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Vol, 5, No. 5, pp. 293-380 August 19, 1910 







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Vol. 5 NO. 5 






Pabt I. Culture. 

Introduction 295 

Territory and History 295 

Material Culture 298 

Social Organization 301 

Religion 303 

Conclusions 305 

Part II. Language. 

Introduction 307 

Phonetics 307 

Initial Sounds 309 

Terminal Sounds 309 

Dialectical Differences 309 

Combinations of Sounds 310 

Influence of Sounds on One Another 310 

Summary 311 

Reduplication 311 

Composition _ - 311 

A. Prefixes or Suffixes 318 

B. Prefixes 318 

C. Suffixes 319 

Pronoun _ 321 

Independent Personal Pronoun _ 322 

Demonstratives 322 

Interrogatives 322 

Noun 323 

Case Suffixes 323 

Number „ - _ 323 

Possessive 323 

294 University of California Publications, [^^i- Arch. Eth. 


Verb 324 

Pronominal Affixes 324 

Eeflexive 328 

Imperative 329 

Formative Affixes 329 

Temporal and Modal Affixes 331 

Verbal Stems 332 

Adjectives 334 

Numerals 334 

Postpositions 335 

Connectives 335 

Order of Words 335 

Conclusion and Eelations 335 

Texts 339 

I. The Sorcerer 339 

Notes 340 

II, The Mood 341 

Notes 343 

Free Translation 346 

m. The Unsuccessful Hunter 346 

Notes 347 

Free Translation 349 

IV. The Theft of Fire 349 

Notes 352 

Free Translation 353 

V. A Myth 354 

Notes 356 

VI 359 

Notes 360 

Sentences 361 

Vocabulary 362 

English-Chimariko 363 

Chimariko-English 370 

Place Names 379 

Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 295 



The mvestigation in the course of which the material was 
secured upon which the following account of the culture and 
language of the Chimariko Indians of California is based, was 
conducted during July and August, 1906, on behalf of the 
Department of Anthropology of the University of California, 
and, in common with the other researches of the Department, 
was made possible by the support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst. At 
the present time there appear to be only two living full-blood 
Chimariko. One of these. Doctor Tom, a half-crazy old man, 
proved worthless for purposes of investigation, and the bulk of 
the information secured was obtained from Mrs. Dyer, a failing 
old woman of about eighty years of age, living on lower New 
River. Some supplementary details were gathered from "Fri- 
day," a well-known character near the Hupa reservation, half 
Hupa and half Wintun by birth, but having had close affiliations 
with the Chimariko many years ago. 

The little group of Indians to whom the name Chimariko has 
been given occupied a small area situated in the western portion 
of Trinity County, in northern California. The language spoken 
by the group has always been believed to differ radically from all 
others kno\\TQ, so that, unless certain resemblances discussed in 
the linguistic portion of this paper are accepted as establishing 
an affinity with the Shastan family, the Chimariko by themselves 
constitute an independent linguistic stock. In the small size of 
the area occupied, the Chimariko fall into the same class with 
several other stocks in California, such as the Yana and the 
extinct Esselen. 


As far as can be ascertained at present, the Chimariko seem 
to have regarded as their territory a narrow strip of country 
extending along Trinity River from the mouth of the South Fork 

296 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

up as far as Taylor's Flat at French Creek. This upper limit is 
well corroborated by repeated statements of the "Wintun, who 
controlled all the upper Trinity, reaching as far downstream as 
Cox's or Big Bar, some five or six miles above French Creek. 
In addition to this strip of territory along the main Trinity, 
there . is some evidence to the effect that the Chimariko also 
extended up the South Fork to a point about fifteen miles above 
Hyampom, and also up Hay Fork as far as the mouth of Corral 
Creek. These statements in regard to this extension up the South 
Fork are rather confusing and somewhat contradictory, but appear 
to be confirmed by the testimony of the Wintun in Hay Fork 
Valley. In view, however, of positive statements secured by Dr. P, 
E. Goddard from the Athabascan tribes on the upper South Fork, 
to the effect that they occupied the South Fork as far as its 
mouth, the extension up this stream of the Chimariko may be 
considered doubtful. 

"Whether or not the so-called Chimalakwe of New River 
formed a portion of the Chimariko, or were identical with them, 
is a matter which must apparently remain unsettled. Powers 
declares^ that the Chimalakwe occupied New River, and that they 
were in process of conquest and absorption by the Hupa at the 
time of the first appearance of the whites. The upper portion 
of New River, about New River City and perhaps below, was 
occupied according to Shasta accounts by a small branch of the 
Shastan family, speaking a distinct dialect.- Satisfactory state- 
ments in regard to the occupants of lower New River cannot now 
be secured. The survivors of the Chimariko most emphatically 
deny that they ever permanently occupied any part of New 
River, stating that they merely visited and ascended it a short 
distance, and only for the purpose of hunting. The people living 
on New River are declared to have been very few, and to have 
spoken a Hupa dialect. It is unquestionable that the name 
Chimalakwe, given to the New River tribe by Powers, is derived 
from the same stem tcimal, tcimar^ as Chimariko. Inasmuch as 

1 Powers, S., Tribes of California, Washington, 1877. Contributions to 
North American Ethnology, III, p. 92. 

2 Dixon, E. B., The Shasta-Aehomawi : A New Linguistic Stock, with 
Four New Dialects. American Anthropologist, n. s., VII., pp. 241-315. 

3 Tc = English ch, c = sh. See the discussion of phonetics in the lin- 
guistic part. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chiynariko Indians and Language. 297 

these New River people are entirely extinct, and the Chimariko 
virtually so, it seems doubtful if the question of their relationship 
can now be definitely settled. 

According to the information procured, the Chimariko had 
only a few small villages within the small area they occupied; 
that at Burnt Ranch, Tsuda'radadji, being the largest. Other 
villages of which names and locations were secured were at Cedar 
Flat, Ha'dinaktcohada ; Hawkin's Bar, Hamai'dadji; Taylor's 
Flat, Tcitca'nma; Big Bar, Citimaadje; and one known as 
Mamsu'idji on the Trinity River just above the mouth of the 
South Fork. In addition to these the following names of places 
on New River were obtained, but were said to have been mere 
temporary hunting camps: Itcxapo'sta, Dyer's; Pakto'nadji, 
Patterson's; and Mai'djasore, Thomas'. 

The earliest contact of the Chimariko with the whites prob- 
ably took place in the second or third decade of the nineteenth 
century, when the first trappers of the fur companies made 
their appearance in this region. This first contact was, however, 
of small moment compared with the sudden irruption into the 
region of the gold-seekers who, in the early fifties, overran the 
whole middle and upper Trinity River. From this time on for 
fifteen years or more, the placers of the section were largely 
worked, and the inevitable conflicts between the miners and the 
Indians occurred. In the sixties the feeling was particularly 
bitter, and the unequal contest resulted in the practical annihila- 
tion of the Chimariko. A few remnants fled, taking refuge either 
with the Hupa, or on the upper Salmon River, or in Scott Valley 
with tribes belonging to the Shastan stock. From here, after an 
exile of many years, the survivors, then numbering only some 
half-dozen, straggled back to their old homes ; and of this handful 
all are now gone except one old man and woman, besides whom 
there are two or three mixed bloods who have little or no 
knowledge of the earlier culture of the stock. 

"What may have been the population of the area before the 
coming of the whites it is impossible to say. In all probability 
it could not have numbered more than some hundreds. 

298 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


The dress of the Chimariko seems to have been to some extent 
a compromise between that of the Wintun and the Hupa. Men 
apparently wore no breeeh-clout, merely wrapping a deer-skin 
about the waist, and adding to this in winter a deer-skin mantle. 
Moccasins were worn only in the winter months. Women wore a 
buckskin fringe or apron in front, reaching from the waist to the 
knee, and about ten inches in width. A second apron or half- 
skirt was also worn behind, similar in general to those worn by 
the Hupa, but plain and unfringed. A basket cap was worn on 
the head. In winter time men wore snow-shoes, which were made 
by bending a hazel stick in a circle or hoop, and tying to this two 
cross-sticks at right angles to each other. The foot was securely 
tied on by a buckskin lashing. 

Bodily decoration and ornament were more restricted than 
among the Hupa. Dentalia and abalone were used to some extent, 
as was also a variety of small cylindrical beads, said to have been 
made of bone. All of these were, however, sparingly employed. 
Dentalia, if large, were sometimes wrapped spirally with narrow 
strips of snake-skin, and were measured by the string, the unit of 
length being from the thumb to the tip of the shoulder. 

The ears were generally pierced, but not the nose, and tattoo- 
ing was less elaborate than among the Trinity Wintun. These 
latter tattooed the whole cheek up to the temples, and also the 
chin, whereas the Chimariko, like the Hupa, confined themselves 
to a few lines on the chin only. The tattooing was restricted to 
the women alone, and was effected by the same method as among 
the Shasta, namely by fine, parallel cuts rather than by puncture. 
The process was begun early in life, and the lines broadened by 
additions from time to time, until in some cases the chin became 
an almost solid area of blue. Certain women were particularly 
skillful in the work, and were much in demand. 

The food supply of the Chimariko was formerly abundant. 
The Trinity River supplied them with ample quantities of 
salmon, which were split and dried in the usual manner, and 
preserved either in this or in powdered form. Eels were another 
important source of food. Deer, elk, and bear constituted the 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 299 

larger part of the game supply, in addition to which mountain- 
lion and several other animals supplied an occasional meal. 
Yellow-jacket larvae were considered delicacies, but grasshoppers 
and worms, relished by the Sacramento Valley tribes, were not 

As among most California Indians, vegetable products, and 
particularly acorns, formed a large element in the food supply. 
The acorns were prepared and eaten in the same manner as among 
the Hupa and Maidu.* Grass-seeds of various kinds, pine-nuts, 
berries, and roots of several varieties were gathered in large 
quantities, and eaten either fresh or dried. 

In cooking, deer-meat was either roasted or boiled, whereas 
for bear-meat only the latter method was practiced. 

None of the old type of houses built by the Chimariko now 
survive. As described they were roughly similar to those of the 
Hupa, but ruder. The structure w^as made of fir-bark slabs, and 
in shape was round or oval. The usual diameter of the house 
was from ten to fourteen feet, and the interior was as a rule 
excavated to a depth of about one foot. The ridge-pole was 
supported by two posts, and the simple gable roof, in general like 
that of the Hupa, was not provided with any earth covering. 
The low side-walls were formed of vertical slabs of bark. At one 
end of the house was the door, small, but not rounded, and closed 
by a movable piece of bark. At the end opposite the door was a 
small draught-hole, through which game was always hauled in. 
Along the sides of the house were the sleeping places, consisting 
of beds of grass, leaves, and pine-needles, covered with skins. 

In addition to this dwelling house, awa', the Chimariko had a 
sweat-house, ma'tta. This was circular, excavated to a depth of 
two or three feet, and had the fireplace somewhat back of the 
center. The roof was of brush and earth, without any smoke- 
hole. Houses of this type would accommodate eight or ten men, 
and in these houses were held the so-called sweat-dances. This 
type of house seems on the whole to be rather more like the earth 
lodges of the Sacramento Valley than the taikyuw of the Hupa. 
It is stated that there were no menstrual lodges of any sort. 

* Goddard, P. E., Life and Culture of the Hupa, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. 
Arch. Ethn., I, pp. 21-29; Dixon, R. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. 
Mu8. Nat. Hist., XVIL, pp. 184-187. 

300 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

The furnishings of the houses were simple. Baskets exclu- 
sively were used for storage and cooking, and the soap-stone 
troughs and vessels of the Hupa appear to have been lacking. 
For stirring acorn-mush a simple paddle was in use. Informa- 
tion as to spoons was contradictory, one informant declaring that 
carved spoons like those of the Hupa^ were employed, the other 
that this was not the case. The cylindrical wooden trunks of 
the Hupa were not known. 

Knives and arrowpoints were as a rule made of obsidian, 
obtained either from the Wintun or the Redwood Creek Indians. 
Both informants declared that no axes or adzes were made, and 
that trees, if cut, were laboriously hacked with small knives. 

The bow was of yew as a rule, flat, sinew-backed, and resem- 
bling the usual type of bow in Northwestern California.*' Arrows 
were generally made of syringa, and were carried in a quiver of 
raccoon, wild-cat or fawn skin. In shooting the bow was held 
horizontally. For armor, the Chimariko used an elk-hide robe 
coming down to the knees, the heavy skin of the neck standing up 
in front of the face. Slat or stick armor is said not to have been 

Canoes were not made by the Chimariko, and rivers and 
streams were crossed by swimming, or on rude rafts, built of logs. 

Pipes were made, according to one account, similar to those 
of the Hupa, with neatly formed stone bowls.^ Other accounts, 
however, state that the pipe was much cruder, and made like that 
of the "VVintun, without stone and with a large bowl. 

For musical instruments the Chimariko made chief use of 
the flute. This had four holes, and was used chiefly in courting. 
Rattles are declared to have been only sparingly used. 

Fish-spears were, like the arrows, made of syringa, and had 
bone points. Nets, apparently identical with those of the Hupa, 
were largely used in catching salmon. Basketry, of which no 
specimens now survive, was considerably developed. The baskets 
were exclusively of the twined variety, and in pattern were 
declared to have been similar to those of the northern Wintun.* 

5 Goddard, op. cit., pi. 16. 

6 Ibid., pi. 11. 

7 Ibid., pi. 17. 

8 See Kroeber, A. L., Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern 
California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Anier. Arch. Ethn., II, pi. 21 and passim. 
DLxon, R. B., Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California Bull 
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, pp. 17-19, pi. XXIII, XXIV. ' 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 301 


The information secured in regard to the social organization 
of the Chimariko is unfortunately rather scanty. In common 
with most California tribes, there was no trace, apparently, of 
any elan organization, and the only social units were the various 
village communities. Each such village group had its chief or 
head-man, whose position was usually hereditary in the male line. 
If the natural successor was, however, thought unfit, some one 
else was elected. The chief led his people in time of war, and 
seems to have exercised considerable control over the members 
of the village group. 

Any type of social stratification into classes, seen in a rudi- 
mentary form among the Hupa, and increasingly northwards 
into Oregon and Washington, appears here to be lacking; and 
slavery, which was a regular institution among the Hupa, was 
not known. 

The whole area occupied by the Chimariko was a common 
hunting ground, and fishing places in the river are also said to 
have been public property, without any evidence of private 
control as among the Shasta and other neighboring peoples. 

The Chimariko were, in general, monogamic. Wives were 
usually bought from parents, although sometimes a girl would 
be sent by her parents, as a wife, to a man who was famed as a 
good hunter and a reliable man. If the girl disliked him, she 
would bite his hands, and scratch him, until he sent her back 
to her home. The levirate was a common custom, and if a man 's 
wife died soon after her marriage her family were bound to give 
him her sister, or some near relative, as a second wife. For this 
substitute wife, no additional payment was required. 

Puberty ceremonials for women were as a whole simple. The 
girl had to remain secluded in the house for a period of about 
a month. !Much of this time she was obliged to lie down, and 
be covered up with skins. She was subject to many food restric- 
tions, and ate sparingly, always alone, at dawn and sunset. 
Throughout the period of her seclusion she was obliged to use 
a scratching-stick. At times, she was supposed to dance, usually 
outside the house. In these dances her hair, cut in a bang on 

302 University of California Publications, [^m- Arch. Eth. 

the forehead, was made with pitch into a series of tassels or 
tassel-like ringlets, and these were long enough to fall down over 
her eyes. "When the period of seclusion was over, there was 
generally a feast given by her parents, and another dance, and 
then the whole was regarded as completed. The ceremony was 
apparently not repeated at any of the subsequent menstrual 

At childbirth a woman was subject to food restrictions, and 
had to remain in seclusion for two or three weeks. 

But little information was obtained in regard to funeral cus- 
toms. Cremation was declared never to have been practiced, the 
body always having been buried. The ceremony if possible took 
place on the day of the death, and a considerable quantity of prop- 
erty, both personal and gifts from relatives, was placed with the 
body in the grave. Widows cut their hair short, and ' ' cried ' ' for 
a month, but did not put pitch on their faces and heads. The 
house of the deceased was sometimes, but not always, destroyed. 
The persons who dug the grave were considered unclean, and 
had to undergo a five days' fast, and then bathe before they 
might again take up their regular life. 

The chief gambling game of the Chimariko was the wide- 
spread "grass-game" of Central California.® It was played here 
by two players on a side, each player having a single, unmarked 
bone or stick about two inches long. One side guesses while the 
other "rolls," shuffling the bones from hand to hand, wrapping 
them in small bunches of grass, and then presenting their hands, 
containing these bunches of grass, to the other side that they may 
guess the relative position of the two bones. Each side is said to 
have started with ten counters, and one side or the other must 
win all twenty to come out victor. Details in regard to methods 
of counting could not be secured. 

The cup and ball game, played with salmon vertebrae, was 
in use ; also cats-cradle ; and a game in which objects were thrown 
at a pin or a post, as in quoits. 

9 Dixon, E. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, 
pp. 209-216. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 303 


The religious ceremonials of the Chimariko appear to have 
been more like those of the Shasta than of any other of their 
neighbors, in that they had no other dances except those of the 

There were, it seems, both men and women shamans, and they 
might or might not inherit their position. The sign that a 
person was destined to become a shaman was a series of dreams. 
These were, in the case of a man, often the result of solitary 
visits to remote mountain lakes, in which the person would bathe 
at dusk. In these dreams, instructions were given the neophyte 
by various supernatural beings, and these directions must be 
followed exactly. Later a full-fledged shaman came and put a 
"pain" into the mouth of the new member. This ceremony was 
accompanied by dances, held out of doors, the neophyte wearing 
a buckskin skirt painted red in stripes, and holding a bunch of 
yellow feathers in the hand. Details of this dance could not be 
obtained. In doctoring, the shaman was usually seated, and 
after singing for some time, sucked out the pain, which was 
generally a small, spindle-shaped object from one to two inches 
in length. The pain once extracted, melted away and dis- 
appeared in the shaman 's hand. 

Apart from the dance held by the shaman neophyte, and that 
already alluded to in speaking of the girls' puberty ceremony, 
the Chimariko seem to have had nothing except the so-called 
sweat-dance. This was a very simple affair, participated in by 
men alone, dancing without clothing and indoors. One member 
sang, and beat time on the ground with a stick. So far as could 
be learned, all the typical dances of the Ilupa, Karok, and Yurok 
were wanting, and the Chimariko did not even attend them when 
held by the Hupa, as did the Shasta with the Karok. 

In the summer time occasionally people would hold the 
"round-dance" merely for pleasure. This consisted simply in 
a number of people dancing around in a circle, without orna- 
ments or paraphernalia of any sort, and was repeated as often 
as desired. It seems to have had little or no religious or cere- 
monial importance. 

304 University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth. 

Of the mythology of the Chimariko, only one or two frag- 
ments could be obtained. Concerning the creation, it is said that 
the dog was the most powerful being. lie knew everything 
beforehand, and told the coyote that a great wind was coming, 
which would blow all people away. He counselled the coyote to 
hold tightly to a tree, but when the wind came, the coyote 
whirled round and round, twisted the tree off, and blew away. 
Later the coyote returned, and the dog sang songs over him, 
and made him strong. The dog next prophesies a flood, and to 
escape it the two build a house of stone with an underground 
chamber. The flood comes, and all other people are destroyed, 
except the frog, mink, and otter, and one man. The flood sub- 
sides, finally, and the man finds a small fragment of bone in the 
canoe in which the frog has taken refuge. This piece of bone 
he preserves in a basket, and it later comes to life as a girl child. 
The man marries the child, and from this pair all Chimariko are 
descended. There is possibly an element of missionary teaching 
in this tale, but it constitutes all that could be learned in regard 
to ideas of the origin of things. 

The second fragment secured deals with a man who had two 
wives. Unsuccessful in hunting, he cuts off one leg and brings 
this back as game for the household. Next day he brings back 
his entrails and finally his other leg. The wives suspect what 
he has done and refuse to eat the meat, finally leaving him 
secretly while he sleeps, and running away. 

There is finally a brief statement in regard to the securing 
of fire. The coyote suggests that all animals unite in an attempt 
to steal fire from the person who owns it. Several try to reach 
the place where it is kept, but give out before arriving. Finally 
Coyote himself tries, and succeeds in reaching the house, to find 
all away but the children. He outwits them, seizes the brand, 
and runs away. He is pursued by the father when he returns, 
and is almost caught, but throws the brand away, setting the 
whole country on fire, and thus escapes. In the fire the fox is 
burned red. 

These tales do not show any close resemblance to any 
recorded from the Hupa or Wiyot, as representatives of the 
Northwestern Californian culture. As little relation appears to 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 305 

the tales known from the Wintun. With the tales from the 
Shasta there appears to be slightly greater similarity, although 
here the agreement is not at all striking. At best, however, these 
fragments do not offer very satisfactory material to judge from, 
and the most that can be said is that what association there is, 
appears more clearly with the Shasta than with any other of the 
stocks in the vicinity. 


From the foregoing account of the Chimariko, meagre though 
it is, we may draw certain conclusions in regard to their general 
culture, and their relation to the surrounding cultures. 

Living in close proximity to the Ilupa, they nevertheless do 
not seem to have assimilated themselves at all closely to the 
Northwest Californian culture, of which the Hupa are represen- 
tative. They feared the Hupa, and fought against them, allying 
themselves rather in sympathy and to some extent in culture, 
with the Northern Wintun and the Shasta. Like the latter they 
lacked most of the distinctive features of both the Central and 
Northwestern Californian cultures, and seem to have occupied 
a kind of intermediate position between the two. In their 
material culture they were colorless, and this lack of any 
strongly marked characteristics is also apparent in their social 
organization and religious beliefs. 

Any attempt to discuss the past history or determine the 
movements of the Chimariko must be almost wholly speculative. 
On the one hand we may regard them as the remnant of a once 
much larger stock, subjected to pressure and attack on several 
sides, and so reduced to the small compass and unimportance 
which were theirs when discovered; on the other, we might 
perhaps assume from their cultural colorlessness and lack 
of close agreement with either the Northwestern or Central 
Californian cultures, that they are more closely affiliated with the 
Shastan stock, which appears to have been pushing in a south- 
southwesterly direction. With them also, as already stated, such 
resemblances as may be noted in the mj'ths are most apparent. 
The two outlying dialectic groups of this stock, the Konomihu 
and the New River, apparently occupy advance positions beyond 

306 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

the natural physiographic boundaries of the main area of the 
stock. Moreover, the language of the Chimariko shows in general 
greater similarities both formal and lexical, to the Shasta than 
to either the Hupa or the Wintun. These similarities, which are 
discussed in the linguistic portion of the paper, in fact are so 
numerous as to make it seem most likely that the two languages 
are genetically related. Further, it was among the Shasta, 
chiefly, that the remnants of the Chimariko took refuge when 
they fled from the Trinity River in the sixties. The paucity of 
material secured in regard to the Chimariko culture of course 
adds to the difficulty, and as usual in California, we get no aid 
here from any tradition of migration or earlier habitat. All 
things considered, the second of the above two suggestions 
appears the more reasonable, and we may conclude that, so far 
as the evidence goes, the Chimariko are to be regarded as related 
culturally most closely to the Shastan stock, and in origin prob- 
ably forming part of it. Their historical affiliations therefore 
run northward and northeastward towards the interior of south- 
western Oregon. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 307 



The material upon which the following sketch of the 
Chimariko language is based, was collected in the summer of 
1906 on the New River, and at Willow Creek or China Flat, in 
Trinity County, California. The bulk of the material was 
obtained from Mrs. Dyer, probably the last full-blood Chimariko 
survivor, and from Friday, a man who, although not of Chim- 
ariko descent, yet spoke the language fluently, and had lived 
much of his life with the people. Owing to Mrs. Dyer's age and 
lack of teeth, she was not a very good informant, and some of 
the phonetic uncertainty is probably due to this fact. Previous 
to the writer's visit in 1906, short vocabularies and some gram- 
matical material had been collected by Dr. P. E. Goddard and 
Dr. A. L. Kroeber, in part from the same informants. This 
material has been placed at the author's disposal. The only 
other available source of information on the language is Powers' 
vocabularies in his Tribes of California, and these have been 
used in connection with the more recent collection. 

It is to be regretted that a larger mass of texts, and of a 
more satisfactory character, could not have been secured, as 
these are so necessary for a clear understanding of the language, 
and to check information obtained in other ways. It is felt, 
however, that the material here presented affords a reasonably 
complete sketch of the main features of Chimariko, although 
certain details still remain obscure. 


The vowel sounds occurring in Chimariko are i, e, a, o, u. As 
a rule the vowels are not short enough to be obscure, the only 
exception being in the the case of e, written e when obscure. 
Doubling of vowels or their extreme length, particularly in the 
case of a and o, is not uncommon, and the language is apparently 

308 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

fond of combinations of two vowel sounds, separated by ', a faint 
glottal catch. The sound of o, although occurring, is not common. 
There is some doubt as to whether long open e should not be 
written a. A broad a or open o sound resembling English aw has 
been represented by a. Of all the vowel sounds, a is by far the 
most frequent. Nasalized vowels do not occur, and the infre- 
quency of a, o, and u, so common in the adjacent languages, as 
for instance the Shasta, is noticeable. The vowels may be repre- 
sented as follows : 












In the consonants, the sonant group is somewhat more de- 
veloped than the surd. A true b seems to be lacking, although 
an intermediate sound, between surd and sonant, occasionally 
occurs. Of the two sonants g and d, neither is common initially, 
the latter perhaps never so occurring, and generally being found 
in combination with n as nd. The velar surd stop q is of moder- 
ately frequent occurrence, but its corresponding sonant is absent. 
Nasals are represented only by n and m, n(ng) being absent. The 
surd 1 sounds common in the languages adjacent, are absent, 
although ordinary 1 is common. There are apparently two r 
sounds. Besides the ordinary, rather strongly trilled r, there is a 
velar or uvular r, almost equivalent to spirant guttural x. T fol- 
lowed by r seems to be a sound similar to tc, as one was often 
written for the other. A single instance of the use of an inter- 
dental, 6, has been noted. The consonants in Chimariko may be 
shown as follows: 

q X 

k g k'l" 

I d . 8, e (=sh) e^° n 

P 6 

ts, tc dj 

1, r, r 

10 It is not certain whether represents a stop or a spirant. Several 
California languages possess a t whose interdental quality causes it to 
resemble English th. The character % whether following k or another 
sound, indicates aspiration. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 309 

Although all the simple vowels occur initially, e and especially 
are rare, a being by far the most common. The tendency for 
words to begin with vowels is only moderately strong, perhaps 
one-fourth falling into this class. Of the semi-vowels, y is initial 
but rarely. Of the consonants, g, d, b, and r do not occur initially, 
and 1 and n are rare. The most frequent initial consonants are 
h, k, q, tc, X, p, s or c, m, t. Syllables begin most usually with 
a consonant or double consonant. 

All vowels except o have been found to occur finally, u and e 
however being rare, and a by far the most common. Vowels are 
terminal sounds in perhaps three-fourths of the words noted. 
Of consonants, the only ones which rarely appear finally are &, 
q, X and h. The most common are n, r, 1, and t. Syllables very 
frequently end in a consonant, and the typical monosyllabic 
stem is formed of cither consonant-vowel, or consonant-vowel- 

In one point the material secured from the informant Friday 
differs rather regularly from that obtained from Mrs. Dyer. Very 
generally 1 was used by the former, where r was heard from the 
latter. There was also a less frequent substitution of s for c. 
The fact that Mrs. Dyer had but very few teeth may in part 
account for these differences, but in not a few cases the same 
person would speak the word sometimes with r and sometimes 
with 1, or the sound would be very doubtful, as between the 
two.^^ The difficulty was most noticeable where the sound was 
terminal. It is possible that there may have been a real dialectic 
difference, but the opportunity of determining this point with 
any certainty was lacking, owing to the fact that Mrs. Dyer 
represents one of the two last surviving members of the stock, 
and Friday is not a native Chimariko. 

11 This was also the experience of Dr. A. L. Kroeber, who at times found 
diflBeulty in distinguishing d from 1 and r, though he states that Friday 
frequently spoke 1 where Doctor Tom, another informant, used r. 

310 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 


Combinations of vowels are frequent, and several diphthongs 
are in use, as ai, ei, oi, oi, au and eu. Consonant combinations 
occasionally occur at the beginning, and less frequently at the 
end of words, the initial combinations noted being tq, tx, trx, 
px, sr. Combinations of two consonants within words are very 
common. In such combinations there is wide latitude as a whole, 
although the following restrictions may be noted. Both q and x 
are unknown as initial members of combinations. Of the sonants 
b, d, and g, the first is never, and the others very rarely first 
members, and the labials are also, as a rule, unusual in this 
position. Combinations of three consonants are not wanting, the 
following having been observed : ntx, ndr, mtx, mpx, trq. Com- 
binations of consonants at the beginning of syllables occur quite 
frequently, tr, tx, tcx, kl, km, and px being the most common. 


Chimariko is in accord with many of the languages of 
Northern Central California, in that there is little apparent 
modification of sounds through juxtaposition. There is a slight 
tendency for the connecting vowel between the pronominal prefix 
and the instrumental prefix, or the pronominal prefix and the 
verbal stem, to show some relationship to the vowel of the stem. 
This is, however, noticeable only in the case of o and u and 
perhaps a stems. In these cases, the connecting vowel is either the 
same as that of the stem, or near it in the regular vowel series. 
Such instances are retroactive. In other cases, the influence is 
proactive, the vowel of the negative prefix being assimilated to ■■ 
the vowel of the pronominal prefix, where this changes in the 
first person plural, as tcaxawini, I am old, tcoxowini, we are old. 
So far as consonants are concerned, euphonic and other changes 
in sound are not of very common occurrence. The following are 
the more important of those noted. K is sometimes softened to x, 
owakni becoming owaxni, and is generally elided before x, as in 
yeta(k)xani, I shall sing. One instance occurs where x is re- 
placed by w: ixusni, I blow, qowusni, ye blow. For euphony, 
m is sometimes inserted after a before d, x, or g. In some cases. 

Vol, 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 311 

g changes to x after tc. There are a number of instances where 
one stem-consonant may be replaced by another without apparent 
change of meaning, as : mum, muk ; sum, sux ; sim, six ; am, ak ; 
tout, teuk ; pen, hen ; pat, hat. In these cases t and m are replaced 
by k or x, and p by h. Contraction occurs not uncommonly, as in 
yaatciman for yayatciman; natcidut for noatcidut; -wax, -wak, 
-wok, -wauk for -watok. 

In general Chimariko may be said to be simple and regular in 
its phonetics. It is not so smooth and soft as are Maidu, Wintun, 
and Yana and some other languages of the Central Californian 
area, but is considerably more so than the Shastan languages, 
and those of Northwestern California. The relative absence of 
sonants and spirants, and of velars and laterals, is characteristic. 
The considerable frequency of consonant combinations renders 
the language less transparent in structure than the Maidu or 
Wintun, but the slight degree of phonetic modification saves it 
from any considerable obscurity. 


As compared with some of the adjacent languages, Chimariko 
makes comparatively little use of reduplication. Employed little 
if at all as a grammatical form, it occurs only sparingly in the 
names of a few birds, animals, and plants. In the case of the bird 
names, most, if not all, show clearly onomatopoeia. Color adjec- 
tives, it is interesting to note, do not appear to be reduplicated. 
The following cases of reduplication have been noted : 
a 'a, deer himimitcei, grouse 

pipilla, chipmunk lalo, goose 

tsokokotci, bluejay ' tc^itcM, buzzard 

xazatc^i, duck tsadadak, kingfisher 

yekyek, hawk. hutatat, crane 

masomas, red-salmon 


Investigation of the processes of composition and derivation 
for purely etymological purposes, does not reveal a very exten- 
sive use. The following cases illustrate the principle examples 
noted : 

312 University of California Publications. L^^- Akch. Eth. 

aqa, water 

aqa-qot, aqa-kat, river ("at the water"?) 

aqa-reda, aqa-tceta, ocean (probably "water-large") 

aqa-xatsa, spring, "water-cold" 

apu-n-aqa, "fire-water," whiskey 

tcitci-aqa-i, " manzanita -water, " cider 

aqa-matcitsxol, water-fall, "water-dust" 

asi-n-alla, sun, day-sun 
himi-n-alla, moon, night-sun 

hi-pxa, intestine 
hi-pxa-dji, skin, bark 

ama, earth, place, country 
ama-yaqa, sand 
ama-idatci-ku, nowhere 
ami-tcxamut, earthquake 

wee, antler 
wee-naqalne, spoon 

tira, di'la, bird 

tira-cela, teila-tcele, blackbird 

-sot, eye 

-so-xa, tears (eye-water?) 
-sot-nimi, eyebrow 
-su-nsa, eyelash 

xuli, bad 

xuli-teni, left hand 
ho-akta-xoli-k, lame 
hisi-kni, good 
hisi-deni, right hand 

-kos-, to blow 
i-kos-eta, wind 

apu, fire 

apu-n-aqa, fire-water 
apu'-natxui, fire-drill base 
apo-tcitpid-aktca, smoke-hole 

tcim-ar, person, Indian 
tcim-tukta, white man 

acot-n-o-umul, "winter-salmon," steelhead 
mnul-itcawa, "salmon-large," sturgeon 

pa, to smoke 
oni-pa, pipe 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 313 

atcxu, net 
atcxu-nde, rope 

a 'a, deer 
a'eno, aanok, elk 

am, ama, eat 
ame-mtu, hungry 

hune, himi, night 

hime-tasur, hirae-tacus, morning 

himi-n-alla, moon 

hime-da, to-morrow 

himok, evening 

himok-ni, night 

himoq-anan, noon 

himi-santo, "devil" 

itri-, to grow 
itri, man 
itri-lla, boy 
itri-nculla, old man 
itci-la-i, my father 
itra-xaid-eu, chief 
itri-dusku, old maid 

Other instances appear in the Chimariko-English vocabulary, 
in which derivatives are grouped under stems. Compare there, 
for instance, tcemu, sky, tea, hand, txa, leg. 

In several of the above instances, an -n- appears between two 
nouns that are joined in composition : apu-n-aqa, asi-n-alla, himi- 
n-alla, acot-n-o-umul. 

Some verb stems are identical with body-part terms that 

execute the action of the verb. 

cam, sem, ear, or to hear 
tu, wing, feather, or to fly 
pen, tongue, or to lick 

Derivation is by suflSxes, of which the most important are: 

•alia, -iilla, -olla, diminutive, especially on names of animals: 
xar-ulla, xal-ala, baby 
tcitcam-ulla, apxantc-olla, fox 
hemox-ola, jack-rabbit 
ipuit-ella, bluebird 
itr-illa, boy 
itrinc-ulla, old man 
cunh-uUa, old woman 

314 University of California Publications. [-A-m. Arch. Eth. 

punts-ulla, girl 
oel-ulla, bachelor 
o-ella-i, my son 
mas-oUa-i, my daughter 
itc-illa-i, my father 
mag-oUa-i, my uncle 
tcisum-ulla, orphan 
pasindjax-ola, water-ousel 
pip-ilia, wis-iUa, chipmunk, beaver (?) 
poq-ella, cooking basket (pok, to wash) 
citc-ella, sitc-ela, dog (citc-iwi, wolf) 
cid-ulla, a spring 
tumtit-ella, swallow 
aw-illa, who(?) 
maidjahutc-ulla, Yocumville 
-na, tree, wood, stick, bush, plant: 
apu'-Ena, fire-drill, lit. fire-woorl 
axac-na, pvditca-Ena, chaparral 
etxol-na, madrone 

haqew-ina, sugar-pine (haqeu, the cone) 
hau-na, tinder 
hawu'-una, grass 
hepuitci '-ina, live oak 
kipi'-ina, fir 

mune'-Ena, black oak (muni, the acorn) 
mutuma-na, redwood (mutuma, canoe) 
qapu-na, deer brush 
ipxadji'-ina, trupxad ji '-ina, maple 
pakt5'-Ena, alder 
tfeuteu-na, fern 
tseli-na, gooseberry bush 
tcimia-na, serviceberry bush 
teitca-na, manzanita 
tsuna-na, digging stick 
xaxec-na, poison oak 
yaqa-na, white oak 
yutxu-ina, tan-bark oak 

-eu, forms nouns from verbal stems: 
aqed-eu, wild oats 
ahat-eu, dentalium 
axad-eu cat's cradle 
ha'-eu, mortar basket 
haq-eu, sugar-pine cone 
ham-eu, food (am, ama, eat) 
habuked-eu, slave 
hekot-eu, tattoo 
hiektcand-eu, woman's skirt 
hitcumudad-ehu, cup and ball game 
ho'-eu, board 

Vol. 5] Dixo7i. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 315 

hohankut-eu, fish spear 

hap-eu, acorn soup 

hasunwed-eu, spear 

isekdad-iu, tongs 

itraxaid-eu, chief 

petson-eu, grass-seed 

tremamute-eu, thunder 

tcen-eu, acorn-bread 

trun-eu, belly 

xapun-eu, bow 
■Jctca, -uktca, -gutca, instrument or object for. As all the forms obtained 
begin with a vowel or h, it seems that they contain the pronominal prefix 
of the third person. 

apo-tcitpid-aktca, smoke-hole 

atcib-uksa, arrow-flaker 

haim-uksa, ham-uktcu, ax 

hamame-gutca, fish-line, hook 

hama 'an-aksia, table (ama, eat) 

hatciinar-utsa, bed 

hax-aktca, deer trap 

hemuim-ektsa, split stick rattle 

heuma-kutca, grass game 

hiasmai-gutca, paddle 

himl-gutca, sling 

himlnid-uktsa, red lizard 

hipun-aktca, button 

hisusamd-aksia, window 

hiuxi-gutea, saw 

hiwoanad-atsa, chair 

hose-ktca, hasus-akta, quiver 

hatsi-ktca, fire-drill (hatsir, make fire) 

hatsi-na-ktca, cedar (-na, wood) 

ixa-gutea, thief 

ixod-akta, clock 

opum-aktca, storage basket 

tcim-ar, man 

punts-ar, woman 

at-ar, fish-spear (at, to hit) 

kos-ar, crane 
Perhaps also: 

tsat-ur, grasshopper (tsat, fishweir) 

akwec-ur, gray squirrel 

tsabok-or, mole 

pis-or, quail 

himetas-ur, morning 
•xol, -xal, -xul: 

matcits-xol, or matre-pa, dust 

aqa-matcits-xol, waterfall 

316 University of California Publications. [Am. Akch. Eth. 

patc-xal, cocoon rattle 

t 'araitc-xul, red ant 

petc-xol, hawk 

sap-xel, spoon 

et-xol-na, madrone-tree 
-tcei, on names of animals, especially birds. The syllable preceding the 
suflix is usually reduplicated, and therefore probably often onomatopoetic : 

himimi-tcei, grouse 

xaxa-tcei, duck 

tcukuku-tcei, owl 

konana-tcei, woodpecker 

trelek-tcei, humming-bird 

tsokoko-tci, blue-bird 

exoi-tcei, otter 

qdpxami-tc5i, fisher 

qerek-tcei, humming-bird 
-tada, suflSLx of tribal names: 

maitrok-tada, Hyampom people 

qataiduwak-tada, Areata Wiyot 

hadinaktco-hada. Cedar Flat, a place (hatsinaktca, cedar) 
-dji, -dje, local suffix: 

aqi-tce, Salt Ranch (aqi, salt) 

tsudamda-dji, Burnt Eanch 

paktona-dji, Patterson's (pakto'Ena, alder) 

maidjatcu-dje, Cecilville (maitra, a flat or bench) 

hituai-dje, Willow Creek 

and many others given in the list of place names in the vocabulary. 
-ma, -mu, on place names: 

tcitcan-ma, Taylor's Flat (tcitca-na, manzanita) 

tcintxap-mu, Big Flat (tcintcei, sun-flower) 

tranqo-ma, Hyampom 

hisae-mu, Weaverville 
-matci, on names of seasons: 

ahan-matci, summer 

kicu-matci, spring 

kicu-matci, spring (kisum, crane) 

qa-suk-matei, when 
-ckut, privative: 

aquye-ckut, tail-less 

itra-ckut, handless 

hu-po-ckun, footless 

puntsarie-ckut, wife-less, bachelor 

itri-d-usku, old maid 
-gu, -ku, negative; perhaps also indefinite: 

xani-gu, by and by 

curai-gu, some time ago (sul, long ago) 

patceam-ku, something (patci, what) 

patci-gun, no 

amaidatci-ku, nowhere 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 317 

•da, on terms of direction: 

wise-da, down-stream 

wai-da, up-stream, east 

qadai-da, south 

xunoi-da, north 

tcem-da, across stream 

tranmi-da, down-stream 
Possibly also: 

hime-da, to-morrow 

-% on terms of color and other adjectives, both syllables of the stem 
showing the same vowel: 
tcele-'i, black 
mene-'i, white 
wili-'i, red 
s6te'-i, blue(?) 
tono'-i, dull 
mata-'i, clean 
cupu-i, sharp 

■in, -71, -ni, on adjectives, is evidently the verbal suflSx indicating present 
or incompleted action: 
atcxum-ni, dry 
elox-ni, hot 
hadoha-n, straight 
hemudadja-n, bitter 
hiqui-ni, sweet 
hisik-ni, good 

hitcu-n, hitcu-Eni, long, high 
hoqata'-Eni, square 
hukena-n, deaf 
hutcolana-n, empty 
hutcula-n, low 
quoyo-in, sour 
kumitc-in, all 
lo'ore-n, soft 
liiyu-in, smooth 
nodaduh-ni, rough 
pepe-'in, thick 
p'qele-'in, crooked 
tqe'er-'in, thin 
tcele-'in, dirty 
tcuxunm-in, deep 
tcxale-n, light 

xe 'ire-n, xere '-in, narrow, wide 
xodala-n, poor 
xuitcula-n, short 

For grammatical purposes, affixation is chiefly used. The 
following list of affixes comprises those which have been deter- 
mined with any certainty : 

318 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

Pronominal : 

tc, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransitive 
verbs, with adjectival stems. Prefixed as object of transitive 
verbs. Prefixed as possessive, vpith nouns where possession is 

i, J, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi- 
tive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed as subject of transitive 
verbs. Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is 

m, mi, second person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of 
intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive 
verbs, or as possessive with nouns where possession is inherent. 
Suffixed with nouns where possession is accidental. 

n, second person singular. Imperative. Prefixed. 

h, ', third person singular and plural. Prefixed (as h) or suffixed 
(as ' ) as subject of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as possessive with 
nouns where possession is inherent. 

tea, tco, first person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi- 
tive verbs, with adjectival stems. This suffix is distinguished from 
singular tc- by change of vowel. If the singular has a as connect- 
ing vowel, the plural has o, and vice-versa. Prefixed as object of 
transitive verbs. 

tee, first person plural. Suffixed with nouns where possession is acci- 

ya, we, w, first person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of in- 
transitive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed (ya-) as subject of 
transitive verbs. 

q, qo, qe, second person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of 
intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive verbs. 
Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is accidental. 

Affix used with verbal stems: 

X, g, k. Negative affix, with variable connecting vowel. Used either 
as prefix or suffix, or both. 



with verbs: 


with a long object 


with the end of a long object 




with the head 


with the foot 




with a round object 


with the hand 


by sitting on(?) 

Vol, 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 319 

With pronominal stems: 

With nominal stems: 
Locative, instrumental, 
-dan, -danku 
-mdi, -mdu 



Combined with the independent pronouns of 
the first and second persons to form the 
inclusive and exclusive first person plural. 




only a, just a 

merely, only (Cf. negative aflSx -g) 

also, too 

With verbal stems: 

Ideas of motion or direction, 
-dam, -tarn, -ktam down 














around, about 










out of 





Modal, temporal. 


completed action, past 

-n, -ni, -in 

incompleted action, present 


present. Used apparently as the auxiliary 

verb to be. 

-xan, -gon 

future. (Former with verbal, latter with 

adjectival stems.) 

















320 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

-a interrogative 

-pu interrogative 

-da, -ida, -inda, -tinda present participle 


-tci Used to indicate plurality, generally of the 

object, but occasionally of the subject. 
-nan, -an A general verbal suffix of uncertain meaning, 

possibly temporal (Cf. -ni, -in). 

With all classes of stems: 

-ot, -ut, -op A sufl&x apparently with an intensive, or em- 

phatic meaning, such as indeed, really, 
in truth. It is used with nominal, pro- 
nominal, verbal, adjectival, and adverbial 

The above list brings out clearly several features of import- 
ance in regard to the Chimariko language. In the first place, it 
will be seen from the series of pronominal affixes, that these are 
by no means regular in position, appearing sometimes as prefixes, 
sometimes as suffixes. It is possible that in some cases they are 
also used as infixes. This variability of position of the pro- 
nominal elements with regard to the verbal stem is a feature also 
found developed among the Shastan languages, which adjoin 
Chimariko on the north, and differentiates these two languages 
from those which, like Washo, Chumash, Southern and North- 
eastern Maidu, have the pronominal elements in an invariable 
position. Although there seems to be a strong preference for 
prefixation, there are yet a large number of verbs which take the 
pronoun suffixed. No logical reason is apparent for the distinc- 
tion, such verbs as to sit, to work, to dance, to run, to eat, and 
others, prefixing the pronominal elements, whereas to bleed, to 
grow, to die, and so on, take them suffixed. The lack of any 
logical division is shown still more clearly in the verbs indicating 
condition or state. Some, as to be good, to be bad, to be old, have 
the pronominal elements prefixed ; others, as to be hot, to be cold, 
to be strong, suffix them. Dry belongs to the first class, and wet 
to the second. The employment of varied position in the pro- 
nominal affixes, to indicate two forms of possession, is interesting. 
Where possession is inherent, the elements are prefixed, where 
accidental, suffixed. 

A further feature brought out by the list, is the great paucity 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 321 

of nominal suffixes. Chimariko not only laeks such indications 
for grammatical cases and for number, but also is almost destitute 
of locative endings. An instrumental suffix it has, to be sure, but 
of locatives the only one noted is an ablative ; there is apparently 
no general locative. In this paucity of locative suffixes, Chi- 
mariko lies at the other extreme from the majority of the 
languages of Central California, which possess a considerable 
development of this class of suffixes. Even the neighboring 
Shastan languages, although having fewer locatives than Maidu 
and Washo, still exceed Chimariko in this particular. 

The considerable development of verbal instrumental prefixes, 
places Chimariko in this respect in agreement with Washo, 
Maidu, Wintun, and the Shastan languages. As is usual, the 
suffixes of motion precede those which are modal or temporal. In 
general, the large preponderance of suffixes over prefixes places 
Chimariko in the class of suffixing languages. 

An interesting feature of the language is presented by the 
emphatic or intensive suffix -ut, -ot. It is used with the pro- 
nominal stems to form the independent pronouns, which are 
rarely used except for emphasis, or where the sense is doubtful. 
These may therefore be translated I indeed, I myself, and so on. 
With nouns, this suffix is used generally to mark either the sub- 
ject or the object as the most important in the sentence, as, 
citcela hitratinda puntsal-ot, the dog bit the woman (not man) ; 
umul-op yekotpumni, salmon (not deer) I kill. In some cases, 
curiously, it is used with both subject and object, and in others 
entirely omitted. With verbs, its purpose is similar, to emphasize 
the verbal idea above any other in the sentence, as, tcimal-ot 
hititcex-ot pusua man broke (not cut, burned) the stick. With 
adjectives and adverbs it also intensifies the idea contained in the 
word to which it is added, as, qa'a trewil-ot nahak, stone large 
bring me; citel-op yekoxan himet-op, dog I will kill to-morrow. 

Chimariko, differing from a large number of languages in 
California, belongs to the class of incorporating languages. There 
are thus two forms for the personal pronoun, the independent 
and the incorporated. 

322 University of California Publications. E-^^. Arch. Eth. 

In general, as already stated, the independent form is rarely 
used. A complete paradigm can not be given, as it proved im- 
possible to get from any of the informants the second and third 
persons plural, they invariably using either the numeral two, or 
some word equivalent to many or several. So far as obtained the 
forms are as follows : 






noutowa (excl.) 
mamutowa (incl.) 






It will be seen that, as in so many American languages, the 
pronominal stems of the first and second persons are based on n 
and m. The independent forms are derived from the stems no- 
and mam- by the addition of the emphatic suffix -ut. The form 
given for the third person is only rarely used, a demonstrative 
form, pamut, paut, pat, generally taking its place. Although 
the material secured is not entirely clear on this point, it is prob- 
able that there are, in addition to a simple plural formed by the 
addition of what is apparently a plural suffix -ate, also both an 
inclusive and exclusive form, derived from the first and second 
persons singular. On the other hand, it is possible that these two 
forms are really the first and second persons dual. 

Two demonstratives are known with certainty. These are 
formed with the stem qe-, near the speaker, here; and pa-, at a 
distance, there. These stems take the intensive suffix -ut, becom- 
ing thus qewot, qat, this, and pamut, paut, pat, that. 

The interrogative pronouns are derived mainly from a single 
stem qo-, qa, and are as follows : 

qomas or 



qatci or patei 







how many 


how far 


how often 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 323 


As might be expected from its being an incorporating lan- 
guage, Chimariko shows no trace of any syntactical cases. 
Locative and instrumental suffixes are largely lacking also, their 
place being taken in part by a small number of postpositions. 
The suffixes of locative or instrumental meaning derivable from 
the material at hand are only two : -dan, -danku, a general loca- 
tive or more commonly ablative, and -mdi, -mdu, instrumental. 

Number is not indicated in the noun, and no variation for 
number is made when nouns are used with numeral adjectives. 
There are, however, two suffixes sometimes used to indicate a 
collective. These are -hni and -tan, as in qa 'ahni, a lot of stones, 
many stones; itritan, a crowd, a lot of men. The latter suffix 
seems to be a shortened form of hetan, many. 


The possessive is formed by affixing to the noun the proper 
pronominal stem. Two classes of possession are recognized, 
accidental and inherent. In the former, the pronominal ele- 
ments are always suffixed, and are -1, -mi, -ye, -ida,- tee, -qe, -ye, 
-ida ; in the latter they are always prefixed, and are tc-, m- h-. It 
will be seen that the same form of the pronominal element is 
used thus for inherent possession as is employed in intransitive 
verbs with stems indicating a quality or condition. Quality or 
condition may thus be thought of perhaps as more inherent in 
the subject than are motion or action, on stems denoting which 
the same pronominal elements are used as to indicate accidental 
possession. Examples of the use of the two forms are : 

Accidental : 


my red-salmon 


my bouse 


thy red-salmon 


thy house 


his red-salmon 


his house 


our red-salmon 

awa '-itce 

our house 


your red-salmon 


your house 


their red-salmon 


their house 

324 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

Inherent : 


my foot 


my ear 


thy foot 


thy ear 


his foot 


his ear 

Some question arises as to the two forms used in the third 
person where possession is accidental. The suffix -ye seems to 
be merely the interrogative, often found in use with verbs, so 
that this form should be translated : ' ' is it his ? ' ' The use of -da 
on the other hand offers much difficulty. This suffix is, in its 
uses, far from clear, although its normal force, as used with 
verbs, is participial. 


The discussion of the verb may best be taken up under two 
headings, first the various affixes used for syntactical or etymo- 
logical purposes, and second the stem and such modifications as 
it undergoes. 


First in importance are the pronominal affixes. As stated in 
speaking of the pronoun, the independent forms are rarely used, 
and the subject and subject-object relationship is expressed 
instead by incorporated forms. 

In the intransitive, the pronominal affixes show some variety 
of form, and a rather puzzling irregularity of use. The affixes in 
question are as follows : 

Singular. Plural. 

1. tc, i, y tc, ts, ya 

2. m, mi q, qe 

3. h, ' h 

As compared with the independent forms of the pronoun, it 
is evident that there is correspondence in the second and third 
persons, the first person being on the other hand entirely distinct. 
A further difference lies in the apparent absence, in the affixed 
form, of any distinction between inclusive and exclusive plurals. 
In use these pronominal elements seem normally to be prefixed. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko India^is and Language. 325 

being so used in over seventy per cent, of the cases known. In 
the remainder of the instances they are suffixed, with one or two 
possible cases where they seem to be infixed. From the small 
number of instances of this latter usage, however, it is not ])os- 
sible to be sure that the syllable following the pronominal 
element is really a part of the verbal stem, "What principle 
determines the use of one or the other of these positions is 
obscure, such verbs as sing, work, be good, be blind, taking the 
elements as prefixes, whereas grow, die, be hungry, sick, take 
them as suffixes. One distinction can however be made, namely 
that verbs indicating action or movement invariably take the 
pronominal affixes prefixed. 

It will be seen that two wholly different forms are given in 
both singular and plural for the first person. In the use of one 
or the other of these, there is a fairly clear distinction in use. 
The first type, tc, is never employed with verbal stems indicating 
action or movement, but with those, on the contrary, which 
indicate a state or condition. On the other hand, whereas the 
second form, i, y, is invariably used with the former class of 
verbal stems, it is also employed with the latter, but is then 
always suffixed. In most cases, there is no confusion between the 
two forms, i.e., if the first person singular is i or y, the first 
person plural is ya. A few instances appear however in which 
this does not hold, and we have i in the singular, and tc or ts in 
the plural. In a limited number of cases also, either form may 
apparently be used, as qe-i-xanan, qe-tce-xanan, I shall die, 
i-saxni, tca-saxni, I cough. A phonetic basis is to some extent 
observable, in that tc or ts is never a prefix when the verbal stem 
begins with a vowel. As between i and y, it appears that the 
latter is always used before stems beginning with a vowel except 
i, whereas i is employed before stems beginning with i or with 
consonants. The first persons singular and plural are distin- 
guished from each other, where the form tc is used, only by a 
change of connecting vowel already pointed out. 

The pronominal elements as given, are, when used as prefixes, 
attached to the verb by means of connecting vowels. These, as 
stated in discussing the phonetic characteristics of the language, 

326 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

often show some relation to the vowel of the verbal stem/- but 
this is noticeable chiefly in the case of o and u stems. The first 
persons singular and plural are distinguished from each other 
only by the change in this connecting vowel. As a rule, the first 
person singular is tco or tcu, whereas the plural is tea. In one 
or two instances, however, this seems to be reversed. 

The material collected to illustrate the use of the pronominal 
elements in the transitive verb, is unfortunately conflicting, and 
the lack of adequate text material here makes itself felt. In the 
transitive verb with nominal object the situation is clear enough. 
Here the pronominal elements used as subject are invariably 
prefixed, and are those used with the intransitive verbs indicating 
action or movement, i.e., the first person appears always as i, y, 
or ya. 

Where the object is pronominal, however, the usage is dif- 
ferent, as the following table will indicate : 



From this it is clear, that in the first and second persons, only 
the subject is expressed by a pronominal affix, and that the same 
form is used as with the transitive verb with nominal object. In 
the third person, on the other hand, it is the object rather than 
the subject which is expressed by the prefix, which here, in the 











mi-, me- 




tcu-, tca- 



tea-, ya- 

qo-, qa- 










tcu-, tca- 





12 Much the same occurs in the possessive prefixes of the noun. The io\^ 
lowing are observed cases of the third person possessive on body part terms: 
Vowel of prefix same as that of stem: 

i: hi-wi, hi-mina, hi-ni, hi-mi, hi-ki, hi-pel, hi-tcipe, hi-pen. 
u: hu-truneu, hu-txun, hu-tsu, hu-tu, hu-sot, hu-po. 
a: ha-wa. 
Vowel of prefix differing from stem: 

i: hi-ta, hi-tanpu, hi-sam, hi- wax, hi -ma, hi-pxa, hi-pxadji, hi-txa, 

hi-txanimaxa, hi-taxai, hi-suma, hi-mosni. 
u: hu-si, hu-santcei, hu-tananundjatun. 
o : ho-wee, ho-napu, ho-xu. 
e: e-qa, e-quc. 
It will be seen that the connecting vowel of the prefix contrasts with the 
stem about as often as it differs from it, but the principle determining the 
choice of vowel — which is definitely fixed for each word — is not clear. Con- 
ditions in the verb are generally similar. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians mid Language. 327 

case of the first person as object, is the other form, that namely 
in tc. In some cases, where the first or second persons are the 
subject, the independent form of the pronoun is used outside the 
verb to indicate the object. In other cases the independent forms 
were not iLsed, leaving the meaning apparently obscure. To some 
extent Chimariko in this respect resembles the neighboring 
Shasta, where also both subject and object are not always indi- 
cated by incorporated pronominal elements. In Shasta, however, 
this loss of definiteness is atoned for by the wide use of demon- 
stratives, which do not seem to be in use for the same purpose 
in Chimariko. In this connection should be mentioned the 
troublesome suffix -da, -ida, -inda, -tinda. This is frequently used 
with verbs, and was at first thought to be perhaps a demonstra- 
tive, but seems on the whole most probably to be simply the parti- 
cipial suffix -da, combined with the suffix of the present tense, 
-in, -ni. Examples of the use of pronominal elements with 
verbal stems are given below. 

Nominal object: 

i-mitcitni citeela I kick the dog 

mi-mitcitida citeela You kick the dog 

hi-mitcitni citeela He kicks the dog 

ya-miteitni citeela We kick the dog 

qo-mitcit citeela Ye kick the dog 

hi-mitcit citeela They kick the dog 

Pronominal object: 

i-mitcitni I kick you 

i-patni I poke you 

i-mamni I see you 

i-puimukni I pinch you 

i-mitcitinda I kick him 

i-patni pamut I poke him 

i-mamni I see him 

i-puimukni I pinch him 

i-mitcitnatci I kick you 

i-patnatci I poke you 

i-puimuknatci I pinch them 

me-miteitida You kick me 

me-patni You poke me 

me-puimukni You pinch me 

mi-mitcitni You kick him 

mi-puimuk You pinch him 

mi-mitcitida You kick us 

teu-miteitida He kicks me 

teu-hatni He pokes me 

328 University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth. 

tcu-mamni He sees me 

mi-mitcitni He kicks you 

mi-hatni, mi-hatinda He pokes you 

ini-mamni(?) He sees you 

tca-mitcitinda He kicks us 

tca-puimuk He pinches us 

tca-mamni He sees us 

qo-mitcitinda He kicks you 

qa-hatni He pokes you 

hi-mitcitinda(?) He kicks them 

ya-mamni We see you 

ya-mamni We see him 

qo-mama Ye see me 

qo-mama Ye see him 

tcu-mamtinda They see me 

mi-mamtinda They see you 

A feature of considerable importance in the structure of the 
verb lies in the apparent use, although rarely, of nominal in- 
corporation, and possibly of complete incorporation of both 
subject and object pronominal elements. In the texts as 
obtained occur the forms apexadjit and apisuxta, translated 
respectively as "fire he steals" and "fire he throws away," 
The noun fire is apu, and the verbal stems -xadj, to steal, and 
-SUX-, to throw, occur frequently without any such apparent in- 
corporation of nominal object. As these are the only clear cases, 
nominal incorporation is hardly a characteristic of the language. 
The tendency toward such forms may however be seen also in 
the words for wink and to shake the head, (nu)sulaplap, 
(tcu)maitsat, the former incorporating the stem for eye (-sot-), 
the other that for head (-ma). A single instance of apparent 
incorporation of both subject and object pronominal elements 
occurs in the form ye-mam-i-xan, probably for ye-mam-mi-xan,. 
I-feed(eat)-you-will, I will feed you. As the verbal stem here 
ends in m, it is difficult to tell whether the i really stands for mi 
or is simply euphonic before the future suflEix. 


The reflexive is indicated by the use of the suffix -eye, -yiye, 
-eiyeu, added directly to the verbal stem, the prefixed pronominal 
elements being the same as those used with the intransitive verb. 

i-tcut-eiyeu I strike myself 

mi-teut-eiyeu you strike yourself 

hi-tcut-liyeuni pamut he strikes himself 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 329 


The imperative is indicated in the singular by a prefix n-, 

which always takes the same connecting vowel between it and 

the verbal stem as the second person singular indicative. The 

verbal stem is in most cases used without suffix of any sort. For 

the exhortative "let us" the prefix of the first person plural, 

y-, ya-, is used, the verbal stem being similarly without suffixes. 

na-tak sing! 

ni-mitcit kick him! 

ni-puimnk pinch him! 

n-ama eat ! 

ya-tcxuai let us fight! 

ya-traxismu let us run! 

y-amma let us eat! 


Apart from the pronominal and the modal and temporal 
elements, there are two classes of affixes used with the verb. One 
of these is instrumental in meaning, the other is used to modify 
the idea of motion contained in the verbal stem. 

Ideas of instrumentality, as that the action is performed by 

the hand, foot, end of a long thing, and so forth, are expressed 

uniformly by means of prefixes. This is in accord with the usual 

rule of American languages, and with the usage of three of the 

stocks which are in close geographical proximity to Chimariko, 

the Shasta, Maidu, and Wintun. These instrumental prefixes 

are placed immediately before the verbal stem, and, so far as 

obtained, are as follows : 

a- with a long object 

e- with the end of a long object 



me- with the head 

mitci- with the foot 

tc- T 

tcu- with a round object 

tu- with the hand 

wa- by sitting on(t) 

Examples : 

ni-a-axiaxe nib with long thing (side off) 

n-a-klucmu knock over with bat 

ni-e-klucmu knock over with end of pole by thrust 


University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth, 











roll log with end of pole 

roll log with head, by butting 

knock over with head, butt over 

knock over with foot, kick over 

roll log with foot 

knock over with a stone, ball 

knock over with hand 

roll log with hand 

rub with hand 

break by sitting on. 

Modifications of the idea of motion expressed in the verbal 
stem are indicated uniformly by suffixes, and not by prefixes. 
The meanings of some of these suffixes are not as yet wholly clear, 
and it is probable that the list could be extended by further 

-dam, -tarn, -ktam down 















around, about 










out of 





xamples : 
nu-tu '-Ema 

jump into 


climb up 


they travel about 


slide down roof 


roll down with hand 


pull out tooth 


he flies down 


he flies around 


he flies toward 


jump across toward 


he flies out 


jump out of 


jump, run under 


hammer into down (a nail) 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 331 

As in the case of the last group, ideas of tense or mode are 
uniformly expressed by suffixes, and these suffixes invariably 
follow any suffixes of motion where these are used. In the case 
of the future, the suffix follows the verbal stem or suffixes of 
motion when the pronominal element is prefixed, but comes after 
the latter in those cases where it is suffixed. In addition to those 
here given, there are several suffixes of which the meaning is 
still obscure. 

-ni, -nin, -in, present, incompleted action: 
i-mam-ni I see you 

tcu-kei-ni he hears me 

sodr&-i-ni I bleed 

-sun, present. Used apparently as the auxiliary verb to be. 

-aJc, -k, past, completed action: 

I was hungry 


•gon, -xan, future: 
amemtu-tce-gon xani 

•da, -ida, -inda, -tinda, present participle: 

puntsari-da anowesta itrila woman-being she whipped boy 

we were rich 

ye were cold then 

we shall be strong 

I shall be hungry by and by 

I shall be rich 

I shall go 

he will run 

I shaU kill him 

imim-da i-txa-Eni 
i-mam-ni samxun-ida 
hi-samxun-inda ye-ko-n 


•ye, -e, interrogative: 
mi-ke 'e-ye 

-80op, conditional: 

mi-mum-soop ye-nuwec-xan 
himeta hitak-soop yu-wam-xan 

-dialhin, dubitative: 

I stop running (running I stop) 

I saw him dancing 

I kill him while dancing (dancing I 

ye being old, ye are old 
I (am) kicking him 

are you going to kill met s 

do you hear met 

if you run, I shall whip you 
if it rains to-morrow, I will go 
if (I) should die. 

perhaps I shall be sick (sick-I-perhaps) 
you kick he may (he may kick you) 

332 University of California PuUications. [Am. Akch. Eth. 

-hun, -nihun, continuative : 

ye-tak-nu-hun I continue to sing 

ye-man-hun I continue to eat 

-wet, continuative: 

i-mum-wet I run all the time 

ye-ma-wet I eat continually 

-tcai, desiderative : 

xo-wam-gu-tcai-nan not-go-not-wish 

-pu, interrogative. 

-xa, -xo, -xu, -xe, -gu, -Tc, negative: 

ma-xa-hada-nan you are not rich 

tco-xo-xu-nan I am not fat 

xe-tak-nan I am not singing 

pala-mi-gu-nan you are not strong 

me-xe-puimuk-unan you are not pinching me 

The negative is expressed in two ways, according as the pro- 
nominal elements are prefixed or suffixed to the verbal stem. In 
the former case, a prefix xa-, xo-, xe- is placed between the verbal 
stem and the pronominal element, and a suffix -nan added after 
the verbal stem or such other suffixes as there may be. The 
essential element seems to be x, the connecting vowel varying 
with that of the pronominal element and the verbal stem. In 
the first person singular intransitive, it is generally xe-, and 
the pronominal element is omitted. "Where the pronominal 
elements are suffixed, the negative affix is combined with -nan, 
and is placed as a suffix following the pronominal element, the x 
being changed to a g, and the connecting vowel sometimes drop- 
ping out, resulting in the form -gnan. In some cases, indeed 
quite frequently in the transitive verb, the negative affix appears 
twice, xo- or xu- preceding, and -gu following the verbal stem,^ 
Very commonly the apparently desiderative suffix -tcai is used 
with the negative, resulting in a form which may be translated 
' ' do not wish to. ' ' 

In a limited number of instances, a different verbal stem is 
employed in the plural from that in the singular. Not infre- 
quently, however, informants, on giving such forms, on closer 
questioning admitted that the singular stem might also be used, 
and that the variant stem first given for the plural might be 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 


used also in the singular, i.e., the two stems were merely 
sjTQonyms. Only two cases were found which did not appear to 
be explainable in this manner, and the second seems only to 
belong partly to this category, inasmuch as the distinction holds 
good only in the present tense. 









The verbal stems which have been isolated in the analysis of 
the material collected, are both monosyllabic and polysyllabic. 
Many of the latter are probably derivatives, but it has not been 
possible to analyze them as yet. The great majority of stems 
appear to be monosyllabic. 


get off horse 


shake, throw 










lose, get lost 





ma, ama 







go in a boat 



ha, hoa 





spit, vomit 








take down 



hen, pen 




hue, xuc, ko8 blow 












break, separate 











kini, gim 

float, hang 






carry on head 


slip, slide (Cf. lu) 




knock over (Cf . luc) 




make, do (Cf. mu) 

















sik, sim 





cover up 














University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth. 


look for 


pull, tear 












spread out, tear 


break in two 

tei, tcit 

squeeze (?) 



Fdlysylldbic : 




hungry (Cf. am, 

ama, eat) 

mi 'ina, i 'ini like, love 


wait for 





luli, luri 

drop, fall 






reach up for'plicated: 













go, travel 









xadj, xatc 







stay behind 




















cut up 






Adjectival stems are commonly polysyllabic. The attributive 
and predicative forms are alike, and the former precedes the 
noun, whereas the latter follows. In their combination with the 
pronominal elements, some take these before, some after the stem,- 
as pointed out previously, but no rule has been found for the 
varied use. 


The numeral system of the Chimariko is quinary up to ten 
and then continues decimally. Six is 1-cibum, seven is 2-sbum, 
eight is 4-cibum, nine is 1-tcigu, ten is sa'an-1, eleven is 1-lasut 
or 1-rasut, twelve is 2-risut or 2-lsut, thirteen is 3-risut or 3-ulsut, 
and so on regularly to twenty, which is two-ten, xoku-mtun 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 335 

sa'anpun. Thirty is three-ten, xoda-m-tun sa'anpun, and one 
hundred is wood-one, pucua-pun. Numerals seem to be un- 
changed, and do not vary with things counted. 

The paucity of locative suffixes in the noun is in part made 
up for by a few postpositions, which serve to point out locative 
ideas. But two have been tentatively identified, and their use 
may be seen from the following : 

awa xunoi yeaxu'nmoxanan house into I shall go 
pusua hiya'talot tcumu board it lies under 


Chimariko is apparently rather destitute of connectives. In 
the text fragments secured, they do not appear at all, but the 
texts are clearly somewhat disjointed, and so do not serve as 
satisfactory material to judge from. The complete absence of 
connectives, however, seems to point to their comparative rarity. 


The usual order of words is subject-verb-object, or subject- 
object-verb. In some cases, however, particularly when the sub- 
ject is pronominal, the order is reversed, object preceding subject. 
In the transitive verb when the independent pronoun is used as 
object, the order is regularly subject-verb-object. When one of 
two nouns stands in a possessive relation to the other, the 
possessor always precedes the thing possessed. 

Compared with neighboring linguistic families, Chimariko 
occupies a somewhat intermediate position. In phonetic character 
it lies rather between the smooth, vocalic languages of the Cen- 
tral Californian type, and the harsher, more consonantal North- 
western type. In this respect it is like the Shastan family, and 
may be regarded on the whole as belonging to that group. In 
its use of incomplete incorporation and its lack of plural it also 

336 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

resembles this type, but differs from it in its lack of syntactical 
cases, and its greater paucity of nominal locative suffixes. In 
common with the Shastan languages, and some of those of 
Central California, is its use of verbal instrumental prefixes. It 
will be seen, therefore, that Chimariko does not fall distinctly 
into either the Central or Northwestern morphological group, 
and may more properly be regarded as belonging to the Shastan 
type. In the general classification of Californian languages 
recently proposed,^^ Chimariko was placed with the Northwestern 
type, but it was stated that it showed less clearly than the others 
of that group the distinctive features upon which the group was 

The considerable degree of similarity in grammatical and 
phonetic character between the Chimariko and the Shastan 
family, lends further interest and importance to certain curious 
features on the lexical side. Comparison of Chimariko with 
Hupa and Wintun shows practically nothing in the way of lexical 
resemblance, and in the case of Wintun at least, less than one 
might expect in the way of direct borrowing between two 
adjacent and friendly tribes. If comparison be made however 
with the Shastan family, a different situation is revealed, for 
between forty and fifty cases have been noted here, in which 
lexical correspondence is clear or probable. The similarities are 
found in words of varied classes, including parts of the body, 
animals, artificial and natural objects, and verbal stems. Further, 
a number of verbal instrumental prefixes and directive suffixes, 
and perhaps pronominal elements, show agreement also. So con- 
siderable a number of lexical similarities, and with so wide a 
range, brings up sharply the question how far such agreements" 
are to be regarded as due to borrowing. That one language 
should adopt from another a few words is to be expected; but 
can the possession of common forms for such fundamental words 
as head, ear, mouth, tooth, tongue, man, woman, fire, water, deer, 
rattlesnake, and several numerals, and such verbal stems as to eat 
and to see, be explained on this basis? The explanation of bor- 
roAving here is made more difficult in view of the further fact 

13 Dixon and Kroeber, The Native Languages of California, Am. Anthr., 
n. s., V, 18, 1903. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 


that the larger number of similarities are not between Chimariko 
and its immediate neighbor the Shasta, but between Chimariko 
and the Atsugewi and Achomawi, members of the Shastan family, 
but separated from the Chimariko by the whole extent of Wintun 
and Yanan territory. As has been pointed out," the Achomawi 
and Atsugewi are lexically widely divergent from the Shasta, and 
in many cases Chimariko agrees with forms in Achomawi or 
Atsugewi where their stems differ wholly from Shasta. If bor- 
rowing is the explanation of these agreements, then we must 
assume that the Chimariko and Achomawi and Atsugewi were 
formerly contiguous peoples, since separated by migration. Such 
movements must have been however relatively old, as no tradi- 
tions or other evidences of migration are observed. If, on the 
other hand, the similarities are regarded as of such character and 
number as to point to real genetic relationship, then we have 
another instance of the great degree of differentiation which has 
taken place within the Shastan family. That this is unquestion- 
ably great, is shown by both Achomawi and Atsugewi, and the 
problematical Konomihu, with which latter indeed, there are one 
or two agreements in Chimariko. The fact that, in spite of the 
close association of the Chimariko with the "Wintun, there has 
been practically no borrowing, and that the phonetics and gram- 
mar of the Chimariko show close similarities with those of the 
Shastan family, makes the probability of real relationship much 

The following list illustrates the more striking instances of 
lexical agreement between the Chimariko and Shastan families : 




























•na (Konomihu) 

1 lax 













1* Dixon, The Shasta- Achomawi : A New Linguistic Stock, with Pour 
New Dialects, Am. Anthr., n. s., VII, 213-217. 


University of California Publications, [^m- Arch. Eth. 
























-pen, -hen 



itri, itci 







pelo 'a 



a 'a 

adau, arau 


yeto 'a 














pate 'xu 












pah 'yi 














ats 'si 






sat (arrow- 







fishline, hook 

























to eat 

-am-, -ama- 



to carry 



to cry 



to dent 



to drop 

-lus-, -lur- 



to pull off 



to see 




with the foot 



with the hand 



by sitting on 







across, through 


-snu (into) 

out of 













Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 339 

In the present state of our knowledge of the extent to which 
borrowing has taken place in California at large, it is difficult to 
arrive at a definite solution of the question of the relationship of 
Chimariko with the Shastan family. The extent of the similarity 
in this ease, however, points to the necessity of a thorough 
investigation of the whole matter of borrowing throughout the 
state. The question also involves the much wider one of the real 
limits of genetic relationship, in the need of determining the 
character and number of agreements which shall be regarded as 
essential to establish common descent. 


The following text fragments comprise all that was secured. 
The translation is often doubtful, but as a rule, that which was 
given by my informant has been given, with queries where the 
meaning is evidently wTong. The same word is often spelled 
differently in different places, it seeming better to give the forms 
just as they were heard at the time, rather than to attempt to 
reduce them to a common spelling. Not infrequently the text 
forms differ from those secured in the paradigms of grammatical 
material. Explanations and discussion of uncertain points are 
given in the notes. I have attempted to give a running transla- 
tion of three of the tales, but they are so fragmentary and 
confused, that it is almost impossible. 


himi'santo haa'tpikta^ tcima'r oha'tida^ hako't' 
(Sorcerer) he comes out a person shooting magically he kills 

pokelai'dop* itcxu'tduxta"^ tcima'r akodee'nda 

basket hiding it away a person missing him 

kowa'doknanda" puntsar wa'xni^ qowa'doknanda a'wa 
he does not return woman went away she did not return house 

natciwa'mda^ qowa'doknanda ho'wadokta^ qe'wokinda^" 
she went to she did not return she did not return ( ?) said she was sick 

wa'xni qowa'doknan" itse'xni miitu'm qa'suk" 

went away she did not return she took canoe why 

hoida'nda" qowa'dokdanda" ma'ta xunoi atcu'dat" 
did she not return she did not return sweathouse in he lay 


University of California Publications, [-^m. Arch. Eth. 


itcukar^" wa'mdaanda^'^ 
drowned he went off 

howa'mtanda hiwo'nda^" 

he has gone he stays 

hiwo'mda atcu'danda pun 
staying he lies down one 

hama'mdanda huwu'mxanan^^ 
he eats I am going 

amai'da huu'mxanan.^^ 
place I am going. 



ima mni- 
I see him 



he went off 

didn't look at him 


Salmon River to 


1 ha-a-tpik-ta. The suflS^ -tpi, out of, seems sometimes to occur with a 
final k. The suffix -ta may be the participle. The stem is a. 

2 The stem -hat- also occurs in the following: nihatxa, poke; nohat'oi, 
close window, -ida is the participial suffix. 

3 Probably contracted from ha-ko-tinda. 

* Contracted from pokelaida-op. The suffix is the intensive. 

5 This stem occurs also as -txat-. The suffix occurs also in himai'dukta, 
he carried it home. See note 6. 

6 Ko is xo, negative prefix, -wa-dok, to return, from -wa-, -owa-, to go, 
and -dok a suffix apparently meaning backwards, or toward speaker. 

7 Perhaps contracted from owa'xni. 

8 Perhaps natci-awamda, we go. The first person plural has not been 
found elsewhere without the intensive suffix -dut. 

» Probably participial. 

10 This stem also occurs as qedjok-, qetcok-. 

11 Shortened from qowa'doknanda. 

12 Interrogative of uncertain meaning. 

13 Verbal stem here is obscure. Negative prefix ho- is xo-. 

1* No explanation of the difference between -danda and -nanda could 
be secured. 

16 The stem -tcu- is also used for to sleep. The ending -t occurring 
quite frequently in the texts, after participial and other endings, is found 
but rarely in the paradigms secured. Its function has not been made out.- 

10 The stem here is -tcuk-. 

17 Abbreviated (?) from howam'danda. 

18 Literally his-f oot. 

19 The stem appears to be qa-, which occurs also in nuqa'duha, lie on 
back, nuqa'ohunmi, lie on belly. 

20 For hiwo'mda. The stem apparently also occurs as -warn-, as in 
iwa'mdaxanan, I'll stay. Owa-, -owam- on the other hand means to go. 

21 Analyzed as i-mam-ni, i being the pronominal prefix of the first 
person singular, and -ni the suffix of the present tense. 

22 Probably for howa'mxanan. The stem is owam, howam, with the 
future suffix -xan. 

23 See previous note. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 341 


wai'da howa'mda^ 
Eastwards going 

hiko'se'egon yu'triina 

it will blow live-oak acorns 

yu'tri ino'p* 
live-oak tree (?) 


it blew 


he stood up 



citce'lla tcitindo'sa hitake'gon' 
dog coyote it will rain 

ma'wimuda'tcxun' tcitindo'sawi 
hold tight coyote 

teitcindo'sa exo'kiit® citce'lla 
coyote blew away dog 

pala'mixan® nuwau'k iko'tce^" 

Comeback! you shall be strong comeback! blows (T)" 

he said 

mowa m 
you go 


is that your place 

a wawum'^ 
go back 

I do not wish to go 

nuwa'm^® po'lam 
go on! alone 

ya'tcxuai-" tcitindo'sa 
let's fight coyote 

that is not your place 

I do not want to 


you are weak 

I will kill you let's go 

tcitindo'sa hawe'da'® 
coyote he was angry with 

I don't want to 

I shall go 

® awakdaxa'n^^ 

yuwau mm^ 
I'm going 

let's go around 

yuwa'ktaktcai'nan^'' citce'lla xomi "inanan^ 
I do not want to go around dog I don't like 

mice'qe^* awakdaxa'n mica'kui^* 

"miceqe" let's go around nephew uncle 

husi'kdaktcai'nan^^ yetcu'mdaxanan^^ mice'qe tcitindo'sa 
he doesn't want to follow I'm going to get married " miceqe " coyote 

howa'ktayanaxa'nan^^ yetcu'mdan a'qitcu'kdarahut'* 

I am not coming back I am married water flood 

tcetre'tcexanan^' qe'wot tca'ldan a'wu 

we allshall die this metal mountain 

yawe'risam^^ homo'xat^* a'wa ya'mut 

we make holes through it fell down house we fix 

all do not wish 

a wa 

we will fix 

all fell down 



hita'kta hipti'i" 
raining it snowed 

aqa' hitcu'kni" 
water it came 

aqitcu'kni*^ hita'kta** 
die (?) water coming raining 

itcuxu'nmit** ametcatra'djixan*'' hita'kta 
it got deep all will starve raining 

aqitcu'ksas ^'ye ( q ) etcexa'non pu'namar*' 
water comes all will die not one 


University of California Publications, l^^- Arch. Eth. 

qudro'tpinan*^ aqidju'tkun*^ qeitci'yaxan qatus 

left water coming all will die Frog 

puhi'tsedan^" qeitci'yaxan qatus hidje'ktan^^ exa'tcei 
went about in boat all will die Frog he went in boat Otter 

aqi'ktan^^ hune'ri aqi'ktan tci'mar tcetra'xiit^^ pun 
he floated Mink he floated people all dead one 

me'matinda^* tci'mar hupo'n^^ tca'txun himat'ta"' 
person his rib bone he found 

ixotawe't^^ tca'txun iwoxu'nmila^' 

I look at it bone near sunset 

xaro'la ule'di^^ ma't 'ta 


I keep it 

xara'lima't 'ta"" 
baby find 

I keep it always 

in basket 


baby small found 

a'mat®* ha'ralole'do ha'mat 
she ate baby-small she ate 

ole'da hiwo'f" puntsa'lla pun i'tri pa'tcigut^ 

sat girl 



girl small 

tci'mar xoku'lit®* 

persons we are two we remain 

puntsa'la amanii'da i'tri 
girl he fed man 

etaxa'nat" tci'mar 
many shall be people 

mahinoi'yat puntsa'la tcimar 

a 'a 

dah 'ta 

that man 

I stay 



had children 


people will be many 



little boy 



hinoo'kni tco'tan hame'u i'trihinda qa'tci hia'daptcehanda^ 


growing now 

live-oak acorns 


are many 

( ?) food is growing 

ameba'nda^^ mu'ne ameba'nda 
acorns are plenty black-oak are plenty 

amebanda ya'qa ameba'nda he'cigo 
are plenty white-oak acorns are plenty hazel 

tci'miana ameba'nda tcl'tci ameba'nda u'muli hie'tjumunda 
sarvice -berry are plenty manzanita is plenty salmon come many 

tsa'wi e'tjumunda^^ amata'nda ho'samhunita'nda^" 

eels are many they ate they danced 

he'uma'htanda^" hu'ktatandaman owa'ktiheinda^^ tci'mar 
gambled many go about they come people 

pohimta'nda hosa'm hiinide'u pohimta'nda^^ tci'mar 
they sleep dance (?) they slept people 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 343 

wa'ktixeinda*^ hepata'nda'* ha'matanda ha'madeu*' 

went about they stayed they ate food 

hitxa'itanda^® xema'non^^ yuma'mxanan xema'non 

they finished I am not eating I'm going off I am not eating 

pomu'yen howa'mgutcainan qedjo'kni^* hutimhuktcai'nan 
I'm sleepy I'm not going I am sick follow I don't want to 

nuwa'man a'wam himollai' mowa'mimi 'ina®* 
you go let's go niece you want to go. 


1 Probably participial. 

2 The more common future suffix -xan is sometimes -gon, as here, and 

3 The verbal stem here is -imu-, to hold. The form is second person, 
future, the force of the suffix -ate being here obscure. 

4 The more usual word for tree seems to be at 'a, atsa. 

B The usual stem for * ' to blow ' ' is -kos-, koc-, -xos-. This form -kot- 
appears again below, and also in hekoteu, tattoo-mark. The suffix -ku 
implies separation. 

« Another form of the stem for "to blow," seen also in tcoxu'zanan, 
I shall blow away, and in yoxun'ot, I whistle. 

7 The stem is -hoa-, -ha-; seen also in yoho'adaxanan, I shall stand up, 
nuha'da, stand up! 

8 With the imperative prefix n-. -wauk is probably a contraction from 
-watok-. Other forms are -wok-, -wak-, -wax-. 

9 Pala- is the stem, -xan the future suffix, -mi the suffix of the second 
person singular. 

10 The suffix -tee appears also in such forms as moxolitce, you are bad, 
maxawintcei, you are old. 

11 The stem here is pa-. 

12 Probably the same stem as -owa-. Occurs also in natcidut a'wam, 
we go, ya"aye, I go for, awu'm, let's go. 

13 One of the apparent cases of infixed pronouns, la-mi-puk-ni. La- 
also occurs as la-i-dam-ni, I am tired, la-mi-dam-a, are you tired? 

14 Apparently from a stem -tcai-, -tee-, to wish, desire. Seen also in 
such forms as xowa'mgutcainan, I won't go. 

15 The stem is -ko-. Ye- is the pronominal prefix of the first person 
singular, -xanan the future suffix. 

18 See note 12. 

IT Stem is -owa-. M- is the pronominal prefix of the second person 

18 Imperative. 

10 The stem here is apparently -we-, seen also in tcawe'pan, I am angry 
with you, mawe'ni, you are mean, surly. 

20 This stem -tcxua'- is seen also in yetcxua'xanan, I shall fight; metc- 
xua', have you been, are you fighting? 

21 Y- is the pronominal prefix of the first person singular; the stem is 
-owa- and the suffix -ni is that of the present tense. 

22 Ama-mi-su-da-ye. Perhaps "place-your-being"; see under Pronoun, 

344 University of California Publications. [A-^- Arch. Eth. 

23 The -k- here is the negative. 

24 The use of the prefix -da with the suffix of the future is frequent. 

25 Probably contracted from y-uwa-tok-da-k-tcai-nan, the -k- being the 
negative. For -tcai- see note 14; -tok-, -ok is a suffix meaning backwards. 

26 The negative prefix xo-, with the stem -mi 'inan-. 

27 See note 12. The -k- is here again negative. 

28 An exclamation characteristic of Coyote, and frequently used by 

29 Not the usual form, which is himollai. 

30 Either maternal or paternal apparently. 

31 The stem is -sik-, seen also in yusi'mxan, I'll follow; mexasi'-mnatc- 
xun, don't you follow. The prefix is that of the third person singular. 

32 The stem is -tcum-. 

33 The prefix h- is apparently the negative, which is more usually x-. 

34 Obscure. The same stem appears in nitcu'ktam, to lie on ground, of 
a round thing; also perhaps in hitcu'kni, he drowns. 

35 Probably modified from tcet-qe'-tce-xanan. The use of tee- both 
before and after the stem -qe-, to die, seems intended to intensify the 
meaning, we all. 

36 The stem here is -mu-, appearing also in i'muxanan, I will fix. The 
prefix is that of the first person plural. 

37 The stem is -wer-, -wel-, seen also in hawe'lsamni, it goes through 
a hole. 

38 Translation doubtful. Probably homu'xat, from the same stem as 

39 See note 38, 

40 Translation doubtful. Apparently tca-xa-djisen, the stem -dji- being 
perhaps related to -tcai-, to wish, desire. 

41 See note 34. 

42 Probably participial. The stem -tak- seems to be homophonous with 
that for to sing. 

43 The stem is apparently -pui-, not to be confounded with -pu-imu- as 
in i-pui-mukni, I pinch (with-fingers-press, hold-tightly). 

44 Probably hi-tcu-xun-mi-t. The prefix tcu- indicates a bulky object. 
The stem -xun- appears also in nitcuxu'nmi, pound down a nail; notsoxu'n- 
mu, bore a hole; ni'axunmutpu, put cap on pen, cover on box. The 
suffix -mi seems to refer generally to the ground, or motion downwards, 
as nya'tmi, a flat thing lies on ground; nuqa"ohunmi, lie on belly. 

45 See note 35. The two forms seem to be identical, except for the 
addition here of ame-, meaning hunger. 

46 See note 34. 

47 Pun is the numeral ' ' one. ' ' 

48 Translation doubtful. The suffix -rotpin occurs in the forms pu'n- 
usrotpin, one left; xo'kosrotpin, two left. 

49 Probably aqi-tcut-xan, for aqi-tcuk-xan. See note 34. 

50 The stem seems to be -tse-, seen also in itse'xni, she took boat. 

61 The stem here, -djek-, tcek-, seems to be related to that in itse'xni, 

52 Probably participial. Two explanations of this form seem possible, 
either aqi-k-tan, water-rolling (-k-, to roll, move over surface), or (h)a- 
qik-tan, the stem -qik- being for -qim-, -kim-, seen in aki'mni, he floats. 

53 See note 35. 

54 Compare ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive; ma-mi-mat-a, are you alive? 

55 Po is elsewhere always used for foot. 

Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 345 

56 Stem is -mat- seen also in ima'tni, I find. Probably participial. 

B7 Other comparable forms are, miti'nda kutaxa'na, shall you keep it; 
icehe'nda kutaxa'na, I shall keep it. Itxan is the word for leg. 

58 The stem is apparently -xota-, seen also in: ixo'taxanan, I shall 
watch; yaxotai'yaxan, we shall look for. The xo- does not seem to be the 
negative. The suffix -wet is a continuative. Compare imu'mwet, I run 
cointinually; yema'wet, I eat constantly. 

69 If -wo- is the stem, this means to sit, as in i'wo, I sit ; hi'wotinda, he 
sits. For -xun- see note 44. The ending is puzzling. 

00 Apparently a case of nominal incorporation, xarala-himat 'ta, baby- 
he-finding. Another form for the noun was given as xalu'la. 

61 Small is ule'da. This is apparently run together in rapid speech 
with hima't'ta. 

62 See note 57. 

63 Noun formed from the stem -am-, -ama-, to eat. 

64 The usual form would be ha'ma. The pronominal prefix of the third 
person is however quite frequently omitted. The final -t here and in 
other cases does not occur in the paradigms of verbal forms secured. 

65 From puntsar, woman. The suffix -la occurs in many names of ani- 
mals and of relations, the form here being probably puntsalla, the inter- 
change or equality of r and 1 being clearly marked in many words. 

66 See note 59. 

67 Derived from the demonstrative stem pa-. Other derivatives are 
seen in patcea'mku, something; patci, what; pa'tcigun, no. The suffix -gun, 
-gut is the negative. 

68 Probably for xoku'litca. Cf. tcima'rtca, we are men, Chimarikofl. 

69 The stem -pa- occurs also in ya'patcen, we stay with. 

70 The intensive suffix -op, -ot. Refers to the particular man previouBly 
spoken of. 

71 The stem is apparently -pu-, to shoot. The xa- may be the negative, 
in the sense of not shooting, i.e., stalking, hunting, I stalk game being 
given as yexapo'unu. The same prefix (?) occurs apparently also in 
nexadu'mxu, cook, boil it! 

72 The usual word for boy is itri'la. This same stem appears again in 
owe'liila, bachelor. 

73 From eta, many, with future suffix and final -t. 
7* See note 70. 

75 Literally ' ' man-becoming. ' ' 

76 The only comparable form is na'tap, sift! 

77 Elsewhere the stem ame- means hungry. 

78 Perhaps connected with eta, many. 

79 The stem is -samxu-. Cf . isa'mxuni, I dance ; misa'mxuni, you dance. 

80 The more common stem is -wentso : hiwe'mtson, he gambles. 

81 In the paradigms secured, this is given as owa'kni, or owa'ktinda. 

82 The stem is -po- or -poi-. Cf. poi'mni, I sleep; pomu'yen, I am sleep- 
ing; poa'nmu, are you sleeping? 

83 See note 81. 

84 See note 69. 
86 See note 63. 

86 The stem is apparently -txa-. Cf . itxa'Eni, I stop, cease. 

87 Negative. Cf . ma'mut maxa'mana, you are not eating ; na'tcidut 
ya'xamanat, we are not eating. 

88 Derived from the stem qe-, to die. 

89 Compound form, from -wa-, -owa-, to go, and -mi 'ina-, to wish. 


University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth. 


Dog and Coyote were travelling eastwards. Dog said, "It is going to 
rain, it is going to blow. Hold tight to a live-oak tree." It blew, and 
Coyote was blown away. Dog stood there and called, ' ' Come back, you shall 
be strong. ' ' Coyote did not wish to, for he was angry with dog. The 
latter said, ' ' Let us fight, ' ' but Coyote declined. After some discussion 
they agreed to travel about, and get married. A flood was coming on, in 
which they believed they would be drowned, so they tried to make a 
metal (?) house, but it fell down. Water came, it rained and snowed, and 
all people were starved and lost. Frog was floating in a canoe, and Otter 
and Mink floated on the water. Prog found the rib of one of those who 
had been drowned. At sunset it became a baby, which was put in a 
basket. The girl baby grew up, and married Frog(?), and to them a child, 
a boy was born, and by and by there were many people. There was an 
abundance of food then, and people went about eating and dancing, and 
living as they do now. 


He hunted 

he didn't kill 

hl'tcip himai'dukta^ 
his thigh he carried back 

hutrine'u* imai'dukta tca'koasun^ a 'a kogutxu'kni^ 
intestines he brought back I'm good hunter deer you don't like me 

i'trirok^ aqa' ya'aye* pu'ntsarop yatcaxi'sxun^ wise'da 
that man water I go for that woman they ran off down river 

awa'tmun axa'wayaguktcainan^^ ewo'mut^^ i'trirop 

went did not want to come back he cried that man 

kuto'kkutcai'dananda^^ tcum^* tcum tcisi't hatcise'nda^'* 
never coming back (?) (?) I said not following 

ewo'maminda^^ i'trirop i'trirop ewo'munda pu'ntsarop 
still crying that man that man crying that woman 

xomi"inanan xowa'mgutcai'danan uwi'r ya'patcen^^ uwi'r 
I don't like I do not wish to go (?) we stay (?) 

ya'pa'en xowa'mgutcainan yowa'manda xo'wadumguteai'nan 
we stay with don't want to go I going don't want to go home again 

awa'mai ya'pat hisi'k tcutcxe'mun elo'hni 

(?) (?) good (?) (?) 

xowa'mgutcai'nan tcugu'tcen xomai'muktcainan^* hi'midanda^* 
I don't want to go I don't want to I don't want to carry it is heavy 

tcxale'gu-" imai'momen^^ xuxodaktcai'nan^^ xugonaktcai'nan^' 
light-not I carry I don't want to watch I won't talk to you 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 


tcudi "ineman tcupi'tan'** xowa'mgutcainan 

(t) my foot is sore I don't want to go 

moxolige 'euni^" teu'itcxemun^" xowa'mgutcainan tcumai'idan 
you are no good I drag away (?) I don't want to go I carrying 

tcuwa'xyen exe'u itcxu'Enan^^ yexo'yexanan^ 


imi "inan 
I like 

shell I like I'll go and swim 

tra'wel ule'tcida hetce'tcoi 



m maqai 
roast it! 

let's eat 



roast it! 

trout little 

yeko "oxan ameqe'eda^" ye'man 
I'll kill dying of hunger let's eat 

xema'non^^ Iti'in^^ lumi'gina'ye 
I am not eating I drink don't you drink 

nitcxu'cki no'mux^^ 
put it in fire fix it ! 

mukuwa'tkunat^* ice'mdamdan^^ 
you did not come I have been listening 

xemakteai'nan tcu'xoda'mdan 

I don't want to eat you look at me 

xama'nan qo'ma aqa'deu komatra'sni 
not eating grass- seed grass -seed yellow daisy 

tci'ntcei tcexa'ma kowatcu'mxu pe'tsoneu 
sunflower-seed a sort of flower (f) (t) 

exeu trxol 
shell crayfish 

small suckers 

hama' 'axan 
they will eat 

naupi' yexadumxode'u 

I cook soup 

cook it! 

xe'ma 'axanan 
shall not eat 


a yellow flower 



1 See note 71, text II, 

2 The stem is -ko-, to kill. Cf . yeko'xanan, I shall kill you. The suffix 
-duk is uncertain. Cf. xowa'doknanda, he didn't come back; itcxu'tduxta, 
I hide it away. See following note and note 6, text I. 

3 Possibly a case of nominal incorporation, from (hi)tcipe, thigh and 
himai'dukta, carrying back. Cf. nimai'mu, you carry it! imai'muxan, I'll 
carry it. 

* A nominal form in -eu, formed from a stem -tri- ( ?) of unknown 

5 Apparently from -ko-, to kill. This form is obscure, as the pronomi- 
nal suffix tea- is not elsewhere used as subject of a transitive verb, but as 
object. Cf. pa'ut tca'kotinda, he kills me. The use of -sun which else- 
where has the force of the auxiliary verb "to be, " is also unusual. 

« The prefix ko- is probably the negative. 

T Probably for i'trirop. 

8 The stem is -a- (Cf. -wa-, -owa-). See note 1, text I. 

9 The stem is -teaxis-. Generally used as the plural for "to run," 
another stem, -mum- being used in the singular. 

10 Probably from -wa-, -owa- to go. The suffix is undoubtedly -muni, 
upwards, the -ni being the present tense ending. 

348 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

11 The stem seems to be -wa-, with the negative prefix. The usual 
form of the ending is -gutcainan. 

12 From -W0-, to cry, weep. 

13 Obscure. There is no stem clear, -tok- being elsewhere always 
united with some regular verbal stem, sometimes with the meaning of 
back, returning. Perhaps abbreviated in rapid diction from xowato'k- 

1* There is a stem -tcu- which means * ' to sleep. ' ' Cf . yetcu'yegon, 1 
shall sleep. Another stem -tcum- has the meaning of "to marry." Cf. 
yetcu'mdaxanan, I shall get married. 

15 The usual stem for ' * to follow ' ' is -sim-. Cf . yusi'm, I follow, go 
with; mexasi'mnatcxun, do not follow me! 

i« See note 12. 

17 See note 69, text II. 

18 The stem is -mai-. The suffix -mu is uncertain, although it apparently 
indicates direction of motion. 

19 The stem appears to be -mi-. 

20 The suffix -gu here appears also in such forms as xani'gu, by and by ; 
curaigu, some time ago. It is probably the negative affix. 

21 See note 18. 

22 This is apparently xu-xo-da-k-tcai-nan. There seems to be a redupli- 
cation of the negative prefix, but other examples occur, where -xota- as 
a stem means simply to watch, observe, as ixd'tanhun, I watch; ixd'taxanan, 
I shall look at. Ta- alone has no meaning applicable here. 

23 The stem is -go- or -go 'na-. Other examples are nego 'Ena, talk to 
me ! ; igo 'enegon, I '11 talk to you. 

2* Doubtful. The possessive prefix of the first person singular is evi- 
dent, but the remainder of the word is not clear. The stem for ' ' foot ' ' is 
elsewhere always -po-. 

25 The stem here is clearly -xoli-, or -xuli-, meaning bad. Other examples 
are tco'xoligni, I am bad; qoxoye'uteeyi, are ye bad; xuli'da, he is bad; 
xuli ma'takni, you sing poorly. The suffix -eu may be that used to form 
nouns from verbs, so that the form here would be "you are a bad-one." 

28 Apparently tcu-itc-xe-mun. The stem -xe- occurs also in niexe'xe 
sweep! The prefix tc- is a very common one, and seems to be similar in 
its meaning to t- or to-, meaning with the hands, or by force. Other 
instances of its use are ni-tc-xe-tpik, pull out nail; ni-tc-xa-lo, pull out 
tooth; nu-tc-oru-ha, reach up for, etc., etc. 

27 The stem is -tcxu- or -tcxuE-. Other instances of its use are ya'- 
tcxuunan, I wish, want (to eat) ; mitcxu'ima, you wish, want. 

28 The stem is -xu-, as in ixu, I swim ; nixu'yaxana, shall you swim t 
What seems to be the same stem however is used with several other mean- 
ings, as : tcoxii'xanan, I shall blow away ; noxu', whistle ! ; tco'xun, I am 
fat; qa'xunda, ye are fat, etc. In this latter case, the u is generally short 
however, but it is certainly long in the other cases. 

29 The stem is -mi'ina-. Other examples are: xomi"inanan, I don't 
like you; mexemi 'inanan, you don't like me. Cf. tcudi'ineman above. 

30 Probably ame-qe-da, I am dying of hunger. See note 45, text II. 

31 See note 87, text II. 

32 The stem is lu-. Cf. lumi'ginaye. 

33 See note 36, text II. 

34 Perhaps for mu-ku-wa-tok-gu-nat with the negative affix repeated. 

35 The stem is apparently -cem-. See note 10, text IV. 

36 See note 82, text II. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 349 


A man went out to hunt, but secured nothing. So he carried back hia 
thigh and his intestines, saying, "I am a good hunter." His wives sus- 
pected, and did not like him. They said, "We will get some water." 
Then they ran away. (The remainder seems to be wholly unconnected, my 
informant maundering on until she was tired.) 


Waida howamda apexadjit^ tcitindosa xatcile pun 
Eastwards he went fire -steal Coyote child one 

xexadjit^ tcitindosa mice'qe himu'kta apisu'xta yuwau'mia 
he stole Coyote "mieeqe" running fire throwing I go 

mice'qe yaxatcl'ya pa'tcimam^ itukmiisun* mice'qe 
"mieeqe" I steal everything I make " miceqe " 

yuwau'mxanan mice'qe kimidjunu'mdju'^ yowamxa'nan 
I shall go " miceqe " to the head of the river I'll go 

yuwaumxa'nan wise'da puntsa'r e'tasun mice'qe a'ma 
I'll go downriver woman many are "miceqe" place 

yuwaupa'kasun mice'qe a'ma pun xo'nasun" mice'qe 
I go around "miceqe" place one I'll not "miceqe" 

lure'djasun xu'mde tcitindo'sa tcusato"mun qa'qatce 
quick (f) Coyote I choke a bird 

nti'wam tcusato "Emun^ tce'tc^ nu'wam tcusato"Emun 
go! I'm choking Buzzard go! I'm choking 

yekoxa'nan na'tcidut a'wam iwa'mdaxanan* xe'qoqtcainan 
I'll kill you we go I'll stay I won't kill him 

tci'marut qe'sop® xu'nogidji mice'qe nagi'tcuk ice'ratina^"* 
people if die I'll get well (?) "miceqe" (f) listening (t) 

imitcici'gut" we'lmu mice'qe yowa'mxanan mice'qe 
I kick it open quickly "miceqe" I'll go "miceqe" 

tcu'sigasun^^ mice'qe ye'koxanan mice'qe me'xemi 'inanan 
I'm handsome " miceqe " I'll kill "miceqe " you don't like me 

mice'qe megutxu'kni xuwo'ktcainan hame'u I'tciknan" 
"miceqe" you don't like me I don't want to come back food not growing 

hame'u pa'tcigun hame'u idan mitcxuu'na^* mowa'mxana 
food none food (f) do you like you shall go 

xusi'raJiuktcainan tcugu'tcen iwo'mdaxanan tcusi'mxanan 
I don't want to follow I don't want to I'll stay me shall follow 


University of California Puhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

I don't want 

old woman only 




all right 

men only 

I'll wait 

a man 


children only 

I'll stay 


children only 

I don't want to stop 

I won't go off 

itricuxai'deu^^ tcoxogo'anatan^^ xowo'ktcainan yowa'mxanan 
I'm a chief they don't talk to me I don't want to return I'll go 

i'woxantin iwa'togegon ye'tcuyegon^^ iwo'mtegon iwau'tegon 
I'll stay I'm coming back I shall sleep I'll stay I'll come 

yuwa'togegon qedeegon^^ xowa'toknop isumda'mdegon^" 
I'm coming back will pay (?) I may not return I'll seek (?) you 

mowa'tokatcxun^^ miwo'mtohon^^ yuwau'gegon 

you better all return you stay I'll go 

me 'inada'mdatckun misamda'mdatekun me 'inade'atckun-^ 
do ye wait for me do ye all listen do ye wait for me 

ye'teudamdegon mowau'gatckun yowa'tokegon yeaxte"egon 
ye all return I'll return I'll get lost 

tcima'r imamde 'egon ixota'mdegon 

people I shall see I shall watch 

yuwamxa'nan amemtu'ini ulu'idaitee 

I'll go I'm hungry my brother 

mekoi'tee yowa'mxanan yuwo'kegon 

brother-in-law I'll go 

I'll lie down 

igo 'na'mdegon 
I'll talk to them 

I'll not come back 

yowa mxanan 

I'll go 

I'll return 

imi man 
I like you 



yuwawu mxanan 
I'm going home 

we'll sit 

I'll return 
yeuye'ke 'egon 


yuwa mxanan 
I'll go 

yekoi'yaxanan teugu'teen 

I'll kill I don't want to 

don't want to go 


mowa mxanan 
are yougoing 

xa'tciteenta pola 
all lazy alone 

he stays 

la'mipukni^" pa'laidje yuwa'mni xokole'tce 
you are weak I'm strong I go two of us 

iwo'mdaxanan nuguwa'mna niwo'mta 

I shall stay don't go! stay 

iko'modaxanan" mo'xogoanan niya'tcima mame'ini niko'moda 
I'm going to talk don't you talk laugh! (?) talk! 

awa mxanan 
will go 


I'm strong 

will go 

I look for 

Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 351 

nuwau'm nixo'ta mugu'teen^* yowa'tokxanan 

go back! look at me you don't want to I'm coming back 

miwomdatexun mowa'mkunaxana po'moxana mice'mxana 
you stay aren't you coming back? shall you sleep you'll listen 

po'la iwa'megonye xokole'tce awa'mxanan xa'rale nikl'da 
alone I shall go two of us will go child carry 

mugu'tcen ni'ceheda^® tre'ulot^° nicehe'm xai'rot'^ 
you don't want to take it that big one take it! that little one 

nikl'da yowa'mxanan niceheda po'la iwomte'egon 
carry! I'll go take it! alone I'll stay 

nuwa'mhini tcugu'tcen nowa'man ameqe'eni noha'tamda'^ 
goon! I don't want to go! I'm dying of hunger look at me! 

nitcu'kta^^ tcugu'tcen nowa'mliini xowa'mgutcainan hi'ye 
take it (?) I don't want to goon! I don't want to go (?) 

tce'pini nateu'da na'xaman hame'u muputce'tceaxini 
(?) lie down! don't eat! food you are too lazy (?) 

titee'ndakeye miwo'rhanaqe mugu'tcen a'wam tcugu'tcen 
(?) (?) you don't want to let's go I don't want to 

teupi'tan xowa'mgutcainan tcupi'tan^* ye'tupmoi na'tcidut 
my foot sore I don't want to go my foot sore (?) we 

nuhwe'aqi yamai'ta imai'ta puntsa'r itri puntsa'rie 
(?) my place (?) (?) woman man wife 

ulu'idaida miko'modahanxani yowa'mxanan hisi'kni xole'ini 
sister you will talk I'm going good bad 

iko'modaxanan yako'onewa mo'xoligositce^^ micehe'mxana 
I will talk we are going to talk you are no good are you going to take him 

mowa'mxana nuwa'man xosi'mgutcai'nan tcugu'tcen 
are you going go on ! I don't want to follow I don't want to 

xomi"inanan qaqo'n qo'ni niko'muda ko"omitcxun 
I don't like you you kill me I cry out I talk you better cry out 

ano'tci laibu'kni poimu'yen yahai'tca^" he'u awa'man 
(?) weak I'm sleepy let's get food all right we'll go 

na'tcidut xowa'mgutcai'nan nowa'man xowoktcai'nan 
we I don't want to go go on! I don't want to stay 

mitciumaxa'na madaqa'na^" awa'm yaxo'da nisu'kta^' 
(?) you sing let's go we look look back! 

himo' aqe'mtuini*® lu"mixana nuwa'gai*" yuwa'dkun*^ 
yes I'm thirsty shall you drink come on! I'm coming 

352 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

ima'nmi lu'umitcehin tci'rhatce yuwa'man iko'ktaxanan*^ 
I see him you drink (?) I'm going I shall growl 

iko'ktayexanan mowa'mgunaqo'sexanan*^ yuwa'mni 

I'll go and growl aren't you going to go? I'm going 

iko'mutaxanan iko'ktasun qosamut ye'woxanan** 

I shall talk I always growl you stay I'll give you 

ma'musqo'sexana he'wu mowa'mxana ye'koaxanan no'nu 
shall you give him too yes are you going I'll kill him don't 

xo'mamguteai'nan nowa'man iwo'mdaxanan tri'rhatcen 
I don't want to see you goon! I'll stay (?) 

nowa'm tcugu'tcen ni'koxun mala' nuwa'm heu himo' 
goon! I don't want to cry out! (?) goon! yes yes 

miko'moda yeeni a'ta magollai ma'tri'i matco'lai 
you talk (?) (?) uncle nephew grandmother 

matrici' ulu'idai matco'lai ma'la'i muta'lai masa'lai 
nephew brother grandmother maternal sister mother's sister (?) 

himo'lai a'ntxasai xa'wilai ulu'idaxaiye mitei'nlulai 
father's sister's child older sister paternal grandfather younger sister (?) 


1 Apparently nominal incorporation. Cf. apisu'xta, below. 

2 The usual third personal prefix is here strengthened to x-. 

8 Cf . patci, what; patcea'mku, something; patcigun, no, none. 

* See note 36, text II. The prefix tu- seems to mean actions done with 
hands. The stem is puzzling. In several cases, -kmu- seems to mean "to 
roll," as nimitei'kmu, roll with foot; nie'kmu, roll with end of stick; 
nime'kmu, roll with head. There is a common suffix, however, -mu, which 
seems to have somewhat variable directive meaning and function, as 
nai'mu, chop; mise'kmu, swallow; ipe'nmu, I lick; iya'tmunip, I lay down 
a flat thing. If -k- is the stem, its meaning is general, as we have 
nitcu'ktcan, drive nail; nu'kmak, comb hair, etc. 

6 Probably a place name. 

6 Perhaps related to inam, I touch. Cf . inadaxan, page 350, third line 
of text. 

7 The stem is -satoE-. The meaning is said to be choking because of 
rapid motion. 

8 The stem is -warn-, -wom-. 
» Conditional suffix. 

10 Apparently first person. The stem is -cem-. 

11 The prefix mitci- meaning actions with the foot. The stem does not 
occur elsewhere. 

12 The stem is apparently -siga-. Cf. misiga'sun, you are handsome. 

13 The stem here, -itci- apparently is the same as -itri-. See note 75, 
text II. 

14 See note 27, text III. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 353 

15 The m of -worn- seems to have disappeared here. 

18 Chief is itrixaideu. The pronominal element here is inserted appar- 
ently into the structure of the noun, which may perhaps be analyzed as 
itri, men, -xai-, stem for to make, create, and the suffix -eu which usually 
forms nouns from verbs. 

IT The stem is -go- or -go'na-. Cf. note 23, text m. 
18 The stem is -tcu-. Cf. yaxutcu'ixan, we shall not sleep; yetcuda'm- 
degon, I shall lie down, sleep. 

18 Cf . idai'goxan, I shall pay ; tcadai'gunip, we pay. 

20 Cf. isu'mni, I follow. The suffix (?) -dam occurs also in such forms 
as meinada'mda, you look for me; yetcu'damdegon, I'll lie down. 

21 The suffix -ate seems to denote plurality. Cf. nateidut=(?)noatci-dut. 

22 Probably for miwo'mtaxan. 

23 The stem is apparently -inada. 

24 The usual form is xowamgutcaidanan. 

25 Cf. i'samutni, I come back; ya'samuta, we come back. 

28 Apparently a case of infixing the pronominal element. Cf . la'tcipukni, 
I am weak. 

27 The stem here is clearly the same as in the next word. It is tempt- 
ing to regard the -mo as perhaps an incorporated second personal objec- 
tive element, but there are no other cases to support this view. Cf. 
nikomoda, talk, speak! 

28 See note 14, text II. 

29 The stem is apparently -cehe-. See next line. 

30 Shows the use of the intensive suffix -ot, with an adjective. 

31 Perhaps related to xara'li, zaru'la, baby. 

32 Elsewhere -xotam-. 

33 The stem -tcuk-, or what appears to be but one such stem, has many 
meanings. As itcu'ktamnip, I put down a round thing; nitcu'ktcan, drive 
a nail; tcuitcu'kni, I drown; nitcu'klo, pull off button. See note 34, 
text II. 

34 See note 55, text II. 

35 See note 25, text III. 

30 The stem -hai- elsewhere has the meaning of to spit, to vomit. 

37 The stem is -tak-. Cf. yetakni, I sing; ya'tak, we sing. 

38 This stem does not occur elsewhere. To throw is -sux-. 

39 Cf. ame'mtuini, I am hungry. 

40 Perhaps for -wauk- contracted from -watok-. 

41 Perhaps for yuwa'tokun. 

42 By * ' growling ' ' was meant, it was explained, ' ' talking big. ' ' 

43 The suffix -qose apparently means "also, too." 

44 Meaning doubtful. The stem -wo- elsewhere means to cry, whereas 
-wo- is the form used in the singular for * ' to sit. ' ' 


Coyote went eastwards to steal fire. There was one child only of the 
owner at home. Coyote stole the fire, and ran off down river, where there 
were many women. He ran so fast that he choked, then surrendered the 
brand to a bird, who did likewise, giving it up to the Buzzard. (The latter 
portion of this tale also is apparently extremely confused, and it seems 
impossible to make any connected sense out of it.) 

354 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

V. A MYTH.13 

nise'it^ iwot^ mata hi'wot^ atcalaitaii hiwot^ 
North lived sweathouse lived with his grandmother lived 

dwatgu't^ oa'mta* owa'temut owa'mdawa'temut badji'mdu'' 
started went went up went up-stream what for 

imamatcimi*' waituamtuwatmut ba'tcikitci^ owatmut 

have you come? come back come back went 

wa'ita* i'tusait iwo't^ uwa'wuktan tcimar Ida't** 
west where his sister lived you must talk people many 

eicimit'ni' ca'ik!'et^° hoxada'ktca'nat" tsusutaiik-e'et 

come to see the dance I am ashamed I don't want to watch do not be ashamed 

xe'manat^- nimamic^^ hoca'nkunit^* hotcapunat^^ yua'mta^^ 
I do not eat (?) (?) not dance I know nothing arrived 

bo'unmut" equ'ictan^* a'maniku'mkiyat ni'tcaho'dat^® 
slept what do you say? you act foolishly have you sense? 

xa'nimnosainoxosa'n^" lu'it^^ idji'tmit^^ yaca'mkunit-' 
do you know what you do? drink I sit on one side that is why I dance 

yasa'iuta^* i'djitmi naxama'nan^^ qosi'n^® imica'nkunit^^ 
thus I do I sit do not eat how did you dance? 

noxopi'nmi^* ma'iki'et^" a'manot-^ yuwa'tmun^" not^^ i'qorok^^ 
do not play are you ashamed? recently I came I my language 

ml'qot^^ mldjapti^^ miqowe'g' an"^* xo'lik maliniqo'nag' an^^ 
you speak do you know you will always talk that bad you will always 

have to talk 

aqo'sit e'wanmu^" o'u 'xaik'e'nan^° ba'tcaamni^^ 

why do you cry? you are no good 

no'xojimta^* iqo'iorot^^ dira'mda qe'g'edatci djewn imanmi^* 
you do not know long ago pray large look for 

moxolikaxa'winta**' ba'dja^^ muxa'inat*^ dira'mda mi'teapu'ta^'^ 
two old men sat nothing made long ago you know 

otuntsa*^ yaca'mkunaxan^^ etcut*^ 

feathers we will dance long 

13 Obtained in 1901 by Dr. A. L. Kroeber from Doctor Tom, the Chi- 
mariko informant mentioned below in connection with the vocabulary. 
While the thread of the story cannot be made out from the disjointed 
narrative, it evidently is a myth. Doctor Tom passes among the Indians 
as being more or less out of his mind. As he is old and knows practi- 
cally no English, the translation had to be given by him in the Hupa 
language, with which Dr. Kroeber is unacquainted, and translated into 
English by a Hupa. While loose, it is however shown to be approxi- 
mately correct by the analysis that can be made of many forms. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 355 

yaxo'taxan** mukice'ta*^ onicnema'ri naijidiji'train" 

we will see you do not wish to go once more we must go then they stay 

yupqa'radjimni ixo'taxanen*^ pa'tcuyama** ba'tca 

I get up now I will see him what will we eat? what 

qo'tsesekesa'inen yacamkunit naecia'racimni ba'ikinaesan 
must we do? we dance I must stretch myself I will dance about 

ho'tceu yutiwie'ni nimiina't** xo'miinana'n*" ne'g' ada'txumu'i 
fall in water you like I do not like yourself 

we'yit imitsama'kot na'paata mutsuiiita nlclkio't'^" 
dance hold I me (?) surpassed make a fire! 

Ixota'x*^ Ima'm*" qosni'ni-" ladjin'^ xepakl'n boe'mxan''* 
let me look ! I see how I am tired I am dizzy I am sleepy 

Ix'otan''^ hini' ixotemdjukehe'n^* e'g'eta tcimexa'ita^' 
do not care to look you make 

nitxa'xana'*® la'djin qosi'ni mica'iikunit^^ iwonhi'ni''* 
stop ! tired how you will dance I stay here 

xo'sini qo'sini lawitama''^ ciraku'® mu'amta"° bateaxa'hatan"^ 
what makes you tired already you start I have nothing 

namau'itciwun nua'mdat®^ na'cia'tela'axanan ya'apu'tmin 
you will eat you must go you must take it in go home 

a'manidja'pui'^ nitco'u"* qo'sin nitco'u tel'sagkun®'^ tcaaVeita"* 
you know stretch yourself how you stretch I am exhausted I am angry 

dawuxton yutsu'nta"^ djuklu'uxut"® ladjida'mda*" eica'mkuni 
do not jump in jump in become tired I dance 

la'djin ye'matsisin miitca'exotax^" nupu'o a'wamtu^^ 
tired I want to eat look at it what for? with mouth 

mikof xa'ni mikoxa'naf^ naa'wutbimni^^ yuaka'nat 
you talk by and by you will talk we must play 

nacibi'mdaxanan" otsumni*^ namaata(n)hei na'icukudjhen^* 
we must play jump in do you pick berries do not want to 

nu'tsuxunmu^^ nitxa'nemaexa^" nlcie'i nacba'tcikum'^ 
jump into the ground your knees are sore I do not want 

i'xotama'ri bi'maranu'tcxo a'tcawe'it ni'wekdapmu^* qocum 
I want to see you mash it are you afraid? bring him out! how 

tsi'rokon''* I'mamni e'xaini' no'ot qe'xeta^" ima'mta 
did I talk I see I make I I make I see 

tee'mta*^ ixo'tat ica'mxu'nit gu'utceet^^ hema'itat*^ xa'niiku** 
always I see I dance do not want to carry him soon 

356 University of Calif on ^^uhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

himen^^ hi'mitci'latcila^' a'si'n®^ xo'djabutnat^^ mi'sik-ee'i^^ 
dark middle of night day do not know make right 

mi'qoxanat" naxaik-ena^" miatci'matakxu'n^° mo'xoci'nta''^ 
you will talk do not be ashamed might laugh at you if you do not know 

niice'x na 



nia'i nide'ek 


want you will see 


blind let me look 

lie down! 




^^ itsawi'sen 


get him up ! 

I am going home my feet 

are sore 

do not wish 


hatcuutan^^ nimama 

ha'tcadarup^® ua'mxanat^*^" 

make it ! 

lies there 

you see it 


will go 

ye'wetdaxana'c na'sieta'mxanan^*'^ la'mitamakun" hl'tat^ 
I shall catch him it will be day tired many 

e'icamkunit^°2 ila'djin^^ a'mimtu'ita"^ badji maxa'ia 
I dance tired I am hungry nothing you can make 

qo'maicxu'nun iisa'n yima'mda wu'tsunat^°* kato'oxu'mii'nanan^*'^ 
know I breathe I see I am not sick I do not like you 

how do you know? 


1 Perhaps for wise-da, down-stream, i.e., north. 

2 -wo-,to sit, to stay. Cf. hiwotinda, he sits. 

3 -wa-tok, -owa-tok, return(?). Cf. muku-watku-nat, you did not come, 
page 347, line 8 of text. 

4 -wam-, -owam-, to go; -ta, participle. 

5 patci, what; -mdu, instrumental. 

6 -mat-, to find; -mamat-, alive. Cf. ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive. 

7 Cf. ante, badji-mdu. 

8 wai-da, west or up-stream. 

9 Cf . etasun, many. 

10 C-, probably for tc-, I; -aikie-, ashamed. 

11 Cf. note 22, text III. 

12 Cf . xemanon, page 347, line 6 of text. 

13 Perhaps ni-, imperative, and -mam-, to see. 

14 ho-, negative; -samxu-, to dance. 

16 ho-, negative; tcapu- probably -trahu, to know. 

16 Cf. note 4. 

17 -po-, to sleep. Cf. po-anmu, you sleep. 

18 Probably -qu-, -ko-, -korao-, to talk; e- perhaps interrogative. Cf. 
i-mi-canku-nit, did you dance?; a-qosit, why?; e-wanmu, do you cry? 

18 Probably -tcaho-, for -trahu-, to know. Cf . ante hotcapunat. 

20 Perhaps xani, by and by; 

21 -lu-, to drink. Cf . page 347, line 6 of text. 

22 i-, I ; -tcit-, to sit ; -mi, the verbal sufiix, down ; -t probably the inten- 
sive suffix, -ut, -ot, -t. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 357 

23 ya-, we; -samxu-, to dance. 

24 Probably -sam-, to listen (?). Cf. mi-sam-damdatckun, page 350, line 8 
of text. 

25 na-, second person imperative; x-, negative; -ama-, to eat; -nan, 
verbal suffix. Cf . x^manat, ante line 6. 

28 Interrogative stem qo. 

27 i, perhaps interrogative. Cf. note 18. 

28 no, imperative; xo-, negative; -pim-, to play; -ni, suffix of present 

29 Cf. aman-itri, young; aman-inhu, new. Perhaps also a'maniku'mkiyat 
ante, line 7. 

30 y-, for i-, I; -uwat-, -owat-, to come. 

31 Contracted from nout. 

32 Evidently from the stem -ko-, -qo-, -go-, to speak. The form is 
obscure, as the possessive -i, my, is always suffixed. 

33 mi-, you; stem as in the previous word. 

84 mi-, you; -ko- to talk; -we, perhaps for -wet, continuative; -g'an for 
-xan, future. 

35 It is possible that the first portion of this word is the Wintun pro- 
noun for the second person dual, malin. A Hupa word is inserted in the 
following text. 

88 Cf. ewo'imamni, I cry. 

37 Cf. pa'tceam-ku, something (nothing!). 

38 no-, imperative; xo-, negative; -ta, participle. The stem -jim-(tcim) 
does not occur elsewhere in the material collected. 

89 i-, I; -mam-, to see; -ni, present tense. 

40 Obscure, -xoli, may be xuli, bad; xawin, old. Cf. note 25, text III. 

41 mu-, you; -xai-, to make. 

42 hu-tu, its feather. 

43 Cf. hitcun, long. 

44 ya-, we; -xota-, to see; -xan, future. 

45 Cf. -gutce-, -gutcai-, do not witsh, as in tcu-gutcen, I do not wish. 

46 na-, imperative; -jid-(tcit) (reduplicated), to sit. So "do ye sit 
down one after the other "(!). 

47 i-, I; -xota-, to see; -xan, future. 

48 patci, what; y-, I; -ama-, to eat. 

48 ni, second person imperative ; -mi'inan-, to like. 

50 -cikiot perhaps for -cekta-, to build fire. 

51 la-, weak, tired; -tci, I; -in, incompleted action. In other instances, 
-mi, you. 

52 -po-, to sleep; -xan, future. Cf. poimni, I sleep. 

53 Cf. ixota'x, line before. 
64 Cf. note 45. 

56 tci-, I; me-, actions done with hand(T) ; -xai-, to make; -ta, participle. 
66 ni-, second person imperative; -txa-, to stop; -xan, future. 

57 mi-, you; -samxu-, to dance. The phrase "how you will dance" 
seems to mean * * thus you will always dance in the future. ' ' 

58 -won-, for -worn, to stay. 

6» ciraku, curaigu, from cur-, long ago, and the negative -gu. 

60 mu-, you; -warn-, to go; -ta, participle. 

61 Seems to contain the negative. 

62 nu, second person imperative; -wam-, to go. 

358 University of California Puhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

63 Cf . note 29. Perhaps -pu is the interrogative suffix. Cf. mexadjipu, 
have you stolen? 

64 ni-, second person imperative; -tco-, cf. -tcu-, to lie down, to sleep. 

65 tci-, I; -sag-, cf. -sax-, to cough (?). 

66 tea-, I; -awe-, angry; -ta, participle. 

67 -tsu-, -tsum-, -tsun-, to jump. 

68 dju-, tcu-, I; -klu-, to fall. 

69 Cf. note 51. -dam is a verbal suffix of uncertain meaning in this 
case. Cf . meinadamda, you look for me. 

10 Contains -xota-, to look, watch. 

71 ha-wa, his mouth; -mdu, instrumental, 

72 Or else from -ko-, to kill. Cf. ye-ko-xan-an, I '11 kill you, text IV, 
line 9. 

73 -pirn-, to play. 

74 Cf . tcugutcen, I don 't want to, text IV, line 15. 

75 nu-, second person imperative; -tsu-, to jump; -xun, verbal suffix 
meaning into; -mu, verbal snffix of uncertain meaning. Cf. naimu, chop; 
nitupmu, roll along, etc. 

78 hi-txanemaxa, his knee. 

77 Cf . patcigun, no. 

78 ni-, I; -whek-, to push; -tap, out of. 
78 Cf. iqorok, ante line 10. 

80 -xe-, for -xai-, to make. 

81 tcem-da means * ' across a stream. ' ' 

82 Cf . note 74. 

83 Perhaps he- is the negative, xe-; -mai-, to carry. 

84 xani, by and by, and -gu, the negative. Cf. note 59. 

85 himi, hime, himokni, night. The -n appears in hime-n-ala, moon. 

86 asi, asse, day. Cf . asi-n-ala, sun. 

87 X0-, negative; djabu- (tcapu ante) for -trahu-, to know. 

88 hisikni, hisiki-, good ; -eei perhaps -eye, reflective. 

89 na-, second person imperative ; x-, negative ; -aikie-, ashamed. 

»o mi-, you, object; -yatci-, to laugh; -xun is either the future -xan, or 
the continuative -hun. 

81 mo-, you; -xo, negative; -cim-, -cem-, to listen; -ta, participle. 

82 n-, second person imperative; -ama-, to eat; -xan, future. 

83 na-, second person imperative; -mi, -tmi, verbal suffix, down; -wi-, 
cf. hawi'ida, driv deer; ha-wi-maxan, poke hole in sheet of paper. 

84 n-, second person imperative; -ap-, to get off horse; -ha, up. 

85 y-, I; -owam-, to go. 

86 tcu-, my ; hu-po, his foot. 

87 ma-, perhaps for na-, second person imperative; -xai, to make. 

88 -tcu-, to lie down, sleep. 

89 -up, intensive. 

100 -owam, to go; -xan, future; -at(?) for -ut, -ot, intensive. 

101 asi, day; -xan, future. 

102 ei-, for i-, I. 

103 amemtu-, hungry; -i-, I; -ta, participle. 

104 The final -t, -at, probably the intensive -ut, -ot is of frequent occur- 

105 XU-, negative; -mi'ina-, to like; -nan, verbal suffix. 

106, ashamed. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 359 


ye'ma^ i'waxanin^ e'koexanan^ tci'miteakun kolalai joia'mni 
I eat I will defecate I will urinate enough sick I go 

nlma'ama* nidjidmaga'na' nipa'itca* ba'tciku' ici'cnu'xni i'sa'n' 
you see say so pick up no bring wood sleepy 

xa'nisama^ xe'ma'® dji'txanak^" hosetdjaniwu' nlmina'" hisi'kta" 
soon head blanket sick behind good 

hi'edat hldjuknl" hl'djutbitan^* nadja'ldan^' naxo'cxu^' misa'gu" 
fall in drown a spring rock cut put in mouth 

nisa'wka hltai^^ ko'on^® hiteiwamda nlxota-" muxu'lika^^ awa'm 
put in mouth much talk go down look! say go 

nuakta-^ xa'ye dje'u^^ miwu' xumamnan^* yaeangxu'ni^'' 
go ' small large give do not see let us dance 

yaxu'tcu nici'nate'i no 'sexana'n^^ nimama' naeco yoku'n 
go to bed cover me! suckle me look make basket 

ne'wu pa'dju^'^ nuwi'e^^ xoda'la^® nitcxe'm^'* nltcxe'ako^" 
give enough carry little drag! stop! 

ml'tcapu^^ hi'wana'dan na'klo badxa'la nuxu'mamnan^* 
chew go on see two enough not see 

yokumramni'p^^ mitcxa'ni^^ yeko'n^* tcawi'n mexo'tan^'^ 
run small kill I fear on 

yutsuxa'Dani^" ynwa'wukne'^^ bo'anmu^* na'waxaii^" muxulinni*" 
fall down I come back you sleep your mouth is small you are ugly 

xa'se hitema' nimama nimaitce*^ yamat ima'mta nima'mxanat 
grass (?) cook see food I see you will see 

naot xu'noita*^ nintji^^ a'ma ixa'ita xo'se himou 
I go up your nose earth I made grass yes 

exaini'p** ye'kon^* najidi'li naxa*" huwa'm xa'ni 
I make I kill play flute ! stop go soon 

ladjitamni djo'pa-elo'ni*® eloneheV* ni'djitmi*^ nitcxe'mku^" 
tired too hot hot sit down I drag ! 

djemta nuamatcxun** wesatkla'se yu 'tsu'txamu*" hawalla^® 
across river go ! sleepy fall down who are you 

la'mitama namaexuni xalala'idji'ni diramda diramd ua'kdaf^" 
tired around go home long ago long ago came 

i< Part of a text obtained in the same way as the last. 

360 University of California Publications. [A^. Arch. Eth. 

hica'mniman ni'xota dje'wut^^ i'tc'i'xni xuno'ita*^ lutsuktu'n^" 
not see you look ! large play up fall in 

mti'adokni^^ tcigutxotne'i^^ yeaxtu'n wetce'o migaatcxu'en** 
you come back lonely I return near leave 

nacuamni' hitai ko'on hupucnei^^ memamnei'®^ mi'teapu 
go away much talk his leg straight I see you you know 

nama we'lemii^^ edjeene'i nema'iradjim^" netcxe'm nicigya't^^ 
eat! quickly shoot carry! drag! make fire! 

nixa'ii tca'xawinta^* nl'mamxa'nat etc'i'xta^® koma namaxana't 
make it! I am old you will see grow seeds 

watcel ni'mamxanat koma hecigu djimia'na 

pepper-nuts you will see seeds hazel-nuts sarvice-berry 

haikye'u hatcho'u hosiri'na*" 

sugar -pine -nuts digger pine-nuts cedar 


1 i-, I; -ama-, to eat. 

2 i-, I; hi- wax, his excrement; -xan, future; -in, incomplete action. 
8 e-quc, his urine. 

* ni-, second person imperative; -mam-, to see. 

6 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -gan, -xan, future. 

6 ni, second person imperative; -pa-, perhaps -pa-, to smoke. 

7 Of. iisan, text V, next to last line. 

8 xani, soon, by and by. 
8 hi-ma, his head, 

10 tcitxa, blanket. 

11 Cf. himinatce, behind; himinna, back. 

12 hisiki-,* hisikni, good. 

13 -tcuk-, a stem of varied meaning. Cf. nitcuktan, drive nail; nitcuk- 
tapku, take out a round thing; itcukar, drowned; text I, line 7. 

1* -tcut, to strike(?); -pi, -tpi, suffix, out, out of. 

15 Cf . tcaldan, metal. 

16 Cf. tca-xos-amu, I yawn. 

17 Cf . note 65, text V. 
19 Cf . note 9, text V. 

19 From -ko-, to speak. 

20 n-, second person imperative; -xota, to look, watch. 

21 Cf. note 40, text V. 

22 nu-, second person imperative; -wak-, to come; -ta, participle. 

23 djfeu, tceu, treu, large. 

2*xu-, negative; -mam-, see; -nan, verbal suffix. 

25 ya-, we ; -samxu-, to dance ; -ni, incompleted action. 

26 no-, second person imperative ; -sex-, cf . -sek- ,to swallow ; -xan, future. 

27 Cf. padju, grizzly-bear. 

28 nu-, second person imperative; -wi, cf. ha-wi'-ida, drive deer. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 361 

29 xodallan, poor. 

80 Cf . tcu-itcxe-mun, page 347, line 2 of text. 

31 mi-, you; -tea-, to chew; -pu, perhaps interrogative. 

82 Cf.(?)nipe-ram-ram-, to taste. 

s3Cf.(?)ni-tcxa-lo, pull out tooth; itcxa-posta. Dyer's ranch . 

8< ye-, I; -ko-, to kill; -n, incomplete action. 


36 -tsu, to jump. Cf . note 67, text V. But hu-tsu-tmin, fly down ; -xam, 
suffix, down; -ni, incompleted action. 

37 y-, I; -owak, to come, here apparently reduplicated; -ne, -ni, incom- 
pleted action. 

38 Cf. note 17, text V. 

39 ha-wa, his mouth. 

*omu-, you; -xuli-, bad. Cf. note 21, 

41 Cf. -mai-, to carry. 

*2 xunoi-da means west or north. 

*3 A Hupa word. The Chimariko would be mo-xu. 

4* e-, for i", I; -xai-, to make; -ni, incompleted action; -p, intensive. 

45 Cf . i-txa-Eni, I stop. 

48 elox-ni, elo-ta, hot. 

47 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -mi, suffix, down. 

48 Cf . mo-watok-atcxun, page 350, line 7 of text. 

49 awilla, who. 

50 -wak-, to come ; -da, participle ; -t, intensive. 

51 mu-, you; -atok-, -watok-, return; -ni, incompleted action, 

52 Cf. tcigule, we all. Or more probably, tci-, I; gu-, negative, 
63 hu-po, his leg. 

54 me-, for mi-, you; -mam-, to see; -nei, cf. preceding word, and, post, 

55 welmu, quickly. 

56 ne-, second person imperative; -mai-, to carry, 

57 ni, second person imperative ; -cekta-, make fire. 

58 tea-, I; -xawi-ni, old; -ta, participle. 

59 Cf. -itri-, -itci-, to grow, a man. 

60 Cedar is hatsinaktca; hosu, xosu is yellow-pine nut. The tree would 
be hosu-na. 


puntsalot hamtatinda citcelot 
puntsalot himitcitinda tcimal 
citcela hapukeini heraxolla 

mimitcitida citcela 
hipuimuktinda citcela 
imitcitxanan citcelot 
nitcut citcela 

woman whipped dog 
man kicked the woman 
dog caught the jack-rabbit 

you are kicking the dog 

they are pinching the dog 

I am kicking him 

you are kicking me 

he likes me 

ye are whipping me 

I shall kick the dog 

hit the dog! 


University of California Publications. [-A^m. Arch. Eth. 


I see thee, him 

imi 'inanatcin 

I like ye 


you are poking me 


he sees me 


do ye see me 


he sits 


you gamble 


ye are thin 


he is sick 

nout yematinda 

I eat 

tcaxawintinda tcigule 

we all are old 


you ate 


he dances 


we gamble 


you are fat 


ye are short 


he eats 


I run 


I sing 


his hat 


his house 


his pipe 

qomas musuda 

who are you 

qomas asuda 

who is he 

patci suda 

what is this 

awilida mohatida 

who shot you 

puntsarida anowesta itrila 

woman whipped boy 

mitinda kutaxana 

are you going to keep it? 


still crying 

imumda itxaEni 

I stop running 

imurada tcohotimen 

while running, he shot me 

imamni haqomelamda 

I saw him running, hurrying away 

hisamxuninda yekon 

while he was dancing, I killed him 


The following English-Chimariko and Chimariko-English 
vocabulary is based on the author's notes. To these are added 
materials from the following sources. 

Words marked with an asterisk, *, are from Powers' Tribes of 
California, pages 474-477, slightly transcribed to conform to the 
present orthography. Those marked with a dagger, f, were ob- 
tained by the author, but are given in identical form by Powers, 
allowing for the fact that Powers does not distinguish k and q 
and writes no glottal catches. 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 363 

Words in parentheses, ( ) , were obtained by Dr. A. L. Kroeber 
from the informant Friday in 1902, and those in brackets, [ ], 
from Doctor Tom, an old feeble-minded Chimariko at Hupa, in 
1901 and 1902. Many of the more common words, having been 
obtained by Dr. Kroeber in a form identical with that recorded 
by the writer, are not separately given. 

Words marked with § were obtained by Dr. P. E. Goddard 
from Mrs. Noble, a daughter of Mrs. Dyer, in 1902. A consider- 
able number of other words also obtained by Dr. Goddard, in a 
form identical with that recorded by Dr. Kroeber or the writer, 
are not specially marked. 


Abalone, sulhim 

Abandon, -txax- 

Accompany, -sim- 

Acorn, yutri, (tcxupun) 

Acorn (black-oak), [(muni)] 

Acorn-bread, tceneu 

Acorn-meal (leached), paci 

Acorn-meal (unleaehed), yoma 

Acorn-soaking place, matciya 

Acorn-soup, hapeu 

Acorn (shelled), ihitci 

Across-stream, tcem-da 

Again, (tabum) 

Alder, pakto'Ena 

Alive, -mamat- 

All, (kumitcin)t 

Alone, pola 

Angry, -aw6- 

Ankle, hi-kxanlSde, hi-txanlede 

Ant (black), pfelo'a 

Ant (red), t'amitcxul 

Antlers, ho-wec 

Anus, hi-wi 

Arm, hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu], 

Arm-pit, cileitcumuni 
Armor, t'ummi 
Arrow, sa'a 
Arrow-flaker, atcibuksa 
Arrow-point, qaku 
Ashes, matripxa, matripa 
Aunt (paternal), uluida-i(f) 

Aunt (maternal), malai-i, mutala-i 
Autumn, asodiwukni, nomatci* 
Awl, cibui 
Axe, haimuksa, hamuktcu* 

Baby, xarulla, xalula, (xalala), 

Back, hi-mina 
Bad, xuli, holi-ta* 
Bark (of tree), hi-pxadji, 

To bark, wowoin 
Basket-hat, hadmiuksa 

Basket (burden), sangen, 


Basket (cooking), poquela 

Basket (mortar), ha'eu 

Basket (open tray), powa 

Basket (sifting), atanisuk 

Basket (spoon), kaluweft 

Basket (storage), ( opumaktca) 

Basket (tray), p'unna 

Bat, tcemxatcila 

Bachelor, puntsariecku, oelulla 

Beads (disk), mendrahe 

Bear (black), tcisamra, (djicamla), 

[djisamara], tcisamrha* 
Bear (grizzly), padju, (potcu) 
Beard, (hu-putcu-n-xarae), [ha- 

budju-n-xami], o-putcun-hama* 
Beaver, wisilla 
Bed, hatciinarutsa 
Beetle, qo'a 


University of California Publications. [A^m. Arch. Eth. 

Belly, hu-truneu, (hu-tceneu), 

Belt, hi-ca 'amatat 
To bend, -koru- 
Bird, (di'la), tirha* 
Bitter, hemudadjan 
Black, tcelei, tceli-t* 
Blackberry, xamoana 
Blackbird, tira-cela, teila-tcele 
Blanket, tcitxa 
To bleed, sodre- 
Blind, -sukxomen, -xosanmun 
Blood, sotri, citrqi, sitso* 
To blow, -bus-, -XUC-, -kos-, -xu- 
Blue (?— cf. blood), sote'i 
Bluebird, ipuitella 
Bluejay, tsokokotce 
Board, ho'eu 
To boil, -potpot-, -dum- 
Bone, hu-txun 
Born, -dah- 
Bow, x&puneu 
Boy, itrilla, iteilaf 
Brain, hi-ni 

To break, -kat-, -tcex-, -xotos- 
Breast, hu-si* 
Breast (woman's), si'leye, sirhat, 

To breathe, -saxut- 
To bring, -hak-, -hek- 
Brother, uluida 
Brother-in-law, meku-i 
Buckeye, yonot 
Buckskin, tcirhuntol 
To burn, -hi-, -maa- 
To bury, -tot- 
Butterfly, tsamila 
Button, hi-punaktca 
Buzzard, tcetcSi 
By and by, punuslala, xani, 

To call, -ko-, -koko- 
Cane, hutatat 
Canoe, mutumma, motuma* 
To carry, -mai-, -ham-, -qi-, -xu- 
Caterpillar, xawin, qawin 
Cats-cradle, axadeu 
Cedar, hatsinaktca, hatinaktsana 
Chair, hi-woanadatsa 
Chaparral, puktca'Ena, axaena 

Cheek, hu-tananundjatun 

To chew, -tcatci- 

Chief, itra-xai-deu, itci-haitie* 

Chimariko, (tcimaliko) 

Chin, tsuna, wetu 

Chipmunk, pipila, wisilla(?) 

Civet-cat, kakesmilla* 

To clap hands, -putata 

Clean, mata'i 

To clear (weather), -tcemux- 

To climb, -ar- 

Clock, ixodaktca 

Cloud, hawedam, [awetama], 

Clover, katcu 
Coals, kowa 

Cold, eco-, (xatsa), eso-ta* 
Comb, tanatci 
To comb, -kma- 
To comb, -watok-, -wok-, -owak 
To cough, -sax- 
Cousin, antxala-i 
Country, ama 
Coyote, tcitindosa, (maidjandela), 

Cradle, wentcu 
Crane, kisum, kasar 
Cray-fish, trxol 
Crooked, p'qele'in 
Crow, wa'da, wa'la 
To cry, -wo- 

Cup and ball, hitcumudadehu 
To cut, -kut-, -lolo- 

To dance, -samxu- 
Daughter, masola-i, maisula-i* 
Daughter-in-law, tcu-simda 
Day, asse,t [asi] 
Deaf, hukenan 
Deep, tcuxunmin (?) 
Deer, a 'a, aa* 
Deer (buck), (xuwetci) 
Deer (doe), (yetcawe) 
Deer-brush, qapuna 
Deer-trap, haxaktca 
To dent, -kxol-, -tran- 
Dentalia, hatcidri, t'ododohi 

"Devil" (prob. sorcerer), 

himisanto, (himisamtu) 
Dew, qoido 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 365 

To die, -qh- 

To dig, -po-, -tsik- 

Digging-sticlc, tsunana 

To dip up, -hedo- (f) 

Dirty, tcele'in 

To dismount, -ap- 

Dog, citcella, sitcelaf 

Door, wessa 

Dove, yuura 

Downwards, tranmida 

Down stream, wis&da 

To drag, -tcxe- 

Dragon-fly, hitcinemnem 

To dream, -maka- 

To drink, lu- 

To drive, -sik- 

To drop, -lul-, -lu8-, -lurim- 

To drown, -tcuk- (!) 

Drum, hisamquni 

Dry, atcxumni 

Duck, xaxatc^i, hahatce* 

(= mallard) 
Dull, tono'i 
Dust, matcitsxol, matrepa 

Eagle, wemer, tcawitcau,(djawidjau) 
Ear, hi-sam, hi-cam* 
Earth, [ama]t 
Earthquake, amitcxamut 
East, up stream, waida, (waida) 
To eat, -ama-, -ma- 
Eddy, apenmaspoi 
Eel (lamprey), tsawa 
Egg, andqai, amoka* 
Eight, xodaitcibum, hotaitcipum 
Elder tree, tcitcxoi 
Eleven, pundrasut, saanpun 

Elk, a'eno, aanok* 
Empty, hutcolanan 
Evening, himok* 
Everything, patcimam (f) 
Excrement, hi-wax 
Eye, hu-sot, hu-cot* 
Eyebrow, hu-sotnimi 
Eyelashes, hu-sunsa 

Face, hi-suma* 

To fall, -man-, -mo-, -klu- 

Fat (n)., pi'a 

Fat (adj.), -xu- 
Father, itcila-if 
Father-in-law, tcu-maku 
Feather, hu-to, hi-mif 
Fern, teutduna 
To fight, -tcxua- 
To find, -mat- 
Finger, hi-ta, hi-tra, (hi-tca), 

Finger-nail, bolaxot, (bulaxut) 
Fir, kipi'ina, (kimpina) 
Fire, a'pu, apu* 
To make fire, -cekta-, hatsir 
Fire-drill, apu'Ena, hatsiktca 
Fire-drill base, apu'natxui 
Fire-place, akamina a'pu 
Fish-line, hook, hamamegutca 
Fish-net, atcxu 
Fish-trap, weir, tsat 
Fisher, qfepxamitcM 
Five, tsanehe, tranche 
To fix, -mu- 

Flat, river-bench, maitra 
Flea, t'amina 
To float, -kim- ( t) 
Floor, wSboqam 
Flower, atrei 

Fly, musaswa, musotri, mosotce* 
To fly, -tu- 
Fog, aptum 
To follow, -sum- 
Food, hameu 
Foot, hu-pot 

Forehead, hi-mo8ni,t [hi-muclei] 
To forget, -xome- 
Four, quigu, qoigu 

Fox, tcitcamulla, apxantcolla, 

Friend, [imikot], imi-mut (=love) 

Frog, qatus, (axantcibot) 

Full, hitcolam 

To gamble, -wemtso- 

Girl, puntsula, puntcalla* 

To give, -hak- (T), awu-t* 

To go, -a-, -warn-, -waum-, -wawum-, 

Good, hisikni, (hisiki-), hisi-ta* 
Goose, lalo, lalo* 
Gooseberrv, tselina 


University of California Publications, [-^-m. Arch. Eth. 

Gopher, yumatc 

Grandfather (paternal), xawila-i 

Grandson, himoUa-i 

Grass, hawunna, (awuna), kotcu* 

Grass-game, heumakutca 

Grasshopper, tsatur, tsatul 

Grass-seed, qomma 

Green, himamto, (imamcu), 

Grouse, himimitcei 
To grow, -itri- 

Hair, hi-maf 

Hand, hi-ta, hi-tra, hi-tca* 

To hang, -kim- 

Happy (?), tcumidan 

Hard, tcaxi 

Hawk, yekyek, petcxol 

Hazel, hecigo 

He, hamut 

Head, hi-mat 

To hear, -ke- 

Heart, hu-sa 'antcei, (hu-santcei), 

Heavy (?), tcumidan 
Heel, ino6kta§ 
Hemlock, xutcxu 

Here, this side of stream, kentcuk 
To hiccup, le- 
To hide, -txat- 
High, hitcuEni 
To hit, -at- 
To hold, -imu- 
Honey, huwuanukaif 
Hornet, husu 
Hot, elo-, (eloxni), elo-ta* 
House, awaf 
How long, far, qaitcu 
How many, qatala 
How often, qatramdun 
Humming-bird, qerektce, trelektcei 
To be hungry, -ame-, -amemtu- 
Hupa, person, hitcxu; place, 

Hyampom people, maitroktada 


I, nout 

Ice, hatcen, atci* 
Intestines, hi-pxa 
Into, xunoi(?) 

To jump, -tudu. 

To keep, -kut- 

To kick, -mitci- ^with foot 

To kill, -ko- 

King-fisher, tsadadak 

Knee, hi-txanimaxa, 

To kneel, -komat- (?) 
Knife, tcisili, tcididi, tceselli* 
To know, -trahu- 

Ladder, ha'amputni 

Lake, tcitaha 

Lame, hoakta-xolik 

Large, trewu-t, (djewu), tceu-t* 

To laugh, -yatci-t 

Leaf, hi-taxai, tahalwi* 

Left-hand, xuli-teni 

Leg, hi-txan, hi-tal* 

To lick, -pen-, -hen- 

To lie on ground, -tcu 

Light, tcxalen 

Lightning, itckaselxun, 

To like, -mi'inan- 
To listen, -cem- 
Liver(?), hu-ci. See breast 
Lizard, taktcel 
Lizard (red), himiniduktsa 
Log, samu 
Long, hitcun 
Long ago, cul, cur, [diramda], 

To lose, -licxu-, liiliixe- 
Low, hutculan (?) 

Madrone, etxolna, [hetxolna], 

To make, -xai- 
Man, itri, itci* 

Many, much, eta, (hitat), itat* 
Manzanita, tcitcana, tcitci 
Manzanita-cider, tcitciaqai 
Maple, trupxadji 'ina, ipxadji'ina 
To marry, -tcum- 
Marten, xuneri, qapam 
To mash, -lot- 
Meat (dried), pititexun 
To meet, -hayaqom- 
Milk, cira, ci'ila 
Mink, huneri (? — see marten) 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 367 

Mistletoe, hakilasaqam 
Moccasin, pa, ipaf 
Mole, tsabokor, xosanmu 
Moon, himen alla,t [himi-n-ala] 
Morning, himetasur, himetacus* 
Morning-star, munoieta 
Mortar, ka'a 
Mosquito, tseleye 
Moss, hikiina 
Mother, cido-i, sito-i* 
Mother-in-law, tcu-makosa 
Mountain, awu,t aumiya, [ama] 
Mountain-lion, tcerasmu, 

Mouse, pusudr 
Mouth, ha-wa,t [ha-wa] 
Mud, ladido 

Narrow, xe'iren 

Navel, ho-napu 

Nest, hemut 

Nephew, micaku-i, himoUa-i 

Nest, hemut 

New, amaninhu 

Niece, himolla-i 

Night, hime, himokni, [himi] 

Nine, puntcigu 

No, patcigun, (patcikun), patcut* 

To nod, -pukim-, -pupul- 

Noon, himoqanan 

North (west?), xunoida 

Nose, ho-xu 

Nowhere, amaidatcika 

Oak (black), mune'Ena, (munena) 
Oak (live, hepuitci 'ina 

Oak (poison), xaxecna 
Oak (tan-bark), yutxuina 
Oak (white), yaqana 
Oats (wild), aqedeu 
Ocean, aquareda, aka-tceta* 
Old, xawini, hahawin-ta* 
Old maid, itridusku, amalulla 
Old man, itrinciilla 
Old woman, cunhulla 
One, pun, p'un 
Onion, sapxi 
Orphan, tcisumula 
Otter, exoiteei, [haiokwoitce] 

Outside, himinatce(f) 
Owl, tcukutcei, hara 

Paddle, hiasmaigutca 

"Pain," qehewa 

To paint, -poxolxol- 

To pay, -daigu- 

Penis, hi-pel, [hi-bele] 

Pepper-wood, watcel 

Person, tcimar,t tcimal, [djimar], 

Pestle, tcesundan 

Pigeon, yanunuwa, yanunwa* 

To pinch, -puimuk- 

Pine (digger), hate 'ho, hatco,Ena 

Pine (sugar), haqewinda 

Pine (sugar, cones), (haqeu), 

Pine (yellow), xosu, hosu* 
Pipe, onipat 
Pitch, ano'a 
To play, -pim- 
To poke, -pat- 
Poor, xodalan 

Potato (wild), sawu, qawal, 

a'asawi, sanna 
To pour, -qo- 
Pretty, siga 
To pull, -texet-, -tcxa- 
To push, -whek- 

Quail (mountain), pisor, pisol 
Quail (valley), qadakin pisor 
Quickly, welmu welSni, luredja 
Quiver, hS,susakta 

Babbit (cotton-tail), hiwinolam 
Rabbit (jack), hemoxola, emohoUa* 
Raccoon, yeto'a, [yeteiwa] 
Rain, hitak, itak-ta* 
Rainbow, trexanmatcxu 
Rat, patusu 

Rattle (split), hemuimektsa 
Rattle (cocoon), patcxal 
Rattlesnake, qawu, kawu-tcane* 
To recover, -nook- 
Red, wili'i, wili-t* 
Redwood, mutumana 
To remember, -xutaxun- 
Rich, hitam, -hada- 
Right-hand, hisi-deni 


University of California Publications, [^m. Aech. Eth. 

Ripe, homat 
Eiver, aqaqot 
To roast, -maq- 
Robin, srito, citra 
Eoe, hi-txaiyi 
To roll, -k- 
Root, atci 
Rope, atcxunde 
Rough, nodaduhni 
Round, nolle 
To rub, -xiaxe- 
To run, -mum- 
Salmon, umul, omul* 
Salmon (dog), (djeida) 
Salmon (hook-bill), (bitcoqolmu) 
Salmon (red), masomas 
Salmon (steelhead), (acotno-umul) 
Salmon (summer), (umul-tcani) 
Salmon (dried, crumbled), tsamma 
Salmon-river people, hunomitcku 
Salmon-trout, heetsama 
Salt, aqi, aki* 
Sand, amayaqa 
Sarvice-berry, tcimiana 
Saw, hi-uxigutca 
To say, -pa, -patci- 
Scorpion ( ? — see cray-fish), tcisitcin, 

To scowl, -suta- 
To scrape, -xedo- 
To scratch, -kirkir-, -xolgo- 
To see, -mam- 
To sell, -tciwa- 
Seven, xakuspom, qSqicpom 
Shade, qatrata 
To shake, -lucluc- 
Shallow, txodehunmi 
Shaman, tcowu, (tcuu) 
Sharp, cupui 
Shell, exeu 

Shell (conical), teanapa 
To shiver, -nini- 
To shoot, -pu- 
Short, xuitculan 
Shoulder, hi-ta 
To sing, -tak- 
Sister (older), antxasa-i 
Sister-in-law, maxa-i 
To sit, -tcit-, -W0-, -pat- 

Six, p'unteibum, p'untepom 
Skin, hi-pxadji 

Skirt (woman's), hiektcandeu(l) 

Skunk, pxicira, [picui] 
Sky, tcemut 
Slave, habukedeu 
To sleep, -po- 
To slide, -sap-, -sapho- 
Sling, hi-migutca 
To slip, -klu- 
Slowly, xowenila 
Small, uleta 
Smoke, qe 
To smoke, -pa- 
Smoke-hole, apotcitpidaktca 
Smooth, liiyuin 
Snail, nixetai 
Snake (king), mamusi 
To sneeze, -ninxu- 
To snore, -xatudu 
Snow, hipui, hipue* 
Snowshoes, hipui ipa, panna 
Soft, lo'oren 
Something, patceamku 
Son, oella-i, oalla-i* 
Son-in-law, itcumda 
Soot, nagotpi 
Sour, qoiyoin 
South, qadaida 
Spear, hasunwedeu 
Spear (fish), hohankuteu, altar 

Spider, kwanputcikta 

Spider-web, ko'okoda 

To spill, -qox- 

To spit, -haihu- 

To split, -bis- 

Spoon, wecnaqalne, sapxel 

Spotted, letretre 

A spring, cidiilla, (aqa-xatsa) 

Spring, Icisumatci, kicumatci* 

Square, hoqata'Eni 

To squeeze, -tci- 

Squirrel (gray), akwecur, 

Squirrel (ground), ta'ira 
To stand, -hoa-, -ha- 
Star, munu, mono* 
Star (falling), muniitumni 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 369 

To stay, -wo-, -wom- 

To steal, -xadj- 

Stepfather, matrida 

To stink, -mitcxu- 

Stone, qji'a, kaa* 

To stop, -txa- 

Straight, hadohan 

To strike, -tcut- 

Striped, qisoi, exaduqisman 

Strong, pala 

Sturgeon, (umul-itcawa) 

Sucker, hetcespula 

Summer, ahanmatci, ahenmatci* 

Sun, alla,t lilla, [asi-n-ala] 

Sunflower-seed, tcintcei 

Sunrise, exatatkun 

Sunset, hiwohunmi 

To swallow, -sek- 

Swallow, tumtitella 

Swamp, hixut, cita 

Sweat-house, matta 

Sweet, hiquini 

To swim, -xii- 

Table, hama'anaksia 
Tail, aquye 
To talk, -ko-, -go- 
Tattoo, hekoteu 
To tear, -tra-, -xata- 
Tears, hu-so'xa 
Teeth, hu-tsuf 
Ten, sanpun 
That, pamut, paut, p§,t 
Thick, pepe'in 
Thief, ixagutca 
Thigh, hi-tcipe 
Thin, tqe'erin 
This, qewot, qat 
Thou, mamut 
Three, xodai, hotai 
To throw, -SU-, -sux- 
Thumb, hi-tcitceta* 
Thunder, tremiimuta, tremamutceu, 

[djememoxtcei], tcimumuta* 
To tie, -wuqam- 
Tinder, hauna 
Tobacco, iiwuf 
Today, kimase, assef 
Tomorrow, himeda, himetaf 
Tongs, isekdadiu 

Tongue, hi-penf 

To touch, -na- 

Trail, hissa 

Tree, at 'a (?), atsa* 

Trout, trawel, (tcawal)t 

Tump-line, hima'idan, kasusu 

To twist, -pxel- 

Two, xoku, qaqu 

Uncle (m. or p.), magola-i 
Under, tcumu(f), wise§ 
Unripe, xomanat 
Up, (-tso, wiemu) 
Urine, e-quc 

Vagina, e-qa 

Valley, hitcxaeni (I), maitcitcam* 
Village, awitat, tcimaretanamaf 
To vomit, -haima- 

To wake, -suhni- 

Warrior, hetcwat 

To wash, -pok- 

To watch, -xota 

Water, a'ka, aqa, aka* 

Water-fall, aqamatcitsxol 

Water-ousel, pasindjaxola 

We, natcidut, noutowa, tcigule 

Weak, lapukni 

Wedge, tranper 

Wet, cidji'in 

What, patci, qatci 

When, qasukmatci 

Where, qomalu, (qosi) 

To whip, -nuwec- 

To whistle, -xu- 

White, mene'i, mene* 

White-man, tcimttikta, 

Whiskey, (apu-n-aqa) 
Who, qomas, komas,* awilla 
Why, kosidaji 
Wide, xere'in 
Widow, lasa 

Widow (remarried), yapada§ 
Widower, mamutxu ( f ) 

Wife (my), puntsar-ie, (punsal-i), 

Wild-cat, tagnir, tragnil, 

Willow, patc'xu 


University of California Publications, [^-m. Akch. Eth. 

Wind, ikose-ta, ikosiwa* 
Window, hisusamdaksia 
Wing, utu,t hu-tu 
To wink, -raprap-, -laplap- 
Winter, asodi, asuti* 
Wintun, patcxuai 
To wish, -tcxuii, -tcai- (?) 
Wiyot(?), aqatreduwaktada 
Wiyot at Areata, qataiduwaktada 
Wolf, citciwi, sitciwi* 
Woman, puntsar 
Wood, pusuat 

Woodpecker, konanateei, teuredhu, 
(dedima), [dirima], (teuleti) 

Wood-tick, tsina 
To work, -pu- 
Worm, hemuta 

To yawn, -xaca- 

Ye, qakule 

Yellowhammer, tseyamen, triyamen, 

Yellowjaeket, x5wu 
Yes, himo,t [(Mmo, hiye)] 
Yesterday, mo 'a, moo* 
Young, amanitri, amaniti-ta 


The alphabetical order is that of the letters in English. On account of 
of some uncertainty as regards surd and sonant stops, b, d, and g have been 
treated as if they read p, t, and k. The same holds true of dj and tc. For 
similar reasons q has been put in the same place in the alphabet as k, and 
c as 8. The sound of a apparently being nearer open o than a, these two 
characters have also been treated as one in alphabetizing. Ts and tc may be 
variants of one sound; tr, in many cases at least, is not t plus r, but a sound 
similar to tc, with which it often alternates. These three sounds have there- 
fore been united. Glottal catches have been disregarded in alphabetizing. 
The order of the characters used is thus as follows: 




k, q, g 




o, a 

p, b 


B, C 

t, d 

tc, tr, ts, dj 





Words denoting parts of the body are given with the prefix of the third 
person. Terms of relationship usually show the suffix of the first person. 
Wherever the derivation or structure seemed reasonably certain it has been 
indicated by hyphenation. 

aqa, a'ka, aka,* water 
aqa-qot, river 

-a-, to go. See also -wam-, -waum-, 

-wawum-, -owa- 
a'a, aa,* deer 

a'e-no, aa-nok,* elk 
a'asawi, wild potato. See also 

sawu, qawal, sanna 
ahan-matci, ahen-matci,* summer 
[(ahateu)], dentalia. See also 

hatcidri, t'ododohi 

aqareda, aka-tceta, ' ocean 
aqa-matcitsxol, water-fall, 

aqa-treduvvaktada, Wiyot 
sitjiu-aqai, Hoboken 
aqa-xatsa, water-cold, spring 
[agaxtcea-dji], a place name 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 


akamina a'pu, fire-place 
aqed-eu, wild oats 
aqi,t salt 

aqi-tce, [aiki-dje], Salt Banch 
aquye, tail 

akwecur, [akuitcut], gray squirrel 
alla,t ulla, [asi-n-ala], sun 
-ama-, -ma-, to eat 

ham-eu, food 

-ame-mtu-, to be hungry 

h-ama'a-na-ksia, table 
ama, [ama], country, earth, ground 

ama-yaqa, sand 

ama-idatciku, nowhere. Cf. 
patcikun, no. 

ami-tcxamut, earthquake 
[ama-tcele-dji], place name 

amalulla, old maid 

amani-nhu, new 

amani-tri, amani-ti-ta,* young 

[amimamuco], place name 

(amitsihe-dji), [amitsepi], village 
at foot of Hupa Valley 

ano'a, pitch 

anoqai, amoka,* egg 

antxala-i, cousin 
antxa-sa-i, older sister 

-ap-, to dismount, get off a horse 

apenmaspoi, eddy 

a'pu, apu,* fire 

apu '-Ena, fire-drill. Also hatsiktca 
apu'-na-txui, fire-drill base 
apo-tcitpid-aktca, smoke-hole 
(apu-n-aqa), fire-water, whiskey 

aptum, fog 

apxantc-olla, fox. Also tcitcamulla, 

-ar-, to climb 

a88e,t [asi], day, today 
asodi, asuti,* winter 
asodi-wunki, autumn 
(acotno-umul), winter-salmon, 

-at-, to hit 

at-ar, fish-spear. Also hohankuteu 

at 'a, atsa,* tree 

atanisuk, sifting basket 

atrfei, flower. Cf. next 

atci, root. Cf. last 

atcib-uksa, arrow-flaker 
atcugi-dje, Bennett's, Forks of 

atcxu, fish-net 

atcxunde, rope 
atcxumni, dry 
awa,t house 
awi-tat, village 
-aw6-, angry 
awilla, who. See qomas 
awu,t aumiya, mountain. See ama 
awu-t,* give 
axac-na, chaparral. Also 

axad-eu, eats-cradle. Cf. ahateu, 

dentalia, which were strung 
(axantcibot), frog. See qatus 
e, today. See also kimase 

exatatkun, sunrise 
elo-ta,* (elo-xni), hot 
eso-ta,* eco-, cold 
eta, (hitat), many 
et-xol-na, [hetxolna], (hetcxol-na), 

exatatkun, sunrise, 
exoi-teei, [haiokwoitce], otter 

ha'amputni, ladder 
ha'-eu, basket (acorn-mortar) 
hahawin-ta,* old 
-hai-hu-, to spit 

-hai-ma-, to vomit 
haim-uksa, ham-uktcu,* axe 
-hak-, to bring. See also -hek- 

-hak- (f), to give 

(haq-eu), [haik-eu], sugar pine 

haq-ew-ina, sugar pine 

-ham-, to carry. See also -mai-, 

-qi-, -xu- 
hamaida-dji, [amaita-dji], 

Hawkin's Bar 
hamame-gutca, fish-line, hook 
hamut, he 

haomi-uksa, (haamiaktca), basket- 
habuked-eu, slave 
-hada-, rich. See also hitam 
hadoha-n, straight 
hatcen, atci,* ice 

hate 'ho, digger-pine (cone or nut) 
hatco'Ena, digger pine 


University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth. 

hatciinar-utsa, bed 
liatcidri, dentalia. See also 
t'ododohi, ahateu 

hatcugi-dje, South Fork of Trinity 

hau-na, tinder 
haura,* fox. See apxantcoUa, 

hawedam, [awetama], (awatama- 

xni), cloud 
hawu-nna, (awu-na), grass 
haxa-ktca, deer-trap 
-hayaqom-, to meet 
heetsama, salmon-trout 
-hek-, to bring. See also -hak- 
hekot-eu, tatoo 

hemox-ola, emoh-olla,* jackrabbit 
hemuime-ktsa, split-stick rattle 
hemut, nest 
hemuta, worm 
hemudadja-n, bitter 
-hen-, to lick. See also -pen- 
hepuitci '-ina, (hepetci-na), live oak 
hecigo, hazel 
-hedo- (?), to dip up 
hetcespula, sucker 
hetcwat, warrior 
heuma-kutea, grass-game 
-hi-, to burn. See also -maa- 
hiasmai-gutca, paddle 
hiektcand-eu(?), woman's skirt. 

See also oxwai 
[hiikda-dji], a place name 
hiki-ina, moss 
hiqiii-ni, sweet 

hima'idan, tump-line. See also 

himamto, green; (imamcu), blue; 

himamsu-t,* green, blue, yellow 
hime, [himi], night 

himen alia, hime-n-alla,* 
himi-n-ala, moon 

hime-da, hime-ta,* tomorrow 

hime-tasur, hime-tacus,* morning 

himok,* evening 

himok-ni, night 

himoq-anan, noon 

himi-santo, (himi-samtu), 
"devil," sorcerer 
himeaqu-tce, Big Creek 
himi-gutca, sling 

himimi-tcei, grouse 
himinidu-ktsa, red lizard 
him6,t [(himo)], yes 

[(hiye)], yes 
himolla-i, brother's child, father's 

sister's child, grandson 
hipui, hipue,* snow 

hipui ipa, snowshoes. See also 

hipuna-ktca, button 
hissa, trail 

[hisaa-da-mu], a place name 
hisae-mu, Weaverville 
hi-ca'amatat, belt 
hisi-kni, hisi-ta,* (hisi-ki), good 

hisi-deni, right hand 
[hisitsai-dje], a place name 
hisusamda-ksia, window 
hitak, itak-ta,* rain 
hitam, rich. See also -hada- 
hitutai-dji, Willow Creek 
hitxaiyi, roe 
hitcinemnem, dragon-fly 
hitcolam, full 

hutcolanan, empty 
hitcu-n, hitcu-Eni, long, high 

xii-itcu-lan, short 
hitcumudad-ehu, cup and ball game 
hitcxaeni (?), valley 
hitcxii, [hitchu], Hupa (person) 

hitewamai, Hupa (place) 
hiuxi-gutca, saw 
hixut, swamp. See also cita 
-hoa-, ha, to stand 

hoa-kta-xoli-k, lame 

ho'-eu, board 

hohankut-eu, fish spear. See also 

hoqata'Eni, square 
hakilasaqam, mistletoe 
homat, ripe 

xomanat, unripe 
hap-eu, acorn-soup 

[(hobe-ta-dji)]. Hostler village, 
Hupa, where an annual acorn 
ceremony is held 
hara, owl. See also tcukuktcei 
hasunwed-eu, spear 
hasusa-kta, [(hose-ktca)], quiver 
hotai, xodai, three 

hotai-tci-pum, xodaitcibum, eight 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 373 

hatsir, to make fire 

hatsi-ktca, fire-drill. See also 

apu 'Ena 
hatsi-na-ktca, cedar 
hadi-na-ktco-hada, Cedar Flat 

hoxu-dji, a place name 

hunoini,* Trinity river; [hunoini- 
wam], South Fork of the Trin- 

hunomitcku, Salmon-river people 

-hus-, -XUC-, -kos-, -xu, to blow 

husu, hornet 

hutatat, cane 

hutculan (?), low. See hitcolam, 
full, hutcolanan, empty 

[hutsutsaie-dje], a place name 

huwita-dji, a place name 

(ihitci), shelled acorns 

imimu-t,* to love; -mi'inan, to like 

[imikot], my friend 
-imu-, to hold 
in66kta,§ heel 
ipuit-ella, bluebird 
isekdad-iu, tongs 
-itri-, to grow 

itri, itci,* man 

itri-lla, itci-la,t boy 

itri-nc-ulla, old man 

itri-dusku, old maid 

Itri-xai-d-eu, itci-haitie,* chief 

itci-la-i, itci-lla-i,* father 
[(iteikut)], a place name 
itckasel-xun, hitckesel-sel-ta,* 

[(itcui)], a place name 
itcumda, son-in-law 
[itsutsatmi-dji], a place name 
itcxaposta, Dyer's Eanch 

-k-, to roll 
qa'a, kaa, stone 

ka'a, mortar 

qa-ku, arrow-point 
e-qa, vagina 

[qaetxata], a place name 
[kaimandot], a place name 
qaiyausmu-dji, Forks of New Eiver 
kake8milla,§ civet-cat 
qa'kule, ye 
kaluwe,§ spoon basket 

qapam, marten. See also zuneri 

qapu-na, deer-brush 

-kat-, to break. See also -tcex, 

qadai-da, south 

qatai-duwaktada, Wiyot at Areata 
qatrata, shade 

qawal, wild potato. See also sawu, 

a'asawi, sanna 
qawu, kawu-tcane,* rattlesnake 
-ke-, to hear 

hu-ke-nan, deaf 
qe, smoke 
-q6-, to die 

qe-hewa, "pain," magic cause 
of disease 
qSpxami-tc^i, fisher 

qerek-tce, humming-bird. See also 

qewot, this. See qat 
ke-ntcuk, here, this side of stream 
hi-ki,t neck 
-qi-, to carry. See also -mai-, 

-ham-, -xu- 

-kim-, to hang, to float (?) 
kimase, today. See also e 
kipi'-ina, [kimpi-na], fir 
-kir-, to scratch. See also -xolgo- 
qis-oi, exadu-qis-mam, striped 
kisum, crane. See also kasar 
kisu-matci, kicu-matci,* spring 
-klu-, to slip; also to fall, for which 

see also -man, -mo- 
-kma-, to comb 
-ko-, to kill 

-ko-, -go-, -koko-, to talk, to call 
[kokomatxami], a place name 
-kos-, -XUC-, -hus-, -xu, to blow 

i-kos-eta, i-kps-iwa,* wind 
-qo-, to pour 

-qox-, to spill 

qoido, dew 
q6-mas,t who. See also awilla 

qa-tci, what. See also pa-tei 

qo-malu, (qo-si), where 

qa-itcu, how long, how far 

ko-sidaji, why 

qa-sukmatci, when 

qa-tala, how many 

qa-tramdun, how often 


University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

qo'a, beetle 

k5 'okoda, spider-web 

qaqu, xoku, two 

qoigu, quigu, four 

qaqic-pom, xakus-pom, seven 
-komat- (?), to kneel 
qomma, grass-seed 
qo 'omeniwiuda, New Eiver City 
konona-tcei, woodpecker. See 

also tcuredhu 
-koru-, to bend 
kas-ar, kisum, crane 
kasusu, tump-line. See also 

qat, qewot, this 

katcu, clover; kotcu,* "grass" 
qatus, frog 
kowa, coals 
qoiyo-in, sour 
kumitc-in,* all 
e-quc, urine 
-kut-, to keep 

-kut-, to cut. See also -lolo- 
kwanputcikta, spider 
-kxol-, to dent. See also -tran- 

-laplap, -raprap-, to wink 

lasa, widow 

lapuk-ni, weak 

le-, to hiccup 

letretre, spotted 

-lolo-, to cut. See also -kut- 

lalo, lalo,* goose 

-lot-, to mash 

lo'or-en, soft 

lad-ido, mud 
lii-, lui-t,* to drink 
-lul-, -lurim-, -lus-, to drop 
luredja, quickly. See also welmu 
-lucluc-, to shake 
luyu-in, smooth 

hi-ma,t hear, hair. Cf. himaidan 

ma-mut, thou 

-maa-, to burn. Se also -hi- 

-maq-, to roast 
-mai-, to carry. See also -ham-, 
-qi-, -xu- 

hi-maidan, tump-line 
maitra, flat, river-bench 

maitciteam,* valley 

maidja-hutcula, Yocumville 
maidpa-sore, Thomas', a place 
maidja-tcii-dje, Cecilville 
maido-leda, Jordan's 
maito-tou-dji, Summerville 

maitro-ktada, Hyampom people 

(maidjandela), [maidjandera], 
tcitindosa, coyote 

-maka-, to dream 

mago-la-i, (my uncle, maternal or 
tcu-maku, father-in-law 
tcu-mako-sa, mother-in-law 
maxa-i, sister-in-law 

malai'-i, (my) aunt, (maternal) 

-mam-, to see 
-mat-, to find 

-mamat-, alive 

mamsuidji, a place 

mamusi, king-snake 

mamutxu (?), widower 

-man-, to fall. See also -mo-, -klu- 

masola-i, maisola-i, daughter 

masomas, red salmon 

mata'-i, clean 

matta, sweat-house 

matrepa, matcitsxol, dust 
matripxa, ashes 

matrida, step-father 

matciya, acorn-soaking place 

meku-i, brother-in-law 

mene'-i, mene,* white 
men-drahe, disk beads 

hi-mi,t feather. See also hu-tu 

hi-mina, back 

hi-mina-tce, behind, outside 

micaku-i, nephew 

-mitci-, to kick, with foot 

-mitcxu-, to stink 

-mo-, to fall. See also -man-, -klu- 

m5 'a, moo,* yesterday 

hi-mosni, hi-musni,* [hi-muclei], 

-mu-, to fix 

-mum-, to run 

[(muni)], black-oak acorn 
mune'-Ena, (mune-na), black oak 

munu, mono,* star 

muno-ieta, morning-star 
munu-tumni, falling star 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 375 

musaswa, musotri, mosotce,* fly 
mutala-i, maternal aunt 
mutumma, motuma,* canoe 
mutuma-na, redwood 
[(mutuma-dji)], Captain John's 
village at Hupa, which is 
reached only by boat 

-na-, to touch 

nagotpi, soot 

ho-napu, navel 

natcidut, we. See also noutowa, 

[(neradji)], village at head of 

Hupa valley 
hi-ni, brain 
-nini-, to shiver 

-ninxu-, to sneeze 
mxetai,§ snail 
nolle, round 

hi-wi-nollom, rabbit (cotton-tail) 
no-matci,* autumn 
-nook-, to recover 
nodaduh-ni, rough 
nout, I 

ndutowa, we. See also nateidut, 

-nuwec, to whip 

o-ella-i, o-alla-i,* my son 
oel-ulla, bachelor. See also 
onipa,t pipe. Cf. -pa-, to smoke 
(opuma-ktca), storage basket 
-owa, to go 
-owa-tok, to come 
oxwai, woman's skirt. See also 

-pa-, to smoke. Cf. onipa, pipe 

-pa-, to say 

pa, ipa,t moccasin 

pa-nna, snowshoes. See also 
hipui ipa 
pakto'-Ena, alder 

paktona-dji, baktuna-dji, 
Patterson 's 
pala, strong 
pamut, paut, pat, that 
paci, leached acorn-meal 
pasindjax-ola, water-ousel 
-pat-, to poke 
-pat-, to sit. See also -tcit-, -wo- 

patci, what. See also qatci 

patce-amku, something 

patci-gun, (patci-kun), no 

patci-mam (?), everything 

patent,* no 
patcxal, cocoon rattle 
pate 'xu, willow 

patcxuai, Wintun 
patusu, rat 

paut, pamut, pat, that 
hi-pel, [hi-bele], penis 
pelo'a, black ant 
-pen-, -hen-, to lick 

hi-pen,t tongue 
pepe'-in, thick 

petcxol, hawk. See also yekyek 
pi 'a, fat (noun) 
-pim-, to play 

pip-ila, chipmunk. See also wisilla 
-bis-, to split 
pis-or, pis-ol, quail 
pititcxun, dried meat 
(bitcoqolmu), hook-bill salmon 
p'qele'-in, crooked 
hu-po,t foot 
hu-po-ckun, footless 
-po-, to dig. See also -tsik- 
-po-, to sleep 
-pok-, to wash 

poq-ela, cooking basket 
pola, alone 

bolaxot, (bulaxut), finger-nail 
pat, pamut, paut, that 
padju, [potcu], grizzly bear 
-potpot-, to boil. Se also -dum- 
powa, open-work tray basket 
-poxolxol-, to paint 
-pu-, to work 
-pu-, to shoot 
-puimuk-, to pinch 
punuslala, by and by 
-pukim-, -pupul, to nod 
puktca'-Ena, chaparral. See also 

pun, p'un, one 

p'un-tcibum, p'untcpom, six 

pun-tcigu, nine 

pun-drasut, eleven. See also 
saanpun punlasut 
p'unna, tray basket 


University of California Publications, [-^m. Akch. Eth. 

punts-ar, woman 

puntsar-ie, puntcar-hi,* (punsal-i), 

my wife 
puntsari-eeku, bachelor. See 

also oelulla 
punts-fila, puntc-alla,* girl 
-pupul-, -pukim-, to nod 
punuslala, by and by 
pusu,t wood 
pusudr, mouse 
-putata, to clap hands 
(hu-putcu-n-xame), [ha-budju-n- 

xami], o-putcu-n-hama,* beard 
hi-pxa, intestines 

hi-pxadji, hi-patci,* skin, bark 
i-pxadji '-ina, tru-pxadji '-ina, 
maple ("bark-tree) 
-pxel-, to twist 
pxicira, [picui], skunk 

sa'a, arrow 
hi-sam, hi-cam,* ear 

-cem-, to listen 
-samxu-, to dance 

hi-samqu-ni, drum 
sanna, wild potato. See also sawu, 

qawal, a'asawi 
sangen, (cankeen), burden basket 
sanpun, ten 

saanpun punlasut, eleven. See 
also pundrasut 
hu-sa 'antcei, (hu-santcei), u-santce,* 

sapxel, spoon. See also wec-naqalne 
sapxi, onion 

sawu, wild potato. See also qawal, 

a'asawi, sanna 
-sax-, to cough 

-saxutxut, to breathe 
-sek-, to swallow 

-cekta-, to make fire. See also hatsir 
hu-ci, liver; (husi), u-si,* breast 
-sik-, to drive 
siga, pretty 

cira, ci'ila, si'leye, sirha,t [cida], 
woman 's breast, milk 

cilei-tcumuni, arm-pit 
[ciloki], a place 
-sim-, accompany 
tcu-simda, daughter-in-law 
cibui, awl 
cita, swamp. See also hixut 

citimaa-dji. Big Bar 
cido'-i, sito-i,* (my) mother 
citra, srito, robin 
citrqi, sotri, sitso,* blood 

sodre-, to bleed 
citc-ella, sitc-ela,t dog 

citc-iwi, sitc-iwi, wolf 
cidji'-in, wet 
sitjiwaqai, Hoboken 
cid-ulla, a spring 
samu, log 

-sap-, sapho, to slide 
hu-sot, hu-cot,* eye 

hu-sot-nimi, eyebrow 

hu-sunsa, eyelashes 

hu-so '-xa, tears 
sote'i, blue (?-— cf. blood) 
-SU-, -SUX-, to throw 
-suhni-, to wake 
cul-, cur, long ago 
sulhim, abalone 
-sum-, to follow 
hi-suma,* face 
hi-cum-axutculla, wild-cat 
cun-hulla, old woman 
cupui, sharp 
-suta-, to scowl 
[suta-dji], a place 
-SUX-, -SU-, to throw 

-dah-, born 

-daigu-, to pay 

ta'ira, ground squirrel 

-tak, to sing 

tagnir, trcagnil, wild-cat 

taktcel, lizard 

t 'amina, flea 

tamini, by and by 

t'amitcxul, red ant 

hu-tananundjatun, cheek 

tanatci, comb 

hi-taxai, tahalwi,* leaf 

(tabum), again 

(dedima), [dirima], woodpecker. 

See also konanantcei, tcuredhu, 

teutSu-na, fern 
tirha,* (di'la), bird 

tira-cela, teila-tcele, blackbird 
dilamda, [diramda], long ago 
tqe'er-in, thin 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 


tono'-i, dull 

-tot-, to bury 

t'ododohi, hatcidri, dentalia. See 

also ahateu 
-tu-, to fly 

hu-tu, u-tu,t feather, wing. 

See also hi-mi 

-tudu-, to jump 

-dum-, to boil. See also -potpot- 

tumtit-ella, swallow 

t'ummi, armor. See also tcitza 

-txa-, to stop 

hi-txan, hi-tal,* leg 

hi-txanimaxa, [hi-txanemaxa], 

hi-txan-lSde, hi-kxan-ldde, ankle 
-txat-, to hide 
-txax-, abandon. Cf. -taxt- 
txol, trxol, scorpion (t), crayfish. 

See also tcisitcin 
txodehunmi, shallow 
hu-txun, bone 

hi-tra, hi-ta, (hi-tca),* hand, finger, 
arm, shoulder 
tranehe, tsanehe, five 
hi-tcanka,* fingers 

hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu], hi-tcanpo,* 

hi-tci-tceta, thumb 
-tra-, to tear. See also -xara- 
-trahu-, to know 
-tcai-(?), -tcxuu-, to wash 
trcagnil, tagnir, wild-cat 
tsamila, butterfly 
tsamma, dried crumbled salmon 
-tran-, to dent. See also -kxol- 
tcanapa, conical shell 
tranmi-da, downwards 
tranqoma, Hyampom 
tranper, wedge 
tsabok-or, mole 
tsat, flsh-trap, weir 
tsadadak, king-fisher 
tsat-ur, grasshopper 
-tcatci-, to chew 
tsawa, lamprey eel 

trawel, [tcawal],* trout 
(djawidjau), eagle. See also wemer 
tcaxi, hard 
(djeida), dog-salmon 

-teex-, to break. See also -kat-, 

tcele-i, tceli-t,* black 

tcele'-in, dirty 
trelektcei, qerektce, humming-bird 
tseleye, mosquito 
tseli-na, gooseberry 
[(teem-da)], across stream 
tcemUjt sky 

-tcemux-, to clear (weather) 

tremu-muta, trema-mutc-eu, 
tcimu-muta,* thunder 

tcem-xatc-ila, bat 
tcen-eu, acorn-bread 
tcerasmu, [tcidasmu], mountain-lion 
tcesundan, pestle 
tc^tcSi, buzzard 
trSwut, tceu-t,* (djewu), large 
trexanmatcxu, rainbow 
-tci-, to squeeze 
tcim-ar, tcim-al, (tcim-al), 
[djim-ar], person, Indian 
(tcim-al-iko), Chimariko 

tcimar-etanama,t village 

tcim-tukta, (djem-duakta), white- 
tcimia-na, sarvice-berry 
tsina, wood-tick 
-tsik-, to dig. See also -po- 
tcigule, we. See also natcidut, 

tcintxap-mu, [djundxap-mu]. Big 

hi-tcipe, thigh 
tcirhuntol, buckskin 
tcisamra, tcisamrha,* (djicamla), 

[djisamara], black bear 
tcisili, tceselli,* tcididi, knife 
tcisitcin, scorpion. See also txol, 

tcisum-ula, orphan 
-tcit-, to sit. See also -wo-, -pat- 
tcitaba, tcitaha,* lake 

tcitra, Trinity Eiver 

tcitindosa, coyote. Cf. tcitcam-uUa, 

tcitxa, armor. See also t'ummi 

-tciwa-, to sell 

tcitcam-ulla, fox. See also apxantc- 

oUa, haura. Cf. tcitindosa, 



University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth. 

tcitca-na, manzanita 

tcltcan-ma, [djitcaan-ma], Taylor 

teitci-aqai, manzanita-cider 
tcitexoi, elder tree 
triyamen, tseyamen, (tciaman), 

(tso), up. See also wiemu 
tsokokotce, bluejay 
tcolidasum, [djalintasun, djalitasom], 

New River 
tcowu, (tcuu), shaman 
hu-tsu, u-tsu,* teeth 
-tcuk- (?), to drown 
tcukutcei, owl. See also hara 
-tcum-, to marry 
tcumidan, happy (?), heavy (?) 
tcumu (?), under 
tsuna, chin. See also hu-wetu 
tsuna-na, digging-stick 

hu-trun-eu, (hu-tcen-eu), u-tcuniwa, 

trupxadji '-ina, ipxadji '-ina, maple 

tcuredhu, (tculeti), woodpecker. See 

also konanantcei, dedima, dirima 
-tcut-, to strike 
tsudamda-dji, [djidamada-dji], 

Burnt Eanch 
tcuxunmin (?), deep 
-tcxa-, -tcxet-, to pull. See also 

tcxal-en, light 
-tcxet-, tcxa, to pull 
trxol, txol, cray-fish, scorpion (?) 
-tcxua-, to fight 

(tcxupun), acorn. See also yutri 
-tcxuu, -tcai-, to wish 

uleta, small 

uluida-i, (my) paternal aunt 

umul, omul,* salmon 

(umul-itcawa), sturgeon ("large- 

(umul-tcani), summer salmon 

uwu,t tobacco 

ha-wa,t mouth 

wai-da, east; (wai-da), up-stream 

-wak, -watok-, to come 

wa'la, wa'da, crow 

-wam-, -waum-, -wawum-, -a-, to go 

-watok-, -wak, to come 

watcel, pepper-wood 

hi-wax, excrement 

welmu, quickly. See also luredja 

wemer, eagle. See also djawidjau 

-wemtso-, to gamble 

wentcu, cradle 

weboqam, floor 

ho-wec, antlers, horn 

wec-naqalne, spoon 
wessa, door 

hu-wetu, chin. See also tsuna 
-whek-, to push 
hi-wi, anus 

(wiemu), up. See also tso 
wili'i, wili-t,* red 
wisS-da, down-stream 
wisilla, chipmunk (?), beaver (?). 

See also pipila 
-W0-, to cry 

-W0-, -wom, to sit, to stay. See 
also -tcit-, -pat- 

hi-woanad-atsa, chair 

hi-wo-hunmi, sunset 
wowoin, to bark 
-wuqam-, to tie 

-xai-, to make 

xamoa-na, blackberry 

xar-uUa, hal-alla,* (xal-ala), baby 

-xaca-, to yawn 

-xata-, to tear. See also -tra- 

-xadj-, to steal 

i-xa-gutca, thief 
(xatsa), cold 
(xaumta-dji), a village in Hupa, 

below the Ferry 
[xawaamai]. Mad River 
xaxa-tcei, duck; hahatce,* mallard 

xaxec-na, poison oak 
xawin, caterpillar 
xawi-ni, old 
xe'ir-en, xere'-in, narrow (?), 

wide (?) 
-xedo-, to scrape 
-xiaxe-, to rub 
xoku, qaqu, two 

xaku-spom, qaqi-cpom, seven 
-xolgo-, to scratch. See also -kirkir- 
-xome-, to forget 
xapun-eu, bow 

Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 379 

[xoraxdu], a place 
xosu, hosu,* yellow pine 
xodai, hotai, three 

xodai-tcibum, hotai-tcipum, eight 
xodalan, poor. Cf. -hada-, rich 
-xotos-, to break. See also -kat-, 

-xatudu, to snore 
xowen-ila, slowly 
xowu, yellow-jacket 
-XU-, -XUC-, -bus-, -kos-, to blow 

-xii-, to whistle 

-XU-, to swim 

-XU-, to carry. See also -mai, -ham-, 

ho-xu, nose 
-XU-, fat (adj.) 

-XUC-, -XU-, -bus-, -kos-, to blow 
xQitcu-lan, short 
xuli, holi-ta,* bad 
xuli-teni, left-hand 

xuneri, huneri, marten ( f ), mink( t). 

See also qapam 
xunoi-da, west (f), north (!) 
-xutaxun-, to remember 
xutcxu, hemlock 
(xuwetci), deer (buck). Cf. -wee, 


yaqa-na, white oak 

[yaqana-dji], a place 
yanuniiwa, yanunwa,* pigeon 
-yatci-, iatci-mut,* to laugh 
yekyek, hawk. See also petcxol 
yeto'a, [yeteiwa], raccoon 
(yetcawe), deer (doe) 
yoma, unleached acorn-meal 
yonot, buckeye 
yumatc, gopher 
yutri, acorn 

yutxui-na, tan-bark oak 
yiiura, dove 


Taylor Flat 

Cedar Flat 

Burnt Eanch 

Hawkin's Bar 

Dyer's ranch 

Patterson 's 


Forks of New River 

New River City 

Willow Creek 

Big Bar 


New River 

Big Creek 

Trinity River 


South Fork Trinity River 


Jordan 's 



Bennett 's 


Big Flat 

Salt Ranch 

Mad River 

tcitcanma [djitcanma] 


tsudamdadji [djidamadadji] 

hamaidadji [amaitadji] 


paktonadji [baktunadji] 



qo 'omeniwinda 




tcolidasum [djalintasun, djalitasom] 











tcintxapmu [djundxapmu] 

aqitce [aikidje] 


380 University of California Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth. 

Hupa, village at foot of valley (amitsihedji) [amitsepi] 

Hupa, village below Ferry [hobetadji] 

Hupa, Hostler village (xaumtadji) 

Hupa, Captain John's village [(mutuma-dji)] 

Hupa, village at head of valley [(neradji)] 

Unidentified place names mentioned by Doctor Tom to Dr. A. L. 
Kroeber: amimamuco, hikdadji, kaimandot, itcikut, itcui, hoxudji, sutadji, 
hisitsaidje, huwitadji, qaetxata, yaqanadji, amatceledji, itsutsatmidji, agax- 
teeadji, baktunadji ,hisaadamu, xoraxdu, hutsutsaiedje, ciloki, kokomatxami. 


Abalone, 298. 

Achomawi, 241, 260. 

Acorns, 299. 

Accidental possession, 320, 323. 

Adjectives, 334. 

Adolescent girl, 109. 

Adzes, 300. 

Affixes, 317. 

Aflfricatives in Hupa, 16. 

Altsodoniglehi, 61. 

American Anthropologist, 73, 253, 

American Folk-Lore Society, 26. 

American Indians, 24. 

American languages, 1, 19, 70. 

Apron, 298. 

Arabic, 23. 

Arizona, 25. 

Armor, 300. 

Arrowheads, 253. 

Arrows, 246, 247, 259, 282, 300. 

Arrow-straightener, 253, 284. 

Athapascan, 67, 68, 71, 74, 80, 131, 
296; Athapascan dialects, 7, 9, 
11, 13, 17. 

Atsugewi, 337. 

Bale's lake, 242. 

Baskets, 250, 253, 264, 268, 270, 
272, 274, 278, 300. 

Bekot«idi, 58, 59. 

Belt, 258, 276. 

Bennet's, 379. 

Bevier, 3. 

Be^inyasin, 32, 33. 

Big Bar, 296, 297, 379. 

Big creek, 379. 

Big Flat, 379. 

Bill Ray, 68, 201. 

Black Hills, 241. 

Blanket, 255. 

Blue Rock, 67, 217. 

Blue Rock creek, 233. 

Bly, 241. 

Bodily decoration, 298. 

Bows, 246, 282, 300. 

Breech-clout, 298. 

Bureau of Ethnology, 240. 

Burnt Ranch, 297, 379. 

Cahto, 226. 

California, Ethnological and Arch- 
aeological Survey of, 239. 

Camass, 243, 256. 

Cannel coal, 26. 

Canoe, 243, 247, 248, 259, 260, 262, 

Cape, 255. 
Caps, 255, 276, 298. 
Case, grammatical, 321, 323. 
Cats-cradle, 302. 
Cedar Flat, 297. 
CeLciyetodun, 191, 208, 214. 
Central California, 260, 305, 311, 

321, 335, 336. 
Ceremonials, 303. 
Cecilville, 379. 
Charms, 253. 
Chelly Caiion, 25. 
Chesnut, V. K., 149. 
Chief, 301. 
Childbirth, 302. 
Chimalakwe, 296. 
China Flat, 307. 
Chumash, 320. 
Classification of sounds, 4. 
Clear lake, 241. 
Coast Range, 246. 
Collective, 323. 
Columbia, 259. 
Comb, 286. 
Composition, 311. 
Connectives, 335. 
Continuants in Hupa, 8. 
Contributions to North American 

Ethnology, 11, 67. 
Corral creek, 296. 
Coville, 243, 247, 249, 254, 255, 

Cox 's Bar 296. 
Coyote, 68', 191^ 195, 211, 217, 218, 

219, 222, 231, 232, 304. 
Cradle, 257, 270. 
Crater lake, 240. 
Creation, 304. 
Cremation, 302. 
Culin, Stewart, 253. 
Cup and ball game, 302. 
Dairy, 242. 
Dakota, 23. 

Dawn Boy, 26, 27, 28, 31, 33, 34. 
Deformation of head, 257. 
Demonstratives, 322. 
Dentalia, 298. 

• Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., Vol. 5. 



Depfintsa, 32. 
Derivation, 311. 
Deschutes river, 240. 
Dialects, Eel river, 135. 
Dip-net, 243, 249, 259, 262. 
Directional suffixes, 319, 330. 
Dixon, E. B., 296, 299, 302, 337; 

and Kroeber, 336. 
Dog, 304. 

Dorsey, George A., 253. 
Dreams, 303. 
Dress, 298. 
Dual, 322. 

Dutch Henry creek, 226. 
Dyer, Mrs., 295, 307, 309, 363. 
Dyer's, 297, 379. 
DziLdanistini, 26. 
Earth lodge, 243. 
Eel river, 67, 201, 224, 226, 234. 
Eels, 298. 
Elk, dancing, 227. 
English, 2, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 22, 

Esselen, 295. 
Estsanatlehi, 47, 59. 
Ethnological and Archaeological 

Survey of California, 239. 
Evernia vulpina, 254. 
Exploded sounds, 19, 70. 
False palate, 3. 
Fire drill, 257. 
Fire, securing of, 304. 
Fire, theft of, 349. 
Fish-hooks, 250, 259, 286. 
Fish spear, 247, 251, 259, 300. 
Fish trap, 257, 280. 
Flood, 304, 341. 
Flute, 300. 
Food songs, 32. 
Fourier's theorem, 3. 
French, 13, 23. 
French creek, 296. 
Friday, 295, 307, 309, 363. 
Funerals, 302. 
Games, 253. 
Gambling, 302. 
Gambling tray, 264. 
Gatschet, A. S., 241, 246. 
Geese, 224. 

German, 2, 12, 13, 23, 70. 
Goddard, P. E., 296, 299, 307, 363. 
Gopher, 223. 
Grass-game, 302. 
Grasshoppers, 299. 
Grasshopper Girl, 30, 47, 48. 
Hair brush, 258. 
Haliotis, 26, 31, 32, 59. 
Harpoon, 251, 286. 
Hastsehogan, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33, 
Hastsejalti, 26, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34. 

Hatali Natloi, 24, 59. 

Hats, 278. 

Hawkin's Bar, 297, 379. 

Hay Fork of Trinity river, 296. 

Eajolkal Aski, 26, 28. 

Headbands, 257. 

Hearst, Mrs. Phoebe A., 239, 295. 

Hermann, 3. 

Hoboken, 379. 

Horse, 35. 

Horse Fly valley, 242. 

Hostler village, 380. 

Houses, 243, 299. 

House God, 27, 29, 47, 48. 

Hupa, 68, 71, and foil., 295, 296, 
297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, 304, 
305, 306, 336, 354, 361, 363, 380. 

Hupa language, 4. 

Hupa Texts, 10, 17. 

Hyampom, 296, 379. 

Imperative, 329. 

Incorporation, 321; nominal, 328. 

Independent pronoun, 322. 

Infixes, 320. 

Inherent possession, 320, 323. 

Instrumental prefixes, 318, 329. 

Intensive suffix, 321, 322. 

Interrogatives, 322. 

John Wilson creek, 231. 

Jordan's, 379. 

Juniper, 257, 274. 

Julius Marshall, 4. 

Kai Pomo, 67. 

Kangaroo-rat, 217. 

Karok, 303. 

Kato, 67, 68. 

Keen creek, 240. 

Kelta, 11. 

Keno Spring, 242. 

Kethawn, 27. 

Kibesillah, 191, 205. 

Kininaekai, 25, 29. 

Klamath Falls, 241. 

Klamath Indian Keservation, 239. 

Klamath lakes, 240, 241, 242. 

Klamath Lake Indians, 239. 

Klamath marsh, 240, 241, 242. 

Klamath river, 240 . 

Konomihu, 305, 337. 

Kroeber, A. L., 307, 309, 354, 363, 

Kymograph, 2, 3. 

Laytonville, 67, 197. 

Leggings, 255, 276. 

Leldin, 11. 

L evirate, 301. 

Lightning of the Thunder, 61. 

Link river, 241. 

Linkville, 241. 

Lip positions, photographs of, 2. 



Little Lake valley, 198, 226. 

Locative suffixes, 319, 321, 323. 

Lockey Flat, 242. 

Lodaiki, 226. 

Long valley, 67, 198. 

Long Valley creek, 225. 

Lost river, 241. 

Lost River valley, 242. 

Lutuami, 239, 240, 241, 242, 253, 

258, 259. 
Mad river, 219, 379. 
Maidu, 299, 311, 320, 321, 329. 
Marey tambor, 4. 
Marriage, 301. 
Marshall, Julius, 4. 
Mats, 245, 260, 264, 288, 290, 292. 
Matthews, Dr. Washington, 24. 
Maul, 252, 259, 284. 
Meadowlark, 224. 
Mechanical Aids to the Study and 

Recording of Language, 3. 
Mendocino county, 67. 
Mesh-measure, 286. 
Mesh-stick, 250. 
Milkweed, 250. 

Moccasins, 255, 276, 280, 298. 
Modal-temporal affixes, 319, 321, 

Modoc, 240, 241. 
Modoc Indians, 239. 
Monosyllabic stems, 333. 
Months, 205. 

Morphology of the Hupa Lan- 
guage, 12, 18. 
Mortar, 252, 284. 
Mud Springs, 198. 
MuUer, two-horned, 252, 259, 266, 

Mythology, 304. 
Nagaitcho, 68, 183, 185, 186. 
Nasals in Hupa, 9. 
Navaho, 12, 77; Navaho Legends, 

26, 27, 28. 
Negative, 332. 
Net sinker, 259, 284. 
Nets, 247, 249, 250, 252, 300. 
Nettle, 250, 288. 
New river, 295, 296, 307, 379; city, 

296, 379; forks of, 379; tribe, 

Night Chant, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 35, 

Ni'naftokfi, dine', 27. 
Noble, Mrs., 363. 
Nongatl, 149, 219. 
Northwestern California, 259, 260, 

300, 304, 305, 311, 335, 336. 
Number, 321, 323. 
Numerals, 334. 
Nymphia polysepala, 242. 
Object, nominal, 327; pronominal, 

326, 327. 

Offspring of the Water, 61. 

Oklahoma, 240. 

Olene, 242. 

Onomatopoeia, 311. 

Order of words, 335. 

Oregon, 239, 259, 301, 306. 

Origin of earth, 183; of fire, 195; 
of fresh water, 188; of light, 
191, 195; of seeds, 210; of val- 
leys, 197. 

Paddle, 248. 

Palate, false, 3, 

Palatograms, 2. 

Patterson's, 297, 379. 

Pains, in Chimariko, ceremonial, 

Paiute, 259. 

Pelado Peak, 47. 

People on the earth, 27. 

Pestle, 252, 284. 

Phonograph, 3, 

Pine-nuts, 299. 

Pipes, 253, 259, 286, 300. 

Pit river, 241. 

Place names, 379. 

Plains Indians, 259. 

Plants used by the Indians of 
Mendocino Co., Calif., 149. 

Platters, 256, 268. 

Plural for politeness, 143. 

Pollen Boy, 30, 47, 48. 

Pomo, 67. 

Polysyllabic stems, 334. 

Porcupine, 254. 

Possession, 320, 323. 

Postpositions, 335. 

Pouch, 270. 

Powers, S., 67, 296, 307, 362. 

Prefixes, 318, 320. 

Pronominal affixes, 318, 324. 

Puberty ceremonials, 301. 

Putnam, F. W., 24. 

Quiver, 255, 282, 300. 

Quoits, 302. 

Rafts, 255, 260. 

Rancheria Flat, 198. 

Rattles, 300. 

Rattlesnake as husband, 234. 

Ray, Bill, 68, 201. 

Reclining Mountain, 26. 

Redemeyer's ranch, 197, 235. 

Red Mountain, 217. 

Red Rock House, 25, 30, 31. 

Reduplication, 311, 334. 

Redwood creek, 227. 

Reflexive, 328. 

Rhett lake, 240, 241, 242, 243. 

Rock creek, 198. 

Rocky Mountain sheep, 35. 

Rogue river, 240. 

Round-dance, 303. 



Eound Valley, 198. 

Eousselot, kymograph, 2, 3, 4, 10. 

Sacks, 256. 

Sacramento Valley, 299. 

Saisuntcbi, 233. 

Sak 'eniinsandun, 225. 

Salmon, 298. 

Salmon river, 297. 

Salt Ranch, 379. 

San Francisco mountain, 49. 

San Juan mountains, 49. 

San Mateo mountain, 49. 

Sapir, Edward, 68. 

Scirpus lacustris, 244, 290. 

Scirpus rohustus, 244, 288. 

Scott Valley, 297. 

Scratching-stick, 301. 

Scripture, E. W., 3. 

Seed-beater, 257. 

Semi-vowels in Hupa, 8. 

Sentences, 361. 

Serpent, horned, 226. 

Shaman, 60, 303. 

Shasta, 295, 296, 297, 303, 305, 
306, 307, 311, 320. 321, 327, 329, 
335, 336, 337, 339. 

Shasta-Achomawi, 296. 

Sheep, 35. 

Sherwood valley, 226. 

Shoshonean, 258. 

Shuttle, 250, 286. 

Sierra Nevada, 246. 

Slayer of the Alien Gods, 61. 

Snake-skin, 298. 

Snow-shoe, 255, 276, 298. 

Sound-representation, 2. 

Sounds in Kato, key to, 69. 

Spanish, 67, 70. 

Spear points, 253. 

Spirants in Hupa, 10. 

Spoon, 268, 300. 

Spoon-shaped basket, 255. 

Sprague river, 241, 242. 

Stems, monosyllabic, 333; poly- 
syllabic, 334. 

Stops in Hupa, 13. 

String. 250; nettle string, 288. 

Suflaxes, 319, 320, 321, 323. 

Summer house, 244, 264. 

Summerville, 379. 

Sun Bearer, 58. 

Sun shelter, 245. 

Sweat-dance, 303. 

Sweathouse, 245, 246, 299. 

Sycan marsh, 241; river, 242. 

Syringa, 300. 

Taboo, 109, 199, 205. 

Talking God, 27, 29, 47. 

Tambor, 4. 

Tattooing, 298. 

Taylor's Flat, 296, 297, 379. 

TcuLsaitcdun, 221. 

Ten-mile creek, 221, 233. 

Thomas', 297, 379. 

Thunder, 68, 185, 186. 

Tolowa, 8. 

Tom, Dr., 295, 309, -354, 363, 380. 

Torch, 257, 286. 

Trays, 256. 

Trinity county, 295, 307. 

Trinity river, 297, 306, 379; south 

fork of, 295, 297, 379. 
Trunks, 300. 
Tse'gihe, 28, 32, 33, 54. 
Tse'intyel, 28. 
Tsenit,si/io,<7an Bigi'n, 25. 
Tse' ya/iodiZyiJ, 28. 
Tsi«ihanoai, 58. 
Tule, 244, 253, 254, 256, 258, 264, 

268, 270, 272, 278, 280, 288, 290. 
Tule lake, 240, 241, 242, 243. 
Turtle, 222, 223. 
Turquoise, 26, 59. 
University of California, 239; De- 
partment of Anthropology of 

the, 24, 295. 
Verb stems, 332. 
Vocabulary, 362. 
Vowels, 307; in Hupa, 5. 
Washington, 301. 
Washo, 320, 321. 
Water-panther, 235. 
Wailaki, 67, 68, 201, 234. 
Weaverville. 379. 
Wedges, 252. 
White Corn Boy, 30. 
White House, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 

Widows, 302. 
Willow, 256, 278. 
Willow creek, 307, 379. 
Wintim, 295, 296, 298, 305, 306, 

311, 321, 329, 336, 337. 
Wiyot, 304. 
Wokas, 243, 248. 252, 255, 256, 

259, 266, 268, 274, 280. 
World behind the ocean, 209. 
Worms, 299. 
Yainax, 242. 
Yam Say peak, 241. 
Yana, 295, 311, 337. 
YatcuLsaik 'wut, 193, 
Yelindun, 193. 
Yellow Corn Girl, 30. 
Yellow-hammer, 205, 207, 209. 
Yellow jackets, 299. 
Yocumville, 379. 
Yuki, 67, 191, 226, 231. 
Yuni, 31. 
Yurok, 303. 



Vol. 8. 1. A Mission Record of the California Indians, from a Manuscript in the 

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