatest 
contrast of directionality**;, the "variability of direction/ and the achieve- 
ment of "unity" (organization) in this variability. 

The child oses a form of conceptualization different from abstract conceiv- 
ing, which results from knowledge. "'Their [children's drawings] existence can 
be explained only as the result of a definite mental activity of conceiving re- 
lationships of form in the realm of pure vision" (1950, pp. 12-13) an activity 
that may be called 'Visual conceiving" and its pictorial realization, which 
is 'Visual conception/' What the child draws is, thus, not an idea resulting 
from a visual model. He draws much more than he knows; he draws a visual 
structure not based on knowing but on this inner process of visual conceiving. 
Schaefer-Simrnern states: 

The term visual conception is used in a literal sense, to designate that which 
is conceived or begotten in the mind and which causes the birth of a visual 
configuration of form, that is, the artistic form. Mental activity that trans- 
forms the multiplicity of visual impressions into self-created visual unities 
leads to visual cognition. Visual cognition is the result of an immediate men- 
tal digestion of visual experience into a visual synthesis of form; it is not 
the result of an accumulation, registration, or reproduction of mere facts by 
means of conceptual activity (1950, p. 13). 

This distinction between visual conceiving and abstraction is not commonly 
made in the usual psychological treatment of cognition. Indeed, the distinc- 
tion as phrased by Schaefer-Simmern does not appear in Gestalt psychology, 
though he seemingly believes that the laws of Gestalt psychology govern his 
process of "visual conceiving." 

While much of Schaefer-Simmern's writing is, to the psychologist, concep- 
tually unclear and couched in confusing terms, his results with children are 
undeniably remarkable. Under his guidance, children and adults of limited 
social and intellectual backgrounds have produced complex and pleasing 
graphic compositions. It is quite possible, however, that the intrinsic patterns 
he finds are the result of his own teaching, much as he abjures such influence. 
One notes in his book a striking similarity from example to example and from 
child to child; such standardization is suspect, in view of the variation found 
in virtually all psychological characteristics and behavior. Reitman (1951, 

1 The term "abstract" is used here and elsewhere in this chapter in its psychological 
sense, as the consideration of a quality of an object apart from the object itself. 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 1 77 

p. 138) has observed that the art products of mental patients clearly reflect 
their therapists' viewpoints; it is entirely possible that drawing "style" is 
learned in the very process of eliciting that "natural achievement" which is 
confidently expected by the teacher. Certainly the history of art amply illus- 
trates the influence of a master on his pupils. 

A much more psychologically sophisticated treatment of graphic art from 
the Gestalt viewpoint has resulted from the extensive work by Rudolph Arn- 
heim (1954), who also owes an intellectual debt to Britsch. Amheim's 
theory is systematic, and uses the laws and principles of Gestalt psychology, 
including the hypothetical cortical forces that pattern perception and be- 
havior, to explain the observed facts of children's drawings. 

For Arnheim, even- act of seeing is a visual judgment, which is not affected 
by the intellect, but is spontaneous. In his theory, visual perception is central, 
and features inherent in the stimulus properties of objects as they are organ- 
ized in the act of perception are of primary importance. Arnheim considers 
balance to be fundamental. Balance is a dynamic property inherent in cerebral 
processes that tend toward equilibrium in a complex, interactive, "field" rela- 
tionship. Physical and perceptual equilibria are not to be conceived as identi- 
cal; perceptual equilibrium has its own laws, though they may operate in an 
analogous fashion to those which establish physical equilibrium. Indeed, the 
operation of these laws in the stimulus field has effects in the psychological 
field. For example, balance eliminates ambiguity and disunity in the psycho- 
logical field of forces. Conversely, the operation of these laws in the psychologi- 
cal field tends to achieve balance in the production of graphic art, where 
balance is known as "composition." Gestalt psychology seeks to formulate 
these laws. 

Arnheim believes his position has cosmic significance. Just as all living 
processes are to be conceived of in dynamic terms, as active, striving and 
becoming (showing a continual effort to organize competing forces into some 
kind of equilibrium), so compositional balance in art "reflects a tendency that 
is probably the mainspring of all activity in the universe" (Arnheim, 1954, 
p. 21). 

Such a theory related to graphic art inevitably places considerable emphasis 
on formal elements. These elements are conceived dynamically, however, 
because the basic psychological forces are continually organizing and reorgan- 
izing perceptions. Arnheim states: "A work of art is a statement about the 
nature of reality. From an infinite number of possible configurations of forces, 
it picks and presents one. . . . The work of art is the necessary and final solu- 
tion of the problem of how to organize a reality pattern of given characteris- 
tics" (1954, pp. 21-22). 

While the study of art may be approached from the analysis of finished 
products, it is instructive to consider the psychological processes involved in 
the behavior creating the works of art. The child's product is quite different 
from the adult's; simpler, less differentiated and complex. This situation 
comes about chiefly because the child reacts visually rather than conceptually 



178 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

(i.e., abstractly) . The five-year-old's concept of a hand is that of radially spread- 
ing fingers a visual impression; "fiveness 1 * does not exist because such a con- 
cept is verbally (i.e., abstractly), not visually, presented. Children's drawings 
start with simple over-all features. While they draw what they see, they draw 
less than they see. They are limited by the medium they use ? and achieve a 
similarity in essential structural features, but not isomorphic identity. The 
schooled artist does better because he has learned more possibilities ("and tech- 
niques) in the medium. Arnheim believes that the development of children's 
art is a true prototype of the development of artistic form in general (1954, 
p. 134) and thus may properly be likened to "primitive" art. Because art is 
basically part of human motor activity, it reflects physiognomic (kinesthetic 
and affective) as well as descriptive elements. Because of this property, graphic 
art may be said to have "projective" significance. 

Amheim notes a developmental progression in perceptual processes and 
hence in the child's graphic work. He believes, however, that stages exist only 
in a general and theoretical sense. He describes these stages using Gestalt prin- 
ciples. The emergence of parts from wholes by a process of differentiation is 
central to these principles. The so-called incongruities of the child's draw- 
ings ("errors" of depth, dimension, and transparencies, etc.) are all the natural 
outcomes of childish logic, operating within the limitations of his medium. 
Such "errors" are his natural and ingenious solutions to problems posed by 
attempting three-dimensional visual representations in a two-dimensional me- 
dium. Some of the artist's solutions to these problems such as the "painterly 
style" and "aerial perspective" are beyond the child's reach and will not 
usually be spontaneously discovered by him. The young child's pictures are 
meager in content not because he fails to observe, but because his skill in 
representation does not permit him to incorporate much of what he has seen. 
Moreover, "the development of pictorial form rests on basic properties of the 
nervous system, whose functioning is not greatly modified by cultural and 
individual differences- hence child art is 'universal' " (p. 167). 

Like Schaefer-Simmern, Arnheim believes that the broad brushes, fluid 
paints, and finger paints, so dear to the "expressive" school of thought in art 
education, actually constrict the child and compel in his work a narrow, one- 
sided picture of his potentiality. Significantly, Arnheim asks whether this con- 
striction may in turn influence the child's understanding. In reacting to the 
dangers of copying models exactly, perhaps, as he says, art education has pre- 
vented the child from clarifying his observation of reality and hindered him 
from learning to create order! 

An English art educator, Read (1945), has drawn heavily on Gestalt theory 
but, as has been pointed out, owes considerable to Jung's psychoanalytic 
theories as well. In the Gestalt notion that phenomenal experience produces 
cortical "electrostatic patterns," he finds the basis both for thought processes 
and for Jung's "primordial images," which in turn reveal unconscious proc- 
esses of psychological integration. Although his theory is eclectic and unsys- 
tematic, Read has influenced art education. 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 179 

"Organismic" Theories of Children's Drawings 

The viewpoints represented under this broad term have stressed the con- 
tinuing interaction of organism and environment as a developmental adjus- 
tive process. These theories have been phenomenological, describing behavior 
from the viewpoint of the experiencing self or agent. They have drawn an 
analog\ T between the concepts of physical growth and concepts of behavior 
organization. Thus, they have used concepts of behavioral maturation and 
learning, stressing successive stages. These viewpoints, more readily than be- 
haviorism, admit "cognitive processes," even 4i mental contents," as constructs 
or concepts. Consequently, it is not surprising to find that concepts or ideas 
are central to the organismic approach to children's drawing. 

All studies of concept formation (e.g., Vinacke, 1951, 1954) and the lan- 
guage systems that embody them, especially those of children, seem to reveal 
a sequence of differentiable operations that can be called perception, abstrac- 
tion, then generalization. Moreover, with development there is a definite 
change In these operations toward increased elaboration and differentiation. 
Objects at first noted as generally similar, later are seen to differ in certain 
respects. Such separation is accomplished as smaller details are discriminated 
by closer attention, by repeated comparisons with other objects in the same 
class, and often by sheer increase in total perceptual and cognitive experience. 
The fundamental aspect of this process seems to be the "eduction of rela- 
tions," discerned in the earliest perceptions of children (Line, 1931). 

Children's cognition, involving processes of perception, abstraction, and 
generalization, has been described in detail by Werner (1948), who has con- 
tributed a number of terms to what he has specifically called an organismic 
view of children's thinking. Basically, the young child's cognitive structure is 
less differentiated than it will become. With differentiation will also come 
superordination and subordination the organization of simple concepts into 
patterns and meanings. Thus, the adult is cognitively more organized, and 
hence more complex, than the child. 

Werner also considers the young child's cognitive processes as concrete, 
even though limited processes of abstraction and generalization manifest 
themselves very early. The child reacts to objects primarily in terms of their 
tangible properties, rather than in terms of their complex relations to other 
objects or to other experiences; he reacts to things perceived directly rather 
than to ideas about them. He grasps relationships between objects as given 
directly in his experience before he grasps relationships as understood or an- 
ticipated. He requests his doll or ball when he sees it in the room before he 
asks for the object to be brought to him out of its storage place in the cup- 
board. He can pile blocks into a "tower" long before he can understand piling 
as forming a particular construction, as a wall. He can copy a block building 
directly from a model before he can construct it from a picture. 

Similarly, the child draws objects, or persons as objects, long before he 
portrays persons in relationship to each other or to objects in his environment. 
In these early drawings of a person a few salient features stand for the whole 



180 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



first the head; then head and appendages; then head, trunk, and appendages, 
and so on. Throughout development, processes of differentiation, organiza- 
tion and hierarchization can clearly be discerned. 

Not only are young children's concepts more concrete and less differenti- 
ated than they will later become, they are also more diffuse in organization. 
This feature is particularly well illustrated by having children copy geomet- 
rical forms. Werner reproduced the drawing of an eight-year-old girl in- 
structed to copy a six-sided pyramid atop a cylinder (see Fig. 49) combining 
two general features, roundness and angularity. How a child combines two 
qualities, wholeness and pointedness, in copying a diamond is shown in 
Figure 50. Volkelt (1926) showed that the diffuseness in organization of the 
child's percepts and concepts is not simply a matter of immaturity of motor 
coordination. In an experiment requiring choices, young children consistently 
preferred "primitive" reproductions of geometric forms to more highly articu- 
lated copies. The studies of French (1952), Meili-Dworetzki (1957), and 
Campbell (1958) have been noted; all of them agree with Volkelt that the 
child's "understanding" or conceptualization is limited, as is his ability. 







FIG. 49. Six-sided pyramid on a cyl- 
inder, drawn by an eight-year-old 
girl 



FIG. 50. Copies of a diamond- 
shaped figure drawn by four- and five- 
year-old children 



The above figures are from Heinz Werner, Comparative Psychology of Mental Develop- 
ment, 1948, p. 120. Reprinted by permission of Follett Publishing Co., Chicago. 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 181 

The young child's diffuseness of cognitive organization likewise contrib- 
utes to his lability in interpreting his own work. As his work on a drawing 
proceeds, the young child's "purpose" or declaration of subject may change. 

Werner (1948, p. 154) uses the expression syncretism to designate the con- 
densation of complex meanings into simple forms. Such syncretism is a com- 
mon feature of children's drawings as well as of their speech. Syncretism has 
two aspects: One simple form may stand for a complex object, and one form 
may combine aspects of different objects. A simple mark, or somewhat later 
a knob, represents foot and shoe alike, and only later is the shoe specified, 
first by heel, then by laces, or perhaps by sole edge and ornamentation. So 
"penny" or "nickel" designates all coins, and only later do differential names 
and values appear. 

Also, various characteristics derived from different objects or experiences 
may be condensed into a composite. Such syncretism occurs in drawings that 
combine (somewhat in the fashion of dreams or fantasy) specific features of 
several different objects that have impressed the child; for example, one 
six-year-old's "man" for some time showed the painted cheeks of the clown in 
the circus, and the balloon which the child himself had purchased there. The 
modification of copied objects toward familiar objects, noted in the previous 
chapter, is an illustration of syncretism, and is achieved both by adding to 
and subtracting from the perceived stimulus. 

Physiognomic Perception in Language and Drawing 

In studying perception Gestalt psychologists have long emphasized the 
prepotency of the global over the particularized, the closed or completed over 
the open or incomplete. Werner notes that these tendencies also appear in 
children's drawings, even the earliest ones. The crudest "man" is a completed 
figure, how r ever "bloblike" or nonrepresentative it may appear to the adult. 
The circularity or "wholeness," whether of head, or head-and-trunk in com- 
bination, always appears in children's drawing. 

When the dominant total qualities have a particular emotional significance 
for the child, Werner speaks of emotional perspective (1948, pp. 148 ff.) . This 
term refers to the exaggeration of those features of an object or of an experi- 
ence having affective rather than cognitive significance for the child. Students 
of children's language have long observed that the early vocabulary is heavily 
weighted with words having affective rather than cognitive meaning (Lewis, 
1951, p. 148; Markey, 1928, pp. 127 ff.). Werner explains this observation as 
resulting from the physiognomic quality of children's perceptions and con- 
cepts (1948, pp. 67 ff.). The physiognomic mode of perception, presumably 
used extensively by animals, children and primitives, arises from the fact that 
objects are understood first and most fundamentally through the motor- 
affective attitudes of the observer, who projects his own kinesthetic and visual 
cues onto the objects. Objects known thus by their actual or imputed dy- 
namic qualities contrast with objects known through their "geometrical-tech- 
nical," or matter-of-fact qualities. 



182 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Because the young child often uses language expressive of his own feelings 
and motor states to describe things-in-action, his thinking is said to be anthro- 
pomorphic, or animistic. Werner attributes the child's tendency to personify 
animals and inanimate objects to his physiognomic mode of perception and 
cognition, and considers animism to be a more elaborate and developed form 
of the same tendency (Werner, 194S, p. "75). As in language, drawings express 
affective, kinesthetic-motor and ^concrete' 7 meanings before they express cog- 
nitive, abstract ideas. Werner has described certain experiments on the ex- 
pressive quality of lines, noted earlier in this book, as illustrative of physiog- 
nomic perception. 

Professor van der Horst (1950), in his work in the Netherlands, was also 
impressed by this physiognomic quality of children's graphic art. For young 
children the act of drawing, not the product, is important. This, we have seen, 
is strikingly characteristic of the chimpanzee artist (Morris, 1962). Motor, 
kinesthetic and affective elements, says van der Horst, are more significant 
than visual-perceptual and cognitive aspects. The more drawing becomes a 
collection of parts (i.e., the more differentiated it becomes in the work of 
more mature, complex, differentiated personalities ) the more its function re- 
sembles language. Because at the same time language skills are increasing 
(and, because the culture finds language so much more adequate for com- 
munication) the child leans more and more on language. Adolescence is, 
thus, a crucial period in the child's development of language and of drawings 
for communication. 

Van der Horst also makes explicit the interesting point, implied by some 
others, that as the child's inner life becomes richer, more complicated and 
more abstract, drawing becomes a less adequate means of expression. Being 
a concrete activity 7 , drawing is less adequate than is language for the expres- 
sion of abstract ideas. Drawing activity declines in late childhood and early 
adolescence, not so much because it is inadequate for expressing new ideas 
and feelings appearing at this time, as because more adequate modes of ex- 
pression have become available. 

It is well to note van der Horst' s emphasis on cognitive expression, for 
many writers who emphasize the expressive value of drawing and painting 
(particularly when viewed as a projective technique) refer to affective con- 
tent. This point is important, because the evidence of many researches is that 
the cognitive aspects of drawing persistently obtrude themselves. Perhaps it 
is the affective aspect of expression in drawing that must be cultivated. The 
"natural" function of drawing as a symbolic system, whether to convey affect 
or cognition may be immaterial. In our society, as in most societies with a 
complicated material culture and a highly visual mode of education, chil- 
dren's drawings seem inevitably to gain the carrier function for cognition. 
The impact of the visual world on a more fundamental method of com- 
prehending has been particularly stressed by Lowenfeld's important experi- 
mental demonstrations of haptic perception (1939, 1945). The haptic mode 
of apprehending reality presumably draws heavily on tactual and kinesthetic 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 183 

modalities, and tends to be displaced by the visual mode as the person ma- 
tores. Lowenfeld's haptic perception, thus, is closely akin to if not identical 
with Werner's physiognomic perception. Lowenfeld, however, developed his 
position more as educator than as scientist. His later writings (e.g., 1957) seek 
to evangelize a viewpoint in art education. More than others in art education, 
Lowenfeld has recognized that there are various avenues and styles for the 
expression of concepts, and seeks to represent the validity of all methods. 
His approach is consistent!}" through the experience of the child, not through 
techniques for visual presentation. He asks children to draw their experiences, 
every attempt culminating in a discussion of the "how/ 7 Somewhat earlier 
than van der Horst, and in much the same terms, Lowenfeld (1947) also 
drew attention to the crisis in the development of graphic expression occur- 
ring at about the time of adolescence. 

Lowenfeld's discussion of drawing development is not formally "organis- 
mic." It is "Gestaltish," but without reference to Gestalt laws. Lowenfeld's 
theory becomes organismic when he emphasizes the growth of the child 
through his continuing experience (i.e., interaction with environment) and 
when he emphasizes a progression through stages of development. While 
Lowenfeld rejects the classification of children's work according to "objec- 
tive" criteria, his own more subjective criteria of artistic development (which 
for him is largely healthy emotional development) necessarily reflect a visu- 
ally oriented, concept-valuing culture. He recognized this problem more ex- 
plicitly in his earlier experimental work (Lowenfeld, 1939, 1945). Although 
Lowenfeld agrees with Werner that drawings express concepts or meanings, 
Werner is more concerned with how perception modifies concept formation; 
Lowenfeld with how concept formation modifies the drawing product. 

The position Lowenfeld has taken is related primarily to personality devel- 
opment but is broadly educational rather than narrowly clinical. He views art 
experiences as stimulating growth in all conceivable dimensions. In particular, 
and unlike Read (1945), the function of art education is not so much to 
bring to awareness the content of the unconscious, as to activate passive 
knowledge. The mechanism is the development and enhancement of the self, 
or ego, through creating pleasing results with color, line, and form, and through 
expressing highly individual ways of viewing the world. 

Lowenfeld believes that the haptic and visual types, discussed earlier, re- 
quire different guidance and instruction to develop optimally. Psychological 
and educational harm results from imposing instruction inappropriate to the 
child's disposition; hence, Lowenfeld's emphasis on the teacher's need to ob- 
serve and encourage the child's individual drawing procedures until the child's 
mode is determined. In a highly visual world, it is inevitable that the develop- 
ment and expression in many naturally haptic children will be distorted. The 
result may be mixed types and a predominance of the visual type. 

From a psychologist's viewpoint, Lowenfeld's dual personality types may be 
overly simple, and his analysis of perception technically inadequate. How- 
ever, more than others in art education, Lowenfeld has discerned the develop- 



184 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

mental character of children's concepts, the great variety of ways in which 

children meet and solve problems, the desirability of encouraging individual 
patterns of growth in assuring strong ego development, and the essentially 
unique character of personality. Psychologically, Lowenfeld's emphasis on 
observation of the child at work, as a key to understanding Individual pat- 
terns of growth, Is sound. Motor and kinesthetic, as well as visual and cogni- 
tive, aspects of experience have educational significance. Lowenf eld's discus- 
sions contain a wealth of ideas for the child psychologist and the student of 
experimental esthetics to work Into research problems. 

An Experimental Evaluation of Werner's Theory 

The only experimental study based on Werner's "organismic" theory of 
drawing is that by Graham, Herman, and Emhart ( 1960) . These investigators 
started with Werner's concepts that young children's drawings show such 
"primitive" characteristics as tendencies to close open figures, to simplify 
complicated figures, and to increase symmetry. Using a drawing task in which 
three-, four-, and five-year-olds were asked to copy each of eighteen simple 
geometrical forms, all children were scored on each of the above tendencies. 
These evaluations showed that children's tendencies to simplify or to close 
Incompleted, "open" figures decreased somewhat with age, but so did the 
logically opposite tendencies toward complication and openness of repro- 
duction. The percentage of drawings less symmetrical than the stimulus fig- 
ures increased with age to four years and then decreased. The percentage of 
drawings more symmetrical than the stimuli decreased after age three-and-a- 
half, but less dramatically. Measures of eight indications of accuracy of repro- 
duction (such as closure of gaps, tendency to curve or to straighten lines, 
number of parts, orientation of the drawing, intersections, and the like) 
increased uniformly from age three. Rejecting Werner's concepts of hierarchic 
organization and of discontinuity as explanatory principles in the development 
of drawing, the authors concluded "that the reproductions increasingly ap- 
proach the original in all dimensions and that, in the course of so doing, errors 
both of under- and over-estimation occur' 7 (1960, p. 358). Unlike Campbell 
(1958), they would possibly argue that children's errors are randomly distrib- 
uted over- and under-estimates, though they admit this feature shows only 
when analyzing a sample of drawings. "Errors" may tend to be systematic in 
a particular drawing, because some aspects of drawing improvement may be 
learned before others; for example, the detection and reproduction of a gap in 
a line may be handled adequately before the reproduction of angles is learned. 

The work of Graham, Herman, and Emhart, however, seems not to invali- 
date the conclusion of Gibson and others that older children and adults tend 
to distort figures in the direction of apparent similarities to "meaningful 7 ' ob- 
jects. Nor does this study controvert the well-established fact that children 
show "syncretism, 77 i.e., allow simplified schemata to stand as adequate repre- 
sentations of complex perceptions, either in representative drawing or in copy- 
ing. The figures used were the simplest forms, and the details examined were 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 18 > 

the most molecular features of these forms tendencies In the handling of 
junctures of lines, direction of lines, and the like. Seldom did more than one 
opportunity for ^simplification" appear in a single form. It may be that such 
elements, taken one by one in the simplest forms, appear to be treated ran- 
domly; in more complex forms, however, simplifications or "styles" consistently 
appear. The authors, indeed, allow for such happenings as ''indirect conse- 
quences" of gradual improvement in accuracy. 

It may also be that one set of descriptive terms and concepts applies ade- 
quately at the level of analysis, and another set may work successfully at a more 
molar level, or with more complex figures. Indeed, this problem is a difficult 
one to handle experimentally, since the experimental conditions for younger 
and older children cannot be equated. Young children are not capable of re- 
sponding to complex test stimuli due to lack of learning; when a year or more 
of learning and growth has been accomplished, so that they can handle more 
complex stimuli, the experimental problem is different. It is possible that both 
the extremely analytical approach and one which works with larger, more com- 
plex units can be useful, depending on the phenomenological level at which 
one approaches the material. 



Theories Assuming that Organization in Drawings 
Is Given by Experience 

In contrast with theories which assert or imply that drawings represent an 
expression of implicit neurological patterns "given" in the mind, are those 
which seek to be rigorously empirical. These theories account for organized 
behavior in terms of the organism's repeated contacts with its environment, 
mediated by sensory processes. Florence Goodenough was perhaps the first to 
give a comprehensive account of children's drawings wholly in empiricistic 
terms. Her theoretical statement began with a consideration of sensation and 
perception, and assuredly no theory of drawing can be formulated apart from 
consideration of perceptual processes. A great many studies of perception in 
children have appeared since her discussion. The findings of these studies will 
be reviewed to establish a basis for a theory of children's drawings in contem- 
porary language. 

The Organization of Visual Perception 

Perception has long been considered central in psychology (Boring, 1950, 
p. 304). In recent years much attention has been given to the role cognitive 
contents and affective functions play in limiting or qualifying perception. It 
is now rather generally accepted that many species, including man, orient to 
patterned rather than to nonpatterned stimuli (Fantz, 1958). Modern discus- 
sions, however, make no more extensive assumptions than this concerning 
intrinsic or native processes in perception. Cognitive contents, when hypothe- 
sized, are understood as built up empirically. Since early visual perception 



186 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

occurs in a three-dimensional world, perception in space, "in the round/' Is the 
modal experience, and some cues to depth perception are probably acquired 
preverbally. Studies in transposition learning indicate that form as such is dis- 
criminated by very young children, and that with increasing age the response 
to form generalizes. Apparently, too, this process of visual discrimination and 
generalization is greatly helped by language (e.g., Jeffrey, 1953; Spiker and 
Terrell, 1955; Norcross and Spiker 7 'l957) . 

Skeels (1933) found that the visual discrimination of formboard pieces 
occurs before the ability to perform adequately with the board, presumably 
before all the motor components necessary to handling and fitting are mas- 
tered. Stevenson and McBee (1958) noted that young children discriminate 
three-dimensional shapes more readily than two-dimensional shapes. Rice 
(1930b) showed that plane figures can be recognized despite their changing 
orientation, and suggested that although the ability to discern orientation or 
disorientation is learned, it appears rather suddenly at about age five. Hunton 
(1955), however, has affirmed that even two-year-old children may recognize 
disorientation in complex pictures. It is generally believed, however, that visual 
perception continues to improve throughout childhood, as the child learns to 
discriminate and organize more and more aspects of the visual field. 

Engel (1935) observed that very young children (under three-and-a-half) 
are more responsive to form than to color; this focus of interest shifts to color 
between three-and-a-half and six years, and thereafter shifts slowly back to 
form. This finding confirmed the work of Brian and Goodenough ( 1929 ), who 
observed that in sorting geometrical shapes, the majority of children shifted 
from a preference for form, to color, and back to form at different age periods. 
This returning interest in form may well be reflected in children's drawings, 
which increasingly depend upon differentiated form from five or six to about 
twelve years of age. Brian and Goodenough noted that brighter children 
tended to be somewhat advanced in this form-color transition; Engel that in- 
telligent children were "form-reactors/ 7 Livson and Krech (1956) noted that 
intelligent adults are better able to handle asymmetrical patterns, both visually 
and conceptually. These observations should be more fully investigated. 

Whether children perceive globally or analytically is an old controversy, with 
evidence for each point of view. One of the most detailed attempts to validate 
Gestalt theory in perception (Rush, 1937) found evidence for principles of 
proximity, similarity, and continuity in making visual groupings of dots. Rush 
found it necessary to add the aspect of direction, also, and reported that pref- 
erence for the horizontal direction in patterns decreases with age. No one 
principle of perception, however, was absolutely compelling, and there were 
marked interactions among them. Apparently, perception is a complex process, 
and any attempt to analyze it into components results in arbitrary distinc- 
tions and definitions, which must be qualified under particular circumstances 
of application. 

Children generally have more difficulty than do adults in perceiving em- 
bedded figures, although Street (1931) demonstrated no marked age change 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 187 

In recognition of incomplete pictures after age six. Gollin (I960), however, 
showed that kindergarten children perf omied more poorly than adults in rec- 
ognizing incomplete pictures of familiar objects, though not markedly inferior 
in terms of possible score. Adults also benefitted relatively more from practice 
in recognition. Ghent (1956) found that children have a great deal of difficulty 
perceiving separate figures (whether familiar objects or geometrical forms), 
when they are not clearly set apart from each other. Piaget and Albertini's 
(1954) important study of intersecting and incomplete forms is of interest 
here. They found that young children had the greatest difficult}* seeing gaps in 
lines as necessary elements in a total figure. Such gaps were seen invariably as 
interruptions or breaks. Only later in development could children perceive the 
gap as part of the whole figure. The most readily perceived incomplete forms 
involved short gaps in straight lines, followed by gaps in curved lines or arcs. 
Forms involving missing oblique lines and/or corners, were most difficult to 
perceive; apparently angles or comers are important orientational cues. 

Incomplete forms were much less successfully perceived than intersecting 
forms. Dotted line figures were difficult for children under six or seven, and in- 
tersecting dotted line figures almost impossible to perceive. That children ulti- 
mately can perceive incomplete forms may occur because secondary "good 
Gestalten" (in addition to primary Gestalten due to field effects) arise from 
perceptual activity and become a "perceptive schema" to facilitate recognition 
of the figure. In essential agreement with Gibson (1929) and many others (see 
pp. 168 ff. this volume), Piaget and Albertini noted that young children tried 
to make familiar objects out of incomplete forms. 

In a world where certain forms are endlessly repeated, perceptual learning 
seems to give a compelling quality to regular forms early in life. Leuba (1940) 
arranged pill boxes in simple configurations (circle, square, triangle) and 
"baited" one with candy in the subject's presence. After a brief delay, during 
which the arrangement was screened from view, children had difficulty locat- 
ing the box in which they had seen the candy placed. When the critical stimu- 
lus was placed adjacent to the configuration, there was no difficulty whatso- 
ever. Moreover, there was relatively greater success when the critical object was 
located at or next to the end of a line, as in a corner, suggesting again the im- 
portance of ends and corners in perception of wholes. One recalls the finding 
of Schiller (1951 ) that the chimpanzee oriented first to the corners of a sheet 
of paper, and the just-mentioned Piaget and Albertini finding concerning the 
importance of angles and corners. 

Attneave (1957) believed that the number of turns or changes in direction 
in the profile of a figure is the chief component in the perception of complex- 
ity. Graham and others (1960), in an experiment already described, found that 
discontinuity or acuteness of change in direction, as for example an angle, 
seems to be the principal factor in determining the difficulty of a form to be 
copied. It is not possible to say whether this difficulty occurs in the perception 
of the form, in the motor execution, or in both. Kelson (1953) pointed out 
that in visual perception there are "anchoring stimuli" or elements which are 



188 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

preponderant; comers, ends, or Isolated objects may constitute such elements 
early in perceptual learning. It may well be that when children draw the 
human figure they depict those aspects which serve as "anchor points/' in the 
order in which they appear in perceptionthe head, facial features and limbs 
being the earliest emergents. 

It has long been known that young children, responding to pictures, seem 
to concentrate primarily on separate objects or details; attention to relations 
among objects comes much later. A study of Rorschach responses (Hemmen- 
dinger, 1953) showed the youngest children responding globally, with increas- 
ing attention to detail at ages six to eight, and these details being integrated 
into larger wholes around nine or ten. Ames and others ( 1953) reported similar 
results at slightly different ages and also reported that color and form responses 
show a marked increase with age. Rorschach blots, however, are irregular, and 
the relationships among them repeat few of the usually experienced relation- 
ships observed in the world of familiar objects. On the hypothesis that less 
frequently experienced stimuli are more "strange 7 ' or "difficult," it is not sur- 
prising that the general sequence perception of the undifferentiated whole, 
to perception of details, to perception of relationships among parts comes 
somewhat later with respect to the Rorschach than to more "meaningful" 
forms. 

It is difficult to say whether we are dealing with a definite sequential process 
or whether this impression of succeeding phases arises out of the features of 
perception to which we choose to attend. Analysis and organization may pro- 
ceed simultaneously, both processes advancing to include more, and more com- 
plex, aspects. A pioneer study of children's perception (Line, 1931) affirmed 
that the eduction of relations is one of the earliest features of children's per- 
ceptions, albeit at a rudimentary level. Line, moreover, discerned two types of 
perception of relations. One of these seems to occur more commonly and per- 
haps is more primitive; the other is more critical, discriminative, and occurs as 
there is a special need for clearness. The first is the cognizing of items "as" re- 
lated; the second is the thought-like judgment "that" the items are related. 
Moreover, the "as" relationship, being less specific or explicit, can be applied 
more generally and has almost the character of a configuration or Gestalt. It 
is this less specific feature of perception, according to Line, that particularly 
characterizes the young child's work. 

More than one investigator, puzzling over the problem of organization in 
perception, has concluded that both synthesizing and analytic processes occur, 
and that both show progressive features. The attempt to establish correlations 
between stimulus changes and the perceiving organism's discrimination of 
these changes has not affirmed one viewpoint to the exclusion of the other in 
this old controversy. 

From these studies of perception and from the generalizations of empirical 
studies of drawing discussed in the previous chapter, one may conclude the 
following: Children perceive form very early; comprehend simple (i.e., with 
few corners and angles) more readily than complex forms, and familiar (i.e., 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 1 89 

frequently experienced) more readily than unusual or unfamiliar forms. More- 
over, there is great variation among children in perceptual performance. The 
overwhelming dominance of form in all visual experiences assures that mark- 
ings-on-paper will likewise show form, building on the patterns given to the 
first scribbles by the mechanics of hand and arm. The great variation among 
children, both in perception and in drawing, seems to belie the notion of in- 
nately patterned visual-motor Gestalts, except possibly in the most general 
sense; even these "Gestalts" may be determined by the mechanical arrange- 
ments of the hand and arm ? and by a tendency to orient perception to comers, 
or to angles formed by joining lines. Very quickly, however, drawings depict 
familiar, "meaningful" forms. Copies of less familiar outline drawings tend to 
modify in the direction of the "meaning" originally suggested to the child 
artist. Thus, once again we come to the idea of concept formation and cogni- 
tion as central to children's drawings. 

In drawing complex objects, or making compositions involving a number of 
objects, the organization process seems to proceed by two modes: by building 
up from part structures, or by delineating details within the more general out- 
line. Any given child may use both procedures. Rostohafs (1928) interesting 
implication, that these two "shies" of procedure represent different thought 
patterns, or personality organizations, may well be an oversimplification, but 
the problem needs more thorough investigation. 

Perception and Object Recognition 

Both Darwin (1877) and Perez (1888) considered that when the child recog- 
nizes objects seen in a mirror as images and not as the objects themselves (as 
shown by his turning away from the mirror to find the object therein re- 
flected), one of the earliest stages in the ability to recognize objects in pictures 
has been reached. In the world of primitive man the natural "mirror" furnished 
by pools of water undoubtedly brought about a similar recognition of the self- 
image. However, as observers of extremely primitive groups have often com- 
mented, the recognition of the photographic or pictorial image does take prac- 
tice or experience (Nissen, Machover and Kinder, 1935), though apparently 
the adaptation is rather quickly made by adults. In the case of very young 
children, this adaptation seems to require added maturity and an accumulation 
of experiences with discriminations and perceptions. Goodenough (1926) 
spoke of recognition as "association by similarity," and drew on the theory of 
identical elements. 

However, as has been often pointed out, in perception certain elements be- 
come more essential than others; also, the arrangement and pattern of ele- 
ments become significant in facilitating recognition. Thus, it is tempting to use 
general or even vague Gestalt and phenomenological terms, especially in dis- 
cussing perception, recognition, and concept formation in older children. One 
cannot, however, describe the infant's experience in phenomenalistic terms, 
even though one may take this position with respect to adult psychology. 
Goodenough (1926), in laying a foundation for her analysis of drawing be- 



190 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

havior, stayed with a more objective framework. Her Ideas, though expressed 
in the associationlstic terms of her day, stil! adequately embrace the more 
modem data and concepts concerning perception. 

In her explanation of object recognition, Goodenough made certain assump- 
tions about the "experience" of the newborn child. His mental life was con- 
sidered as an unorganized flow 4 \ . . of sensations which force themselves upon 
the developing consciousness with greater or less insistence, according to the 
intensity of the physical stimulus and the immediate condition of the receiving 
organism" ( 1926 y p. 67 1 . It is central to associationistic views that in the con- 
tinuing low of such experience, the repeated associations of certain sensations 
bring about the discrimination of the separate sensations and also the grouping 
of sensations into patterns. Possibly one of the earliest discriminations made 
is between recurring groups of sensations (hence, "familiar") and novel sensa- 
tions (hence, "unfamiliar"). In such patternings of sensations come the first 
crude perceptions of objects. Goodenough considered such early association 
and recognition processes to be closely related to the conditioned reflex. How- 
ever, she also found in these processes the beginnings of the analysis, discrimi- 
nation and comparison central to the conscious cognitive processes of later life. 

Goodenough hypothesized that the infant of a few weeks probably recog- 
nizes his mother through the combined action of a great number of impres- 
sions, using all sensory modalities. Little by little, the infant becomes able to 
substitute a more limited number of such impressions for the total, so that the 
visual sight of mother or the sound of her voice alone is sufficient for recogni- 
tion. Since Goodenough's description, the literature on perception and on 
learning has more and more emphasized discrimination. Discrimination is per- 
haps not so much a substitution of a few clear impressions for a vague "total- 
it}'" as it is the learning, through repeated stimulation, of salient features and 
the relations among these features. This use of a limited number of cues has 
been referred to as a "coding process" (e.g., Attneave, 1957; E. Gibson, 1961) . 

The process of discrimination, involving analysis, comparison, and abstrac- 
tion, permits the child increasingly to substitute central equivalents of periph- 
eral experience for concrete sensory experiences. Eventually a small snapshot of 
his mother is recognized in spite of changes in size, color, and dimensionality. 
This is known as the "constancy phenomenon" in perception, and has long 
fascinated psychologists. Thus, perceptual constancies can be considered in 
part as based on firmly established concepts. 

The most complete theoretical analysis of object perception and recogni- 
tion has been supplied by Piaget (1953), according to whom the object con- 
cept is constructed empirically, little by little. The child first distinguishes and 
recognizes stable groups of impressions. These groups of impressions are sub- 
jective dispositions or attitudes rather than images in the child's mind. Object 
recognition thus at the outset involves the infant's recognition of his own re- 
action rather than the object itself. In this process simple reflexes are basic; for 
example, Piaget finds the prototype of all object recognition in the nursling's 
discrimination of the nipple from other surfaces. 



The Psychology of Droning: Theories 191 

Piaget links the concept of object with the concept of space, and the concept 
of causality with the concept of time. These four primary concepts are essen- 
tially preverbal and are fundamental to the capacity for object recognition. 
They grow out of primitive assimilative and accommodative relationships be- 
tween the infant and his environment. With these four concepts, and the con- 
sequent capacity for object recognition, and with the assistance of the language 
system, the child constructs the elaborate structure of verbalized concepts In- 
volved in cognition. In relation to Piaget's description, it will be noted that 
the very first experiences of the child with pencil or crayon come after the 
development of object recognition, but early in the process of concept forma- 
tion aided by language. The development of the child's drawing thus is coor- 
dinate with, and probably closely linked with, the development of the system 
of verbalized concepts we commonly understand as cognition. 

Concept Formation and Cognition 

From the discrimination and recognition of particular objects the child 
moves on to grouping objects into classes according to recognized similarities. 
This is the basis of concept formation (Vinacke, 1951, 1954). Studies of chil- 
dren's language processes have shown that very simple concepts exist almost 
as soon as symbols (sounds used as signs) or words exist. Thus, the ability to 
form concepts depends on the increasing ability to analyze, to abstract certain 
elements from the total impression created by an object, and to reconstruct the 
object psychologically in terms of those elements that repeated experience has 
shown to be essential or invariant. This process of concept formation is the 
core of cognition, or the knowing, thinking, and reasoning we generally sub- 
sume under mental or intellectual processes. 

Brian and Goodenough (1929) speculated that the sequential shift in pref- 
erence from form to color and back to form really illustrates concept forma- 
tion. They hypothesized that attention is first given to discriminating among 
the members (species) within the more general class (genus) and later to 
making differentiations within separate species. Still later, as the separate as- 
pects at the species level are mastered and the child can readily shift his atten- 
tion from one aspect to another, a new process of organization and evaluation 
of these partial elements occurs. According to this hypothesis, mastery moves 
from a general concept of the whole, to a more differentiated examination and 
mastery of the components, back to a new, more highly organized concept of 
the whole. Intensive studies of the process of concept formation (e.g., Vinacke, 
1951, 1954) suggest that some such sequence probably does occur. However, 
these studies also indicate that a given child is simultaneously at different levels 
with respect to different concepts, and that a clear-cut progression in concepts 
occurs only as a construct, not in actual fact. 

Concepts may also be viewed as expectancies to which new perceptions are 
referred, somewhat as hypotheses to be tested. Moreover, concepts are formed, 
changed, enlarged, or subdivided by a feedback process wherein the idea is 
continually tested in new contexts and modified accordingly (Brown, 1958). 



192 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Concept formation is, thus, thoroughly empirical. In this context the tendency 
of adults as well as children to draw unfamiliar or incompletely perceived ob- 
jects as familiar objects becomes understandable. The unfamiliar or ambiguous 
stimulus is assigned to a known class (familiar concept) in terms of certain 
salient elements or properties. In this context, also, the biassing effect of 
strongly formed concepts on new perceptions also becomes understandable. 
The concept establishes a kind of "response set' ? in terms of which incoming 
percepts are received. The perceiving organism plays, in a sense, a more active, 
cognizing role in this theoretical framework than in the framework of the 
Gestalt psychologist. 

How unfamiliar or vague referents become assimilated into the child's idea- 
tional structure is illustrated by two interesting studies. Nag}' (1953a) asked 
children to draw various human visceral organs, locating them in an outline 
of the body. The 400 subjects were from age four to eleven. Presumably these 
children, to the extent that they had studied anatomy and physiology at all, 
had talked about body organs but had never seen them. Possibly they had some 
assistance from medical charts or diagrams; the report does not comment. Al- 
though the author reported from the viewpoint of body-image theory, the study 
is even more interesting as an investigation of concept formation where mini- 
mum reference to visual objects is possible. When asked to identify and por- 
tray the organs responsible for "thinking," "breathing," and "digestion," very 
few children at any age attempted representative drawings; the great majority 
used vague, undifferentiated open or closed forms. For example, the brain was 
often confused with the bony skull; the lungs shown by a roundish form, or by 
a cluster of veins in a globular mass; the stomach as a roundish figure, in no 
cases showing the digestive tract. Lungs were located within the torso by over 
half the children, but in the approximate correct location by only one-third. 
The stomach was placed in the abdomen only 8 per cent of the time, being 
in the chest or shoulders in two-thirds of the drawings. Actually, children iden- 
tified parts and tissues of the organs by name more successfully than they dia- 
grammed them. The study assuredly indicates that the anatomical concepts of 
elementary school children at best are very vague. 

In another study Nagy (1953b) found that children have a clearer image of 
germs. The majority of young elementary school children tended to draw 
germs as abstract figures circles., dots, triangles, ovals, etc. Most older ele- 
mentary children moved toward an animal-like, wormlike, or insectlike repre- 
sentation. Germs are understood as producing disease and sickness, and as 
entering and leaving the body through the mouth. The Nagy studies illustrate 
the power of visual perception and of symbolic processes in forming concepts. 
The studies also show the necessity for some kind of conceptual structure into 
which new information can be fitted. 

Cognition and Drawing 

Goodenough discerned cognitive elements in the genesis of children's draw- 
ings. For little children, drawing is a language a form of cognitive expression 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 193 

and its purpose Is not primarily esthetic. Xor is it, she affirmed, simply a 
matter of reproducing the visual image; rather, u the child draws what he 
knows, not what he sees/' to use Luquefs (1913) phrase. In defense of this 
position, Goodenough cited the researches of Clark (1902), who asked chil- 
dren to draw an apple with a skewer running through it. The skewer entered 
the apple on the side turned toward the viewer and emerged from the side 
turned away from him. The model was so placed that none of the children 
could see the apple as a plane figure with the skewer entering or leaving exactly 
at the edge. Invariably the younger children drew the skewer as extending 
straight through the apple from side to side and visible throughout its length. 
Somewhat older children realized that a portion of the skewer could not be 
seen and depicted it so; but they, too, depicted a plane figure. Only in the work 
of older children was there an occasional attempt to reproduce the apple in 
perspective. Before this stage the model served only as a cue for an idea; "given 
the idea, the nature of the drawing was no longer dependent upon the image 
immediately present" (Goodenough, 1926 T p. 73). 

Goodenough concluded that an analysis of drawings requires hypothesizing 
certain higher thought processes, involving discriminations, associations and 
generalizations of details and of relations. These processes furnish the person 
with concepts and enable him to manipulate these concepts. She discerned 
individual differences among persons in the ease and success with which they 
perform such operations. In keeping with the ideas of her time she conceived 
these differences as constituting a psychological dimension, the extremes of 
which could be named as "bright" and "dull." Her own statements are appro- 
priate here: 

It seems evident, then, that an explanation of the psychological functions 
which underlie spontaneous drawing of little children must go "beyond the 
fields of simple visual imagery and eye-hand coordination and take account 
of the higher thought processes. It has been said that the ability to recognize 
objects in pictures, an ability which must obviously precede any real attempt 
to represent objects by means of pictures, is dependent upon the ability to 
form associations by the similarity of certain elements which are common 
both to the picture and to the object, in spite of the dissimilarity of other 
elements. Analysis and abstraction are clearly involved, but only the final 
result is present in consciousness. The three-year-old child who recognizes 
the photograph of his mother cannot tell you by what means he is able to do 
so, and even the adult finds such a task difficult. In order to represent objects 
by means of pictures there must be, however, a conscious analysis of the 
process, of the intermediate steps by means of which the desired result is to 
be obtained. It is necessary to select from out the total impression those 
elements or features which appear to be characteristic or essential. This 
analysis must be followed or accompanied by observation of relationships. 
The relationships to be observed are of two kinds, quantitative and spatial. 
The former determine the proportion, the latter the position, of the various 
parts of the drawing with reference to each other. Very great individual dif- 
ferences are found among children with respect to the extent to which these 



194 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

functions keep pace with each other. In general It may be said that the 
brighter the child, the more closely Is his analysis of a figure followed by an 
appreciation of the relationships prevailing between the elements which are 
brought out by his analysis. Backward children, on the other hand, are likely 
to be particularly slow In grasping abstract Ideas of this or any other kind. 
They analyze a figure to some extent, and by this means are able to set down 
some of its elements In a graphic fashion, but the ability to combine these 
elements Into an organized whole is likely to be defective and In some in- 
stances seems to be almost entirely lacking. It is this inability to analyze, to 
form abstract ideas, to relate facts, that is largely responsible for the bizarre 
effects so frequently found among the drawings of backward children the 
"Zusammenhangenlosigkeit" to which Kerschensteiner has called attention 
(1926, pp. 73-74). 

If the child's drawings depend primarily on his concept of an object rather 
than upon the immediate visual Image ? It becomes possible to understand two 
phenomena of children's drawing: (1) As children mature, drawings increase 
In complexity, yet always retain a quality of wholeness. (2) Developmental 
adaptations or changes in children's drawings do not remain fixed from the 
time of their first appearance. 

Concepts become more differentiated as the child increases his contacts 
with objects under different circumstances, and as he discriminates more and 
more aspects of them. His drawings likewise show more and more parts. With 
added experience, the child's concepts become increasingly abstract; they en- 
compass relationships among aspects of an object, and they include relation- 
ships among objects. Children's drawings of the human figure likewise include 
more abstract elements, such as appropriate proportions of limbs, head, trunk, 
assignment of the figure to a class through the use of clothing or accessories, 
the depiction of activity, and the like. After about age five, any drawing of a 
man is recognizable as a man, containing the major features; modifications are 
toward increasing elaborations of the basic concept, toward the inclusion of 
more abstract elements. 

As in most new performances or skills, only gradually do elements of the 
new attainment become a consistent feature of the total performance. While 
the progress In drawing, from the simple concepts governing the drawing of 
the four-year-old to the complex and highly developed ideas of the ten-year-old, 
shows a series of quite marked changes, this development is brought about 
by specific features which at first appear sporadically and only later become 
fixed. When the very young child who draws head, trunk, and legs begins to 
add the arms he does not do so invariably; as his concept develops the arms 
tend more and more to become an essential part and are more consistently 
shown, until the child no longer considers his drawings complete without 
them. Goodenough's words cogently summarize: 

It may thus be said that at any given time a child's drawing will consist of 
two parts the first part embracing those characteristics which have already 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 195 

become an integral part of his concept of the object drawn, and consequently 

appear invariably; the second part including the elements which are in 
process of becoming integrated and are therefore shown with more or less 
irregularity. The frequency with which any given characteristic tends to 
appear is a function of the extent to which it has become integrated into the 
developing concept, and a measure of the weight which should be given to it 
as an index of concept development (1926, p. 75). 

Such a theory can account for the marked instability of performance from 
drawing to drawing noted in the work of retarded children, who seem to de- 
velop more slowly than normals. It can also account for peculiar features of 
drawings by children with particular types of defects (Burt, 1921, 1947; Ben- 
der, 1938,1940). 

No data have ever appeared to controvert the general import of Goode- 
nough's observations and conclusions. Rather, the increased body of data 
serves to fill in the process she outlined. Drawings of objects are based on con- 
cepts; concepts are based on experience with objects. Experience increases the 
aspects of objects that are reacted to, understood and incorporated in drawing. 
Not only are the number of these aspects increased by experience; the relation- 
ships among them are grasped more completely. Thus, with experience, a 
larger number of concrete aspects and, what is more important, more abstract 
aspects are understood and used in drawings. 

Another significant theoretical discussion of children's drawing has been 
supplied by Bell (1952), who has also attempted a basis for the so-called "pro- 
jective significance" of drawings. Basically, his theoretical approach is empiri- 
cal and associationistic, as is Goodenough's, but it also falls back on the neuro- 
logical assumptions of Gestalt theory. Where Goodenough emphasized the 
associational mechanism basic to percepts and concepts, Bell has given more 
recognition to the various sensor} 7 processes, in keeping with more recent atten- 
tion to these components of perception. Bell's view recognizes that the very 
young child's perception of his world depends relatively more on tactual, kines- 
thetic, and organic receptor mechanisms the epicritic and protopathic sensi- 
bilities. With development, as his world becomes more complex and his store 
of experiences and meanings increases, he comes to depend more and more on 
his distance receptorsvision and audition. Thus, Bell's discussion is related 
to the "organismic" theories covered earlier. 

As the child develops, the hand replaces the mouth as the significant contact 
organ, and the tactile modalities tend to replace taste, although the kinesthetic 
sense continues to be an important avenue of perception. The hand can, with 
appropriate equipment, produce scribblings, which are then noted visually and 
serve to stimulate further movements. Gradually, control of the hand is 
achieved, as simple push-pull or sweeping movements are supplanted by cir- 
cular movements. This progression has been observed by many investigators, 
as we have seen. In turn, these simple visual-perceptual experiences are organ- 
ized with reference to the continuing kinesthetic-tactual experience, and grad- 



196 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

ually the element of differentiation in visual imagery is brought in as a control- 
ling device. As this occurs, roughly between Eve and eight years, the child 
begins the representation of many objects in his drawing. Still later comes the 
initial use of abstract, verbal-symbolic imagery, both in verbal and pictorial 
representation. Bell considered that it is the difficulty of giving concrete repre- 
sentation to abstract, symbolic images that causes many children to give up 
drawing at this period and to lean more on handwriting as a graphic form of 
communication. 

Bell has schematized his view as a progressive spiral, circling from an undif- 
ferentiated to a differentiated state and returning to a state of integration at a 
different level. At this new level earlier processes are still used but so skillfully 
and automatically that they are carried forward without conscious effort or, 
indeed, awareness. The prime mover in this process is assumed to be field 
activity of neural processes in the brain. 

The several levels of integration Bell discerned, from simple to more com- 
plex, are: oral kinesthesis, direct manual kinesthesis, indirect or referred 
contact kinesthesis, visual-perceptual, visual figure imagery, visual figure- 
ground imagery, and verbal-symbolic imagery. The first three or four of these 
levels are included in the preschool period, and the child normally enters stage 
five by the kindergarten age. The correlation of these stages with successive 
dominant modes of children's drawings are fairly obvious. Bell believes that 
the successively longer periods of time occupied by each stage attest both to 
the slowing down of the rate of brain development and to the greater com- 
plexity of succeeding integrations. 

From Bell's assumptions come several important hypotheses concerning 
drawing behavior. While growth factors set the nature of successive levels 
and the pace with which they are traversed, various environmental influences 
determine the particular way in which each stage is realized, thus accounting 
in part for individual differences among children at the same stage. Moreover, 
in the process, as in most developmental phenomena, features most recently 
acquired are most readily disrupted by dramatic upset in the environmental or 
field forces. Such upset leads to distortion of drawing phenomena in a given 
stage, or to regression to an earlier stage. Gross disruption at any level would 
have a pervasive influence on all following stages; the earlier the stress occurs, 
the more devastating its effect on total functioning. Bell seems to believe that 
these hypotheses have virtually the character of axioms and, consequently, 
have significance for the use of drawings as diagnostic clues in clinical analy- 
sis. His hypotheses should be more fully investigated. 

Complex Experience, Perception, and Cognition 

In recent years research on perception has not only investigated how sen- 
sory processes give rise to elementary perceptions; it has also investigated molar 
aspects of individual and social experience. The fact that, in perception, cer- 
tain elements in a composite may suggest a likeness to another object was 
held by Alberti several hundred years ago to be the origin of art (Janitschek, 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 197 

IS77 1 . Irregularities on a rock or tree stump suggested the bear, or other totem 
object, and with slight modification became the image or statue of the vener- 
ated creature. In the cave art of Spain and France it has been noted that the 
primitive artists used irregularities on the rock walls to give an appearance of 
the third dimension to figures. 

Such a process may be related to what modern clinical psychology conceives 
of as projection in drawings. 2 The perception of selected elements in an essen- 
tially unorganized context of stimuli causes the viewer, by association, to "see" 
the likeness to some other object. What he sees is thus in part conditional 
upon his associations; he "projects" onto the materials before him the mean- 
ings aroused by the association of the elements common to this experience and 
to previous, more highly organized experiences. A recent writer in art history 
and theory (Gombrich, 1960) has made much of this activity on the part of 
the observer. The human mind is not simply a repository of learned associa- 
tions but is active; this activity is a constant striving for meaning, assessing, 
comparing, reassessing the materials of immediate perception in terms of pre- 
vious associations. This emphasis on the dynamic, complex character of per- 
ception is a striking feature of recent research and writing on perception. The 
previous chapter and numerous references in the present chapter furnish a con- 
vergence of many investigations on the generalization that drawings of un- 
familiar or ambiguous designs are modified, both by addition and subtraction 
of elements and often in the direction of familiar objects, by the individual 
experience of the viewer. 

It has been noted that children may name their earliest random scribblings 
in terms of some chance resemblance they perceive, and that in the attempt 
to complete or perfect the chance resemblance is found the first real attempt at 
graphic expression. Goodenough (1926, p. 69) pointed out that it is not neces- 
sary to suppose that these associations are entirely spontaneous. In many cases 
associations are probably stimulated by questions or comments of older per- 
sons, and in the modem world the child's previous visual experience with pic- 
tures is of great importance. Meili-Dworetskfs careful investigation (1957) of 
the circumstances surrounding children's drawing suggests that imitation is 
significant; not the imitation of a particular model, but the imitation that 
grows out of the many comparisons, comments, and discussions occurring 
when children draw freely, in unsupervised settings. 

Sherif extended perceptual research to include the influence of social factors 
in perception (1935, 1936), demonstrating that perceptual processes are in- 
fluenced by "social norms/' The individual's perceptual experience is modified 
by experiencing stimuli in the presence of other experiencing subjects. Physi- 
ological, social, or psychological conditions of need have also been experi- 
mentally controlled in recent years, with the discovery that all such variations 
in conditions of the organism influence perception. Gombrich's lectures 

3 An extensive literature has already been reviewed (Chapter III) showing an association 
between emotional concepts and certain properties of line and form. 



198 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

(i960), already mentioned, are among the latest to stress what the artist as 
producer and the viewer as consumer each contributes to the "experience" of a 
drawing or painting. 

Witkin's monograph (1954), investigating the relationship of "shies" of 
perceptual habits to personality structure, offers some data on the relationship 
of human figure drawing elements (scored according to Machover's signs) to 
modes of visual perception. His discussion utilizes concepts from both Gestalt 
and dynamic clinical psychology. Those adults who perceptually are more in- 
fluenced by the field tend to include Machover figure drawing signs indicating 
that they: "(1 ) place a low evaluation on their bodies, (2) exhibit infantile de- 
fenses against anxiety, (3) lack self-assurance, and (4) exhibit passivity, to- 
gether with signs of "uncontrolled hostility. It is scarcely possible, from the 
brief scoring scale presented, to check these figure drawing scoring signs against 
the Goodenough-Harris scoring system advanced by the present work. How- 
ever, close scrutiny of the items strongly suggests that "immature" drawings 
would likely contain a good many such Machover signs. The suggestion is that 
adults, who for whatever reason, make poor quality drawings containing fea- 
tures more likely to be used by children, are those who tend to be Afield de- 
pendent" and "nonanalyticaT in perception. 

Witkin's material on children is incomplete (the number of cases at three 
different age levels is very small and no measures of intelligence or of matu- 
rity other than age were used), yet the results are extremely suggestive. It ap- 
pears that the relationships between personality and both "orientation to the 
field" and ^independence of the field 77 in perception were moderately high for 
adults. Both measures of perception showed marked age changes between ten 
and thirteen years with less of an age trend both prior to and after thirteen 
years. Thus children, contrasted with adolescents and adults, are much more 
influenced by the field in perception, hence are less perceptually analytical. 
Boys are more analytical (field independent) than girls. The relationship be- 
tween personality and perception noted in adult data is not so clearly evident 
in children below age thirteen, although what relationships exist tend to paral- 
lel those in the adult data. Although characteristic sex differences appear in 
the perceptual habits of adults (females are more field dependent), the data 
on children are too meager to admit of statistically stable trends, and none 
appear in the tables. The hypotheses are intriguing, however, though the re- 
sults are less clear-cut than those of Stewart (1955). 

Stewart studied "personality style" in the self-portrait drawings of adoles- 
cents. He rated thirty-one formal and stylistic elements, such as realism, sym- 
metry, rhythm, firmness of line, etc. and factor analyzed the intercorrelations 
among these ratings. It would be instructive to investigate the relationship 
between the figure drawing elements in adult drawings and their cognitive, per- 
ceptual and personality factors. It may be that "quality" of drawing carries 
sufficient correlation in the internal consistency sense to account for much of 
the relationship that Witkin observed. 

McFee (1961) placed a different evaluation on the Witkin data. She ex- 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 199 

tended and corrected Lowenfeld's visual and haptic modes of perception to 
incorporate Witkin's findings concerning 4k posturally oriented" /field inde- 
pendent's and "visually oriented" f field dependent,! modes of space percep- 
tion. Most people use some compromise between these modes, but individual 
differences and sex differences may be found, depending on the receptors 
fkinesthetic-tactual versus visual) preferred. McFee's account places greater 
confidence in Witkin's meager (and statistically unreliable] data for children 
than does the present writer. McFee concluded that child-rearing practices 
make girls more "field dependent" 7 and "Visual" in their perceptual habits, and 
more emotionally dependent in their social and psychological relationships, 

In addition to noting Witkin's visual and postural orientation to space, 
McFee drew a distinction between visual concepts and cognitive concepts, be- 
tween visual learning and cognitive learning. The distinction is based on per- 
ceptual processes. Visual concepts are '"derived from form and surface ele- 
ments of objects as seen in space and light, as opposed to cognitive concepts 
of objects derived from past learning" (p. 54) . McFee concluded: 

We have suggested that people need all four kinds of ability in handling 
information to deal adequately with experience cognitive understanding, 
awareness of visual details, use of both postural and visual receptors for get- 
ting information from the environment (p. 54). 

Her use of "Visual concepts" suggests the ideas of Britsch and of Schaeffer- 
Simmern, discussed earlier, which have not been defined adequately in psycho- 
logical terms. To the present writer, cognition cannot be so easily separated 
into "visual" and "cognitive" elements. 

Perception is assuredly a complex process; growing up in a complex world 
seems to involve a transactive process of stimulation, learning and development 
such that cognitive concepts dominate most children's drawings. It is possible 
that special training could alter this state of affairs. McFee asserts: "Children 
who are aware of the existence of the constancies color, size, and shape can 
reduce their limiting effects by learning to observe visually as well as cog- 
nitively" (1961, p. 60). The necessity of overcoming habituated expectancies 
and sets (i.e., cognitive concepts) in "seeing" has long been known to artists. 
It may well be that McFee is correct when she affirms: 

Visual training increases the wealth of material the children have to work 
with. If visual training becomes rigid and authoritarian it may inhibit cre- 
ative activity, but if it is used to motivate visual curiosity and exploration it 
should widen the range of creativity of students. Much more effect of light 
and color, of form and line will become available for children to use. They 
will go beyond cognitive categorizing and see many more details and signifi- 
cant relationships as they respond to their environment, both visually and 
cognitively (pp. 63-64). 

These hypotheses may be fruitful for future research. 



200 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

To the present writer, the available literature on perception and drawing, 
and the materials of the present study suggest that the overriding significance 
of intellectual and conceptual factors "in the early years obscure the ^perceptual- 
personality relationships, and dominate the production of children's drawings. 
It is possible that perceptual shies which result in discernible personality rela- 
tionships emerge more clearly 'after the drawing task has ceased to be a test 
of conceptual maturity in the cognitive sense. "Cognitive styles" in person- 
ality may be a complex resultant of a long-continued process of learning and 
development, requiring many prior learnings. 

Use of Reduced or Simplified Structures 

It has repeatedly been shown that in drawing figures that are unfamiliar or 
ambiguous, a child tends to modify the form of the stimulus; often this modi- 
fication takes the form of simplifying the originally perceived model. Luquet 
(1913) took this to be an essential feature of the child's drawing, reflecting 
inadequate concepts. He noted that the child draws first according to the 
principle of "intellectual realism" and later according to the principle of 
"visual realism/ 7 That the child "draws what he knows, not what he sees" may 
be used to account for the "transparencies" in children's drawings, or the "un- 
folding" of complex objects when the child has not mastered the techniques of 
perspective. 

Numerous investigators, however, have noted that the child does not draw 
all that he knows. Goodenough remarked that the child selects those items 
"which to him are so essential or characteristic that they occur to him spon- 
taneously without suggestion from outside sources" (1926, p. 76). That such 
meanings may be either cognitive or affective or both was early observed by- 
Sully (1903)."Organismic theories of children's drawings have given a central 
place to this tendency to condense or simplify, holding that a child cannot per- 
ceive the complex form in its more abstract aspects until he no longer cog- 
nizes concretely, as noted earlier. In this connection it is interesting to recall 
Mott's (1939) "observation that to require children four to seven-and-a-half 
to draw a particular type of man, as a policeman, farmer or cowboy, serves to 
involve them relatively unsuccessfully with special details. Their drawings of 
"a man" in Mott's study were invariably superior to their drawings of a 
specified type of man. 

Goodenough (1926) stressed cognitive factors in accounting for this attenu- 
ation in drawings: 

A three-year-old child will point to his hair when asked to do so, but 50 per 
cent of nine-year-old children are entirely content to draw the human figure 
without a vestige of hair, although these same children include in their draw- 
ings such non-essential features as flashing scarfpins, elaborate hat bands, 
pipes, canes, etc. The problem which the child has to meet is primarily one 
of selection, of determining which ones of a vast number of items really fur- 
nish the key to the situation. Knowledge of a fact does not in itself guarantee 
that this fact shall be shown in a drawing; its importance must also have been 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 201 

evaluated. Terman has shown 3 that the majority of seven-year-old children 
know the number of their fingers when the question is pot to them: yet only 
31 per cent of unselected seven-year-olds show the correct number in their 
drawings when no suggestion is made. The difference can hardly be due to 
technical difficulty; at least it is hard to see why it should be any more dif- 
ficult to draw five fingers than to draw four or six, or, as occurred in the 
case of one kindergarten child, twenty-nine on one hand the thirty-six on 
the other! Carelessness, in the sense of lack of appreciation of the importance 
of details, is undoubtedly one of the factors involved; yet when one notices 
the care with which some of these drawings have been finished, and the 
effort which has apparently been expended upon them, it appears evident 
that carelessness, in the ordinary sense of the term, is not an adequate ex- 
planation for the discrepancy in the findings by the two methods. The deter- 
mining factor appears to be the presence or absence of the definite stimulus, 
"How many?'* In the one instance, that which is measured is the memory 
of a particular percept; in the other, the integration of that percept into the 
concept of which it is a part (pp. 76-77). 

In this connection Goodenough also pointed out how children, in arriving 
at the ability to define verbally a concept in terms of significant and essential 
features, often are entirely satisfied with a definition which includes only one 
or perhaps none of the essential characteristics of an adequate conceptual 
definition. She concluded: "There is a distinct difference between knowledge 
of facts and appreciation of their relative significance" (1926, p. 78). 

Nor can "appreciation of their relative significance" be built by calling 
attention to already-known, affectively appreciated, and verbalized features. 
One advanced four-year-old made a typical schematic drawing, including head, 
trunk, arms and legs. He was then asked to clothe his figure. When he ap- 
peared to ignore the request, it was given in more specific terms by the desig- 
nation of particular items such as supplying buttons and trousers. Again he 
shrugged aside the suggestion. When further pressed on the point, he ver- 
balized his behavior with some astonishment, saying: "But he's dressed like I 
am/' and with sweeping motions of his hands he designated his new shirt and 
trousers, in which he had been attired shortly before making the drawing. Al- 
though the items of clothing were undoubtedly very important to him, he was 
satisfied to indicate an attired figure by a schematic drawing. The reluctance 
to include some definite representation of clothing persisted even when the 
examiner showed the boy how to designate buttons and trousers. The simple 
schema was quite sufficient, even though his awareness (both cognitively and 
affectively) included many more elements. The author has noted this reaction 
among many preschool children; 4 although some children will designate by 

3 In studies concerned with the 1916 Stanford-Binet tests. 

4 An experimental investigation by the present author, incomplete at this writing, sug- 
gests that children who fail initially to draw an item differ widely in this reaction, even at 
age four. The observation stresses the point made earlier by Meili-Dworetzki (1957) and 
others, that a child's drawing reflects what he chooses to put down on paper, not the full 
range of his understanding. 



202 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

very simple marks in the appropriate location the parts called to their atten- 
tion. For these children the location of the part seems to be sufficient. Lack of 
skill in handling the medium may be involved. 

Possibly in depicting a concept by drawing, the progression is the same as 
that observed for perception from undifferentiated whole, to partial differenti- 
ation, to more complete differentiation. Simultaneously with this process, 
however, there occurs a kind of organization or integration, the two proceed- 
ing hand-in-hand. That the child locates the part suggested to him, using a 
simple pencil mark or a symbol of the crudest form, may indicate a partial 
differentiation of the concept, and at the same time its integration into the 
whole figure. Whatever the solution to this problem, the fact remains that, 
progressively with age, all children include more aspects in their drawing of the 
human figures, and these aspects are at all times organized into a patterned, 
"whole" representation. 

"Schemata" or "Symbolization" in Drawings 

The child's abbreviation or simplification in drawing may be a part of the 
problem facing any artist that of selecting what is to be drawn. No one can 
draw the complete detail he sees, or depict the full concept he knows. He must 
represent schematically that which would be beyond either the time allotted or 
his ability. Virtually all investigators have observed that children's drawings 
abbreviate or simplify the image in ways characteristic both of the age level 
and of the particular child. The notion of an underlying graphic pattern, or 
schema, in children's drawings has, however, been interpreted in different 
ways. Sully (1903) saw such schemata as convenient simplifications. These 
simplifications are successfully enlarged and elaborated as the child's ability to 
handle both the medium and his own ideas expands. Goodenough (1926), 
like Luquet, accepted schemata as embodying the features of reality holding 
particular significance for the child. Gombrich (1960) used the term "schema" 
to designate the particular concepts and techniques that control the artist's 
choice of subject matter and his ways of handling it. The "schema" depends 
in part on the medium adopted as well as the concepts expressed, a point made 
much of by Gombrich in the history of graphic art, but also acknowledged by 
Arnheim (1954) and by Lowenfeld (1957). Lowenfeld further sees the 
schema as the form concept a child holds at a particular time and which he 
characteristically uses in drawing, when no directed experiences influence him 
to change his concept (1957, p. 133). 

Read (1945) saw the schema as the individual child's escape from his ever- 
present vivid images. Because his images are inadequate to express feelings, 
the child invents "a visual symbol, a cipher in this language of line, which will 
express his feelings, communicate its quality to others, fix it in the shifting 
world of appearances" (1945, p. 131). As the child acquires the machinery of 
conceptual thought, the vividness of his emotional imagery decreases, the 
realism of his drawings increases, and the schema declines. In Read's think- 
ing, the schema is as much a matter of the individual child as of an age level. 



The Psychology of Droning: Theories 203 

Eng (1931, 193"" . In contrast with Read, aod in agreement with the present 
writer's position, held that children's drawings are schematic not because of 
the greater significance of affect for children, but because their concepts are 
more concrete, less differentiated and abstract and their drawing techniques 
limited. Early drawing is ideomotive; the child repeats lines and forms many 
times until he has a formula, which becomes virtually mechanical. It is this 
formula that he draws, even when he is given a model. The idea is present; 
the learned response is executed. Children produce more realistic drawings as 
their concepts become clearer and more differentiated, and as their skill with 
the medium increases. 

Drawing reiects visual perception, which occurs primarily in a three-dimen- 
sional world. The child who draws either what he sees or what he knows must 
conform to the limitations of a two-dimensional surface. This necessity creates 
quite a few problems. The schema a child adopts represents his crude solution 
to these problems. The more adequate (but never complete) solutions 
achieved by artists do not occur to young children. Older children may dis- 
cover some of them (such as overlapping, foreshortening and use of lines to 
suggest perspective, etc.) empirically by trial and error, or by noting photo- 
graphs and pictures. Indeed, more than once it has been suggested that these 
elements of "reality" are of no consequence in the conceptual world of the 
child, becoming significant only as the primacy and conventions of the visually 
presented world are thrust upon him (e.g., Lowenfeld, 1939) . 

Karl Biihler, in effect, subscribed to this general view, but emphasized the 
verbal rather than the visual presentation of reality (1930). Btihler used 
schema to designate the distortions of drawing peculiar to the child; he saw 
these stylizations as a consequence of language, which "models the mind of 
man according to its requirements" (1930, p. 114). s By the time the child can 
draw more than a scribble (by age three or four) , an already well-formed body 
of conceptual knowledge, formulated in language, dominates his memory and 
controls his graphic work. The highly schematic drawings of childhood result 
from this fact. Drawings are graphic accounts of essentially verbal processes. 
The sometimes chaotic appearance of children's drawings merely mirrors the 
fact that their verbal accounts are as yet unordered by the space and time se- 
quences controlling the verbal productions of mature persons. As an essentially 
verbal education gains control, the child abandons his graphic efforts and relies 
almost entirely on words. "Language has first spoilt drawing and then swal- 
lowed it up complete" (Biihler, 1930, p. 120). 

B tinier summarized his view: "It is in the main language which is respon- 
sible for the formation of concepts and therefore for the reorganization of men- 
tal life and the dominance of conceptual knowledge over concrete images' 7 
(1930, p. 124). The eminent art educator, Herbert Read (1945, pp. 130-31), 
already mentioned, offered a similar point of view, but emphasized the de- 
cline, with age, of vivid imagery as the verbal equipment for conceptual 

5 This is -a point of view associated with Benjamin Whorf s work on language. 



204 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

thought takes over. For Read, the schema was essentially the reflection of an 
image, a position which modem psychology has pretty much abandoned. 

In art, the more mature and sophisticated expression of the schema is known 
as "style." The problem of style, i.e., the use of characteristic forms or tech- 
niques by individuals or during periods in the history of art, is very complex. 
Gombrich (I960) considered it to be the core of the psychology of art, and 
addressed his entire series of fascinating essays to the topic. One of the best 
brief discussions of the problem is by Schapiro (1953). 

Considering style from the standpoint of history and criticism of art, Scha- 
piro notes that style has a reality, though it appears to defy precise definition. 
Artifacts and works of art can correctly be assigned to periods on the basis of 
appearance and configuration of elements. Yet, attempts to analyze style into 
basic components often fail, as do mathematical approaches. It has been neces- 
sary to retain the vague and unsatisfactory language of qualities. Of the several 
theorists whose work he reviews, Schapiro proposes the system of Lowy (1907) 
as particularly adapted to children's drawings. Lowy bases his analysis of repre- 
sentative art on a progression from its beginning in schematic or stylistic "con- 
ceptual representation" according to the memory image to its conclusion in 
perspective representation according to the direct perception of objects. Lowy 
lists seven stages; starting from the designation of parts of figures and their 
shape and movement by few typical forms, to the representation of three- 
dimensional space in which action takes place. The student of children's draw- 
ings cannot escape considering these issues; he is continually impressed by the 
fact that the work of individual children is often recognizable, as well as by 
the fact that there are styles or schemas that characterize stages in a child's 
development of representative drawing. 

In adult art, stylization or symbolism may arise from accentuation of certain 
features in realistic representation, permitting a few characteristic elements 
to convey the idea of the object as a whole. Thus, conventionalization may 
arise quite as much out of visual representation as from the more undifferenti- 
ated presentation of certain key ideas, noted in the work of the young child. 
Adam's warning (1954, p. 42), that we not read too much into the art work of 
primitive peoples, has its parallel in children's drawings. Adam specifically 
noted that so-called "cubism" in certain Gold Coast art was really due to con- 
ditions of the deep shadow in which people in that hot country work; they 
must use simple shapes if they are to see anything at all! Sometimes enthusi- 
astic adults read similar "styles' 7 into the work of young children, forgetting 
that they may merely be struggling with problems of media and technique. 



A Possible Reconciliation of Theories 

Theories of learning based on association concepts have long been dominant 
in psychology, and in Goodenough's work have been used to explain children's 
drawings. Yet, when the fact of patterns in perception and in graphic execu- 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 205 

tion becomes evident writer after writer either adopts Gestalt principles and 
theory outright i as Schaefer-Simmem and Arnheim 'j , or adopts some modifi- 
cations, utilizing the concepts of field, figure, ground, and pattern. The organ- 
ismic interpretation usually includes the idea of patterned growth determined 
by field forces rather than by point-to-point influences, as in associationistic 
theory. Numerous writers have found it desirable to adopt such wholistic or 
dynamic concepts. Werner, perhaps, gives the most comprehensive and theo- 
retically organized account of drawing from this viewpoint, yet his work re- 
mains largely descriptive. Such writers as Beli Bilhler, Campbell, Gombrich, 
and Witkin, while holding to associationistic learning theories in the main, 
find they must at some points call on the more global concepts of Gestalt or 
organismic theory. Only Graham and colleagues (I960) avoid these terms; 
they do so, however, by examining children's behavior in a very limited task. 

Two views on perception have been advanced which may aid in reconciling 
these apparently divergent conceptions. Hebb (1949) posited hypothetical cell 
assemblies in the central nervous system to explain perceptual learning. El- 
eanor Gibson (1961), following Attneave (1954), drew upon the constructs 
of information theory to explain ''meaning" in perception. Both accounts pro- 
vide a theoretical basis for concept formation and thus both are potentially 
useful in a psychology of drawing, though neither have made much reference 
to drawing behavior. 

McFee (1961) alone has attempted to assemble material from the psy- 
ch ology of perception as a basis for procedures in art education. Her view 
stresses the interaction of developing child and environing culture, and the 
complex relationship of personality and perception. More than the present 
writer, she accepts and incorporates the somewhat ambiguous and incomplete 
evidence from "social perception" research into her strongly social and educa- 
tional viewpoint. She does not attempt to examine psychologically how per- 
cepts are organized into concepts, but divides concepts into the visual and cog- 
nitivea distinction not generally made in the psychological literature. Her 
discussion, however, is lucid and informative and her applications to education 
logical and challenging. 

A N euro-Psychologic Theory of Perception Applied to Drawing 
To apply Hebb's (1949) constructs and concepts to children's drawings it 
must be assumed that the child's behavior is socially reinforced by attention of 
others (comment, praise), or that the child exhibits a primitive exploratory or 
manipulative tendency. Confronted with paper and pencil, the child manipu- 
lates the materials in such fashion that his behaviors are subject to fairly rapid 
reinforcement and thus to modification. With age and learning the behavior 
becomes more complex, and the situation in drawing becomes essentially an 
adjustive one, with numerous problem-solving aspects. 

Hebb notes from studies of perception (1949, p. 31 ) that the observer com- 
monly perceives much more than he requires to make a discrimination; thus, 
he commonly responds to only part of the perceived figure. As we have seen, 



206 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

studies of drawing recognition and production reveal that there is reconstruc- 
tion of figures from a few parts which have been perceived. The slopes of a 
few lines, their direction and distance from one another suffice to establish the 
entire figure when that figure has been learned. But in this process there 
is often reconstruction "by the perceiver he fills in gaps in the perception, or 
modifies the new or less well learned from his earlier experiences, calling on the 
well learned. Hebb believes that what the child learns essentially from visual 
training is to note the direction of lines and the distance between points, sep- 
arately for each grossly separate part of the visual field (Hebb, p. 47). All 
early perceptions involve the elements of straight lines and points (lines and 
points in turn subsuming angles), and regularly curving lines. It is Hebb's 
theory that learning these perceptual elements as elements, and as combina- 
tions in complex patterns, involves a prolonged learning period (Hebb, p. 81) 
and much manipulative contact with objects. 

Hebb describes a neuropsychological basis for the visual fixation of succes- 
sive points on the contour of an object, leading to "inspeetional sweeps," and 
to noting the intersections of lines. Intersections become the focus of greatest 
perceptual activity, and in the perceptual field correspond to corners of objects. 
The eye, then, tends to seek out the contours of a figure and follow them, 
irregularly, and with reversals. Numerous investigators have seen angles and 
corners as significant in perception, though difficult to manage in reproductive 
drawing. Thus it is Hebb's contention that straight lines and angles are funda- 
mental in perception, not fully innate but partly so, and necessary to be 
learned before it is possible to perceive more complex patterns. He states: 

If line and angle are the bricks from which form perception are built, the 
primitive unity of the figure might be regarded as mortar, and eye movement 
as the hand of the builder (p. 83). 

Thus, for Hebb the figure-ground relationship of Gestalt psychology is fun- 
damental, yet not sufficient to explain the phenomena of perception. Like- 
wise, motor activity alone cannot explain the organization of perception, yet 
it plays an essential role, leading to manipulation of objects, to tactual and 
kinesthetic reinforcement of visual perception, and to further definition of the 
visual correlates of form. 

Hebb hypothesizes "cell assemblies" in the nervous system, functional 
linkages of neurones through electrochemical action, which account for the 
phenomena of association in learning. When an irregular object is seen from 
different points of view, each grossly different pattern of stimulation requires 
the establishment of a separate set of cell assemblies. If sight of the object 
from one direction is followed by sight from another, these separate assem- 
blies develop interfacilitating connections, and ultimately the object arouses 
the same total neural activity, regardless of the vantage point of the observer. 
Thus, patterned perception acquires "constancy," and each perception in- 
volves conceptual activity, an activity not directly controlled by sensory proc- 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 207 

esses, except as parts of the pattern were originally stimulated by sensory 
stimulation. Because of this conceptual activity, children's drawings, con- 
sidered as visual reproductions, often contain "errors" the child draws as he 
knows, not as he sees. By the same token the experienced artist, by deliberately 
introducing distortions in his painting, utilizes and incorporates the concep- 
tual activities of the viewer. As has been shown, children often cannot tell 
wherein their drawing differs from what is actually presented to the eye. 
Whereas organismic theory says the object is still incompletely differentiated, 
Hebb says perception, refined by many experiences, has constructed a con- 
ceptual activity, triggering more cell assemblies than would the simple per- 
ception of the moment. The child has not yet built up the interfacilitations 
among separate cell assemblies to establish the constancies necessary to com- 
plex perceptions. 

Hebb's position is that human learning "early" in development is rather 
different from "later" learning. For one thing, it occurs much more slowly, is 
graded in amount, and is built up steadily by small increments. Later learn- 
ing occurs much more rapidly, sometimes on a single trial basis, may show the 
"all-or-none, quantum-like character of insight/' and masters much more com- 
plex material. This "later" learning can occur only because of the cell assem- 
blies built up by the slower, more detailed processes of "early" learning. In- 
deed, there is, as Harlow has pointed out (1949), a "learning how to learn," 
and this phenomenon occurs particularly in intelligent or problem-solving 
behavior as contrasted with rote learning; with meaningful material as con- 
trasted with "nonsense" material. The child's many perceptual experiences 
with lines and points prepare him, when motor coordinations allow him to 
manage the pencil, to record the simplest elements of a complex figure. His 
motor learning along with his perceptual learning give him an increasingly 
complex schema with which to represent the human figure. This complex 
schema is essentially conceptual. 

Administering formboard tests to West African native children, Nissen, 
Machover, and Kinder (1935) attributed the children's poor scores to slow- 
ness in identifying shapes rather than slowness in movement. They were in- 
experienced with the components of the required perceptions, the regular 
geometric forms omnipresent in more complex, "civilized" cultures. This 
observation is most instructive when the drawings of children in nonliterate 
or underdeveloped cultures are considered. Children inexperienced in recog- 
nition and production of conceptual schemata appropriate to pencil and 
paper are at a distinct disadvantage in the drawing task. Moreover, this dis- 
advantage increases with age, as progressively older groups of children com- 
monly fall farther and farther below Western white norms. 

Hebb argues (1949, pp. 89-95), from experimental evidence as well as 
from the logic of his theory, that to perceive an object from many aspects 
requires a more complex learning process than to perceive it from one aspect. 
Such learning takes longer and is gained more readily the higher the animal 
is in the phylogenetic scale. The theory accounts for the observed fact that 



208 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

perception of an object's location is more readily achieved than perception 
of the object itself, especially if the object is near and is seen from different 
aspects. The theory thus accounts also for constancies in perception, which 
men attain but with which lower animals have difficulty. This theory, too, is 
relevant to drawing the human figure, inasmuch as the child acquires the 
capacity to draw this figure only as a result of about ten years of perceptual 
experience; and not all children manage to achieve the feat even then. Hebb's 
theory would account for the perception and reproduction of certain features, 
or "anchor points/' in the human figure before others, thus in turn account- 
ing for the schematic figures drawn by the young child. It would likewise ac- 
count for the facts that: (1) the preschool child makes little distinction be- 
tween the male and female form, (2) the young primary school child uses 
stylistic symbols to designate sex, and (3) the older child achieves naturalistic 
reproductions of male and female figures. It would also account for the fact 
that the preschool and early primary child draws a generalized man, and the 
older child a specific kind of man (e.g., with an occupation, or social role). 

Hebb points out (1949, p. 133) that a concept is not unitary. There is a 
central core or meaning, often carried by a symbol, word, or words, and a 
fringe of contents varying from time to time, depending on circumstances of 
arousal. Elements from this fringe translated into symbols become, in time, 
incorporated into the core. Recombinations of such "core" meanings is what 
is meant psychologically by "restructuring." 

A similar process occurs in children's drawings of the human figure. There 
is a schema, a certain minimal "core" of lines and shapes, which is rather con- 
stant from time to time for one child, and indeed from subject to subject of 
approximately the same degree of experience. This "core" or symbol is the 
organized Gestalt of organismic theorists. From time to time new elements 
are added to this core, selected from more peripheral awareness and from 
more recently differentiated and discriminated aspects of the human figure. 

These elements vary from time to time, as perceptual experiences and 
specific learning become incorporated into the "core." The process from pe- 
ripheral awareness to incorporation in the core has been well described by 
Goodenough and quoted earlier in this text. The child knows of the existence 
of a feature, such as a foot, shoe, or pocket, long before he draws it. At first 
its location on the figure is noted by a mark and later by a simple form. Only 
later still does the recognizable feature appear occasionally in the child's draw- 
ing. Its invariable inclusion in the drawing comes even later. Thus, the draw- 
ing of the human figure, a common and much-experienced object, as a con- 
cept subject to improvement through learning, becomes a useful index to 
intellectual maturity. 

"Coding" of Perception, Concept Formation, and Drawing 

Eleanor Gibson (1961) has reconciled processes of differentiation and as- 
sociation identified in perception, borrowing from information theory the 
important distinction between "coded" and "uncoded" stimuli. When "mean- 



The Psychology of Drawing: Theories 209 

Ings'" are given directly, or are contained in the stimulus, as light reflected 
from a tree, one speaks of uncoded stimuli; the referent is unequivocal. \\lien 
meanings exist because of convention, usage, arbitrary definition, as in words, 
diagrams, coins, and the like, one speaks of coded stimuli; the referents are 
man-made and arranged. Gibson writes: u The identification of coded stimuli 
is learned, and the learning probably involves an associative process. But the 
association with the code symbol or referent must be preceded by differen- 
tiation of the stimuli to be coded" (1961, unpublished paper). Before the 
response (the referent in the code) can be associated to the stimulus, the 
stimulus must be successfully and consistently discriminated from other stim- 
uli in its general class. In other terms, the observer must learn to discrimi- 
nate the invariant aspect or property of the stimulus, or its particular class. 

According to Gibson, children first identify a dimension (e.g., size, or 
weight) in experience and then increase precision of perception within the 
dimension by progressive differentiation (discrimination). Children very early 
learn invariants in the properties of objects about them (e.g., size) as a basis 
for their concepts. To this learning of progressive differentiation several sense 
modalities and countless experiences (i.e., trials) contribute. Because the 
process becomes very complex, even in such basic and commonly acquired 
properties as size and weight, it continues well into late childhood and early 
adolescence. Gibson fails to see how associative processes have much to do 
with the early phases of this learning awareness of the pertinent dimension 
and increasingly precise discrimination of it. In learning coded stimulithose 
to which words or other symbols are attached associative processes are unmis- 
takably involved. In learning language, phonemes must first be discriminated, 
then meaning begins to be attached to phonemic combinations through re- 
peated association. 

Both Hebb and Gibson thus make a distinction between early and later as- 
pects of the learning process, though both admit that these "phases" may 
proceed simultaneously. Undoubtedly this is true in part because the organism 
is always involved in so many different learnings. Both investigators are in 
effect describing concept formation. The evidence repeatedly affirms that the 
drawing of a man is the graphic portrayal of a complicated concept, and that 
it improves as the child matures partly by increase in skill but chiefly by the 
more adequate discrimination (i.e., differentiation) of the concept, with the 
attendant attachment of meaning. As a process develops, increases in com- 
plexity and in the organization of subprocesses change the "nature" of the 
process. Eleanor Gibson and particularly Hebb employ this idea. 



Summary and Conclusions 

The material on children's drawing demonstrates clearly that the drawing 
function changes as the child matures. Drawing is first a means of expression 
wherein perceptual and motor aspects are inextricably bound with rudi- 



210 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

mentary concept formation. In time, the motor expression aspect of drawing 
becomes less and less important; the conceptual and communicative aspects 
more and more significant. As concepts become more sharply defined and 
controlled by visual percepts, the child's drawing of the human figure becomes 
more definitive, more indicative of a class, type, or particular individual, until 
his ideas outrun his technical skill and self-criticism increasingly intervenes to 
discourage drawing. In this process the child's increasing dependence on 
visual reality and on words to express that reality undoubtedly plays a part. He 
straggles with technique to achieve the effects he wants partly by sheer trial- 
and-success discovery; and partly by imitation from photographs and sketches 
observed. Unless he develops a'measure of facility spontaneously or through 
instruction, the child abandons drawing. 

Drawing becomes an esthetic expression for those older children, adoles- 
cents, and adults who have developed a measure of skill and can use it to com- 
municate their concepts of design, arrangement, balance, and composition. 
This is not to deny that younger children form such abstract esthetic con- 
cepts; they do, but undoubtedly at a much more rudimentary level. Nor is 
this to deny that drawing expresses affect or feeling; it does, particularly for 
young children, but at the motor expression level. For those older children 
and adolescents who can master technique and manage to conceive the activ- 
ity in terms of values in addition to visual realism, drawing may express affect 
at a more abstract, conceptual level. It is the writer's belief that research on 
the drawings of adolescents and adults could profitably attend to these ab- 
stractions, including the so-called "formal elements" of line, form, mass, 
balance, and proportion. Stewart (1955) and Lark-Horowitz and Norton 
(1960) have also made this suggestion. But such research will require that 
subjects be given fairly extensive training. It should be remembered that 
further progression in drawing performances is not found beyond ages twelve 
or fourteen. This is because most children have stopped spontaneous drawing 
by that time, thereby reducing or eliminating their opportunities for further 
learning in the medium. 



Chapter Eleven 

Children's Art 



THE STUDY of children's drawings from a psychological viewpoint,, even 
those drawings made in response to specific instructions, cannot be divorced 
from the study of art. When Goodenough came to her conclusions concern- 
ing the psychology of children's drawing, there had been very few studies on 
art production or on the psychology of esthetics. Many more such studies now 
exist in the literature. 



Psychology and Art 

Any theory of art must ultimately be a theory of perception and cognition 
and must also include affect or feeling. The cognition may not be verbal- 
abstract; it may be "imagistic," form-representative or even form-abstract. 
However, it will most probably involve those psychologically ill-defined con- 
cepts and constructs comprising the area known as esthetics. 

Art has been approached as (1) representative of reality, (2) interpretative 
or expressive, and (3) abstract, in which the focus is on color, line, form, sur- 
face, space, and their interrelations. Representation is essentially illustration; 
the delight of the artist and of the viewer is in the life-like re-creation of some 
image or impression. Expression is often illustration plus purposeful distor- 
tion or selection to create an effect for both artist and viewer. The abstract 
is, in a sense, decorative; the satisfaction for both artist and viewer is in the 
use and interrelations of color, line, shape, and space. This last usage of art 
is highly abstract, as that term has been used in this volume, in that relation- 
ships among properties represent a step removed from the properties them- 
selves, which in turn are the invariants in the perception of diverse objects or 
experiences, discussed in the previous chapter. 

Representative, expressive, and abstract art are not mutually exclusive. The 
pleasing illustration selects and interprets familiar visual forms; the expres- 
sive drawing transmits emotion by form and design, often by distorting fa- 
miliar objects or placing them in unusual settings; the abstract design is often 
expressive, and may also relate symbolically to familiar cognitive contents. 
Representative and expressive art that continues to please over long periods 
of time usually satisfies the principles of abstract art. 

211 



212 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Thus, from a psychological viewpoint, art is exceedingly complex. To the 
psychologist, art consists of equivalences, or at least of relationships, between 
objects, and ideas. The attempt to reduce these equivalences to formulae, 
whether in principles of physics or in pure mathematics, has not been widely 
accepted. Up to the present, there remains a nebulous area in experience, 
both in the production of a sketch and in the viewing of it, wherein some- 
thing "creative" occurs (perhaps a recombination of elements). This essen- 
tially "psychological" experience has persistently defied conversion into the 
systematic symbols of mathematics or logic. 

Is psychology properly concerned with things of the "mind/' with experi- 
ence as opposed to observable behaviors? Such was its usage in the early days 
of psychology, though modem scientific psychology has largely settled this 
question by concentrating on observable behavior. To the extent that art, 
whether seen as an interpretation of experience or as the result of behavior, 
is viewed as embracing some indefinable element, it remains psychological in 
the older sense of the term rather than behavioral, as this term is used today. 

There is still another exceedingly troublesome problem in formulating a 
psychology of art. Science is analytical; analysis seems to destroy the com- 
pleteness of the esthetic experience, and to lose the essential quality of the 
artistic product. But psychology has both humanistic and scientific aspects. 
A psychology 7 of art and drawing in the rational or in the intuitive, effective 
sense of the discipline would yield one form of truth. A psychology of art 
and drawing in the research tradition of behavioral science would yield quite 
a different form of truth. The two would be supplementary 7 , but they would 
probably defy reduction to common terms. 



Aspects of Art and Children's Drawings 

Thus far this volume has dealt largely with analytical, behavioristic ap- 
proaches to drawing as representation, and to a lesser extent as expression. 
There have been a few systematic studies of children's use of the elements of 
art color, line, mass, space, surface, and their interrelations shape, form, 
proportion, balance, design, symmetry. There have been studies of techniques 
such as perspective, shading, and the like. Schools of instruction have been 
built around such elements and technique. Individual "style" can often be dis- 
cerned in the use of elements and techniques and, as has been pointed out, 
peculiar treatments of these aspects of drawings have been the basis for "pro- 
jective analysis" of personality. 

Formal Elements in Drawing 

Education in America and England has, in recent decades, viewed the art 
period as an opportunity for children's free expression rather than for teach- 
ing art techniques. This may account for the relatively few studies dealing 
with formal elements in children's work. The McCarty study (1924), one of 



Children's Art 213 

the best of these, was done when the theory of art education permitted the 
teaching of techniques. Although she studied the work of young children who 
had had little or no art instruction, her approach was in harmony with the art 
education of that day. From spontaneous drawings made by more than 
30,000 children, McCarty found that while at age four more than 70 per cent 
of children used outline principally, and somewhat less than 30 per cent used 
mass, there was a steady change in the preference for these techniques. By 
age eight, the ratio was approximately 60-40, with the larger proportion using 
mass principally, though at least a third combined the two elements. 

McCarty also evaluated the appearance of proportion, balance (symmetry), 
and perspective, all of which were virtually nonexistent in drawings of four- 
year-olds. Proportion, as shown by reasonably effective use of relative size 
among objects in a picture, appears first and in the largest proportion of cases 
(approximately one-fourth of children achieving some success by age eight). 
Balance or symmetry in the arrangement of forms or objects remains quite 
foreign to eight-year-olds, less than four per cent showing this element. As 
in other studies of children's use of linear perspective, notably those of Clark 
(1897) and of Kerschensteiner (1905), the McCarty study noted its virtual 
absence in children under age eight. 

Leroy's (1951 ) study of perspective in the drawings of French children was 
limited to reproductions of three objects an auto, a house, and a boat. The 
study also included children's recognition of absurdities in pictured perspec- 
tive. Although Leroy found that the use of perspective appears as early as age 
four and is reasonably common by age eight, American experience based on 
the free drawings and requested human figure drawings of children suggests 
that attempts at perspective are quite infrequent before ages eleven or twelve. 
Malrieu (1950) found that perspective appeared at about age ten. The pres- 
ent author found very small but increasing percentages of children using 
perspective at ages ten to fifteen. 

The absence of these formal elements or features in execution does not 
mean that children are not aware of them. The Binet-type intelligence tests 
consistently place the beginnings of esthetic appreciation at five years, and the 
delight of young children in natural beauty and in color and design has long 
been noted and used in kindergarten practice. As in so many aspects of devel- 
opment, understanding or appreciation precedes spontaneous use. 

Ellsworth (1939) analyzed the free easel paintings of twenty nursery school 
children as a means of studying the early stages of compositional design, par- 
ticularly with respect to the relative use of line and mass. She found that if 
design was apparent, it most frequently took the form of a simple figural ele- 
ment placed in rows, columns, or concentric circles. Lines were more often 
used for the figures; mass more often when filling in backgrounds. 

A more extensive study in this area was made by Cockrell (1930), who 
collected 1,550 paintings from three nursery schools, with a total enrollment 
of sixty children between the ages of twenty months and six years. Cockrell 
reported that the devices most frequently employed in composition were 



214 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

contrast and opposition, and these occurred In almost even- painting. Balance 
of line, mass, or color was observed In 63" paintings; repetition in 262 In- 
stances; rhythm of movement in ISO paintings; and symmetry In 93 Instances. 
All paintings showing symmetry were made by the same thirteen children. 
Unfortunately, little Information Is given concerning the abilities and person- 
ality traits possibly differentiating these thirteen children from their class- 
mates. Cockrell concluded that training in design is unnecessary for young 
children. 

Toward a Systematic Psychology of Children's Art 

To the studies of proportion, balance, design, symmetry, and the like, In 
children's drawings must be added the series of systematic studies carried out 
by Norman Meier and his students at the University of Iowa. It is to be re- 
gretted that these promising early studies were not followed by others. Of 
the three monographs published by Meier only the first (1933) deals specifi- 
cally with the art of children. Its several papers, written by Meier's students, 
will be considered here. 

Daniels (Meier, 1933, pp. 1-11) described an ingenious method for study- 
Ing the recognition of compositional balance. Pairs of block designs, one of 
which was balanced In composition and the other unbalanced, were con- 
structed within recesses in a wooden frame and presented visually to children. 
The balanced model was sometimes on the right, sometimes on the left. The 
task of the child was to duplicate with a set of blocks either of the two models 
he wished. After he had finished he was asked to look at the models again and 
to choose the "nicer" one. Thirty-eight children were subjected to 185 ex- 
perimental situations. Among all the children's models, there were only eight- 
een clear attempts to copy the unbalanced design, and the unbalanced com- 
positions were preferred in only thirty-one choice situations. The author 
stated conservatively, that because neither of these proportions is reliably 
greater than chance, the results indicate that "no child evinced a definite 
preference for the unbalanced design" (Meier, 1933, p. 9). 

Jasper (Meier, 1933, pp. 12-25) made use of four devices for studying 
rhythm in graphic forms. In all four tests regular progress with age was ob- 
served, but other findings were of little significance. Whorley's careful analy- 
sis of the literature on the subject of rhythm (Meier, 1933, pp. 26-45) sug- 
gested that three elements of compositional unity be studiedemphasis, 
balance, and fitness. A test was designed for each. Emphasis was studied by re- 
quiring the child to arrange four toy trees around a birdbath. Balance or 
symmetry was studied by the child's arrangement of the trees around a cen- 
tral archway. Fitness was evaluated by the child's arrangement of furniture 
within a doll house. Scale values were obtained by utilizing the median value 
given by art experts to each of a series of photographed arrangements chosen 
to represent a roughly graded series. Scores were assigned by comparing the 
children's arrangements with photographs as standards. Children under four 
obtained low scores on these scales. With age improvement occurred, but 



Children s Art 215 

even among the adults success was far from universal. The test yielded very 
high reliability coefficients for the method, but inspection of the scatter dia- 
grams suggests that the figures reported are in error by a considerable amount. 

Children's sensitivity to color harmonv was evaluated by Williams (Meier, 
1933, pp. 46-50 ) in a brief methodological report. A doll-dressing procedure 
was used that included two identical sets of small dolls. Each doll in the set 
was dressed in a different color. The dolls were handed to the subject one at 
a time, together with four scarves of different colors. The child was asked to 
choose the scarf that he thought "would look nice with the doll's pretty 
dress/ 7 One of the scarves was a harmonizing color; the other three were chosen 
to give as poor an effect as possible. Walton (Meier, 1933, pp. 51-62) applied 
Williams* method to discover that ideas of color harmony prevalent among 
young children differ materially from those of older persons in the culture. 
Both means and medians show a steady decrease up to the age of seven, after 
which improvement occurs until the adult level is reached. The small sex 
difference observed consistently favored the girls. There was no relationship 
of the score on this test to intelligence, and a small group of children con- 
sidered to be gifted in art performed only slightly better than a group judged 
to lack artistic ability. 

These studies demonstrate that some of the subjective aspects of art, such 
as balance, symmetry, and harmony can be defined and studied experimen- 
tally. They show that young children demonstrate the formal elements of art 
in a rudimentary fashion and utilize these elements increasingly as they 
grow older. These principles are probably learned from incidental visual stim- 
ulation of the environment. It should be possible to investigate this learning 
systematically. The variables of age, intelligence, and experience could be con- 
trolled and the application of acquired knowledge and skill could be studied. 

The "golden section" 1 and its more complex formulation as "dynamic 
symmetry" has long been a favorite subject for experimentation in the psy- 
chological laboratory. Using 100 subjects at each of four levels preschool, 
third and sixth grades, and college, Thompson (1946) investigated preference 
for a series of 12 rectangles that were of uniform length but varied in width 
from a width-length ratio of 0.25 to 0.75. The preschool group favored no 
particular rectangle or group of rectangles. Adult (college student) prefer- 
ences stabilized in the 0.50 to 0.65 range. There was steadily increasing sim- 
ilarity to adult preferences in the third- and sixth-grade groups. The culture 
seems to orient preference toward certain width-length proportions, with 
adults noticeably rejecting the 0.70 and 0.75 proportions. Cordeau (1953), 
however, claims that about half of the children who make spontaneous draw- 
ings of rectangles approach the dimensions of the golden section; whereas 
less than ten per cent of the same children choose preferentially a rectangle 
of this dimension. 

1 "The golden section is the division of a line into two parts, so that the square on the 
one part is equal to the area of the rectangle formed by the whole line and the other part" 
(Drever, }. Dictionary of Psychology. Baltimore: Penguin, 1952). 



216 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Whether a particular complex quality of the person known as talent exists, 

and to what extent its components can be identified, still evades rigorous anal- 
ysis. Meier concluded that talent is composed of a number of qualities in the 
possession of which people differ markedly at birth. Ordinarily these qualities 
develop in all persons, in proportion to the potential with which a person 
starts. Great talent consists in the possession of high potential in all necessary 
elements. Meier's studies suggested such a theory to him, although they did 
not demonstrate it; nor did his several papers dealing with differences be- 
tween children presumed to be gifted in art and those presumed to lack 
talent, help his argument. Even though these studies are almost unique in 
the psychological literature, they can be said to have only begun to approach 
the subject. 



The Factor Analysis of Drawing 

Factor analysis is widely used to organize the fragmentation brought about 
by analytic procedures. Differing measures of the same complex of phenomena 
can be intercorrelated; and the components which parsimoniously account 
for the observed interrelationships among measures can be defined mathe- 
matically. From these definitions psychological inferences may be drawn, 
depending on the investigator's knowledge of and insight into the components 
he has defined and measured. It is important to remember, however, that 
such a technique can only organize the measures put into it. Because factor 
analysis requires correlations, it is natural for the investigator to study easily 
measured aspects of drawings. Few such factor analytic studies have been 
made of art products, and it is not surprising that these studies have dealt 
largely with ratings of formal qualities of drawings. 

Martin and Damrin (1951) rated drawings produced by thirty-one children 
on eleven five-point scales, including such variables as symmetry, firmness of 
line, expansiveness of the drawings as a whole, expansiveness of individual 
parts, pressure, continuity of strokes, and distinctness of features of individual 
figures. A factor analysis applied to these ratings, while based on too few cases 
for firm determination of factors, was interpreted as yielding three factors 
designated as Maturity, Balance, and Quality of Strokes. The first of these 
probably represents the psychological component assessed by Goodenough's 
method; the latter two clearly refer to more formal elements. The relation 
of these factors to psychological measures was not investigated. 

Lark-Horowitz and Norton (1960) reported a factor analysis of ten charac- 
teristics rated on several hundreds of crayon drawings contributed by as many 
children, six to fifteen years old. The characteristics included such items as 
use of blended color, balance in grouping, intentional asymmetry, and line 
treatment. Each drawing was rated dichotomously as to whether the charac- 
teristic contributed to its artistic quality. It is perhaps significant that the 
percentage of drawings achieving an artistic or esthetic rating on each of the 



Children '$ Art 217 

tea characteristics ranged from 4.0 to 21.2, with a median value at 7.9 per 
cent. Thus, the correlations 1 tetrachoric , were based on extremely asym- 
metrical distributions of ratings, in which only a small number of drawings 
achieved the positive rating. Entirely apart from the statistical problems 
this situation creates, it is evident that this study did not deal with abilities 
or qualities shown by most children. 

Seven of the ten characteristics correlated -f 37 or higher with chronologi- 
cal age. A Developmental, or Age, component thus became a logical first fac- 
tor to extract, and a principal factor solution of the intercorrelations was de- 
signed for this purpose. The following variables contributed substantially to 
the Developmental factor: realism; attempt to use shape in an artistic rather 
than clearly outlined manner; suggestion of a specific style in painting; diver- 
sity of means of indicating motion; consistent and effective use of the crayon 
medium; bold, blended, or graded (textured) treatment of area; bold, subtle, 
or delicate use of line; chronological age. 

A Style factor accounted for almost as much of the variance as the first 
factor. To this factor were related the use of color; use of shape in artistic 
manner; suggestion of a particular style; effective use of the medium; and 
treatment of areas. The third factor, less clearly defined, seemed to be a 
Motion factor. To it were related balance in grouping; purposeful asymmetry 
of arrangement in contrast with symmetry or haphazard placement; and the 
number of ways in w r hich motion was suggested. 

The Developmental factor probably includes some aspects of drawing re- 
vealed more explicitly by the Goodenough method. It is possible that the 
realistic or representational quality, diversity of ways of indicating motion, 
and use of line characteristics are based on the same elements that Good- 
enough (and the present studies) have found to relate so substantially to age. 
The use of shape, the suggestion of a particular style, the consistent use of 
the medium, and the treatment of area characteristics less obviously in- 
corporate Goodenough-type scoring elements; they are more global and qual- 
itative in nature, yet they appear to correlate positively with age. 

The Lark-Horowitz studies are unique in using concepts of art other than 
conventional formal elements. The studies show that quantitative methods 
can be successfully and meaningfully applied to concepts defined and judged 
by artists. From the descriptions supplied by the authors, it appears that a 
psychologist probably could not make reliable discriminations without train- 
ing in the application of the concepts; they are not self-evident from the 
verbal descriptions supplied. From the percentage of the drawings contribut- 
ing to the various characteristics hypothesized by Lark-Horowitz and her 
colleagues, it is evident that a set of concepts other than those defined by 
either Goodenough or Martin and Damrin were evaluated. 

A different approach was made by Stewart (1955), who evaluated self-por- 
traits obtained under standard conditions from adolescents in the classic 
Berkeley longitudinal study. The experimental design required independent 
ratings by three judges on each of thirty-one variables, using seven-point rat- 



218 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

ing scales. These variables Included such stylistic and formal qualities as 
realism, symmetry-, rhythm, naturalism, firmness of line, etc. The judges 
studied definitions of the variables and discussed them before making their 
ratings. The reliability (inter-judge correlation) of ratings varied from -f.IO 
to +.83; most of the variables having "an adequate degree of reliability for 
research purposes" (Stewart, 1935, p. 97 1. These variables resemble those 
of Martin and Damrin more than those of Lark-Horowitz and colleagues. 

Stewart's data were treated separately for boys and girls. While similar 
clusters appeared in both analyses, the patterns suggest that perhaps there 
should be dif erences in the psychological interpretation of the clusters found. 
Among boys, the following factors (or clusters of components) appear to 
exist: (A) technical skill and esthetic quality; (B) naturalistic representation; 
(C) static symmetry; (D) width and variability of line; and (E) angularity 
(i.e., tendency to use angular forms). For the girls, the first factor appeared 
to break into two separate clusters technical skill, and esthetic quality and 
rhythm. Clusters B, C, D, and E appear with much the same components as 
in the boys' data but less clearly delineated or differentiated. Girls' drawings, 
however, yielded a seventh cluster, designated as emphasis on movement, 
which did not emerge in the boys' drawings as a separate factor. Certain of 
these factors, notably B and possibly A, may overlap the aspects of drawings 
evaluated by the Goodenough method. That a developmental or age factor 
did not appear in this study is probably due to the fact that the artists were 
adolescents, homogeneous in age. 

Scores for the several factors were estimated for the children, unfortunately 
from the same drawings used to derive the factors. These factor scores were 
correlated with adjustment measures ("Guess Who" tests, personality and 
interest inventories) and behavior ratings (self-ratings and teacher ratings). 
The resulting coefficients were low but in some cases were significantly 
greater than zero. For example, among boys, skill quality (cluster A) seemed 
to be associated with self-dissatisfaction and neurotic introversion; among 
girls, this cluster related to creativeness and adjustive-introversion tendencies. 
Cluster D in boys was related to dominant extraversion; to sociability and 
adjustment in girls. All statistically significant correlations fell considerably 
below a value useful for prediction in the individual case. 

The factor peculiar to girls, which included "emphasis on mouth" as well 
as "movement/' was associated with personality ratings of self-assertion and 
striving for recognition. It will be recalled that movement in drawings is a 
"masculine" characteristic. Stewart's finding may reflect only that girls who 
draw similarly to boys tend to resemble boys in aggression. This would be an 
interesting hypothesis to investigate, especially since girls characteristically 
draw a small dainty mouth. 

Stewart recorded the fact that adolescent boys with some artistic talent 
tend to be rated as self-dissatisfied and neurotic. By adolescence, art interests 
and activities are rather generally accepted as relating to the feminine role 
in our culture. Boys with strong propensities toward art may experience con- 



Children s Art 219 

siderable role conflict, especially in adolescence when status and sex-appro- 
priate roles are so very important. 

A finding of this revision and extension of the Goodenough scale may also 
throw light on Stewart's observation that girls draw more "'stereotyped" or 
standardized self-portraits than do boys. It has been shown that girls are 
relatively more superior to boys in drawing the female igure than in drawing 
the male figure. Moreover, girls tend consistently to excel on facial features, 
hair, and presence of accessories (such as beads, etc.). Attention to facial 
details in drawings is a feminine characteristic, possibly greatly encouraged by 
the massive advertising campaigns of the cosmetics industry. Facial details 
do not group themselves with other clusters of attributes. It may be that 
girls, with their greater skills in drawing and attention to detail, achieve a 
superior schema for portraying the female figure, and it is this schema that 
comes through in the self-portraits. The fact that girls' clusters do not differ- 
entiate as well as do boys' may also result from the general superiority of girls 
in human figure drawings; a consistently higher pattern of intercorrelations 
among aspects of drawing would tend to blur the separate factors. 

By plotting the factor scores for all the boys, Stewart discovered several 
fairly distinct types of factor profiles. When representative work for each of 
these "types" was studied, Stewart found it feasible to attach names of well- 
known "schools" of art to examples. The Realistic or Naturalistic self-por- 
trait was executed with average skill, contained much shading, had smooth 
lines, and was curved and regular. The Decorative or Expressive self-portrait 
lacked shading, was flat, schematic, and very symmetrical. The Primitive type 
was rigidly symmetrical and non-naturalistic, crude and unskilled, with wide 
and variable lines. A fourth type was high on skill and esthetic quality and 
tended toward the Decorative. The fifth type resembled the Naturalistic type 
but showed a higher degree of skill. The sixth type was clearly Expressive, 
being asymmetrical, high on movement, vivid in style, with wide and variable 
lines. Adjective check lists applied to the "artist" subjects revealed clusters of 
adjectives characteristically applied to each of the six types of artist. 

Thus, depending upon the variables defined and the ratings made, the re- 
sults of factor analyses fit or rationalize certain more general or intuitive im- 
pressions of drawings. Moreover, the Stewart study suggests a low but positive 
correlation between features of adolescents' drawings and personality qual- 
ities, a finding not well established by the investigations of clinical psycholo- 
gists reported in Chapter III. The Stewart study of drawing styles is one of the 
few studies with positive findings in the personality area. 



Child Art and Personality Development 

This review has noted several art theorists who have attempted to utilize 
well-established psychological concepts and principles in formulating their 
approach to teaching art. Notable among these have been Amheim, Lowen- 



220 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

feld, Gombrich, Schaefer-Simmern, and to a lesser extent, perhaps, Read. 
Their opinions are often unique and always strongly expressed. Even among 
contesting viewpoints, however, there is close agreement on the idea that 
artistic activity can have an impact on the person usually described as enrich- 
ing, freeing, or enhancing to personality development. This effect on the de- 
velopment of normal children is one of the bases for justifying art in the 
modern school curriculum. It is also one of the reasons for using art in the 
treatment of psychologically disturbed children and adults. 

Three projects, rather differently oriented philosophically, illustrate the 
developmental effects of graphic art. One was the quite unsophisticated, al- 
most accidental, experience of an artistically untrained teacher with a group 
of neglected aboriginal waifs on a government reservation in Australia. An- 
other occurred at the hands of an art teacher in an evacuation camp and 
school for boys in war-torn England. The third was a demonstration and 
experiment with mentally retarded children and adults and with juvenile de- 
linquents by an art theorist and educator in New York City. 

The experience at Carrolup, Australia (Miller and Rutter, 1952) is in- 
structive. Mr. White, a teacher, apparently had a genuine liking for the 
neglected outcasts in his school, mostly older children and young adoles- 
cents. He also had an interest in music and the dance and quickly sensed 
the capacities of his children for these activities. These activities seemed to 
awaken a responsiveness in the previously apathetic children. Through prac- 
tical attention to personal sanitation and appearance, Mr. White built up 
their sense of worth. Then he tried graphic art. Although Mr. White knew 
literally nothing about sketching and painting, he encouraged "scribble pat- 
terns/* using crayons to fill in spaces and interstices. He quickly discovered 
that the children enjoyed this activity and were able to create surprisingly 
varied and pleasing effects. The school inspector, himself an amateur artist, 
was struck by this fact, supplied materials, and encouraged Mr. White to 
permit the children to experiment freely. Says Mary Miller, who reported 
the experience: 

Any actual instruction they received in the use of the media was from Mr. 
Crabbe (the inspector) during his brief, very occasional visits. In the second 
year of their art development, he showed them how to apply a graded wash 
and how it was possible to draw with a brush, though he was sensitive lest 
he should hamper them with directions or in any way interfere with the char- 
acteristic style they were developing. Those who seek a clue to the origin of 
this style will not find it in Mr. Grabbers own delicate, academically finished 
paintings (Miller and Rutter, 1952, p. 43). 

Following Mr. Grabbers suggestion to encourage children to observe, Mr. 
and Mrs. White took the youngsters on walks, helping the children to notice 
more and more detail in nature about them a crouching rabbit, the peculiar 
shapes and patterns of bark on the trees, of hollows and bumps on tree trunks, 



Children s Art 221 

and the tracer}' patterns of tree limbs against the sky. Through this technique 
and through Mr. White's suggestion that they illustrate their written work in 
school, the children developed a habit of writing out descriptions of what 
they saw, using small sketches to illustrate the details. Notable to the teacher, 
the school inspector, and the visitors who came to see the work was the 
marked contrast in appearance, alertness, poise, interest, and school perform- 
ance of these children to others. Part of the children's personality develop- 
ment was undoubtedly enhanced by Mr. White's interest in native history 
and tradition, and by his telling the youngsters about native guides famous 
in the early days of the country. 

Clearly, the effect of this experience was to develop conceptual as well as 
visual images in the children and to encourage them to draw the world as 
they saw it. Observation was reinforced by the assignment to translate their 
visual impressions into words. Yet their work did not fall into photographic 
realism. In their use of form and color the children achieved surprisingly 
original effects and interpretations, as the plates in Miss Miller's book show. 
Whereas much untrained aboriginal art is schematically realistic, portraying 
what is known to be rather than what is seen, these children moved ahead to 
draw what they saw, not what they knew. They re-created rich and varied 
mental images. In writing of the effect of the experience on the children's 
work, Miss Miller says: 

No doubt suggestions that these children may have developed more interest- 
ingly if left alone are surely made in ignorance of their story, as are also the 
regrets expressed that this is not "aboriginal art." The work is that of children 
of aboriginal blood who know as little of the art forms of their forefathers 
as they do of the moderns, or, for that matter, of any artists of our own 
society. They were no more or less influenced than any of their kind with 
eyes to see and ears to hear in a white man's world. But what they produced 
was something spontaneous and unique in itself (1952, p. 65). 

And she adds further, 

It can only be said that Australia has not seen the like of this work before, 
and, despite the fact that so many peopl of aboriginal blood are artistically 
inclined, it is doubtful whether the phenomenon of Carrolup an unusual 
combination of circumstances and a vital teacher-pupil relationship will 
ever occur again (1952, p. 65). 

The experiment in England took place at the Whiteacre Camp (Dunnett, 
1948), a war-time evacuation camp and school for older children and adoles- 
cents. During the five years the camp operated, it saw a changing population 
of some 900 boys, 200 being present at any one time. As a part of their regular 
school experience all these boys were given stimulating experiences with 
graphic art by a teacher who obviously liked them and who regarded art as 
enriching, contributing to a sense of freedom, self-confidence, and self-respect. 



222 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

This teacher was not concerned with art for art's sake, but with using art 
to contribute to personality enrichment and enhancement. She appreciated 
tne Evacuee's natural desires to make and to possess things ot their own and 
Loduced and encouraged the use of various art forms. She connnced thej 
boys that their work was tralv art meritorious in its own right. Using dis- 
cuSons of the work of great artists, she combined art appreciation with the 
Sciences in art production. She encouraged the development of individual 

a -r ? 

more explicit and clearly developed theory of art and of art Beaton. But 
See the Whiteacre experience, it was also based on the assumption that a* - 
tic capacity is a natural attribute of all human beings. Using a theory -of self- 
expression' with due regard for encouragement of unique and individual 
Zceptions, Schaefer-Sirnmem's experiment achieved surprising results in 
mentallv defective adolescents and adults and in a group of delinquent adoles- 
cents In this study, as in the Carrolup and Whiteacre experiences, the evi- 
dence points out the enhancing effects of long-continued, satisfying .experi- 
ences with artistic media. Schaefer-Simmem emphasizes that as the individual 
achieves increasing self-confidence and freedom from preconceived notions, 
his art product improves and exhibits unfolding Gestalts or patterns of graphic 
expression. These patterns, he believes, are intrinsic to the psychological proc- 
ess whereby visual concepts are translated into drawings; their unfolding fol- 
lows definite developmental trends. 

In all three experiences reviewed above, certain common elements appear. 
These may be summarized as follows: 

1 The children are generally eleven or twelve years of age and older. 2 

2. There is a teacher who believes firmly in the efficacy of art for personality 
enrichment and development. 

?. This teacher also believes firmly, indeed passionately, in the potential 
of children for goodness and growth. 

4 These teachers bring about in children an intense experience ot the en- 
vironment which is direct and concrete, but is also one stage removed from 
immediate sensation and perception. The concrete experiences are somehow 
converted into images, visual and verbal. 

At the Whiteacre Camp, for example, Ruth Dunnett encouraged children 
to collect stones and other objects of nature, which were examined, com- 
pared and contrasted, sorted, and classified in many different ways. Fruit pits, 
eggs, acorns, branches, leaves, bits of bark, and similar objects were studied. 

2 The author considers this an important circumstance for the artistic and expressive 
development that resulted. Most of the children were close to the end or already past the 
period when drawing is principally calligraphy. 



Children s Art 223 

These studies were enhanced by handling, comparing, and discussing the mate- 
rials. The comparison and sorting emphasized attributes of form, color, tex- 
ture, and the like, but also emphasized generalizations. 

In the Australian experiment Mr. and Mrs. White took the children on 
many nature walks, requiring them to observe details of trees, animals, plants, 
and, upon returning, to attempt to draw in different poses and situations the 
things they had seen. Both experiments stressed discussion by the children of 
their experiences and of the items they had collected or seen. 

5. The child comes to see his artistic expression as a means of conveying his 
unique experience, which is both emotional and cognitive in character. 

6. The children work extensively with artistic media. Children must make 
many drawings, many paintings, do much clay work, to adapt the hand to 
the tools and to explore the possibilities of the medium itself. 

7. Instruction in technique comes relatively late, only after the children 
have had clear perceptual and cognitive experiences and have developed a 
desire to communicate these experiences. Techniques then become aids in 
this communication. 

In the Australian study, the supervisor on rare visits to the bush school 
would make a few r specific suggestions on technique, or supply new materials 
with which to work with a word or two about handling them. At the White- 
acre Camp, the children themselves began to discuss the technical uses of 
perspective, balance, line, color, and the like, as they experimented with the 
materials. The teacher always followed the children's own lead, making a 
suggestion, directing their exploration by a question, showing one or two 
methods of solving a child's problem after the child had verbalized his prob- 
lem and his attempts to solve it. Miss Dunnett says: "The boys were forever 
discovering technical details about drawing and painting, and as time went 
on they asked more and more direction and absorbed it avidly" (Dunnett, 
1948, p. 36). 

In the Whiteacre experiment interest was maintained and experimentation 
encouraged by having the children try one medium, then another, returning 
occasionally to earlier experiences to explore them further. The teacher di- 
rected, allowing only limited freedom of choice in media at any one time, 
but seeing to it that experience varied constantly. 

8. Children learn technique from each other, as well as from the teacher. 

It is interesting to note that Schaefer-Simmem elicits a striking similarity 
of pattern in his subjects which he interprets as a developmental mode of 
expression inherent in the "visual conceiving 77 process. It has also been 
pointed out that pupils of an enthusiastic art teacher often show a homo- 
geneous and identifiable "style/ 7 even when technique is not consciously 
taught. Such a "style" appears in the work of the several Australian children 
illustrated in Miss Miller's book; apparently they learned modes of expres- 
sion from each other, as their teacher did not draw. The Whiteacre children's 
work, like the work of Viktor Lowenfeld's pupils, shows a variety of effects. 
But perhaps this fact of recognizable style is less significant than that a warm, 



224 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

enthusiastic, and inspired teacher gets children to believe in themselves and 
in their abilities to communicate through drawing, disengaging them from 
cramping preconceptions of pictorial reproduction. 



Summary 

Any discussion of the psychology of children's drawings is incomplete with- 
out reference to studies of children's art more broadly considered. Graphic art 
has been conceived as representation or illustration, as interpretation or ex- 
pression, and as abstract or, in a sense, decorative. Art, thus, is complex, serv- 
ing different functions and motives. Psychologically, art must be discussed 
in experience constructs; behavior theory at present seems inadequate to treat 
fully the phenomena of art. 

Studies of children's use of color, line, space, surface, and their interrela- 
tionsshape, form, proportion, balance, symmetry, and design show progres- 
sive trends as children master the mechanics of the medium and the percep- 
tive and cognitive processes necessary to conceptualization. Skill in the use 
of these formal elements is attained through very complex learnings. Entirely 
apart from specific instruction, there are discernible convergences and trends 
in children's work. 

Studies employing factor analyses show that detailed, analytic evaluations 
of drawings can be accounted for in terms of a limited number of general 
factors. One of these is clearly an Age, or Maturity factor; others may be de- 
scribed as balance or arrangement, quality of line or stroke, style or artistic or 
esthetic quality, and movement or rhythm. There is evidence, moreover, that 
by adolescence, these factors have clustered sufficiently to suggest that some 
children recognizably follow one or another of the three major functions served 
by art. There is realistic or naturalistic work; there is expressive work, and there 
is work that is highly skilled and primarily esthetic. A fourth "primitive" type 
possibly represents the work of those who have not progressed beyond earlier, 
cruder representations. 

Art education has emphasized the psychological consequences of encourage- 
ment of free, imaginative work. Three "experiments" in art education, al- 
though quite different in theoretical orientation, showed a convergence of 
features. All had as subjects older children or adolescents encouraged by en- 
thusiastic teachers. These teachers stressed direct observation of and sensorial 
experience with the environment, urging motor and perceptual manipula- 
tions, and the verbalization of perceptions. The teacher emphasized the value 
of each child re-creating in his own way his perceptual experience through the 
artistic medium. They motivated intensive practice, and added instruction 
in technique late in the process, only to aid individual children solve particu- 
lar problems. In this process children learned from trial and success and from 
each other as well as from the teacher. All three projects reported a "freeing" 
of affective expression and the enhancement of personality development. 



Chapter Twelve 

Summary and Conclusions 



THIS BOOK has surveyed the directions that research on children's draw- 
ings has taken, reported a program of research on drawings as measures of 
intellectual maturity, and reviewed the major theoretical positions relating to 
a psychology of children's drawings. 

The study of children's drawings has long followed the descriptive tradi- 
tion. The stages of children's drawings are now rather well delineated. The 
drawing of the human form, particularly that of the male, reveals progress 
in the child's concepts such that an index can be derived from his inclusion 
of body detail. This index provides a measure of intellectual maturity that 
correlates substantially with tests of so-called general intelligence, and relates 
to the ability to do abstract thinking. It does not correlate more highly with 
esthetic, motor, perceptual, or performance-test abilities than it does with 
verbal or conceptual abilities. Children's drawings of the human figure do 
not appear to be valuable as measures of interest, temperament, affective or 
personality factors; the large part of the variance seems to be accounted for 
by cognitive, conceptual factors. Those who persistently seek clues to the 
child's affective life in his drawings may have underestimated the importance 
of cognition in personality development and integration. It has been shown 
that drawings do tell us about the conceptual, intellectual component of per- 
sonality. 



Contributions of This Research 

Specific studies reported in this book have shown that: 

1. The human figure continues to be a favorite drawing subject for chil- 
dren, who strive to represent it as it appears visually. 

2. It has been possible to derive a Draw-a-Woman scale which parallels 
the Draw-a-Man scale. 

a. The scales are offered on a point score basis, with tables for convert- 
ing them to standard scores with a mean of 100 and standard devia- 
tion of 15. 

225 



226 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

b. The intercorrelation of the two scales falls somewhat below the re- 
liability of either scale alone. 

c, The female figure is more "culture bound" than the male figure, and 
perhaps less stereotyped and more susceptible to individual interpre- 
tation. This conclusion accords with Goodenough's supposition in 
her earlier study. 

3. It is not possible to extend the scale upward in age as an index of the 
same abilities measured in children between the ages of four and fourteen. 

a. There is much evidence in the literature and in this study to sup- 
port the hypothesis that visual realism and self-criticism operate to 
discourage children's representative drawing efforts. 

b. Individual scoring points cease to show an age increment in the early 
teens; some even show an age decrement at age fifteen. This decre- 
ment' occurs when points are lost as children attempt a "sketching" 
technique to suggest rather than portray a feature. 

4. Contrary to the evidence of many older studies, girls in Western cul- 
tures do" better on the drawing test than do boys. Whether there is a 
true shift in drawing in Western cultures over the past fifty or sixty years 
is difficult to say. This change may reflect both educational and cultural 
changes. 

a. This difference exists to a relatively greater degree on the Woman 
than on the Man scale. 

b. On both scales, there are certain items on which girls excel and cer- 
tain ones on which boys excel. 

c. There are certain features that are handled differently in "style" by 
the sexes. 

5. Compared with the standardization data of 1926, children today per- 
form substantially at a higher level on many items in the test. The 
reason for this is not at once apparent. 

6. Educational influences are significant in shaping and modifying the basic 
schemata that children adopt when they draw the human figure. The 
suggestion is that cultural peculiarities or patterns, as well as sex differ- 
ences, do exist, and these probably reflect general visual as well as pic- 
torial influences. 

7. The Drawing of the Self may, possibly, be more useful in studying non- 
intellectual psychological factors. Although this drawing has been less 
completely evaluated, it is the author's impression that its general di- 
mensions follow the lines established for the Man and Woman draw- 
ings. Children do attempt, however, increasingly with age, to portray 



Summary and Conclusions 22" 

juvenile and idiosyncratic features. In other words, they try to present 
themselves as they characteristically appear in dress, with favorite pos- 
sessions, and the like. 

S. Quality scales for convenient and rapid scoring of the Man and Woman 
drawings have been developed and standardized. These scales are not 
as sensitive measures of development as the Point scales, especially after 
age eight or nine. Moreover, the Quality scales tend to magnify the sex 
differences observed on the Point scales. 



The Descriptive Psychology of Drawing 

From a review and synthesis of the research literature, it is possible to draw 
some general conclusions and propositions concerning the psychology of 
children's drawings. Though the great bulk of the literature is descriptive 
and empirical, and though very few writers have acknowledged systematic 
theory, major contending theoretical positions may be discerned. Throughout 
the extensive review it has been noted that an analytic approach contends 
with a wholistic or organismic viewpoint. The former appears primarily in 
descriptive and theoretic research papers; the latter in some theoretic papers, 
but primarily in art and art education theory, and in interpretative and clin- 
ical studies of personality. In general, it appears that the analytic method has 
yielded more fruitful results and has built up the more scientifically impres- 
sive literature. This literature has firmly established the major psychological 
correlates of children's drawings in the area of concepts and cognitive proc- 
esses. Wholistic, interpretative approaches, however, have called attention to 
persisting problems which the analytically inclined have tended to brush 
aside. Wholistic approaches have emphasized the complexity of the drawing 
process and its essential relationship to the child's maturity in other respects. 
They have thus catalyzed, corrected, and returned research to the level of ob- 
served phenomena. 

Likewise, various discussions divide on the need fulfilled by the drawing 
act: the communication of ideas, expression of inner feeling or affective 
states, or the expression of a more abstract, purely esthetic satisfaction in use 
of color, line, mass, space, surface. Again, depending upon one's theoretical 
and practical position and the details of drawing behavior to which he at- 
tends, he may find evidence for any position. If he is an academic or devel- 
opmental psychologist, he is likely to view drawing as signifying cognitive 
content. If he is interested in personality development and deviations, is a 
clinician and therapist, or is an art educator, he is likely to favor the emotional 
expression hypothesis. If he is interested in esthetics, and the more abstract 
aspects of human thought, he may emphasize abstract esthetic satisfaction in 
his interpretation of art. 

Actually, drawing seems to satisfy all of these motives. At any age, elements 



228 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

of all of these motives are evidenced in children's drawings, but the relative 
emphasis shifts with development. The very young child seems to gain an 
intense satisfaction, largely affective in nature, from the motoric expression 
involved in scribbling and drawing. Then, for a short time, around age six or 
seven, an interest in form and pattern as such may appear. Increasingly, how- 
ever, his drawing becomes a form of language a way of expressing concepts 
and ideas. It is thus a form of calligraphy, a kind of elaborate and stylized 
writing. At the same time, however, the child becomes increasingly adept at 
handling line, mass, and space, and interrelating these to produce shape, form, 
proportion, balance, and design in his drawings of familiar objects. In effect 
he is discovering the techniques of graphic art. But primarily his drawings at 
this time express the growing complexity of his concepts of concrete objects 
and their interrelationships. 

With increasing skill in and dependence on verbal communication, the 
calligraphic aspect of drawings tends to be displaced. Most children become 
so dependent upon verbal techniques, so aware of the criterion of visual 
realism which is forced on them by an overwhelmingly visual, even pictorial, 
culture, and so critical of their inability to achieve visual effects commen- 
surate with this criterion, that they give up drawing altogether. 

This state of affairs (occurring in late childhood) is recognized quite gen- 
erally and is much deplored by educators. A number of prominent art educa- 
tors have demonstrated in different ways the possibility of reducing the 
tendency to self-criticism and reinforcing the satisfactions in motoric and emo- 
tional as well as conceptual expressions, so that graphic and other art forms 
can become a satisfying expression for children and adults. It is possible that 
only under these circumstances does drawing predominantly serve a truly 
esthetic function. This effect, however, requires considerable effort and re- 
quires mastery of a number of complex skills. Moreover, skill in the creative 
use of form, proportion, balance, symmetry, and design probably also requires 
the kind of highly abstract concepts which do not appear until adolescence. 

All students of children's drawings recognize that there are distinct develop- 
mental features in the drawing process. Those who have described successive 
stages in the depiction of the human figure invariably discern the same or 
closely similar stages. Children do adopt similar devices for portraying the 
human figure at roughly similar ages. Some authorities think of these stages 
as the result of limits set by the child's nature. A child is limited by the 
present stage of his cognitive or conceptual development and cannot achieve 
results more complex than those he portrays. Others think of the stages as 
necessary phases in the successive organization of a complex response, wherein 
one stage must be mastered before the child can go on to the next. 

It is this latter notion of successive stages that has proved more intriguing 
psychologically. Some have felt that there is an unfolding of inherent patterns 
and that this process, if we only knew how to read it, could tell us more of the 
evolving child mind. Such was pretty largely the earlier view. A more con- 
temporary view believes that the child's stages of drawing depict successive 



Summary and Conclusions 229 

steps In his attainment of complex concepts and his discover}' and mastery 
of intricate techniques for delineating these concepts within the limitations 
of the medium crayon or pencil on a plane surface. 



Stages in Children's Drawings 

Indeed, one can discern three very broad stages in which drawing seems to 
fulfill rather different functions psychologically. There is a very early phase, 
wherein the pleasure is primarily in making marks on paper; these marks 
gradually assuming form and character. The child's interest is less in what he 
achieves than in the act of producing effects. This is the stage that has been 
discerned so clearly in higher apes and in infants. 

The next general phase consists of imitative and reproductive drawing. In 
this, the child progressively attains the concepts necessary to depicting the 
human figure as it appears to the eye. The successive stages of this general 
phase in drawing describes a progression in conceptual maturity, based on in- 
creasing differentiation and organization of detail. This general phase of 
drawing also sees the attainment and incorporation of increasingly complex 
concepts, so that drawings in this period become a simple but clearly defined 
index to cognitive complexity. 

The third broad phase is much less often realized in individual develop- 
ment. This phase, it would seem, is the use of graphic elements according to 
learned techniques and principles of design, arrangement, balance, and the 
like, to produce esthetically pleasing effects as well as to communicate con- 
ceptually to others. This stage includes the development of art as "illusion" 
in Gombrich's sense. It is the stage at which true esthetic effects can be 
achieved, in which deep satisfaction may be gained in both the process of pro- 
duction and the product achieved. This stage may also include daring experi- 
ments in abstract use of line, form, and design. 

Most authorities also recognize that the child's progression through the 
stages is seen in the schemata which he uses to depict the human figure. A 
schema is a characteristic way of depicting the human form through emphasis 
on particular forms and elements; it changes with development and learning. 
A characteristic schema is also identifiable within the individual child's work. 
Some authorities choose to find a universal symbolism in children's work, 
depicting ideas or truths not available to them cognitively but arising out of 
the individual or racial unconscious. The present author has found no particu- 
lar evidence for this viewpoint, at least in experimental work. Others be- 
lieve that such symbolism is determined by the culture. Cross-culture studies 
show, however, that the culture determines chiefly the peripheral or elabora- 
tive aspects of schemata, and are more influential in later than in earlier child- 
hood. The general schema seems to be determined by psychological processes 
perception and conceptualization of the human form, which processes are 
similar from culture to culture. 



230 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

All authorities recognize that something occurs at adolescence which, for 
many children, puts an end to representative drawing. Some discern in this 
cessation evidence of increasing psychological and motivational conflicts, 
particularly over sex and body. Others attribute this cessation to the increas- 
ing preeminence of language in usefully delineating cognitive content, or 
concepts. Still others point out the child's increasing ability to judge his draw- 
ing as a conceptualization and representation of visual reality, and his increas- 
ing self-criticism of technique. For the first position, there is very little posi- 
tive, and some negative, evidence. There is some psychological and social 
evidence for the second. For the third position, there is persuasive psychologi- 
cal evidence that when visual representation assumes an inordinate signifi- 
cance, as it does in a technological society with its emphasis on pictures and 
diagrams, the child becomes markedly aware of the photographic or visual 
image, grows self-critical and gives up his drawing, unless he is able to master 
techniques for achieving effects that he understands and wishes to achieve. 

All authorities recognize, over and above the characteristic schemata already 
discussed, unique or individual features in children's work. Authorities van' 
in the significance they attach to this fact. Some discern in these individual 
variations evidence of individual children's interests and attitudes. Others 
see deep emotional significance in these variations. The position that seems 
most plausible recognizes these individual variations as embroidery on a cen- 
tral core of meaning, dependent upon perceptual-conceptual learnings. 



A Distinction in Theoretical Approaches 

As has been stated, all scientific efforts to describe the drawing process or 
to develop psychological theory concerning drawing behavior have stressed 
children's drawings as representative, as expressive of concepts or cognitive 
content. It is at the point of defining how concepts arise, and how drawings 
reflect concepts, that a sharp separation occurs. 

Those investigators who have been influenced by Gestalt theory tend to dis- 
cern in children's drawings the same principles that pattern visual perception. 
There is a hierarchical arrangement of figure and ground, and within figures 
there occurs a patterning which follows the dynamic laws of Gestalt psy- 
chology. Organization among the elements consistently appears and domi- 
nates the elements. As the child matures, this organization comes to include 
more and more elements and to express increasingly complex relationships 
among the elements, but form, quality, and organization are ineluctable. 

Because early perceptions are limited to simple, potent attributes of objects 
and of the visual field, drawing representation in young children is simple 
and schematic. Because perception everywhere follows the same psychological 
laws, drawing schemata are similar from child to child and from culture to 
culture. As perceptions differentiate, concepts elaborate, and drawings be- 
come less schematic and more visually accurate from an adult viewpoint. Dif- 



Summary and Conclusions 231 

ferences among children in depicting the human form begin to appear in these 
more elaborate concepts; cultural differences likewise appear, as concepts 
begin to include cultural characteristics, such as garb. But at any level, the 
drawing truly represents the child's perception and conception. 

One must recognize that such wholistic ideas have long been prominent in 
the discussions of drawing and art. However, the preference, in accounts of 
children's drawing behavior, for the global language of these theories may 
come quite as much from the desire to encompass complex activities as briefly 
and as simply as possible, without an intricate description of all the contin- 
gencies In a highly variable phenomenon, as from an Intellectual predilection 
for Gestalt principles as such. The use of such terms descriptively, moreover, 
possibly has stood in the way of more analytic accounts which might have 
uncovered other organizational principles. Analytical concepts have been 
powerful in science and, though perhaps less commonly used In the study of 
children's drawings, have nevertheless demonstrated their power in the Draw- 
a-Man technique and its Interpretation. 

Investigators schooled in the constructs of assoclationism, conditioning, 
and more recently behavior theory, have analyzed concept formation in terms 
of the association of perceptual elements with behavioral responses. By dis- 
criminative learning, which often requires repeated experience (I.e., "trials"), 
a particular stimulus becomes linked with a particular response. When the 
organism responds to stimuli closely resembling the initially effective stimu- 
lus, some learning theorists speak of stimulus generalization. In a sense, con- 
cept formation might be considered as a form of stimulus generalization; the 
continuum along which the stimulus, cognitively apprehended, generalizes and 
becomes the concept. 

Some learning theorists, however, object to the concept of stimulus general- 
ization, holding that "generalization " is merely the absence of discrimination. 
In such case the stimuli that occasion the response have not been fully dis- 
criminated or differentiated. This undiscriminated stimulus situation, cog- 
nitively apprehended, is a broad concept; once it is discriminated or differen- 
tiated, new concepts or subconcepts appear. In concept learning, verbal or 
other symbolic components take their place in stimulus-response chains. 

Although such ideas present some logical difficulties, the learning process 
the linking of behavior elements to stimuli by contiguous repetition, elicita- 
tion, and reward, or emission and reinforcement taken over time, may be 
seen as progressive, yielding more complex structures. In these terms, the 
analysis of drawings becomes the linking of perceptual-motor units (con- 
cepts) with other perceptual-motor units (markings on paper). In this proc- 
ess, a kind of self-correction through the observation of effects undoubtedly 
occurs, and the reinforcements provided by adults and other children are also 
important. Concepts are enlarged by including in the conceptual class addi- 
tional examples from new experiences in which similar elements are discrimi- 
nated. Concepts are made more precise by subdividing the conceptual class 
according to some newly discriminated dimension of variable elements. 



232 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

That a commonly experienced object is portrayed by children of successive 
ages (and therefore of greater experience) in such manner that drawings can 
be graded or scaled, is evidence that the concept involved modifies in a sys- 
tematic way with increased experience. Concept development is not purely 
fortuitous, because the environment and its reinforcements are not random. 
Children acquire concepts socially, in a world of existing concepts. It is pos- 
sible in these terms to trace a continuum of perceptual-motor experiences 
from the scribblings of the ape ? to the work of the very young human child, 
to the art of the older child. 

There is a temptation to observe that an investigator will favor one or the 
other of these two modes, the wholistic or the associationistic, depending on 
his assumptions, the phenomena he wishes to "explain/* and the dimensions 
of drawing behavior or product he selects to study. This is too easy a solu- 
tion; all phenomena reliably observed and reported should be susceptible of 
explanation parsimoniously. Recent developments in research and theory con- 
cerning perception offer a possible solution. 



Drawing and Perceptual-Conceptual Development 

Hebb's theory of behavior organization seems to bridge the gap between 
the associationistic and wholistic approaches. His point of view recognizes 
"early" and "later" types of learning, and provides a neurological basis for 
each type. The difference is not one in kind so much as in level of complexity 
of neural organization. The former is built up out of particulars and is more 
adequately described by associationist terms. The latter incorporates the 
perception and recognition of patterns and draws more generously upon con- 
cepts reminiscent of field theory. The child's drawings depict his understand- 
ings as well as his perceptions, and his understanding is built upon his ac- 
cumulation and organization of learned response elements. 

Eleanor Gibson's application of information theory concepts to perception 
can be used to show how concept formation proceeds as a hypothesis-testing, 
trial and correction process. Having attained object perception, the child dis- 
criminates likenesses and differences in the more prominent attributes of 
objects in his experience. At first, discrimination and recognition involve the 
total sensorium but, with age, depend increasingly on the distance receptors, 
particularly sight. Linguistic forms increasingly available to him permit him 
to "code" these attributes and thus assign the objects to classes. Thus, con- 
cepts are formed. A new object, the properties of which may be presumed to 
satisfy the elements of a class, is perceived and tested against the class. It is 
included, or excluded, or the class concept changed, depending on the correc- 
tive information coming in from the person's manipulations, or from other 
people who mediate the culture's rules. This process enlarges and changes as 
the child enlarges his store of tested concepts. He handles larger, more ab- 
stract classes, and he handles more subclasses, as he discriminates more attri- 



Summary and Conclusions 233 

butes of objects, and as he comes to treat relationships among objects as well 
as attributive features of objects. The process is a continuing interplay be- 
tween the system of concepts the person has formed, and the system that is 
his social and cultural environment. 

Studies of children's reasoning i e.g., Vinacke, 1952 show that children 
use induction and deduction at all ages, but that induction is relatively more 
common in childhood, with deduction becoming characteristic of adolescents 
and adults. Concept formation involves the discrimination and abstraction 
of attributes, and generalization to classes processes which are found in 
inductive reasoning. Deduction, a more 4 *mature" process developmental!}* 
speaking, requires a store of functioning concepts and generalizations from 
which particular inferences may be made. It is probably significant that chil- 
dren's spontaneous drawings, which appear to reiect concept formation, 
correspond to the years when induction is the relatively more important mode 
of reasoning. Spontaneous drawings decline as children progressively increase 
their capacity for deductive thinking. It has been noted that Piaget attributed 
concrete operations to the childhood years, and formal (logical) to the years 
of adolescence, a distinction which obviously parallels the one we have been 
describing in reasoning. 

This set of constructs seems to describe how children draw the human fig- 
ure and to explain the schemata and developmental sequences as adequately 
as any theoretical terms and constructs yet proposed. These constructs paral- 
lel distinctions made by others in children's modes of reasoning. What is 
now needed are experiments based on the several theories described. To in- 
vent modes of manipulating experience in ways hypothesized from theory will 
tax the ingenuity of the experimenters. 



Possible Experimental Approaches 

In the past, experimental variation has been achieved by selection of cases 
wherein cumulative learning experiences can be assumed to be quite different 
along one or more designated dimension of experience. For example, re- 
tarded children, normals, and bright children of the same chronological age 
have been compared. Children of similar intelligence but having had, for a 
period of months, teachers quite different in artistic interests and teaching 
emphasis, have been compared. Boys and girls have been compared, on the 
grounds that in complex and subtle ways the socialization process is different 
for the sexes. Normal and emotionally disturbed individuals have been com- 
pared. To a lesser extent, children from markedly different cultures have been 
compared. Thus, essentially descriptive studies of drawings have outlined the 
effects on concepts (often inadequately defined) of the long-continued repe- 
tition of this or that general dimension of experience, modified by the many 
uncontrolled but correlated features of training and environment. 

It can reasonably be assumed that some, if not many, crucial determinants 



234 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

of drawing organization are the consequences of long-continued stimulation. 
This is the logical conclusion from the orderly yet slow changes described in 
the various developmental studies. Other determinants may be "discoveries/' 
both in perception and in drawing technique, which permit a new but im- 
portant modification of a concept to emerge. It is at this point that theoreti- 
cal and methodological ingenuity may permit the most rapid advance. If an 
effect depends on many trials, apart from sheer lapse of time and hypothe- 
sized central structure changes, such an effect will be difficult to demonstrate 
experimentally. Children will work at a task only so long. If an effect depends 
on noting a different relationship among aspects of the concept, such a rela- 
tionship can be demonstrated to the child (i.e., he is "taught" it), and the 
consequent effects on his drawing performance may be observed. 

For example, "meaningless" and "meaningful" visual forms may be con- 
structed as stimuli and concepts developed experimentally, both with and 
without verbal "names'* to define them. Children may be asked to reproduce 
them graphically under specified conditions. It may even be possible, with 
preschool children carefully selected in terms of probable parent cooperation, 
experimentally to control fairly pervasive dimensions of the environment, 
such as the amount and kind of pictorial stimulation, the kind and amount 
of drawing practice. In any case, research designs should attempt to provide 
long-continued periods of practice, as well as testing more immediate effects. 
Many of the phenomena described in the literature undoubtedly have re- 
sulted from the "overlearning" which is so characteristic of children's ordinary 
experience in contrast with the laboratory experiment. 



Children's Drawings as Art Forms 

As he has remarked several times, the author has repeatedly been led to the 
literature and concepts of art and art education in his long peregrination 
through children's drawings. Though he has not made the point a focus of 
quantitative study, he may be permitted certain final observations on the con- 
troversial issue of whether children's drawings can have artistic merit. One 
must first distinguish between children having truly esthetic experiences 
(which they assuredly do), and the esthetic merit which can be assigned to 
their drawing products (which has been questioned). He must also make the 
distinction between a criterion of merit other than representation and the 
criterion of skill or craft in "illusion," according to Gombrich the heart of 
representative art. 

By present-day norms, graphic art may certainly embrace more than the 
standards of the representative tradition, which seemed to culminate about 
a century ago. Consequently, children's work, immature or primitive when 
judged by the developed canons of these representative traditions, can ex- 
press artistic merit, judged by other, appropriate criteria. Children, in our 
culture at least, do not seem to develop an awareness of these criteria on their 



Summary and Conclusions 235 

own. Strong affective attitudes of 'liking" or "disliking 1 ' operate in children; 
and children's ungiiided expressions of liking seem to favor the visual realism 
of the representative tradition. This fact makes the art education of older 
children aod young adolescents so crucial and often determines whether or 
not they continue to experience pleasure in drawing. 

Finally, it seems that graphic ability, judged by whatever standard, will 
not develop unless the individual is in a social and educational setting which 
places considerable importance on drawing according to that standard^ and 
encourages the individual to achieve according to the standard. Techniques 
can and must be learned if the individual is to continue to grow in his graphic 
effort past childhood. Experimental work is lacking to indicate how much 
practice and what motivation will get the older child to develop high-quality 
drawing performance. Some, indeed, believe that there are "innate" elements 
necessary to superior graphic ability. However, as Goodenough pointed out 
long ago, graphic ability which achieves representative drawing of esthetic or 
artistic merit cannot be discerned in young children; such appears only after 
certain psychological (cognitive) processes have run their course, and the child 
has mastered techniques appropriate to the medium. 

Much the same can be said about graphic art traditions other than the 
representative. Impressionism, cubism, twodimensionalism, and the like, also 
require complex concepts and techniques which must be acquired after ex- 
pression of the child's growing visual and conceptual awareness has ran a cer- 
tain course. These techniques and concepts, whether in the representative 
tradition or according to more recent ait theory, seem quite beyond discover} 7 
by unaided childish exploration with drawing materials. Such techniques, as 
the history of art seems to show, have been slowly, almost painfully, worked 
out by highly experienced, mature individuals. 

As Mursell (1950) has pointed out in his analysis of the esthetic response, 
"skill in any art should be regarded as a refinement of insight" (p. 189). In- 
sight and understanding assuredly assume an adequate body of concepts; 
these may require varied experience and an extended learning period. Thus, 
while the psychological study of children's drawings leads to the study of 
graphic art, the two approaches are distinct in process and aim. In most 
literate cultures the forces toward concept formation and toward visual cri- 
teria for the evaluation of drawing induced on the child are overwhelming. 
These matters must be mastered before art may become the vehicle of the 
more abstract and complex concepts of esthetics. Hebb's distinction of early 
and later learning comes to mind. We may see in children's drawings, how- 
ever, the origin and development in rudimentary form of processes on which 
more complex esthetic concepts and performance may later be built. 



Par* Two 



The Test Manual 



Administering the Test 

The Goodenough-Harris Drawing Test may be administered to children 
individually or in groups using essentially the same directions. Preschool 
children, and children being studied clinically, should be examined individu- 
ally. Kindergarten and primary-grade children may be successfully examined 
in groups if an assistant is present to help children who have any difficulty 
following the instructions. Although these children can generally print their 
names, the examiner or the classroom teacher must complete the rest of the 
information on the front of the test booklet. 

Individual examinations should always be followed by some informal in- 
terrogation to clarify any ambiguous aspects of the drawings. The examiner 
should start by saying: "Tell me about your picture." Throughout the inter- 
rogation period the examiner should try to get at the child's intentions in the 
drawings, and should avoid making assumptions or direct suggestions. For 
example, if a child does not spontaneously identify an ambiguous part of his 
drawings, the examiner may ask (pointing): "What might that be?" The 
child's responses should be recorded, and his identification of parts written 
directly on the drawings. 

Each child should be provided with a pencil and a test booklet. 1 Crayons 
should not be used. The number two or two-and-one-half pencil is preferred. 
See that pictures and books are put aside, to reduce the likelihood of copying. 

Have the children fill in the information requested on the cover sheet of 
the test booklet. With children of elementary school age it is best to ask 
them as a group to complete the items one at a time, the examiner directing 
the task, as follows: 

Where it says "Name," print your name. Print your first name, and 
then your last name. 

Now draw a circle around one of the words "Boy" or "Girl," to show 
whether you are a boy or a girl. 

i Published by Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., New York. 

239 



240 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Now print the name of this school. 

Where It says "Date of Drawing" put today's date. This is 

Where it says "Grade/ 7 put your grade in school. (In groups, say: This 
is the grade.) 

Where it says "Age/' write how old you are now. 

Now listen carefully: When were you born? Where it says "Birth 
Date," first write the month when your birthday comes, and then the 
date of the month. Is it November fourteenth, or January second? 
Write whatever date it is. Then put the year you were born. Do you 
know that? If you do ? put it down. If not, just leave it blank. (Note: 
Birth dates should always be checked with official records. Ages should 
be taken to the nearest month.) 

Now, where it says "Father's Occupation," write down what he does 
for a living. Tell what he does, not just where he works. For example: 
"He owns and runs a farm." "He's a foreman in the body shop of the 
Smith Motor Company," or "He runs machines at the Williams Pat- 
tern Works." Write down exactly the kind of work he does for a living. 

When the children have finished supplying the face sheet data, have them 
fold it back so that the space for the first drawing, and only the first drawing, 
is exposed. Now say: 

I am going to ask you to make three pictures for me today. We will 
make them one at a time. On this first page I want you to make a pic- 
ture of a man. Make the very best picture that you can; take your time 
and work very carefully. I want to see whether the boys and girls 

in School can do as well as those in other schools. Try 

very hard, and see what good pictures you can make. Be sure to make 
the whole man, not just his head and shoulders. 

When the drawings have been completed, say a few words of praise and 
have the children turn over the sheets to the space for the second drawing. 
Then say: 

This time I want you to make a picture of a woman. Make the very best 
picture that you can; take your time and work very carefully. Be sure 
to make the whole woman, not just her head and shoulders. (Note: 
With very young children it may be appropriate to say: . . . picture of a 
woman, a mommy.) 

When this drawing has been completed, praise a bit more lavishly than 
before as a means of keeping up interest. Then demonstrate how to refold 
the sheets so that the two completed drawings are inside and the space for 
the third drawing is now face up. Now say: 



The Test Manual 241 

This picture is to be someone you know very weE, so it should be the 
best of all. I want each of you to make a picture of yourselfyour whole 
self not fust your face. Perhaps you don't know it but many of the 
greatest artists liked to make their own portraits, and these are often 
among their best and most famous pictures. So take care and make this 
last one the very best of the three. 

Children under age eight or nine should have a short rest period between 
drawings two and three. Ask children to put down their pencils, stretch their 
arms and Sex their fingers, to relax from the tension imposed by concentra- 
tion and effort. 

While the children are drawing, stroll about the room and encourage those 
who are slow or who seem to have difficulty by saying: "These drawings are 
very fine; you boys and girls are doing very well/' Do not make adverse com- 
ments or criticisms, and do not give suggestions. If any child wishes to write 
about his picture, he may do so at the bottom of the sheet. 

If children ask for further instructions, such as whether the man is to be 
doing anything particular like working or running, say: "Do it whatever way 
you think is best." Avoid answering "Yes" or "No" or giving any further spe- 
cific instructions to the children. 

The importance of avoiding every kind of suggestion cannot be overempha- 
sized. The examiner must refrain from remarks that might influence the 
nature of the drawing. He must also see to it that no suggestions come from 
the children. They should not hold up their drawings for admiration or com- 
ment. Young children sometimes accompany their work with a running com- 
mentary, such as: "I am giving my man a soldier hat," or "Mine is a big, 
big man." A firm but good-natured, "No one must tell about his picture now. 
Wait until everybody has finished," will usually dispose of such cases without 
affecting the general interest or suppressing the child's enthusiasm for his 
work. 

There is no time limit for the test, but young children rarely take more 
than ten to fifteen minutes for all three drawings. If one or two children are 
slower than the rest, it is best to collect papers from those who have finished 
and allow them to go on with their regular work while the slower workers are 
finishing. 

In older groups, above the fifth or sixth grade, it may be necessary to offer 
strong encouragement to some children, who will say they can't do the task. 
In these groups it may also be desirable to say: 

You are to make three drawings, one on each of the three pages of this 
folder. The instructions are at the top of each page. When you have 
finished one drawing go right on to the next, until you have finished all 
three. 

In this case, it is well to have two examiners who can walk about the room 
speaking to individuals who seem reluctant to attempt the task. 



242 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

The following special circumstances should be noted: (1) A child may 
spoil his drawing and wish to start again. In such case he should be given a 
fresh test booklet and be allowed to try again, All such instances should be 
noted on the margin of the booklet after the child has finished his work. 
(2) Above the second grade (rarely below), a child may draw a bust picture 
only. When it is evident that this has been the intention, a fresh test booklet 
should be given, and the child told to, "Make a whole man." Both drawings 
should be preserved for comparison. 



General Scoring Instructions for the Point Scales 

The test can be scored by any person capable of following instructions 
faithfully. Learning how to score is not difficult but does require study, 
patience, and willingness to follow instructions painstakingly. It cannot be 
emphasized too strongly that very careful study of this Manual is imperative 
if results are to be of any value. With practice, the gain both in speed and 
accuracy is very considerable. The experienced person can score twenty or 
thirty drawings an hour, although the beginner may complete no more than 
five an hour. 

Because subjective judgment is required to score some items, perfect agree- 
ment between two scorings cannot be expected. In practice, however, agree- 
ment will be quite high. (See Chapter V for inter-scorer studies.) On the 
more subjective items, a scorer will develop his own standards and reduce 
the "random error" in his score. He will, however, introduce a small "con- 
stant error" with respect to another scorer's judgment. 

These general scoring instructions should be followed: 

1. To learn to score the Man Point scale, study carefully the illustrative 
drawings on pages 264-269 of this Manual. Read the requirements for scoring 
the different items for the Man scale on pages 248-263. Note in the illustra- 
tions whether a score has been given for the item under consideration and fix 
clearly in mind the principles governing this scoring. After these principles 
are adequately understood, turn to the drawings on pages 270-272 and prac- 
tice independent scoring. 

The section dealing with requirements for scoring the Woman scale, pages 
276-291 should be similarly studied. The drawings of the female figure on 
pages 79-86 of Chapter IV can then be used for practice. (The accepted 
scoring of these drawings appears in the Appendix, pp. 322-327.) 

The scorer should refer to the sections on scoring requirements when there 
is any doubt. Even after considerable experience, restudying a point occasion- 
ally is necessary, since there is a tendency to reinterpret some scoring items; 
particularly those that allow for more subjective judgment. 

2. Each item is scored as pass or fail, according to the rales set forth in this 
Manual. A credit of 1 is allowed for each "pass" with no half credits given. 



The Test \fanud 243 

The raw score is the sum of these credits, and is the score which Is used to 
ind the standard score In the appropriate tables. 

3. It facilitates work considerably If the standard test blank or booklet Is 
used. Spaces are provided next to each drawing for entering the scoring. Mark 
a "plus" or "check mark" for each item passed; a * 4 zero n for each Item failed. 
This record makes possible the rechecklng of scores point by point a pro- 
cedure always desirable when inexperienced scorers are used. It also guaran- 
tees that Items will not be omitted in the scoring. 

4. A special Short Scoring Guide for each Point scale appears on pages 
275 and 292 of this Manual These Guides are for the use of experienced 
scorers only. After a reasonable amount of practice, the numbers and cue 
phrases contained in the Guides may suffice; continual reference to the de- 
tailed scoring requirements becomes unnecessary. 

5. In practice, drawings will be found that the examiner is unable to score 
at all. According to standardization studies, these excessively bizarre draw- 
ings occur no more frequently than once or twice per thousand cases over age 
five. When such cases are found, it is well to question the children individu- 
ally to obtain their own explanations of their drawings. Often, seemingly 
unusual features merely reflect a child's inability to portray his ideas clearly. 

Goodenough designated as "Class A" those drawings in which the subject 
matter could not be recognized. Her description follows: 

In drawings of this class the subject cannot be recognized. The total pos- 
sible score is either or 1. If the drawing consists merely of aimless, uncon- 
trolled scribbling . . . [see Fig. 51, p. 244] 2 the score is 0. If the lines are 
somewhat controlled and appear to have been guided by the child to some 
extent, the score is 1. Drawings of this type most frequently take the form of 
a rough square, triangle, or circle, very crudely done. Not infrequently several 
of these forms are included in a single drawing . . . [Fig. 52]. If a drawing 
of this kind contains much detail, it is always well to call upon the child for 
an explanation, since occasionally it will be found that such a drawing belongs 
in Class B, rather than in Class A. Figure ... [53] is an example. 

In questioning a child about his drawing, great care must be taken to 
avoid suggesting the expected answer. Be sure that his confidence has been 
gained before asking any direct questions. Then, after praising his drawing, 
say, "Now tell me about your picture. What are all these things you have 
made?" If this does not elicit a response, point to one of the items and say 
in an encouraging tone, "What is this?" If he is still unable to respond, or if, 
as is frequently the case, he calls each part in turn "a man" then the drawing 
should be scored as Class A; but if, on the other hand, he names the various 
parts in a logical fashion, it should be scored according to the rules given for 
Class B 3 (1926, pp. 90-91). 

2 Figures in brackets refer to figures in the present volume. 

3 Goodenough's "Class B" drawings include all those that can be recognized as at- 
tempts to represent the human figure, no matter how crudely. Figure 54 is an example. 



244 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 





FIG. 51. 



FIG. 52. 





FIG. 53. 



FIG. 54. 



The Test Manual 245 



FIG. 51. Man, by boy, 4-2. Class A. Raw Score 0; Standard Score 55 or less; 
Percentile Rank 1 



FIG. 52. Man, by girl, 4-2. Class A. Raw Score 1; Standard Score 62; Per- 
centile Rank 1 



FIG. 53. Man, by boy, 441. Class B. Raw Score 6; Standard Score 83; Per- 
centile Rank 13 

Items credited: 4, 5, 9, 11, 24, 55 



FIG. 54. Man, by girl, 5-0. Raw Score 8; Standard Score 73; Percentile 
Rank 4 

Items credited: 4, 9, 30, 35, 39, 46, 47, 53 



246 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

6. The cover sheet of the standard test booklet provides spaces for entering 
the raw scores, the standard score equivalents, the percentile ranks and the 
averaged standard scores, which represent a combined estimate of the child's 
intellectual maturity. It is not permissible to combine partial scores selected 
from two drawings for the total score, nor is it permissible to combine scor- 
ings of the better features of two drawings. The total raw scores must first be 
obtained on each drawing separately. 

7. Various qualitative aspects of the drawings, such as pressure of the pen- 
cil, placement on the page, size, and erasures, are not scored, but should be 
noted. In the absence of other evidence, it is better to interpret erasures as a 
sign of the child's dissatisfaction with his work than as evidence of personal 
insecurity or self-dissatisfaction. Virtually all children will at some time erase 
and redraw some feature of their drawing; particularly older children who are 
more critical of their work. Some children do a great deal of erasing and re- 
drawing, and it is probable that in these cases the score obtained is an under- 
estimate of their true intellectual maturity. 



Uses of the Drawing Test 

While almost any adult can learn to score drawings with reasonable ac- 
curacy, psychological training is necessary to adequately understand the results. 
Such training should include, at the very least, college course work in statis- 
tics and theory of tests and measurements, as well as supervised practice in 
administering and scoring various psychological tests. Moreover, as the exam- 
iner gains experience in using a variety of tests, his understanding of the po- 
tentialities and limitations of particular tests will grow. His own research with 
tests and his study of the published research will add immeasurably to his 
understanding. 

This Drawing Test does not yield a score that is identical with the IQ de- 
rived from a well-administered individual intelligence test. Although the cor- 
relation between an individual intelligence test result and the Goodenough- 
Harris Drawing Test score is quite substantial for children between the ages 
of five and ten, the examiner should not be misled. When important decisions 
are to be made about children, such as placement in a special class, or provision 
of financial aid, the most complete and accurate psychological measurements 
should be available. One or more individual intelligence tests administered by 
a certified or licensed psychologist should be given. The results of the Drawing 
Test may be used to select those children who should receive more detailed 
attention. The Drawing Test may supply important additional evidence of 
severe intellectual and conceptual retardation. 

A psychologist may use the Drawing Test to get an initial impression of a 
young child's general ability level. Because most children like to draw, the 



The Test Manual 247 

test may be used to gain a child's cooperation for more complex tasks to fol- 
low. The psychologist may wish to gain some idea of the potentiality of a deaf 
child who cannot be tested with the usual verbal tests. Anthropologists and 
psychologists have used this test to get a crude Index of mental development 
of children for whom no appropriate standardized tests are available. How- 
ever, as has been pointed out in Chapter VIII, such results may to an un- 
known extent be attenuated by the children's lack of educational experiences. 

A primary teacher who wishes quickly to arrange her children in order of 
intellectual maturity can use the Quality scale. She will obtain a more accu- 
rate order If she uses the Point scale. By either scale she may misjudge a few 
children in her group; but If she Is an alert observer who understands various 
signs of intellectual and conceptual maturity, she will quickly correct these 
initial misjudgments. Some test results that underestimate a child's ability 
are due to the child's carelessness, Inadequate motivation, or his lack of inter- 
est. A somewhat larger proportion of test measurements that differ from each 
other are probably due to differences in patterns of abilities. In these cases the 
difference between two test results Is not a product of momentary circum- 
stances but a "real" differenceone that keeps correlations between tests from 
being very close to 1.00. 

Psychologists often make judgments about children based on the discrep- 
ancies between test scores, particularly where the tests differ in their type of 
content. \\Tien a variety of tests are given, differences in the relative excep- 
tionality from test to test for any one child is sometimes taken to indicate 
"patterns" of ability or even to suggest the operation of special personality 
characteristics. The Drawing Test lends itself particularly to this thinking be- 
cause its content is so different from the usual intelligence test. 

As has been pointed out in this book, discrepancies between test scores, con- 
sidered to be test "patterns," are of doubtful value. Research often shows that 
many hypotheses related to such usages are not substantiated, even when the 
interpretations are made by well-trained clinical psychologists. For example, it 
is thought that severely brain-damaged children may do much more poorly on 
the Drawing Test than on a well-standardized measure of vocabulary. Such 
may indeed be the case, but not invariably. Only a person thoroughly ac- 
quainted with the peculiarities of particular tests, and aware of the vagaries of 
psychological measurement generally, should attempt to interpret discrep- 
ancies between the Drawing Test score and some other test of mental ability. 

There has been a tendency in recent years to interpret a child's drawings in 
terms of his "creativity/' special interests, or deep psychological problems or 
conflicts. The literature review in Chapter III shows that there is little con- 
firmed basis for such use of children's drawings. Rather, as the evidence in 
this book amply shows, the child's drawing reflects his concepts which grow 
with his mental level, experience, and knowledge. Consequently, the Goode- 
nough-Harris Drawing Test is best used as a measure of intellectual maturity 
and should not be used for other purposes. 



248 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Requirements for Scoring the Draw-a-Man Scale 



ITEM 

1. Head present 

2. Neck present 



3. Neck, two 
dimensions 



DESCRIPTION 

Any clear method of representing the head. Features 
alone, without any outline for the head itself, are not 
credited for this point. 

Any clear indication of the neck as distinct from the 
head and the trunk. Mere juxtaposition of the head and 
the trunk is not credited. 

Outline of neck continuous with that of the head, of 
the trunk, or of both. Line of neck must "flow" into 
head line or trunk line. Neck interposed as pillar be- 
tween head and trunk does not get credit unless treated 
definitely to show continuity between neck and head 
or trunk' or both, as by collar, or curving of lines. 

Credit 




No Credit 





4. Eyes present 



jLJEje .detail:, brow 
or lashes 

6. .Eye detail: pupil 



7. Eye detail: 
proportion 



Either one or two eyes must be shown. Any method is 
satisfactory. A single indefinite feature, such as is occa- 
sionally found in the drawings of very young children, 
is credited. 

Brow, lashes or both shown. 



Any clear indication of the pupil or iris as distinct from 
the outline of the eye. Both must appear if both eyes 
are shown. 

The horizontal dimension of the eye must be greater 
than the vertical dimension. This requirement must be 
fulfilled in both eyes if both are shown; one eye is suf- 
ficient if only one is shown. Sometimes in profile draw- 
ings of a high grade the eye is shown in perspective. In 
such drawings any triangular form approximating the 
following examples is credited. 



The Test Manual 



249 



Credit 



O 



8. Eye detail: 
glance 



Full Face: The eyes obviously glancing. There must be 
no convergence or divergence of the two pupils, either 
horizontally or vertically. 

Credit 



9. Nose present 



10. Nose, two 
dimensions 



Profile: The eyes must either be shown as in the pre- 
ceding point, or, if the ordinary almond form is re- 
tained, the pupil must be placed toward the front of 
the eye rather than in the center. The scoring should 
be strict. 

Any clear method of representation. In "mixed profiles," 
the score is plus even though two noses are shown. 

Full Face: Credit all attempts to portray the nose in 
two dimensions, when the bridge is longer than the 
width of the base or tip. 

Credit 



//(7AJ 



No Credit 

I! * 



Profile: Credit all crude attempts to show the nose in 
profile, provided tip or base is shown in some manner. 
Do not credit simple "button." 

Credit 



No Credit 




1 LJMouth jpresent 

12. Lips, two 
dimensions 



Any clear representation. 

Full Face: Two lips clearly shown. 
Credit 



250 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Profile: 

Credit 



No Credit 



13. Both nose and lips 
in two dimensions 



Bonus point given when Items 10 and 12 are passed. 
See preceding items for accepted forms. 



14. Both chin and 
forehead shown 



Full Face: Both the eyes and mouth must be present, 
and sufficient space left above the eyes to represent the 
forehead; below the mouth to represent the chin. The 
scoring should be rather lenient. Where neck is continu- 
ous with face, placement of mouth with respect to nar- 
rowing of lower portion of head is important. The 
sketches below illustrate mouth placement. 



Credit 




No Credit 




15. Projection of chin 
shown; chin clearly 
differentiated 
from lower lip 



Full Face: Modeling of chin must be indicated in some 
way, as by a curved line below the mouth or lip, or point 
of chin indicated by appropriate facial modeling, or dot 
or line placed below mouth near lower limit of face. 
Beard obscuring chin does not score. Note: Distinguish 
carefully from Item 16. There must definitely be an at- 
tempt to show a "pointed" chin to credit this item. 
This point is credited most frequently in profiles. 



Credit 



W 



Items 15 and 16 




Item 15 but not 16 




Item 16 but not 15 



The Test Manual 251 

16. Line of jaw Full Face: Line of jaw and chin drawn across neck but 

indicated not squarely across. Neck most be sufficiently wide, and 

chin must be so shaped that the line of the jaw forms 

a well-defined acute angle with the line of the neck. 

Score strictly on the simple ova! face. 

Credit 




IN/' 




ACUTE ANGLES 
No Credit 




Profile: Line of jaw extends toward ear. 
Credit 




17. Bridge of Full Face: Nose properly placed and shaped. The base 

nose of the nose must appear as well as the indication of a 

straight bridge. Placement of upper portion of bridge is 

important; must extend up to or between the eyes. 

Bridge must be narrower than the base. 

Credit 




No Credit 

)( < 



Q 



Profile: Nose at angle with face, approximately 35-45 
degrees. Separation of nose from forehead clearly shown 
at eye. 

Credit 



No Credit 




252 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

18. Hair I Any indication of hair, however crude. 

19. Hair II Hair shown on more than circumference of head and 

more than a scribble. Nontransparent, unless it is clear 
that a bald-headed man is portrayed. A simple hairline 
across the skull on which no attempt has been made to 
shade in hair does not score. If any attempt has been 
made, even in outline or with a little shading, to por- 
tray hair as having substance or texture, the item scores. 

Credit 






20. Hair III 




No Credit 



Any clear attempt to show cut or styling by use of side 
bums, a forelock, or conformity of base line to a "style/' 
When a hat is drawn, credit the point if hair is indi- 
cated in front as well as behind the ear, or if hairline 
at back of neck or across forehead suggests styling. 



21. Hair IV 



Hair shaded to show part, or to suggest having been 
combed, or brushed, by means of directed lines. Item 
21 is never credited unless Item 20 is; it is thus a "high- 
grade" point. 

Credit 



No Credit 



22. Ears present 

23. Ears present: 
proportion and 
position 



Any indication of ears. 

The vertical measurement must be greater than the 
horizontal measurement. The ears must be placed some- 
where within the middle two-thirds of the head. 

Full Face: The top of the ear must be separated from 
the head line, and both ears must extend from the head. 

Credit 



The Test Manual 



253 



Xo Credit 






{ < 



Profile: Some detail, such as a dot, to represent the 
aural canal must be shown. The shell-like portion of 
the ear must extend toward the back of the head. (Some 
children, especially retarded boys, tend to reverse this 
position, making the ear extend toward the face. In 
such drawings this item is never credited.) 



Credit 



3 



No Credit 



A 



DIRECTION 
OF REGARD 



24. Fingers present 



25. Correct 
number of 
fingers shown 

26. Detail of 
fingers correct 



27. Opposition of 
thumb shown 



Any suggestion of fingers, separate from hand or arm. 
In drawings by older children, where there is a tendency 
to "sketch," credit this point if any suggestion of fingers 
occurs. 

Both hands necessary if both hands are shown. Credit 
this point in "sketchy" drawings by older children, even 
though five digits may not be definitely discerned. 

"Grapes" or "sticks" do not score. Length of individual 
fingers must be distinctly greater than width. In well- 
executed drawings, where hand may appear in perspec- 
tive, or where fingers are indicated by "sketching," 
credit this point. Credit also those cases in which, be- 
cause the hand is obviously clenched, only the knuckles 
or part of the fingers appear. This last will occur only 
in high-quality drawings where there is considerable use 
of perspective. 

Fingers must be indicated, with a clear differentiation 
of the thumb from the fingers. Scoring should be very 
strict. The point is credited if one of the lateral digits is 
definitely shorter than any of the others (compare es- 
pecially with the little finger), or if the angle between 
it and the index finger is not less than twice as great as 
that between any two of the other digits, or if its point 
of attachment to the hand is distinctly nearer to the 
wrist than that of the fingers. Conditions must be ful- 
filled on both hands if both are shown; one hand is suf- 
ficient if only one is shown. Fingers must be present or 
indicated; "mitt" hand does not score, unless figure is 
definitely in winter garb, wearing mittens. 



254 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Credit 



No Credit 



28. Hands present 



29. Wrist or ankle 
shown 





Any representation of the hand, apart from the fingers. 
When fingers are shown, a space must be left between 
base of fingers and edge of sleeve or cuff. Where no cuS 
exists, arm must broaden in some way to suggest palm 
or back of hand as distinct from wrist. Characteristic 
must appear on both hands if both are shown. 

Marginal Credit 




Either wrist or ankle clearly indicated as separate from 
sleeve or trouser. A line across the limb to indicate the 
end of sleeve or trouser, although credited in Item 55, 
is not sufficient here. 

Credit 



No Credit 



30. Arms present 



31. Shoulders I 






Any method of representation clearly intended to indi- 
cate arms. Fingers alone are not sufficient, but the point 
is credited if any space is left between the base of the 
fingers and that part of the body to which they are at- 
tached. The number of arms must also be correct, ex- 
cept in profile drawings when only one arm may score. 

Full Face: A change in the direction of the outline of 
the upper part of the trunk which gives an effect of con- 
cavity rather than convexity. The point is scored rather 
strictly. The ordinary elliptical form is never credited, 
and the score is always minus unless it is evident that 
there has been a recognition of the abrupt broadening 
out of the trunk below the neck which is produced by 
the shoulder blade and the collar bone. A perfectly 



The Test Manual 



32. Shoulders II 



33. Arms at side 
or engaged in 
activity 



255 

square or rectangular trunk does not score, but if the 
corners have been rounded, the point is credited. 

Credit 




Xo Credit 




Profile: The scoring should be somewhat more lenient 
than in full-face drawings, since it is more difficult to 
represent the shoulders adequately in the profile posi- 
tion. A profile drawing, in this connection, should be 
understood to mean one in which the trunk, as well as 
the head, is shown in profile. If the lines forming the 
outline of the upper part of the trunk diverge from each 
other at the base of the neck in such a way as to show 
the expansion of the chest, the point is credited. 

Full Face: Score more strictly than previous item. 
Shoulders must be continuous with neck and arms, and 
"square," not drooping. If arm is held from the body, 
the armpit must be shown. 

Profile: Shoulder joint in approximately correct posi- 
tion. Arm must be represented by double line. 

Credit 




No Credit 




Full Face: Young children generally draw the arms 
stiffly out from the body. Credit this point when at least 
one arm is down at the side, making an angle of no 
more than 10 degrees with the general vertical axis of 
the trunk, unless the arms are engaged in some definite 
activity, such as carrying an object. Credit when hands 
are in pockets, on hips, or behind back. 



256 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Credit 



34. Elbow joint shown 




10 OR LESS 

Profile: Credit if hands are engaged in definite activity, 
or if upper arm is suspended even though forearm is 
extended. 

There must be an abrupt bend (not a curve) at approx- 
imately the middle of the arm. One arm is sufficient. 
Modeling or creasing of the sleeve is credited. 

Full Face: 
Credit 




35._Legs present 



36. Hip I (crotch) 



Profile: 

Credit 




No Credit 



Any method of representation clearly intended to indi- 
cate the legs. The number must be correct: two in full- 
face drawings; either one or two in profiles. Use com- 
mon sense rather than a purely arbitrary scoring. If only 
one leg is present, but a rough sketch of a crotch is in- 
cluded, showing clearly what the child has in mind, 
score the item. On the other hand, three or more legs, 
or a single leg without logical explanation should be 
scored minus. A single leg to which two feet are at- 
tached is scored plus. Legs may be attached anywhere 
to the figure. 

Full Face: Crotch indicated. This is most frequently 
shown by inner lines of the two legs meeting at point 
of junction with the body. (Young children usually 
place the legs as far apart from each other as possible, 
and this never scores.) 



The Test Manual 



257 



Credit 




Profile: 

shaped. 

Credit 



If only one leg shows, buttock must be 




(a) 



37. Hip II 



38. Knee joint 
shown 



39. Feet I: any 
indication 



Preceding item earned with credit to spare. Drawing 
gives a better idea of the hip than required for passing 
preceding item. Examples (b) and (d) on Item 36 are 
credited here also; (a) and (c) are not. 

There must be, as in the case of the elbow, an abrupt 
bend (not curve) at about the middle of the leg, or, as 
is sometimes found in very high-quality drawings, a nar- 
rowing of the leg at this point. Knee-length trousers are 
not sufficient. Crease or shading to indicate knee is 
scored plus. 

Feet indicated by any means: two feet in full-face; one 
or two in primitive profile. Young children may indicate 
feet by attaching toes to the end of the leg. This is 
credited. 

Credit 





40. Feet II: 
proportion 



The feet and legs must be shown in two dimensions. 
Feet must not be "clubbed"; that is, the length of the 
foot must be greater than its height from sole to instep. 
The length of the foot must be not more than one- 
third or less than one-tenth the total length of the leg. 
The item is also credited in full-face drawings in which 
the foot is shown in perspective, longer than wide, pro- 
vided the foot is separated in some way from the rest of 
the leg, and not merely indicated by a line across the 
leg. 



258 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Full Face: 

Credit 



41. Feet III: 
heel 



No Credit 



y u 



Any clear method of indicating the heel. In full-face 
drawings, credit the item arbitrarily when the foot is 
shown as below, provided there is some demarcation be- 
tween the foot and the leg. In the profile, the instep 
must be indicated. 

Credit 



42. Feet IV: 
perspective 



43. Feet V: 
detafl 

44. Attachment 
of arms and 
legs I 



Foreshortening attempted in at least one foot. 
Credit , i I 





s 



No Credit 



Any one item of detail such as lacing, tie, strap, or shoe 
sole indicated by a double line. 

Both arms and both legs attached to the trunk at any 
point, or arms attached to the neck, or at the juncture 
of the head and the trunk when the neck is omitted. If 
the trunk is omitted, the score is always zero. If the legs 
are attached elsewhere than to the trunk, regardless of 
the attachment of the arms, the score is zero. If only 
one arm or leg is shown, either in full-face or in profile 
drawings, credit may be given on the basis of the limb 
that is shown. If both arms and legs are shown, the 
members of each pair must be attached approximately 
symmetrically. Arms attached to the legs score zero. 



The Test Manual 



259 



45. Attachment 
of arms and 
iegsH 



46. Trunk present 



47. Trunk in 

proportion, two 
dimensions 



48. Proportion: 
head I 



Legs attached to trunk, and arms attached to the trunk 
at the correct point, Do not credit if arm attachment 
occupies one-half or more of the chest area (neck to 
waist). When no neck is present, the arms most defi- 
nitely be attached to the upper part of the trunk. 

Full Face: When Item 31 is plus, the point of attach- 
ment must be exactly at the shoulders. If Item 31 is 
zero, the attachment must be exactly at the point which 
should have been indicated as the shoulders. Score very 
strictly, especially in those cases where Item 31 is zero. 

Profile: Do not credit if both the lines delineating the 
arm extend from the outline of the back, or if the point 
of attachment either reaches the base of the neck, or 
falls below the greatest expansion of the chest line. 

Any clear indication of the trunk, either one or two 
dimensional. Where there is no clear differentiation be- 
tween the head and the trunk, but the features appear 
in the upper end of a single figure, the point is scored 
plus if the features do not occupy more than half the 
length of the figure; otherwise, the score is zero, unless 
a cross line has been drawn to indicate the termination 
of the head. A single figure placed between the head and 
the legs is always counted as a trunk, even though its 
size and shape may suggest a neck rather than a trunk. 
(This ruling is based on the fact that, when questioned, 
a number of children whose drawings showed this pecu- 
liarity, called the part a trunk.) A row of buttons ex- 
tending down between the legs is scored zero for trunk 
but plus for clothing, unless a cross line has been drawn 
to show the termination of the trunk. 

Length of the trunk must be greater than breadth. 
Measurement should be taken at the points of greatest 
length and of greatest breadth. If the two measure- 
ments are equal, or so nearly so that the difference is 
not readily determined, the score is zero. In most in- 
stances the difference will be great enough to be recog- 
nized at a glance, without actually measuring. 

Area of the head not more than one-half or less than 
one-tenth that of the trunk. Score rather leniently. See 
below for a series of standard forms of which the first 
is double the area of the second in each pair. 





Oo 



260 

49. Proportion: 
headH 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Head approximately one-fourth trunk area. Score 
strictly; over one-third or under about one-fifth fails the 
item. \Vhere crotch is not shown, as in some profiles, 
consider belt or waist at about two-thirds down total 
trunk length. 

Credit 



BELT OR WAIST 
(ESTIMATED) 




rn 


f ^ 


TRUNK LENGTH 


2 


V J - 


7 



J 



50. Proportion: 
face 



51. Proportion: 
arms I 



52. Proportion: 
arms II 



53. Proportion: 

legs 



54. Proportion: limbs 
in two dimensions 



55. Clothing I 



Full Face: Length of head greater than its width. 
Should show a general oval shape. 

Profile: Head definitely elongated. Face longer than 
"dome" of skull. 

Arms at least equal to the trunk in length. Tips of 
hands extend to middle of hip but not to knee. Hands 
need not necessarily extend to or below the crotch, es- 
pecially if legs are unusually short. In full-face drawings, 
both hands must so extend. Score by relative lengths, 
not position, of arms. 

Arms taper; forearm narrower than upper arm. Any 
tendency to narrow the forearm except right at the 
wrist, is credited. If both arms show clearly, tapering 
must occur in both. 

Length of the legs not less than the vertical measure- 
ment of the trunk nor greater than twice that measure- 
ment. Width of either leg less than that of the trunk. 

Both arms and legs shown in two dimensions. If the 
arms and legs are in two dimensions, the point is cred- 
ited, even though the hands and feet are drawn in 
linear dimension. 

Any clear representation of clothing. As a rule the earli- 
est forms consist of a row of buttons running down the 
center of the trunk, or of a hat, or of both. Either alone 
scores. A single dot or small circle placed in the center of 
the trunk is practically always intended to represent the 
navel and should not be credited as clothing. A series of 



The Test Manual 261 

vertical or horizontal lines drawn across the trunk (and 
sometimes on the limbs as well) Is a fairly common 
way of indicating clothing, and should be so credited. 
Marks to indicate pockets or sleeve-ends also get credit. 

56. Clothing II At least two articles of clothing (as hat and trousers) 

nontransparent; that is, concealing the part of the body 
which they are supposed to cover. In scoring this point 
it must be noted that a hat which is merely in contact 
with the top of the head but does not cover any part of 
it is not credited. Buttons alone, without any other indi- 
cation of the coat, are not credited. Two of the follow- 
ing must be present to indicate coat: sleeves, collar or 
neckline, buttons, or pockets. Trousers must be clearly 
intended by belt, fly, pockets, cuff, or any separation 
of feet or leg from bottom of trouser leg. Foot as an 
extension of leg does not score, when a line drawn across 
the leg is the only w T ay of indicating the separation of 
foot and leg. 

57. Clothing HI Entire drawing free from transparencies of any sort. 

Both sleeves and trousers must be shown as distinct 
from wrists or hands and legs or feet. 

58. Clothing IV At least four articles of clothing definitely indicated. 

The articles should be among those in the following 
list: hat, shoes, coat, shirt, collar, necktie, belt, trousers, 
jacket, sport shirt, overalls, socks (pattern). Note: Shoes 
must show some detail, as laces, toe cap, or double line 
for the sole. Heel alone is not sufficient. Trousers must 
show some features, such as fly, pockets, cuffs. Coat or 
shirt must show either collar, sleeves, pockets, lapels, or 
distinctive shading, as spots or stripes. Buttons alone are 
not sufficient. Collar should not be confused with neck 
shown merely as insert. The necktie is often inconspicu- 
ous and care must be taken not to overlook it, but it is 
not likely to be mistaken for anything else. 

59. Clothing V Costume complete without incongruities. This may be 

a "type" costume (e.g., cowboy, soldier) or costume of 
everyday dress. If the latter, it should be clearly recog- 
nized as appropriate; e.g., sport shirt on man, cap appro- 
priate to hunting outfit, overalls for farmer. This is a 
"bonus" point, and must show more than necessary for 
Item 58. 

60. Profile I The head, trunk, and feet must be shown in profile 

without error. The trunk may not be considered as 
drawn in profile unless the characteristic line of buttons 
has been moved from the center to the side of the figure, 
or some other indication, such as the position of the 
arms, pockets, or necktie shows clearly the effect of this 
position. The entire drawing may contain one, but not 
more than one, of the following three errors: 



262 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



61. Profile II 

62. Full face 



63. Motor 

coordination : 
lines 4 



64. Motor 

coordination: 
junctures 



65. Superior motor 
coordination 



1. One body transparency, such as the outline of the 
trunk showing through the arm. 

2. Legs not in profile. In a true profile at least the upper 
part of the leg which is in the background must be 
concealed by the one in the foreground. 

3. Arms attached to the outline of the back and ex- 
tending forward. 

The figure must be shown in true profile, without error 
or any body transparency. 

(Include partial profile, where attempt is to show figure 
in perspective. ) All major body parts in proper location 
and correctly joined unless hidden by perspective or 
clothing. 

Essential items: Legs, arms; eyes, nose, mouth, ears; 
neck, trunk; hands and feet. Parts must be in two di- 
mensions. Feet may be in perspective, but not in profile, 
unless they turn "out" in opposite directions. 

Look at the long lines in arms, legs, and trunk. Lines 
should be firm, well-controlled and free from accidental 
wavering. A few long lines may be retraced or erased. 
The drawing need not achieve very smoothly "flowing" 
lines to earn credit. Young children sometimes "color 
in" with their pencils; examine carefully the funda- 
mental lines of their drawings. Older children frequently 
use a "sketching" technique readily distinguishable from 
the uncertain, wavering lines resulting from immature 
coordination. If the general effect is that of firm, sure 
lines showing that the pencil was under control, credit 
the item. The drawing may be quite immature and still 
score on this point. 

Look at the juncture points of lines. They must meet 
cleanly without a marked tendency to cross or overlap, 
or leave gaps between the ends. A drawing with few 
lines is scored more strictly than one with frequent 
changes in direction of line. A "sketchy" drawing is 
ordinarily credited even though the junctures of lines 
may seem uncertain, since this is a characteristic con- 
fined almost entirely to drawings of a mature type. 
Some erasures may be allowed. 

This is a "bonus" point for good pencil work on details 
as well as on major lines. Look at the small detail as 
well as at the character of the major lines. All lines 
should be firmly drawn, with correct joining. Pencil 
work in fine detail facial features, small items of cloth- 
ing, etc. indicates a good control of the pencil. Scoring 



4 Items 63, 64, and 65 concern the quality of the child's control of the pencil. These 
items evaluate the firmness and sureness of line, quality of line junctions, "corners," etc. 



The Test Manual 



26' 



66. 



Directed lines 
and form: 
head ontline 5 



67. 



Directed lines 
and form: trunk 
outline 



68. Directed lines 
and form: arms 
and legs 



69. Directed lines 
and form: facial 
features 



70. "Sketching" 
technique 



71. "Modeling" 
technique 



72. Arm movement 



73. Leg movement 



should be quite strict. Erasures and or redrawing in- 
validate this item. 

Outline of head must be drawn without obviously unin- 
tentional irregularities. The point is credited only in 
drawings where the shape has developed beyond the first 
crude circle or ellipse. In proile drawings, a simple oval 
to which a nose has been added does not score. Scoring 
should be rather strict; the contour of the face must be 
developed as a unit, not by adding parts. 

Same as for the preceding item, but here with reference 
to the trunk. Note that the primitive "stick," circle, or 
ellipse does not score. The body lines must show an at- 
tempt to follow an intentional deviation from the sim- 
ple ovoid form. 

Amis and legs must be drawn without irregularities, as 
in above item, and without tendency to narrowing at 
the points of junction with the body. Both arms and 
legs must be in two dimensions. 

Facial features must be symmetrical in all respects. Eyes, 
nose, and mouth must all be shown in two dimensions. 

Full Face: The features must be appropriately placed, 
regular and symmetrical, giving a clear appearance of 
the human form. 

Profile: The eye must be regular in outline and located 
in the forward one-third of the head. The nose must 
form an obtuse angle with the forehead. The scoring 
should be strict; a "cartoon" nose is not credited. 

Lines formed by well-controlled short strokes. Repeated 
tracing of long line segments is not credited. "'Sketch- 
ing" technique appears in the work of some older chil- 
dren and almost never occurs under age eleven or 
twelve. 

"Lines" or shading must indicate one or more of the 
following: garment creases, wrinkles or folds, other than 
trouser press; fabric; hair; shoes; "coloring in"; or back- 
ground features. 

Figure must express freedom of movement in both 
shoulders and elbows. One arm suffices. Credit hands 
on hips or in pockets, if both shoulders and elbows are 
apparent. A definite activity need not be indicated. 

Freedom of movement portrayed both in hips and 
knees of the figure. 



5 Items 66-69 concern the child's deliberate direction of the pencil to produce a good 
form. The child's work must show that he has exercised control, firmly and surely. 



264 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Scoring Examples 



FIG. 55. 






FIG. 56. 






FIG. 57. 



FIG. 58. 



The Test Manual 265 



FIG. 55. Man, by girl, 3-11. Raw Score 5; Standard Score 87; Percentile 
Rank 19 

Items credited: 1, i 11, 30, 35 



FIG. 56. Man, by girl, 5-0. Raw Score 19; Standard Score 105; Percentile 
Rank 63 

Items credited: 1, 4, 6, 9, 11, 18, 22, 23, 24, 25 ? 27, 28 7 30, 35, 39 ? 
44, 46, 48, 55 

There are clearly five digits on each hand, one of which is oriented 
quite differently from the others, in each case. 



FIG. 57. Man, by girl, 9-6. Raw Score 34; Standard Score 104; Percentile 
Rank 61 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4 y 9, 11, 14, 18, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 30 7 31, 
32, 35, 39, 40, 44, 45, 46, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 63, 64 

Figure considered to show snowsuit. 



FrG. 58. Man, by boy, 12-6. Raw Score 53; Standard Score 117; Percentile 
Rank 87 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 
24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 
46, 47, 48, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 71 

Since this drawing shows the hand in profile, a compromise scoring 
is effected; strict on number of fingers (Item 25), but liberal on 
their shape (Item 26) and on the presence of a hand (Item 28). 



266 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 




FIG. 59. 




FIG. 60. 



FIG. 61. 





FIG. 62. 



The Test Manual 267 

FIG. 59. Man, by girl, 6-6. Raw Score 9; Standard Score 72; Percentile 
Rank 3* 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, 11, 14, 22, 30, 35, 39 

Stanford-Binet (L) IQ 82 



FIG. 60. Man, by boy, 6-9. Raw Score 4; Standard Score 62; Percentile 
Rank 1 * 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, 11 

Stanford-Binet (L) IQ 65. Child in special class. 

Considerable incoordination with tentative diagnosis of mild 
cerebral palsy. Handedness not differentiated. The examiner re- 
peated the request to "Draw a whole man" after original figure 
was produced. This request led to perseverative circular drawing. 
The circular drawing seemed to mean "the whole man" to him. 



FIG. 61. Man, by boy, 7-10. Raw Score 4; Standard Score 59; Percentile 
Rank l" 

Items credited: 1, 24, 46, 47 

Stanford-Binet (L) IQ 47. Child in special class. Speech and 
motor control very poor. 

Could have credited Items 30 and 35; Item 24 was credited be- 
cause so many marks suggest the impression of "many digits." 

FIG. 62. Man, by boy ? 8-6. "Class A" drawing; cannot be scored. 
Stanford-Binet (L) IQ 34. Child in special class. 



268 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 





FlG. 63. 



FIG. 64. 





FIG. 65. 



FIG. 66 



The Test Manual 269 

FIG. 63. Man, by boy, 9-1 L Raw Score 15; Standard Score 74; Percentfle 
Rank 4 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, 11, 18, 22, 24 7 26 ? 30, 33, 35, 44, 46, 47, 55 
Stanford-BInet (M) IQ 81. Child In special class; spastic paralysis. 



FIG. 64. Man, by boy, 12-5. Raw Score 31; Standard Score 87; Percentfle 
Rank 19 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 24, 29, 30, 31, 33, 35, 36, 39, 

40, 41, 44, 45, 46, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63, 64 

Stanford-BInet (L) IQ 80 

Note: Bridge of nose (Item 17) Is questionable; cannot tell how 
high it extends. 



FIG. 65. Man, by girl, 15-8. Raw Score 48; Standard Score 105; Percentile 
Rank 63 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4 ? 5, 6 7 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 
20, 22, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 39, 40, 44, 45, 46, 
47, 48, 52, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 63, 64, 66, 69, 70 

Stanford-Binet (L) IQ 76; WISC 72 (V, 69; P. 82). Child in 
special class. Note the discrepancy in test results. 

FIG. 66. Man, by boy, 16-6. Raw Score 12; Standard Score 53; Percentile 
Rank l' 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, 11, 30, 35, 44, 45, 46, 55, 63, 64 
WISC IQ '5 (V, 46; P, 43). Child in class for "trainables." 

Note segmented character of arms and legs; a perseverative char- 
acteristic not uncommon among retarded children. Coordination 
quite good. 

Children older than the norms provided in Tables 32-35 should 
be considered as age 15. 



270 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Scoring Practice (Accepted scoring on pp. 273-274) 



FIG. 67. Man, by girl, 3-9 



V 




^ 









FIG. 69. Man, by boy, 10-9 



FIG. 68. Man, by girl, 5-6 






FIG. 70. Man, by boy, 10-6 



The Test \lanual 



271 



FIG. 71. Man, by boy, 10-9 




C 



FIG. 72. Man, bv bov, 10-8 




FIG. 73. Man, by girl, 12-9 




FIG. 74. Man, by boy, 8-9 



272 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 




rr i 



FIG. 75. Man, by boy, 15-8 



FIG. 76. Man, by boy, 17-2 





FIG. 77. Man, by girl, 17-0 



FIG. 78. Man, by boy, 19-0 



The Test Manual 273 

FIG. 67. Man, by gir! T 3-9. Raw Score 12; Standard Score 117; Percentlle 
Rank 87 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, II, 18, 19, 24, 28, 30, 44, 46, 63 

FIG. 68. Man, by girl, 5-6. Raw Score 12; Standard Score 85: Percentile 
Rank 16 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, II, 14, 18, 22, 30, 35, 39 ? 55, 63 

FIG. 69. Man, by boy, 10-9. Raw Score 41; Standard Score 110; Percentile 
Rank 75 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3 7 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 14, 18, 19, 24, 26, 28, 29, 30, 

31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 52, 54, 55, 
56, 57, 64, 66, 67, 68, 72 

Note that the shape of fingers (Item 26) is credited even though 
the correct number of fingers (Item 25) is not. 

FIG. 70. Man, by boy, 10-6. Raw Score 50; Standard Score 124; Percentile 
Rank 95 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 9, 10, II, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 
25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 
47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64, 70 

FIG. 71. Man, by boy, 10-9. Raw Score 4; Standard Score 54; Percentile 
Rank 1 

Items credited: 1, 11, 18, 35 

Stanford-Binet (M) IQ 42; (L) 41. Child in class for "trainable" 
children. 

The sole feature of the face could be scored either as mouth or 
nose; a mouth is more commonly intended. 

FIG. 72. Man, by boy, 10-8. Raw Score 28; Standard Score 90; Percentile 
Rank 25 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 9, 11, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 
35, 39, 40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 51, 53, 54, 55, 63, 64 
Stanford-Binet (M) IQ 88; WISC 76 (V, 84; P, 72). Child in 
special class. 

FIG. 73. Man, by girl, 12-9. Raw Score 7; Standard Score 45 (estimated); 
Percentile Rank 1 

Items credited: 1, 2, 30, 35, 39, 44, 46 

Stanford-Binet (L) IQ 45; (M) IQ 39. Child in class for "train- 
able" children. 



274 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

FIG. 74. Man, by boy, 8-9. Raw Score 14; Standard Score 77; Percentile 
Rank 6 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, 11, 18, 24, 30, 35, 39, 44, 45, 46, 47, 54 
Stanford-Binet (L) IQ 53. Child in special class. 

FIG. 75. Man, by boy, 15-8. Raw Score 56; Standard Score 115; Percentile 
Rank 84 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3 7 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 
19, 22, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 
42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 62, 63, 64, 67, 68, 
69, 70, 71 

WISC IQ 89 (V, 79; P, 102) 

This is a superior drawing by a boy whose verbal performance on 
an individual intelligence test is considerably lower. 

FIG. 76. Man, by boy, 17-2. Raw Score 19; Standard Score 63; Percentile 
Rank l" 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 18, 24, 30, 35, 36, 39, 40, 41, 
44, 45, 46, 64 

WISC IQ 54 (V, 55; P, 54). Child in special class. 

Eyebrow (Item 5) is faintly indicated on original, in addition to 
supraorbital ridge. Youth older than norms is interpreted in rela- 
tion to values of fifteen-year-olds. 

FIG. 77. Man, by girl, 17-10. Raw Score 15; Standard Score 50; Percentile 
Rank 1 

Items credited: 1, 4, 5, 6, 22, 24, 30, 35, 39, 44, 46, 54, 55, 63, 64 

Stanford-Binet (M) IQ 18; WISC 30 (V, 43; P, 38). Child in 
class for "trainable" children. 

FIG. 78. Man, by boy, 19-0. Raw Score 8; Standard Score 47 (estimated); 
Percentile Rank 1 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, 11, 18, 22, 30, 46 
Stanford-Binet (M) IQ 51 

Indication of hair was perseverated around entire head and around 
contours of trunk. Arms are questionable but were credited, 
liberally. 



The Test Manual 



Short Scoring Guide * 



1. Head present 

2. Neck present 

3. Neck, two dimen- 
sions 

4. Eyes present 

5. Eye detail: brow or 
lashes 

6. Eye detail: pupil 

7. Eye detail: propor- 
tion 

8. Eye detail: glance 

9. Nose present 

10. Nose, two dimen- 
sions 

1 1 . Mouth present 

12. Lips, two dimen- 
sions 

13. Both nose and lips 
in two dimensions 

14. Both chin and fore- 
head shown 

1 5. Projection of chin 
shown; chin clearly 
differentiated from 
lower lip 

16. Line of jaw indi- 
cated 

17. Bridge of nose 

18. Hair I 

19. Hair II 

20. Hair III 

21. Hair IV 

22. Ears present 

23. Ears present: propor- 
tion and position 



MAN POINT SCALE 

24. Fingers present 

25. Correct number of 
fingers shown 

26. Detail of fingers cor- 
rect 

27. Opposition of 
thumb shown 

28. Hands present 

29. Wrist or ankle 
shown 

30. Arms present 

31. Shoulders I 

32. Shoulders II 

33. Arms at side or en- 
gaged in activity 

34. Elbow joint shown 

35. Legs present 

36. Hip I (crotch) 

37. Hip II 

38. Knee joint shown 

39. Feet I: any indica- 
tion 

40. Feet II: proportion 

41. Feet III: heel 

42. Feet IV: perspective 

43. Feet V: detail 

44. Attachment of arms 
and legs I . 

45. Attachment of arms 
and legs II 

46. Trunk present 

47. Trunk in propor- 
tion, two dimen- 
sions 

48. Proportion: head I 



49. Proportion: head II 

50. Proportion: face 
31. Proportion: arms I 

52. Proportion: arms II 

53. Proportion: legs 

54. Proportion: limbs in 
two dimensions 

55. Clothing I 

56. Clothing II 

57. Clothing III 

58. Clothing IV 

59. Clothing V 

60. Profile I 

61. Profile II 

62. Full face 

63. Motor coordination: 
lines 

64. Motor coordination: 
junctures 

65. Superior motor co- 
ordination 

66. Directed lines and 
form: head outline 

67. Directed lines and 
form: trunk outline 

68. Directed lines and 
form: arms and legs 

69. Directed lines and 
form: facial features 

70. "Sketching" tech- 
nique 

71. "Modeling" tech- 
nique 

72. Arm movement 

73. Leg movement 



* For use only after the scoring requirements have been mastered. 



276 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Requirements for Scoring the Draw-a- Woman Scale 



ITEM 
1. Head present 



DESCRIPTION 

Any clear method of representing the head. Features 
alone, without any outline for the head itself, are not 
credited for this point. 



2. Neck present 



Any clear indication of the neck as distinct from the 
head and the trunk. Mere juxtaposition of the head and 
the trunk is not credited. 



3. Neck, two 
dimensions 



4. Eyes present 



5. Eye detail: brow 
or lashes 



Outline of neck continuous with that of the head, of 
the trunk or of both. Line of neck must "flow" into 
head line or trunk line. Neck interposed as pillar be- 
tween head and trunk does not get credit unless treated 
definitely to show continuity between neck and head 
or trunk or both, as by collar, or curving of lines. 

Credit 




No Credit 






Either one or two eyes must be shown. Any method is 
satisfactory. A single indefinite feature, such as is occa- 
sionally found in the drawings of very young children, is 
credited. Credit also, in mature drawings attempting 
perspective, any indication of the eye by contour of the 
profile, as: 




Brow, lashes or both shown. 
Full Face: 
Credit 



The Test Manual 



277 



Profile: 

Credit 



6. Eye detail: 
pupil 



7. Eye detail: 
proportion 



8. Cheeks 



9. Nose present 



10. Nose, two 
dimensions 



No Credit 



Pupil shown. Credit any clear indication of the popil 
or iris as distinct from the outline of the eye. Both 
pupils must appear if both eyes are shown. 

The horizontal measurement of the eye must be greater 
than the vertical dimension. This requirement must be 
fulfilled in both eyes if both are shown; one eye is suffi- 
cient if only one is shown. In profile drawings, any tri- 
angular forms which approximate the example below 
are credited. 



Credit 
No Credit 




Credit modeling or "shading" on cheeks or at mouth 
corners. Credit also "cosmetic cheeks" circular spots 
on cheeks. In drawings which attempt perspective, 
credit any indication in contour of face. 

Credit 




Any clear method of representation. In "mixed profiles," 
the score is plus even though two noses are shown. 

Full Face: Credit all attempts to portray the nose in 
two dimensions, when the bridge is longer than the 
width of the base or tip. 

Credit 

II A fl U I db i 6 D A i. 

No Credit 



278 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



11. Bridge of nose 



Profile: Credit all crude attempts to show the nose in 
profile, provided tip or base is shown in some manner. 
Do not credit simple "button." 

No Credit 



Full Face: Nose properly placed and shaped. The base 
of the nose must appear as well as the indication of a 
straight bridge. Placement of upper portion of bridge is 
important; must extend up to or between the eyes. 
Bridge must be narrower than the base. 



Credit 



A 1U ^ 2 



O) O 



No Credit 
O O 

A 



o A <{ 



Profile: Nose at angle with face, approximately 45 de- 
grees. Separation of nose from forehead clearly shown 
at eye. 

Credit 



No Credit 




12. Nostrils shown 



13. Moutb present 

14. Lips, two 
dimensions 



Any attempt to portray nostrils as holes, dots, or to 
show "wings." 



Credit 
No Credit 



I j 
II 



II 



Any clear representation. 

Two lips clearly shown. 
Full Face: 
Credit 



C 



The Test Manual 



279 



Credit 



No Credit 




15. "Cosmetic lips" 



Any clear attempt to show "Cupid's bow." Score based 
on the outer shape. Two lips need not be shown. 

Credit 



16. Both nose and lips Bonus point given when both Items 10 and 14 are 
in two dimensions passed. 



17. Both chin and 
forehead shown 



18. Line of jaw 
indicated 



Full Face: Sufficient space must be left above the eyes 
to represent the forehead, and below the mouth to rep- 
resent the chin. The scoring should be rather lenient. 
Where neck is continuous with face, placement of 
mouth with respect to narrowing of lower portion of 
head is important. 

Credit 



No Credit 




W 




Profile: The point may be credited when the eyes and 
mouth are omitted, if the outline of the face shows 
clearly the limits of the chin and forehead. Score leni- 
ently if forehead is covered by hat brim; more strictly 
if covered by hair, 

Full Face: Line of jaw and chin drawn across neck but 
not squarely across. Neck must be sufficiently wide, and 
chin must be so shaped that the line of the jaw forms 
a well defined acute angle with the line of the neck. 
Score strictly on the simple oval face. 



280 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Credit 



19. Hair I 

20. Hair II 



21. Hair III 



22. Hair IV 




ACUTE ANGLES 

Profile: Line of jaw extends toward (but not all the way 
to) the ear or across the neck. 

Credit 



No Credit 




Any indication of hair, however crude. 

Scribble closely conforming to head, or 

Full Face: Shaped masses suggesting braids or locks 
each side of face. 

Credit 




Profile: Mass dependant in back. 
Credit 




Style suggested by indentation at temple, or bangs, or 
shaped at lower ends, or both. General "style" achieved. 
Distinctly better design than Item 20. 

Use of directed lines to indicate a part, texture, or 
combing. Superior style achieved. 

Caution: Score strictly; superior style may be achieved 
with outline sketching, but this does not score. Directed 
lines to indicate hair texture must appear, and be better 
than "coloring in/' 



The Test Manual 



281 



23. Necklace or 
earrings 

24. Anns present 



25. Shoulders 



26. Arms at side 
(or engaged in 
activity or 
behind back) 



Any clear indication. Distinguish necklace from neck- 
line or collar of dress. Earrings without ears (which may 
be concealed by hair ; - should be credited. 

Any method of representation clearly Intended to Indi- 
cate arms. Fingers alone are not sufficient, but the point 
Is credited If any space is left between the base of the 
fingers and that part of the body to which they are 
attached. The number of arms must be correct, except 
in profile drawings when only one arm may score. 

Full Face: A distinct change in the direction of the 

upper part of the trunk, which gives the ef ect of a 
"rounded corner." The ordinary elliptical form Is never 
credited. There must be an abrupt broadening of the 
trunk below T the neck, which then turns downward Into 
the arms or sides of the trunk. Square comers fail. 

Credit 




(a) 
No Credit 




(d) 




(e) 



(h) 



Profile: Somewhat more lenient where the trunk as well 
as the head is shown in profile. If the lines that form 
the upper part of the trunk diverge from each other 
at the base of the neck so as to show the expansion of 
the chest, credit the point. 

Full Face: Young children generally draw the arms 
held stiffly out from the body. Credit this point when 
at least one arm is down at the side, making an angle of 
no more than 10 degrees with the general vertical axis 
of the trunk, unless the arms are engaged in some def- 
inite activity, such as carrying an object. Credit when 
hands are placed on hips or behind the back. 

Credit 




10 OR LESS 



282 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

No Credit 




Profile: Credit If hands are engaged in definite activity, 

or if upper arm is suspended, even though forearm is 

extended. 

Credit 




No Credit 




27. Elbow joint shown 



There must be an abrupt bend (not a curve) at approxi- 
mately the middle of the arm. One arm is sufficient. 
Modeling or creasing of the sleeve is credited. 



Full Face: 

Credit t 




Profile: 

Credit 




No Credit 




The Test Manual 

28. Fingers present 

29. Correct number of 
fingers shown 



30. Detail of fingers 
correct 



31. Opposition of 
thumb shown 



32. Hands present 



283 

Any Indication of fingers. Mitt hand does not score even 
if thumb Is shown. 

If both hands are shown, the correct number on each 
Is necessary, unless there Is a clear attempt to portray 

hand activity which would conceal the correct number. 
Credit drawings produced by older children who try a 
"sketching" technique, even though five digits may not 
be definitely discerned. 

Credit 




"Grapes" or "sticks" do not score. Length of individual 
fingers must be distinctly greater than width. In well- 
executed drawings, where hand may appear in perspec- 
tive, or where fingers are Indicated by ^sketching," 
credit this point. Credit also those cases In which, be- 
cause the hand is obviously clenched, only the knuckles 
or part of the fingers appear. This last will occur only in 
high-quality drawings where there Is considerable use of 
perspective. 

A clear differentiation of the thumb from the fingers. 
Scoring should be very strict. The point is credited If 
one of the lateral digits is definitely shorter than any 
of the others (compare especially with little finger), or 
if the angle between it and the index finger is not less 
than twice as great as that between any two of the other 
digits, or if its point of attachment to the hand is dis- 
tinctly nearer to the wrist than that of the fingers. Con- 
ditions must be fulfilled on both hands If both are 
shown, unless hand is grasping something; one hand is 
sufficient if only one is shown. Five digits are necessary 
for thumb to score. Fingers must be present or indi- 
cated; "mitt" hand does not score unless subject is def- 
initely shown in winter garb, wearing mittens. 

Credit 



No Credit 



Any representation of the hand, apart from the fingers. 
When fingers are shown a space must be left between 
base of fingers and edge of sleeve or cuff. Where no cuff 




284 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



33. Legs present 



34. Hip 



exists, arm must broaden In some way to suggest palm 
or back of hand as distinct from wrist Characteristic 
must appear on both hands, if both are shown. "Mitt" 
hand with thumb does not score unless figure obviously 
is wearing mittens. 

Credit 





No Credit 




DEPENDS 

-ON REST 

OF GARB 



Marginal Credit 




Any method of representation clearly intended to indi- 
cate the legs. There must be two legs in full-face draw- 
ings, and either one or two, in profiles. Credit where 
long skirt hides legs or feet. 

Full Face: The principal axes of the legs must form a 
distinct angle. The distance between the ankles must be 
greater than the distance between the inner surfaces of 
the legs at the skirt line, and the difference must be 
more than can be accounted for by contours of the calf 
and ankle. Do not credit in the case of a long gown. 

Credit 




(ANGLE) 



No Credit 




(PARALLEL) 



Profile: Credit when legs form angle, as in walking. 
Credit in standing figure, when one leg is shown, or 
when two appear in true profile. 



The Test Manual 



235 



35. Feet I: any 
indication 



36. Feet H: 
proportion 



37. Feet HI: 
detail 



38. Shoe I: 
"feminine" 



39. Shoe II: 
style 



Credit 





Feet indicated by any means: two feet in full-face; one 
or two in profile. In the case of a long gown, credit this 
item. 

Full Face: Feet must be longer than wide, or drawn in 
perspective. 



Credit 



yy 



No Credit 





Profile: Horizontal dimension of fore-part of foot must 
be greater than vertical dimension. In the case of a long 
gown, credit only when foot is indicated in some way, 
as by the tip appearing beneath the edge of the gown, 
etc. 

Credit 



No Credit 



Foot or shoe must show some ornamentation, such as 
a buckle, tie, strap, or sole. In the case of a long gown, 
do not credit unless foot is shown. 

Credit any clear attempt to depict a feminine shoe as 
opposed to "brogan" or other thick, solid shoe. Note 
especially attempts to depict slender toe or arch, high 
heel, open toe, or straps. If heel is crucial point, it should 
be at least one-third of total height of shoe at that 
point. Shoe must be marked off from leg, either by a 
line or by profile shaping. In the case of a long gown, 
credit only when shoe is shown. 

Credit 




Shoe must be clearly feminine and "styled," i.e., clearly 
a pump, tie, open toe, wedgie, saddle-shoe, etc. In the 
case of a long gown, credit only when clearly shown. 



286 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



40. Placement of feet Full Face: Feet turned "irf or "out/ 7 or In perspective. 
appropriate to Do not credit primitive feet. 

figUie No Credit 



41. Attachment of 
arms and legs I 



42. Attachment of 
arms and legs II 




Profile: Credit both feet turned in direction of head. 
Do not credit when feet are absent, except where long 
gown hides feet. 

Both arms and legs attached to the trunk at any point, 
or arms attached to the neck, or at juncture of head and 
trunk when neck is omitted. Do not credit if either 
arms or legs are missing. Credit where dress hides legs 
and/or feet. If the trunk is omitted, the score is al- 
ways zero. If the legs are attached elsewhere than to 
the trunk, regardless of the attachment of the arms, the 
score is zero. If only one arm or leg is shown, either in 
full-face or profile drawings, credit may be given on the 
basis of the limb that is shown. If both arms and legs 
are shown, the members of each pair must be attached 
approximately symmetrically. Credit where long dress 
hides legs and/or feet. Be careful to distinguish this 
item from Item 25. 

Credit 




Arms attached to the trunk at the correct position. Legs 
attached to the bottom of the trunk or skirt and not 
continuous with vertical line or drape of the skirt. Credit 
this point if both feet and legs are hidden by long 
gown. 

Legs: 

Credit i , No Credit 





Arms: Full Face: Where Item 25 is failed, attachment 
must be exactly at the point where the shoulders should 
have been indicated. Score very strictly, especially when 
Item 25 is zero. Do not credit if arms at their place of 
attachment occupy as much as one-half or more of the 
distance from the neck to the waist. The following 



The Test Manual 



287 



sketch Illustrates when Item 41 but not Item 42 scores: 




(See also Item 25 T a, e, h, for examples which credit 
Item 41 but not 42.) 

Arms: Proile: The attachment of the arms must be 
indicated at a point approximately on the median line 
of the trunk, at a short distance 'below the neck, this 
point coinciding with the broadening of the trunk which 
indicates the chest and shoulders. If the arms extend 
from the line which outlines the back, or if the point 
of attachment reaches the base of the neck, or falls be- 
low the greatest expansion of the chest, the point is not 
credited. Credit Item 41 but not Item 42. 



43. Clothing 
indicated 



44. Sleeve I 

45. Sleeve H 



46. Neckline I 



47. Neckline II: 
collar 

48. Waist I 




Clothing indicated by buttons or pockets on the simple 
ellipse, triangle, or trapezoid figure. Credit if there is 
definitely a skirt, even if no buttons or pockets are 
shown. 

Indicated by any means. 

Indicated by more than a simple cross line. Must show 
button, cuff, double line, puffed sleeve (long or short), 
or sleeve definitely wider than the arm which protrudes 
from it. Where a strap or strapless gown is clearly indi- 
cated, credit both Items 44 and 45. When hands are so 
placed that possible cuff is hidden, do not credit unless 
short sleeve is clearly indicated. Note: Be careful not to 
confuse bracelet or wristwatch with sleeve. 

Any dress line at neck other than that produced by chin 
or jaw. Any crude single line, straight or semicircular. 
Distinguish carefully from necklace. 

Collar indicated. Neckline must be "V'd" or definitely 
shaped in some other manner. 

Whether or not a belt is shown, the direction of the 
body contour must change perceptibly at and/or be- 
low the waist. If no belt or waist is drawn, a gentle, 



288 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



continuous curve does not score; there must be an 
abrupt change in body line. 

Credit 





No Credit 






49. Waist H 



50. Skirt "modeled" 
to indicate pleats 
or draping 



A distinct belt (two lines), sash, sweater, or blouse hem 
must be indicated by means better than a single hori- 
zontal line. 

Irregular hemline not sufficient; lines, shading, or sketch- 
ing must appear. 



Credit 



I *^/N *J 



51. No transparencies There must be a garment on the figure that is clear and 
in the figure complete. Clothing must show neckline, sleeves, skirt 

hem, or slacks. No body lines may show through clothes 
that would ordinarily conceal them. 



52. Garb feminine 



Young Children (under 8): Skirt must be a distinct 
feature, and the body must appear in two distinct seg- 
ments. 



Credit 



O 



A 




No Credit 




Theme and Variations 

started to drool out insignificant music that had not the slightest 
bearing upon the dramatic proceedings. I was told it was done to 
put the actors in the proper mood for their task. Many years later, 
when the spoken word had raised the film to a higher level, I again 
watched the filming of a few scenes and realized that my former 
amazement had been due to the erroneous expectation that I was 
to become acquainted with a branch of art related to the theater. It 
was the spoken word that made me realize that it was the only ele- 
ment the stage and the film had in common, that their ways must 
run in different directions, and that the enormous possibilities of 
the film, with laws of its own, could be achieved and developed 
only through an entire emancipation from the laws of the stage. 
To me, the essential difference seemed to be that in the theater 
living people had to present their parts in immovable surroundings 
and with an immovable audience before them, while in the film, 
with its surroundings changing at will, they became the object of 
the camera and its unlimited possibilities. They played not for an 
audience in front of them, but for the wide world. True, the living 
presence of the performer, his fruitful spontaneous vitality, and 
the mutual relationship between the audience and the artist were 
thus lost, but, to compensate for that and for the third dimension of 
substantiality, we had the whole limitless mobile fairy world of the 
camera and the facilities of a magic carpet able instantly to transport 
men and things anywhere. Moreover, the film will have gained the 
full supporting power of music as soon as it is able to reproduce 
tones more beautifully and faithfully than is now the case. 

But will the reproduction by apparatuses, no matter how per- 
fect, ever be able to achieve the blissfully elevating effect of spon- 
taneous interpretative art produced by living people? Will the time 
come when mechanically contrived proceedings will no longer 
taste as if they had come out of a can? The answers to these ques- 
tions will be furnished by the highly gifted people at work upon 
the discovery and development of the film style of tomorrow. 

I was looking forward to my concerts in the Hollywood Bowl 
with some apprehension. I had never before conducted in the open, 
was afraid of the acoustic properties of the circular valley, of the 
incompatibility of the two infinites of music and space, of the 
effect of night dampness on the tuning of the strings, and of any 
number of other things. All aesthetic and practical apprehensions 
disappeared before the magic of that unique scene. So powerful was 
the effect on me that I could almost forget the acoustic insufficien- 
cies of the space. It was uplifting indeed to conduct in that bowl 
while the orchestra strove devotedly and the many thousands fill- 
ing the vast amphitheater way up into the mountains listened 

[280] 



290 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Older Children (8 and over) : Credit drawings that por- 
tray dress or skirt if arm length is at least half of dress 
length (shoulder to hem of skirt) but not as long as 
hem. 



61. Location of waist 



This item evaluates child's ability to locate the waist. 
Waist located below one-third of total length of figure, 
crown to toe, but not below one-half of total length. 
(Crown is considered the top of the head, including 
hair but not hat. ) Waistline must be indicated by belt, 
or by some distinct change in body contour. Do not 
credit when trunk and dress are indicated by uninter- 
rupted curve, with no indication of waistline. 



62. Dress area 



Dress area belo\v waist must be as large or larger than 
trunk area above waist but not more than twice as large 
(three times as large in profile). Credit if formal gown 
is clearly represented. For slacks, include the area oc- 
cupied by the legs but not the feet. Define as waist a 
waist line however indicated, or estimate location from 
an obvious narrowing of body, or widening of hips. Do 
not credit in drawings by young children showing no 
trunk or bodv contours. 



63. Motor 

coordination: 
junctures 



All lines meet cleanly, without overlap or intervening 
space. Emphasis is on the juncture of lines, regardless 
of the character of lines. 



64. Motor 

coordination : 
lines 



65. Superior motor 
coordination 



Lines are firm, cleanly made, continuous and "con- 
trolled." If "sketchy" judge the basic character of the 
body lines created by the shorter pencil strokes. Both 
curved and straight lines must be handled with assur- 
ance. Do not credit in a drawing with extensive redraw- 
ing and erasures. 

Credit this point in all cases where Item 64 is achieved 
without redrawing or erasures, and where the total 
effect of lines is neat, clean, and "sure." 



66. Directed lines 
and form: head 
outline 



The drawing must show the contours of the head 
and/or face. Simple circle or ellipse to which projecting 
features have been added does not score. 

No Credit 





67. 



Directed lines 
and form: 
breast 



Any attempt, by modeling or by contour, to indicate 
the feminine breast. In full-face drawings, credit strap- 
less gown if top is curved. 



The Test Manual 



291 



Credit 



68. 



Directed lines 
and form: hip 
contour 



Full Face: Hips indicated by distinct convexity below 

waistline. This must occur on both sides. Note that 
wide, uniformly curved bell-shaped laiing skirt does 
not score. 

Profile: Convexity must be indicated over hips and 
buttocks. 

Credit 



No Credit 




69. Directed lines 
and form: arms 
taper 



70. Directed lines 
and form: calf 
of leg 

71. Directed lines 
and form: facial 
features 



Wrist and/or forearm distinctly narrower than upper 
arm. Credit the point whether achieved by narrowing 
of sleeve or by shaping the bare arm. Where long, full 
sleeves are clearly indicated, credit this item. 

Leg shaped better than a taper. Definite calf must be 
shown. Score strictly. 



Facial features must be symmetrical in all respects. Eyes 
and mouth must be shown in two dimensions; nose may 
be indicated by dots. 

Full Face: Features must be appropriately placed, regu- 
lar and symmetrical, giving a clear appearance of the 
human form. 

Profile: The eye must be regular in outline and located 
in the forward one-third of the head. The bridge of the 
nose must form an obtuse angle with the forehead. The 
scoring should be strict; a "cartoon" nose does not get 
credit. 



292 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Short Scoring Guide 



1. Head present 

2. Neck present 

3. Neck, two dimen- 
sions 

4. Eyes present 

5. Eye detail: brow or 
lashes 

6. Eye detail: pupil 

7. Eye detail: propor- 
tion 

8. Cheeks 

9. Nose present 

10. Nose, two dimen- 
sions 

11. Bridge of nose 

12. Nostrils shown 

13. Mouth present 

14. Lips, two dimen- 
sions 

15. "Cosmetic lips" 

16. Both nose and lips 
in two dimensions 

17. Both chin and fore- 
head shown 

18. Line of jaw indi- 
cated 

19. Hair I 

20. Hair II 

21. Hair III 

22. Hair IV 

23. Necklace or earrings 

24. Arms present 

25. Shoulders 

26. Arms at side (or en- 
gaged in activity or 
behind back) 



WOMAN POINT SCALE 

27. Elbow joint shown 

28. Fingers present 

29. Correct number of 
fingers shown 

30. Detail of fingers cor- 
rect 

3 1 . Opposition of thumb 
shown 

32. Hands present 

33. Legs present 

34. Hip 

35. Feet I: any indica- 
tion 

36. Feet II: proportion 

37. Feet III: detail 

38. Shoe I: "feminine" 

39. Shoe II: style 

40. Placement of feet 
appropriate to figure 

41. Attachment of arms 
and legs I 

42. Attachment of arms 
and legs II 

43. Clothing indicated 

44. Sleeve I 

45. Sleeve II 

46. Neckline I 

47. Neckline II: collar 

48. Waist I 

49. Waist II 

50. Skirt "modeled" to 
indicate pleats or 
draping 

51. No transparencies in 
the figure 



52. Garb feminine 

53. Garb complete, 
without incongrui- 
ties 

54. Garb a definite 
"type" 

55. Trunk present 

56. Trunk in propor- 
tion, two dimensions 

57- Head-trunk propor- 
tion 

58. Head: proportion 

59. Limbs: proportion 

60. Arms in proportion 
to trunk 

61. Location of waist 

62. Dress area 

63. Motor coordination: 
junctures 

64. Motor coordination: 
lines 

65. Superior motor co- 
ordination 

66. Directed lines and 
form: head outline 

67. Directed lines and 
form: breast 

68. Directed lines and 
form: hip contour 

69. Directed lines and 
form: arms taper 

70. Directed lines and 
form: calf of leg 

71. Directed lines and 
form: facial features 



* For use only after the scoring requirements have been mastered. 



Theme and Variations 

Philharmonique de Paris and with the Societ6 des Concerts, the 
latter being the old orchestra of the Conservatoire, which had been 
so highly praised by Richard Wagner and which was now giving 
its concerts in the noble classic hall of the Conservatory under the 
guidance of Philippe Gaubert, the Opera conductor. But my con- 
certs had always taken place at the Salle Pleyel. Words fail me to 
express what Paris and France came to mean to me in those years 
and how uplifted and deeply moved I was by the realization that I 
was walking in the city of Berlioz, Auber, Bizet, Liszt, and Chopin, 
and of Stendhal, Balzac, and Maupassant. I had come to Paris late 
in my life, but late love is strong. It burned within me when I en- 
joyed the magnificent beauty of the city and the monuments of 
its prodigious history, and it overwhelmed me when France 
clasped me to her heart, in 1938 and made me her citizen. 

Monsieur Caurier and I got up a cast composed of French and 
German artists, and he came to Berlin in the winter of that year, 
accompanied by Mme Ritter-Ciampi and Mme Destanges. They 
were to attend some of my Mozart performances at the Municipal 
Opera and rehearse with me in order to become acquainted with 
the style I required. The festive Paris performances took place in 
the early summer of 1928 and made a deep impression. The Magic 
Flute, especially, captivated the hearts of musical Paris. My mem- 
ory has preserved a glowing picture of the superb Sarastro of my 
Munich basso Paul Bender, who looked like St. Francis, and of the 
girlish Pamina of the Viennese Lotte Schone. I do not think that 
the sublime beauty of the moment when, after the message of love 
from the Sacred Halls, Sarastro places his arm protectingly on Pam- 
ina's shoulder has ever been more touchingly and solemnly re- 
vealed. 

Moral support was given the performances by the circles around 
the idealist Firmin Gamier, whose aim it was to create a world 
theater. The Mozart Cycle with German and French artists under 
my guidance seemed to him a step toward his goal. He received me 
most warmly. douard Herriot, too, the then Minister of Educa- 
tion, upon whom I called -at his Ministry, seemed to welcome this 
rapprochement in the realm of art. 

My appearance as a guest conductor in Paris led to a new connec- 
tion. A representative of the Palais des Beaux-Arts in Brussels 
called on me requesting that I appear at some concerts there. Ties 
of genuine friendship soon bound me to that charming and histori- 
cally interesting city which, until the outbreak of the war, fre- 
quently called me to its beautiful hall and before its seriously 
musical and enthusiastic audience. I also came to know King 
Albert and Queen Elisabeth, a former Bavarian Princess. During 

[284] 



294 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTE1LECTUAL MATURITY 



TABLE 
32 



Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores 
Drawing of a Man, by Boys 



RAW 
SCORE 


CHRONOLOGICAL AGE IN YEARS 


RAW 
SCORE 


3* 


4* 


5 


6 


7 | 8 | 9 | 10 


11 j 12 j 13 | 14 


15 





68 


55 


53 


52 


51 50 49 









1 


73 


61 


56 


54 


53 52 50 






1 


2 


77 


66 


59 


57 


55 54 52 50 


51 




2 


3 


82 


70 


62 


60 


57 56 54 52 


52 




3 


4 


86 


74 


65 


62 


59 58 55 54 


54 51 




4 


5 


91 


78 


68 


65 


62 60 57 55 


55 52 




5 


6 


95 


83 


71 


68 


64 62 59 57 


56 53 




6 


7 


100 


87 


74 


70 


66 63 60 58 


58 55 50 




7 


8 


104 


91 


77 


73 


68 65 62 60 


59 56 51 




8 


9 


109 


96 


80 


75 


70 67 63 61 


60 57 53 




9 


10 


113 


100 


83 


78 


72 69 65 63 


62 59 54 50 


50 


10 


11 


118 


104 


86 


81 


75 71 67 64 


63 60 56 52 


52 


11 


12 


122 


109 


89 


83 


77 73 69 66 


65 61 57 53 


53 


12 


13 


127 


113 


92 


86 


79 75 70 67 


66 63 58 55 


55 


13 


14 


131 


117 


95 


89 


81 77 72 69 


68 64 60 56 


56 


14 


15 


136 


122 


98 


91 


84 79 74 70 


69 66 61 58 


57 


15 


16 


140 


126 


101 


94 


86 81 75 72 


70 67 63 59 


59 


16 


17 


145 


130 


104 


96 


88 83 77 73 


72 68 64 60 


60 


17 


18 


149 


134 


107 


99 


90 85 79 75 


73 70 65 62 


62 


18 


19 


154 


139 


110 


102 


92 87 80 76 


74 71 67 63 


63 


19 


20 


158 


143 


113 


104 


94 89 82 78 


76 72 68 65 


64 


20 


21 


163 


147 


116 


107 


97 90 84 79 


77 73 70 66 


66 


21 


22 


168 


152 


119 


110 


99 92 85 81 


78 75 71 68 


67 


22 


23 


172 


156 


122 


112 


101 94 87 82 


80 76 73 69 


69 


23 


24 




160 


125 


115 


103 96 89 84 


81 78 74 70 


70 


24 


25 




164 


128 


117 


105 98 90 86 


83 80 75 72 


72 


25 


26 




169 


131 


120 


108 100 92 87 


84 81 77 73 


73 


26 


27 




173 


134 


123 


110 102 94 89 


85 82 78 75 


74 


27 


28 




177 


137 


125 


112 104 95 90 


87 83 80 76 


76 


28 


29 






140 


128 


114 106 97 92 


88 85 81 78 


77 


29 


30 






143 


131 


116 108 99 93 


90 86 82 79 


79 


30 


31 






146 


133 


119 110 100 95 


91 87 84 80 


80 


31 


32 






149 


136 


121 112 102 96 


92 89 85 82 


81 


32 


33 






152 


138 


123 114 104 98 


94 90 87 83 


83 


33 


34 








141 


125 116 105 99 


95 92 88 85 


84 


34 


35 








144 


127 118 107 101 


97 93 89 86 


86 


35 



* These values have been calculated from samples which are not as representative as the 
age samples from 5 through 15 years. They are likely to be a little high for unselected or more 
adequately representative samples. They are offered as tentative guides for use with pre- 
school groups. 



The Test "\lanual 



295 



TABLE 32 (continued) 



RAW 
SCOEE 


CHRONOLOGICAL AGE IN YEARS ; 


RAW 

SCORE 


3 4 j 5 i 6 ; 7 , 8 9 10 11 12 ' 13 : 14 : 15 ! 


36 


146 130 119 109 102 98 94 91 88 87' 36 


37 


149 132 121 110 104 99 96 92 89 88; 37 


38 


134 123 112 105 101 97 94 90 90 ' 38 


39 


136 125 114 107 102 9S 95 92 91 ; 39 


40 


138 127 116 108 103 100 96 93 93 40 


41 


141 129 117 110 105 101 98 95 94 41 


42 


143 131 119 111 106 102 99 96 96* 42 


43 


145 133 121 113 108 104 101 98 97, 43 


44 


147 135 122 115 109 105 102 99 98 i 44 


45 


149 137 124 116 110 106 103 100 100 


45 


46 


139 126 118 112 108 105 102 101 


46 


47 


141 127 119 113 109 106 103 103 


47 


48 


143 129 121 114 111 108 105 104 


48 


49 


145 131 122 116 112 109 106 105 


49 


"5T 


146 133 124 117 113 110 108 107 


50 


51 


148 134 125 119 115 112 109 108 


51 


52 


150 136 127 120 116 113 110 110 


52 


53 


137 128 121 117 115 112 111 


53 


54 


139 130 123 119 116 113 113 


54 


55 


141 131 124 120 118 115 114 


55 


56 


142 133 125 121 119 116 115 


56 


57 


144 134 127 123 120 118 117 


57 


58 


146 136 128 124 122 119 118 


58 


59 


147 137 130 126 123 120 120 


59 


60 


149 139 131 127 125 122 121 


60 


61 


140 132 128 126 123 122 


61 


62 


142 134 130 127 125 124 


62 


63 


143 135 131 129 126 125 


63 


64 


145 137 132 130 128 127 


64 


65 


146 138 134 132 129 128 


65 


66 


148 139 135 133 130 130 


66 


67 


150 141 136 134 132 131 


67 


68 


142 138 136 133 132 


68 


69 


143 139 137 135 134 


69 


70 


145 140 139 136 135 


70 


71 


146 142 140 138 137 


71 


72 


148 143 141 139 138 


72 


73 


149 145 143 140 139 


73 



296 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



TABLE 

33 



Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores 
Drawing of a Man, by Girls 



RAW 
SCORE 


CHRONOLOGICAL AGE IX YEARS 


RAW 
SCORE 


3* | 4* 


5 1 6 j 7 j 8 i 9 j 10 ; 11 


12 


13 | 14 ! 15 





66 58 


50 50 49 









1 


70 62 


53 52 51 50 






1 


2 


74 66 


56 55 53 51 






2 


3 


78 70 


59 57 55 53 50 






3 


4 


83 74 


62 60 58 55 52 






4 


5 


87 78 


65 62 60 57 54 50 






5 


6 


91 81 


68 65 62 59 55 51 






6 


7 


96 85 


70 67 64 61 57 53 49 






7 


8 


100 89 


73 70 66 63 59 55 51 


49 




8 


9 


104 92 


76 72 69 65 61 56 52 


51 




9 


10 


108 96 


79 75 71 67 62 58 54 


52 




10 


11 


113 100 


82 77 73 69 64 59 55 


54 


50 


11 


12 


117 104 


85 80 75 70 66 61 57 


55 


51 


12 


13 


121 107 


87 82 77 72 67 63 58 


56 


53 50 


13 


14 


126 111 


90 85 79 74 69 64 60 


58 


54 51 


14 


15 


130 115 


93 87 82 76 71 66 61 


59 


56 53 50 


15 


16 


134 119 


96 90 84 78 73 67 63 


61 


57 54 51 


16 


17 


139 122 


99 93 86 80 74 69 64 


62 


59 56 53 


17 


18 


143 126 


102 95 88 82 76 71 66 


64 


60 57 55 


18 


19 


147 130 


105 98 90 83 78 72 68 


65 


62 59 56 


19 


20 


152 134 


107 100 92 86 80 74 69 


66 


63 61 58 


20 


21 


156 137 


110 103 95 88 81 75 71 


68 


65 62 60 


21 


22 


160 141 


113 105 97 89 83 77 72 


70 


66 64 61 


22 


23 


165 149 


116 108 99 91 85 79 74 


71 


68 65 63 


23 


24 


169 152 


119 110 101 93 86 80 75 


72 


69 67 65 


24 


25 


173 156 


122 113 103 95 88 82 77 


74 


71 68 66 


25 


26 


177 160 


124 115 105 97 90 83 78 


75 


72 70 68 


26 


27 


164 


127 118 108 99 92 85 80 


77 


74 72 70 


27 


28 


168 


130 120 110 101 93 87 81 


78 


75 73 71 


28 


29 


171 


133 123 112 103 95 88 83 


80 


77 75 73 


29 


30 


175 


136 125 114 105 97 90 84 


81 


78 76 75 


30 


31 




139 128 116 106 98 91 86 


83 


80 78 76 


31 


32 




142 130 118 108 100 93 87 


84 


81 79 78 


32 


33 




144 133 121 110 102 95 89 


86 


83 81 80 


33 


34 




147 135 123 112 104 96 91 


87 


84 83 81 


34 


35 




150 138 125 114 105 98 92 


88 


86 84 83 


35 



* These values have been calculated from samples which are not as representative as the 
age samples from 5 through 15 years. They are likely to be a little high for unselected or more 
adequately representative samples. They are offered as tentative guides for use with pre- 
school groups. 



The Test Manud 



297 



TABLE 33 (continued) 



HAW 
SCORE 


CHRO\LOGICAL AGE_ IX YEARS 


RAW 
SCORE 


3 j 4 ! 5 ; 6 ; 7 | 8 ] 9 j 10 ; 11 j 12 j 13 


14 ; 15 


36 


140 127 116 107 100 94 90 87 


86 85 


36 


37 


143 129 118 109 101 95 91 89 


87 86 


37 


38 


146 131 120 111 103 97 93 91 


89 88 


38 


39 


148 134 122 112 104 98 94 92 


90 90 


39 


v - r 


151 136 124 % 114 106 100 96 94 


92 91 


40 


4f 


""" l38" 125 116 108 101 97 95 


94 93 


41 


42 


140 127 118 109 103 99 97 


95 95 


42 


43 


142 129 119 111 104 100 98 


97 96 


43 


44 


144 131 121 112 106 102 100 


98 98 


44 


45 


147 133 123 114 107 103 101 


100 100 


45 


46 


149 135 124 116 109 104 103 


101*101 


46 


47 


151 137 126 117 110 106 104 


103 103 


47 


48 


139 128 119 112 107 106 


104 105 


48 


49 


141 130 120 114 109 107 


106 106 


49 


50 


142 131 122 115 110 109 


108 108 


50 


51 


144 133 124 117 112 110 


109 110 


51 


52 


146 135 125 118 113 112 


111 111 


52 


53 


148 137 127 120 115 113 


112 113 


53 


54 


150 138 128 121 116 115 


114 115 


54 


55 


140 130 123 118 116 


115 116 


55 


56 


142 132 124 119 118 


117 118 


56 


57 


143 133 126 120 119 


119 120 


57 


58 


145 135 127 122 121 


120 121 


58 


59 


147 136 129 123 122 


122 123 


59 


60 


149 138 130 125 124 


123 125 


60 


61 


150 140 132 126 125 


125 126 


61 


62 


141 133 128 127 


126 128 


62 


63 


143 135 129 128 


128 130 


63 


64 


144 137 131 130 


130 131 


64 


65 


146 138 132 131 


131 133 


65 


66 


148 140 134 133 


133 135 


66 


67 


149 141 135 134 


134 136 


67 


68 


151 143 136 136 


136 138 


68 


69 


144 138 138 


137 140 


69 


70 


146 139 139 


139 141 


70 


71 


147 141 141 


141 143 


71 


72 


149 142 142 


142 145 


72 


73 


150 144 144 


144 146 


73 



298 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



TABLE 

34 



Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores 
Drawing of a Woman, by Boys 



RAW 
SCORE 


CHRONOLOGICAL AGE IN YEARS 


RAW 
SCORE 


3* 


4* 


5 


6 | 7 | 8 j 9 


10 


11 ! 12 | 13 


14 15 





68 


55 


56 


56 51 











1 


73 


61 


59 


"58 53 50 








1 


2 


77 


66 


61 


61 56 52 








2 


3 


82 


70 


64 


63 58 53 








3 


4 


86 


74 


67 


65 60 55 50 


49 






4 


5 


91 


78 


70 


68 62 57 51 


51 


49 




5 


6 


95 


83 


73 


70 64 59 53 


52 


51 




6 


7 


100 


87 


75 


73 66 61 55 


54 


52 




7 


8 


104 


91 


78 


75 68 63 57 


56 


54 50 




8 


9 


109 


96 


81 


77 70 65 59 


57 


55 52 




9 


10 


113 


100 


84 


80 72 67 60 


59 


57 54 50 




10 


11 


118 


104 


86 


82 74 69 62 


61 


59 55 52 




11 


12 


122 


109 


89 


84 76 70 64 


62 


60 56 53 




12 


13 


127 


113 


92 


87 79 72 66 


64 


62 58 55 


50 


13 


14 


131 


117 


95 


89 81 74 67 


66 


63 60 56 


52 51 


14 


15 


136 


122 


97 


91 83 76 69 


67 


65 61 58 


54 53 


15 


16 


140 


126 


100 


94 85 78 71 


69 


66 63 59 


55 54 


16 


17 


145 


130 


103 


96 87 80 73 


70 


68 64 61 


57 56 


17 


18 


149 


134 


106 


98 89 82 75 


72 


70 66 63 


58 57 


18 


19 


154 


139 


108 


101 91 84 76 


74 


71 68 64 


60 59 


19 


20 


158 


143 


111 


103 93 86 78 


75 


73 69 66 


62 61 


20 


21 


163 


147 


114 


105 95 87 80 


77 


74 71 67 


63 62 


21 


22 


168 


152 


117 


108 97 89 82 


79 


76 72 69 


65 64 


22 


23 


172 


156 


119 


110 99 91 84 


80 


78 74 70 


66 65 


23 


24 




160 


122 


112 102 93 85 


82 


79 75 72 


68 67 


24 


25 




164 


125 


115 104 95 87 


84 


81 77 73 


70 69 


25 


26 




169 


128 


117 106 97 89 


85 


82 78 75 


71 70 


26 


27 




173 


131 


119 108 99 91 


87 


84 80 77 


73 72 


27 


28 




177 


133 


122 110 101 93 


89 


85 82 78 


74 74 


28 


29 






136 


124 112 103 94 


90 


87 83 80 


76 75 


29 


30 






139 


126 114 104 96 


92 


89 85 81 


78 77 


30 


31 






142 


129 116 106 98 


93 


90 86 83 


79 78 


31 


32 






144 


131 118 108 100 


95 


92 88 84 


81 80 


32 


33 








133 120 110 102 


97 


93 89 86 


82 82 


33 


34 








136 122 112 103 


98 


95 91 88 


84 83 


34 


35 








138 125 114 105 


100 


96 93 89 


86 85 


35 



* These values have been calculated from samples which are not as representative as the age 
samples from 5 through 15 years. They are likely to be a little high for unselected or more 
adequately representative samples. They are offered as tentative guides for use with preschool 
groups. 



The Test Manual 



299 



TABLE 34 (continued) 



RAW I 

SCOEE 

i 


CHRONOLOGICAL AGE IX YEARS 


RAW 
SCORE 


3;4;5;6!7j8:9 


10 11 " 12 ! 13 ; 14 15 


36 


140 127 116 107 


102 98 94 91 87 86 


36 


37 


143 129 118 109 


103 100 96 92 89 SS 


37 


38 


145 131 120 110 


105 101 97 94 90 90 


38 


39 


133 121 112 


107 103 99 95 92 91 


39 


40 


135 123 114 


108 104 100 97 94 93 


40 


41 


137 125 116 


110 106 102 98 95 94 


41 


-& 


139 127 118 


111 107 103 100 97 96 


42 


43 


141 129 119 


113 109 105 102 98 98 


43 


44 


143 131 121 


115 111 107 103 100 99 


44 


45 


145 133 123 


116 112 108 105 101 101 


45 


46 


148 135 125 


118 114 110 106 103 103 


46 


47 


150 137 127 


120 115 111 108 105 104 


47 


48 


139 128 


121 117 113 109 106 106 


48 


49 


140 130 


123 118 114 111 108 107 


49 


50 


142 132 


125 120 116 112 109 109 


50 


51 


144 134 


126 122 117 114 111 111 


51 


52 


146 136 


128 123 119 116 113 112 


52 


53 


148 137 


129 125 121 117 114 114 


53 


54 


150 139 


131 126 122 119 116 115 


54 


55 


141 


133 128 124 120 117 117 


55 


56 


143 


134 129 125 122 119 119 


56 


57 


145 


136 131 127 123 121 120 


57 


58 


146 


138 133 128 125 122 122 


58 


59 


148 


139 134 130 127 124 123 


59 


60 


150 


141 136 132 128 125 125 


60 


61 




143 137 133 130 127 127 


61 


62 




144 139 135 131 129 128 


62 


63 




146 140 136 133 130 130 


63 


64 




148 142 138 134 132 132 


64 


65 




149 144 139 136 133 133 


65 


66 




151 145 141 137 135 135 


66 


67 




147 142 139 137 136 


67 


68 




148 144 141 138 138 


68 


69 




150 146 142 140 140 


69 


70 




147 144 141 141 


70 


71 




149 145 143 143 


71 



300 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



TABLE 

35 



Table for Converting Raw Scores to Standard Scores 
Drawing of a Woman, by Girls 



RAW 
SCORE 


CHRONOLOGICAL AGE 


IN YEARS 


RAW 
SCORE 


3* 


4*| 5 


6 


7 J 8 | 9 | 10 


11 I 12 ' 13 | 14 [ 15 





62 


55 52 


52 


49 







1 


66 


59 54 


54 


50 48 




1 


2 


70 


63 57 


56 


52 50 




2 


3 


74 


67 59 


58 


54 51 




3 


4 


78 


70 62 


60 


56 53 




4 


5 


83 


74 64 


62 


58 55 48 




5 


6 


87 


78 67 


64 


60 56 50 




6 


7 


91 


81 69 


66 


62 58 52 




7 


8 


96 


85 72 


69 


64 60 54 49 




8 


9 


100 


89 74 


70 


66 62 55 51 




9 


10 


104 


92 77 


73 


68 63 57 53 




10 


II 


109 


96 79 


75 


70 65 59 54 




11 


12 


113 


100 82 


77 


71 67 60 56 


50 


12 


13 


117 


104 84 


79 


73 68 62 57 


52 


13 


14 


121 


108 87 


81 


75 70 64 59 


53 50 


14 


15 


126 


111 89 


83 


77 72 65 61 


55 52 


15 


16 


130 


115 92 


86 


79 74 67 62 


56 53 50 


16 


17 


134 


119 94 


88 


81 75 69 64 


58 55 51 48 


17 


18 


139 


122 97 


90 


83 77 71 65 


60 56 53 50 


18 


19 


143 


126 99 


92 


85 79 72 67 


61 58 55 51 


19 


20 


147 


130 102 


94 


87 81 74 69 


63 60 56 53 50 


20 


21 


151 


134 104 


96 


89 82 76 70 


64 61 58 55 52 


21 


22 


156 


137 107 


98 


90 84 77 72 


66 63 59 56 54 


22 


23 


160 


141 109 


100 


92 86 79 73 


68 64 61 58 56 


23 


24 


164 


145 112 


103 


94 87 81 75 


69 66 63 60 57 


24 


25 


169 


149 114 


105 


96 89 82 77 


71 67 64 61 59 


25 


26 


173 


152 117 


107 


98 91 84 78 


72 69 66 63 61 


26 


27 


177 


156 119 


109 


100 93 86 80 


74 71 67 65 63 


27 


28 




160 122 


111 


102 94 88 81 


76 72 69 66 64 


28 


29 




164 124 


113 


104 96 89 83 


77 74 71 68 66 


29 


30 




168 126 


115 


106 97 91 85 


79 75 72 70 68 


30 


31 




171 129 


117 


108 99 93 86 


80 77 74 71 70 


31 


32 




175 131 


119 


109 101 94 88 


82 78 75 73 71 


32 


33 




134 


122 


111 103 96 89 


84 80 77 75 73 


33 


34 




136 


124 


113 105 98 91 


85 82 79 76 75 


34 


35 




139 


126 


115 106 100 93 


87 83 80 78 77 


35 



* These values have been calculated from samples which are not as representative as the 
age samples from 5 through 15 years. They are likely to be a little high for unselected or 
more adequately representative samples. They are offered as tentative guides for use with 
preschool groups. 



The Test Manual 



301 



TABLE 35 (continued) 



RAW 
SCORE 


CHRONOLOGICAL AGE 


IN YEARS 




RAW 
SCORE 


3 j 4 '. 5 i 6 

! 


7 


8 i 


9 


10 


: 11 


12 


13 


14 i 


15 


36 


141 128 


117 


108 


101 


94 


88 


85 


82 


80 


78 


36 


37 


144 130 


119 


110 


103 


96 


90 


86 


83 


81 


80 


37 


38 


146 132 


121 


111 


105 


97 


91 


88 


85 


83 


82 


38 


39 


149 134 


123 


113 


106 


99 


93 


89 


87 


85 


84 


39 


40 


136 


125 


115 


108 


101 


95 


91 


88 


86 


86 


40 


41 


139 


127 


117 


110 


102 


96 


92 


90 


88 


87 


41 


42 


141 


129 


118 


111 


104 


98 


94 


91 


90 


89 


42 


43 


143 


130 


120 


113 


105 


99 


96 


93 


91 


91 


43 


44 


145 


132 


122 


115 


107 


101 


97 


95 


93 


93 


44 


45 


147 


134 


123 


117 


109 


103 


99 


96 


95 


94 


45 


46 


149 


136 


125 


118 


110 


104 


100 


98 


96 


96 


46 


47 




138 


127 


120 


112 


106 


102 


99 


98 


98 


47 


48 




140 


129 


122 


113 


107 


103 


101 


100 


100 


48 


49 




142 


130 


123 


115 


109 


105 


103 


101 


101 


49 


50 




144 


132 


125 


117 


111 


107 


104 


103 


103 


50 


51 




146 


134 


127 


118 


112 


108 


106 


105 


105 


51 


52 




148 


136 


128 


120 


114 


110 


107 


106 


107 


52 


53 




149 


137 


130 


121 


115 


111 


109 


108 


109 


53 


54 




151 


139 


132 


123 


117 


113 


111 


110 


110 


54 


55 






141 


134 


124 


119 


114 


112 


111 


112 


55 


56 






142 


135 


126 


120 


116 


114 


113 


114 


56 


57 






144 


137 


128 


122 


118 


115 


115 


116 


57 


58 






146 


139 


129 


123 


119 


117 


116 


117 


58 


59 






148 


140 


131 


125 


121 


119 


118 


119 


59 


60 






149 


142 


132 


126 


122 


120 


120 


121 


60 


61 






151 


144 


134 


128 


124 


122 


121 


123 


61 


62 








146 


136 


130 


125 


123 


123 


124 


62 


63 








147 


137 


131 


127 


125 


125 


126 


63 


64 








149 


139 


133 


128 


127 


126 


128 


64 


65 








151 


140 


134 


130 


128 


128 


130 


65 


66 










142 


136 


132 


130 


130 


132 


66 


67 










144 


138 


133 


131 


131 


133 


67 


68 










145 


139 


135 


133 


133 


135 


68 


69 










147 


141 


136 


135 


135 


137 


69 


70 










148 


142 


138 


136 


136 


139 


70 


71 










150 


144 


139 


138 


138 


140 


71 



?Q2 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Instruction for Using the Quality Scales 

The Quality scales, described fully in Chapter VII, permit a much more 
rapid evaluation of drawings than the Point scales, but results are not so pre- 
cise. When a rough estimate of the child's level of maturity will suffice, these 
scales are useful. 

Arrange the plates of each scale before you, one sex at a time, or pin them 
in order on the wall in front of your desk. Each drawing in the scale repre- 
sents a level of maturity; from 1.0, representing the least mature drawing, to 
12.0, representing the most mature drawing. 

First study the scale for a few minutes. Look at each drawing in turn. 
Notice that there is a progression in accuracy of detail and proportion from. 
the first drawing to the last. 

Take each drawing to be scored and compare it with the sample pictures 
in the scale. When you decide which drawing in the scale is most like the one 
you are judging, give the value of the scale example to the drawing you have 
before you. Enter the value on the face sheet of the test booklet under Quality 
scale for Man or Woman, as the case may be. 

If there are many drawings to be scored, place them in groups on the table 
before you, according to the values assigned. Thus you will have several stacks 
of drawings with all those rated 2.0 placed together, all those rated 3.0 placed 
together, etc. When you have assigned values to all the drawings, take each 
stack in turn and go through it, to make sure that the drawings in that group 
are more or less equal in scale value. Change the value given any drawing 
until you have placed it in the category most representative of its maturity. 

No Quality scale has been constructed for the Self drawing, and it seems 
inappropriate to use the plates for the Man and Woman scales to judge it. 
Children above seven or eight years include many juvenile features in their 
self-portraitsitems of clothing, accessories, and the like which may influ- 
ence the global impression of the drawing, essentially the basis of the Quality 
scale method. The effect of these juvenile features on the judgment of such 
drawings has not been studied, but may be considerable. 

The Quality scale plates are reproduced on the pages that follow; M-l 
through M-l 2 for the Man scale, and W-l through W-12 for the Woman 
scale. 



The Test \lanud 



M-l 



M-2 



y 



M-3 




304 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



M-5 



M-6 




-^ 



M-7 



A : ' f 

J 11 



LJ 
1 A.' 




M-8 



The Test \lanual 







M-9 



305 



M-10 



. 

// 
// 



M-ll 



\ . 



M-12 



306 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



w-1 





w-2 




w-3 



w- d 4 



The Test \Ianual 



w-5 



w-6 



30: 





w-7 



w-8 



308 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



w-9 



w-10 



w-11 



w-12 



The Test Manual 



309 



Instructions for Converting Quality Scale Scores to Standard Scores 

Standard score equivalents for Quality scale values are listed in Tables 36 
through 39. These tables are used as described on page 293 in reference to 
Tables 32-35. The standard score obtained from a Quality scale score is com- 
parable to the standard score obtained from a Point scale raw score. 



TABLE 

36 


Standard Score Equivalents for Quality 
Drawing of a Man, by Boys 


Scale 


Scores 




QUALITY 

SCALE 












AGE 


QUALITY 


SCORE 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


OV_cAJJJLi 

SCORE 


1 


76 


71 


64 


61 


59 


58 57 


56 


56 


53 


51 


1 


2 


92 


84 


76 


71 


68 


67 65 


64 


64 


61 


60 


2 


3 


108 


97 


88 


81 


78 


75 73 


72 


72 


70 


69 


3 


4 


124 


110 


100 


92 


87 


84 82 


81 


80 


79 


78 


4 


5 


140 


123 


112 


102 


96 


93 90 


89 


88 


87 


87 


5 


6 


156 


136 


124 


112 


106 


102 98 


97 


96 


96 


96 


6 


7 




149 


136 


123 


115 


111 107 


105 


104 


104 


105 


7 


8 




162 


148 


133 


124 


119 115 


113 


113 


113 


114 


8 


9 






160 


143 


134 


128 123 


121 


121 


121 


123 


9 


10 








154 


143 


137 132 


129 


129 


130 


132 


10 


11 










153 


146 140 


137 


137 


139 


141 


11 


12 












155 148 


145 


145 


147 


150 


12 


TABLE 
























37 


Standard 


Score 


Equivalents for 


Quality 


Scale 


Scores 




Drawing of 


a Man, by Girls 


QUALITY 












AGE 


QUALITY 


Of A T.Tfl 






















SCALE 


OV^jTVlJJCj 

SCORE 


5 


6 


7 


8 


9 


10 11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


SCORE 


1 


74 


68 


61 


59 


56 


56 53 


52 


52 


49 


48 


1 


2 


88 


80 


73 


69 


65 


65 61 


60 


60 


58 


57 


2 


3 


101 


92 


85 


79 


75 


74 70 


69 


68 


66 


66 


3 


4 


115 


105 


97 


90 


85 


82 78 


77 


77 


75 


74 


4 


5 


128 


118 


109 


100 


94 


91 87 


85 


85 


83 


83 


5 


6 


142 


130 


121 


110 


104 


100 96 


94 


93 


92 


92 


6 


7 


156 


142 


133 


121 


114 


109 104 


102 


102 


100 


101 


7 


8 




155 


145 


131 


123 


118 113 


110 


110 


109 


110 


8 


9 






157 


141 


133 


126 121 


119 


118 


118 


119 


9 


10 






169 


152 


143 


135 130 


127 


127 


126 


127 


10 


11 








162 


152 


144 138 


135 


135 


135 


136 


11 


12 










162 


153 147 


144 


143 


143 


145 


12 



310 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



TABLE 

38 


Standard Score Equivalents for Quality Scale 
Drawing of a Woman, by Boys 


Scores 




QUALITY 










AGE 


QUALITY 
























SCALE 


SCALE 
SCORE 5 6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


SCORE 


1 75 70 


64 


59 


58 


56 


55 


55 


53 


48 


44 


1 


2 92 84 


76 


70 


68 


65 


64 


64 


62 


58 


55 


2 


3 108 99 


88 


81 


78 


75 


73 


73 


71 


68 


66 


3 


4 125 113 


100 


92 


88 


84 


82 


81 


80 


78 


76 


4 


5 142 127 


112 


103 


98 


93 


91 


90 


90 


88 


87 


5 


6 158 141 


124 


114 


108 


103 


100 


99 


99 


98 


98 


6 


7 


156 


136 


126 


118 


112 


110 


108 


108 


108 


108 


7 


8 




148 


137 


128 


122 


119 


117 


117 


118 


119 


8 


9 




160 


148 


138 


131 


128 


126 


126 


128 


130 


9 


10 






159 


148 


140 


137 


134 


135 


138 


141 


10 


11 








158 


150 


146 


143 


144 


148 


151 


11 


12 










159 


155 


152 


153 


158 


162 


12 


TABLE 

O A 


Standard Score 


Equivalents for Quality Scale 


Scores 




39 
























Drawing 


of a 


Woman, 


by Girls 


QUALITY 










AGE 


QUALITY 

























SCALE 


SCALE 
SCORE 


5 6 


7 


8 


9 


10 


11 


12 


13 


14 


15 


SCORE 


1 


70 65 


60 


56 


53 


50 


49 


46 


42 


39 


35 


1 


2 


85 78 


71 


66 


62 


59 


58 


55 


51 


48 


45 


2 


3 100 90 


82 


76 


72 


68 


66 


63 


60 


58 


55 


3 


4 115 102 


93 


86 


81 


77 


75 


72 


69 


67 


65 


4 


5 130 115 


104 


96 


91 


86 


84 


80 


78 


76 


75 


5 


6 145 128 


116 


106 


100 


95 


92 


89 


87 


86 


85 


6 


7 160 140 


127 


116 


109 


104 


101 


97 


96 


95 


95 


7 


8 


152 


138 


126 


119 


114 


109 


106 


105 


105 


105 


8 


9 




149 


136 


128 


123 


118 


115 


114 


114 


115 


9 


10 




160 


146 


138 


132 


126 


123 


124 


123 


125 


10 


11 






156 


147 


141 


135 


132 


133 


133 


135 


11 


12 








156 


150 


144 


140 


142 


142 


145 


12 



The Test Manual 



311 



Instructions for Converting Standard Scores to Percentile Ranks 

Teachers who use the Drawing Test may prefer to interpret raw scores in 
terms of percentiles rather than standard scores. The percentile rank shows 
the relative standing of a child in a theoretical group of 100, representing a 
particular population. A percentile rank of 65 on the Drawing Test means that 
a child ranks 65th from the bottom of a theoretical group of 100 children 
representative of all American children his age. 

Actually, the standard score has an advantage in that it can be averaged, a 
procedure not appropriate for percentile ranks. The percentile, however, is 
more readily understood and is at present more widely used in school testing. 

Table 40 provides the percentile rank for each standard score. Enter the 
table with the standard score obtained either from the Point or Quality 
scales. Because there is a constant relationship between standard scores and 
percentile ranks, this one table suffices for the Man and Woman Point 
scales and Quality scales as well as for both boys and girls. The face sheet of 
the booklet has a space for entering the percentile rank for each drawing. 



TABLE 

40 



^Percentile Rank Equivalents for Standard Scores 



STB. SO. 


P.R. 


STD. SC. 


P.R. 


STB. SC. 


P.R. 


133+ 


99 


110 


75 


87 


19 


132 


98 


109 


73 


86 


18 


131 


98 


108 


71 


85 


16 


130 


98 


107 


68 


84 


14 


129 


97 


106 


66 


83 


13 


128 


97 


105 


63 


82 


12 


127 


96 


104 


61 


81 


10 


126 


96 


103 


58 


80 


9 


125 


95 


102 


55 


79 


8 


CBife " 


>95 


101 


53 


78 


7 


123 


94 


100 


50 


77 


6 


122 


93 


99 


47 


76 


5 


121 


92 


98 


45 


75 


5 


120 


91 


97 


42 


74 


4 


119 


90 


96 


39 


73 


4 


118 


88 


95 


37 


72 


3 


117 


87 


94 


34 


71 


3 


116 


86 


93 


32 


70 


2 


115 


84 


92 


29 


69 


2 


114 


82 


91 


27 


68 


2 


113 


81 


90 


25 


67- 


1 


112 


79 


89 


23 






111 


77 


88 


21 







312 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Completed Test Booklet 

A completed test booklet is reproduced on the following four pages to illus- 
trate its use. Although these particular drawings are superior, the same method 
of completing the booklet would apply to any drawings. 



The Test Manual 



313 



Goodenough-Harris Drawkg Test 

By Florence L. Goodenough and Dak B. Harris 



Nan 



SchooL 



Grade_ 



Father's 



Jfcte of PrmAg 



Unl 



hay 3j 1^5 5" 



Examiner's Notes 



Summary 



Raw Score 


Standard Score 


Percenfile Rank 


Point Scale 
Mn ^ 7 


/!/ 


?f 


Woman * 


iff 


H 


Average 

^2 


lib 


ff 


ut 








Quality Scale 

AAnn ' 


121 


W 




III" 


r^ 


Average 


llf 







Copyright { 963 by Harcourt, Brace $ World, Inc., New York. All rights reserved. Printed in U.S.A. 



314 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Moke Your First Dtawing Here 

Draw a pkhire of a man. Make the very best picture you can. Be sure to make the 
whole man, not fwst his head ami shoulders. 




8_ 
10.. 
11.- 



47_ 



50.. 



13._5__ 53. 

U. t* 54.. 
15. 55^ 



18 58.. 

19 59._ 



21.. 



62.JL 

63._ 
M.. t* 



25.. 



27.- 



29._ 

30.. 



70._ 
71.. 



M. 7->, u 
33._- 73._2 

35. t 



aft 



Raw Score 



U- 



The Test Manual 



315 



Moke Your Second Drawing Here 

Drow a picture of a woman. Moke the very best picture you can. Be sore to moke 
the whole woman, not jtst her head and shoufden. 




1 * 41_. 

2..JL. 42 f" 
43, "*" 

44^t_ 



-f Ay-f 



8. , O . 48- 
9 t 49- 

1Q .O 50 



II O JST _0 

13. "*" 53, "f, 

15. <? 55. 



17 



57_5_ 
18 1" 58. Q 
!9-_ 59_i_ 

20. "f 60, f- 



22. <? 



23- 



s 



24. -f 64 f 



28. t- 68, ^ 

29. .<?.... M O 

30. "t* 70- 



31- 
32- 



71. 



38. O 

39. O 



Raw Score 



316 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Make Your Third Drawing 

Draw a picture of yoareelf. Make the very best picture you con. Be sure to make 
your whole self, not just your bead and shoulders. 



*" 



o* 





50. <^ 



T? Q 

13 f 

14 ^ 

15 O 55. 

ix. ^ 56, 



18. Q 58, -t 

19. t 59. t 

20. t 60. + 

2}^L- 



62 + 

23.-C 63.-l_ 

U + 64. -f 

25.__ 65 

9A + 66. Q 

27. ^ 67. .& 

28, *t 68. ^ 
?9 ^ 69. 6 
3n "f 70 6 




Raw Score ^A 



Appendix 



Instructions to Judges Used in Preparing Quality Scales 

You are asked to judge a number of drawings (120) made by children of 
different ages. We are concerned with the ideas portrayed in the drawings 
rather than with the technical skill of the drawings. Thus, we are NOT in- 
terested in evaluating artistic skill as such. 

Inclusion and accuracy of detail, and proportion are important as they 
reveal the level of MATURITY of the drawings. It is this maturity which 
we wish to evaluate. Please try to rate all the drawings at one sitting, since 
ratings done in several periods may have an error introduced. 

Before you there are 13 cards numbered from to 12 and a stack of draw- 
ings in a predetermined random order, indicated by the numbers in the lower 
right hand comer. 

Look through a few of the drawings in order to get an idea of the range 
of the ideas represented in them. 

Distribute the drawings in front of cards 1 through 11, according to the 
criteria described above. 

Make eleven groups of drawings such that each group is EQUALLY 
SEPARATED from the next. Group 1 would be of least excellence, group 6 
of median excellence, group 11 of greatest excellence. Thus, in going from 
groups 1 through 11 7 each succeeding group exceeds the next lower group 
by about the same "amount" of excellence. Categories and 12 have been 
included so that drawings of OUTSTANDINGLY poor quality and draw- 
ings of OUTSTANDINGLY good quality may be set apart, when the judge 
feels that they deviate enough to place them one unit above or below all the 
rest. You need not use these categories unless you feel there are one or two 
which are outstandingly poor or outstandingly good. 

Make your first judgments quickly. After you have sorted all of them into 
11 piles, go through each pile separately, shifting any drawings up or down 
the row of piles until you are satisfied with the arrangement. 

Then take a record sheet and opposite the number of each drawing on 
the record sheet put the number of the pile (given by the card) in which 
you placed it. It will be convenient to work pile by pile, locating the num- 
ber of each drawing on the record sheet. 

317 



318 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



When all your judgments are recorded, sign and date the sheet and re- 
arrange the drawings in numerical order, as you found them. Your work will 
be speeded if you sort first by tens-all those below 10, those 10 to 19, the 
twenties, the thirties, etc. and then rearrange each group of ten so the final 
stack runs from 1 to 120. 

Thank you very much. 

DALE B. HARRIS, Professor 

Statistical Data on Quality Scale Plates 

(Values determined by method described in Chapter VII. Drawings were se- 
lected to give evenly spaced median values with the smallest possible dispersions 
of judgments.) 



MAN SCALE 
(28 judges) 



WOMAN SCALE 
(19 judges) 



PLATE 










PLATE 










(Score 










(Score 










value) 


Qs 


Md. 


Qi 


Q 


value) 


Q3 


Md. 


Qi 


Q 


1.0 


1.52 


1.1 


,56 


.48 


1.0 


1.50 


1.0 


.55 


.48 


2.0 


2.56 


2.0 


1.36 


.60 


2.0 


2.50 


2.0 


1.50 


.50 


3.0 


3.70 


3.0 


2.30 


.70 


3.0 


3.83 


3.0 


2.38 


.73 


4.0 


5,00 


4.0 


3.22 


.89 


4.0 


4.67 


3.9 


3.25 


.71 


5.0 


5.60 


5.0 


4.22 


1.19 


5.0 


5.86 


5.1 


4.43 


.72 


6.0 


7.66 


6.0 


5.12 


1.27 


6.0 


6.71 


6.0 


5.29 


.71 


7.0 


8.66 


7.0 


6.22 


1.17 


7.0 


7.62 


7.0 


5.67 


.78 


8.0 


9,20 


7.9 


6.66 


1.27 


8.0 


9.00 


8.0 


7.17 


.91 


9.0 


9.77 


9.0 


8.12 


.82 


9.0 


10.50 


9.0 


8.17 


1.16 


10.0 


10.87 


10.0 


9.00 


.94 


10.0 


10.83 


10.0 


9.17 


.83 


11.0 


11.66 


11.0 


10.14 


.76 


11.0 


11.71 


11.0 


10.00 


.85 


12.0 


12.30 


11.7 


11.21 


.55 


12.0 


12.50 


11.9 


11.14 


.68 



Guide for Analysis of Self Drawing: An experimental form evolved 
for the study of Self drawing. (See Chapter VIII. ) 

The drawing of the Self may possibly reflect special personality features- 
interests, attitudes, and preoccupationsmore readily than a child's drawing 
of the adult figure. This hypothesis, plausible though not empirically vali- 
dated, has appeared on several occasions in the literature summarized in 
Chapter III. The Guide for Analysis of the Self Drawing, which follows, 
resulted from several attempts to identify idiosyncratic aspects of the Self 
drawing. Four successive forms were developed and used extensively during 
the redesign of the Man Scale and the creation of the Woman Scale. The 
procedure finally adopted was to pose in succession several general questions 
requiring global judgments, and then to move to more specific questions and 



Appendix 319 

particular judgments. Thus, a rationale based on procedure exists for the 
arrangement of the present Guide. 

The evaluator Is asked first to look at the child's Self drawing, without 
reference to the other two drawings, to answer three general questions: 
f 1) Does the figure appear to be complete? ; 2 \ Does It appear to be the fig- 
ure of a child or adolescent rather than an adult? { 3 i Does It appear to sug- 
gest a specific Individual rather than a generalized boy or girl? In the latter 
two questions, the evaluator Is also asked to record such details as suggest an 
affirmative answer. 

Preliminary studies have shown that Increasingly with age children suc- 
cessfully portray both juvenile and Individual traits or features In their 
drawings. These traits are at once apparent In the work of older children 
when they are included at all, and may even be present as early as age six 
or seven, In higher-scoring drawings. They are present In a large minority of 
drawings by nine- or ten-year-olds. Research should be conducted to discover 
what features of Intellect or of personality, of concept formation or of special 
interests or attitude, characterize the child more successful in portraying 
juvenile and individual traits. 

Having answered the three general questions listed above, the evaluator 
is directed to compare the Self drawing with the drawing of the same-sexed 
adult figure in order to establish the presence or absence of particular fea- 
tures. This check list of specific traits directs attention to the features most 
commonly shown by children, determined empirically from the author's un- 
published tabulations. These items are arranged as a convenient check list, to 
show presence of features distinctively treated in either the adult or the Self 
drawing. 

Having directed the evaluator's attention to certain features of the draw- 
ing, the Guide next asks again concerning the juvenile character of the Self 
drawing and goes on to other qualitative, global impressions which the 
evaluator now can, presumably, give more adequately. 

The author attempted to develop a list of "maturity indicators" which 
children use to distinguish between the adult and the juvenile or Self fig- 
ure. However, children show juvenile and individual features in many, many 
different ways. The author chose, therefore, to record the distinctive way a 
trait or feature was shown in a particular drawing when that drawing was 
compared with another one. The Guide permits the evaluator to check which 
of two drawings is distinctive and to record appropriate notes. To achieve 
quantification of a scale measuring "distinctiveness of treatment" would re- 
quire an appropriate classificatory system. This check list may be considered 
an approach to such a scale. 

Finally, the evaluator is asked to compare the three drawings in terms of 
general style. He is asked to specify his general judgment by making specific 
assessments of certain qualitative components which presumably led to his 
general judgment. These components have been based on both the clinical 
literature (see Chapter III) and on the author's empirical work. 



320 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Guide for Analysis of Self Drawing 



NAME- 



SEX : M F AGE. 



I. Examine figure of Self. Look first at the drawing on the last page of the test 
booklet. 

1. Figure complete (head, features, trunk, limbs, extremities) NO YES 

If NO, parts missing: __ , 

2. Juvenile character indicated NO YES 

If YES, specify: 



3. Is a specific individual suggested? NO YES 

If YES, specify: 



II. Compare two drawings. To complete question 1, inspect the Self figure and 
the adult figure of the same sex, checking presence of items in the following list, 
or noting any differences in portrayal. Return to the Self drawing to answer 
questions 2-7. 



1. Specific items 

Facial 

freckles 



ADULT SELF 



cigarette or pipe 
mustache 
other 



Hair 



Garb 



hat 
cap 

jacket 

trousers; skirt 
shoes 
accessories 



ADULT SELF 



Activity 

Background or landscape 

Size 

Ornamentation 
symbol 
design 
bizarre aspects 

"Glamor" or idealization 

Indicators of maturity 
represented 

Equipment for work or 
play 



2. Does Self figure have a juvenile character? NO YES 

If YES, specify: 



Appendix 321 

3. Does Self figure suggest traits which might be peculiar to an in- 
dividual? NO YES 

If YES, specify: 



4. Does Self figure contain features suggestive of a particular age 

group, or other indicators of maturity? NO YES 

If YES, specify: - 



5. Does Self figure suggest a "make-believe" or fantasy role? NO YES 

If YES, specify: 

6. Does Self figure suggest a game or play activity? NO YES 

If YES, specify: 



7. Quality of execution: 

Compared with adult figure of same sex, execution and detail of Self drawing 
are 

POORER SAME BETTER 

Compared with adult figure of opposite sex, execution and detail of Self 
drawing are 

POORER SAME BETTER 

III. Compare three drawings. 

1. In schema and general style, drawings are 

VERY SIMILAR RATHER SIMILAR SOMEWHAT DIFFERENT VERY DIFFERENT 

2. If "somewhat different" or "very different/ 7 check the drawing which is 
MOST: 

MAN WOMAN SELF NO DIFF. 

complete and detailed 

incomplete 

active, dynamic 

stiff, wooden 

realistic 

"glamorized" 

bizarre, odd 

skillfully drawn 

crude 

erased or smudged 

neatly drawn 

large 

small 

other 



322 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Scoring for Figures 9a~33,Cliapter IV, pages 79-86 

The scoring data below apply to Figures 9a through 33 ? which appear in 
Chapter IV to illustrate the development of female figure drawings. These 
drawings may be scored as practice exercises, and the results checked with 
the entries below. 

FIG. 9a. Man, by boy, 5-1. Raw Score 10; Standard Score 83; Percentile 
Rank 13 
Items credited: 1, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 18, 30 7 35, 54 

FIG. 9b. Woman, by same boy. Raw Score 11; Standard Score 86; Percentile 
Rank 18 
Items credited: 1, 4, 6, 9, 13, 19, 20, 21, 24, 33, 63 

Junctures of lines in this drawing are superior to those in the man 
figure drawn by the same boy. 

FIG. 10. Woman, by boy, 5-3. Raw Score 19; Standard Score 108; Percentile 
Rank 71 

Items credited: 1, 4, 6, 9, 12, 13, 19, 24, 33, 35, 41, 43, 44, 55, 56, 
59, 60, 63, 64 

Simple cross line at wrist is sufficient to indicate Sleeve I (Item 
44). Although junctures of lines (Item 63) are for the most part 
only fair, the item is a "marginal pass" on this drawing. Compare 
this drawing with Fig. 11, where Item 63 is clearly not credited. 

FIG. 11. Woman, by boy, 5-4. Raw Score 20; Standard Score 111; Percentile 

Rank 77 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9 ? 13, 19, 24, 28, 32, 33, 35, 36, 41, 43, 44, 46, 

47, 55, 56, 57, 59 

FIG. 12. Woman, by boy, 6-5. Raw Score 26; Standard Score 117; Percentile 
Rank 87 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 9, 13, 17, 19, 24, 33, 35, 36, 41, 43, 44, 46, 

48, 51, 52, 55, 56, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64 

Figure's right shoe is interpreted as a slip of the pencil, not as a 
transparency. 

FIG. 13. Woman, by boy, 6-8. Raw Score 24; Standard Score 112; Percentile 
Rank 79 

Items credited: 1, 4, 9, 13, 17, 19, 20, 24, 33, 35, 36, 40, 41, 43, 48, 
52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63 



Appendix 323 

Item 64, Coordination: lines, is invalidated by the 44 coloring" 
technique which destroys the effect of firm lines. 

FIG. 14. Woman, by boy, 6-10. Raw Score 2S; Standard Score 122; Percentile 
Rank 93 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, S, 9 T 13, 17, 19, 20, 24 y 25, 26, 28, 29, 33, 35, 

36, 40, 41, 42 ? 43, 46, 52, 55 T 56, 59, 60, 61 

Item 17, Chin and forehead, is credited liberally in this case. 
Sleeve I (Item 44) is not credited, because no terminus is indi- 
cated at the wrist. 

FIG. 15. Woman, by boy, 9-5. Raw Score 40; Standard Score 114; Percentile 
Rank 82 

Items credited: I, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26, 

28, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 
59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66 

FIG. 16. Woman, by boy, 10-2. Raw Score 39; Standard Score 107; Percentile 
Rank 68 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 13, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25 ? 26, 28, 

29, 30, 32, 33, 35, 36, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 
59, 60, 61, 62, 64 

Item 11, Bridge of nose, does not score; the nose fails to extend up 
to or between the eyes, and the bridge is as wide as the base. 

FIG. 17. Woman, by boy, 10-9. Raw Score 37; Standard Score 103; Percentile 
Rank 58 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 9, 10, 13, 19, 24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 34, 35, 40, 
41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 
62, 63, 64, 68 

In the orginal drawing the neck is faintly shown, apparently added 
after the head and trunk were formed of simple ellipses; therefore, 
Item 2, Neck present, was credited. 

FIG. 18. Woman, by boy, 11-5. Raw Score 59; Standard Score 134; Percentile 
Rank 99 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 
19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 40, 41, 42, 
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 
62, 63, 64, 67, 70, 71 

This drawing shows crude attempts to "sketch," a technique more 
common among adolescents than among younger children. Treat- 
ment of fingers, legs and sleeves shows this feature particularly 
well. 



324 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

FIG. 19. Woman, by boy, 13-0. Raw Score 47; Standard Score 108; Percentile 
Rank 71 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 
30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36 y 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 51, 52, 55, 
56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64 ? 65, 66, 67, 69, 71 

In this figure, Item 18, Line of jaw, is equivocal; it does not extend 
toward the ear and was thus scored strictly. Shoes were liberally 
interpreted as "feminine" (Item 38). 

FIG. 20. Woman, by boy, 13-2. Raw Score 65; Standard Score 136; Percen- 
tile Rank 99 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 
40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 
59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71 

FIG. 21. Woman, by boy, 15-3. Raw Score 36; Standard Score 86; Percen- 
tile Rank 18 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 13, 17, 19, 20, 23, 25, 33, 34, 35, 
36, 38, 40, 43, 48, 49, 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 
68,70 

This drawing, done with a sharp-pointed pencil and light pressure, 
was difficult to score. Eye detail items were scored strictly. The 
forehead (Item 17), though covered by hair, was scored liberally, 
as was Item 40 (one foot in profile may count for two). This 
drawing illustrates the sometimes incomplete and perhaps re- 
luctantly drawn figures done by adolescents who, more than chil- 
dren, are aware of the complexity of the task and of their own 
limitations to produce visually accurate examples. 

FIG. 22a. Man, by girl, 5-0. Raw Score 16; Standard Score 96; Percentile 
Rank 39 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 11, 14, 18, 22, 30, 35, 44, 46, 47, 54 

FIG. 22b. Woman, by same girl. Raw Score 17; Standard Score 94; Percen- 
tile Rank 34 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 5, 9, 13, 19, 20, 24, 28, 29, 30, 33, 41, 55, 56, 
59 

FIG. 23. Woman, by girl, 5-0. Raw Score 15; Standard Score 89; Percentile 
Rank 23 

Items credited: 1, 4, 8, 9, 13, 19, 24, 33, 35, 41, 43, 44, 55, 56, 59 
Hands present (Item 32) is not credited since there are no fingers 



Appendix 325 

and no mitt is apparently intended. Feminine garb (Item 52) is 
not credited, since the body does not appear in two segments. 

FIG. 24. Woman, by girl, 7-0. Raw Score 33; Standard Score 111; Percen- 
tile Rank 77 

Items credited: 1, 4, 3, 6, 9, 13, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26, 28, 30, 33, 35, 

36, 40, 41, 42 ? 43, 44, 43, 49 ? 51, 52, 55, 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64 

This figure appears to reveal a crude attempt at perspective in the 
feet; therefore, Feet II (Item 36 "I and Placement of feet appro- 
priate to figure (Item 40) are credited. 

FIG. 25. Woman, by girl, 7-2. Raw Score 23; Standard Score 92; Percentile 
Rank 29 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, 13, 19, 20, 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 33, 35, 
41, 43, 48, 52, 55, 56, 62 

Note the Interesting treatment of the neck; the child managed to 
get the angle correct on the figure's right side, but failed to reverse 
the corresponding angle on the figure's left side. A lack of co- 
ordination also appears in the treatment of line junctures and 
firmness of lines (Items 63 and 64). 

FIG. 26. Woman, by girl, 9-8. Raw Score 44; Standard Score 115; Percen- 
tile Rank 84 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 7 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 
24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 35, 38, 40, 41, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 51, 52, 55, 56, 
58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64 7 66, 67, 71 

This drawing shows "feminine" features small feet and attention 
to facial details. The drawing probably shows both necklace and 
neckline. Since the sleeve is indicated by a cuff, Item 44 is credited. 
However, Item 45 is not credited because no hand protrudes; ad- 
mittedly a narrow interpretation of this item. 

FIG. 27- Woman, by girl, 9-9. Raw Score 40; Standard Score 108; Percen- 
tile Rank 71 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 
26, 28, 33, 35, 36, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 55, 
56, 58, 59, 62, 63, 64 

The waistline, although crude, is better than a single horizontal 
line. Relative proportions of dress area (Item 62) is credited be- 
cause it is assumed the child intended a formal or "party" dress. 

FIG. 28. Woman, by girl, 9-11. Raw Score 52; Standard Score 128; Percen- 
tile Rank 97 



326 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 

20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 33, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 
48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 71 

The treatment of hands shown here is typical of the method used 
by adolescents who wish to escape drawing a difficult item. 

FIG. 29. Woman, by girl, 10-10. Raw Score 52; Standard Score 120; Percen- 
tile Rank 91 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 
26, 28, 29, 30, 33, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 
49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 69 

This drawing exhibits attempts to use a "sketching" technique; 
therefore, number and detail of fingers (Items 29 and 30) are 
credited. Coordination: lines (Item 64) is likewise liberally scored. 
The Hand (Item 32), being a general form, is scored more strictly. 
Bridge of the nose (Item 11) is credited, although it could equally 
well be considered a "button" or snub nose and not credited. This 
is a "feminine" drawing, showing small feet, jewelry, and dress 
detail. 

FIG. 30. Woman, by girl, 11-3. Raw Score 61; Standard Score 128; Percen- 
tile Rank 97 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 

21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 
44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 
63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 71 

Another "feminine" drawing, including much facial detail. Hip 
and breast (Items 34 and 67) are only suggested by general con- 
tours and pencil strokes; however, both items are credited liberally. 

FIG. 31. Woman, by girl, 13-3. Raw Score 38; Standard Score 85; Percen- 
tile Rank 16 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 16, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26, 
33, 34, 35, 36, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 49, 52, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 
61, 62, 67, 68 

Note the crude treatment of the neck as a pillar between head and 
trunk. Neckline is that of the trunk, and is not formed by the dress. 
Child has apparently tried to construct the figure from a series of 
oval forms, like the artist's lay figure. This effect may be the result 
of instruction in a particular technique of drawing. 

FIG. 32. Woman, by girl, 13-3. Raw Score 63; Standard Score 125; Percen- 
tile Rank 9* 



Appendix 32" 

Items credited: 3, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, "", S, 9. 13, 14, 15, 1~ IS, 19, 20, 21, 
22, 23, 24, 23, 26, 2~ 2S, 30, 32, 33, 34, 3x 36, 35. 39, 40, 41, 42, 
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 4S, 49, 30, 31, 32, 53, 54, 55, 56, 55, 39, 60, 61, 
62, 63, 64, 63, 66 ? 67, 65, 69, "0, 1 

This drawing, executed with considerable technical skill, was dif- 
ficult to score. Most Items were scored rather liberally, except for 
the nose, since It was barely suggested in the sketch. 

FIG. 33. Woman, by girl, 15-2. Raw Score 49; Standard Score 101; Percen- 
tile Rank 53 

Items credited: 1, 2 T 3, 4, 3 7 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 

21, 23, 24, 23, 27, 33, 35, 40, 41, 42, 43 7 44, 43, 46, 47, 48, 49, 5L 
32, 55, 36 ? 37, 38, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 69, 71 

Not so well executed as the previous figure; this drawing shows 
many attempts to adopt a "sketching" technique, and Is therefore 
scored somewhat liberally. For example, Superior motor coordina- 
tion (Item 65) Is credited. 



Scoring for Figures 34a-45b ? Chapter VIII, pages 135-138 

Since these drawings were made by children not represented In the stand- 
ardization population, Standard Scores and Percentile Ranks are not recorded. 

FIG. 34a. Man, by girl, 5-10. Raw Score 19 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 11, 24, 30, 31, 35, 39, 40, 44, 46, 47, 

54, 55, 64 

Item 18 w r as not scored as hair but as a parka hood. 
FIG. 34b. Woman, by same girl. Raw r Score 19 

Items credited: 1, 4, 5, 9, 10, 13, 24, 28, 33, 35, 36, 41, 42, 43, 54, 

55, 56, 57, 59 

Item 54 was scored very liberally. 
FIG. 35. Woman, by girl, 9-5. Raw Score 48 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 12, 13, 14, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 
25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 
49, 51, 52, 53, 55 7 56, 57, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 69, 71 

Item 31 was scored liberally. 
FIG. 36. Woman, by boy, 10-2. Raw Score 38 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 7 7 7 9, 10, 13, 17, 19, 20, 24, 25, 26, 
27, 33, 35, 36, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 51, 52, 55, 56, 58, 59, 
60, 61, 62, 66 



328 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

FIG. 37. Man, by boy, 10-3. Raw Score 54 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 

23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 

43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63, 64, 66, 67, 
68,69 

FIG. 38. Man, by boy, 10-5. Raw Score 47 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 22, 23, 

24, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 
48, 49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 63, 64, 67, 68 

Belt at bottom of the jacket is not considered an incongruity. 
Items 67 and 68 are credited, although they are very marginal in 
character. 

FIG. 39. Man, by boy, 10-9. Raw Score 60 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 
20, 22, 23, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 42, 43, 

44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 

64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72 

Item 3 credited because of direction line takes from figure's right 
shoulder. Liberal scoring granted because of parka. Items 12 and 
13 were scored strictly. Lines at corners of mouth and below mouth 
might be taken to suggest lips in two dimensions. 

FIG. 40. Man, by boy, 10-11. Raw Score 48 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 14, 17, 18, 19, 24, 26, 27, 
28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 51, 
53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 72 

Item 14 was credited although obscured by beard and hair; Items 
15 and 16 were scored strictly. Item 37 scored liberally in this case. 

FIG. 41. Man, by girl, 12-1. Raw Score 40 

Items credited: 1, 2, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 

65, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73 

Item 2 was scored liberally, since the child's intention was obvious. 
Items 37, 38, 57, and 65 were also scored somewhat liberally. 

FIG. 42. Woman, by boy, 13-0. Raw Score 50 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 13, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 
26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46, 48, 52, 
55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71 

Item 31 was scored liberally. 



Appendix 529 

FIG. 43a. Man. by boy, 13-10. Raw Score 59 

Items credited: 1, 4, 5. 6, ", 9. 10, 11. 12, 13. 14, 15, 16, 17, IS, 19. 

20, 21, 22, 23. 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 3", 39. 40, 41, 42, 43. 44, 

45, 46, 4", 4S, 49, 50. 51, 32. 53, 54, 55, 56. 5", 55, 59. 62. 63, 64, 
65, 66, 67, 6S, 69, 70, 72 

Strict scoring denies Items 2 and 3, which the quality of the draw- 
ing as a whole might warrant. 

FIG. 43b. Woman, by same boy. Raw Score 59 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13. 13, 1" IS. 19, 20. 

21, 22, 24, 23, 26, 27, 28. 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35. 36. 37, 40, 41, 
42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 4", 4S, 50, 51. 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 3", 55, 59, 60, 
61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 69, 71 

FIG. 44. Man, by boy, 15-10. Raw Score 63 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 13, 17, 18, 19, 20, 

22, 23, 24, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 33, 36, 37, 38, 39, 
40, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56. 57, 58, 59, 60, 
61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73 

This type of drawing occurs occasionally among young adolescents, 
especially those who have been given sketching instruction or 
have learned techniques from studying published sketches. Items 
12, 13, 17, 25, and 64 are scored somewhat liberally, because of the 
sketching technique employed. 

FIG. 45a. Man, by girl, 15-11. Raw Score 56 

Items credited: 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 17, 24, 23, 
28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 
49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 
68, 69, 70, 73 

Items 2 and 50 were scored liberally. 
FIG. 45b. Woman, by same girl. Raw Score 54 

Items credited: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 , 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 26, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 

46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 63, 64, 65, 66, 
69,71 



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350 DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 

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Name Index 



Adam, L., 204 
Aimen, June E. T 60 
Albee, G. W., 59 
Albert!, Leone Battista, 196 
Albertini, Barbara Stettler- 

von, 187 
Albien, G., 168 
Alper, Thelma, 60-61 
Alschuler, Rose H., 40, 51, 

52, 56, 56 fn., 57 7 60 
Ames, Louise B. ? 22, 51, 

159, 188 

Anastasi, Anne, 14, 28 
Ansbacher, H. L., 35, 96, 

97, 98 

Appel, K. E., 51 
Arnheim, R., 177, 178, 

202, 205, 219 
Attneave, F., 187, 190, 205 

Baldwin, J. M., 12 
Ballard, P. B., 13, 15 
Ballinger, T. O., 160, 161 
Barcellos, Fernanda, 17 
Barnes, E., 12 
Barnhart, E. N., 165, 166 
Barrow, B, E., 39 
Baumstein-Heissler, N., 

lOfn. 

Bavelas, A., 52, 171 
Bayley, Nancy, 3, 4 
Beck, H. S., 65 
Belart, W., 161 
Bell, J. E., 41, 55, 165 fn., 

195, 196, 205 
Belves, P., 161 
Bender, Lauretta, 14, 15, 

26, 41, 47, 48, 55, 155, 

162, 170, 195 
Berdie, R. F., 20, 97 
Berger, A., 42 
Herman, Phyllis W., 184 
Berman, S., 45 
Berrien, F. K., 26, 28, 47 
Bianca, Pamela, 30 
Biehler, R. F., 57 



Bieiiauskas, V. J,, 4"\ 5S 

Billing, M. L., 161 

Binet, A., 2, 4 

Birch, }. \V., 10 

Blane T H. T. T 60-61 

Bliss, M., 42 

Blum, Lucille H., 41 

Blum T R. H., 63 

Bolin, B. J., 65 

Boring, E. G., 185 

Brian, Clara R., 186, 191 

Bried, C., 44 

Brill, M., 21, 27 ? 28 

Britsch, G., 175, 177 

Brown, D. D., 12 

Brown, D. G., 45 

Brown, E. A., 51 

Brown, R., 191 

Browne, C. G., 72 

Brutten, M., 29 

Buck, J. N., 44, 46, 47, 49, 

50, 51, 55 

Biihler, Charlotte, 38 
Biihler, K., 173, 203, 205 
Burke, H. R., 98 
Burkhaidt H., 171 
Burns, W. H., 57 
Buros, O. K., 72 
Burt, C., 11, 15, 17, 54, 

109, 195 
Burton, A,, 170 
Busemann, A., 158 

Caligor, L., 51 

Campbell, D. T., 162, 167, 

168, 180, 184, 205 
Carmichael, L., 169 
Carp, Frances M., 61 
Cassell, R. H., 57 
Chase, Jane M., 26 
Claparede, E., 12 
Clark, A. B., 12, 193 
Clark, J. S., 213 
Clarke School for the Deaf, 

29 

353 



Cockrell, Dura-Louise, 213- 

214 

Cohen, D. X., 20, 102 
Cohn, R., 47-48 
Combs, A. W., 43 
Cook, \V. E., 63 
Cooke T E., 10 
Cordeau, R,, 215 
Crabbe, G. G., 220 
Crannell, C. \V., 63 
Cutter, F. t 44 

Damrin, Dora E., 56, 216, 

217, 218 

Daniels, P. C., 214 
Darke, R. A.. 27 
Darwin, C., 189 
Dennis, W., 161 
Des Lauriers, A., 26 
Desai, Kunjlata, 14 
Despert, J. Louise, 41 
Djiddc, S., 55 
Doppelt, J. E., 153 
Dragositz, Anna, 41 
Drever, J., 215 fn. 
DuBois, P. H., 14 
Dunn, M. B., 48, 109 
Dunnett, Ruth, 221, 222, 

223 
Dyett, E. G., 20 

Earl, C. J. C., 21 
Eggers, Miriam M., 20, 102 
Elkisch, Paula, 50, 51, 56 
Ellerd, A. A., 65 
Ellis, Rachel, 95, 96, 97 
Ellsworth, Frances F., 213 
Eng, Helga, 203 
Engel, P., 186 
Engerth, G., 47 
England, A. O., 39 
Erahart, Claire B., 184 

Fantz, R. L., 185 
Fay, H. M., 20 fn. 
Feldman, M. }., 63 
Fingert, H. H, 47 



354 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Fisher, Rhoda, 58, 63 
Fisher, S., 58, 63 
Flory, C. D., 3 
Foley, J. P., Jr., 14, 28 
Fontes, V., 20 fn. 
Fortier, R. H., 56 hi. 
Fowler, R. D., 27 
Frank, L. K., 49, 62, 164 
Frankiel, Rita V., 110, 

110 fn., 114 
Freed, H., 47 
Freeman, F. N., 3 
French, J. E, 162, 163, 

180 
Freud, S., 37, 40 

Galanter, E. H., 65 
Garrett, H. E., 3,99, 153 
Gasorek, Kathryn Albert, 

59 

Geek, F. J., 165 
Geil, G. A., 27 
Gerald, H. J. P., 161 
Gesell, A., 159 
Ghent, Lila, 187 
Gibson, Eleanor, 190, 205, 

208-209, 232 

Gibson, J. J., 169, 184, 187 
Gitlitz, H. B., 20 
Glowatsky, E., 29 
Goitein, L., 51 
Goldworth, S., 46, 66 
Gollin, E. S., 167, 187 
Gombrich, E. H., 197, 202, 

204, 205, 220 
Goodenough, Florence L., 
8-9, 10 fn., 11, 14, 20, 
23-24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 
30, 30-33, 35, 37, 41, 
42, 54, 58, 68-70, 72, 
78, 79 fn., 88, 93, 95, 
98, 99, 102, 103, -106, 
126, 127, 133, 134, 148, 
163, 168, 172, 173, 185, 

186, 189-190, 191, 192- 
195, 197, 200-202, 208, 
211, 217, 226, 235, 243 

Goodman, M., 45 

Gotze, K., 12 

Graewe, H., lOfn., 14, 161, 

168 
Graham, Frances K., 184, 

187, 205 

Graham, S. R., 58 
Grams, A., 58 
Granick, S., 45 
Gridley, Pearl F., 23 
Gruen', W., 168 
Guertin, W. H., 65 
Guilford, J. P., 2 



Gunderson, E. K., 57-58 
Gunzburg, H. C., 26, 35, 
65,97 

Halpern, Florence, 26 
Hamlin, R. M., 59 
Hammer, E. F., 49, 65 
Hanvik, L. J., 26, 35, 97 
Hare, A. P., 51 
Hare, Rachel T., 51 
Harlow, H. F., 157, 207 
Harms, E., 38 
Harris, D. B., 10 fn., 60, 

93, 94, 96, 97, 98, 133, 

172 
Hattwick, LaBerta Weiss, 

40,51,52,56, 56 fn., 57, 

60 
Havighurst, R. J., 35, 96, 

97,98 
Hebb, D. O., 205-207, 

208, 209, 232, 235 
Hellersberg, Elisabeth F., 

51 

Helson, H., 187 
Hemmendinger, L., 188 
Herrick, Mary A., 12 
Hevner, Kate, 39 
Hildreth, Gertrude, 159, 

160, 171 

Hinrichs, W. E., 27, 72, 75 
Hofstaetter, P. R., 3 
Hogan, H. P., 169 
Holtzman, W. H., 58 
Homma, T., 171 
Hunt, R. G., 63 
Hunton, Vera D., 186 
Hurlock, Elizabeth B., 14. 

28 

Ignat'ev, E. L, 165 
linuma, R., 160 
Israelite, Judith, 21 
Ivanoff, E., 13 

Janitschek, H., 196 

Janke, Leota Long, 35, 96, 

97 

asper, Constance C., 214 
effrey, W. E., 186 
ensen, B. T., 160, 161 
ohnson, A. P., 65, 96 

Johnson, Anna P., 57 

Johnson, O. G., 46 

Jolles, L, 45, 47, 49, 51, 54, 
65 

Jones, A. W., 27 

Jung, C. G, 37, 54, 156 



Kagan, Julia R., 47 
Kato, M., 165 



Katzaroff, M. D., 13 
Kellogg, Rhoda, 156 
Kent, G. H., 24 
Kerr, Madeline, 15, 109 
Kerschensteiner, D. G., 15, 

108, 194, 213 
Kinder, Elaine F., 189, 207 
Kirkham, Sandra L., 47 
Knopf, L J., 44 
Kobayashi, S., 165 
Korner, Ija N., 58 
Kotkov, B., 45 
Krauss, R., 39 
Krech, D. r 186 
Krober, W., 169 
Krout, Johanna, 51 

Laffal, J., 45 
Lahey, T. H., 65 
Lakin, M., 48 
Lamprecht, K., 12 
Landisburg, Selma, 50 
Lantz, Beatrice, 110 
Lark-Horowitz, Betty, 109, 

169, 210, 216, 217, 218 
Legriin, A., 158, 159 
Lehner, G. F. J., 57-58 
Lembke, W., 37 
Leroy, Alice, 213 
Leuba, C., 187 
Levine, E. L., 54 
Levine, M., 50, 65 
Levinson, Thea, 51 
Levinstein, S., 12 
Levy, Lydia R., 20, 102 
Levy, S., 44 
Lewin, K., 170 
Lewis, M. M., 181 
Line, W., 179, 188 
Liss, E., 54 
Livson, K, 186 
Lobsien, M., 13 
Lord, E., 47 
Lorge, L, 48 
Louttit, C. M., 72 
Lowenfeld, V., 29-30, 38, 

46, 66, 154, 164, 166, 

182, 183-184, 202, 203, 

219 

Lowy, E., 204 
Lukens, H., 12, 13 
Lundholm, H., 39 
Luquet, G. H., 12, 13, 37, 

193, 200 
Lyons, J., 39 

McBee, G., 186 
McCarthy, Dorothea, 21 
McCarty, Stella A., 13, 
108, 128-129,213 



Name Index 



McCurdy. H, G., 21, 9! 
McEK\ce, Edna \V., 21, 

35, 96 
McFee, June K., 19S-199, 

205 
Machover, Karen, 28, 43, 

44, 49, 51, 55, 56, 58, 

62, 66 

Machover, S., 189, 207 
McHugh, G., 22, 96 
McNemar, Q., 106 
Mainord, Florence B., 45 
Maitland, Louise, 12, 13 
Malrieu, P., 37, 213 
Manson, J. B., 30 
Marino, Divo, 17 
Markey, J. F. t 181 
Markham, Sylvia, 15 
Martin, H., 165 
Martin, Mildred, 61 
Martin, W. E., 54, 56, 61, 

216, 217, 218 
Martorana, Anna A., 46 
Mateer, Florence, 24 
Meier, Norman, 214, 215, 

216 
Meili-Dworetzki, Gertrud, 

162, 163, 164, 165, 180, 

197, 201 fn. 
Merrifield, P. R., 39 
Michal-Smith, H., 47 
Miller, Ma^ 220, 221, 

223 

Mira, E., 47, 51, 165 
Modell, A. H., 48 
Morris, D., 158, 182 
Mott, Sina M., 23, 44, 93, 

94, 165, 172, 200 
Munroe, Ruth, 51 
Murphy, Maw Martha, 26, 

44 

Mursell, J. L., 235 
Myklebust, H. R., 29 

Nagy, Maria H., 192 
Napoli, P. J., 41, 56-57, 

56 fn. 

Naumberg, Margaret, 52 
Navffle, P., 10 fn., 21, 161 
Neubauer, V., 167 
Newton, K. R., 44 
Nissen, H. W., 189, 207 
Noller, P. A., 45 
Norcross, Kathryn J., 186 
Norton, J., 210, 216 

Oakley, C. A., 20, 102 
Ochs, Eleanor, 25 
O'Grady, R. M., 61 



Olson, W. E,, 95 
Orne, M. T., 4S 
O'Shea. M. V.. i: 

Osteneiiti, P. A., 16" 
Ostlyngen, E., 160 

Owen, Margaret, 4" 

Palmer, H. R., 2" 
Pastor, Joyce T,, 4" 
Paulsson, "G., 16S 
Payne, J. T., 50 
Pearson, G. H. J., 161 
Pechoux, R., 35, 96, 9" 
Perez, M. B,, 12, 1S9 
Peters, G. A., 39 
Peterson, E. G, T 29 
Phatak, Pramila, 93 
Phillips, E., 61 
Piaget, J., 3-4, 7, IS", 190, 

191, 233 
Pintner, R., 29 
Plaut, Erika, 63 
Poffenberger, A. T., 39 
Portocarrero-de Linares, Cra- 

cuela-Vera, 171 
Precker, J. A., 54 
Pradhommeau, M., 1 59, 

172 

Rabello, S., 17 
Rapoport, J., 14 
Raven, }. C., 55 
Rawn, M. L., 54 
Read, H., 156, 178, 183, 

202, 203-204, 220 
Reichenberg-Hackett, W., 

25, 60 

Reitman, F., 48, 66, 176 
Renshaw, S., 165 
Revesz, G., 30, 164 
Rey, A., 20 fn., 102, 161, 

166 

Reznikoff, Helga R., 51 
Reznikoff, M., 47, 51 
Ricci, C., 10, lOfn. 
Rice, Charlotte, 159, 186 
Rich, T. A., 27 
Richards, T. W., 44 
Rinder, L., 58 
Rioux, M. G., 10 fn. 
Robinson, H. A., 46 
Rogers, C. R., 43 
Rosanoff, A. J., 24 
Rosenberg, I. H., 14 
Rostohar, M., 170, 189 
Rottersman, L., 35, 96, 97 
Rouma, G., 13 fn., 16, 24, 

54, 161 

Rubin, H., 50, 65 
Rush, Grace Preyer, 186 



Rulter, Florence, ZZO 
Schatfer-Simincrn, H., ]~~-~ 



Schapiro. M., Z04 
Schecrcr, M.. 39 

Schilder. P., 42-43. 4", 4S, 

50, 54, 155 

Schiller, P. H., IT, IS" 
Schliebc, G., 3S 
Schringer, W., lOfn. 
Schubert, H. J. P., 45. 109 
Schuytcn, M. C., 13, 13fn. 
Schwartz, A. A., 14 
Sciera, J, L., 46 
Seashore, H. G., 52, 171 
Seernan, E., 1 56 
Shapiro, D. S., 60 
Sharp, Agnes A., 46, 4" 
Sheldon, W. H., 45 
Sherif, M., 197 
Sherman, L. J., 45, 63 
Shinn, Milicent \V., 12 
Shirley, Mary, 29, 173 
Shulman, E., 47 
Silver, A. A., 44, 46 
Silverstein, A. B., 46 
Skeels, H. M., 186 
Sloan, \V. T 65 
Slochower, Muriel Z., 170 
Smith, F. O., 21, 35,45 
Snygg, D., 43 
Solomon, P., 164 
Sorge, S., 171 
Spearman, C., 2 
Spielrein, S., 51 
Spiker, C. C., 186 
Spoerl, Dorothy T., 21, 9" 
Springer, N. N., 25, 28, 29 
Starke, P., 27, 28 
Stem, Clara, 16 
Stern, W., 16, 166 
Stevenson, H. W., 186 
Stewart, L. H., 56, 198, 

210, 217, 218, 219 
Stewart, Naomi, 1 
Stone, P. M., 63, 65 
Stotijn-Egge, Solveig, 158, 

172 

Street, R. F., 186 
Strornberg, E., 61 
Sully, J., 12, 200, 202 
Swensen, C. H., 44, 58 fn., 

62, 63 
Swineford, Frances, 153 

Terman, L. M., 201 
Terrell, G., 186 
Thiel, G., 29 



356 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Thomas, R. M., 60 
Thompson, G. G., 215 
Thorndike, E. L., 2, 108 
Thurstone, L. L., 2 
Tiebout, Carolyn, 109 
Tolor, A., 45, 63, 65 
Tolor, Belle, 63 
Tomblen, D., 47 
Townsend, E, A., 167 
Tuckman, J., 48 
Tueller, Roma, 170 

van derHorst, L., 182 

Vedder, R., 47 

Vernier, Claire M,, 49, 53, 

66 

Vernon, P. E. 7 2 
Verworn, M. r 15 
Vinacke, W. E., 179, 191, 

233 

Vogelsang, H. T 28 
Volkelt, H., 164, 180 



Waehner, Trade, 50, 51, 

55 

Wagner, Mazie E., 45, 109 
Walter, A. A., 169 
Walton, W. E., 39, 215 
Warren, H. C., 6fn. 
Wartegg, E., 51 
Watanabe, K., 160 
Wawrzaszek, F., 46 
Wechsler, D, 88, 89 
Welder, A., 45 
Weil, P. G., 20 fa. 
Wellman, Beth L., 3 
Werner, H., 179, 180, 181, 

182, 183, 184, 205 
Westwood, D., 58 
White, Noel, 220, 221, 223 
White, Noel (Mrs.), 220, 

223 

Whitmyre, J. W., 63 
Whorf/B., 203fn. 
Whorley, Katherine S., 214 



Williams, Eileen Jackson, 

215 

Williams, J. H., 21, 35, 96 
Williams, J. M., 29 
Williams, J. N., 39 
Williams, Marion L., 22 
Windsor, Ruth S., 41, 55, 

60 

Wintsch 7 J., 20 fa., 102 
Witkin, H. A., 198, 199, 

205 
Wolff, W., 50, 51, 55, 61, 

95 

Wolfson, W., Q., 15 
Wood, L, 47 
Woods, W. A., 63 

Yepsen, L. N., 21, 35, 96 

Zazzo, Rene, 129, 160 
Zesbaugh, H. A., 160 
Zilahi-Beke, A., 40 



Subject Index 



Abilities, assessment of, 2-4 

Abstract art, 211, 224 

Abstract elements of objects, 163, 194 

Abstract images, difficulty of representing, 

196 

Abstraction, in concept formation, 5, 191 
Accessories, feminine figure, 77 
Accuracy of reproduction in drawing, 184. 

See also Copying 

Action in figure, 77. See dso Movement 
Adjustment, assessed by drawings, 59, 61. 

See dso Maladjustment 
of mentally retarded, evaluated by draw- 
ings, 65-66 
Adolescence, critical period in art, 1 54, 228, 

230 
intellectual changes and drawing, 153- 

154 
loss of vivid imagery, and drawing, 203- 

204 

Adolescents, delinquents, drawings by, 27 
drawing test for, 72, 75-76 
drawing test limitations, 20, 72, 86-87, 

102, 153-154, 203, 226 
drawings by, 14, 18-19, 62, 167, 210, 

218, 221-222 
Adults, cognition compared with child's, 

179 

drawings by, 26, 62-63 
drawings compared with child's, 177-178 
Affect in drawings, 25, 52, 59-60, 181 
and line, form, and color, 37-41 
related to cognitive content, 152-154, 

181, 182 

Age, changes in drawing, 14, 102, 153, 228 
factor in drawing, 217, 224 
and test validity, 69-70, 74 
Aged, drawings by, 26-27 
Agreement between scorers, 90-91. See also 

Reliability 
Aggression, projection in drawings, 37-38, 

60 

American Indian children, drawings of, 160 
Amplification in drawing, 170-172 
Analytic concepts, 231 



Analytical studies of drawing, 19, 56, 227, 

231 
Anchor points in perception and drawing, 

187-188, 208 

Angles and corners, in perception, 187-188, 
206 

reproduction of, in drawings, 168 
Animals, drawings of, 13-14, 161 
Animism in child's thinking, 182 
Anthropology, use of drawings in, 12 
Aphasia in drawing behavior, 48 
Aptitude in drawing, and intelligence, 13. 

See also Talent 
Art, and children's drawings, 212, 234-235 

as experience of viewer, 198 

as expression or interpretation, 156, 211, 
224 

psychological character of, 211-212, 224 

as representation, 211, 224 

types of, in factor analysis, 219 
Art education, justification of, 220 

Lowenfeld and, 183 

McFee and, 199, 205 

philosophy, 139, 213, 222-223 

Read and, 178-179, 183 

theory, 224 

Art training, influence on test scores, 92-93 
Artistic ability and drawing test, 30-31 
Artistic merit of drawings, 93, 109, 235 
Artistic revival, stage in drawing, 18-19 
Association theories of drawing, 174, 205 
Associative processes, and concept forma- 
tion, 209 

and learning, 208-209 

and object recognition, 190 
Atypicality vs. typicality in drawing, 19 
Australian aborigines, drawings by, 220- 

221, 223 
Auto, drawing of, 213 

Balance, in drawing, 213, 214. See also 
Symmetry; Formal elements in drawing 
factor in drawing, 216 
Baroda, University of, 14 
Base rate, 58 fn. 



357 



358 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Behavior disorders, diagnostic use of draw- 
ings, 23-28, 42 

and Draw-a-Man Test, 23-28. See also 
Maladjustment; Delinquents; Brain- 
damaged children 

Eender-Gestalt Test, 47, 167 

Bizarre features in drawings, significance of, 

23-24 
related to shock therapy, 47 

Blind analysis, 52, 148 

Blind, drawings by, 29-30 

Blind interpretation of drawings, 25 

Boats and ships, drawings of, 13, 14, 15, 
213. See also Subject matter drawn 

Body concept. See Body image 

Body image, 11, 26, 42-48, 163-164. See 

also Self-concept 
concept of organs, 192 
cultural changes in, 139 

Brain-damaged children, drawings by, 26, 
28, 46-48, 66 

California Test of Personality, 27 
Calligraphy, drawing as, 17, 203, 228 
Canadian Indian children drawing test data, 

99 
Caricatures or cartoons in drawing, 14, 22, 

150-151 

Cell assemblies, 206 

Cerebral damage and drawing. See Brain- 
damaged children 
Changes in children's drawings, 134, 139- 

147 

Chimpanzees, drawings by, 157-158 
Circle, in early scribbles, 155-156 
Clarke School for the Deaf, 29 
Clinical use of drawings, 25, 5257. See 

also Personality 

Closure in copied drawings, 184 
Clothing, treatment of. See also Sex differ- 
ences 

and artistic merit, 93 
in female figure, 78 
to indicate occupation, 23 
in male figure, 127 
and schema, 201 
Coding, and concept formation, 208-209. 

See also Information theory 
and object recognition, 190 
Cognition, basis of art, 223 

child's contrasted with adults, 179 

and concept formation, 191-192 

definition of, 6 

description of, in organismic terms, 179 

and drawing, 158, 192-196 

and motor experience, 165 

related to complex experience and to 

drawing, 162, 196-202 
related to perception and drawing, 168 
Cognitive concepts vs. visual concepts, 199 



Cognitive content related to affect in draw- 
ings, 152-154 
Cognitive expression vs. affective content, 

182 

Cognitive factors, and development of draw- 
ing, 166173 

Cognitive learning, vs. visual learning, 199 
Cognitive process, drawing as, 175, 231, 

232-233 

new interest in, 1 1 
and organismic theory', 179 
Cognitive styles, hypothesized, 200 
Color, use of, and affect, 37-41 

and personality, 37, 38, 56-57 
Color harmony, study of, 215 
Color-form shift in perception, 186, 191. 

See also Concept formation 
Coloring with pencil, 157. See also Scrib- 
bles 

Communication through art, 223. See also 

Expression through art; Expressive art 

Completion, tendencies in drawing, 169. 

See also Copying 
Complex experience, related to cognition 

and drawing, 196-202 
Complex forms in drawing, 162, 168 
Complex learning, art as, 224 
Complexity, and drawings, 19 

vs. simplexi ty, 50, 56 
Composition in drawing, 214. See also 

Space; Balance; Symmetry 
Comprehension, and drawing behavior, 162 
Compression vs. expansion, rated, 50, 56 
Concept formation, and cognition, 191-192 
and drawing, 6, 158 7 179, 193-194, 208, 

210, 232-233 

limited by expressive art training, 178 
related to intellectual development, 5-7 
Concepts, as coded information, 209 
of concrete objects, 7. See also Object, 

concept of; Concrete operations 
development of, according to Hebb, 208 
differentiation of, 194 
and drawing, 165-166 
as expectancies, 191192 
integration of, 194-195 
in organismic theories, 179 
of relationships, 7 

and reproduction of figures, 169, 183 
visual vs. cognitive, 199 
Conceptual limitation as source of schema, 

203. See also Schema in drawings 
Conceptual representation, 204 
Conceptual vs. visual judgment, 177-178 
Concrete objects, concept of, 7. See also 

Concepts 
Concrete operations vs. formal operations, 4, 

7, 233 

Concrete thought in children, 153, 154, 179 
Concreteness in drawing, 163, 165, 168, 



Subject Index 



359 



171-172 

Concretization, in reproducing from mem- 
ory, 169-170 
in copying from model, 171 

Condensed character of child's cognition, 
181. See also Syncretism 

Confabulation in copying from model, 171 

Conflict signs in drawing, 66. See also Clini- 
cal use of drawings 

Consistency, of Goodenough scores, 91, 94- 

9 5. See also Reliability-; Validity 
of scorers, 90-91 

Constancy in perception, 190, 199, 206, 
208 

Constriction, assessed in drawings, 61. See 
also Personality 

Continuity of strokes, rated, 216 

Contours in perception, 206 

Contrast, use of, in drawing, 213-214. See 
also Formal elements 

Conventionalization in art, 204. See also 
Style 

Coordination items, sex differences, 127, 
128, 129 

Copy or trace, children's tendency to, 18. 
See also Stages in drawing 

Copying, a model, development of ability, 

166-168 

familiar forms, 171 
meaningless forms, 171 

Copying from memory, 168-171 

Core meaning in drawing, 208. See also 
Schema in drawing 

Cornell-Coxe Test, correlated with Good- 
enough, 36, 97 

Corners and angles in perception, 187188 

Correlation between Goodenough and other 
tests, 26, 27, 28, 35-36, 49, 95-99, 
247 

Cow, drawing of, scale for, 14. See also 
Subject matter drawn 

Crayon drawings, 37, 61 

Creative expression, types of, 29-30 

Crippled children, drawings by, 46 

Criteria, for development of Goodenough 

scale, 69 
for qualitative analysis of drawings, 49-5 1 , 

56 
for selection of items, 74 

Cross, drawing of, 159. See also Direction- 
ality 

Cultural changes in children's drawings, 
134, 139-147 

Cultural differences, Eskimo vs. white chil- 
dren, 130-133 

Cultural effects on drawings, 130, 160 

Culture-free test, and Draw-a-Man, 133 

Curving lines in perception, 206 

Cutaneous stimulation. See Tactual percep- 
tion 



Deaf children, drawings of, 28, 29, 173 
Decorative drawing, 211, 219, 224 
Delinquents, art of T 220, 222 

drawings of, 27, 28 

finger paintings of, 61 
Descriptive symbolism, stage in drawing, 18 
Design, use of, 214. See also Formal ele- 
ments 

Designs, used as stimuli, 170, 171 
Detail in drawings, 33. See also Sex differ- 
ences 

and artistic merit, 93 

and defectives, 21 

Detail elements, perception of, 188 
Deterioration in drawings, by adolescents, 
18, 86-87 

by adults, 26 

and satiation, 171 
Developmental, factor in drawing, 217 

stages in drawing, hypothesized by Bell, 
195-196 

studies of drawing, 12-19 
Diagnostic use of drawings, 25. See also 

Clinical use; Personality 
Diamond, drawing of, 159, 180. See also 

Directionality 

Differences, between Goodenough and oth- 
er tests. See Correlation 
Differential Aptitude Tests, 5 fn. 
Differentiation, in cognition, 179 

in concept formation, 6, 7 r 194, 209 

in drawing development, 178 

and organization in drawings, 165-166 

of sex in figure drawings, 44-45, 77 

in visual imagery, 196 
Directionality in drawing, 159-163 

and handedness, 159-160 
Disabled children, drawings by, 46 
Discarded items in drawing test, 70-72 
Discrimination, in concept formation, 5, 
209 

in learning, and perception, 186, 231 
Disintegration vs. integration, rated, 50 
Disruption of drawing development, effects 

of, 196 

Distinctness of features, rated, 216 
Distortions in drawings, significance of, 43, 

168-172, 207 
Dominance behavior related to drawings, 

27-28 

Draw-a-Group Test, 51 
Draw-a-Man Test (Goodenough's method), 
5, 20 

abbreviated scale, 22 

age increments and adolescence, 20 

applications of, 20 

artistic talent, 30-31 

derivation of, 68-72 

difficulty of items, 21 

and drawing of woman, 106-107 



360 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Draw-a-Man Test (continued) 

and Goodenough-Harris revision, 99 

objectives of revision, 8 

and other measures of intelligence, 22 ? 
35-36, 95-99 

reliability of, 21-22 

scaled scores for, 22 

sex differences on, 31-34, 226 

single score, justification of, 5 

studies of, reviewed, 20-36 

Thurstone scaling of, 22 

validation of items, 69-72 

validity of, 21-23, 36 
Draw-a-Person technique, 

criticized, 49, 62-63 

preferred sex of figure, 45 

theory of, 43-44 

Draw-a-'Woman Test. See also Goodenough- 
Hanis Drawing Test 

derivation of, 76-77 

and drawing of man, 106-107 

sex differences on, 226 

summarized, 225227 
Drawing Completion Test, 51 
Drawing, as an art form, summarized, 234- 
235 

as carrier function, 182 

of child and adult, compared in Gestalt 
terms, 177-178 

as concept formation, summarized, 209- 
210 

as esthetic expression, 210, 212 

as language, 52, 192-193, 203, 228 

from memory, 168-171 

motivation for, 227-228 

with a purpose, 16, 157, 161 

and verbal development, 228 

of woman, and Fay Test, 20 fn. 

and writing compared, 158159 
Dream symbolism and drawing, 54 
Dress, treatment in female figure, 78, 79. 
See also Clothing 

Early learning, and drawing, 207, 209 

Early study of drawings, 10-19 

Easel paintings, 57, 110, 213 
interpretation of, 40-41 

Educational influences on drawing, 226 

Eduction of relations in children's percep- 
tion, 179, 188 

EEG and drawings, 47 

Egyptian children, drawings of, 160, 161 

Electrostatic patterns in cortex, 156, 175, 
178, 196 

Ellis Visual Designs Test, 47 

Embedded figures, perception of, 186-187 

Emotional basis of art, 223 

Emotional perspective and drawing, 181 

Emotional referents in child thought, 165 

Emotional states revealed by drawings. See 



Affect 
Emotional unrealism in children's drawings, 

37 
Empiricist view in psychology, and drawing, 

174 

Empiricistic theories of drawing, 185-204 
Enfance, special issue on drawings, 17 
Equal-appearing intervals, and drawings, 

108-110 

Equilibrium in perception, 177 
Erasures, significance of, 58, 66 
Errors in copying a model, 167, 184. See 

also Copying 

Eskimo children, drawings of, 130-134 
scored, 327-329 
sex differences, 131 
Eskimo drawings, distinctive features of, 

132-133 

Esthetic appreciation in children, 213 
Esthetic expression in drawing, 210 
Esthetic response, and concepts, 235 
Exaggeration of size in drawings, 33 
Examiner, influence of, on drawing scores, 

58, 91-92 

Exceptionality, measures of, 1 
Expansion vs. compression, rated, 50, 56 
Expansiveness, rated, 216 
Expectancies, in concept formation, 191- 

192. See also Set 
Experience in drawing and Drawing Test, 

31 
Experimental approaches to drawing, 233- 

234 
Experimental control in drawing studies, 

53 

Experimental esthetics, 39 
Experiments of nature in drawing studies, 

60, 61-62 

Exploratory tendency in drawing, 157, 20? 
Expressive art, 211, 224 

and concept formation, 178 
Expressive process in drawing, 175, 209- 

210 

Expressive type of drawing, 219 
Eyes, attempt to score, 71 
detail in. See Sex differences 
treatment of, in female figure, 76-78 

Face, copying from model, 170 

detail in, 77 

girls' handling of features, 127, 219 
Factor analysis of drawing, 216-219, 224 

of mental ability, 3 
Family Drawing Test, 5 1 
Fay Test, 20 fn. 

Fears, reflected in drawings, 39 
Feedback process in concept formation, 

191-192 

Feeble-minded. See Mentally retarded 
Feeling or affect in drawing. See Affect 



Subject Index 

Feminine traits in drawings, 27, 28, 3233 
Field dependence, in perception, 198 

vs. field independence, 198 
Field theory and drawing, 174 
Figure Drawing Preference Record, 64 
Figure drawing, methods of analysis, 49-51 
Figure drawings. See Human figure draw- 
ings and Draw-a-Person technique 
Figure-ground relationship, in perception, 

158, 175,206 
Finger painting, 41, 61 
Firmness of line, rated, 216, 218 
Flight of ideas in drawing, 17, 24 
Foreign countries, use of Drawing Test. See 

International use of Drawing Test 
Form, as essential component in drawing, 
173 

and affect, 37-41 

and shyness-boldness, 37 

perception of, 187. See also Color-form 

shift 

Form concept, as schema in drawing, 202 
Form perception and copying ability, 167. 
See also Copying; Reproduction of de- 
signs 

and drawing, 167, 192 
Formal elements in drawing, 210, 212-214 

contrasted with symbolic content, 54-55 

and Gcstalt theory, 177 
Formal operations vs. concrete operations, 

4, 7, 233 

Formal qualities, rated, 218 
Formula or style, adopted as schema, 203 
Free drawings, by adolescents, 28 

vs. assigned drawings, 53 

study of, 16 

Frustration, effects of on drawing, 60, 171 
Full-face drawings scaled, 109 

special scoring, 8788 

vs. profile, 33 

Garb, in female figure, 78. See also Cloth- 
ing 

General intelligence. See Intelligence; Men- 
tal growth 
Generalization, and concept formation, 5 

in learning theory, 231 
Generalizations concerning the clinical 

study of drawings, 52-57 
Geometric designs, ability to -copy, 47, 167. 
See also Copying; Reproductions of 
designs 

used as diagnostic test, 47 
Geometric forms, copying of, and language, 

172-173 

as stimuli for drawing, 157, 158, 169, 180 
Germs, concepts of, 192 
Gesell Incomplete Man Test, 22 
Gestalt, concepts and drawing, 174, 205 
laws of drawing organization, 176, 177 



361 

theories of drawing, 175-178 
Gifted children, drawings of, 1 5, 30 
Global evaluation of drawings, 55-56, 108- 

110. See aho XXTiolistic; Qualitative 
Golden section, study of, 215 
Goodenough method of scoring drawings. 

See Draw-a-Man Test 

Goodenough-Harns Drawing Test. See also 
Quality 1 scale 

administering, 239-242 

age-relatedness of items, 74-75 

ceiling of, 153-154 

converting scores. See Standard score 
tables 

criteria for selection of items, 74-75 

and cross-cultural comparisons, 133 

derivation of, 72 

derivation of norms, 101-103 

interrogation period, 239 

Point scale vs. Quality score, 119-121 

related to Goodenough's Draw-a-Man 
Test, 99 

reliability of, 90-91 

scoring of. See Scoring the Drawing Test 

sex differences in norms, 103-106 

standard score method, 89 

standardization of, 100-101 

time limit, 241 

validation of items, 73-76 

validity of scale, 91-99 
Graphic "Elements table (Wolff), 50 
Guess-Who type test as dominance meas- 
ure, 28 

Haggerty-Olson-Wickman Scale, 25 
Hair, treatment of, in female figure, 77, 78 
Handedness and drawing, 159, 160 
Handicapped children, drawings of. See 
Brain-damaged; Blind; Deaf; Disabled 
Hands, omitted or concealed, 86-87 
Handwriting, as communication, 196 

development of, 158-159 
Haptic drawings, 29, 66 
Haptic type, and body image, 46 

education of, 183 

perception, 182 

tests for, 30 

Hebephrenics, drawings by, 26 
Hierarchization, in cognition, 180 
Holzinger-Crowder Uni-Factor Tests, S fn. 
Homosexuals, drawings by, 27 
Horizontal stroke, 159 
Horse, scale for evaluation of, 14 
House, drawings of, 13, 14, 15, 49, 108, 
213 

scale for evaluation, 109 
House-Tree-Person Test, criticized, 65-66 

described, 49-50, 62 

and EEG, 47 

lightning scar, 65 



362 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



House-Tree-Person Test (continued) 

as measure of intelligence, 65 

and mentally retarded, 65-66 

Negro-white differences, 65 

theory of, 43-44 

validity of personality assessment, 65-66 
Human figure, concept of, 7 

popularity of in drawing, 13, 225 
Human figure drawing, assessment, com- 
pared with Goodenough scores, 42 

criticized, 42 

and personality, 41-42 

validity of, 62-66 

Human figure drawings, psychological de- 
velopment and, 20-21 
Hypnosis and drawings, 48 

Ideomotive character of drawing, 203 
Ideoplastic stage, 15 

Idiographic vs. nornothetic approach to per- 
sonality, 25 

Idiosyncratic features in drawings, 148-152 
Imagery and drawing, 196, 203-204 
Imagination in drawing, 16 
Imitation, in development of drawing, 197 
Imitative scribbling, 18 
Impressionism in study of drawings, 11 
Incomplete Man Test, 22 
Individual differences in development of 

thought processes, 193-194 
Individual response type, of drawing, 24 
Individual style in drawing. See Style 
Information theory, and perception, 205 
Innate motor aspects of drawing, 157, See 

Motor components 
Inquiry, post-drawing, 152 
Instability in drawing performance, 195 
Instability, emotional, and drawings. See 

Maladjustment 

Instructions, effect of, on drawings, 22-23 
Integration of concepts, 194-195 
Integration of features into drawings, 194 
Integration, rated, 50 
Intellectual component in drawing, 11 
Intellectual deterioration revealed in draw- 
ings. See Deterioration 
Intellectual maturity, and concept forma- 
tion, 5-6 

Intellectual realism in children, 37, 200 
Intelligence, in adolescence, and drawings, 

153^-154 5 

age scale method, modified, 1 
and altitude or level, 3 
assessment of, 1-5 
changes in ideas about, 1 
and cognition, 193-194 
and color-form preference in perception, 

186 

composition of, 153 
and drawing aptitude, 13 



as general academic ability, 2 
growth of, 3 
index of, 4-5 

monolithic or unitary concept of, 1, 89 
as pattern of abilities, 4, 89 
range or scope, 3 
Internal consistency, and item selection, 74, 

76 
International studies of drawings, 11, 12, 

17, 130, 133, 207 
Interpretation of drawings as wholes, 55- 

56, 108 

Interpretative approaches to drawing evalu- 
ated, 227 

Interpretative art, 211, -224 
Interrogation of child concerning drawing, 

Intrinsic or inherent features of drawing de- 
velopment, 162, 175, 176 

Intuitive analysis of drawings, 11, 65. See 
also Clinical use; Personality 

Invariant properties of stimulus, and con- 
cepts, 191, 209 

Inversions in drawing, 161. See also Orien- 
tation 

Isomorphy, assumption of, in drawing, 11, 
55, 65, 178 

Japanese children, drawings of, 160, 161, 

165 
Juvenile features in self drawing. See Self, 

drawing of 

Kinesthetic aspects of perception, 7, 164- 

165, 195 

Kinesthetic component in meaning, 182 
Kinesthetic experience and drawing, 23 60. 

93-95, 169, 196 

Language, and concept formation, 203 
and discrimination learning, 186 
and drawing behavior, 172-173 
and mental development, 4 

Later learning and drawing, 207, 209 

Learning how to learn, 207 

Learning process and drawing, 231 

Lebanese children, drawings of, 161 

Legs, omitted or concealed, 86-87 
treatment of, in female figure, 78 

Leiter Test, for deaf, 29 

Lightning scar on HTP, 65 

Line, stage in drawing, 18 

Lines, and affect, 37-41 
firmness of, rated, 216, 218 
representing words, 38-39 
significance of, in perception, 206 
use of, 213, 214 

McAdory Art Appreciation Test, deaf chil- 
dren and, 29 



Subject Index 

\lcQuanie Test for Mechanical Ability, 

correlated with Goodenough, 35, 97 
Maladjusted children, drawings of, 27, 28, 

40 
Maladjustment, drawings as indicator of, 

27, 28 
Male figure, as subject for Goodenough 

scale, 69 
Manual for Goodenough-Harris Drawing 

Test, 239-311 
Marston Scale of Introversion-Extroversion, 

and drawings, 23 

Masculine traits and drawing. See Sex dif- 
ference 

Mass, use of, 213, 214 
Maturity, factor in drawing, 216, 224 
on HTTP test, 50 
measures of, 5, 8 

Meaning, as component in drawing, 173 
Medium used and schema, 202 
Memory, drawing from, 168-171 
Memory image and drawing, 204 
Mental ability, as academic ability, 5 
factorial composition of, 3 
growth of, 2-3 

Mental age, limitations of concept, 4 
and ability to copy models, 1 67 
new indices for, 4 

Mental age scale, limitations of, 88 
Mental content, in organismic theory, 179 
Mental defectives. See Mentally retarded 
Mental development, transitions in, 3, 4. 

See also Mental ability 
uneven, and drawings, 24 
Mental growth in drawings, scaled, 22 
Mentally retarded, drawings of, 15, 16-17, 
21, 25, 26, 79, 158, 172-173, 194, 
195, 222 

examples of drawings, 266-269, 270-274 
finger paintings of, 61 
and HTP test, 65-66 
and perception of relationships, 194 
preschool, drawings of, 244-245 
thought processes in, 193-194 
Methods tried to score items, 70-72 
Michelangelo, study of, 40 
MMPI Test, 45 
Minnesota Paper Formboard Test, and 

Goodenough, 36, 97 
Minnesota Scale for Paternal Occupations, 

73, 112 

Mixed profile in drawings, 16, 21 
Modeling or shading, in female figure, 77, 

78 
Modification of copied design, classification 

for, 171. See Distortions in drawings 
Motifs (assigned objects), and drawings, 59 
Motion factor, in drawing, 217 
Motivation, and drawings, 38, 227-228 
Motor abilities of children, and age, 3 



363 

Motor components, in cognition, 165 
in drawing, 129, 161, 162, 169, 175, 182, 

210 
Motor control in drawing and painting, 

155-157, 161-162 
Motor coordination items, sex difference, 

127, 128, 129 

Motor skill, and copying from a model, 167 
Mouth, treatment of r in female figure, 78 
Movement, represented in drawings, 33, 71, 

77, 218 

related to artistic merit, 93 
sex differences, 128, 218 
Myokinetic Psychodiagnosis, 47 

Naming of drawings by young children, 161 
Nativist view in psychology, and drawing, 

174 

Naturalism, factor in drawing, 218 
Naturalistic drawings. See Representative 

drawings 

Negro-white differences on HTP, 65 
Neural processes in brain, 175, 178, 196 
Neurological damage, effects on drawings, 

26, 28, 46-48, 66 
Neurological functioning, and body image, 

47-48 

Neuro-Psychologic theory of perception ap- 
plied to drawing, 205-209 
Nomothetic vs. idiographic approach to per- 
sonality, 25 

Norms for tests, changes in, 1 
Norwegian children, drawings of, 160 
Nose, treatment of, 127. See also Sex dif- 
ferences 

Object, concept of, 191 

Object recognition and drawing, 189-191 

Observation in art training, importance of, 
199, 220, 221, 222 

Observation of drawing behavior, impor- 
tance of, 153, 183 

Observer's role in perception, 197 

Occupational types drawn, 23 

Organismic theory of drawing, 179-181 
evaluated, 227, 231 
experimental evaluation of, 184-185 
phenornenological character of, 179 

Organization, in cognition, 179 
in drawings, 162-163, 165-166 
in representative drawing, 163-166 

Orientation of drawings on page, 160-161 

Ornamentation, in Eskimo drawings, 132- 
133 

Outline, use of, in drawing, 166, 213. See 
also Formal element 

Paintings, scale for evaluating, 110 
Part-to-wholc procedure in drawing behav- 
ior, 166, 170 



364 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Pattern in clothing, female figure, 76, 78. 

See also Draw-a-Woman Test 
Patterned stimuli and drawing behavior, 

157-158 

Patterning of scribbles, 155 
Percentile ranks, instructions for converting 

to, 311 
table, 311 

Perception, as activity of organism, 197 
analytic processes in, 188 
anchoring stimuli, 187-188 
of angles and corners, 187188 
children and adults compared, 168 
as coding of information, 190, 208-209 
and concept formation, 5, 7 
and development of body concept, 163 
and eduction of relations, 179, 188 
of embedded figures, 186-187 
of familiar objects, 181 
and field independence, vs. field depend- 
ence, 198, 199 

Gestalt principles tested, 186 
Gestalt properties and drawing, 177 
of incomplete figures, 187 
and kinesthetic modality, 7 
modes of, 199 

orientation and disorientation in, 186 
patterned vs. nonpatterned stimuli, 185 
of regular form, 187 
social factors in, 197 
styles in, 189 

synthesizing and analytic processes in, 
* 188 

and tactual modality, 7 
as transactive process of stimulation, 199 
visual, organization of, 185-189 
Perception and drawing, concrete features 

vs. abstract properties, 163 
influence of experience, 1 69 
laws of perception, 169 
relationships, 7, 194 
sequences in, 164 
Perception factor, correlated with drawing, 

35,96 

Perceptual constancies, 199, 206, 208 
Perceptual equilibrium, 177 
Perceptual errors, effects on drawing, 167, 

184. See also Copying 
Perceptual learning related to drawing, 205- 

208 
Perceptual orientation and drawing, 157- 

158 

Perceptual styles and personality, 198-199 
Perceptual-conceptual processes, and draw- 
ing, 183, 232-233 
Personal qualities, and drawings, 148150, 

219 

Personality adjustment and drawings, 27- 
28, 40, See also Adjustment; Mal- 
adjustment 



Personality, assessment of in drawings, 11, 

25, 148-152, 218-219 
reliability, 57-59 
review 7 of literature, 4966 
validity, 59-66 

Personality development and art, 219-224 
Personality style and perception, 198-199 
Perspective, in drawings, 15, 18, 166, 213. 

See also Space representation 
Phenomenological character of organismic 

theory, 179 

Physically ^ atypical persons, drawings by, 
45-46. See also Brain-damaged; Deaf; 
Blind 

Physiognomic, aspects of drawings, 42 
meaning in words, 39 
perception in language and drawing, 181 

184. See also Kinesthetic 
Physioplastic stage, 1 5 
Point scale, Draw-a-Man. See Goodenough- 

Hartis Drawing Test 
Draw-a- Woman. See Draw-a-Woman 

Test 
Point scale vs. Quality scale, 8, 113, 118- 

123 
Porteus Maze Test, correlated with Good- 

enough, 35, 97 
Potential or capability, in developmental 

psychology, 175 
Practice scoring. See Goodenough-H arris 

Drawing Test 
Preference in pictures, simple vs. complex, 

163 

Preferred sex in figure drawing, 45 
Preverbal drawing. See Scribble, stage in 

drawing 
Primary Mental Abilities Test, correlated 

with Goodenough, 35, 96, 98 
Primitive, art, 178, 197 
child's preference for, 180 
in drawings, 184 

and mature features combined, 24, 26 
type of drawing, 219 

Primordial images and child art, 156, 178 
Problem solving, in drawing, 178, 202, 203 
Process vs. product in drawing, 153 
Profile drawings, scaled, 109 
special scoring, 87-88 
stage in drawing, 16 
vs. full face, 33, 87-88 
Progression in drawing, and perception, 202 
Progressive Matrices Test, correlated with 

Goodenough, 97-99 
Projective hypothesis and drawings, 8, 25, 

37, 57-66, 195, 197 
Projective significance of art, 178 
Proportions in drawings, 33, 95, 213, 214 
and child's values, 38 
and increasing age, 13 
normals vs. retarded, 21 



Subject Index 

projective significance of, 50 
Proportions of head, points rejected, 70, 71 
Psychological development,, and drawings, 

" 20-21 

Psychological functions of drawing, sum- 
marized, 227-228 
Psych ology and art, 211-212 
Psychopathic personality and drawings, 26, 

41 

Psychosexual identification and drawing, 45 
Purposeful drawing, 16, 157, 161 

eualitative analyses of drawings, 49-51 
ualitative approach to drawings. See 
Wholistic; Global evaluation of draw- 
ings 
Qualitative criteria for evaluating drawings, 

56 

Qualitative features of drawings, evaluation 
of, 15, 148-150, 217 

euality scales for drawings, 108-110 
uality scales for Goodenough-Harris Test, 

8," 9, 227 

derivation of, 110-114 
instructions for using, 302 
instructions for converting to standard 

scores, 123, 309 
norms for, 114-123 
plates for man drawing, 303305 
plates for woman drawing, 306-308 
and Point scales, 116-123 
statistical dates for plates, 318 
Quality of strokes, factor in drawing, 216 
Quantitative relationships in drawings, 193 

Racial comparisons in drawings, 12 

Rater consistency in evaluation of drawings, 
57-59, 63 

Raven Progressive Matrices Test, 98 

Reading disability and drawings, 48 

Realism, rated, 218 

Realism, stage in drawing, 18 

Realistic elements, and cognitive clarity, 203 
in self drawing, 151 

Realistic type of drawing, 219 

Reasoning, children's and drawing, sum- 
marized, 233 

Reasoning factor, correlated with drawing, 
35, 96 

Recognition of objects, development of, 
189-191 

Regression equations, for estimating Point 
scores, 123 

Regression, hypnotic, and drawing, 48 

Reinforcement, social, of drawing acts, 197, 
205 

Rejection of drawing test, 72 

Relationships, concept of, 7 
and concepts, 194, 195 
and perception, 188 



365 

Reliability of personality evaluations in 

drawing, 57-59, 63 * 
Reliability, statistical, of Drawing Test, 21- 

22, 90-91 
Reluctance of older children to draw. See 

Adolescents 

Representative art, 211, 224 
Representative drawing, and acquisition of 

skill, 178 

and organizational processes, 163-166 
Representative stage in drawing, 16 
Reproduction of designs from memory, 47, 

168-171 

Response set, and concepts, 192 
Restructuring meaning, 208 
Retarded children. See Mentally retarded 
Rhythm, rated, 218 
vs. rule, 50 
study of, 214 

Rorschach test, compared to drawing analy- 
sis, 50, 51 

and HTP rigidity signs, 65 
in perceptual studies, 188 
Rule, vs. rhythm, rated, 50 

Sampling drawing behavior, 52 
Satiation, effects on drawing, 170-171 
Scaling problems, discussed, 88-89 
Scenes, drawings of, 14. See also Subject 

matter drawn 
organization of, 166 
Schema in drawings, 14, 15, 54, 172, 201, 

202-204, 229 

School achievement, prediction of, 2 
Scoring the Drawing Test. See also Good- 
enough-Harris Drawing Test 
error in, 242 

general instructions, 242-243, 246 
requirements for man scale, 248263 
requirements for woman scale, 276-291 
scored examples, man figure, 264-269 
short scoring guides, 275, 292 
unscorable drawings, 243 
Scoring practice 

drawings for man scale, 270-272 
drawings for woman scale, 79-86 
scoring answers, Eskimo drawings, 327- 

329 

scoring answers, man scale, 273274 
scoring answers, woman scale, 322-327 
Scoring problems, discussed, 86-88 
Scribble, named by children, 16, 197 
patterns, 220 

stage in drawing, 17-18, 164, 195 
Scribbles, classification of, 156 
motor component in, 155-156 
organization in, 158-159 
and random markings, 155 
Secondary sex characteristics, in female fig- 
ure, 78-79 



366 



DRAWINGS AS MEASURES OF INTELLECTUAL MATURITY 



Secular changes in drawing test scores, 134, 

139-147 
Self -concept, study of, 8. See also Body 

image 

Self-confidence, in drawing, 38 
Self-criticism, in drawing, 159, 226 

in writing, 159 
Self, drawing of, 43 

idiosyncratic features of, 151-152 
as index to personality, 150-152 
proposed analysis for/ 151, 31 8-321 
and self -worth, 151 
significance of, 226-227 
Self-image, projected in drawings, 37, 66 

theory and drawing, 42-48 
Self-portrait, drawings, 198 

distortions, significance of, 51 
Self -revelation in drawings, 17 
Self -teaching in drawing, 156 
Senile deterioration in drawings, 26-27 
Sensory deviates, drawings by, 28-30 
Sensory modalities in object recognition, 

190 

Sensory-motor factor in intelligence, 3 
Sensory processes and perception, 195 
Sequences in drawing behavior, 17, 165, 
176. See also Stages in drawing; De- 
velopmental stages in drawing 
Set, influences of, on drawings, 22-23 
Set, as a learned response, 157. See also 

Response set 
Sex differences on Drawing Test, 31-34, 

103-106, 127-130, 226 
Sex differences in drawings, 14, 15-16, 127- 

128 

of delinquents, 28 
discussion and interpretation, 106, 129- 

130 

of Eskimo children, 131 
factor analysis of, 218-219 
noted by Goodenough, 126 
on woman figure, 119-120 
Sex differences, in perceptual styles, 198- 

199 

in preference for figure drawn, 130 
Sex differentiation, in figure drawings, 63, 

77 

scale of, and artistic quality, 45 
Sex role identification, 11 

and sex of first figure drawn, 45, 53 
Shading or modeling, in drawing, 77 
point discarded, 71 
used as sign, 57-58 
Ships, drawings of. See Boats and ships; 

Subject matter drawn 
Short scoring guide, for Draw-a-Man scale, 

275 

for Draw-a-Woman scale, 292 
use of, 243 
Sign Test (Dixon-Mood), 127 



Signs in drawings, significance of, 49-51, 

54-55, 58, 63-64, 66, 150 
and HTP, 65 
and Machover, 66 
Simple forms in drawing, 162, 168 
Simplexity, vs. complexity, rated, 50, 56 
Simplification in copying, 168, 171 
Simplification in drawing, as schema, 202 
significance of, 200-201 
tendencies toward, 169-172, 184-185 
Situational factors, and color use, 57 
Social class, and drawing, 60 
Social factors in perception, 197 
Sociornetric measures and drawing test, 27 
Space, concept of, 191 

depiction of, 16, 166, 193. See also Per- 
spective 
Space factor, correlated with drawing, 35, 

96 

Space perception, modes of, 198-199 
Spatial orientation in drawing, 157 
Spatial relations between parts, 163 
Spontaneous drawings, 14, 69, 213 
Square, drawing of, 159. See also Direction- 
ality 
Stages in drawing, artificiality of, 19. See 

also Age; Sequences in drawing 
defense of, 19 
described by Burt, 17-19 
described by Rouma, 16-17 
evaluated and summarized, 228-230 
Stages in painting, 110, 161 
Standard score, instructions for finding, 293 

method, and drawing test, 88-89 
Standard score tables 

Boys' drawing of a man, 294295 
Boys' drawing of a woman, 298-299 
Girls' drawing of a man, 296-297 
Girls' drawing of a woman, 300-301 
Standardization samples for Drawing Test 

described, 100-101 
Stanford Achievement Test, 64 
Stanford-Binet Test, and Draw-a-Man, 22, 

35, 36, 96 

Stereotypy in drawings, 219 
Stick-man, in early drawing, 156 
Style, and art teacher, 177 
Style, and drawing, 14, 54, 58, 95, 223 

and schema, 204 
Style factor, in drawing, 217 
Styles of perception, 189, 198-199 
Stylistic qualities, rated, 218 
Subject matter drawn, 13-15 

sex difference, 14 

Subnormal children. See Mentally retarded 
Symbolic content vs. formal elements, 54- 

55^ 

Symbolism in drawings, 37, 202-204 
and color, 57 
interpretation of, 38 



Subject Index 

logical aspects of, 46 
universality of, 41, 57, 156 
Symmetry, rated, 216, 218 

' tendency to, in drawing, 184, 215 
Syncretism in drawings, I SI, 1S4-185 
Synthesizing processes, in perception, 188 

Tactual perception, 1 7 195 

and drawing, 164-165 
Tactual stimulus localization, 165 
Tadpole stage (Rouma), 16 
Talent in art, 216, 218 
Tapping factor, correlated with drawing, 35, 

97 

Teacher, importance of, in art, 222, 223 
Technical limitation, and schema, 203 
Technique, aspect of children's drawing, 

154 

and adolescent's use of drawing, 210 
place of, in art education, 223 
Teeth, point discarded, 71 
Theoretical approaches to drawing behavior, 

summarized, 230232 
Therapy, drawing as, 153 
Thought processes and drawing, 153, 193. 

See also Concept formation 
Three-dimensional space in drawing. See 

Perspective 

Toilet training and drawing, 60-61 
Tracing test, correlated with drawings, 35 r 

97 
Training, effect on test scores, 30-31, 93- 

94 

Transaction in perception, 199 
Transitional stage in drawing, 16 
Transposition learning, and form percep- 
tion, 186 
Tree, drawing of, 13, 49, 108. See also 

HTP 
Two-dimensional drawing, 18 

Uncoded stimuli. See Coding 
Unconscious, study of, in drawings, 11 
Unfamiliar forms, and perception, 190, 207 
Unit score for intelligence, 5 
Universal character of child art, 178 

Validity of Drawing Test, 36, 69-72, 91-95 



367 

Validity of personality evaluation in draw- 
ing, 59-66 

Vehicles, drawings of, 13, 14. See also Sub- 
ject matter drawn 

Verbal communication, and drawing, 228 
Verbal imagery, varieties hypothesized, 196 
Verbal meaning, factor, 35, 96 
Verbal processes, and drawing, 203-204 
Verbal-symbolic imagery, development of, 

196 

Verbalist type of drawing, 24 
Vertical stroke, 159 
Vision, as distance receptor, 7 
Visual conceiving, 176, 223 
Visual concepts vs. cognitive concepts, 199 
Visual control, and drawing, 173 
Visual experience and art, 221 
Visual imagery, varieties hypothesized, 196 
Visual vs. conceptual judgment, 177-1 "8 
Visual learning vs. cognitive learning, 199 
Visual observation, and scribbling, 155 
Visual perception, organization of, 185-189 

related to drawing, 7, 163, 210 

related to other modalities, 181 

as visual judgment, 177 
Visual realism in drawing, 18, 200, 226 
Visual training and art, 199 
Visual type, and body image, 46 

defined, 29 

education of, 183 

Wechsler-Bellevue scale, and Draw-a-Man, 

20, 26, 27, 35, 97 
Whole-to-part trend in drawing behavior, 

166, 170 
Wholistic approach to drawing evaluated, 

227. See also Qualitative analyses; 

Global evaluation 
Wholistic concepts in art, 205. See also 

Gestalt 

Whorl in early scribbles, 156 
WISC Test, and deaf children, 29 

related to Draw-a-Man, 26, 35, 95, 97, 

99 

Withdrawal, evaluated in drawings, 60 
Woman, and Draw-a-Wornan scale, 76-77 

drawing of, 44, 76-86 
Work habits in painting, and color, 57 
Writing, development of, 1 59 
vs. drawing, 158-159 



16499