Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/chimarikoindiansOOdixorich UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol, 5, No. 5, pp. 293-380 August 19, 1910 THE CHIMARIKO INDIANS AND LANGUAGE BT ROLAND B. DIXON BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued under the direction of the Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publi- cations of anthropological departments and museums, and for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express charges. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Depart- ment, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should be addressed to the University Press. Vol. 1. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88; plates 1-30. September, 1903 $1.25 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 _. 3.00 Index, pp. 369-378. Vol. 2. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904 40 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904 60 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103. June, 1904 26 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 ..._ 75 5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 165-377. January, 1907 2.25 Index, pp. 379-393. Vol. 3, The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. 344 pp. June, 1905 3.50 Vol. 4. 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from original documents preserved in Spain and Japan, by Zelia Nuttall. Pp. 1-47. April, 1906 60 2. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on col- lections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and in the U. S. National Museum, by Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 75 S. The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 65-166. February, 1907 „ 1.50 4. Indian Myths from South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 167-250. May, 1907 76 5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 251-318. September, 1907 75 6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 319- 356. September, 1907 60 Index, pp. 357-374. Vol. 5. 1, The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part I, The Individual Sounds, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 35 2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations, by Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63. September, 1907 „ 75 3. Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December, 1909 2.50 4. The Material Cultiire of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Northeastern California and Southern Oregon, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 239-292, plates 10-25. June, 1910 .75 5. The Chimariko Indians arid Language, by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 293- 380. August, 1910 1.00 Vol. 6. 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians, by Sam- uel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, m.aps 1-2. February, 1908 3.25 2. The Geography and Dialects of the Mlwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 3. 3. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 369-380, Nos. 2 and 3 in one cover. February, 1908 , .50 Index, pp. 381-400. Vol. 7. 1. The Emeryville Shellmound, by Max Uhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with 38 text figures. June, 1907 _ 1.25 2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 85 3. Porno Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30, 231*text figures. December, 1908 1.76 4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 309-356, plates 32-34. December, 1909 50 5. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 357-426, plates 36-50. AprU, 1910 75 Index, pp. 427-441. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 5 NO. 5 THE CHIMARIKO INDIANS AND LANGUAGE. BY ROLAND B. DIXON. CONTENTS. PAGE Pabt I. Culture. Introduction 295 Territory and History 295 Material Culture 298 Social Organization 301 Religion 303 Conclusions 305 Part II. Language. Introduction 307 Phonetics 307 Initial Sounds 309 Terminal Sounds 309 Dialectical Differences 309 Combinations of Sounds 310 Influence of Sounds on One Another 310 Summary 311 Reduplication 311 Composition _ - 311 A. Prefixes or Suffixes 318 B. Prefixes 318 C. Suffixes 319 Pronoun _ 321 Independent Personal Pronoun _ 322 Demonstratives 322 Interrogatives 322 Noun 323 Case Suffixes 323 Number „ - _ 323 Possessive 323 294 University of California Publications, [^^i- Arch. Eth. PAGE Verb 324 Pronominal Affixes 324 Eeflexive 328 Imperative 329 Formative Affixes 329 Temporal and Modal Affixes 331 Verbal Stems 332 Adjectives 334 Numerals 334 Postpositions 335 Connectives 335 Order of Words 335 Conclusion and Eelations 335 Texts 339 I. The Sorcerer 339 Notes 340 II, The Mood 341 Notes 343 Free Translation 346 m. The Unsuccessful Hunter 346 Notes 347 Free Translation 349 IV. The Theft of Fire 349 Notes 352 Free Translation 353 V. A Myth 354 Notes 356 VI 359 Notes 360 Sentences 361 Vocabulary 362 English-Chimariko 363 Chimariko-English 370 Place Names 379 Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 295 PART I. CULTURE. INTRODUCTION. The mvestigation in the course of which the material was secured upon which the following account of the culture and language of the Chimariko Indians of California is based, was conducted during July and August, 1906, on behalf of the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and, in common with the other researches of the Department, was made possible by the support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst. At the present time there appear to be only two living full-blood Chimariko. One of these. Doctor Tom, a half-crazy old man, proved worthless for purposes of investigation, and the bulk of the information secured was obtained from Mrs. Dyer, a failing old woman of about eighty years of age, living on lower New River. Some supplementary details were gathered from "Fri- day," a well-known character near the Hupa reservation, half Hupa and half Wintun by birth, but having had close affiliations with the Chimariko many years ago. The little group of Indians to whom the name Chimariko has been given occupied a small area situated in the western portion of Trinity County, in northern California. The language spoken by the group has always been believed to differ radically from all others kno\\TQ, so that, unless certain resemblances discussed in the linguistic portion of this paper are accepted as establishing an affinity with the Shastan family, the Chimariko by themselves constitute an independent linguistic stock. In the small size of the area occupied, the Chimariko fall into the same class with several other stocks in California, such as the Yana and the extinct Esselen. TERRITORY AND HISTORY. As far as can be ascertained at present, the Chimariko seem to have regarded as their territory a narrow strip of country extending along Trinity River from the mouth of the South Fork 296 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. up as far as Taylor's Flat at French Creek. This upper limit is well corroborated by repeated statements of the "Wintun, who controlled all the upper Trinity, reaching as far downstream as Cox's or Big Bar, some five or six miles above French Creek. In addition to this strip of territory along the main Trinity, there . is some evidence to the effect that the Chimariko also extended up the South Fork to a point about fifteen miles above Hyampom, and also up Hay Fork as far as the mouth of Corral Creek. These statements in regard to this extension up the South Fork are rather confusing and somewhat contradictory, but appear to be confirmed by the testimony of the Wintun in Hay Fork Valley. In view, however, of positive statements secured by Dr. P, E. Goddard from the Athabascan tribes on the upper South Fork, to the effect that they occupied the South Fork as far as its mouth, the extension up this stream of the Chimariko may be considered doubtful. "Whether or not the so-called Chimalakwe of New River formed a portion of the Chimariko, or were identical with them, is a matter which must apparently remain unsettled. Powers declares^ that the Chimalakwe occupied New River, and that they were in process of conquest and absorption by the Hupa at the time of the first appearance of the whites. The upper portion of New River, about New River City and perhaps below, was occupied according to Shasta accounts by a small branch of the Shastan family, speaking a distinct dialect.- Satisfactory state- ments in regard to the occupants of lower New River cannot now be secured. The survivors of the Chimariko most emphatically deny that they ever permanently occupied any part of New River, stating that they merely visited and ascended it a short distance, and only for the purpose of hunting. The people living on New River are declared to have been very few, and to have spoken a Hupa dialect. It is unquestionable that the name Chimalakwe, given to the New River tribe by Powers, is derived from the same stem tcimal, tcimar^ as Chimariko. Inasmuch as 1 Powers, S., Tribes of California, Washington, 1877. Contributions to North American Ethnology, III, p. 92. 2 Dixon, E. B., The Shasta-Aehomawi : A New Linguistic Stock, with Four New Dialects. American Anthropologist, n. s., VII., pp. 241-315. 3 Tc = English ch, c = sh. See the discussion of phonetics in the lin- guistic part. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chiynariko Indians and Language. 297 these New River people are entirely extinct, and the Chimariko virtually so, it seems doubtful if the question of their relationship can now be definitely settled. According to the information procured, the Chimariko had only a few small villages within the small area they occupied; that at Burnt Ranch, Tsuda'radadji, being the largest. Other villages of which names and locations were secured were at Cedar Flat, Ha'dinaktcohada ; Hawkin's Bar, Hamai'dadji; Taylor's Flat, Tcitca'nma; Big Bar, Citimaadje; and one known as Mamsu'idji on the Trinity River just above the mouth of the South Fork. In addition to these the following names of places on New River were obtained, but were said to have been mere temporary hunting camps: Itcxapo'sta, Dyer's; Pakto'nadji, Patterson's; and Mai'djasore, Thomas'. The earliest contact of the Chimariko with the whites prob- ably took place in the second or third decade of the nineteenth century, when the first trappers of the fur companies made their appearance in this region. This first contact was, however, of small moment compared with the sudden irruption into the region of the gold-seekers who, in the early fifties, overran the whole middle and upper Trinity River. From this time on for fifteen years or more, the placers of the section were largely worked, and the inevitable conflicts between the miners and the Indians occurred. In the sixties the feeling was particularly bitter, and the unequal contest resulted in the practical annihila- tion of the Chimariko. A few remnants fled, taking refuge either with the Hupa, or on the upper Salmon River, or in Scott Valley with tribes belonging to the Shastan stock. From here, after an exile of many years, the survivors, then numbering only some half-dozen, straggled back to their old homes ; and of this handful all are now gone except one old man and woman, besides whom there are two or three mixed bloods who have little or no knowledge of the earlier culture of the stock. "What may have been the population of the area before the coming of the whites it is impossible to say. In all probability it could not have numbered more than some hundreds. 298 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. MATERIAL CULTURE. The dress of the Chimariko seems to have been to some extent a compromise between that of the Wintun and the Hupa. Men apparently wore no breeeh-clout, merely wrapping a deer-skin about the waist, and adding to this in winter a deer-skin mantle. Moccasins were worn only in the winter months. Women wore a buckskin fringe or apron in front, reaching from the waist to the knee, and about ten inches in width. A second apron or half- skirt was also worn behind, similar in general to those worn by the Hupa, but plain and unfringed. A basket cap was worn on the head. In winter time men wore snow-shoes, which were made by bending a hazel stick in a circle or hoop, and tying to this two cross-sticks at right angles to each other. The foot was securely tied on by a buckskin lashing. Bodily decoration and ornament were more restricted than among the Hupa. Dentalia and abalone were used to some extent, as was also a variety of small cylindrical beads, said to have been made of bone. All of these were, however, sparingly employed. Dentalia, if large, were sometimes wrapped spirally with narrow strips of snake-skin, and were measured by the string, the unit of length being from the thumb to the tip of the shoulder. The ears were generally pierced, but not the nose, and tattoo- ing was less elaborate than among the Trinity Wintun. These latter tattooed the whole cheek up to the temples, and also the chin, whereas the Chimariko, like the Hupa, confined themselves to a few lines on the chin only. The tattooing was restricted to the women alone, and was effected by the same method as among the Shasta, namely by fine, parallel cuts rather than by puncture. The process was begun early in life, and the lines broadened by additions from time to time, until in some cases the chin became an almost solid area of blue. Certain women were particularly skillful in the work, and were much in demand. The food supply of the Chimariko was formerly abundant. The Trinity River supplied them with ample quantities of salmon, which were split and dried in the usual manner, and preserved either in this or in powdered form. Eels were another important source of food. Deer, elk, and bear constituted the Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 299 larger part of the game supply, in addition to which mountain- lion and several other animals supplied an occasional meal. Yellow-jacket larvae were considered delicacies, but grasshoppers and worms, relished by the Sacramento Valley tribes, were not eaten. As among most California Indians, vegetable products, and particularly acorns, formed a large element in the food supply. The acorns were prepared and eaten in the same manner as among the Hupa and Maidu.* Grass-seeds of various kinds, pine-nuts, berries, and roots of several varieties were gathered in large quantities, and eaten either fresh or dried. In cooking, deer-meat was either roasted or boiled, whereas for bear-meat only the latter method was practiced. None of the old type of houses built by the Chimariko now survive. As described they were roughly similar to those of the Hupa, but ruder. The structure w^as made of fir-bark slabs, and in shape was round or oval. The usual diameter of the house was from ten to fourteen feet, and the interior was as a rule excavated to a depth of about one foot. The ridge-pole was supported by two posts, and the simple gable roof, in general like that of the Hupa, was not provided with any earth covering. The low side-walls were formed of vertical slabs of bark. At one end of the house was the door, small, but not rounded, and closed by a movable piece of bark. At the end opposite the door was a small draught-hole, through which game was always hauled in. Along the sides of the house were the sleeping places, consisting of beds of grass, leaves, and pine-needles, covered with skins. In addition to this dwelling house, awa', the Chimariko had a sweat-house, ma'tta. This was circular, excavated to a depth of two or three feet, and had the fireplace somewhat back of the center. The roof was of brush and earth, without any smoke- hole. Houses of this type would accommodate eight or ten men, and in these houses were held the so-called sweat-dances. This type of house seems on the whole to be rather more like the earth lodges of the Sacramento Valley than the taikyuw of the Hupa. It is stated that there were no menstrual lodges of any sort. * Goddard, P. E., Life and Culture of the Hupa, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., I, pp. 21-29; Dixon, R. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mu8. Nat. Hist., XVIL, pp. 184-187. 300 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. The furnishings of the houses were simple. Baskets exclu- sively were used for storage and cooking, and the soap-stone troughs and vessels of the Hupa appear to have been lacking. For stirring acorn-mush a simple paddle was in use. Informa- tion as to spoons was contradictory, one informant declaring that carved spoons like those of the Hupa^ were employed, the other that this was not the case. The cylindrical wooden trunks of the Hupa were not known. Knives and arrowpoints were as a rule made of obsidian, obtained either from the Wintun or the Redwood Creek Indians. Both informants declared that no axes or adzes were made, and that trees, if cut, were laboriously hacked with small knives. The bow was of yew as a rule, flat, sinew-backed, and resem- bling the usual type of bow in Northwestern California.*' Arrows were generally made of syringa, and were carried in a quiver of raccoon, wild-cat or fawn skin. In shooting the bow was held horizontally. For armor, the Chimariko used an elk-hide robe coming down to the knees, the heavy skin of the neck standing up in front of the face. Slat or stick armor is said not to have been used. Canoes were not made by the Chimariko, and rivers and streams were crossed by swimming, or on rude rafts, built of logs. Pipes were made, according to one account, similar to those of the Hupa, with neatly formed stone bowls.^ Other accounts, however, state that the pipe was much cruder, and made like that of the "VVintun, without stone and with a large bowl. For musical instruments the Chimariko made chief use of the flute. This had four holes, and was used chiefly in courting. Rattles are declared to have been only sparingly used. Fish-spears were, like the arrows, made of syringa, and had bone points. Nets, apparently identical with those of the Hupa, were largely used in catching salmon. Basketry, of which no specimens now survive, was considerably developed. The baskets were exclusively of the twined variety, and in pattern were declared to have been similar to those of the northern Wintun.* 5 Goddard, op. cit., pi. 16. 6 Ibid., pi. 11. 7 Ibid., pi. 17. 8 See Kroeber, A. L., Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Anier. Arch. Ethn., II, pi. 21 and passim. DLxon, R. B., Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California Bull Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, pp. 17-19, pi. XXIII, XXIV. ' Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 301 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. The information secured in regard to the social organization of the Chimariko is unfortunately rather scanty. In common with most California tribes, there was no trace, apparently, of any elan organization, and the only social units were the various village communities. Each such village group had its chief or head-man, whose position was usually hereditary in the male line. If the natural successor was, however, thought unfit, some one else was elected. The chief led his people in time of war, and seems to have exercised considerable control over the members of the village group. Any type of social stratification into classes, seen in a rudi- mentary form among the Hupa, and increasingly northwards into Oregon and Washington, appears here to be lacking; and slavery, which was a regular institution among the Hupa, was not known. The whole area occupied by the Chimariko was a common hunting ground, and fishing places in the river are also said to have been public property, without any evidence of private control as among the Shasta and other neighboring peoples. The Chimariko were, in general, monogamic. Wives were usually bought from parents, although sometimes a girl would be sent by her parents, as a wife, to a man who was famed as a good hunter and a reliable man. If the girl disliked him, she would bite his hands, and scratch him, until he sent her back to her home. The levirate was a common custom, and if a man 's wife died soon after her marriage her family were bound to give him her sister, or some near relative, as a second wife. For this substitute wife, no additional payment was required. Puberty ceremonials for women were as a whole simple. The girl had to remain secluded in the house for a period of about a month. !Much of this time she was obliged to lie down, and be covered up with skins. She was subject to many food restric- tions, and ate sparingly, always alone, at dawn and sunset. Throughout the period of her seclusion she was obliged to use a scratching-stick. At times, she was supposed to dance, usually outside the house. In these dances her hair, cut in a bang on 302 University of California Publications, [^m- Arch. Eth. the forehead, was made with pitch into a series of tassels or tassel-like ringlets, and these were long enough to fall down over her eyes. "When the period of seclusion was over, there was generally a feast given by her parents, and another dance, and then the whole was regarded as completed. The ceremony was apparently not repeated at any of the subsequent menstrual periods. At childbirth a woman was subject to food restrictions, and had to remain in seclusion for two or three weeks. But little information was obtained in regard to funeral cus- toms. Cremation was declared never to have been practiced, the body always having been buried. The ceremony if possible took place on the day of the death, and a considerable quantity of prop- erty, both personal and gifts from relatives, was placed with the body in the grave. Widows cut their hair short, and ' ' cried ' ' for a month, but did not put pitch on their faces and heads. The house of the deceased was sometimes, but not always, destroyed. The persons who dug the grave were considered unclean, and had to undergo a five days' fast, and then bathe before they might again take up their regular life. The chief gambling game of the Chimariko was the wide- spread "grass-game" of Central California.® It was played here by two players on a side, each player having a single, unmarked bone or stick about two inches long. One side guesses while the other "rolls," shuffling the bones from hand to hand, wrapping them in small bunches of grass, and then presenting their hands, containing these bunches of grass, to the other side that they may guess the relative position of the two bones. Each side is said to have started with ten counters, and one side or the other must win all twenty to come out victor. Details in regard to methods of counting could not be secured. The cup and ball game, played with salmon vertebrae, was in use ; also cats-cradle ; and a game in which objects were thrown at a pin or a post, as in quoits. 9 Dixon, E. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, pp. 209-216. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 303 RELIGION. The religious ceremonials of the Chimariko appear to have been more like those of the Shasta than of any other of their neighbors, in that they had no other dances except those of the shaman. There were, it seems, both men and women shamans, and they might or might not inherit their position. The sign that a person was destined to become a shaman was a series of dreams. These were, in the case of a man, often the result of solitary visits to remote mountain lakes, in which the person would bathe at dusk. In these dreams, instructions were given the neophyte by various supernatural beings, and these directions must be followed exactly. Later a full-fledged shaman came and put a "pain" into the mouth of the new member. This ceremony was accompanied by dances, held out of doors, the neophyte wearing a buckskin skirt painted red in stripes, and holding a bunch of yellow feathers in the hand. Details of this dance could not be obtained. In doctoring, the shaman was usually seated, and after singing for some time, sucked out the pain, which was generally a small, spindle-shaped object from one to two inches in length. The pain once extracted, melted away and dis- appeared in the shaman 's hand. Apart from the dance held by the shaman neophyte, and that already alluded to in speaking of the girls' puberty ceremony, the Chimariko seem to have had nothing except the so-called sweat-dance. This was a very simple affair, participated in by men alone, dancing without clothing and indoors. One member sang, and beat time on the ground with a stick. So far as could be learned, all the typical dances of the Ilupa, Karok, and Yurok were wanting, and the Chimariko did not even attend them when held by the Hupa, as did the Shasta with the Karok. In the summer time occasionally people would hold the "round-dance" merely for pleasure. This consisted simply in a number of people dancing around in a circle, without orna- ments or paraphernalia of any sort, and was repeated as often as desired. It seems to have had little or no religious or cere- monial importance. 304 University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth. Of the mythology of the Chimariko, only one or two frag- ments could be obtained. Concerning the creation, it is said that the dog was the most powerful being. lie knew everything beforehand, and told the coyote that a great wind was coming, which would blow all people away. He counselled the coyote to hold tightly to a tree, but when the wind came, the coyote whirled round and round, twisted the tree off, and blew away. Later the coyote returned, and the dog sang songs over him, and made him strong. The dog next prophesies a flood, and to escape it the two build a house of stone with an underground chamber. The flood comes, and all other people are destroyed, except the frog, mink, and otter, and one man. The flood sub- sides, finally, and the man finds a small fragment of bone in the canoe in which the frog has taken refuge. This piece of bone he preserves in a basket, and it later comes to life as a girl child. The man marries the child, and from this pair all Chimariko are descended. There is possibly an element of missionary teaching in this tale, but it constitutes all that could be learned in regard to ideas of the origin of things. The second fragment secured deals with a man who had two wives. Unsuccessful in hunting, he cuts off one leg and brings this back as game for the household. Next day he brings back his entrails and finally his other leg. The wives suspect what he has done and refuse to eat the meat, finally leaving him secretly while he sleeps, and running away. There is finally a brief statement in regard to the securing of fire. The coyote suggests that all animals unite in an attempt to steal fire from the person who owns it. Several try to reach the place where it is kept, but give out before arriving. Finally Coyote himself tries, and succeeds in reaching the house, to find all away but the children. He outwits them, seizes the brand, and runs away. He is pursued by the father when he returns, and is almost caught, but throws the brand away, setting the whole country on fire, and thus escapes. In the fire the fox is burned red. These tales do not show any close resemblance to any recorded from the Hupa or Wiyot, as representatives of the Northwestern Californian culture. As little relation appears to Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 305 the tales known from the Wintun. With the tales from the Shasta there appears to be slightly greater similarity, although here the agreement is not at all striking. At best, however, these fragments do not offer very satisfactory material to judge from, and the most that can be said is that what association there is, appears more clearly with the Shasta than with any other of the stocks in the vicinity. CONCLUSIONS. From the foregoing account of the Chimariko, meagre though it is, we may draw certain conclusions in regard to their general culture, and their relation to the surrounding cultures. Living in close proximity to the Ilupa, they nevertheless do not seem to have assimilated themselves at all closely to the Northwest Californian culture, of which the Hupa are represen- tative. They feared the Hupa, and fought against them, allying themselves rather in sympathy and to some extent in culture, with the Northern Wintun and the Shasta. Like the latter they lacked most of the distinctive features of both the Central and Northwestern Californian cultures, and seem to have occupied a kind of intermediate position between the two. In their material culture they were colorless, and this lack of any strongly marked characteristics is also apparent in their social organization and religious beliefs. Any attempt to discuss the past history or determine the movements of the Chimariko must be almost wholly speculative. On the one hand we may regard them as the remnant of a once much larger stock, subjected to pressure and attack on several sides, and so reduced to the small compass and unimportance which were theirs when discovered; on the other, we might perhaps assume from their cultural colorlessness and lack of close agreement with either the Northwestern or Central Californian cultures, that they are more closely affiliated with the Shastan stock, which appears to have been pushing in a south- southwesterly direction. With them also, as already stated, such resemblances as may be noted in the mj'ths are most apparent. The two outlying dialectic groups of this stock, the Konomihu and the New River, apparently occupy advance positions beyond 306 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. the natural physiographic boundaries of the main area of the stock. Moreover, the language of the Chimariko shows in general greater similarities both formal and lexical, to the Shasta than to either the Hupa or the Wintun. These similarities, which are discussed in the linguistic portion of the paper, in fact are so numerous as to make it seem most likely that the two languages are genetically related. Further, it was among the Shasta, chiefly, that the remnants of the Chimariko took refuge when they fled from the Trinity River in the sixties. The paucity of material secured in regard to the Chimariko culture of course adds to the difficulty, and as usual in California, we get no aid here from any tradition of migration or earlier habitat. All things considered, the second of the above two suggestions appears the more reasonable, and we may conclude that, so far as the evidence goes, the Chimariko are to be regarded as related culturally most closely to the Shastan stock, and in origin prob- ably forming part of it. Their historical affiliations therefore run northward and northeastward towards the interior of south- western Oregon. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 307 PART II. LANGUAGE. INTRODUCTION. The material upon which the following sketch of the Chimariko language is based, was collected in the summer of 1906 on the New River, and at Willow Creek or China Flat, in Trinity County, California. The bulk of the material was obtained from Mrs. Dyer, probably the last full-blood Chimariko survivor, and from Friday, a man who, although not of Chim- ariko descent, yet spoke the language fluently, and had lived much of his life with the people. Owing to Mrs. Dyer's age and lack of teeth, she was not a very good informant, and some of the phonetic uncertainty is probably due to this fact. Previous to the writer's visit in 1906, short vocabularies and some gram- matical material had been collected by Dr. P. E. Goddard and Dr. A. L. Kroeber, in part from the same informants. This material has been placed at the author's disposal. The only other available source of information on the language is Powers' vocabularies in his Tribes of California, and these have been used in connection with the more recent collection. It is to be regretted that a larger mass of texts, and of a more satisfactory character, could not have been secured, as these are so necessary for a clear understanding of the language, and to check information obtained in other ways. It is felt, however, that the material here presented affords a reasonably complete sketch of the main features of Chimariko, although certain details still remain obscure. PHONETICS. The vowel sounds occurring in Chimariko are i, e, a, o, u. As a rule the vowels are not short enough to be obscure, the only exception being in the the case of e, written e when obscure. Doubling of vowels or their extreme length, particularly in the case of a and o, is not uncommon, and the language is apparently 308 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. fond of combinations of two vowel sounds, separated by ', a faint glottal catch. The sound of o, although occurring, is not common. There is some doubt as to whether long open e should not be written a. A broad a or open o sound resembling English aw has been represented by a. Of all the vowel sounds, a is by far the most frequent. Nasalized vowels do not occur, and the infre- quency of a, o, and u, so common in the adjacent languages, as for instance the Shasta, is noticeable. The vowels may be repre- sented as follows : I i e e b s a & 6 u Q In the consonants, the sonant group is somewhat more de- veloped than the surd. A true b seems to be lacking, although an intermediate sound, between surd and sonant, occasionally occurs. Of the two sonants g and d, neither is common initially, the latter perhaps never so occurring, and generally being found in combination with n as nd. The velar surd stop q is of moder- ately frequent occurrence, but its corresponding sonant is absent. Nasals are represented only by n and m, n(ng) being absent. The surd 1 sounds common in the languages adjacent, are absent, although ordinary 1 is common. There are apparently two r sounds. Besides the ordinary, rather strongly trilled r, there is a velar or uvular r, almost equivalent to spirant guttural x. T fol- lowed by r seems to be a sound similar to tc, as one was often written for the other. A single instance of the use of an inter- dental, 6, has been noted. The consonants in Chimariko may be shown as follows: q X k g k'l" I d . 8, e (=sh) e^° n P 6 ts, tc dj 1, r, r 10 It is not certain whether represents a stop or a spirant. Several California languages possess a t whose interdental quality causes it to resemble English th. The character % whether following k or another sound, indicates aspiration. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 309 INITIAL SOUNDS. Although all the simple vowels occur initially, e and especially are rare, a being by far the most common. The tendency for words to begin with vowels is only moderately strong, perhaps one-fourth falling into this class. Of the semi-vowels, y is initial but rarely. Of the consonants, g, d, b, and r do not occur initially, and 1 and n are rare. The most frequent initial consonants are h, k, q, tc, X, p, s or c, m, t. Syllables begin most usually with a consonant or double consonant. TERMINAL SOUNDS. All vowels except o have been found to occur finally, u and e however being rare, and a by far the most common. Vowels are terminal sounds in perhaps three-fourths of the words noted. Of consonants, the only ones which rarely appear finally are &, q, X and h. The most common are n, r, 1, and t. Syllables very frequently end in a consonant, and the typical monosyllabic stem is formed of cither consonant-vowel, or consonant-vowel- consonant. DIALECTICAL DIFFERENCES. In one point the material secured from the informant Friday differs rather regularly from that obtained from Mrs. Dyer. Very generally 1 was used by the former, where r was heard from the latter. There was also a less frequent substitution of s for c. The fact that Mrs. Dyer had but very few teeth may in part account for these differences, but in not a few cases the same person would speak the word sometimes with r and sometimes with 1, or the sound would be very doubtful, as between the two.^^ The difficulty was most noticeable where the sound was terminal. It is possible that there may have been a real dialectic difference, but the opportunity of determining this point with any certainty was lacking, owing to the fact that Mrs. Dyer represents one of the two last surviving members of the stock, and Friday is not a native Chimariko. 11 This was also the experience of Dr. A. L. Kroeber, who at times found diflBeulty in distinguishing d from 1 and r, though he states that Friday frequently spoke 1 where Doctor Tom, another informant, used r. 310 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. COMBINATIONS OF SOUNDS. Combinations of vowels are frequent, and several diphthongs are in use, as ai, ei, oi, oi, au and eu. Consonant combinations occasionally occur at the beginning, and less frequently at the end of words, the initial combinations noted being tq, tx, trx, px, sr. Combinations of two consonants within words are very common. In such combinations there is wide latitude as a whole, although the following restrictions may be noted. Both q and x are unknown as initial members of combinations. Of the sonants b, d, and g, the first is never, and the others very rarely first members, and the labials are also, as a rule, unusual in this position. Combinations of three consonants are not wanting, the following having been observed : ntx, ndr, mtx, mpx, trq. Com- binations of consonants at the beginning of syllables occur quite frequently, tr, tx, tcx, kl, km, and px being the most common. INFLUENCE OF SOUNDS ON ONE ANOTHEE. Chimariko is in accord with many of the languages of Northern Central California, in that there is little apparent modification of sounds through juxtaposition. There is a slight tendency for the connecting vowel between the pronominal prefix and the instrumental prefix, or the pronominal prefix and the verbal stem, to show some relationship to the vowel of the stem. This is, however, noticeable only in the case of o and u and perhaps a stems. In these cases, the connecting vowel is either the same as that of the stem, or near it in the regular vowel series. Such instances are retroactive. In other cases, the influence is proactive, the vowel of the negative prefix being assimilated to ■■ the vowel of the pronominal prefix, where this changes in the first person plural, as tcaxawini, I am old, tcoxowini, we are old. So far as consonants are concerned, euphonic and other changes in sound are not of very common occurrence. The following are the more important of those noted. K is sometimes softened to x, owakni becoming owaxni, and is generally elided before x, as in yeta(k)xani, I shall sing. One instance occurs where x is re- placed by w: ixusni, I blow, qowusni, ye blow. For euphony, m is sometimes inserted after a before d, x, or g. In some cases. Vol, 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 311 g changes to x after tc. There are a number of instances where one stem-consonant may be replaced by another without apparent change of meaning, as : mum, muk ; sum, sux ; sim, six ; am, ak ; tout, teuk ; pen, hen ; pat, hat. In these cases t and m are replaced by k or x, and p by h. Contraction occurs not uncommonly, as in yaatciman for yayatciman; natcidut for noatcidut; -wax, -wak, -wok, -wauk for -watok. SUMMARY. In general Chimariko may be said to be simple and regular in its phonetics. It is not so smooth and soft as are Maidu, Wintun, and Yana and some other languages of the Central Californian area, but is considerably more so than the Shastan languages, and those of Northwestern California. The relative absence of sonants and spirants, and of velars and laterals, is characteristic. The considerable frequency of consonant combinations renders the language less transparent in structure than the Maidu or Wintun, but the slight degree of phonetic modification saves it from any considerable obscurity. REDUPLICATION. As compared with some of the adjacent languages, Chimariko makes comparatively little use of reduplication. Employed little if at all as a grammatical form, it occurs only sparingly in the names of a few birds, animals, and plants. In the case of the bird names, most, if not all, show clearly onomatopoeia. Color adjec- tives, it is interesting to note, do not appear to be reduplicated. The following cases of reduplication have been noted : a 'a, deer himimitcei, grouse pipilla, chipmunk lalo, goose tsokokotci, bluejay ' tc^itcM, buzzard xazatc^i, duck tsadadak, kingfisher yekyek, hawk. hutatat, crane masomas, red-salmon COMPOSITION. Investigation of the processes of composition and derivation for purely etymological purposes, does not reveal a very exten- sive use. The following cases illustrate the principle examples noted : 312 University of California Publications. L^^- Akch. Eth. aqa, water aqa-qot, aqa-kat, river ("at the water"?) aqa-reda, aqa-tceta, ocean (probably "water-large") aqa-xatsa, spring, "water-cold" apu-n-aqa, "fire-water," whiskey tcitci-aqa-i, " manzanita -water, " cider aqa-matcitsxol, water-fall, "water-dust" asi-n-alla, sun, day-sun himi-n-alla, moon, night-sun hi-pxa, intestine hi-pxa-dji, skin, bark ama, earth, place, country ama-yaqa, sand ama-idatci-ku, nowhere ami-tcxamut, earthquake wee, antler wee-naqalne, spoon tira, di'la, bird tira-cela, teila-tcele, blackbird -sot, eye -so-xa, tears (eye-water?) -sot-nimi, eyebrow -su-nsa, eyelash xuli, bad xuli-teni, left hand ho-akta-xoli-k, lame hisi-kni, good hisi-deni, right hand -kos-, to blow i-kos-eta, wind apu, fire apu-n-aqa, fire-water apu'-natxui, fire-drill base apo-tcitpid-aktca, smoke-hole tcim-ar, person, Indian tcim-tukta, white man acot-n-o-umul, "winter-salmon," steelhead mnul-itcawa, "salmon-large," sturgeon pa, to smoke oni-pa, pipe Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 313 atcxu, net atcxu-nde, rope a 'a, deer a'eno, aanok, elk am, ama, eat ame-mtu, hungry hune, himi, night hime-tasur, hirae-tacus, morning himi-n-alla, moon hime-da, to-morrow himok, evening himok-ni, night himoq-anan, noon himi-santo, "devil" itri-, to grow itri, man itri-lla, boy itri-nculla, old man itci-la-i, my father itra-xaid-eu, chief itri-dusku, old maid Other instances appear in the Chimariko-English vocabulary, in which derivatives are grouped under stems. Compare there, for instance, tcemu, sky, tea, hand, txa, leg. In several of the above instances, an -n- appears between two nouns that are joined in composition : apu-n-aqa, asi-n-alla, himi- n-alla, acot-n-o-umul. Some verb stems are identical with body-part terms that execute the action of the verb. cam, sem, ear, or to hear tu, wing, feather, or to fly pen, tongue, or to lick Derivation is by suflSxes, of which the most important are: •alia, -iilla, -olla, diminutive, especially on names of animals: xar-ulla, xal-ala, baby tcitcam-ulla, apxantc-olla, fox hemox-ola, jack-rabbit ipuit-ella, bluebird itr-illa, boy itrinc-ulla, old man cunh-uUa, old woman 314 University of California Publications. [-A-m. Arch. Eth. punts-ulla, girl oel-ulla, bachelor o-ella-i, my son mas-oUa-i, my daughter itc-illa-i, my father mag-oUa-i, my uncle tcisum-ulla, orphan pasindjax-ola, water-ousel pip-ilia, wis-iUa, chipmunk, beaver (?) poq-ella, cooking basket (pok, to wash) citc-ella, sitc-ela, dog (citc-iwi, wolf) cid-ulla, a spring tumtit-ella, swallow aw-illa, who(?) maidjahutc-ulla, Yocumville -na, tree, wood, stick, bush, plant: apu'-Ena, fire-drill, lit. fire-woorl axac-na, pvditca-Ena, chaparral etxol-na, madrone haqew-ina, sugar-pine (haqeu, the cone) hau-na, tinder hawu'-una, grass hepuitci '-ina, live oak kipi'-ina, fir mune'-Ena, black oak (muni, the acorn) mutuma-na, redwood (mutuma, canoe) qapu-na, deer brush ipxadji'-ina, trupxad ji '-ina, maple pakt5'-Ena, alder tfeuteu-na, fern tseli-na, gooseberry bush tcimia-na, serviceberry bush teitca-na, manzanita tsuna-na, digging stick xaxec-na, poison oak yaqa-na, white oak yutxu-ina, tan-bark oak -eu, forms nouns from verbal stems: aqed-eu, wild oats ahat-eu, dentalium axad-eu cat's cradle ha'-eu, mortar basket haq-eu, sugar-pine cone ham-eu, food (am, ama, eat) habuked-eu, slave hekot-eu, tattoo hiektcand-eu, woman's skirt hitcumudad-ehu, cup and ball game ho'-eu, board Vol. 5] Dixo7i. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 315 hohankut-eu, fish spear hap-eu, acorn soup hasunwed-eu, spear isekdad-iu, tongs itraxaid-eu, chief petson-eu, grass-seed tremamute-eu, thunder tcen-eu, acorn-bread trun-eu, belly xapun-eu, bow ■Jctca, -uktca, -gutca, instrument or object for. As all the forms obtained begin with a vowel or h, it seems that they contain the pronominal prefix of the third person. apo-tcitpid-aktca, smoke-hole atcib-uksa, arrow-flaker haim-uksa, ham-uktcu, ax hamame-gutca, fish-line, hook hama 'an-aksia, table (ama, eat) hatciinar-utsa, bed hax-aktca, deer trap hemuim-ektsa, split stick rattle heuma-kutca, grass game hiasmai-gutca, paddle himl-gutca, sling himlnid-uktsa, red lizard hipun-aktca, button hisusamd-aksia, window hiuxi-gutea, saw hiwoanad-atsa, chair hose-ktca, hasus-akta, quiver hatsi-ktca, fire-drill (hatsir, make fire) hatsi-na-ktca, cedar (-na, wood) ixa-gutea, thief ixod-akta, clock opum-aktca, storage basket •ar: tcim-ar, man punts-ar, woman at-ar, fish-spear (at, to hit) kos-ar, crane Perhaps also: tsat-ur, grasshopper (tsat, fishweir) akwec-ur, gray squirrel tsabok-or, mole pis-or, quail himetas-ur, morning •xol, -xal, -xul: matcits-xol, or matre-pa, dust aqa-matcits-xol, waterfall 316 University of California Publications. [Am. Akch. Eth. patc-xal, cocoon rattle t 'araitc-xul, red ant petc-xol, hawk sap-xel, spoon et-xol-na, madrone-tree -tcei, on names of animals, especially birds. The syllable preceding the suflix is usually reduplicated, and therefore probably often onomatopoetic : himimi-tcei, grouse xaxa-tcei, duck tcukuku-tcei, owl konana-tcei, woodpecker trelek-tcei, humming-bird tsokoko-tci, blue-bird exoi-tcei, otter qdpxami-tc5i, fisher qerek-tcei, humming-bird -tada, suflSLx of tribal names: maitrok-tada, Hyampom people qataiduwak-tada, Areata Wiyot hadinaktco-hada. Cedar Flat, a place (hatsinaktca, cedar) -dji, -dje, local suffix: aqi-tce, Salt Ranch (aqi, salt) tsudamda-dji, Burnt Eanch paktona-dji, Patterson's (pakto'Ena, alder) maidjatcu-dje, Cecilville (maitra, a flat or bench) hituai-dje, Willow Creek and many others given in the list of place names in the vocabulary. -ma, -mu, on place names: tcitcan-ma, Taylor's Flat (tcitca-na, manzanita) tcintxap-mu, Big Flat (tcintcei, sun-flower) tranqo-ma, Hyampom hisae-mu, Weaverville -matci, on names of seasons: ahan-matci, summer kicu-matci, spring kicu-matci, spring (kisum, crane) qa-suk-matei, when -ckut, privative: aquye-ckut, tail-less itra-ckut, handless hu-po-ckun, footless puntsarie-ckut, wife-less, bachelor itri-d-usku, old maid -gu, -ku, negative; perhaps also indefinite: xani-gu, by and by curai-gu, some time ago (sul, long ago) patceam-ku, something (patci, what) patci-gun, no amaidatci-ku, nowhere Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 317 •da, on terms of direction: wise-da, down-stream wai-da, up-stream, east qadai-da, south xunoi-da, north tcem-da, across stream tranmi-da, down-stream Possibly also: hime-da, to-morrow -% on terms of color and other adjectives, both syllables of the stem showing the same vowel: tcele-'i, black mene-'i, white wili-'i, red s6te'-i, blue(?) tono'-i, dull mata-'i, clean cupu-i, sharp ■in, -71, -ni, on adjectives, is evidently the verbal suflSx indicating present or incompleted action: atcxum-ni, dry elox-ni, hot hadoha-n, straight hemudadja-n, bitter hiqui-ni, sweet hisik-ni, good hitcu-n, hitcu-Eni, long, high hoqata'-Eni, square hukena-n, deaf hutcolana-n, empty hutcula-n, low quoyo-in, sour kumitc-in, all lo'ore-n, soft liiyu-in, smooth nodaduh-ni, rough pepe-'in, thick p'qele-'in, crooked tqe'er-'in, thin tcele-'in, dirty tcuxunm-in, deep tcxale-n, light xe 'ire-n, xere '-in, narrow, wide xodala-n, poor xuitcula-n, short For grammatical purposes, affixation is chiefly used. The following list of affixes comprises those which have been deter- mined with any certainty : 318 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. A. PREFIXES OE SUFFIXES. Pronominal : tc, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransitive verbs, with adjectival stems. Prefixed as object of transitive verbs. Prefixed as possessive, vpith nouns where possession is inherent. i, J, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi- tive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed as subject of transitive verbs. Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is accidental. m, mi, second person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive verbs, or as possessive with nouns where possession is inherent. Suffixed with nouns where possession is accidental. n, second person singular. Imperative. Prefixed. h, ', third person singular and plural. Prefixed (as h) or suffixed (as ' ) as subject of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as possessive with nouns where possession is inherent. tea, tco, first person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi- tive verbs, with adjectival stems. This suffix is distinguished from singular tc- by change of vowel. If the singular has a as connect- ing vowel, the plural has o, and vice-versa. Prefixed as object of transitive verbs. tee, first person plural. Suffixed with nouns where possession is acci- dental. ya, we, w, first person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of in- transitive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed (ya-) as subject of transitive verbs. q, qo, qe, second person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive verbs. Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is accidental. Affix used with verbal stems: X, g, k. Negative affix, with variable connecting vowel. Used either as prefix or suffix, or both. B. PEEFIXES. Instrumental, with verbs: a- with a long object e- with the end of a long object ma- ? me- with the head mitci- with the foot tc- ? tcu- with a round object tu- with the hand wa- by sitting on(?) Vol, 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 319 With pronominal stems: -owa With nominal stems: Locative, instrumental, -dan, -danku -mdi, -mdu Miscellaneous, -hni -tan -rotpin -gulan -abo C. SUFFIXES. Combined with the independent pronouns of the first and second persons to form the inclusive and exclusive first person plural. ablative instrumental many many only a, just a merely, only (Cf. negative aflSx -g) also, too With verbal stems: Ideas of motion or direction, -dam, -tarn, -ktam down -Ema into -Enak into -ha up -hot down -lo apart(f) .mi down(?) -puye around, about -ro up -sku towards -smu across •tap out -tpi out of -usam through -xun into Modal, temporal. -ak completed action, past -n, -ni, -in incompleted action, present -sun present. Used apparently as the auxiliary verb to be. -xan, -gon future. (Former with verbal, latter with adjectival stems.) -soop conditional -dialhin dubitative -hun continuative -pum iterative -wet continuative -tcai desiderativeCT) -eyd reflexive -ye interrogative 320 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. -a interrogative -pu interrogative -da, -ida, -inda, -tinda present participle Miscellaneous. -tci Used to indicate plurality, generally of the object, but occasionally of the subject. -nan, -an A general verbal suffix of uncertain meaning, possibly temporal (Cf. -ni, -in). With all classes of stems: -ot, -ut, -op A sufl&x apparently with an intensive, or em- phatic meaning, such as indeed, really, in truth. It is used with nominal, pro- nominal, verbal, adjectival, and adverbial stems. The above list brings out clearly several features of import- ance in regard to the Chimariko language. In the first place, it will be seen from the series of pronominal affixes, that these are by no means regular in position, appearing sometimes as prefixes, sometimes as suffixes. It is possible that in some cases they are also used as infixes. This variability of position of the pro- nominal elements with regard to the verbal stem is a feature also found developed among the Shastan languages, which adjoin Chimariko on the north, and differentiates these two languages from those which, like Washo, Chumash, Southern and North- eastern Maidu, have the pronominal elements in an invariable position. Although there seems to be a strong preference for prefixation, there are yet a large number of verbs which take the pronoun suffixed. No logical reason is apparent for the distinc- tion, such verbs as to sit, to work, to dance, to run, to eat, and others, prefixing the pronominal elements, whereas to bleed, to grow, to die, and so on, take them suffixed. The lack of any logical division is shown still more clearly in the verbs indicating condition or state. Some, as to be good, to be bad, to be old, have the pronominal elements prefixed ; others, as to be hot, to be cold, to be strong, suffix them. Dry belongs to the first class, and wet to the second. The employment of varied position in the pro- nominal affixes, to indicate two forms of possession, is interesting. Where possession is inherent, the elements are prefixed, where accidental, suffixed. A further feature brought out by the list, is the great paucity Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 321 of nominal suffixes. Chimariko not only laeks such indications for grammatical cases and for number, but also is almost destitute of locative endings. An instrumental suffix it has, to be sure, but of locatives the only one noted is an ablative ; there is apparently no general locative. In this paucity of locative suffixes, Chi- mariko lies at the other extreme from the majority of the languages of Central California, which possess a considerable development of this class of suffixes. Even the neighboring Shastan languages, although having fewer locatives than Maidu and Washo, still exceed Chimariko in this particular. The considerable development of verbal instrumental prefixes, places Chimariko in this respect in agreement with Washo, Maidu, Wintun, and the Shastan languages. As is usual, the suffixes of motion precede those which are modal or temporal. In general, the large preponderance of suffixes over prefixes places Chimariko in the class of suffixing languages. An interesting feature of the language is presented by the emphatic or intensive suffix -ut, -ot. It is used with the pro- nominal stems to form the independent pronouns, which are rarely used except for emphasis, or where the sense is doubtful. These may therefore be translated I indeed, I myself, and so on. With nouns, this suffix is used generally to mark either the sub- ject or the object as the most important in the sentence, as, citcela hitratinda puntsal-ot, the dog bit the woman (not man) ; umul-op yekotpumni, salmon (not deer) I kill. In some cases, curiously, it is used with both subject and object, and in others entirely omitted. With verbs, its purpose is similar, to emphasize the verbal idea above any other in the sentence, as, tcimal-ot hititcex-ot pusua man broke (not cut, burned) the stick. With adjectives and adverbs it also intensifies the idea contained in the word to which it is added, as, qa'a trewil-ot nahak, stone large bring me; citel-op yekoxan himet-op, dog I will kill to-morrow. PRONOUN. Chimariko, differing from a large number of languages in California, belongs to the class of incorporating languages. There are thus two forms for the personal pronoun, the independent and the incorporated. 322 University of California Publications. E-^^. Arch. Eth. INDEPENDENT PEESONAL PEONOUN. In general, as already stated, the independent form is rarely used. A complete paradigm can not be given, as it proved im- possible to get from any of the informants the second and third persons plural, they invariably using either the numeral two, or some word equivalent to many or several. So far as obtained the forms are as follows : Singular. Dual. Plural. 1. nout noutowa (excl.) mamutowa (incl.) natcidut 2. mamut 3. hamut It will be seen that, as in so many American languages, the pronominal stems of the first and second persons are based on n and m. The independent forms are derived from the stems no- and mam- by the addition of the emphatic suffix -ut. The form given for the third person is only rarely used, a demonstrative form, pamut, paut, pat, generally taking its place. Although the material secured is not entirely clear on this point, it is prob- able that there are, in addition to a simple plural formed by the addition of what is apparently a plural suffix -ate, also both an inclusive and exclusive form, derived from the first and second persons singular. On the other hand, it is possible that these two forms are really the first and second persons dual. DEMONSTEATIVES. Two demonstratives are known with certainty. These are formed with the stem qe-, near the speaker, here; and pa-, at a distance, there. These stems take the intensive suffix -ut, becom- ing thus qewot, qat, this, and pamut, paut, pat, that. INTEEEOGATIVES. The interrogative pronouns are derived mainly from a single stem qo-, qa, and are as follows : qomas or awilla who qatci or patei what qomalla where qosidadji q£lsuk why when qatala how many qatcu how far qatramdu how often Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 323 NOUN. CASE SUFFIXES. As might be expected from its being an incorporating lan- guage, Chimariko shows no trace of any syntactical cases. Locative and instrumental suffixes are largely lacking also, their place being taken in part by a small number of postpositions. The suffixes of locative or instrumental meaning derivable from the material at hand are only two : -dan, -danku, a general loca- tive or more commonly ablative, and -mdi, -mdu, instrumental. NUMBER. Number is not indicated in the noun, and no variation for number is made when nouns are used with numeral adjectives. There are, however, two suffixes sometimes used to indicate a collective. These are -hni and -tan, as in qa 'ahni, a lot of stones, many stones; itritan, a crowd, a lot of men. The latter suffix seems to be a shortened form of hetan, many. POSSESSIVE. The possessive is formed by affixing to the noun the proper pronominal stem. Two classes of possession are recognized, accidental and inherent. In the former, the pronominal ele- ments are always suffixed, and are -1, -mi, -ye, -ida,- tee, -qe, -ye, -ida ; in the latter they are always prefixed, and are tc-, m- h-. It will be seen that the same form of the pronominal element is used thus for inherent possession as is employed in intransitive verbs with stems indicating a quality or condition. Quality or condition may thus be thought of perhaps as more inherent in the subject than are motion or action, on stems denoting which the same pronominal elements are used as to indicate accidental possession. Examples of the use of the two forms are : Accidental : masomas-i my red-salmon awai'-i my bouse masomas-mi thy red-salmon awa-mi thy house masomas-ye his red-salmon awa-ida his house masomas-itce our red-salmon awa '-itce our house maHomas-qe your red-salmon awa-qe your house masomas-ye their red-salmon awa-ida their house 324 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. Inherent : teu-po my foot tcu-sam my ear mu-po thy foot mi-sam thy ear hu-po his foot hi-sam his ear Some question arises as to the two forms used in the third person where possession is accidental. The suffix -ye seems to be merely the interrogative, often found in use with verbs, so that this form should be translated : ' ' is it his ? ' ' The use of -da on the other hand offers much difficulty. This suffix is, in its uses, far from clear, although its normal force, as used with verbs, is participial. VERB. The discussion of the verb may best be taken up under two headings, first the various affixes used for syntactical or etymo- logical purposes, and second the stem and such modifications as it undergoes. PEONOMINAL AFFIXES. First in importance are the pronominal affixes. As stated in speaking of the pronoun, the independent forms are rarely used, and the subject and subject-object relationship is expressed instead by incorporated forms. In the intransitive, the pronominal affixes show some variety of form, and a rather puzzling irregularity of use. The affixes in question are as follows : Singular. Plural. 1. tc, i, y tc, ts, ya 2. m, mi q, qe 3. h, ' h As compared with the independent forms of the pronoun, it is evident that there is correspondence in the second and third persons, the first person being on the other hand entirely distinct. A further difference lies in the apparent absence, in the affixed form, of any distinction between inclusive and exclusive plurals. In use these pronominal elements seem normally to be prefixed. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko India^is and Language. 325 being so used in over seventy per cent, of the cases known. In the remainder of the instances they are suffixed, with one or two possible cases where they seem to be infixed. From the small number of instances of this latter usage, however, it is not ])os- sible to be sure that the syllable following the pronominal element is really a part of the verbal stem, "What principle determines the use of one or the other of these positions is obscure, such verbs as sing, work, be good, be blind, taking the elements as prefixes, whereas grow, die, be hungry, sick, take them as suffixes. One distinction can however be made, namely that verbs indicating action or movement invariably take the pronominal affixes prefixed. It will be seen that two wholly different forms are given in both singular and plural for the first person. In the use of one or the other of these, there is a fairly clear distinction in use. The first type, tc, is never employed with verbal stems indicating action or movement, but with those, on the contrary, which indicate a state or condition. On the other hand, whereas the second form, i, y, is invariably used with the former class of verbal stems, it is also employed with the latter, but is then always suffixed. In most cases, there is no confusion between the two forms, i.e., if the first person singular is i or y, the first person plural is ya. A few instances appear however in which this does not hold, and we have i in the singular, and tc or ts in the plural. In a limited number of cases also, either form may apparently be used, as qe-i-xanan, qe-tce-xanan, I shall die, i-saxni, tca-saxni, I cough. A phonetic basis is to some extent observable, in that tc or ts is never a prefix when the verbal stem begins with a vowel. As between i and y, it appears that the latter is always used before stems beginning with a vowel except i, whereas i is employed before stems beginning with i or with consonants. The first persons singular and plural are distin- guished from each other, where the form tc is used, only by a change of connecting vowel already pointed out. The pronominal elements as given, are, when used as prefixes, attached to the verb by means of connecting vowels. These, as stated in discussing the phonetic characteristics of the language, 326 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. often show some relation to the vowel of the verbal stem/- but this is noticeable chiefly in the case of o and u stems. The first persons singular and plural are distinguished from each other only by the change in this connecting vowel. As a rule, the first person singular is tco or tcu, whereas the plural is tea. In one or two instances, however, this seems to be reversed. The material collected to illustrate the use of the pronominal elements in the transitive verb, is unfortunately conflicting, and the lack of adequate text material here makes itself felt. In the transitive verb with nominal object the situation is clear enough. Here the pronominal elements used as subject are invariably prefixed, and are those used with the intransitive verbs indicating action or movement, i.e., the first person appears always as i, y, or ya. Where the object is pronominal, however, the usage is dif- ferent, as the following table will indicate : them ya- From this it is clear, that in the first and second persons, only the subject is expressed by a pronominal affix, and that the same form is used as with the transitive verb with nominal object. In the third person, on the other hand, it is the object rather than the subject which is expressed by the prefix, which here, in the me thee mm us ye I i- i- i-atci thou mi-, me- mi- mi he tcu-, tca- mi- ? tea-, ya- qo-, qa- we ya- ya- ya- ye qo- qo- qo- they tcu-, tca- mi- ha- tca- qo- 12 Much the same occurs in the possessive prefixes of the noun. The io\^ lowing are observed cases of the third person possessive on body part terms: Vowel of prefix same as that of stem: i: hi-wi, hi-mina, hi-ni, hi-mi, hi-ki, hi-pel, hi-tcipe, hi-pen. u: hu-truneu, hu-txun, hu-tsu, hu-tu, hu-sot, hu-po. a: ha-wa. Vowel of prefix differing from stem: i: hi-ta, hi-tanpu, hi-sam, hi- wax, hi -ma, hi-pxa, hi-pxadji, hi-txa, hi-txanimaxa, hi-taxai, hi-suma, hi-mosni. u: hu-si, hu-santcei, hu-tananundjatun. o : ho-wee, ho-napu, ho-xu. e: e-qa, e-quc. It will be seen that the connecting vowel of the prefix contrasts with the stem about as often as it differs from it, but the principle determining the choice of vowel — which is definitely fixed for each word — is not clear. Con- ditions in the verb are generally similar. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians mid Language. 327 case of the first person as object, is the other form, that namely in tc. In some cases, where the first or second persons are the subject, the independent form of the pronoun is used outside the verb to indicate the object. In other cases the independent forms were not iLsed, leaving the meaning apparently obscure. To some extent Chimariko in this respect resembles the neighboring Shasta, where also both subject and object are not always indi- cated by incorporated pronominal elements. In Shasta, however, this loss of definiteness is atoned for by the wide use of demon- stratives, which do not seem to be in use for the same purpose in Chimariko. In this connection should be mentioned the troublesome suffix -da, -ida, -inda, -tinda. This is frequently used with verbs, and was at first thought to be perhaps a demonstra- tive, but seems on the whole most probably to be simply the parti- cipial suffix -da, combined with the suffix of the present tense, -in, -ni. Examples of the use of pronominal elements with verbal stems are given below. Nominal object: i-mitcitni citeela I kick the dog mi-mitcitida citeela You kick the dog hi-mitcitni citeela He kicks the dog ya-miteitni citeela We kick the dog qo-mitcit citeela Ye kick the dog hi-mitcit citeela They kick the dog Pronominal object: i-mitcitni I kick you i-patni I poke you i-mamni I see you i-puimukni I pinch you i-mitcitinda I kick him i-patni pamut I poke him i-mamni I see him i-puimukni I pinch him i-mitcitnatci I kick you i-patnatci I poke you i-puimuknatci I pinch them me-miteitida You kick me me-patni You poke me me-puimukni You pinch me mi-mitcitni You kick him mi-puimuk You pinch him mi-mitcitida You kick us teu-miteitida He kicks me teu-hatni He pokes me 328 University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth. tcu-mamni He sees me mi-mitcitni He kicks you mi-hatni, mi-hatinda He pokes you ini-mamni(?) He sees you tca-mitcitinda He kicks us tca-puimuk He pinches us tca-mamni He sees us qo-mitcitinda He kicks you qa-hatni He pokes you hi-mitcitinda(?) He kicks them ya-mamni We see you ya-mamni We see him qo-mama Ye see me qo-mama Ye see him tcu-mamtinda They see me mi-mamtinda They see you A feature of considerable importance in the structure of the verb lies in the apparent use, although rarely, of nominal in- corporation, and possibly of complete incorporation of both subject and object pronominal elements. In the texts as obtained occur the forms apexadjit and apisuxta, translated respectively as "fire he steals" and "fire he throws away," The noun fire is apu, and the verbal stems -xadj, to steal, and -SUX-, to throw, occur frequently without any such apparent in- corporation of nominal object. As these are the only clear cases, nominal incorporation is hardly a characteristic of the language. The tendency toward such forms may however be seen also in the words for wink and to shake the head, (nu)sulaplap, (tcu)maitsat, the former incorporating the stem for eye (-sot-), the other that for head (-ma). A single instance of apparent incorporation of both subject and object pronominal elements occurs in the form ye-mam-i-xan, probably for ye-mam-mi-xan,. I-feed(eat)-you-will, I will feed you. As the verbal stem here ends in m, it is difficult to tell whether the i really stands for mi or is simply euphonic before the future suflEix. REFLEXIVE. The reflexive is indicated by the use of the suffix -eye, -yiye, -eiyeu, added directly to the verbal stem, the prefixed pronominal elements being the same as those used with the intransitive verb. i-tcut-eiyeu I strike myself mi-teut-eiyeu you strike yourself hi-tcut-liyeuni pamut he strikes himself Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 329 IMPERATIVE. The imperative is indicated in the singular by a prefix n-, which always takes the same connecting vowel between it and the verbal stem as the second person singular indicative. The verbal stem is in most cases used without suffix of any sort. For the exhortative "let us" the prefix of the first person plural, y-, ya-, is used, the verbal stem being similarly without suffixes. na-tak sing! ni-mitcit kick him! ni-puimnk pinch him! n-ama eat ! ya-tcxuai let us fight! ya-traxismu let us run! y-amma let us eat! FORMATIVE AFFIXES. Apart from the pronominal and the modal and temporal elements, there are two classes of affixes used with the verb. One of these is instrumental in meaning, the other is used to modify the idea of motion contained in the verbal stem. Ideas of instrumentality, as that the action is performed by the hand, foot, end of a long thing, and so forth, are expressed uniformly by means of prefixes. This is in accord with the usual rule of American languages, and with the usage of three of the stocks which are in close geographical proximity to Chimariko, the Shasta, Maidu, and Wintun. These instrumental prefixes are placed immediately before the verbal stem, and, so far as obtained, are as follows : a- with a long object e- with the end of a long object ma- f me- with the head mitci- with the foot tc- T tcu- with a round object tu- with the hand wa- by sitting on(t) Examples : ni-a-axiaxe nib with long thing (side off) n-a-klucmu knock over with bat ni-e-klucmu knock over with end of pole by thrust 330 University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth, ni-e-kmu ni-me-kmu i-me-klucmu ni-mitci-klucmu ni-mitci-kmu ni-tcu-klucmu ni-tu-klucmu ni-tu-kmu ni-tu-xiaxe ni-wa-tcexu roll log with end of pole roll log with head, by butting knock over with head, butt over knock over with foot, kick over roll log with foot knock over with a stone, ball knock over with hand roll log with hand rub with hand break by sitting on. Modifications of the idea of motion expressed in the verbal stem are indicated uniformly by suffixes, and not by prefixes. The meanings of some of these suffixes are not as yet wholly clear, and it is probable that the list could be extended by further material. -dam, -tarn, -ktam down -Ema into -Enak into -ha up -hot down -lo apart(f) -mi down (?) -puye around, about -ro up -sku towards -smu across -tap out -tpi out of -usam through -xun into xamples : nu-tu '-Ema jump into na-ar-ha climb up wak-ti-he-inda they travel about ni-sap-hot-mi slide down roof ni-tu-k-tam roll down with hand ni-tc-xa-lo pull out tooth hu-tsut-min he flies down hu-tut-puye he flies around hu-tsu-sku he flies toward ni-tu-smu jump across toward hu-tsu-tap-ni he flies out nu-tu-tpim jump out of nu-tu-tusam jump, run under ni-tcuk-xun-mi hammer into down (a nail) Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 331 TEMPORAL AND MODAL AFFIXES. As in the case of the last group, ideas of tense or mode are uniformly expressed by suffixes, and these suffixes invariably follow any suffixes of motion where these are used. In the case of the future, the suffix follows the verbal stem or suffixes of motion when the pronominal element is prefixed, but comes after the latter in those cases where it is suffixed. In addition to those here given, there are several suffixes of which the meaning is still obscure. -ni, -nin, -in, present, incompleted action: i-mam-ni I see you tcu-kei-ni he hears me sodr&-i-ni I bleed -sun, present. Used apparently as the auxiliary verb to be. -aJc, -k, past, completed action: I was hungry amemtuin-ak ya-hadan-ak ecomdum-qa-tc-ak-cur •gon, -xan, future: pala-tce-gon amemtu-tce-gon xani ye-hada-e-gon yo-wam-xanan hi-mum-han ye-ko-xanan •da, -ida, -inda, -tinda, present participle: puntsari-da anowesta itrila woman-being she whipped boy we were rich ye were cold then we shall be strong I shall be hungry by and by I shall be rich I shall go he will run I shaU kill him imim-da i-txa-Eni i-mam-ni samxun-ida hi-samxun-inda ye-ko-n qo-xowin-tinda i-mitcit-inda •ye, -e, interrogative: ma-ko-ye mi-ke 'e-ye -80op, conditional: mi-mum-soop ye-nuwec-xan himeta hitak-soop yu-wam-xan qS-soop -dialhin, dubitative: qe-tc-ok-dialhin nxi-mitcit-dialhin I stop running (running I stop) I saw him dancing I kill him while dancing (dancing I kill) ye being old, ye are old I (am) kicking him I are you going to kill met s do you hear met if you run, I shall whip you if it rains to-morrow, I will go if (I) should die. perhaps I shall be sick (sick-I-perhaps) you kick he may (he may kick you) 332 University of California PuUications. [Am. Akch. Eth. -hun, -nihun, continuative : ye-tak-nu-hun I continue to sing ye-man-hun I continue to eat -wet, continuative: i-mum-wet I run all the time ye-ma-wet I eat continually -tcai, desiderative : xo-wam-gu-tcai-nan not-go-not-wish -pu, interrogative. -xa, -xo, -xu, -xe, -gu, -Tc, negative: ma-xa-hada-nan you are not rich tco-xo-xu-nan I am not fat xe-tak-nan I am not singing pala-mi-gu-nan you are not strong me-xe-puimuk-unan you are not pinching me The negative is expressed in two ways, according as the pro- nominal elements are prefixed or suffixed to the verbal stem. In the former case, a prefix xa-, xo-, xe- is placed between the verbal stem and the pronominal element, and a suffix -nan added after the verbal stem or such other suffixes as there may be. The essential element seems to be x, the connecting vowel varying with that of the pronominal element and the verbal stem. In the first person singular intransitive, it is generally xe-, and the pronominal element is omitted. "Where the pronominal elements are suffixed, the negative affix is combined with -nan, and is placed as a suffix following the pronominal element, the x being changed to a g, and the connecting vowel sometimes drop- ping out, resulting in the form -gnan. In some cases, indeed quite frequently in the transitive verb, the negative affix appears twice, xo- or xu- preceding, and -gu following the verbal stem,^ Very commonly the apparently desiderative suffix -tcai is used with the negative, resulting in a form which may be translated ' ' do not wish to. ' ' VEEBAL STEMS. In a limited number of instances, a different verbal stem is employed in the plural from that in the singular. Not infre- quently, however, informants, on giving such forms, on closer questioning admitted that the singular stem might also be used, and that the variant stem first given for the plural might be Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 333 used also in the singular, i.e., the two stems were merely sjTQonyms. Only two cases were found which did not appear to be explainable in this manner, and the second seems only to belong partly to this category, inasmuch as the distinction holds good only in the present tense. Singular. Plural. Sit -wo- -pat- Bun -mum- -tcaxia- The verbal stems which have been isolated in the analysis of the material collected, are both monosyllabic and polysyllabic. Many of the latter are probably derivatives, but it has not been possible to analyze them as yet. The great majority of stems appear to be monosyllabic. inosyllahic: ap get off horse Ine shake, throw ar climb mai carry at strike man faU az lose, get lost maq roast bis split ma, ama eat dai pay mat find djek go in a boat mo fall ha, hoa stand mu make hai spit, vomit mum run ham carry pa smoke hap take down pak bur8t(f) hen, pen lick pat sit hue, xuc, ko8 blow pim play koc whisper po dig k roll poi sleep kat break, separate pu work U understand pu shoot ki lean pxel twist kini, gim float, hang qd die kir scratch qi carry on head klu slip, slide (Cf. lu) qo pour kluc knock over (Cf . luc) qo kiU kmu make, do (Cf. mu) qol shatter ko talk 8&P slide kot tattoo sax cough ku cut sek swallow kut keep(f) sik, sim accompany 16 hiccough eik cover up lot mash Bit sharpen lu drink six sweep lus drop an throw 334 University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth. sum look for ta pull, tear tak sing tos break tot bury tu fly txax abandon tra spread out, tear tcex break in two tei, tcit squeeze (?) tcu sleep Fdlysylldbic : adap grow ame hungry (Cf. am, ama, eat) mi 'ina, i 'ini like, love inada wait for koru bend licru lose luli, luri drop, fall maiuat alive nook recover oru reach up for B.edu'plicated: tudu jump pupul nod laplap, raprap wink tcum marry tcxua fight wa go, travel whek push wo cry wo sit xai make xadj, xatc steal xii swim xu whistle samut stay behind samxu dance trahu know tciwa sell wemtso gamble xaca yawn xatutu snore xaxo pull xiaxe rub xota watch lolo cut up potpot boil xexe sweep ADJECTIVES. Adjectival stems are commonly polysyllabic. The attributive and predicative forms are alike, and the former precedes the noun, whereas the latter follows. In their combination with the pronominal elements, some take these before, some after the stem,- as pointed out previously, but no rule has been found for the varied use. NUMERALS. The numeral system of the Chimariko is quinary up to ten and then continues decimally. Six is 1-cibum, seven is 2-sbum, eight is 4-cibum, nine is 1-tcigu, ten is sa'an-1, eleven is 1-lasut or 1-rasut, twelve is 2-risut or 2-lsut, thirteen is 3-risut or 3-ulsut, and so on regularly to twenty, which is two-ten, xoku-mtun Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 335 sa'anpun. Thirty is three-ten, xoda-m-tun sa'anpun, and one hundred is wood-one, pucua-pun. Numerals seem to be un- changed, and do not vary with things counted. POSTPOSITIONS. The paucity of locative suffixes in the noun is in part made up for by a few postpositions, which serve to point out locative ideas. But two have been tentatively identified, and their use may be seen from the following : awa xunoi yeaxu'nmoxanan house into I shall go pusua hiya'talot tcumu board it lies under CONNECTIVES. Chimariko is apparently rather destitute of connectives. In the text fragments secured, they do not appear at all, but the texts are clearly somewhat disjointed, and so do not serve as satisfactory material to judge from. The complete absence of connectives, however, seems to point to their comparative rarity. ORDER OF WORDS. The usual order of words is subject-verb-object, or subject- object-verb. In some cases, however, particularly when the sub- ject is pronominal, the order is reversed, object preceding subject. In the transitive verb when the independent pronoun is used as object, the order is regularly subject-verb-object. When one of two nouns stands in a possessive relation to the other, the possessor always precedes the thing possessed. CONCLUSION AND RELATIONS. Compared with neighboring linguistic families, Chimariko occupies a somewhat intermediate position. In phonetic character it lies rather between the smooth, vocalic languages of the Cen- tral Californian type, and the harsher, more consonantal North- western type. In this respect it is like the Shastan family, and may be regarded on the whole as belonging to that group. In its use of incomplete incorporation and its lack of plural it also 336 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. resembles this type, but differs from it in its lack of syntactical cases, and its greater paucity of nominal locative suffixes. In common with the Shastan languages, and some of those of Central California, is its use of verbal instrumental prefixes. It will be seen, therefore, that Chimariko does not fall distinctly into either the Central or Northwestern morphological group, and may more properly be regarded as belonging to the Shastan type. In the general classification of Californian languages recently proposed,^^ Chimariko was placed with the Northwestern type, but it was stated that it showed less clearly than the others of that group the distinctive features upon which the group was based. The considerable degree of similarity in grammatical and phonetic character between the Chimariko and the Shastan family, lends further interest and importance to certain curious features on the lexical side. Comparison of Chimariko with Hupa and Wintun shows practically nothing in the way of lexical resemblance, and in the case of Wintun at least, less than one might expect in the way of direct borrowing between two adjacent and friendly tribes. If comparison be made however with the Shastan family, a different situation is revealed, for between forty and fifty cases have been noted here, in which lexical correspondence is clear or probable. The similarities are found in words of varied classes, including parts of the body, animals, artificial and natural objects, and verbal stems. Further, a number of verbal instrumental prefixes and directive suffixes, and perhaps pronominal elements, show agreement also. So con- siderable a number of lexical similarities, and with so wide a range, brings up sharply the question how far such agreements" are to be regarded as due to borrowing. That one language should adopt from another a few words is to be expected; but can the possession of common forms for such fundamental words as head, ear, mouth, tooth, tongue, man, woman, fire, water, deer, rattlesnake, and several numerals, and such verbal stems as to eat and to see, be explained on this basis? The explanation of bor- roAving here is made more difficult in view of the further fact 13 Dixon and Kroeber, The Native Languages of California, Am. Anthr., n. s., V, 18, 1903. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 337 that the larger number of similarities are not between Chimariko and its immediate neighbor the Shasta, but between Chimariko and the Atsugewi and Achomawi, members of the Shastan family, but separated from the Chimariko by the whole extent of Wintun and Yanan territory. As has been pointed out," the Achomawi and Atsugewi are lexically widely divergent from the Shasta, and in many cases Chimariko agrees with forms in Achomawi or Atsugewi where their stems differ wholly from Shasta. If bor- rowing is the explanation of these agreements, then we must assume that the Chimariko and Achomawi and Atsugewi were formerly contiguous peoples, since separated by migration. Such movements must have been however relatively old, as no tradi- tions or other evidences of migration are observed. If, on the other hand, the similarities are regarded as of such character and number as to point to real genetic relationship, then we have another instance of the great degree of differentiation which has taken place within the Shastan family. That this is unquestion- ably great, is shown by both Achomawi and Atsugewi, and the problematical Konomihu, with which latter indeed, there are one or two agreements in Chimariko. The fact that, in spite of the close association of the Chimariko with the "Wintun, there has been practically no borrowing, and that the phonetics and gram- mar of the Chimariko show close similarities with those of the Shastan family, makes the probability of real relationship much greater. The following list illustrates the more striking instances of lexical agreement between the Chimariko and Shastan families : Chimariko. Shasta. Achomawi. Atsugewi. arm -tanpu lapau rapau armpit eileitcumuni amdjilex tumitcileha blood cotri icurii ear -sam isak isat eye -sot a'sa excrement -waxni wehki head -ma •na (Konomihu) 1 lax naxa intestines -pxa ipxai bitsxol bitsxaru leg -txan xatis liver -ci apci 1* Dixon, The Shasta- Achomawi : A New Linguistic Stock, with Pour New Dialects, Am. Anthr., n. s., VII, 213-217. 338 University of California Publications, [^m- Arch. Eth. Chimariko. Shasta. Achomawi. Atsugewi. milk ciira itsik etcit ateiska mouth (ha)wa au ap'bo ap'bo neck -ki op'ki teeth -tsu etsau itsa itsau tongue -pen, -hen chena man itri, itci ic woman puntsar daritci minridsara ant pelo 'a blamasa deer a 'a adau, arau raccoon yeto 'a toh'kaa rattlesnake qawu xowatid hauta wolf citciwi tciwa tsimu acorn yutri yummi willow pate 'xu baa patcu day ase atcaii assiyi fog aptum datumumdji fire a'pu pah 'yi smoke qe maqets stone qa kwasunip (Konomihu) sun alia tsul water aka atsa as ats 'si winter asoti astsui arrow sa sat (arrow- point) bow xapunou xau deer-trap haxaktca hatsda fishline, hook hamamegutca amai damanie spear hasunwedeu lasu nasu soup-basket poqela yapuk two xok'u xokwa hak hoki three xodai xatski tsasdi kiski five tsanehe fetsa tsanse to eat -am-, -ama- -am- -ammi- to carry -mai- -mu- to cry -wo- -wo- to dent -kxol- -qol- to drop -lus-, -lur- -lup- • to pull off -pul- -pil- to see -mam- -nima- -ima- with the foot mitei- tsi- with the hand tu- to- by sitting on wa- we- downwards -mi -mi- -mi across, through -smu -snu (into) out of -tap -ta I tc 8 s thou m m this qe qepi Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 339 In the present state of our knowledge of the extent to which borrowing has taken place in California at large, it is difficult to arrive at a definite solution of the question of the relationship of Chimariko with the Shastan family. The extent of the similarity in this ease, however, points to the necessity of a thorough investigation of the whole matter of borrowing throughout the state. The question also involves the much wider one of the real limits of genetic relationship, in the need of determining the character and number of agreements which shall be regarded as essential to establish common descent. TEXTS. The following text fragments comprise all that was secured. The translation is often doubtful, but as a rule, that which was given by my informant has been given, with queries where the meaning is evidently wTong. The same word is often spelled differently in different places, it seeming better to give the forms just as they were heard at the time, rather than to attempt to reduce them to a common spelling. Not infrequently the text forms differ from those secured in the paradigms of grammatical material. Explanations and discussion of uncertain points are given in the notes. I have attempted to give a running transla- tion of three of the tales, but they are so fragmentary and confused, that it is almost impossible. I. THE SOECEEER. himi'santo haa'tpikta^ tcima'r oha'tida^ hako't' (Sorcerer) he comes out a person shooting magically he kills pokelai'dop* itcxu'tduxta"^ tcima'r akodee'nda basket hiding it away a person missing him kowa'doknanda" puntsar wa'xni^ qowa'doknanda a'wa he does not return woman went away she did not return house natciwa'mda^ qowa'doknanda ho'wadokta^ qe'wokinda^" she went to she did not return she did not return ( ?) said she was sick wa'xni qowa'doknan" itse'xni miitu'm qa'suk" went away she did not return she took canoe why hoida'nda" qowa'dokdanda" ma'ta xunoi atcu'dat" did she not return she did not return sweathouse in he lay 340 University of California Publications, [-^m. Arch. Eth. upo track itcukar^" wa'mdaanda^'^ drowned he went off howa'mtanda hiwo'nda^" he has gone he stays hiwo'mda atcu'danda pun staying he lies down one hama'mdanda huwu'mxanan^^ he eats I am going amai'da huu'mxanan.^^ place I am going. wuqa'danda^^ (?) ima mni- I see him puntsa'ri woman dirae'da tomorrow owa'xtanda he went off xuxwo'danapton didn't look at him made'patinda (?) xuno'mnitclni Salmon River to NOTES. 1 ha-a-tpik-ta. The suflS^ -tpi, out of, seems sometimes to occur with a final k. The suffix -ta may be the participle. The stem is a. 2 The stem -hat- also occurs in the following: nihatxa, poke; nohat'oi, close window, -ida is the participial suffix. 3 Probably contracted from ha-ko-tinda. * Contracted from pokelaida-op. The suffix is the intensive. 5 This stem occurs also as -txat-. The suffix occurs also in himai'dukta, he carried it home. See note 6. 6 Ko is xo, negative prefix, -wa-dok, to return, from -wa-, -owa-, to go, and -dok a suffix apparently meaning backwards, or toward speaker. 7 Perhaps contracted from owa'xni. 8 Perhaps natci-awamda, we go. The first person plural has not been found elsewhere without the intensive suffix -dut. » Probably participial. 10 This stem also occurs as qedjok-, qetcok-. 11 Shortened from qowa'doknanda. 12 Interrogative of uncertain meaning. 13 Verbal stem here is obscure. Negative prefix ho- is xo-. 1* No explanation of the difference between -danda and -nanda could be secured. 16 The stem -tcu- is also used for to sleep. The ending -t occurring quite frequently in the texts, after participial and other endings, is found but rarely in the paradigms secured. Its function has not been made out.- 10 The stem here is -tcuk-. 17 Abbreviated (?) from howam'danda. 18 Literally his-f oot. 19 The stem appears to be qa-, which occurs also in nuqa'duha, lie on back, nuqa'ohunmi, lie on belly. 20 For hiwo'mda. The stem apparently also occurs as -warn-, as in iwa'mdaxanan, I'll stay. Owa-, -owam- on the other hand means to go. 21 Analyzed as i-mam-ni, i being the pronominal prefix of the first person singular, and -ni the suffix of the present tense. 22 Probably for howa'mxanan. The stem is owam, howam, with the future suffix -xan. 23 See previous note. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 341 II. THE FLOOD. wai'da howa'mda^ Eastwards going hiko'se'egon yu'triina it will blow live-oak acorns yu'tri ino'p* live-oak tree (?) huhoada'ndat^ iko'tkut° it blew nuwauk* he stood up citce'lla dog tcitindo'sa coyote citce'lla tcitindo'sa hitake'gon' dog coyote it will rain ma'wimuda'tcxun' tcitindo'sawi hold tight coyote teitcindo'sa exo'kiit® citce'lla coyote blew away dog pala'mixan® nuwau'k iko'tce^" Comeback! you shall be strong comeback! blows (T)" pai't" he said mowa m you go citce'lla dog ama'misudaye^^ is that your place a wawum'^ go back xowomgutcai'nan I do not wish to go nuwa'm^® po'lam go on! alone ya'tcxuai-" tcitindo'sa let's fight coyote a'mamiknati'nda^' that is not your place tcugu'tcen^* I do not want to awu'm^' la'mipukni^^ you are weak yeko'xanan I will kill you let's go tcitindo'sa hawe'da'® coyote he was angry with tcugu'tcen I don't want to yowa'mdaxanan^* I shall go ® awakdaxa'n^^ yuwau mm^ I'm going let's go around mago'lla^" yuwa'ktaktcai'nan^'' citce'lla xomi "inanan^ I do not want to go around dog I don't like mice'qe^* awakdaxa'n mica'kui^* "miceqe" let's go around nephew uncle husi'kdaktcai'nan^^ yetcu'mdaxanan^^ mice'qe tcitindo'sa he doesn't want to follow I'm going to get married " miceqe " coyote howa'ktayanaxa'nan^^ yetcu'mdan a'qitcu'kdarahut'* I am not coming back I am married water flood tcetre'tcexanan^' qe'wot tca'ldan a'wu we allshall die this metal mountain yawe'risam^^ homo'xat^* a'wa ya'mut we make holes through it fell down house we fix tca'xadjisen*" all do not wish a wa house yamu^" we will fix omu'xan'* all fell down qe'tce nunu hita'kta hipti'i" raining it snowed aqa' hitcu'kni" water it came aqitcu'kni*^ hita'kta** die (?) water coming raining itcuxu'nmit** ametcatra'djixan*'' hita'kta it got deep all will starve raining aqitcu'ksas ^'ye ( q ) etcexa'non pu'namar*' water comes all will die not one 342 University of California Publications, l^^- Arch. Eth. qudro'tpinan*^ aqidju'tkun*^ qeitci'yaxan qatus left water coming all will die Frog puhi'tsedan^" qeitci'yaxan qatus hidje'ktan^^ exa'tcei went about in boat all will die Frog he went in boat Otter aqi'ktan^^ hune'ri aqi'ktan tci'mar tcetra'xiit^^ pun he floated Mink he floated people all dead one me'matinda^* tci'mar hupo'n^^ tca'txun himat'ta"' person his rib bone he found ixotawe't^^ tca'txun iwoxu'nmila^' I look at it bone near sunset xaro'la ule'di^^ ma't 'ta alive itxa'ndakutat^^ I keep it xara'lima't 'ta"" baby find itxa'ndaguta'ndat®^ I keep it always aumgilo'da in basket hame'u^^ food baby small found a'mat®* ha'ralole'do ha'mat she ate baby-small she ate ole'da hiwo'f" puntsa'lla pun i'tri pa'tcigut^ sat girl epatma'mdat®^ puntsa'la girl small tci'mar xoku'lit®* persons we are two we remain puntsa'la amanii'da i'tri girl he fed man etaxa'nat" tci'mar many shall be people mahinoi'yat puntsa'la tcimar a 'a deer dah 'ta born I'trirop^*' that man awa'nhut I stay owelai'top^* boy etaxa'n had children girls people will be many none e'xapuda^^ hunting owelai'^^ little boy itrl'hida'^^ growing aqitcu'ktam water-flood hinoo'kni tco'tan hame'u i'trihinda qa'tci hia'daptcehanda^ (f) yu'tri growing now he'putciina live-oak acorns hatciani'nda are many ( ?) food is growing ameba'nda^^ mu'ne ameba'nda acorns are plenty black-oak are plenty amebanda ya'qa ameba'nda he'cigo are plenty white-oak acorns are plenty hazel tci'miana ameba'nda tcl'tci ameba'nda u'muli hie'tjumunda sarvice -berry are plenty manzanita is plenty salmon come many tsa'wi e'tjumunda^^ amata'nda ho'samhunita'nda^" eels are many they ate they danced he'uma'htanda^" hu'ktatandaman owa'ktiheinda^^ tci'mar gambled many go about they come people pohimta'nda hosa'm hiinide'u pohimta'nda^^ tci'mar they sleep dance (?) they slept people Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 343 wa'ktixeinda*^ hepata'nda'* ha'matanda ha'madeu*' went about they stayed they ate food hitxa'itanda^® xema'non^^ yuma'mxanan xema'non they finished I am not eating I'm going off I am not eating pomu'yen howa'mgutcainan qedjo'kni^* hutimhuktcai'nan I'm sleepy I'm not going I am sick follow I don't want to nuwa'man a'wam himollai' mowa'mimi 'ina®* you go let's go niece you want to go. NOTES. 1 Probably participial. 2 The more common future suffix -xan is sometimes -gon, as here, and elsewhere. 3 The verbal stem here is -imu-, to hold. The form is second person, future, the force of the suffix -ate being here obscure. 4 The more usual word for tree seems to be at 'a, atsa. B The usual stem for * ' to blow ' ' is -kos-, koc-, -xos-. This form -kot- appears again below, and also in hekoteu, tattoo-mark. The suffix -ku implies separation. « Another form of the stem for "to blow," seen also in tcoxu'zanan, I shall blow away, and in yoxun'ot, I whistle. 7 The stem is -hoa-, -ha-; seen also in yoho'adaxanan, I shall stand up, nuha'da, stand up! 8 With the imperative prefix n-. -wauk is probably a contraction from -watok-. Other forms are -wok-, -wak-, -wax-. 9 Pala- is the stem, -xan the future suffix, -mi the suffix of the second person singular. 10 The suffix -tee appears also in such forms as moxolitce, you are bad, maxawintcei, you are old. 11 The stem here is pa-. 12 Probably the same stem as -owa-. Occurs also in natcidut a'wam, we go, ya"aye, I go for, awu'm, let's go. 13 One of the apparent cases of infixed pronouns, la-mi-puk-ni. La- also occurs as la-i-dam-ni, I am tired, la-mi-dam-a, are you tired? 14 Apparently from a stem -tcai-, -tee-, to wish, desire. Seen also in such forms as xowa'mgutcainan, I won't go. 15 The stem is -ko-. Ye- is the pronominal prefix of the first person singular, -xanan the future suffix. 18 See note 12. IT Stem is -owa-. M- is the pronominal prefix of the second person singular. 18 Imperative. 10 The stem here is apparently -we-, seen also in tcawe'pan, I am angry with you, mawe'ni, you are mean, surly. 20 This stem -tcxua'- is seen also in yetcxua'xanan, I shall fight; metc- xua', have you been, are you fighting? 21 Y- is the pronominal prefix of the first person singular; the stem is -owa- and the suffix -ni is that of the present tense. 22 Ama-mi-su-da-ye. Perhaps "place-your-being"; see under Pronoun, possessive. 344 University of California Publications. [A-^- Arch. Eth. 23 The -k- here is the negative. 24 The use of the prefix -da with the suffix of the future is frequent. 25 Probably contracted from y-uwa-tok-da-k-tcai-nan, the -k- being the negative. For -tcai- see note 14; -tok-, -ok is a suffix meaning backwards. 26 The negative prefix xo-, with the stem -mi 'inan-. 27 See note 12. The -k- is here again negative. 28 An exclamation characteristic of Coyote, and frequently used by him. 29 Not the usual form, which is himollai. 30 Either maternal or paternal apparently. 31 The stem is -sik-, seen also in yusi'mxan, I'll follow; mexasi'-mnatc- xun, don't you follow. The prefix is that of the third person singular. 32 The stem is -tcum-. 33 The prefix h- is apparently the negative, which is more usually x-. 34 Obscure. The same stem appears in nitcu'ktam, to lie on ground, of a round thing; also perhaps in hitcu'kni, he drowns. 35 Probably modified from tcet-qe'-tce-xanan. The use of tee- both before and after the stem -qe-, to die, seems intended to intensify the meaning, we all. 36 The stem here is -mu-, appearing also in i'muxanan, I will fix. The prefix is that of the first person plural. 37 The stem is -wer-, -wel-, seen also in hawe'lsamni, it goes through a hole. 38 Translation doubtful. Probably homu'xat, from the same stem as ya'mu. 39 See note 38, 40 Translation doubtful. Apparently tca-xa-djisen, the stem -dji- being perhaps related to -tcai-, to wish, desire. 41 See note 34. 42 Probably participial. The stem -tak- seems to be homophonous with that for to sing. 43 The stem is apparently -pui-, not to be confounded with -pu-imu- as in i-pui-mukni, I pinch (with-fingers-press, hold-tightly). 44 Probably hi-tcu-xun-mi-t. The prefix tcu- indicates a bulky object. The stem -xun- appears also in nitcuxu'nmi, pound down a nail; notsoxu'n- mu, bore a hole; ni'axunmutpu, put cap on pen, cover on box. The suffix -mi seems to refer generally to the ground, or motion downwards, as nya'tmi, a flat thing lies on ground; nuqa"ohunmi, lie on belly. 45 See note 35. The two forms seem to be identical, except for the addition here of ame-, meaning hunger. 46 See note 34. 47 Pun is the numeral ' ' one. ' ' 48 Translation doubtful. The suffix -rotpin occurs in the forms pu'n- usrotpin, one left; xo'kosrotpin, two left. 49 Probably aqi-tcut-xan, for aqi-tcuk-xan. See note 34. 50 The stem seems to be -tse-, seen also in itse'xni, she took boat. 61 The stem here, -djek-, tcek-, seems to be related to that in itse'xni, 52 Probably participial. Two explanations of this form seem possible, either aqi-k-tan, water-rolling (-k-, to roll, move over surface), or (h)a- qik-tan, the stem -qik- being for -qim-, -kim-, seen in aki'mni, he floats. 53 See note 35. 54 Compare ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive; ma-mi-mat-a, are you alive? 55 Po is elsewhere always used for foot. Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 345 56 Stem is -mat- seen also in ima'tni, I find. Probably participial. B7 Other comparable forms are, miti'nda kutaxa'na, shall you keep it; icehe'nda kutaxa'na, I shall keep it. Itxan is the word for leg. 58 The stem is apparently -xota-, seen also in: ixo'taxanan, I shall watch; yaxotai'yaxan, we shall look for. The xo- does not seem to be the negative. The suffix -wet is a continuative. Compare imu'mwet, I run cointinually; yema'wet, I eat constantly. 69 If -wo- is the stem, this means to sit, as in i'wo, I sit ; hi'wotinda, he sits. For -xun- see note 44. The ending is puzzling. 00 Apparently a case of nominal incorporation, xarala-himat 'ta, baby- he-finding. Another form for the noun was given as xalu'la. 61 Small is ule'da. This is apparently run together in rapid speech with hima't'ta. 62 See note 57. 63 Noun formed from the stem -am-, -ama-, to eat. 64 The usual form would be ha'ma. The pronominal prefix of the third person is however quite frequently omitted. The final -t here and in other cases does not occur in the paradigms of verbal forms secured. 65 From puntsar, woman. The suffix -la occurs in many names of ani- mals and of relations, the form here being probably puntsalla, the inter- change or equality of r and 1 being clearly marked in many words. 66 See note 59. 67 Derived from the demonstrative stem pa-. Other derivatives are seen in patcea'mku, something; patci, what; pa'tcigun, no. The suffix -gun, -gut is the negative. 68 Probably for xoku'litca. Cf. tcima'rtca, we are men, Chimarikofl. 69 The stem -pa- occurs also in ya'patcen, we stay with. 70 The intensive suffix -op, -ot. Refers to the particular man previouBly spoken of. 71 The stem is apparently -pu-, to shoot. The xa- may be the negative, in the sense of not shooting, i.e., stalking, hunting, I stalk game being given as yexapo'unu. The same prefix (?) occurs apparently also in nexadu'mxu, cook, boil it! 72 The usual word for boy is itri'la. This same stem appears again in owe'liila, bachelor. 73 From eta, many, with future suffix and final -t. 7* See note 70. 75 Literally ' ' man-becoming. ' ' 76 The only comparable form is na'tap, sift! 77 Elsewhere the stem ame- means hungry. 78 Perhaps connected with eta, many. 79 The stem is -samxu-. Cf . isa'mxuni, I dance ; misa'mxuni, you dance. 80 The more common stem is -wentso : hiwe'mtson, he gambles. 81 In the paradigms secured, this is given as owa'kni, or owa'ktinda. 82 The stem is -po- or -poi-. Cf. poi'mni, I sleep; pomu'yen, I am sleep- ing; poa'nmu, are you sleeping? 83 See note 81. 84 See note 69. 86 See note 63. 86 The stem is apparently -txa-. Cf . itxa'Eni, I stop, cease. 87 Negative. Cf . ma'mut maxa'mana, you are not eating ; na'tcidut ya'xamanat, we are not eating. 88 Derived from the stem qe-, to die. 89 Compound form, from -wa-, -owa-, to go, and -mi 'ina-, to wish. 346 University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth. FEEE TEANSLATION. Dog and Coyote were travelling eastwards. Dog said, "It is going to rain, it is going to blow. Hold tight to a live-oak tree." It blew, and Coyote was blown away. Dog stood there and called, ' ' Come back, you shall be strong. ' ' Coyote did not wish to, for he was angry with dog. The latter said, ' ' Let us fight, ' ' but Coyote declined. After some discussion they agreed to travel about, and get married. A flood was coming on, in which they believed they would be drowned, so they tried to make a metal (?) house, but it fell down. Water came, it rained and snowed, and all people were starved and lost. Frog was floating in a canoe, and Otter and Mink floated on the water. Prog found the rib of one of those who had been drowned. At sunset it became a baby, which was put in a basket. The girl baby grew up, and married Frog(?), and to them a child, a boy was born, and by and by there were many people. There was an abundance of food then, and people went about eating and dancing, and living as they do now. III. THE UNSUCCESSFUL HUNTER. exapu'umut^ He hunted hako'nwadukta^ he didn't kill hl'tcip himai'dukta^ his thigh he carried back hutrine'u* imai'dukta tca'koasun^ a 'a kogutxu'kni^ intestines he brought back I'm good hunter deer you don't like me i'trirok^ aqa' ya'aye* pu'ntsarop yatcaxi'sxun^ wise'da that man water I go for that woman they ran off down river awa'tmun axa'wayaguktcainan^^ ewo'mut^^ i'trirop went did not want to come back he cried that man kuto'kkutcai'dananda^^ tcum^* tcum tcisi't hatcise'nda^'* never coming back (?) (?) I said not following ewo'maminda^^ i'trirop i'trirop ewo'munda pu'ntsarop still crying that man that man crying that woman xomi"inanan xowa'mgutcai'danan uwi'r ya'patcen^^ uwi'r I don't like I do not wish to go (?) we stay (?) ya'pa'en xowa'mgutcainan yowa'manda xo'wadumguteai'nan we stay with don't want to go I going don't want to go home again awa'mai ya'pat hisi'k tcutcxe'mun elo'hni (?) (?) good (?) (?) xowa'mgutcai'nan tcugu'tcen xomai'muktcainan^* hi'midanda^* I don't want to go I don't want to I don't want to carry it is heavy tcxale'gu-" imai'momen^^ xuxodaktcai'nan^^ xugonaktcai'nan^' light-not I carry I don't want to watch I won't talk to you Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 347 tcudi "ineman tcupi'tan'** xowa'mgutcainan (t) my foot is sore I don't want to go moxolige 'euni^" teu'itcxemun^" xowa'mgutcainan tcumai'idan you are no good I drag away (?) I don't want to go I carrying tcuwa'xyen exe'u itcxu'Enan^^ yexo'yexanan^ (?) imi "inan I like shell I like I'll go and swim tra'wel ule'tcida hetce'tcoi suckers xatci'la children m maqai roast it! ye'man let's eat na'ma eat! (?) nima'qai roast it! trout little yeko "oxan ameqe'eda^" ye'man I'll kill dying of hunger let's eat xema'non^^ Iti'in^^ lumi'gina'ye I am not eating I drink don't you drink nitcxu'cki no'mux^^ put it in fire fix it ! mukuwa'tkunat^* ice'mdamdan^^ you did not come I have been listening xemakteai'nan tcu'xoda'mdan I don't want to eat you look at me xama'nan qo'ma aqa'deu komatra'sni not eating grass- seed grass -seed yellow daisy tci'ntcei tcexa'ma kowatcu'mxu pe'tsoneu sunflower-seed a sort of flower (f) (t) exeu trxol shell crayfish poqe'mtrolla small suckers hama' 'axan they will eat naupi' yexadumxode'u I cook soup nexadu'mxu cook it! xe'ma 'axanan shall not eat pohmu'mdan^® sleeping tremu'mtxu a yellow flower yemo'rna (») NOTES. 1 See note 71, text II, 2 The stem is -ko-, to kill. Cf . yeko'xanan, I shall kill you. The suffix -duk is uncertain. Cf. xowa'doknanda, he didn't come back; itcxu'tduxta, I hide it away. See following note and note 6, text I. 3 Possibly a case of nominal incorporation, from (hi)tcipe, thigh and himai'dukta, carrying back. Cf. nimai'mu, you carry it! imai'muxan, I'll carry it. * A nominal form in -eu, formed from a stem -tri- ( ?) of unknown meaning. 5 Apparently from -ko-, to kill. This form is obscure, as the pronomi- nal suffix tea- is not elsewhere used as subject of a transitive verb, but as object. Cf. pa'ut tca'kotinda, he kills me. The use of -sun which else- where has the force of the auxiliary verb "to be, " is also unusual. « The prefix ko- is probably the negative. T Probably for i'trirop. 8 The stem is -a- (Cf. -wa-, -owa-). See note 1, text I. 9 The stem is -teaxis-. Generally used as the plural for "to run," another stem, -mum- being used in the singular. 10 Probably from -wa-, -owa- to go. The suffix is undoubtedly -muni, upwards, the -ni being the present tense ending. 348 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 11 The stem seems to be -wa-, with the negative prefix. The usual form of the ending is -gutcainan. 12 From -W0-, to cry, weep. 13 Obscure. There is no stem clear, -tok- being elsewhere always united with some regular verbal stem, sometimes with the meaning of back, returning. Perhaps abbreviated in rapid diction from xowato'k- gutcaidananda. 1* There is a stem -tcu- which means * ' to sleep. ' ' Cf . yetcu'yegon, 1 shall sleep. Another stem -tcum- has the meaning of "to marry." Cf. yetcu'mdaxanan, I shall get married. 15 The usual stem for ' * to follow ' ' is -sim-. Cf . yusi'm, I follow, go with; mexasi'mnatcxun, do not follow me! i« See note 12. 17 See note 69, text II. 18 The stem is -mai-. The suffix -mu is uncertain, although it apparently indicates direction of motion. 19 The stem appears to be -mi-. 20 The suffix -gu here appears also in such forms as xani'gu, by and by ; curaigu, some time ago. It is probably the negative affix. 21 See note 18. 22 This is apparently xu-xo-da-k-tcai-nan. There seems to be a redupli- cation of the negative prefix, but other examples occur, where -xota- as a stem means simply to watch, observe, as ixd'tanhun, I watch; ixd'taxanan, I shall look at. Ta- alone has no meaning applicable here. 23 The stem is -go- or -go 'na-. Other examples are nego 'Ena, talk to me ! ; igo 'enegon, I '11 talk to you. 2* Doubtful. The possessive prefix of the first person singular is evi- dent, but the remainder of the word is not clear. The stem for ' ' foot ' ' is elsewhere always -po-. 25 The stem here is clearly -xoli-, or -xuli-, meaning bad. Other examples are tco'xoligni, I am bad; qoxoye'uteeyi, are ye bad; xuli'da, he is bad; xuli ma'takni, you sing poorly. The suffix -eu may be that used to form nouns from verbs, so that the form here would be "you are a bad-one." 28 Apparently tcu-itc-xe-mun. The stem -xe- occurs also in niexe'xe sweep! The prefix tc- is a very common one, and seems to be similar in its meaning to t- or to-, meaning with the hands, or by force. Other instances of its use are ni-tc-xe-tpik, pull out nail; ni-tc-xa-lo, pull out tooth; nu-tc-oru-ha, reach up for, etc., etc. 27 The stem is -tcxu- or -tcxuE-. Other instances of its use are ya'- tcxuunan, I wish, want (to eat) ; mitcxu'ima, you wish, want. 28 The stem is -xu-, as in ixu, I swim ; nixu'yaxana, shall you swim t What seems to be the same stem however is used with several other mean- ings, as : tcoxii'xanan, I shall blow away ; noxu', whistle ! ; tco'xun, I am fat; qa'xunda, ye are fat, etc. In this latter case, the u is generally short however, but it is certainly long in the other cases. 29 The stem is -mi'ina-. Other examples are: xomi"inanan, I don't like you; mexemi 'inanan, you don't like me. Cf. tcudi'ineman above. 30 Probably ame-qe-da, I am dying of hunger. See note 45, text II. 31 See note 87, text II. 32 The stem is lu-. Cf. lumi'ginaye. 33 See note 36, text II. 34 Perhaps for mu-ku-wa-tok-gu-nat with the negative affix repeated. 35 The stem is apparently -cem-. See note 10, text IV. 36 See note 82, text II. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 349 FREE TRANSLATION. A man went out to hunt, but secured nothing. So he carried back hia thigh and his intestines, saying, "I am a good hunter." His wives sus- pected, and did not like him. They said, "We will get some water." Then they ran away. (The remainder seems to be wholly unconnected, my informant maundering on until she was tired.) rv. THE THEFT OF FIRE. Waida howamda apexadjit^ tcitindosa xatcile pun Eastwards he went fire -steal Coyote child one xexadjit^ tcitindosa mice'qe himu'kta apisu'xta yuwau'mia he stole Coyote "mieeqe" running fire throwing I go mice'qe yaxatcl'ya pa'tcimam^ itukmiisun* mice'qe "mieeqe" I steal everything I make " miceqe " yuwau'mxanan mice'qe kimidjunu'mdju'^ yowamxa'nan I shall go " miceqe " to the head of the river I'll go yuwaumxa'nan wise'da puntsa'r e'tasun mice'qe a'ma I'll go downriver woman many are "miceqe" place yuwaupa'kasun mice'qe a'ma pun xo'nasun" mice'qe I go around "miceqe" place one I'll not "miceqe" lure'djasun xu'mde tcitindo'sa tcusato"mun qa'qatce quick (f) Coyote I choke a bird nti'wam tcusato "Emun^ tce'tc^ nu'wam tcusato"Emun go! I'm choking Buzzard go! I'm choking yekoxa'nan na'tcidut a'wam iwa'mdaxanan* xe'qoqtcainan I'll kill you we go I'll stay I won't kill him tci'marut qe'sop® xu'nogidji mice'qe nagi'tcuk ice'ratina^"* people if die I'll get well (?) "miceqe" (f) listening (t) imitcici'gut" we'lmu mice'qe yowa'mxanan mice'qe I kick it open quickly "miceqe" I'll go "miceqe" tcu'sigasun^^ mice'qe ye'koxanan mice'qe me'xemi 'inanan I'm handsome " miceqe " I'll kill "miceqe " you don't like me mice'qe megutxu'kni xuwo'ktcainan hame'u I'tciknan" "miceqe" you don't like me I don't want to come back food not growing hame'u pa'tcigun hame'u idan mitcxuu'na^* mowa'mxana food none food (f) do you like you shall go xusi'raJiuktcainan tcugu'tcen iwo'mdaxanan tcusi'mxanan I don't want to follow I don't want to I'll stay me shall follow 350 University of California Puhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth. tcugu'tcentama I don't want cu'nuhulaigulan old woman only itre'iguktcaidanan (?) he'wu all right itre'igulan men only i'nadaxan I'll wait a man place xatcile'gulan children only i'woxanan^^ I'll stay xatcile'gulan children only xotxa'gutcainan I don't want to stop xowa'xgutcainan I won't go off itricuxai'deu^^ tcoxogo'anatan^^ xowo'ktcainan yowa'mxanan I'm a chief they don't talk to me I don't want to return I'll go i'woxantin iwa'togegon ye'tcuyegon^^ iwo'mtegon iwau'tegon I'll stay I'm coming back I shall sleep I'll stay I'll come yuwa'togegon qedeegon^^ xowa'toknop isumda'mdegon^" I'm coming back will pay (?) I may not return I'll seek (?) you mowa'tokatcxun^^ miwo'mtohon^^ yuwau'gegon you better all return you stay I'll go me 'inada'mdatckun misamda'mdatekun me 'inade'atckun-^ do ye wait for me do ye all listen do ye wait for me ye'teudamdegon mowau'gatckun yowa'tokegon yeaxte"egon ye all return I'll return I'll get lost tcima'r imamde 'egon ixota'mdegon people I shall see I shall watch yuwamxa'nan amemtu'ini ulu'idaitee I'll go I'm hungry my brother mekoi'tee yowa'mxanan yuwo'kegon brother-in-law I'll go I'll lie down igo 'na'mdegon I'll talk to them xowa'toknegon I'll not come back yowa mxanan I'll go yuwa'tokegon I'll return imi man I like you teo'kehen (?) yuwawu mxanan I'm going home ya'patmamda we'll sit I'll return yeuye'ke 'egon three yuwa mxanan I'll go yekoi'yaxanan teugu'teen I'll kill I don't want to axamgutcai'danan^* don't want to go xotai'retce mowa mxanan are yougoing xa'tciteenta pola all lazy alone husamutni^^ he stays la'mipukni^" pa'laidje yuwa'mni xokole'tce you are weak I'm strong I go two of us iwo'mdaxanan nuguwa'mna niwo'mta I shall stay don't go! stay iko'modaxanan" mo'xogoanan niya'tcima mame'ini niko'moda I'm going to talk don't you talk laugh! (?) talk! awa mxanan will go pala'djesun I'm strong awa'mxanan will go isu'mdan I look for Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 351 nuwau'm nixo'ta mugu'teen^* yowa'tokxanan go back! look at me you don't want to I'm coming back miwomdatexun mowa'mkunaxana po'moxana mice'mxana you stay aren't you coming back? shall you sleep you'll listen po'la iwa'megonye xokole'tce awa'mxanan xa'rale nikl'da alone I shall go two of us will go child carry mugu'tcen ni'ceheda^® tre'ulot^° nicehe'm xai'rot'^ you don't want to take it that big one take it! that little one nikl'da yowa'mxanan niceheda po'la iwomte'egon carry! I'll go take it! alone I'll stay nuwa'mhini tcugu'tcen nowa'man ameqe'eni noha'tamda'^ goon! I don't want to go! I'm dying of hunger look at me! nitcu'kta^^ tcugu'tcen nowa'mliini xowa'mgutcainan hi'ye take it (?) I don't want to goon! I don't want to go (?) tce'pini nateu'da na'xaman hame'u muputce'tceaxini (?) lie down! don't eat! food you are too lazy (?) titee'ndakeye miwo'rhanaqe mugu'tcen a'wam tcugu'tcen (?) (?) you don't want to let's go I don't want to teupi'tan xowa'mgutcainan tcupi'tan^* ye'tupmoi na'tcidut my foot sore I don't want to go my foot sore (?) we nuhwe'aqi yamai'ta imai'ta puntsa'r itri puntsa'rie (?) my place (?) (?) woman man wife ulu'idaida miko'modahanxani yowa'mxanan hisi'kni xole'ini sister you will talk I'm going good bad iko'modaxanan yako'onewa mo'xoligositce^^ micehe'mxana I will talk we are going to talk you are no good are you going to take him mowa'mxana nuwa'man xosi'mgutcai'nan tcugu'tcen are you going go on ! I don't want to follow I don't want to xomi"inanan qaqo'n qo'ni niko'muda ko"omitcxun I don't like you you kill me I cry out I talk you better cry out ano'tci laibu'kni poimu'yen yahai'tca^" he'u awa'man (?) weak I'm sleepy let's get food all right we'll go na'tcidut xowa'mgutcai'nan nowa'man xowoktcai'nan we I don't want to go go on! I don't want to stay mitciumaxa'na madaqa'na^" awa'm yaxo'da nisu'kta^' (?) you sing let's go we look look back! himo' aqe'mtuini*® lu"mixana nuwa'gai*" yuwa'dkun*^ yes I'm thirsty shall you drink come on! I'm coming 352 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. ima'nmi lu'umitcehin tci'rhatce yuwa'man iko'ktaxanan*^ I see him you drink (?) I'm going I shall growl iko'ktayexanan mowa'mgunaqo'sexanan*^ yuwa'mni I'll go and growl aren't you going to go? I'm going iko'mutaxanan iko'ktasun qosamut ye'woxanan** I shall talk I always growl you stay I'll give you ma'musqo'sexana he'wu mowa'mxana ye'koaxanan no'nu shall you give him too yes are you going I'll kill him don't xo'mamguteai'nan nowa'man iwo'mdaxanan tri'rhatcen I don't want to see you goon! I'll stay (?) nowa'm tcugu'tcen ni'koxun mala' nuwa'm heu himo' goon! I don't want to cry out! (?) goon! yes yes miko'moda yeeni a'ta magollai ma'tri'i matco'lai you talk (?) (?) uncle nephew grandmother matrici' ulu'idai matco'lai ma'la'i muta'lai masa'lai nephew brother grandmother maternal sister mother's sister (?) himo'lai a'ntxasai xa'wilai ulu'idaxaiye mitei'nlulai father's sister's child older sister paternal grandfather younger sister (?) NOTES. 1 Apparently nominal incorporation. Cf. apisu'xta, below. 2 The usual third personal prefix is here strengthened to x-. 8 Cf . patci, what; patcea'mku, something; patcigun, no, none. * See note 36, text II. The prefix tu- seems to mean actions done with hands. The stem is puzzling. In several cases, -kmu- seems to mean "to roll," as nimitei'kmu, roll with foot; nie'kmu, roll with end of stick; nime'kmu, roll with head. There is a common suffix, however, -mu, which seems to have somewhat variable directive meaning and function, as nai'mu, chop; mise'kmu, swallow; ipe'nmu, I lick; iya'tmunip, I lay down a flat thing. If -k- is the stem, its meaning is general, as we have nitcu'ktcan, drive nail; nu'kmak, comb hair, etc. 6 Probably a place name. 6 Perhaps related to inam, I touch. Cf . inadaxan, page 350, third line of text. 7 The stem is -satoE-. The meaning is said to be choking because of rapid motion. 8 The stem is -warn-, -wom-. » Conditional suffix. 10 Apparently first person. The stem is -cem-. 11 The prefix mitci- meaning actions with the foot. The stem does not occur elsewhere. 12 The stem is apparently -siga-. Cf. misiga'sun, you are handsome. 13 The stem here, -itci- apparently is the same as -itri-. See note 75, text II. 14 See note 27, text III. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 353 15 The m of -worn- seems to have disappeared here. 18 Chief is itrixaideu. The pronominal element here is inserted appar- ently into the structure of the noun, which may perhaps be analyzed as itri, men, -xai-, stem for to make, create, and the suffix -eu which usually forms nouns from verbs. IT The stem is -go- or -go'na-. Cf. note 23, text m. 18 The stem is -tcu-. Cf. yaxutcu'ixan, we shall not sleep; yetcuda'm- degon, I shall lie down, sleep. 18 Cf . idai'goxan, I shall pay ; tcadai'gunip, we pay. 20 Cf. isu'mni, I follow. The suffix (?) -dam occurs also in such forms as meinada'mda, you look for me; yetcu'damdegon, I'll lie down. 21 The suffix -ate seems to denote plurality. Cf. nateidut=(?)noatci-dut. 22 Probably for miwo'mtaxan. 23 The stem is apparently -inada. 24 The usual form is xowamgutcaidanan. 25 Cf. i'samutni, I come back; ya'samuta, we come back. 28 Apparently a case of infixing the pronominal element. Cf . la'tcipukni, I am weak. 27 The stem here is clearly the same as in the next word. It is tempt- ing to regard the -mo as perhaps an incorporated second personal objec- tive element, but there are no other cases to support this view. Cf. nikomoda, talk, speak! 28 See note 14, text II. 29 The stem is apparently -cehe-. See next line. 30 Shows the use of the intensive suffix -ot, with an adjective. 31 Perhaps related to xara'li, zaru'la, baby. 32 Elsewhere -xotam-. 33 The stem -tcuk-, or what appears to be but one such stem, has many meanings. As itcu'ktamnip, I put down a round thing; nitcu'ktcan, drive a nail; tcuitcu'kni, I drown; nitcu'klo, pull off button. See note 34, text II. 34 See note 55, text II. 35 See note 25, text III. 30 The stem -hai- elsewhere has the meaning of to spit, to vomit. 37 The stem is -tak-. Cf. yetakni, I sing; ya'tak, we sing. 38 This stem does not occur elsewhere. To throw is -sux-. 39 Cf. ame'mtuini, I am hungry. 40 Perhaps for -wauk- contracted from -watok-. 41 Perhaps for yuwa'tokun. 42 By * ' growling ' ' was meant, it was explained, ' ' talking big. ' ' 43 The suffix -qose apparently means "also, too." 44 Meaning doubtful. The stem -wo- elsewhere means to cry, whereas -wo- is the form used in the singular for * ' to sit. ' ' FEEE TEANSLATION. Coyote went eastwards to steal fire. There was one child only of the owner at home. Coyote stole the fire, and ran off down river, where there were many women. He ran so fast that he choked, then surrendered the brand to a bird, who did likewise, giving it up to the Buzzard. (The latter portion of this tale also is apparently extremely confused, and it seems impossible to make any connected sense out of it.) 354 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. V. A MYTH.13 nise'it^ iwot^ mata hi'wot^ atcalaitaii hiwot^ North lived sweathouse lived with his grandmother lived dwatgu't^ oa'mta* owa'temut owa'mdawa'temut badji'mdu'' started went went up went up-stream what for imamatcimi*' waituamtuwatmut ba'tcikitci^ owatmut have you come? come back come back went wa'ita* i'tusait iwo't^ uwa'wuktan tcimar Ida't** west where his sister lived you must talk people many eicimit'ni' ca'ik!'et^° hoxada'ktca'nat" tsusutaiik-e'et come to see the dance I am ashamed I don't want to watch do not be ashamed xe'manat^- nimamic^^ hoca'nkunit^* hotcapunat^^ yua'mta^^ I do not eat (?) (?) not dance I know nothing arrived bo'unmut" equ'ictan^* a'maniku'mkiyat ni'tcaho'dat^® slept what do you say? you act foolishly have you sense? xa'nimnosainoxosa'n^" lu'it^^ idji'tmit^^ yaca'mkunit-' do you know what you do? drink I sit on one side that is why I dance yasa'iuta^* i'djitmi naxama'nan^^ qosi'n^® imica'nkunit^^ thus I do I sit do not eat how did you dance? noxopi'nmi^* ma'iki'et^" a'manot-^ yuwa'tmun^" not^^ i'qorok^^ do not play are you ashamed? recently I came I my language ml'qot^^ mldjapti^^ miqowe'g' an"^* xo'lik maliniqo'nag' an^^ you speak do you know you will always talk that bad you will always have to talk aqo'sit e'wanmu^" o'u 'xaik'e'nan^° ba'tcaamni^^ why do you cry? you are no good no'xojimta^* iqo'iorot^^ dira'mda qe'g'edatci djewn imanmi^* you do not know long ago pray large look for moxolikaxa'winta**' ba'dja^^ muxa'inat*^ dira'mda mi'teapu'ta^'^ two old men sat nothing made long ago you know otuntsa*^ yaca'mkunaxan^^ etcut*^ feathers we will dance long 13 Obtained in 1901 by Dr. A. L. Kroeber from Doctor Tom, the Chi- mariko informant mentioned below in connection with the vocabulary. While the thread of the story cannot be made out from the disjointed narrative, it evidently is a myth. Doctor Tom passes among the Indians as being more or less out of his mind. As he is old and knows practi- cally no English, the translation had to be given by him in the Hupa language, with which Dr. Kroeber is unacquainted, and translated into English by a Hupa. While loose, it is however shown to be approxi- mately correct by the analysis that can be made of many forms. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 355 yaxo'taxan** mukice'ta*^ onicnema'ri naijidiji'train" we will see you do not wish to go once more we must go then they stay yupqa'radjimni ixo'taxanen*^ pa'tcuyama** ba'tca I get up now I will see him what will we eat? what qo'tsesekesa'inen yacamkunit naecia'racimni ba'ikinaesan must we do? we dance I must stretch myself I will dance about ho'tceu yutiwie'ni nimiina't** xo'miinana'n*" ne'g' ada'txumu'i fall in water you like I do not like yourself we'yit imitsama'kot na'paata mutsuiiita nlclkio't'^" dance hold I me (?) surpassed make a fire! Ixota'x*^ Ima'm*" qosni'ni-" ladjin'^ xepakl'n boe'mxan''* let me look ! I see how I am tired I am dizzy I am sleepy Ix'otan''^ hini' ixotemdjukehe'n^* e'g'eta tcimexa'ita^' do not care to look you make nitxa'xana'*® la'djin qosi'ni mica'iikunit^^ iwonhi'ni''* stop ! tired how you will dance I stay here xo'sini qo'sini lawitama''^ ciraku'® mu'amta"° bateaxa'hatan"^ what makes you tired already you start I have nothing namau'itciwun nua'mdat®^ na'cia'tela'axanan ya'apu'tmin you will eat you must go you must take it in go home a'manidja'pui'^ nitco'u"* qo'sin nitco'u tel'sagkun®'^ tcaaVeita"* you know stretch yourself how you stretch I am exhausted I am angry dawuxton yutsu'nta"^ djuklu'uxut"® ladjida'mda*" eica'mkuni do not jump in jump in become tired I dance la'djin ye'matsisin miitca'exotax^" nupu'o a'wamtu^^ tired I want to eat look at it what for? with mouth mikof xa'ni mikoxa'naf^ naa'wutbimni^^ yuaka'nat you talk by and by you will talk we must play nacibi'mdaxanan" otsumni*^ namaata(n)hei na'icukudjhen^* we must play jump in do you pick berries do not want to nu'tsuxunmu^^ nitxa'nemaexa^" nlcie'i nacba'tcikum'^ jump into the ground your knees are sore I do not want i'xotama'ri bi'maranu'tcxo a'tcawe'it ni'wekdapmu^* qocum I want to see you mash it are you afraid? bring him out! how tsi'rokon''* I'mamni e'xaini' no'ot qe'xeta^" ima'mta did I talk I see I make I I make I see tee'mta*^ ixo'tat ica'mxu'nit gu'utceet^^ hema'itat*^ xa'niiku** always I see I dance do not want to carry him soon 356 University of Calif on ^^uhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth. himen^^ hi'mitci'latcila^' a'si'n®^ xo'djabutnat^^ mi'sik-ee'i^^ dark middle of night day do not know make right mi'qoxanat" naxaik-ena^" miatci'matakxu'n^° mo'xoci'nta''^ you will talk do not be ashamed might laugh at you if you do not know niice'x na 'maxanat^^ ni'iclex' nia'i nide'ek na'witmi'*^ want you will see want blind let me look lie down! na'p'ha''* yuwo'mni''^ tcupa'i ^^ itsawi'sen djooqi'n get him up ! I am going home my feet are sore do not wish maxa'ikun"^ hatcuutan^^ nimama ha'tcadarup^® ua'mxanat^*^" make it ! lies there you see it surely will go ye'wetdaxana'c na'sieta'mxanan^*'^ la'mitamakun" hl'tat^ I shall catch him it will be day tired many e'icamkunit^°2 ila'djin^^ a'mimtu'ita"^ badji maxa'ia I dance tired I am hungry nothing you can make qo'maicxu'nun iisa'n yima'mda wu'tsunat^°* kato'oxu'mii'nanan^*'^ know I breathe I see I am not sick I do not like you gaik'i'ektcan^"*' how do you know? NOTES. 1 Perhaps for wise-da, down-stream, i.e., north. 2 -wo-,to sit, to stay. Cf. hiwotinda, he sits. 3 -wa-tok, -owa-tok, return(?). Cf. muku-watku-nat, you did not come, page 347, line 8 of text. 4 -wam-, -owam-, to go; -ta, participle. 5 patci, what; -mdu, instrumental. 6 -mat-, to find; -mamat-, alive. Cf. ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive. 7 Cf. ante, badji-mdu. 8 wai-da, west or up-stream. 9 Cf . etasun, many. 10 C-, probably for tc-, I; -aikie-, ashamed. 11 Cf. note 22, text III. 12 Cf . xemanon, page 347, line 6 of text. 13 Perhaps ni-, imperative, and -mam-, to see. 14 ho-, negative; -samxu-, to dance. 16 ho-, negative; tcapu- probably -trahu, to know. 16 Cf. note 4. 17 -po-, to sleep. Cf. po-anmu, you sleep. 18 Probably -qu-, -ko-, -korao-, to talk; e- perhaps interrogative. Cf. i-mi-canku-nit, did you dance?; a-qosit, why?; e-wanmu, do you cry? 18 Probably -tcaho-, for -trahu-, to know. Cf . ante hotcapunat. 20 Perhaps xani, by and by; 21 -lu-, to drink. Cf . page 347, line 6 of text. 22 i-, I ; -tcit-, to sit ; -mi, the verbal sufiix, down ; -t probably the inten- sive suffix, -ut, -ot, -t. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 357 23 ya-, we; -samxu-, to dance. 24 Probably -sam-, to listen (?). Cf. mi-sam-damdatckun, page 350, line 8 of text. 25 na-, second person imperative; x-, negative; -ama-, to eat; -nan, verbal suffix. Cf . x^manat, ante line 6. 28 Interrogative stem qo. 27 i, perhaps interrogative. Cf. note 18. 28 no, imperative; xo-, negative; -pim-, to play; -ni, suffix of present tense, 29 Cf. aman-itri, young; aman-inhu, new. Perhaps also a'maniku'mkiyat ante, line 7. 30 y-, for i-, I; -uwat-, -owat-, to come. 31 Contracted from nout. 32 Evidently from the stem -ko-, -qo-, -go-, to speak. The form is obscure, as the possessive -i, my, is always suffixed. 33 mi-, you; stem as in the previous word. 84 mi-, you; -ko- to talk; -we, perhaps for -wet, continuative; -g'an for -xan, future. 35 It is possible that the first portion of this word is the Wintun pro- noun for the second person dual, malin. A Hupa word is inserted in the following text. 88 Cf. ewo'imamni, I cry. 37 Cf. pa'tceam-ku, something (nothing!). 38 no-, imperative; xo-, negative; -ta, participle. The stem -jim-(tcim) does not occur elsewhere in the material collected. 89 i-, I; -mam-, to see; -ni, present tense. 40 Obscure, -xoli, may be xuli, bad; xawin, old. Cf. note 25, text III. 41 mu-, you; -xai-, to make. 42 hu-tu, its feather. 43 Cf. hitcun, long. 44 ya-, we; -xota-, to see; -xan, future. 45 Cf. -gutce-, -gutcai-, do not witsh, as in tcu-gutcen, I do not wish. 46 na-, imperative; -jid-(tcit) (reduplicated), to sit. So "do ye sit down one after the other "(!). 47 i-, I; -xota-, to see; -xan, future. 48 patci, what; y-, I; -ama-, to eat. 48 ni, second person imperative ; -mi'inan-, to like. 50 -cikiot perhaps for -cekta-, to build fire. 51 la-, weak, tired; -tci, I; -in, incompleted action. In other instances, -mi, you. 52 -po-, to sleep; -xan, future. Cf. poimni, I sleep. 53 Cf. ixota'x, line before. 64 Cf. note 45. 56 tci-, I; me-, actions done with hand(T) ; -xai-, to make; -ta, participle. 66 ni-, second person imperative; -txa-, to stop; -xan, future. 57 mi-, you; -samxu-, to dance. The phrase "how you will dance" seems to mean * * thus you will always dance in the future. ' ' 58 -won-, for -worn, to stay. 6» ciraku, curaigu, from cur-, long ago, and the negative -gu. 60 mu-, you; -warn-, to go; -ta, participle. 61 Seems to contain the negative. 62 nu, second person imperative; -wam-, to go. 358 University of California Puhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 63 Cf . note 29. Perhaps -pu is the interrogative suffix. Cf. mexadjipu, have you stolen? 64 ni-, second person imperative; -tco-, cf. -tcu-, to lie down, to sleep. 65 tci-, I; -sag-, cf. -sax-, to cough (?). 66 tea-, I; -awe-, angry; -ta, participle. 67 -tsu-, -tsum-, -tsun-, to jump. 68 dju-, tcu-, I; -klu-, to fall. 69 Cf. note 51. -dam is a verbal suffix of uncertain meaning in this case. Cf . meinadamda, you look for me. 10 Contains -xota-, to look, watch. 71 ha-wa, his mouth; -mdu, instrumental, 72 Or else from -ko-, to kill. Cf. ye-ko-xan-an, I '11 kill you, text IV, line 9. 73 -pirn-, to play. 74 Cf . tcugutcen, I don 't want to, text IV, line 15. 75 nu-, second person imperative; -tsu-, to jump; -xun, verbal suffix meaning into; -mu, verbal snffix of uncertain meaning. Cf. naimu, chop; nitupmu, roll along, etc. 78 hi-txanemaxa, his knee. 77 Cf . patcigun, no. 78 ni-, I; -whek-, to push; -tap, out of. 78 Cf. iqorok, ante line 10. 80 -xe-, for -xai-, to make. 81 tcem-da means * ' across a stream. ' ' 82 Cf . note 74. 83 Perhaps he- is the negative, xe-; -mai-, to carry. 84 xani, by and by, and -gu, the negative. Cf. note 59. 85 himi, hime, himokni, night. The -n appears in hime-n-ala, moon. 86 asi, asse, day. Cf . asi-n-ala, sun. 87 X0-, negative; djabu- (tcapu ante) for -trahu-, to know. 88 hisikni, hisiki-, good ; -eei perhaps -eye, reflective. 89 na-, second person imperative ; x-, negative ; -aikie-, ashamed. »o mi-, you, object; -yatci-, to laugh; -xun is either the future -xan, or the continuative -hun. 81 mo-, you; -xo, negative; -cim-, -cem-, to listen; -ta, participle. 82 n-, second person imperative; -ama-, to eat; -xan, future. 83 na-, second person imperative; -mi, -tmi, verbal suffix, down; -wi-, cf. hawi'ida, driv deer; ha-wi-maxan, poke hole in sheet of paper. 84 n-, second person imperative; -ap-, to get off horse; -ha, up. 85 y-, I; -owam-, to go. 86 tcu-, my ; hu-po, his foot. 87 ma-, perhaps for na-, second person imperative; -xai, to make. 88 -tcu-, to lie down, sleep. 89 -up, intensive. 100 -owam, to go; -xan, future; -at(?) for -ut, -ot, intensive. 101 asi, day; -xan, future. 102 ei-, for i-, I. 103 amemtu-, hungry; -i-, I; -ta, participle. 104 The final -t, -at, probably the intensive -ut, -ot is of frequent occur- rence. 105 XU-, negative; -mi'ina-, to like; -nan, verbal suffix. 106 -aik.ie-, ashamed. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 359 VI.14 ye'ma^ i'waxanin^ e'koexanan^ tci'miteakun kolalai joia'mni I eat I will defecate I will urinate enough sick I go nlma'ama* nidjidmaga'na' nipa'itca* ba'tciku' ici'cnu'xni i'sa'n' you see say so pick up no bring wood sleepy xa'nisama^ xe'ma'® dji'txanak^" hosetdjaniwu' nlmina'" hisi'kta" soon head blanket sick behind good hi'edat hldjuknl" hl'djutbitan^* nadja'ldan^' naxo'cxu^' misa'gu" fall in drown a spring rock cut put in mouth nisa'wka hltai^^ ko'on^® hiteiwamda nlxota-" muxu'lika^^ awa'm put in mouth much talk go down look! say go nuakta-^ xa'ye dje'u^^ miwu' xumamnan^* yaeangxu'ni^'' go ' small large give do not see let us dance yaxu'tcu nici'nate'i no 'sexana'n^^ nimama' naeco yoku'n go to bed cover me! suckle me look make basket ne'wu pa'dju^'^ nuwi'e^^ xoda'la^® nitcxe'm^'* nltcxe'ako^" give enough carry little drag! stop! ml'tcapu^^ hi'wana'dan na'klo badxa'la nuxu'mamnan^* chew go on see two enough not see yokumramni'p^^ mitcxa'ni^^ yeko'n^* tcawi'n mexo'tan^'^ run small kill I fear on yutsuxa'Dani^" ynwa'wukne'^^ bo'anmu^* na'waxaii^" muxulinni*" fall down I come back you sleep your mouth is small you are ugly xa'se hitema' nimama nimaitce*^ yamat ima'mta nima'mxanat grass (?) cook see food I see you will see naot xu'noita*^ nintji^^ a'ma ixa'ita xo'se himou I go up your nose earth I made grass yes exaini'p** ye'kon^* najidi'li naxa*" huwa'm xa'ni I make I kill play flute ! stop go soon ladjitamni djo'pa-elo'ni*® eloneheV* ni'djitmi*^ nitcxe'mku^" tired too hot hot sit down I drag ! djemta nuamatcxun** wesatkla'se yu 'tsu'txamu*" hawalla^® across river go ! sleepy fall down who are you la'mitama namaexuni xalala'idji'ni diramda diramd ua'kdaf^" tired around go home long ago long ago came i< Part of a text obtained in the same way as the last. 360 University of California Publications. [A^. Arch. Eth. hica'mniman ni'xota dje'wut^^ i'tc'i'xni xuno'ita*^ lutsuktu'n^" not see you look ! large play up fall in mti'adokni^^ tcigutxotne'i^^ yeaxtu'n wetce'o migaatcxu'en** you come back lonely I return near leave nacuamni' hitai ko'on hupucnei^^ memamnei'®^ mi'teapu go away much talk his leg straight I see you you know nama we'lemii^^ edjeene'i nema'iradjim^" netcxe'm nicigya't^^ eat! quickly shoot carry! drag! make fire! nixa'ii tca'xawinta^* nl'mamxa'nat etc'i'xta^® koma namaxana't make it! I am old you will see grow seeds watcel ni'mamxanat koma hecigu djimia'na pepper-nuts you will see seeds hazel-nuts sarvice-berry haikye'u hatcho'u hosiri'na*" sugar -pine -nuts digger pine-nuts cedar NOTES. 1 i-, I; -ama-, to eat. 2 i-, I; hi- wax, his excrement; -xan, future; -in, incomplete action. 8 e-quc, his urine. * ni-, second person imperative; -mam-, to see. 6 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -gan, -xan, future. 6 ni, second person imperative; -pa-, perhaps -pa-, to smoke. 7 Of. iisan, text V, next to last line. 8 xani, soon, by and by. 8 hi-ma, his head, 10 tcitxa, blanket. 11 Cf. himinatce, behind; himinna, back. 12 hisiki-,* hisikni, good. 13 -tcuk-, a stem of varied meaning. Cf. nitcuktan, drive nail; nitcuk- tapku, take out a round thing; itcukar, drowned; text I, line 7. 1* -tcut, to strike(?); -pi, -tpi, suffix, out, out of. 15 Cf . tcaldan, metal. 16 Cf. tca-xos-amu, I yawn. 17 Cf . note 65, text V. 19 Cf . note 9, text V. 19 From -ko-, to speak. 20 n-, second person imperative; -xota, to look, watch. 21 Cf. note 40, text V. 22 nu-, second person imperative; -wak-, to come; -ta, participle. 23 djfeu, tceu, treu, large. 2*xu-, negative; -mam-, see; -nan, verbal suffix. 25 ya-, we ; -samxu-, to dance ; -ni, incompleted action. 26 no-, second person imperative ; -sex-, cf . -sek- ,to swallow ; -xan, future. 27 Cf. padju, grizzly-bear. 28 nu-, second person imperative; -wi, cf. ha-wi'-ida, drive deer. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 361 29 xodallan, poor. 80 Cf . tcu-itcxe-mun, page 347, line 2 of text. 31 mi-, you; -tea-, to chew; -pu, perhaps interrogative. 82 Cf.(?)nipe-ram-ram-, to taste. s3Cf.(?)ni-tcxa-lo, pull out tooth; itcxa-posta. Dyer's ranch . 8< ye-, I; -ko-, to kill; -n, incomplete action. 85mi-xota-n(f). 36 -tsu, to jump. Cf . note 67, text V. But hu-tsu-tmin, fly down ; -xam, suffix, down; -ni, incompleted action. 37 y-, I; -owak, to come, here apparently reduplicated; -ne, -ni, incom- pleted action. 38 Cf. note 17, text V. 39 ha-wa, his mouth. *omu-, you; -xuli-, bad. Cf. note 21, 41 Cf. -mai-, to carry. *2 xunoi-da means west or north. *3 A Hupa word. The Chimariko would be mo-xu. 4* e-, for i", I; -xai-, to make; -ni, incompleted action; -p, intensive. 45 Cf . i-txa-Eni, I stop. 48 elox-ni, elo-ta, hot. 47 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -mi, suffix, down. 48 Cf . mo-watok-atcxun, page 350, line 7 of text. 49 awilla, who. 50 -wak-, to come ; -da, participle ; -t, intensive. 51 mu-, you; -atok-, -watok-, return; -ni, incompleted action, 52 Cf. tcigule, we all. Or more probably, tci-, I; gu-, negative, 63 hu-po, his leg. 54 me-, for mi-, you; -mam-, to see; -nei, cf. preceding word, and, post, fedje-nei. 55 welmu, quickly. 56 ne-, second person imperative; -mai-, to carry, 57 ni, second person imperative ; -cekta-, make fire. 58 tea-, I; -xawi-ni, old; -ta, participle. 59 Cf. -itri-, -itci-, to grow, a man. 60 Cedar is hatsinaktca; hosu, xosu is yellow-pine nut. The tree would be hosu-na. SENTENCES. puntsalot hamtatinda citcelot puntsalot himitcitinda tcimal citcela hapukeini heraxolla mimitcitida citcela hipuimuktinda citcela imitcitinda memitcitida tcumi'inatinda qonowectinda imitcitxanan citcelot nitcut citcela woman whipped dog man kicked the woman dog caught the jack-rabbit you are kicking the dog they are pinching the dog I am kicking him you are kicking me he likes me ye are whipping me I shall kick the dog hit the dog! 362 University of California Publications. [-A^m. Arch. Eth. imamni I see thee, him imi 'inanatcin I like ye mepatni you are poking me tcumamni he sees me qomamapu do ye see me hiwotinda he sits miwemtsodida you gamble qatcxundjulinda ye are thin qewoktinda he is sick nout yematinda I eat tcaxawintinda tcigule we all are old mamatindak you ate hisamxunin he dances yawemtsom we gamble mixun you are fat qaxatcuEni ye are short hama he eats imumni I run yetakni I sing haomiuktsaida his hat awaida his house onipaida his pipe qomas musuda who are you qomas asuda who is he patci suda what is this awilida mohatida who shot you puntsarida anowesta itrila woman whipped boy mitinda kutaxana are you going to keep it? ewomunda still crying imumda itxaEni I stop running imurada tcohotimen while running, he shot me imamni haqomelamda I saw him running, hurrying away hisamxuninda yekon while he was dancing, I killed him VOCABULARY- The following English-Chimariko and Chimariko-English vocabulary is based on the author's notes. To these are added materials from the following sources. Words marked with an asterisk, *, are from Powers' Tribes of California, pages 474-477, slightly transcribed to conform to the present orthography. Those marked with a dagger, f, were ob- tained by the author, but are given in identical form by Powers, allowing for the fact that Powers does not distinguish k and q and writes no glottal catches. Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 363 Words in parentheses, ( ) , were obtained by Dr. A. L. Kroeber from the informant Friday in 1902, and those in brackets, [ ], from Doctor Tom, an old feeble-minded Chimariko at Hupa, in 1901 and 1902. Many of the more common words, having been obtained by Dr. Kroeber in a form identical with that recorded by the writer, are not separately given. Words marked with § were obtained by Dr. P. E. Goddard from Mrs. Noble, a daughter of Mrs. Dyer, in 1902. A consider- able number of other words also obtained by Dr. Goddard, in a form identical with that recorded by Dr. Kroeber or the writer, are not specially marked. ENGLISH-CHIMARIKO. Abalone, sulhim Abandon, -txax- Accompany, -sim- Acorn, yutri, (tcxupun) Acorn (black-oak), [(muni)] Acorn-bread, tceneu Acorn-meal (leached), paci Acorn-meal (unleaehed), yoma Acorn-soaking place, matciya Acorn-soup, hapeu Acorn (shelled), ihitci Across-stream, tcem-da Again, (tabum) Alder, pakto'Ena Alive, -mamat- All, (kumitcin)t Alone, pola Angry, -aw6- Ankle, hi-kxanlSde, hi-txanlede Ant (black), pfelo'a Ant (red), t'amitcxul Antlers, ho-wec Anus, hi-wi Arm, hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu], hi-tcanpo* Arm-pit, cileitcumuni Armor, t'ummi Arrow, sa'a Arrow-flaker, atcibuksa Arrow-point, qaku Ashes, matripxa, matripa Aunt (paternal), uluida-i(f) Aunt (maternal), malai-i, mutala-i Autumn, asodiwukni, nomatci* Awl, cibui Axe, haimuksa, hamuktcu* Baby, xarulla, xalula, (xalala), halalla* Back, hi-mina Bad, xuli, holi-ta* Bark (of tree), hi-pxadji, hi-patci* To bark, wowoin Basket-hat, hadmiuksa (haamiaktca) Basket (burden), sangen, (cankeen) Basket (cooking), poquela Basket (mortar), ha'eu Basket (open tray), powa Basket (sifting), atanisuk Basket (spoon), kaluweft Basket (storage), ( opumaktca) Basket (tray), p'unna Bat, tcemxatcila Bachelor, puntsariecku, oelulla Beads (disk), mendrahe Bear (black), tcisamra, (djicamla), [djisamara], tcisamrha* Bear (grizzly), padju, (potcu) Beard, (hu-putcu-n-xarae), [ha- budju-n-xami], o-putcun-hama* Beaver, wisilla Bed, hatciinarutsa Beetle, qo'a 364 University of California Publications. [A^m. Arch. Eth. Belly, hu-truneu, (hu-tceneu), u-tcuniwa* Belt, hi-ca 'amatat To bend, -koru- Bird, (di'la), tirha* Bitter, hemudadjan Black, tcelei, tceli-t* Blackberry, xamoana Blackbird, tira-cela, teila-tcele Blanket, tcitxa To bleed, sodre- Blind, -sukxomen, -xosanmun Blood, sotri, citrqi, sitso* To blow, -bus-, -XUC-, -kos-, -xu- Blue (?— cf. blood), sote'i Bluebird, ipuitella Bluejay, tsokokotce Board, ho'eu To boil, -potpot-, -dum- Bone, hu-txun Born, -dah- Bow, x&puneu Boy, itrilla, iteilaf Brain, hi-ni To break, -kat-, -tcex-, -xotos- Breast, hu-si* Breast (woman's), si'leye, sirhat, [cida] To breathe, -saxut- To bring, -hak-, -hek- Brother, uluida Brother-in-law, meku-i Buckeye, yonot Buckskin, tcirhuntol To burn, -hi-, -maa- To bury, -tot- Butterfly, tsamila Button, hi-punaktca Buzzard, tcetcSi By and by, punuslala, xani, tamini To call, -ko-, -koko- Cane, hutatat Canoe, mutumma, motuma* To carry, -mai-, -ham-, -qi-, -xu- Caterpillar, xawin, qawin Cats-cradle, axadeu Cedar, hatsinaktca, hatinaktsana Chair, hi-woanadatsa Chaparral, puktca'Ena, axaena Cheek, hu-tananundjatun To chew, -tcatci- Chief, itra-xai-deu, itci-haitie* Chimariko, (tcimaliko) Chin, tsuna, wetu Chipmunk, pipila, wisilla(?) Civet-cat, kakesmilla* To clap hands, -putata Clean, mata'i To clear (weather), -tcemux- To climb, -ar- Clock, ixodaktca Cloud, hawedam, [awetama], (awatamaxni) Clover, katcu Coals, kowa Cold, eco-, (xatsa), eso-ta* Comb, tanatci To comb, -kma- To comb, -watok-, -wok-, -owak To cough, -sax- Cousin, antxala-i Country, ama Coyote, tcitindosa, (maidjandela), [maidjandera] Cradle, wentcu Crane, kisum, kasar Cray-fish, trxol Crooked, p'qele'in Crow, wa'da, wa'la To cry, -wo- Cup and ball, hitcumudadehu To cut, -kut-, -lolo- To dance, -samxu- Daughter, masola-i, maisula-i* Daughter-in-law, tcu-simda Day, asse,t [asi] Deaf, hukenan Deep, tcuxunmin (?) Deer, a 'a, aa* Deer (buck), (xuwetci) Deer (doe), (yetcawe) Deer-brush, qapuna Deer-trap, haxaktca To dent, -kxol-, -tran- Dentalia, hatcidri, t'ododohi [(ahateu)] "Devil" (prob. sorcerer), himisanto, (himisamtu) Dew, qoido Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 365 To die, -qh- To dig, -po-, -tsik- Digging-sticlc, tsunana To dip up, -hedo- (f) Dirty, tcele'in To dismount, -ap- Dog, citcella, sitcelaf Door, wessa Dove, yuura Downwards, tranmida Down stream, wis&da To drag, -tcxe- Dragon-fly, hitcinemnem To dream, -maka- To drink, lu- To drive, -sik- To drop, -lul-, -lu8-, -lurim- To drown, -tcuk- (!) Drum, hisamquni Dry, atcxumni Duck, xaxatc^i, hahatce* (= mallard) Dull, tono'i Dust, matcitsxol, matrepa Eagle, wemer, tcawitcau,(djawidjau) Ear, hi-sam, hi-cam* Earth, [ama]t Earthquake, amitcxamut East, up stream, waida, (waida) To eat, -ama-, -ma- Eddy, apenmaspoi Eel (lamprey), tsawa Egg, andqai, amoka* Eight, xodaitcibum, hotaitcipum Elder tree, tcitcxoi Eleven, pundrasut, saanpun punlasut Elk, a'eno, aanok* Empty, hutcolanan Evening, himok* Everything, patcimam (f) Excrement, hi-wax Eye, hu-sot, hu-cot* Eyebrow, hu-sotnimi Eyelashes, hu-sunsa Face, hi-suma* To fall, -man-, -mo-, -klu- Fat (n)., pi'a Fat (adj.), -xu- Father, itcila-if Father-in-law, tcu-maku Feather, hu-to, hi-mif Fern, teutduna To fight, -tcxua- To find, -mat- Finger, hi-ta, hi-tra, (hi-tca), hi-tcanka* Finger-nail, bolaxot, (bulaxut) Fir, kipi'ina, (kimpina) Fire, a'pu, apu* To make fire, -cekta-, hatsir Fire-drill, apu'Ena, hatsiktca Fire-drill base, apu'natxui Fire-place, akamina a'pu Fish-line, hook, hamamegutca Fish-net, atcxu Fish-trap, weir, tsat Fisher, qfepxamitcM Five, tsanehe, tranche To fix, -mu- Flat, river-bench, maitra Flea, t'amina To float, -kim- ( t) Floor, wSboqam Flower, atrei Fly, musaswa, musotri, mosotce* To fly, -tu- Fog, aptum To follow, -sum- Food, hameu Foot, hu-pot Forehead, hi-mo8ni,t [hi-muclei] To forget, -xome- Four, quigu, qoigu Fox, tcitcamulla, apxantcolla, haura* Friend, [imikot], imi-mut (=love) Frog, qatus, (axantcibot) Full, hitcolam To gamble, -wemtso- Girl, puntsula, puntcalla* To give, -hak- (T), awu-t* To go, -a-, -warn-, -waum-, -wawum-, -owa- Good, hisikni, (hisiki-), hisi-ta* Goose, lalo, lalo* Gooseberrv, tselina 366 University of California Publications, [-^-m. Arch. Eth. Gopher, yumatc Grandfather (paternal), xawila-i Grandson, himoUa-i Grass, hawunna, (awuna), kotcu* Grass-game, heumakutca Grasshopper, tsatur, tsatul Grass-seed, qomma Green, himamto, (imamcu), himamsu-t* Grouse, himimitcei To grow, -itri- Hair, hi-maf Hand, hi-ta, hi-tra, hi-tca* To hang, -kim- Happy (?), tcumidan Hard, tcaxi Hawk, yekyek, petcxol Hazel, hecigo He, hamut Head, hi-mat To hear, -ke- Heart, hu-sa 'antcei, (hu-santcei), u-santce* Heavy (?), tcumidan Heel, ino6kta§ Hemlock, xutcxu Here, this side of stream, kentcuk To hiccup, le- To hide, -txat- High, hitcuEni To hit, -at- To hold, -imu- Honey, huwuanukaif Hornet, husu Hot, elo-, (eloxni), elo-ta* House, awaf How long, far, qaitcu How many, qatala How often, qatramdun Humming-bird, qerektce, trelektcei To be hungry, -ame-, -amemtu- Hupa, person, hitcxu; place, hitcwamai Hyampom people, maitroktada hitcuamai I, nout Ice, hatcen, atci* Intestines, hi-pxa Into, xunoi(?) To jump, -tudu. To keep, -kut- To kick, -mitci- ^with foot To kill, -ko- King-fisher, tsadadak Knee, hi-txanimaxa, [hi-txanemaxa] To kneel, -komat- (?) Knife, tcisili, tcididi, tceselli* To know, -trahu- Ladder, ha'amputni Lake, tcitaha Lame, hoakta-xolik Large, trewu-t, (djewu), tceu-t* To laugh, -yatci-t Leaf, hi-taxai, tahalwi* Left-hand, xuli-teni Leg, hi-txan, hi-tal* To lick, -pen-, -hen- To lie on ground, -tcu Light, tcxalen Lightning, itckaselxun, hitckeselsel-ta* To like, -mi'inan- To listen, -cem- Liver(?), hu-ci. See breast Lizard, taktcel Lizard (red), himiniduktsa Log, samu Long, hitcun Long ago, cul, cur, [diramda], (dilamda) To lose, -licxu-, liiliixe- Low, hutculan (?) Madrone, etxolna, [hetxolna], (hetcxolna) To make, -xai- Man, itri, itci* Many, much, eta, (hitat), itat* Manzanita, tcitcana, tcitci Manzanita-cider, tcitciaqai Maple, trupxadji 'ina, ipxadji'ina To marry, -tcum- Marten, xuneri, qapam To mash, -lot- Meat (dried), pititexun To meet, -hayaqom- Milk, cira, ci'ila Mink, huneri (? — see marten) Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 367 Mistletoe, hakilasaqam Moccasin, pa, ipaf Mole, tsabokor, xosanmu Moon, himen alla,t [himi-n-ala] Morning, himetasur, himetacus* Morning-star, munoieta Mortar, ka'a Mosquito, tseleye Moss, hikiina Mother, cido-i, sito-i* Mother-in-law, tcu-makosa Mountain, awu,t aumiya, [ama] Mountain-lion, tcerasmu, [tcidasmu] Mouse, pusudr Mouth, ha-wa,t [ha-wa] Mud, ladido Narrow, xe'iren Navel, ho-napu Nest, hemut Nephew, micaku-i, himoUa-i Nest, hemut New, amaninhu Niece, himolla-i Night, hime, himokni, [himi] Nine, puntcigu No, patcigun, (patcikun), patcut* To nod, -pukim-, -pupul- Noon, himoqanan North (west?), xunoida Nose, ho-xu Nowhere, amaidatcika Oak (black), mune'Ena, (munena) Oak (live, hepuitci 'ina (hepetcina) Oak (poison), xaxecna Oak (tan-bark), yutxuina Oak (white), yaqana Oats (wild), aqedeu Ocean, aquareda, aka-tceta* Old, xawini, hahawin-ta* Old maid, itridusku, amalulla Old man, itrinciilla Old woman, cunhulla One, pun, p'un Onion, sapxi Orphan, tcisumula Otter, exoiteei, [haiokwoitce] Outside, himinatce(f) Owl, tcukutcei, hara Paddle, hiasmaigutca "Pain," qehewa To paint, -poxolxol- To pay, -daigu- Penis, hi-pel, [hi-bele] Pepper-wood, watcel Person, tcimar,t tcimal, [djimar], (tcimal) Pestle, tcesundan Pigeon, yanunuwa, yanunwa* To pinch, -puimuk- Pine (digger), hate 'ho, hatco,Ena Pine (sugar), haqewinda Pine (sugar, cones), (haqeu), [haikeu] Pine (yellow), xosu, hosu* Pipe, onipat Pitch, ano'a To play, -pim- To poke, -pat- Poor, xodalan Potato (wild), sawu, qawal, a'asawi, sanna To pour, -qo- Pretty, siga To pull, -texet-, -tcxa- To push, -whek- Quail (mountain), pisor, pisol Quail (valley), qadakin pisor Quickly, welmu welSni, luredja Quiver, hS,susakta Babbit (cotton-tail), hiwinolam Rabbit (jack), hemoxola, emohoUa* Raccoon, yeto'a, [yeteiwa] Rain, hitak, itak-ta* Rainbow, trexanmatcxu Rat, patusu Rattle (split), hemuimektsa Rattle (cocoon), patcxal Rattlesnake, qawu, kawu-tcane* To recover, -nook- Red, wili'i, wili-t* Redwood, mutumana To remember, -xutaxun- Rich, hitam, -hada- Right-hand, hisi-deni 368 University of California Publications, [^m. Aech. Eth. Ripe, homat Eiver, aqaqot To roast, -maq- Robin, srito, citra Eoe, hi-txaiyi To roll, -k- Root, atci Rope, atcxunde Rough, nodaduhni Round, nolle To rub, -xiaxe- To run, -mum- Salmon, umul, omul* Salmon (dog), (djeida) Salmon (hook-bill), (bitcoqolmu) Salmon (red), masomas Salmon (steelhead), (acotno-umul) Salmon (summer), (umul-tcani) Salmon (dried, crumbled), tsamma Salmon-river people, hunomitcku Salmon-trout, heetsama Salt, aqi, aki* Sand, amayaqa Sarvice-berry, tcimiana Saw, hi-uxigutca To say, -pa, -patci- Scorpion ( ? — see cray-fish), tcisitcin, txol To scowl, -suta- To scrape, -xedo- To scratch, -kirkir-, -xolgo- To see, -mam- To sell, -tciwa- Seven, xakuspom, qSqicpom Shade, qatrata To shake, -lucluc- Shallow, txodehunmi Shaman, tcowu, (tcuu) Sharp, cupui Shell, exeu Shell (conical), teanapa To shiver, -nini- To shoot, -pu- Short, xuitculan Shoulder, hi-ta To sing, -tak- Sister (older), antxasa-i Sister-in-law, maxa-i To sit, -tcit-, -W0-, -pat- Six, p'unteibum, p'untepom Skin, hi-pxadji Skirt (woman's), hiektcandeu(l) oxwai Skunk, pxicira, [picui] Sky, tcemut Slave, habukedeu To sleep, -po- To slide, -sap-, -sapho- Sling, hi-migutca To slip, -klu- Slowly, xowenila Small, uleta Smoke, qe To smoke, -pa- Smoke-hole, apotcitpidaktca Smooth, liiyuin Snail, nixetai Snake (king), mamusi To sneeze, -ninxu- To snore, -xatudu Snow, hipui, hipue* Snowshoes, hipui ipa, panna Soft, lo'oren Something, patceamku Son, oella-i, oalla-i* Son-in-law, itcumda Soot, nagotpi Sour, qoiyoin South, qadaida Spear, hasunwedeu Spear (fish), hohankuteu, altar Spider, kwanputcikta Spider-web, ko'okoda To spill, -qox- To spit, -haihu- To split, -bis- Spoon, wecnaqalne, sapxel Spotted, letretre A spring, cidiilla, (aqa-xatsa) Spring, Icisumatci, kicumatci* Square, hoqata'Eni To squeeze, -tci- Squirrel (gray), akwecur, [akuitcut] Squirrel (ground), ta'ira To stand, -hoa-, -ha- Star, munu, mono* Star (falling), muniitumni Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 369 To stay, -wo-, -wom- To steal, -xadj- Stepfather, matrida To stink, -mitcxu- Stone, qji'a, kaa* To stop, -txa- Straight, hadohan To strike, -tcut- Striped, qisoi, exaduqisman Strong, pala Sturgeon, (umul-itcawa) Sucker, hetcespula Summer, ahanmatci, ahenmatci* Sun, alla,t lilla, [asi-n-ala] Sunflower-seed, tcintcei Sunrise, exatatkun Sunset, hiwohunmi To swallow, -sek- Swallow, tumtitella Swamp, hixut, cita Sweat-house, matta Sweet, hiquini To swim, -xii- Table, hama'anaksia Tail, aquye To talk, -ko-, -go- Tattoo, hekoteu To tear, -tra-, -xata- Tears, hu-so'xa Teeth, hu-tsuf Ten, sanpun That, pamut, paut, p§,t Thick, pepe'in Thief, ixagutca Thigh, hi-tcipe Thin, tqe'erin This, qewot, qat Thou, mamut Three, xodai, hotai To throw, -SU-, -sux- Thumb, hi-tcitceta* Thunder, tremiimuta, tremamutceu, [djememoxtcei], tcimumuta* To tie, -wuqam- Tinder, hauna Tobacco, iiwuf Today, kimase, assef Tomorrow, himeda, himetaf Tongs, isekdadiu Tongue, hi-penf To touch, -na- Trail, hissa Tree, at 'a (?), atsa* Trout, trawel, (tcawal)t Tump-line, hima'idan, kasusu To twist, -pxel- Two, xoku, qaqu Uncle (m. or p.), magola-i Under, tcumu(f), wise§ Unripe, xomanat Up, (-tso, wiemu) Urine, e-quc Vagina, e-qa Valley, hitcxaeni (I), maitcitcam* Village, awitat, tcimaretanamaf To vomit, -haima- To wake, -suhni- Warrior, hetcwat To wash, -pok- To watch, -xota Water, a'ka, aqa, aka* Water-fall, aqamatcitsxol Water-ousel, pasindjaxola We, natcidut, noutowa, tcigule Weak, lapukni Wedge, tranper Wet, cidji'in What, patci, qatci When, qasukmatci Where, qomalu, (qosi) To whip, -nuwec- To whistle, -xu- White, mene'i, mene* White-man, tcimttikta, (djemduakta) Whiskey, (apu-n-aqa) Who, qomas, komas,* awilla Why, kosidaji Wide, xere'in Widow, lasa Widow (remarried), yapada§ Widower, mamutxu ( f ) Wife (my), puntsar-ie, (punsal-i), puntear-hi* Wild-cat, tagnir, tragnil, hicumaxutcuUa Willow, patc'xu 370 University of California Publications, [^-m. Akch. Eth. Wind, ikose-ta, ikosiwa* Window, hisusamdaksia Wing, utu,t hu-tu To wink, -raprap-, -laplap- Winter, asodi, asuti* Wintun, patcxuai To wish, -tcxuii, -tcai- (?) Wiyot(?), aqatreduwaktada Wiyot at Areata, qataiduwaktada Wolf, citciwi, sitciwi* Woman, puntsar Wood, pusuat Woodpecker, konanateei, teuredhu, (dedima), [dirima], (teuleti) Wood-tick, tsina To work, -pu- Worm, hemuta To yawn, -xaca- Ye, qakule Yellowhammer, tseyamen, triyamen, (tciaman) Yellowjaeket, x5wu Yes, himo,t [(Mmo, hiye)] Yesterday, mo 'a, moo* Young, amanitri, amaniti-ta CHIMARIKO-ENGLISH. The alphabetical order is that of the letters in English. On account of of some uncertainty as regards surd and sonant stops, b, d, and g have been treated as if they read p, t, and k. The same holds true of dj and tc. For similar reasons q has been put in the same place in the alphabet as k, and c as 8. The sound of a apparently being nearer open o than a, these two characters have also been treated as one in alphabetizing. Ts and tc may be variants of one sound; tr, in many cases at least, is not t plus r, but a sound similar to tc, with which it often alternates. These three sounds have there- fore been united. Glottal catches have been disregarded in alphabetizing. The order of the characters used is thus as follows: a e h i k, q, g 1 m n o, a p, b r B, C t, d tc, tr, ts, dj u w X y Words denoting parts of the body are given with the prefix of the third person. Terms of relationship usually show the suffix of the first person. Wherever the derivation or structure seemed reasonably certain it has been indicated by hyphenation. aqa, a'ka, aka,* water aqa-qot, river -a-, to go. See also -wam-, -waum-, -wawum-, -owa- a'a, aa,* deer a'e-no, aa-nok,* elk a'asawi, wild potato. See also sawu, qawal, sanna ahan-matci, ahen-matci,* summer [(ahateu)], dentalia. See also hatcidri, t'ododohi aqareda, aka-tceta, ' ocean aqa-matcitsxol, water-fall, ("water-dust") aqa-treduvvaktada, Wiyot sitjiu-aqai, Hoboken aqa-xatsa, water-cold, spring [agaxtcea-dji], a place name Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 371 akamina a'pu, fire-place aqed-eu, wild oats aqi,t salt aqi-tce, [aiki-dje], Salt Banch aquye, tail akwecur, [akuitcut], gray squirrel alla,t ulla, [asi-n-ala], sun -ama-, -ma-, to eat ham-eu, food -ame-mtu-, to be hungry h-ama'a-na-ksia, table ama, [ama], country, earth, ground mountain ama-yaqa, sand ama-idatciku, nowhere. Cf. patcikun, no. ami-tcxamut, earthquake [ama-tcele-dji], place name amalulla, old maid amani-nhu, new amani-tri, amani-ti-ta,* young [amimamuco], place name (amitsihe-dji), [amitsepi], village at foot of Hupa Valley ano'a, pitch anoqai, amoka,* egg antxala-i, cousin antxa-sa-i, older sister -ap-, to dismount, get off a horse apenmaspoi, eddy a'pu, apu,* fire apu '-Ena, fire-drill. Also hatsiktca apu'-na-txui, fire-drill base apo-tcitpid-aktca, smoke-hole (apu-n-aqa), fire-water, whiskey aptum, fog apxantc-olla, fox. Also tcitcamulla, haura -ar-, to climb a88e,t [asi], day, today asodi, asuti,* winter asodi-wunki, autumn (acotno-umul), winter-salmon, steelhead -at-, to hit at-ar, fish-spear. Also hohankuteu at 'a, atsa,* tree atanisuk, sifting basket atrfei, flower. Cf. next atci, root. Cf. last atcib-uksa, arrow-flaker atcugi-dje, Bennett's, Forks of Salmon atcxu, fish-net atcxunde, rope atcxumni, dry awa,t house awi-tat, village -aw6-, angry awilla, who. See qomas awu,t aumiya, mountain. See ama awu-t,* give axac-na, chaparral. Also puktca'-Ena axad-eu, eats-cradle. Cf. ahateu, dentalia, which were strung (axantcibot), frog. See qatus e, today. See also kimase exatatkun, sunrise elo-ta,* (elo-xni), hot eso-ta,* eco-, cold eta, (hitat), many et-xol-na, [hetxolna], (hetcxol-na), madrone exatatkun, sunrise, exoi-teei, [haiokwoitce], otter ha'amputni, ladder ha'-eu, basket (acorn-mortar) hahawin-ta,* old -hai-hu-, to spit -hai-ma-, to vomit haim-uksa, ham-uktcu,* axe -hak-, to bring. See also -hek- -hak- (f), to give (haq-eu), [haik-eu], sugar pine cone haq-ew-ina, sugar pine -ham-, to carry. See also -mai-, -qi-, -xu- hamaida-dji, [amaita-dji], Hawkin's Bar hamame-gutca, fish-line, hook hamut, he haomi-uksa, (haamiaktca), basket- hat habuked-eu, slave -hada-, rich. See also hitam hadoha-n, straight hatcen, atci,* ice hate 'ho, digger-pine (cone or nut) hatco'Ena, digger pine 372 University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth. hatciinar-utsa, bed liatcidri, dentalia. See also t'ododohi, ahateu hatcugi-dje, South Fork of Trinity Eiver hau-na, tinder haura,* fox. See apxantcoUa, tcitcamulla hawedam, [awetama], (awatama- xni), cloud hawu-nna, (awu-na), grass haxa-ktca, deer-trap -hayaqom-, to meet heetsama, salmon-trout -hek-, to bring. See also -hak- hekot-eu, tatoo hemox-ola, emoh-olla,* jackrabbit hemuime-ktsa, split-stick rattle hemut, nest hemuta, worm hemudadja-n, bitter -hen-, to lick. See also -pen- hepuitci '-ina, (hepetci-na), live oak hecigo, hazel -hedo- (?), to dip up hetcespula, sucker hetcwat, warrior heuma-kutea, grass-game -hi-, to burn. See also -maa- hiasmai-gutca, paddle hiektcand-eu(?), woman's skirt. See also oxwai [hiikda-dji], a place name hiki-ina, moss hiqiii-ni, sweet hima'idan, tump-line. See also kasusu himamto, green; (imamcu), blue; himamsu-t,* green, blue, yellow hime, [himi], night himen alia, hime-n-alla,* himi-n-ala, moon hime-da, hime-ta,* tomorrow hime-tasur, hime-tacus,* morning himok,* evening himok-ni, night himoq-anan, noon himi-santo, (himi-samtu), "devil," sorcerer himeaqu-tce, Big Creek himi-gutca, sling himimi-tcei, grouse himinidu-ktsa, red lizard him6,t [(himo)], yes [(hiye)], yes himolla-i, brother's child, father's sister's child, grandson hipui, hipue,* snow hipui ipa, snowshoes. See also panna hipuna-ktca, button hissa, trail [hisaa-da-mu], a place name hisae-mu, Weaverville hi-ca'amatat, belt hisi-kni, hisi-ta,* (hisi-ki), good hisi-deni, right hand [hisitsai-dje], a place name hisusamda-ksia, window hitak, itak-ta,* rain hitam, rich. See also -hada- hitutai-dji, Willow Creek hitxaiyi, roe hitcinemnem, dragon-fly hitcolam, full hutcolanan, empty hitcu-n, hitcu-Eni, long, high xii-itcu-lan, short hitcumudad-ehu, cup and ball game hitcxaeni (?), valley hitcxii, [hitchu], Hupa (person) hitewamai, Hupa (place) hiuxi-gutca, saw hixut, swamp. See also cita -hoa-, ha, to stand hoa-kta-xoli-k, lame ho'-eu, board hohankut-eu, fish spear. See also atar hoqata'Eni, square hakilasaqam, mistletoe homat, ripe xomanat, unripe hap-eu, acorn-soup [(hobe-ta-dji)]. Hostler village, Hupa, where an annual acorn ceremony is held hara, owl. See also tcukuktcei hasunwed-eu, spear hasusa-kta, [(hose-ktca)], quiver hotai, xodai, three hotai-tci-pum, xodaitcibum, eight Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 373 hatsir, to make fire hatsi-ktca, fire-drill. See also apu 'Ena hatsi-na-ktca, cedar hadi-na-ktco-hada, Cedar Flat hoxu-dji, a place name hunoini,* Trinity river; [hunoini- wam], South Fork of the Trin- ity hunomitcku, Salmon-river people -hus-, -XUC-, -kos-, -xu, to blow husu, hornet hutatat, cane hutculan (?), low. See hitcolam, full, hutcolanan, empty [hutsutsaie-dje], a place name huwita-dji, a place name (ihitci), shelled acorns imimu-t,* to love; -mi'inan, to like [imikot], my friend -imu-, to hold in66kta,§ heel ipuit-ella, bluebird isekdad-iu, tongs -itri-, to grow itri, itci,* man itri-lla, itci-la,t boy itri-nc-ulla, old man itri-dusku, old maid Itri-xai-d-eu, itci-haitie,* chief itci-la-i, itci-lla-i,* father [(iteikut)], a place name itckasel-xun, hitckesel-sel-ta,* lightning [(itcui)], a place name itcumda, son-in-law [itsutsatmi-dji], a place name itcxaposta, Dyer's Eanch -k-, to roll qa'a, kaa, stone ka'a, mortar qa-ku, arrow-point e-qa, vagina [qaetxata], a place name [kaimandot], a place name qaiyausmu-dji, Forks of New Eiver kake8milla,§ civet-cat qa'kule, ye kaluwe,§ spoon basket qapam, marten. See also zuneri qapu-na, deer-brush -kat-, to break. See also -tcex, -xotos- qadai-da, south qatai-duwaktada, Wiyot at Areata qatrata, shade qawal, wild potato. See also sawu, a'asawi, sanna qawu, kawu-tcane,* rattlesnake -ke-, to hear hu-ke-nan, deaf qe, smoke -q6-, to die qe-hewa, "pain," magic cause of disease qSpxami-tc^i, fisher qerek-tce, humming-bird. See also trelektcei qewot, this. See qat ke-ntcuk, here, this side of stream hi-ki,t neck -qi-, to carry. See also -mai-, -ham-, -xu- -kim-, to hang, to float (?) kimase, today. See also e kipi'-ina, [kimpi-na], fir -kir-, to scratch. See also -xolgo- qis-oi, exadu-qis-mam, striped kisum, crane. See also kasar kisu-matci, kicu-matci,* spring -klu-, to slip; also to fall, for which see also -man, -mo- -kma-, to comb -ko-, to kill -ko-, -go-, -koko-, to talk, to call [kokomatxami], a place name -kos-, -XUC-, -hus-, -xu, to blow i-kos-eta, i-kps-iwa,* wind -qo-, to pour -qox-, to spill qoido, dew q6-mas,t who. See also awilla qa-tci, what. See also pa-tei qo-malu, (qo-si), where qa-itcu, how long, how far ko-sidaji, why qa-sukmatci, when qa-tala, how many qa-tramdun, how often 374 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. qo'a, beetle k5 'okoda, spider-web qaqu, xoku, two qoigu, quigu, four qaqic-pom, xakus-pom, seven -komat- (?), to kneel qomma, grass-seed qo 'omeniwiuda, New Eiver City konona-tcei, woodpecker. See also tcuredhu -koru-, to bend kas-ar, kisum, crane kasusu, tump-line. See also hima'idan qat, qewot, this katcu, clover; kotcu,* "grass" qatus, frog kowa, coals qoiyo-in, sour kumitc-in,* all e-quc, urine -kut-, to keep -kut-, to cut. See also -lolo- kwanputcikta, spider -kxol-, to dent. See also -tran- -laplap, -raprap-, to wink lasa, widow lapuk-ni, weak le-, to hiccup letretre, spotted -lolo-, to cut. See also -kut- lalo, lalo,* goose -lot-, to mash lo'or-en, soft lad-ido, mud lii-, lui-t,* to drink -lul-, -lurim-, -lus-, to drop luredja, quickly. See also welmu -lucluc-, to shake luyu-in, smooth hi-ma,t hear, hair. Cf. himaidan ma-mut, thou -maa-, to burn. Se also -hi- -maq-, to roast -mai-, to carry. See also -ham-, -qi-, -xu- hi-maidan, tump-line maitra, flat, river-bench maitciteam,* valley maidja-hutcula, Yocumville maidpa-sore, Thomas', a place maidja-tcii-dje, Cecilville maido-leda, Jordan's maito-tou-dji, Summerville maitro-ktada, Hyampom people (maidjandela), [maidjandera], tcitindosa, coyote -maka-, to dream mago-la-i, (my uncle, maternal or paternal tcu-maku, father-in-law tcu-mako-sa, mother-in-law maxa-i, sister-in-law malai'-i, (my) aunt, (maternal) -mam-, to see -mat-, to find -mamat-, alive mamsuidji, a place mamusi, king-snake mamutxu (?), widower -man-, to fall. See also -mo-, -klu- masola-i, maisola-i, daughter masomas, red salmon mata'-i, clean matta, sweat-house matrepa, matcitsxol, dust matripxa, ashes matrida, step-father matciya, acorn-soaking place meku-i, brother-in-law mene'-i, mene,* white men-drahe, disk beads hi-mi,t feather. See also hu-tu hi-mina, back hi-mina-tce, behind, outside micaku-i, nephew -mitci-, to kick, with foot -mitcxu-, to stink -mo-, to fall. See also -man-, -klu- m5 'a, moo,* yesterday hi-mosni, hi-musni,* [hi-muclei], forehead -mu-, to fix -mum-, to run [(muni)], black-oak acorn mune'-Ena, (mune-na), black oak munu, mono,* star muno-ieta, morning-star munu-tumni, falling star Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 375 musaswa, musotri, mosotce,* fly mutala-i, maternal aunt mutumma, motuma,* canoe mutuma-na, redwood [(mutuma-dji)], Captain John's village at Hupa, which is reached only by boat -na-, to touch nagotpi, soot ho-napu, navel natcidut, we. See also noutowa, tcigule [(neradji)], village at head of Hupa valley hi-ni, brain -nini-, to shiver -ninxu-, to sneeze mxetai,§ snail nolle, round hi-wi-nollom, rabbit (cotton-tail) no-matci,* autumn -nook-, to recover nodaduh-ni, rough nout, I ndutowa, we. See also nateidut, tcigule -nuwec, to whip o-ella-i, o-alla-i,* my son oel-ulla, bachelor. See also puntsariecku onipa,t pipe. Cf. -pa-, to smoke (opuma-ktca), storage basket -owa, to go -owa-tok, to come oxwai, woman's skirt. See also hietcandeu -pa-, to smoke. Cf. onipa, pipe -pa-, to say pa, ipa,t moccasin pa-nna, snowshoes. See also hipui ipa pakto'-Ena, alder paktona-dji, baktuna-dji, Patterson 's pala, strong pamut, paut, pat, that paci, leached acorn-meal pasindjax-ola, water-ousel -pat-, to poke -pat-, to sit. See also -tcit-, -wo- patci, what. See also qatci patce-amku, something patci-gun, (patci-kun), no patci-mam (?), everything patent,* no patcxal, cocoon rattle pate 'xu, willow patcxuai, Wintun patusu, rat paut, pamut, pat, that hi-pel, [hi-bele], penis pelo'a, black ant -pen-, -hen-, to lick hi-pen,t tongue pepe'-in, thick petcxol, hawk. See also yekyek pi 'a, fat (noun) -pim-, to play pip-ila, chipmunk. See also wisilla -bis-, to split pis-or, pis-ol, quail pititcxun, dried meat (bitcoqolmu), hook-bill salmon p'qele'-in, crooked hu-po,t foot hu-po-ckun, footless -po-, to dig. See also -tsik- -po-, to sleep -pok-, to wash poq-ela, cooking basket pola, alone bolaxot, (bulaxut), finger-nail pat, pamut, paut, that padju, [potcu], grizzly bear -potpot-, to boil. Se also -dum- powa, open-work tray basket -poxolxol-, to paint -pu-, to work -pu-, to shoot -puimuk-, to pinch punuslala, by and by -pukim-, -pupul, to nod puktca'-Ena, chaparral. See also axacna pun, p'un, one p'un-tcibum, p'untcpom, six pun-tcigu, nine pun-drasut, eleven. See also saanpun punlasut p'unna, tray basket 376 University of California Publications, [-^m. Akch. Eth. punts-ar, woman puntsar-ie, puntcar-hi,* (punsal-i), my wife puntsari-eeku, bachelor. See also oelulla punts-fila, puntc-alla,* girl -pupul-, -pukim-, to nod punuslala, by and by pusu,t wood pusudr, mouse -putata, to clap hands (hu-putcu-n-xame), [ha-budju-n- xami], o-putcu-n-hama,* beard hi-pxa, intestines hi-pxadji, hi-patci,* skin, bark i-pxadji '-ina, tru-pxadji '-ina, maple ("bark-tree) -pxel-, to twist pxicira, [picui], skunk sa'a, arrow hi-sam, hi-cam,* ear -cem-, to listen -samxu-, to dance hi-samqu-ni, drum sanna, wild potato. See also sawu, qawal, a'asawi sangen, (cankeen), burden basket sanpun, ten saanpun punlasut, eleven. See also pundrasut hu-sa 'antcei, (hu-santcei), u-santce,* heart sapxel, spoon. See also wec-naqalne sapxi, onion sawu, wild potato. See also qawal, a'asawi, sanna -sax-, to cough -saxutxut, to breathe -sek-, to swallow -cekta-, to make fire. See also hatsir hu-ci, liver; (husi), u-si,* breast -sik-, to drive siga, pretty cira, ci'ila, si'leye, sirha,t [cida], woman 's breast, milk cilei-tcumuni, arm-pit [ciloki], a place -sim-, accompany tcu-simda, daughter-in-law cibui, awl cita, swamp. See also hixut citimaa-dji. Big Bar cido'-i, sito-i,* (my) mother citra, srito, robin citrqi, sotri, sitso,* blood sodre-, to bleed citc-ella, sitc-ela,t dog citc-iwi, sitc-iwi, wolf cidji'-in, wet sitjiwaqai, Hoboken cid-ulla, a spring samu, log -sap-, sapho, to slide hu-sot, hu-cot,* eye hu-sot-nimi, eyebrow hu-sunsa, eyelashes hu-so '-xa, tears sote'i, blue (?-— cf. blood) -SU-, -SUX-, to throw -suhni-, to wake cul-, cur, long ago sulhim, abalone -sum-, to follow hi-suma,* face hi-cum-axutculla, wild-cat cun-hulla, old woman cupui, sharp -suta-, to scowl [suta-dji], a place -SUX-, -SU-, to throw -dah-, born -daigu-, to pay ta'ira, ground squirrel -tak, to sing tagnir, trcagnil, wild-cat taktcel, lizard t 'amina, flea tamini, by and by t'amitcxul, red ant hu-tananundjatun, cheek tanatci, comb hi-taxai, tahalwi,* leaf (tabum), again (dedima), [dirima], woodpecker. See also konanantcei, tcuredhu, tculeti teutSu-na, fern tirha,* (di'la), bird tira-cela, teila-tcele, blackbird dilamda, [diramda], long ago tqe'er-in, thin Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 377 tono'-i, dull -tot-, to bury t'ododohi, hatcidri, dentalia. See also ahateu -tu-, to fly hu-tu, u-tu,t feather, wing. See also hi-mi -tudu-, to jump -dum-, to boil. See also -potpot- tumtit-ella, swallow t'ummi, armor. See also tcitza -txa-, to stop hi-txan, hi-tal,* leg hi-txanimaxa, [hi-txanemaxa], knee hi-txan-lSde, hi-kxan-ldde, ankle -txat-, to hide -txax-, abandon. Cf. -taxt- txol, trxol, scorpion (t), crayfish. See also tcisitcin txodehunmi, shallow hu-txun, bone hi-tra, hi-ta, (hi-tca),* hand, finger, arm, shoulder tranehe, tsanehe, five hi-tcanka,* fingers hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu], hi-tcanpo,* arm hi-tci-tceta, thumb -tra-, to tear. See also -xara- -trahu-, to know -tcai-(?), -tcxuu-, to wash trcagnil, tagnir, wild-cat tsamila, butterfly tsamma, dried crumbled salmon -tran-, to dent. See also -kxol- tcanapa, conical shell tranmi-da, downwards tranqoma, Hyampom tranper, wedge tsabok-or, mole tsat, flsh-trap, weir tsadadak, king-fisher tsat-ur, grasshopper -tcatci-, to chew tsawa, lamprey eel trawel, [tcawal],* trout (djawidjau), eagle. See also wemer tcaxi, hard (djeida), dog-salmon -teex-, to break. See also -kat-, -xotos- tcele-i, tceli-t,* black tcele'-in, dirty trelektcei, qerektce, humming-bird tseleye, mosquito tseli-na, gooseberry [(teem-da)], across stream tcemUjt sky -tcemux-, to clear (weather) tremu-muta, trema-mutc-eu, tcimu-muta,* thunder tcem-xatc-ila, bat tcen-eu, acorn-bread tcerasmu, [tcidasmu], mountain-lion tcesundan, pestle tc^tcSi, buzzard trSwut, tceu-t,* (djewu), large trexanmatcxu, rainbow -tci-, to squeeze tcim-ar, tcim-al, (tcim-al), [djim-ar], person, Indian (tcim-al-iko), Chimariko tcimar-etanama,t village tcim-tukta, (djem-duakta), white- man tcimia-na, sarvice-berry tsina, wood-tick -tsik-, to dig. See also -po- tcigule, we. See also natcidut, noutowa tcintxap-mu, [djundxap-mu]. Big Flat hi-tcipe, thigh tcirhuntol, buckskin tcisamra, tcisamrha,* (djicamla), [djisamara], black bear tcisili, tceselli,* tcididi, knife tcisitcin, scorpion. See also txol, trxol tcisum-ula, orphan -tcit-, to sit. See also -wo-, -pat- tcitaba, tcitaha,* lake tcitra, Trinity Eiver tcitindosa, coyote. Cf. tcitcam-uUa, fox tcitxa, armor. See also t'ummi -tciwa-, to sell tcitcam-ulla, fox. See also apxantc- oUa, haura. Cf. tcitindosa, coyote 378 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. tcitca-na, manzanita tcltcan-ma, [djitcaan-ma], Taylor Flat teitci-aqai, manzanita-cider tcitexoi, elder tree triyamen, tseyamen, (tciaman), yellowhammer (tso), up. See also wiemu tsokokotce, bluejay tcolidasum, [djalintasun, djalitasom], New River tcowu, (tcuu), shaman hu-tsu, u-tsu,* teeth -tcuk- (?), to drown tcukutcei, owl. See also hara -tcum-, to marry tcumidan, happy (?), heavy (?) tcumu (?), under tsuna, chin. See also hu-wetu tsuna-na, digging-stick hu-trun-eu, (hu-tcen-eu), u-tcuniwa, belly trupxadji '-ina, ipxadji '-ina, maple tcuredhu, (tculeti), woodpecker. See also konanantcei, dedima, dirima -tcut-, to strike tsudamda-dji, [djidamada-dji], Burnt Eanch tcuxunmin (?), deep -tcxa-, -tcxet-, to pull. See also -tcxet- tcxal-en, light -tcxet-, tcxa, to pull trxol, txol, cray-fish, scorpion (?) -tcxua-, to fight (tcxupun), acorn. See also yutri -tcxuu, -tcai-, to wish uleta, small uluida-i, (my) paternal aunt umul, omul,* salmon (umul-itcawa), sturgeon ("large- salmon") (umul-tcani), summer salmon uwu,t tobacco ha-wa,t mouth wai-da, east; (wai-da), up-stream -wak, -watok-, to come wa'la, wa'da, crow -wam-, -waum-, -wawum-, -a-, to go -watok-, -wak, to come watcel, pepper-wood hi-wax, excrement welmu, quickly. See also luredja wemer, eagle. See also djawidjau -wemtso-, to gamble wentcu, cradle weboqam, floor ho-wec, antlers, horn wec-naqalne, spoon wessa, door hu-wetu, chin. See also tsuna -whek-, to push hi-wi, anus (wiemu), up. See also tso wili'i, wili-t,* red wisS-da, down-stream wisilla, chipmunk (?), beaver (?). See also pipila -W0-, to cry -W0-, -wom, to sit, to stay. See also -tcit-, -pat- hi-woanad-atsa, chair hi-wo-hunmi, sunset wowoin, to bark -wuqam-, to tie -xai-, to make xamoa-na, blackberry xar-uUa, hal-alla,* (xal-ala), baby -xaca-, to yawn -xata-, to tear. See also -tra- -xadj-, to steal i-xa-gutca, thief (xatsa), cold (xaumta-dji), a village in Hupa, below the Ferry [xawaamai]. Mad River xaxa-tcei, duck; hahatce,* mallard duck xaxec-na, poison oak xawin, caterpillar xawi-ni, old xe'ir-en, xere'-in, narrow (?), wide (?) -xedo-, to scrape -xiaxe-, to rub xoku, qaqu, two xaku-spom, qaqi-cpom, seven -xolgo-, to scratch. See also -kirkir- -xome-, to forget xapun-eu, bow Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 379 [xoraxdu], a place xosu, hosu,* yellow pine xodai, hotai, three xodai-tcibum, hotai-tcipum, eight xodalan, poor. Cf. -hada-, rich -xotos-, to break. See also -kat-, -tcex- -xatudu, to snore xowen-ila, slowly xowu, yellow-jacket -XU-, -XUC-, -bus-, -kos-, to blow -xii-, to whistle -XU-, to swim -XU-, to carry. See also -mai, -ham-, -qi- ho-xu, nose -XU-, fat (adj.) -XUC-, -XU-, -bus-, -kos-, to blow xQitcu-lan, short xuli, holi-ta,* bad xuli-teni, left-hand xuneri, huneri, marten ( f ), mink( t). See also qapam xunoi-da, west (f), north (!) -xutaxun-, to remember xutcxu, hemlock (xuwetci), deer (buck). Cf. -wee, antlers yaqa-na, white oak [yaqana-dji], a place yanuniiwa, yanunwa,* pigeon -yatci-, iatci-mut,* to laugh yekyek, hawk. See also petcxol yeto'a, [yeteiwa], raccoon (yetcawe), deer (doe) yoma, unleached acorn-meal yonot, buckeye yumatc, gopher yutri, acorn yutxui-na, tan-bark oak yiiura, dove PLACE NAMES. Taylor Flat Cedar Flat Burnt Eanch Hawkin's Bar Dyer's ranch Patterson 's Thomas' Forks of New River New River City Willow Creek Big Bar Weaverville New River Big Creek Trinity River Hoboken South Fork Trinity River Summerville Jordan 's Cecilville Yocumville Bennett 's Hyampom Big Flat Salt Ranch Mad River tcitcanma [djitcanma] hadinaktcohada tsudamdadji [djidamadadji] hamaidadji [amaitadji] itcxaposta paktonadji [baktunadji] maidjasore qaiyausmudji qo 'omeniwinda hitutaidji citimaadji hisaemu tcolidasum [djalintasun, djalitasom] himeaqutce tcitra sitjiwaqai hatcugidje maitotoudji maidoleda maidjatciidje maidjahutcula atcugidje tranqoma tcintxapmu [djundxapmu] aqitce [aikidje] [xawaamaij 380 University of California Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. Hupa, village at foot of valley (amitsihedji) [amitsepi] Hupa, village below Ferry [hobetadji] Hupa, Hostler village (xaumtadji) Hupa, Captain John's village [(mutuma-dji)] Hupa, village at head of valley [(neradji)] Unidentified place names mentioned by Doctor Tom to Dr. A. L. Kroeber: amimamuco, hikdadji, kaimandot, itcikut, itcui, hoxudji, sutadji, hisitsaidje, huwitadji, qaetxata, yaqanadji, amatceledji, itsutsatmidji, agax- teeadji, baktunadji ,hisaadamu, xoraxdu, hutsutsaiedje, ciloki, kokomatxami. INDEX.* Abalone, 298. Achomawi, 241, 260. Acorns, 299. Accidental possession, 320, 323. Adjectives, 334. Adolescent girl, 109. Adzes, 300. Affixes, 317. Aflfricatives in Hupa, 16. Altsodoniglehi, 61. American Anthropologist, 73, 253, 296. American Folk-Lore Society, 26. American Indians, 24. American languages, 1, 19, 70. Apron, 298. Arabic, 23. Arizona, 25. Armor, 300. Arrowheads, 253. Arrows, 246, 247, 259, 282, 300. Arrow-straightener, 253, 284. Athapascan, 67, 68, 71, 74, 80, 131, 296; Athapascan dialects, 7, 9, 11, 13, 17. Atsugewi, 337. Bale's lake, 242. Baskets, 250, 253, 264, 268, 270, 272, 274, 278, 300. Bekot«idi, 58, 59. Belt, 258, 276. Bennet's, 379. Bevier, 3. Be^inyasin, 32, 33. Big Bar, 296, 297, 379. Big creek, 379. Big Flat, 379. Bill Ray, 68, 201. Black Hills, 241. Blanket, 255. Blue Rock, 67, 217. Blue Rock creek, 233. Bly, 241. Bodily decoration, 298. Bows, 246, 282, 300. Breech-clout, 298. Bureau of Ethnology, 240. Burnt Ranch, 297, 379. Cahto, 226. California, Ethnological and Arch- aeological Survey of, 239. Camass, 243, 256. Cannel coal, 26. Canoe, 243, 247, 248, 259, 260, 262, 300. Cape, 255. Caps, 255, 276, 298. Case, grammatical, 321, 323. Cats-cradle, 302. Cedar Flat, 297. CeLciyetodun, 191, 208, 214. Central California, 260, 305, 311, 321, 335, 336. Ceremonials, 303. Cecilville, 379. Charms, 253. Chelly Caiion, 25. Chesnut, V. K., 149. Chief, 301. Childbirth, 302. Chimalakwe, 296. China Flat, 307. Chumash, 320. Classification of sounds, 4. Clear lake, 241. Coast Range, 246. Collective, 323. Columbia, 259. Comb, 286. Composition, 311. Connectives, 335. Continuants in Hupa, 8. Contributions to North American Ethnology, 11, 67. Corral creek, 296. Coville, 243, 247, 249, 254, 255, 256. Cox 's Bar 296. Coyote, 68', 191^ 195, 211, 217, 218, 219, 222, 231, 232, 304. Cradle, 257, 270. Crater lake, 240. Creation, 304. Cremation, 302. Culin, Stewart, 253. Cup and ball game, 302. Dairy, 242. Dakota, 23. Dawn Boy, 26, 27, 28, 31, 33, 34. Deformation of head, 257. Demonstratives, 322. Dentalia, 298. • Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., Vol. 5.  Index. Depfintsa, 32. Derivation, 311. Deschutes river, 240. Dialects, Eel river, 135. Dip-net, 243, 249, 259, 262. Directional suffixes, 319, 330. Dixon, E. B., 296, 299, 302, 337; and Kroeber, 336. Dog, 304. Dorsey, George A., 253. Dreams, 303. Dress, 298. Dual, 322. Dutch Henry creek, 226. Dyer, Mrs., 295, 307, 309, 363. Dyer's, 297, 379. DziLdanistini, 26. Earth lodge, 243. Eel river, 67, 201, 224, 226, 234. Eels, 298. Elk, dancing, 227. English, 2, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 22, 23. Esselen, 295. Estsanatlehi, 47, 59. Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of California, 239. Evernia vulpina, 254. Exploded sounds, 19, 70. False palate, 3. Fire drill, 257. Fire, securing of, 304. Fire, theft of, 349. Fish-hooks, 250, 259, 286. Fish spear, 247, 251, 259, 300. Fish trap, 257, 280. Flood, 304, 341. Flute, 300. Food songs, 32. Fourier's theorem, 3. French, 13, 23. French creek, 296. Friday, 295, 307, 309, 363. Funerals, 302. Games, 253. Gambling, 302. Gambling tray, 264. Gatschet, A. S., 241, 246. Geese, 224. German, 2, 12, 13, 23, 70. Goddard, P. E., 296, 299, 307, 363. Gopher, 223. Grass-game, 302. Grasshoppers, 299. Grasshopper Girl, 30, 47, 48. Hair brush, 258. Haliotis, 26, 31, 32, 59. Harpoon, 251, 286. Hastsehogan, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, Hastsejalti, 26, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34. Hatali Natloi, 24, 59. Hats, 278. Hawkin's Bar, 297, 379. Hay Fork of Trinity river, 296. Eajolkal Aski, 26, 28. Headbands, 257. Hearst, Mrs. Phoebe A., 239, 295. Hermann, 3. Hoboken, 379. Horse, 35. Horse Fly valley, 242. Hostler village, 380. Houses, 243, 299. House God, 27, 29, 47, 48. Hupa, 68, 71, and foil., 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, 304, 305, 306, 336, 354, 361, 363, 380. Hupa language, 4. Hupa Texts, 10, 17. Hyampom, 296, 379. Imperative, 329. Incorporation, 321; nominal, 328. Independent pronoun, 322. Infixes, 320. Inherent possession, 320, 323. Instrumental prefixes, 318, 329. Intensive suffix, 321, 322. Interrogatives, 322. John Wilson creek, 231. Jordan's, 379. Juniper, 257, 274. Julius Marshall, 4. Kai Pomo, 67. Kangaroo-rat, 217. Karok, 303. Kato, 67, 68. Keen creek, 240. Kelta, 11. Keno Spring, 242. Kethawn, 27. Kibesillah, 191, 205. Kininaekai, 25, 29. Klamath Falls, 241. Klamath Indian Keservation, 239. Klamath lakes, 240, 241, 242. Klamath Lake Indians, 239. Klamath marsh, 240, 241, 242. Klamath river, 240 . Konomihu, 305, 337. Kroeber, A. L., 307, 309, 354, 363, 380. Kymograph, 2, 3. Laytonville, 67, 197. Leggings, 255, 276. Leldin, 11. L evirate, 301. Lightning of the Thunder, 61. Link river, 241. Linkville, 241. Lip positions, photographs of, 2.  Index. Little Lake valley, 198, 226. Locative suffixes, 319, 321, 323. Lockey Flat, 242. Lodaiki, 226. Long valley, 67, 198. Long Valley creek, 225. Lost river, 241. Lost River valley, 242. Lutuami, 239, 240, 241, 242, 253, 258, 259. Mad river, 219, 379. Maidu, 299, 311, 320, 321, 329. Marey tambor, 4. Marriage, 301. Marshall, Julius, 4. Mats, 245, 260, 264, 288, 290, 292. Matthews, Dr. Washington, 24. Maul, 252, 259, 284. Meadowlark, 224. Mechanical Aids to the Study and Recording of Language, 3. Mendocino county, 67. Mesh-measure, 286. Mesh-stick, 250. Milkweed, 250. Moccasins, 255, 276, 280, 298. Modal-temporal affixes, 319, 321, 331. Modoc, 240, 241. Modoc Indians, 239. Monosyllabic stems, 333. Months, 205. Morphology of the Hupa Lan- guage, 12, 18. Mortar, 252, 284. Mud Springs, 198. MuUer, two-horned, 252, 259, 266, 284. Mythology, 304. Nagaitcho, 68, 183, 185, 186. Nasals in Hupa, 9. Navaho, 12, 77; Navaho Legends, 26, 27, 28. Negative, 332. Net sinker, 259, 284. Nets, 247, 249, 250, 252, 300. Nettle, 250, 288. New river, 295, 296, 307, 379; city, 296, 379; forks of, 379; tribe, 305. Night Chant, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 35, 54. Ni'naftokfi, dine', 27. Noble, Mrs., 363. Nongatl, 149, 219. Northwestern California, 259, 260, 300, 304, 305, 311, 335, 336. Number, 321, 323. Numerals, 334. Nymphia polysepala, 242. Object, nominal, 327; pronominal, 326, 327. Offspring of the Water, 61. Oklahoma, 240. Olene, 242. Onomatopoeia, 311. Order of words, 335. Oregon, 239, 259, 301, 306. Origin of earth, 183; of fire, 195; of fresh water, 188; of light, 191, 195; of seeds, 210; of val- leys, 197. Paddle, 248. Palate, false, 3, Palatograms, 2. Patterson's, 297, 379. Pains, in Chimariko, ceremonial, 303. Paiute, 259. Pelado Peak, 47. People on the earth, 27. Pestle, 252, 284. Phonograph, 3, Pine-nuts, 299. Pipes, 253, 259, 286, 300. Pit river, 241. Place names, 379. Plains Indians, 259. Plants used by the Indians of Mendocino Co., Calif., 149. Platters, 256, 268. Plural for politeness, 143. Pollen Boy, 30, 47, 48. Pomo, 67. Polysyllabic stems, 334. Porcupine, 254. Possession, 320, 323. Postpositions, 335. Pouch, 270. Powers, S., 67, 296, 307, 362. Prefixes, 318, 320. Pronominal affixes, 318, 324. Puberty ceremonials, 301. Putnam, F. W., 24. Quiver, 255, 282, 300. Quoits, 302. Rafts, 255, 260. Rancheria Flat, 198. Rattles, 300. Rattlesnake as husband, 234. Ray, Bill, 68, 201. Reclining Mountain, 26. Redemeyer's ranch, 197, 235. Red Mountain, 217. Red Rock House, 25, 30, 31. Reduplication, 311, 334. Redwood creek, 227. Reflexive, 328. Rhett lake, 240, 241, 242, 243. Rock creek, 198. Rocky Mountain sheep, 35. Rogue river, 240. Round-dance, 303.  Index. Eound Valley, 198. Eousselot, kymograph, 2, 3, 4, 10. Sacks, 256. Sacramento Valley, 299. Saisuntcbi, 233. Sak 'eniinsandun, 225. Salmon, 298. Salmon river, 297. Salt Ranch, 379. San Francisco mountain, 49. San Juan mountains, 49. San Mateo mountain, 49. Sapir, Edward, 68. Scirpus lacustris, 244, 290. Scirpus rohustus, 244, 288. Scott Valley, 297. Scratching-stick, 301. Scripture, E. W., 3. Seed-beater, 257. Semi-vowels in Hupa, 8. Sentences, 361. Serpent, horned, 226. Shaman, 60, 303. Shasta, 295, 296, 297, 303, 305, 306, 307, 311, 320. 321, 327, 329, 335, 336, 337, 339. Shasta-Achomawi, 296. Sheep, 35. Sherwood valley, 226. Shoshonean, 258. Shuttle, 250, 286. Sierra Nevada, 246. Slayer of the Alien Gods, 61. Snake-skin, 298. Snow-shoe, 255, 276, 298. Sound-representation, 2. Sounds in Kato, key to, 69. Spanish, 67, 70. Spear points, 253. Spirants in Hupa, 10. Spoon, 268, 300. Spoon-shaped basket, 255. Sprague river, 241, 242. Stems, monosyllabic, 333; poly- syllabic, 334. Stops in Hupa, 13. String. 250; nettle string, 288. Suflaxes, 319, 320, 321, 323. Summer house, 244, 264. Summerville, 379. Sun Bearer, 58. Sun shelter, 245. Sweat-dance, 303. Sweathouse, 245, 246, 299. Sycan marsh, 241; river, 242. Syringa, 300. Taboo, 109, 199, 205. Talking God, 27, 29, 47. Tambor, 4. Tattooing, 298. Taylor's Flat, 296, 297, 379. TcuLsaitcdun, 221. Ten-mile creek, 221, 233. Thomas', 297, 379. Thunder, 68, 185, 186. Tolowa, 8. Tom, Dr., 295, 309, -354, 363, 380. Torch, 257, 286. Trays, 256. Trinity county, 295, 307. Trinity river, 297, 306, 379; south fork of, 295, 297, 379. Trunks, 300. Tse'gihe, 28, 32, 33, 54. Tse'intyel, 28. Tsenit,si/io,<7an Bigi'n, 25. Tse' ya/iodiZyiJ, 28. Tsi«ihanoai, 58. Tule, 244, 253, 254, 256, 258, 264, 268, 270, 272, 278, 280, 288, 290. Tule lake, 240, 241, 242, 243. Turtle, 222, 223. Turquoise, 26, 59. University of California, 239; De- partment of Anthropology of the, 24, 295. Verb stems, 332. Vocabulary, 362. Vowels, 307; in Hupa, 5. Washington, 301. Washo, 320, 321. Water-panther, 235. Wailaki, 67, 68, 201, 234. Weaverville. 379. Wedges, 252. White Corn Boy, 30. White House, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 34. Widows, 302. Willow, 256, 278. Willow creek, 307, 379. Wintim, 295, 296, 298, 305, 306, 311, 321, 329, 336, 337. Wiyot, 304. Wokas, 243, 248. 252, 255, 256, 259, 266, 268, 274, 280. World behind the ocean, 209. Worms, 299. Yainax, 242. Yam Say peak, 241. Yana, 295, 311, 337. YatcuLsaik 'wut, 193, Yelindun, 193. Yellow Corn Girl, 30. Yellow-hammer, 205, 207, 209. Yellow jackets, 299. Yocumville, 379. Yuki, 67, 191, 226, 231. Yuni, 31. Yurok, 303.  UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS - (CONTINUED) Vol. 8. 1. A Mission Record of the California Indians, from a Manuscript in the Bancroft Library, by A. L, Kroeber. Pp. 1-27, May, 1908 26 2. The Ethnography of the Cahuilla Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29- 68, plates 1-15. July, 1908 _ 76 3. 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