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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol, 5, No. 5, pp. 293-380 August 19, 1910
THE CHIMARIKO INDIANS AND
ROLAND B. DIXON
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued
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ment, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should
be addressed to the University Press.
Vol. 1. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88;
plates 1-30. September, 1903 $1.25
2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 _. 3.00
Index, pp. 369-378.
Vol. 2. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair.
Pp. 1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904 40
2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by
A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904 60
3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103.
June, 1904 26
4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L.
Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 ..._ 75
5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber.
Pp. 165-377. January, 1907 2.25
Index, pp. 379-393.
Vol. 3, The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard.
344 pp. June, 1905 3.50
Vol. 4. 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from
original documents preserved in Spain and Japan, by Zelia Nuttall.
Pp. 1-47. April, 1906 60
2. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on col-
lections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of
California, and in the U. S. National Museum, by Ales Hrdlicka.
Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 75
S. The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 65-166.
February, 1907 „ 1.50
4. Indian Myths from South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp.
167-250. May, 1907 76
5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L.
Kroeber. Pp. 251-318. September, 1907 75
6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 319-
356. September, 1907 60
Index, pp. 357-374.
Vol. 5. 1, The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part I, The Individual Sounds,
by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 35
2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations, by
Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63.
September, 1907 „ 75
3. Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December,
4. The Material Cultiire of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of
Northeastern California and Southern Oregon, by S. A. Barrett.
Pp. 239-292, plates 10-25. June, 1910 .75
5. The Chimariko Indians arid Language, by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 293-
380. August, 1910 1.00
Vol. 6. 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Porno and Neighboring Indians, by Sam-
uel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, m.aps 1-2. February, 1908 3.25
2. The Geography and Dialects of the Mlwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred
Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 3.
3. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok
Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 369-380, Nos. 2 and 3 in one cover.
February, 1908 , .50
Index, pp. 381-400.
Vol. 7. 1. The Emeryville Shellmound, by Max Uhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with
38 text figures. June, 1907 _ 1.25
2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of
Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William
J. Sinclair. Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908 85
3. Porno Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30,
231*text figures. December, 1908 1.76
4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, by N. C. Nelson.
Pp. 309-356, plates 32-34. December, 1909 50
5. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 357-426, plates
36-50. AprU, 1910 75
Index, pp. 427-441.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 5 NO. 5
THE CHIMARIKO INDIANS AND
ROLAND B. DIXON.
Pabt I. Culture.
Territory and History 295
Material Culture 298
Social Organization 301
Part II. Language.
Initial Sounds 309
Terminal Sounds 309
Dialectical Differences 309
Combinations of Sounds 310
Influence of Sounds on One Another 310
Composition _ - 311
A. Prefixes or Suffixes 318
B. Prefixes 318
C. Suffixes 319
Pronoun _ 321
Independent Personal Pronoun _ 322
Case Suffixes 323
Number „ - _ 323
294 University of California Publications, [^^i- Arch. Eth.
Pronominal Affixes 324
Formative Affixes 329
Temporal and Modal Affixes 331
Verbal Stems 332
Order of Words 335
Conclusion and Eelations 335
I. The Sorcerer 339
II, The Mood 341
Free Translation 346
m. The Unsuccessful Hunter 346
Free Translation 349
IV. The Theft of Fire 349
Free Translation 353
V. A Myth 354
Place Names 379
Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 295
PART I. CULTURE.
The mvestigation in the course of which the material was
secured upon which the following account of the culture and
language of the Chimariko Indians of California is based, was
conducted during July and August, 1906, on behalf of the
Department of Anthropology of the University of California,
and, in common with the other researches of the Department,
was made possible by the support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst. At
the present time there appear to be only two living full-blood
Chimariko. One of these. Doctor Tom, a half-crazy old man,
proved worthless for purposes of investigation, and the bulk of
the information secured was obtained from Mrs. Dyer, a failing
old woman of about eighty years of age, living on lower New
River. Some supplementary details were gathered from "Fri-
day," a well-known character near the Hupa reservation, half
Hupa and half Wintun by birth, but having had close affiliations
with the Chimariko many years ago.
The little group of Indians to whom the name Chimariko has
been given occupied a small area situated in the western portion
of Trinity County, in northern California. The language spoken
by the group has always been believed to differ radically from all
others kno\\TQ, so that, unless certain resemblances discussed in
the linguistic portion of this paper are accepted as establishing
an affinity with the Shastan family, the Chimariko by themselves
constitute an independent linguistic stock. In the small size of
the area occupied, the Chimariko fall into the same class with
several other stocks in California, such as the Yana and the
TERRITORY AND HISTORY.
As far as can be ascertained at present, the Chimariko seem
to have regarded as their territory a narrow strip of country
extending along Trinity River from the mouth of the South Fork
296 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
up as far as Taylor's Flat at French Creek. This upper limit is
well corroborated by repeated statements of the "Wintun, who
controlled all the upper Trinity, reaching as far downstream as
Cox's or Big Bar, some five or six miles above French Creek.
In addition to this strip of territory along the main Trinity,
there . is some evidence to the effect that the Chimariko also
extended up the South Fork to a point about fifteen miles above
Hyampom, and also up Hay Fork as far as the mouth of Corral
Creek. These statements in regard to this extension up the South
Fork are rather confusing and somewhat contradictory, but appear
to be confirmed by the testimony of the Wintun in Hay Fork
Valley. In view, however, of positive statements secured by Dr. P,
E. Goddard from the Athabascan tribes on the upper South Fork,
to the effect that they occupied the South Fork as far as its
mouth, the extension up this stream of the Chimariko may be
"Whether or not the so-called Chimalakwe of New River
formed a portion of the Chimariko, or were identical with them,
is a matter which must apparently remain unsettled. Powers
declares^ that the Chimalakwe occupied New River, and that they
were in process of conquest and absorption by the Hupa at the
time of the first appearance of the whites. The upper portion
of New River, about New River City and perhaps below, was
occupied according to Shasta accounts by a small branch of the
Shastan family, speaking a distinct dialect.- Satisfactory state-
ments in regard to the occupants of lower New River cannot now
be secured. The survivors of the Chimariko most emphatically
deny that they ever permanently occupied any part of New
River, stating that they merely visited and ascended it a short
distance, and only for the purpose of hunting. The people living
on New River are declared to have been very few, and to have
spoken a Hupa dialect. It is unquestionable that the name
Chimalakwe, given to the New River tribe by Powers, is derived
from the same stem tcimal, tcimar^ as Chimariko. Inasmuch as
1 Powers, S., Tribes of California, Washington, 1877. Contributions to
North American Ethnology, III, p. 92.
2 Dixon, E. B., The Shasta-Aehomawi : A New Linguistic Stock, with
Four New Dialects. American Anthropologist, n. s., VII., pp. 241-315.
3 Tc = English ch, c = sh. See the discussion of phonetics in the lin-
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chiynariko Indians and Language. 297
these New River people are entirely extinct, and the Chimariko
virtually so, it seems doubtful if the question of their relationship
can now be definitely settled.
According to the information procured, the Chimariko had
only a few small villages within the small area they occupied;
that at Burnt Ranch, Tsuda'radadji, being the largest. Other
villages of which names and locations were secured were at Cedar
Flat, Ha'dinaktcohada ; Hawkin's Bar, Hamai'dadji; Taylor's
Flat, Tcitca'nma; Big Bar, Citimaadje; and one known as
Mamsu'idji on the Trinity River just above the mouth of the
South Fork. In addition to these the following names of places
on New River were obtained, but were said to have been mere
temporary hunting camps: Itcxapo'sta, Dyer's; Pakto'nadji,
Patterson's; and Mai'djasore, Thomas'.
The earliest contact of the Chimariko with the whites prob-
ably took place in the second or third decade of the nineteenth
century, when the first trappers of the fur companies made
their appearance in this region. This first contact was, however,
of small moment compared with the sudden irruption into the
region of the gold-seekers who, in the early fifties, overran the
whole middle and upper Trinity River. From this time on for
fifteen years or more, the placers of the section were largely
worked, and the inevitable conflicts between the miners and the
Indians occurred. In the sixties the feeling was particularly
bitter, and the unequal contest resulted in the practical annihila-
tion of the Chimariko. A few remnants fled, taking refuge either
with the Hupa, or on the upper Salmon River, or in Scott Valley
with tribes belonging to the Shastan stock. From here, after an
exile of many years, the survivors, then numbering only some
half-dozen, straggled back to their old homes ; and of this handful
all are now gone except one old man and woman, besides whom
there are two or three mixed bloods who have little or no
knowledge of the earlier culture of the stock.
"What may have been the population of the area before the
coming of the whites it is impossible to say. In all probability
it could not have numbered more than some hundreds.
298 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
The dress of the Chimariko seems to have been to some extent
a compromise between that of the Wintun and the Hupa. Men
apparently wore no breeeh-clout, merely wrapping a deer-skin
about the waist, and adding to this in winter a deer-skin mantle.
Moccasins were worn only in the winter months. Women wore a
buckskin fringe or apron in front, reaching from the waist to the
knee, and about ten inches in width. A second apron or half-
skirt was also worn behind, similar in general to those worn by
the Hupa, but plain and unfringed. A basket cap was worn on
the head. In winter time men wore snow-shoes, which were made
by bending a hazel stick in a circle or hoop, and tying to this two
cross-sticks at right angles to each other. The foot was securely
tied on by a buckskin lashing.
Bodily decoration and ornament were more restricted than
among the Hupa. Dentalia and abalone were used to some extent,
as was also a variety of small cylindrical beads, said to have been
made of bone. All of these were, however, sparingly employed.
Dentalia, if large, were sometimes wrapped spirally with narrow
strips of snake-skin, and were measured by the string, the unit of
length being from the thumb to the tip of the shoulder.
The ears were generally pierced, but not the nose, and tattoo-
ing was less elaborate than among the Trinity Wintun. These
latter tattooed the whole cheek up to the temples, and also the
chin, whereas the Chimariko, like the Hupa, confined themselves
to a few lines on the chin only. The tattooing was restricted to
the women alone, and was effected by the same method as among
the Shasta, namely by fine, parallel cuts rather than by puncture.
The process was begun early in life, and the lines broadened by
additions from time to time, until in some cases the chin became
an almost solid area of blue. Certain women were particularly
skillful in the work, and were much in demand.
The food supply of the Chimariko was formerly abundant.
The Trinity River supplied them with ample quantities of
salmon, which were split and dried in the usual manner, and
preserved either in this or in powdered form. Eels were another
important source of food. Deer, elk, and bear constituted the
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 299
larger part of the game supply, in addition to which mountain-
lion and several other animals supplied an occasional meal.
Yellow-jacket larvae were considered delicacies, but grasshoppers
and worms, relished by the Sacramento Valley tribes, were not
As among most California Indians, vegetable products, and
particularly acorns, formed a large element in the food supply.
The acorns were prepared and eaten in the same manner as among
the Hupa and Maidu.* Grass-seeds of various kinds, pine-nuts,
berries, and roots of several varieties were gathered in large
quantities, and eaten either fresh or dried.
In cooking, deer-meat was either roasted or boiled, whereas
for bear-meat only the latter method was practiced.
None of the old type of houses built by the Chimariko now
survive. As described they were roughly similar to those of the
Hupa, but ruder. The structure w^as made of fir-bark slabs, and
in shape was round or oval. The usual diameter of the house
was from ten to fourteen feet, and the interior was as a rule
excavated to a depth of about one foot. The ridge-pole was
supported by two posts, and the simple gable roof, in general like
that of the Hupa, was not provided with any earth covering.
The low side-walls were formed of vertical slabs of bark. At one
end of the house was the door, small, but not rounded, and closed
by a movable piece of bark. At the end opposite the door was a
small draught-hole, through which game was always hauled in.
Along the sides of the house were the sleeping places, consisting
of beds of grass, leaves, and pine-needles, covered with skins.
In addition to this dwelling house, awa', the Chimariko had a
sweat-house, ma'tta. This was circular, excavated to a depth of
two or three feet, and had the fireplace somewhat back of the
center. The roof was of brush and earth, without any smoke-
hole. Houses of this type would accommodate eight or ten men,
and in these houses were held the so-called sweat-dances. This
type of house seems on the whole to be rather more like the earth
lodges of the Sacramento Valley than the taikyuw of the Hupa.
It is stated that there were no menstrual lodges of any sort.
* Goddard, P. E., Life and Culture of the Hupa, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am.
Arch. Ethn., I, pp. 21-29; Dixon, R. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am.
Mu8. Nat. Hist., XVIL, pp. 184-187.
300 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
The furnishings of the houses were simple. Baskets exclu-
sively were used for storage and cooking, and the soap-stone
troughs and vessels of the Hupa appear to have been lacking.
For stirring acorn-mush a simple paddle was in use. Informa-
tion as to spoons was contradictory, one informant declaring that
carved spoons like those of the Hupa^ were employed, the other
that this was not the case. The cylindrical wooden trunks of
the Hupa were not known.
Knives and arrowpoints were as a rule made of obsidian,
obtained either from the Wintun or the Redwood Creek Indians.
Both informants declared that no axes or adzes were made, and
that trees, if cut, were laboriously hacked with small knives.
The bow was of yew as a rule, flat, sinew-backed, and resem-
bling the usual type of bow in Northwestern California.*' Arrows
were generally made of syringa, and were carried in a quiver of
raccoon, wild-cat or fawn skin. In shooting the bow was held
horizontally. For armor, the Chimariko used an elk-hide robe
coming down to the knees, the heavy skin of the neck standing up
in front of the face. Slat or stick armor is said not to have been
Canoes were not made by the Chimariko, and rivers and
streams were crossed by swimming, or on rude rafts, built of logs.
Pipes were made, according to one account, similar to those
of the Hupa, with neatly formed stone bowls.^ Other accounts,
however, state that the pipe was much cruder, and made like that
of the "VVintun, without stone and with a large bowl.
For musical instruments the Chimariko made chief use of
the flute. This had four holes, and was used chiefly in courting.
Rattles are declared to have been only sparingly used.
Fish-spears were, like the arrows, made of syringa, and had
bone points. Nets, apparently identical with those of the Hupa,
were largely used in catching salmon. Basketry, of which no
specimens now survive, was considerably developed. The baskets
were exclusively of the twined variety, and in pattern were
declared to have been similar to those of the northern Wintun.*
5 Goddard, op. cit., pi. 16.
6 Ibid., pi. 11.
7 Ibid., pi. 17.
8 See Kroeber, A. L., Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern
California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Anier. Arch. Ethn., II, pi. 21 and passim.
DLxon, R. B., Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California Bull
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, pp. 17-19, pi. XXIII, XXIV. '
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 301
The information secured in regard to the social organization
of the Chimariko is unfortunately rather scanty. In common
with most California tribes, there was no trace, apparently, of
any elan organization, and the only social units were the various
village communities. Each such village group had its chief or
head-man, whose position was usually hereditary in the male line.
If the natural successor was, however, thought unfit, some one
else was elected. The chief led his people in time of war, and
seems to have exercised considerable control over the members
of the village group.
Any type of social stratification into classes, seen in a rudi-
mentary form among the Hupa, and increasingly northwards
into Oregon and Washington, appears here to be lacking; and
slavery, which was a regular institution among the Hupa, was
The whole area occupied by the Chimariko was a common
hunting ground, and fishing places in the river are also said to
have been public property, without any evidence of private
control as among the Shasta and other neighboring peoples.
The Chimariko were, in general, monogamic. Wives were
usually bought from parents, although sometimes a girl would
be sent by her parents, as a wife, to a man who was famed as a
good hunter and a reliable man. If the girl disliked him, she
would bite his hands, and scratch him, until he sent her back
to her home. The levirate was a common custom, and if a man 's
wife died soon after her marriage her family were bound to give
him her sister, or some near relative, as a second wife. For this
substitute wife, no additional payment was required.
Puberty ceremonials for women were as a whole simple. The
girl had to remain secluded in the house for a period of about
a month. !Much of this time she was obliged to lie down, and
be covered up with skins. She was subject to many food restric-
tions, and ate sparingly, always alone, at dawn and sunset.
Throughout the period of her seclusion she was obliged to use
a scratching-stick. At times, she was supposed to dance, usually
outside the house. In these dances her hair, cut in a bang on
302 University of California Publications, [^m- Arch. Eth.
the forehead, was made with pitch into a series of tassels or
tassel-like ringlets, and these were long enough to fall down over
her eyes. "When the period of seclusion was over, there was
generally a feast given by her parents, and another dance, and
then the whole was regarded as completed. The ceremony was
apparently not repeated at any of the subsequent menstrual
At childbirth a woman was subject to food restrictions, and
had to remain in seclusion for two or three weeks.
But little information was obtained in regard to funeral cus-
toms. Cremation was declared never to have been practiced, the
body always having been buried. The ceremony if possible took
place on the day of the death, and a considerable quantity of prop-
erty, both personal and gifts from relatives, was placed with the
body in the grave. Widows cut their hair short, and ' ' cried ' ' for
a month, but did not put pitch on their faces and heads. The
house of the deceased was sometimes, but not always, destroyed.
The persons who dug the grave were considered unclean, and
had to undergo a five days' fast, and then bathe before they
might again take up their regular life.
The chief gambling game of the Chimariko was the wide-
spread "grass-game" of Central California.® It was played here
by two players on a side, each player having a single, unmarked
bone or stick about two inches long. One side guesses while the
other "rolls," shuffling the bones from hand to hand, wrapping
them in small bunches of grass, and then presenting their hands,
containing these bunches of grass, to the other side that they may
guess the relative position of the two bones. Each side is said to
have started with ten counters, and one side or the other must
win all twenty to come out victor. Details in regard to methods
of counting could not be secured.
The cup and ball game, played with salmon vertebrae, was
in use ; also cats-cradle ; and a game in which objects were thrown
at a pin or a post, as in quoits.
9 Dixon, E. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII,
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 303
The religious ceremonials of the Chimariko appear to have
been more like those of the Shasta than of any other of their
neighbors, in that they had no other dances except those of the
There were, it seems, both men and women shamans, and they
might or might not inherit their position. The sign that a
person was destined to become a shaman was a series of dreams.
These were, in the case of a man, often the result of solitary
visits to remote mountain lakes, in which the person would bathe
at dusk. In these dreams, instructions were given the neophyte
by various supernatural beings, and these directions must be
followed exactly. Later a full-fledged shaman came and put a
"pain" into the mouth of the new member. This ceremony was
accompanied by dances, held out of doors, the neophyte wearing
a buckskin skirt painted red in stripes, and holding a bunch of
yellow feathers in the hand. Details of this dance could not be
obtained. In doctoring, the shaman was usually seated, and
after singing for some time, sucked out the pain, which was
generally a small, spindle-shaped object from one to two inches
in length. The pain once extracted, melted away and dis-
appeared in the shaman 's hand.
Apart from the dance held by the shaman neophyte, and that
already alluded to in speaking of the girls' puberty ceremony,
the Chimariko seem to have had nothing except the so-called
sweat-dance. This was a very simple affair, participated in by
men alone, dancing without clothing and indoors. One member
sang, and beat time on the ground with a stick. So far as could
be learned, all the typical dances of the Ilupa, Karok, and Yurok
were wanting, and the Chimariko did not even attend them when
held by the Hupa, as did the Shasta with the Karok.
In the summer time occasionally people would hold the
"round-dance" merely for pleasure. This consisted simply in
a number of people dancing around in a circle, without orna-
ments or paraphernalia of any sort, and was repeated as often
as desired. It seems to have had little or no religious or cere-
304 University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth.
Of the mythology of the Chimariko, only one or two frag-
ments could be obtained. Concerning the creation, it is said that
the dog was the most powerful being. lie knew everything
beforehand, and told the coyote that a great wind was coming,
which would blow all people away. He counselled the coyote to
hold tightly to a tree, but when the wind came, the coyote
whirled round and round, twisted the tree off, and blew away.
Later the coyote returned, and the dog sang songs over him,
and made him strong. The dog next prophesies a flood, and to
escape it the two build a house of stone with an underground
chamber. The flood comes, and all other people are destroyed,
except the frog, mink, and otter, and one man. The flood sub-
sides, finally, and the man finds a small fragment of bone in the
canoe in which the frog has taken refuge. This piece of bone
he preserves in a basket, and it later comes to life as a girl child.
The man marries the child, and from this pair all Chimariko are
descended. There is possibly an element of missionary teaching
in this tale, but it constitutes all that could be learned in regard
to ideas of the origin of things.
The second fragment secured deals with a man who had two
wives. Unsuccessful in hunting, he cuts off one leg and brings
this back as game for the household. Next day he brings back
his entrails and finally his other leg. The wives suspect what
he has done and refuse to eat the meat, finally leaving him
secretly while he sleeps, and running away.
There is finally a brief statement in regard to the securing
of fire. The coyote suggests that all animals unite in an attempt
to steal fire from the person who owns it. Several try to reach
the place where it is kept, but give out before arriving. Finally
Coyote himself tries, and succeeds in reaching the house, to find
all away but the children. He outwits them, seizes the brand,
and runs away. He is pursued by the father when he returns,
and is almost caught, but throws the brand away, setting the
whole country on fire, and thus escapes. In the fire the fox is
These tales do not show any close resemblance to any
recorded from the Hupa or Wiyot, as representatives of the
Northwestern Californian culture. As little relation appears to
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 305
the tales known from the Wintun. With the tales from the
Shasta there appears to be slightly greater similarity, although
here the agreement is not at all striking. At best, however, these
fragments do not offer very satisfactory material to judge from,
and the most that can be said is that what association there is,
appears more clearly with the Shasta than with any other of the
stocks in the vicinity.
From the foregoing account of the Chimariko, meagre though
it is, we may draw certain conclusions in regard to their general
culture, and their relation to the surrounding cultures.
Living in close proximity to the Ilupa, they nevertheless do
not seem to have assimilated themselves at all closely to the
Northwest Californian culture, of which the Hupa are represen-
tative. They feared the Hupa, and fought against them, allying
themselves rather in sympathy and to some extent in culture,
with the Northern Wintun and the Shasta. Like the latter they
lacked most of the distinctive features of both the Central and
Northwestern Californian cultures, and seem to have occupied
a kind of intermediate position between the two. In their
material culture they were colorless, and this lack of any
strongly marked characteristics is also apparent in their social
organization and religious beliefs.
Any attempt to discuss the past history or determine the
movements of the Chimariko must be almost wholly speculative.
On the one hand we may regard them as the remnant of a once
much larger stock, subjected to pressure and attack on several
sides, and so reduced to the small compass and unimportance
which were theirs when discovered; on the other, we might
perhaps assume from their cultural colorlessness and lack
of close agreement with either the Northwestern or Central
Californian cultures, that they are more closely affiliated with the
Shastan stock, which appears to have been pushing in a south-
southwesterly direction. With them also, as already stated, such
resemblances as may be noted in the mj'ths are most apparent.
The two outlying dialectic groups of this stock, the Konomihu
and the New River, apparently occupy advance positions beyond
306 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
the natural physiographic boundaries of the main area of the
stock. Moreover, the language of the Chimariko shows in general
greater similarities both formal and lexical, to the Shasta than
to either the Hupa or the Wintun. These similarities, which are
discussed in the linguistic portion of the paper, in fact are so
numerous as to make it seem most likely that the two languages
are genetically related. Further, it was among the Shasta,
chiefly, that the remnants of the Chimariko took refuge when
they fled from the Trinity River in the sixties. The paucity of
material secured in regard to the Chimariko culture of course
adds to the difficulty, and as usual in California, we get no aid
here from any tradition of migration or earlier habitat. All
things considered, the second of the above two suggestions
appears the more reasonable, and we may conclude that, so far
as the evidence goes, the Chimariko are to be regarded as related
culturally most closely to the Shastan stock, and in origin prob-
ably forming part of it. Their historical affiliations therefore
run northward and northeastward towards the interior of south-
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 307
PART II. LANGUAGE.
The material upon which the following sketch of the
Chimariko language is based, was collected in the summer of
1906 on the New River, and at Willow Creek or China Flat, in
Trinity County, California. The bulk of the material was
obtained from Mrs. Dyer, probably the last full-blood Chimariko
survivor, and from Friday, a man who, although not of Chim-
ariko descent, yet spoke the language fluently, and had lived
much of his life with the people. Owing to Mrs. Dyer's age and
lack of teeth, she was not a very good informant, and some of
the phonetic uncertainty is probably due to this fact. Previous
to the writer's visit in 1906, short vocabularies and some gram-
matical material had been collected by Dr. P. E. Goddard and
Dr. A. L. Kroeber, in part from the same informants. This
material has been placed at the author's disposal. The only
other available source of information on the language is Powers'
vocabularies in his Tribes of California, and these have been
used in connection with the more recent collection.
It is to be regretted that a larger mass of texts, and of a
more satisfactory character, could not have been secured, as
these are so necessary for a clear understanding of the language,
and to check information obtained in other ways. It is felt,
however, that the material here presented affords a reasonably
complete sketch of the main features of Chimariko, although
certain details still remain obscure.
The vowel sounds occurring in Chimariko are i, e, a, o, u. As
a rule the vowels are not short enough to be obscure, the only
exception being in the the case of e, written e when obscure.
Doubling of vowels or their extreme length, particularly in the
case of a and o, is not uncommon, and the language is apparently
308 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
fond of combinations of two vowel sounds, separated by ', a faint
glottal catch. The sound of o, although occurring, is not common.
There is some doubt as to whether long open e should not be
written a. A broad a or open o sound resembling English aw has
been represented by a. Of all the vowel sounds, a is by far the
most frequent. Nasalized vowels do not occur, and the infre-
quency of a, o, and u, so common in the adjacent languages, as
for instance the Shasta, is noticeable. The vowels may be repre-
sented as follows :
In the consonants, the sonant group is somewhat more de-
veloped than the surd. A true b seems to be lacking, although
an intermediate sound, between surd and sonant, occasionally
occurs. Of the two sonants g and d, neither is common initially,
the latter perhaps never so occurring, and generally being found
in combination with n as nd. The velar surd stop q is of moder-
ately frequent occurrence, but its corresponding sonant is absent.
Nasals are represented only by n and m, n(ng) being absent. The
surd 1 sounds common in the languages adjacent, are absent,
although ordinary 1 is common. There are apparently two r
sounds. Besides the ordinary, rather strongly trilled r, there is a
velar or uvular r, almost equivalent to spirant guttural x. T fol-
lowed by r seems to be a sound similar to tc, as one was often
written for the other. A single instance of the use of an inter-
dental, 6, has been noted. The consonants in Chimariko may be
shown as follows:
k g k'l"
I d . 8, e (=sh) e^° n
ts, tc dj
1, r, r
10 It is not certain whether represents a stop or a spirant. Several
California languages possess a t whose interdental quality causes it to
resemble English th. The character % whether following k or another
sound, indicates aspiration.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 309
Although all the simple vowels occur initially, e and especially
are rare, a being by far the most common. The tendency for
words to begin with vowels is only moderately strong, perhaps
one-fourth falling into this class. Of the semi-vowels, y is initial
but rarely. Of the consonants, g, d, b, and r do not occur initially,
and 1 and n are rare. The most frequent initial consonants are
h, k, q, tc, X, p, s or c, m, t. Syllables begin most usually with
a consonant or double consonant.
All vowels except o have been found to occur finally, u and e
however being rare, and a by far the most common. Vowels are
terminal sounds in perhaps three-fourths of the words noted.
Of consonants, the only ones which rarely appear finally are &,
q, X and h. The most common are n, r, 1, and t. Syllables very
frequently end in a consonant, and the typical monosyllabic
stem is formed of cither consonant-vowel, or consonant-vowel-
In one point the material secured from the informant Friday
differs rather regularly from that obtained from Mrs. Dyer. Very
generally 1 was used by the former, where r was heard from the
latter. There was also a less frequent substitution of s for c.
The fact that Mrs. Dyer had but very few teeth may in part
account for these differences, but in not a few cases the same
person would speak the word sometimes with r and sometimes
with 1, or the sound would be very doubtful, as between the
two.^^ The difficulty was most noticeable where the sound was
terminal. It is possible that there may have been a real dialectic
difference, but the opportunity of determining this point with
any certainty was lacking, owing to the fact that Mrs. Dyer
represents one of the two last surviving members of the stock,
and Friday is not a native Chimariko.
11 This was also the experience of Dr. A. L. Kroeber, who at times found
diflBeulty in distinguishing d from 1 and r, though he states that Friday
frequently spoke 1 where Doctor Tom, another informant, used r.
310 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
COMBINATIONS OF SOUNDS.
Combinations of vowels are frequent, and several diphthongs
are in use, as ai, ei, oi, oi, au and eu. Consonant combinations
occasionally occur at the beginning, and less frequently at the
end of words, the initial combinations noted being tq, tx, trx,
px, sr. Combinations of two consonants within words are very
common. In such combinations there is wide latitude as a whole,
although the following restrictions may be noted. Both q and x
are unknown as initial members of combinations. Of the sonants
b, d, and g, the first is never, and the others very rarely first
members, and the labials are also, as a rule, unusual in this
position. Combinations of three consonants are not wanting, the
following having been observed : ntx, ndr, mtx, mpx, trq. Com-
binations of consonants at the beginning of syllables occur quite
frequently, tr, tx, tcx, kl, km, and px being the most common.
INFLUENCE OF SOUNDS ON ONE ANOTHEE.
Chimariko is in accord with many of the languages of
Northern Central California, in that there is little apparent
modification of sounds through juxtaposition. There is a slight
tendency for the connecting vowel between the pronominal prefix
and the instrumental prefix, or the pronominal prefix and the
verbal stem, to show some relationship to the vowel of the stem.
This is, however, noticeable only in the case of o and u and
perhaps a stems. In these cases, the connecting vowel is either the
same as that of the stem, or near it in the regular vowel series.
Such instances are retroactive. In other cases, the influence is
proactive, the vowel of the negative prefix being assimilated to ■■
the vowel of the pronominal prefix, where this changes in the
first person plural, as tcaxawini, I am old, tcoxowini, we are old.
So far as consonants are concerned, euphonic and other changes
in sound are not of very common occurrence. The following are
the more important of those noted. K is sometimes softened to x,
owakni becoming owaxni, and is generally elided before x, as in
yeta(k)xani, I shall sing. One instance occurs where x is re-
placed by w: ixusni, I blow, qowusni, ye blow. For euphony,
m is sometimes inserted after a before d, x, or g. In some cases.
Vol, 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 311
g changes to x after tc. There are a number of instances where
one stem-consonant may be replaced by another without apparent
change of meaning, as : mum, muk ; sum, sux ; sim, six ; am, ak ;
tout, teuk ; pen, hen ; pat, hat. In these cases t and m are replaced
by k or x, and p by h. Contraction occurs not uncommonly, as in
yaatciman for yayatciman; natcidut for noatcidut; -wax, -wak,
-wok, -wauk for -watok.
In general Chimariko may be said to be simple and regular in
its phonetics. It is not so smooth and soft as are Maidu, Wintun,
and Yana and some other languages of the Central Californian
area, but is considerably more so than the Shastan languages,
and those of Northwestern California. The relative absence of
sonants and spirants, and of velars and laterals, is characteristic.
The considerable frequency of consonant combinations renders
the language less transparent in structure than the Maidu or
Wintun, but the slight degree of phonetic modification saves it
from any considerable obscurity.
As compared with some of the adjacent languages, Chimariko
makes comparatively little use of reduplication. Employed little
if at all as a grammatical form, it occurs only sparingly in the
names of a few birds, animals, and plants. In the case of the bird
names, most, if not all, show clearly onomatopoeia. Color adjec-
tives, it is interesting to note, do not appear to be reduplicated.
The following cases of reduplication have been noted :
a 'a, deer himimitcei, grouse
pipilla, chipmunk lalo, goose
tsokokotci, bluejay ' tc^itcM, buzzard
xazatc^i, duck tsadadak, kingfisher
yekyek, hawk. hutatat, crane
Investigation of the processes of composition and derivation
for purely etymological purposes, does not reveal a very exten-
sive use. The following cases illustrate the principle examples
312 University of California Publications. L^^- Akch. Eth.
aqa-qot, aqa-kat, river ("at the water"?)
aqa-reda, aqa-tceta, ocean (probably "water-large")
aqa-xatsa, spring, "water-cold"
apu-n-aqa, "fire-water," whiskey
tcitci-aqa-i, " manzanita -water, " cider
aqa-matcitsxol, water-fall, "water-dust"
asi-n-alla, sun, day-sun
himi-n-alla, moon, night-sun
hi-pxa-dji, skin, bark
ama, earth, place, country
tira, di'la, bird
tira-cela, teila-tcele, blackbird
-so-xa, tears (eye-water?)
xuli-teni, left hand
hisi-deni, right hand
-kos-, to blow
apu'-natxui, fire-drill base
tcim-ar, person, Indian
tcim-tukta, white man
acot-n-o-umul, "winter-salmon," steelhead
mnul-itcawa, "salmon-large," sturgeon
pa, to smoke
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 313
a 'a, deer
a'eno, aanok, elk
am, ama, eat
hune, himi, night
hime-tasur, hirae-tacus, morning
itri-, to grow
itri-nculla, old man
itci-la-i, my father
itri-dusku, old maid
Other instances appear in the Chimariko-English vocabulary,
in which derivatives are grouped under stems. Compare there,
for instance, tcemu, sky, tea, hand, txa, leg.
In several of the above instances, an -n- appears between two
nouns that are joined in composition : apu-n-aqa, asi-n-alla, himi-
Some verb stems are identical with body-part terms that
execute the action of the verb.
cam, sem, ear, or to hear
tu, wing, feather, or to fly
pen, tongue, or to lick
Derivation is by suflSxes, of which the most important are:
•alia, -iilla, -olla, diminutive, especially on names of animals:
xar-ulla, xal-ala, baby
tcitcam-ulla, apxantc-olla, fox
itrinc-ulla, old man
cunh-uUa, old woman
314 University of California Publications. [-A-m. Arch. Eth.
o-ella-i, my son
mas-oUa-i, my daughter
itc-illa-i, my father
mag-oUa-i, my uncle
pip-ilia, wis-iUa, chipmunk, beaver (?)
poq-ella, cooking basket (pok, to wash)
citc-ella, sitc-ela, dog (citc-iwi, wolf)
cid-ulla, a spring
-na, tree, wood, stick, bush, plant:
apu'-Ena, fire-drill, lit. fire-woorl
axac-na, pvditca-Ena, chaparral
haqew-ina, sugar-pine (haqeu, the cone)
hepuitci '-ina, live oak
mune'-Ena, black oak (muni, the acorn)
mutuma-na, redwood (mutuma, canoe)
qapu-na, deer brush
ipxadji'-ina, trupxad ji '-ina, maple
tseli-na, gooseberry bush
tcimia-na, serviceberry bush
tsuna-na, digging stick
xaxec-na, poison oak
yaqa-na, white oak
yutxu-ina, tan-bark oak
-eu, forms nouns from verbal stems:
aqed-eu, wild oats
axad-eu cat's cradle
ha'-eu, mortar basket
haq-eu, sugar-pine cone
ham-eu, food (am, ama, eat)
hiektcand-eu, woman's skirt
hitcumudad-ehu, cup and ball game
Vol. 5] Dixo7i. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 315
hohankut-eu, fish spear
hap-eu, acorn soup
■Jctca, -uktca, -gutca, instrument or object for. As all the forms obtained
begin with a vowel or h, it seems that they contain the pronominal prefix
of the third person.
haim-uksa, ham-uktcu, ax
hamame-gutca, fish-line, hook
hama 'an-aksia, table (ama, eat)
hax-aktca, deer trap
hemuim-ektsa, split stick rattle
heuma-kutca, grass game
himlnid-uktsa, red lizard
hose-ktca, hasus-akta, quiver
hatsi-ktca, fire-drill (hatsir, make fire)
hatsi-na-ktca, cedar (-na, wood)
opum-aktca, storage basket
at-ar, fish-spear (at, to hit)
tsat-ur, grasshopper (tsat, fishweir)
akwec-ur, gray squirrel
•xol, -xal, -xul:
matcits-xol, or matre-pa, dust
316 University of California Publications. [Am. Akch. Eth.
patc-xal, cocoon rattle
t 'araitc-xul, red ant
-tcei, on names of animals, especially birds. The syllable preceding the
suflix is usually reduplicated, and therefore probably often onomatopoetic :
-tada, suflSLx of tribal names:
maitrok-tada, Hyampom people
qataiduwak-tada, Areata Wiyot
hadinaktco-hada. Cedar Flat, a place (hatsinaktca, cedar)
-dji, -dje, local suffix:
aqi-tce, Salt Ranch (aqi, salt)
tsudamda-dji, Burnt Eanch
paktona-dji, Patterson's (pakto'Ena, alder)
maidjatcu-dje, Cecilville (maitra, a flat or bench)
hituai-dje, Willow Creek
and many others given in the list of place names in the vocabulary.
-ma, -mu, on place names:
tcitcan-ma, Taylor's Flat (tcitca-na, manzanita)
tcintxap-mu, Big Flat (tcintcei, sun-flower)
-matci, on names of seasons:
kicu-matci, spring (kisum, crane)
puntsarie-ckut, wife-less, bachelor
itri-d-usku, old maid
-gu, -ku, negative; perhaps also indefinite:
xani-gu, by and by
curai-gu, some time ago (sul, long ago)
patceam-ku, something (patci, what)
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 317
•da, on terms of direction:
wai-da, up-stream, east
tcem-da, across stream
-% on terms of color and other adjectives, both syllables of the stem
showing the same vowel:
■in, -71, -ni, on adjectives, is evidently the verbal suflSx indicating present
or incompleted action:
hitcu-n, hitcu-Eni, long, high
xe 'ire-n, xere '-in, narrow, wide
For grammatical purposes, affixation is chiefly used. The
following list of affixes comprises those which have been deter-
mined with any certainty :
318 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
A. PREFIXES OE SUFFIXES.
tc, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransitive
verbs, with adjectival stems. Prefixed as object of transitive
verbs. Prefixed as possessive, vpith nouns where possession is
i, J, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi-
tive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed as subject of transitive
verbs. Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is
m, mi, second person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of
intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive
verbs, or as possessive with nouns where possession is inherent.
Suffixed with nouns where possession is accidental.
n, second person singular. Imperative. Prefixed.
h, ', third person singular and plural. Prefixed (as h) or suffixed
(as ' ) as subject of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as possessive with
nouns where possession is inherent.
tea, tco, first person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi-
tive verbs, with adjectival stems. This suffix is distinguished from
singular tc- by change of vowel. If the singular has a as connect-
ing vowel, the plural has o, and vice-versa. Prefixed as object of
tee, first person plural. Suffixed with nouns where possession is acci-
ya, we, w, first person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of in-
transitive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed (ya-) as subject of
q, qo, qe, second person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of
intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive verbs.
Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is accidental.
Affix used with verbal stems:
X, g, k. Negative affix, with variable connecting vowel. Used either
as prefix or suffix, or both.
with a long object
with the end of a long object
with the head
with the foot
with a round object
with the hand
by sitting on(?)
Vol, 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 319
With pronominal stems:
With nominal stems:
Combined with the independent pronouns of
the first and second persons to form the
inclusive and exclusive first person plural.
only a, just a
merely, only (Cf. negative aflSx -g)
With verbal stems:
Ideas of motion or direction,
-dam, -tarn, -ktam down
completed action, past
-n, -ni, -in
incompleted action, present
present. Used apparently as the auxiliary
verb to be.
future. (Former with verbal, latter with
320 University of California PuUications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
-da, -ida, -inda, -tinda present participle
-tci Used to indicate plurality, generally of the
object, but occasionally of the subject.
-nan, -an A general verbal suffix of uncertain meaning,
possibly temporal (Cf. -ni, -in).
With all classes of stems:
-ot, -ut, -op A sufl&x apparently with an intensive, or em-
phatic meaning, such as indeed, really,
in truth. It is used with nominal, pro-
nominal, verbal, adjectival, and adverbial
The above list brings out clearly several features of import-
ance in regard to the Chimariko language. In the first place, it
will be seen from the series of pronominal affixes, that these are
by no means regular in position, appearing sometimes as prefixes,
sometimes as suffixes. It is possible that in some cases they are
also used as infixes. This variability of position of the pro-
nominal elements with regard to the verbal stem is a feature also
found developed among the Shastan languages, which adjoin
Chimariko on the north, and differentiates these two languages
from those which, like Washo, Chumash, Southern and North-
eastern Maidu, have the pronominal elements in an invariable
position. Although there seems to be a strong preference for
prefixation, there are yet a large number of verbs which take the
pronoun suffixed. No logical reason is apparent for the distinc-
tion, such verbs as to sit, to work, to dance, to run, to eat, and
others, prefixing the pronominal elements, whereas to bleed, to
grow, to die, and so on, take them suffixed. The lack of any
logical division is shown still more clearly in the verbs indicating
condition or state. Some, as to be good, to be bad, to be old, have
the pronominal elements prefixed ; others, as to be hot, to be cold,
to be strong, suffix them. Dry belongs to the first class, and wet
to the second. The employment of varied position in the pro-
nominal affixes, to indicate two forms of possession, is interesting.
Where possession is inherent, the elements are prefixed, where
A further feature brought out by the list, is the great paucity
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 321
of nominal suffixes. Chimariko not only laeks such indications
for grammatical cases and for number, but also is almost destitute
of locative endings. An instrumental suffix it has, to be sure, but
of locatives the only one noted is an ablative ; there is apparently
no general locative. In this paucity of locative suffixes, Chi-
mariko lies at the other extreme from the majority of the
languages of Central California, which possess a considerable
development of this class of suffixes. Even the neighboring
Shastan languages, although having fewer locatives than Maidu
and Washo, still exceed Chimariko in this particular.
The considerable development of verbal instrumental prefixes,
places Chimariko in this respect in agreement with Washo,
Maidu, Wintun, and the Shastan languages. As is usual, the
suffixes of motion precede those which are modal or temporal. In
general, the large preponderance of suffixes over prefixes places
Chimariko in the class of suffixing languages.
An interesting feature of the language is presented by the
emphatic or intensive suffix -ut, -ot. It is used with the pro-
nominal stems to form the independent pronouns, which are
rarely used except for emphasis, or where the sense is doubtful.
These may therefore be translated I indeed, I myself, and so on.
With nouns, this suffix is used generally to mark either the sub-
ject or the object as the most important in the sentence, as,
citcela hitratinda puntsal-ot, the dog bit the woman (not man) ;
umul-op yekotpumni, salmon (not deer) I kill. In some cases,
curiously, it is used with both subject and object, and in others
entirely omitted. With verbs, its purpose is similar, to emphasize
the verbal idea above any other in the sentence, as, tcimal-ot
hititcex-ot pusua man broke (not cut, burned) the stick. With
adjectives and adverbs it also intensifies the idea contained in the
word to which it is added, as, qa'a trewil-ot nahak, stone large
bring me; citel-op yekoxan himet-op, dog I will kill to-morrow.
Chimariko, differing from a large number of languages in
California, belongs to the class of incorporating languages. There
are thus two forms for the personal pronoun, the independent
and the incorporated.
322 University of California Publications. E-^^. Arch. Eth.
INDEPENDENT PEESONAL PEONOUN.
In general, as already stated, the independent form is rarely
used. A complete paradigm can not be given, as it proved im-
possible to get from any of the informants the second and third
persons plural, they invariably using either the numeral two, or
some word equivalent to many or several. So far as obtained the
forms are as follows :
It will be seen that, as in so many American languages, the
pronominal stems of the first and second persons are based on n
and m. The independent forms are derived from the stems no-
and mam- by the addition of the emphatic suffix -ut. The form
given for the third person is only rarely used, a demonstrative
form, pamut, paut, pat, generally taking its place. Although
the material secured is not entirely clear on this point, it is prob-
able that there are, in addition to a simple plural formed by the
addition of what is apparently a plural suffix -ate, also both an
inclusive and exclusive form, derived from the first and second
persons singular. On the other hand, it is possible that these two
forms are really the first and second persons dual.
Two demonstratives are known with certainty. These are
formed with the stem qe-, near the speaker, here; and pa-, at a
distance, there. These stems take the intensive suffix -ut, becom-
ing thus qewot, qat, this, and pamut, paut, pat, that.
The interrogative pronouns are derived mainly from a single
stem qo-, qa, and are as follows :
qatci or patei
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 323
As might be expected from its being an incorporating lan-
guage, Chimariko shows no trace of any syntactical cases.
Locative and instrumental suffixes are largely lacking also, their
place being taken in part by a small number of postpositions.
The suffixes of locative or instrumental meaning derivable from
the material at hand are only two : -dan, -danku, a general loca-
tive or more commonly ablative, and -mdi, -mdu, instrumental.
Number is not indicated in the noun, and no variation for
number is made when nouns are used with numeral adjectives.
There are, however, two suffixes sometimes used to indicate a
collective. These are -hni and -tan, as in qa 'ahni, a lot of stones,
many stones; itritan, a crowd, a lot of men. The latter suffix
seems to be a shortened form of hetan, many.
The possessive is formed by affixing to the noun the proper
pronominal stem. Two classes of possession are recognized,
accidental and inherent. In the former, the pronominal ele-
ments are always suffixed, and are -1, -mi, -ye, -ida,- tee, -qe, -ye,
-ida ; in the latter they are always prefixed, and are tc-, m- h-. It
will be seen that the same form of the pronominal element is
used thus for inherent possession as is employed in intransitive
verbs with stems indicating a quality or condition. Quality or
condition may thus be thought of perhaps as more inherent in
the subject than are motion or action, on stems denoting which
the same pronominal elements are used as to indicate accidental
possession. Examples of the use of the two forms are :
324 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
Some question arises as to the two forms used in the third
person where possession is accidental. The suffix -ye seems to
be merely the interrogative, often found in use with verbs, so
that this form should be translated : ' ' is it his ? ' ' The use of -da
on the other hand offers much difficulty. This suffix is, in its
uses, far from clear, although its normal force, as used with
verbs, is participial.
The discussion of the verb may best be taken up under two
headings, first the various affixes used for syntactical or etymo-
logical purposes, and second the stem and such modifications as
First in importance are the pronominal affixes. As stated in
speaking of the pronoun, the independent forms are rarely used,
and the subject and subject-object relationship is expressed
instead by incorporated forms.
In the intransitive, the pronominal affixes show some variety
of form, and a rather puzzling irregularity of use. The affixes in
question are as follows :
1. tc, i, y tc, ts, ya
2. m, mi q, qe
3. h, ' h
As compared with the independent forms of the pronoun, it
is evident that there is correspondence in the second and third
persons, the first person being on the other hand entirely distinct.
A further difference lies in the apparent absence, in the affixed
form, of any distinction between inclusive and exclusive plurals.
In use these pronominal elements seem normally to be prefixed.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko India^is and Language. 325
being so used in over seventy per cent, of the cases known. In
the remainder of the instances they are suffixed, with one or two
possible cases where they seem to be infixed. From the small
number of instances of this latter usage, however, it is not ])os-
sible to be sure that the syllable following the pronominal
element is really a part of the verbal stem, "What principle
determines the use of one or the other of these positions is
obscure, such verbs as sing, work, be good, be blind, taking the
elements as prefixes, whereas grow, die, be hungry, sick, take
them as suffixes. One distinction can however be made, namely
that verbs indicating action or movement invariably take the
pronominal affixes prefixed.
It will be seen that two wholly different forms are given in
both singular and plural for the first person. In the use of one
or the other of these, there is a fairly clear distinction in use.
The first type, tc, is never employed with verbal stems indicating
action or movement, but with those, on the contrary, which
indicate a state or condition. On the other hand, whereas the
second form, i, y, is invariably used with the former class of
verbal stems, it is also employed with the latter, but is then
always suffixed. In most cases, there is no confusion between the
two forms, i.e., if the first person singular is i or y, the first
person plural is ya. A few instances appear however in which
this does not hold, and we have i in the singular, and tc or ts in
the plural. In a limited number of cases also, either form may
apparently be used, as qe-i-xanan, qe-tce-xanan, I shall die,
i-saxni, tca-saxni, I cough. A phonetic basis is to some extent
observable, in that tc or ts is never a prefix when the verbal stem
begins with a vowel. As between i and y, it appears that the
latter is always used before stems beginning with a vowel except
i, whereas i is employed before stems beginning with i or with
consonants. The first persons singular and plural are distin-
guished from each other, where the form tc is used, only by a
change of connecting vowel already pointed out.
The pronominal elements as given, are, when used as prefixes,
attached to the verb by means of connecting vowels. These, as
stated in discussing the phonetic characteristics of the language,
326 University of Calif ornia Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
often show some relation to the vowel of the verbal stem/- but
this is noticeable chiefly in the case of o and u stems. The first
persons singular and plural are distinguished from each other
only by the change in this connecting vowel. As a rule, the first
person singular is tco or tcu, whereas the plural is tea. In one
or two instances, however, this seems to be reversed.
The material collected to illustrate the use of the pronominal
elements in the transitive verb, is unfortunately conflicting, and
the lack of adequate text material here makes itself felt. In the
transitive verb with nominal object the situation is clear enough.
Here the pronominal elements used as subject are invariably
prefixed, and are those used with the intransitive verbs indicating
action or movement, i.e., the first person appears always as i, y,
Where the object is pronominal, however, the usage is dif-
ferent, as the following table will indicate :
From this it is clear, that in the first and second persons, only
the subject is expressed by a pronominal affix, and that the same
form is used as with the transitive verb with nominal object. In
the third person, on the other hand, it is the object rather than
the subject which is expressed by the prefix, which here, in the
12 Much the same occurs in the possessive prefixes of the noun. The io\^
lowing are observed cases of the third person possessive on body part terms:
Vowel of prefix same as that of stem:
i: hi-wi, hi-mina, hi-ni, hi-mi, hi-ki, hi-pel, hi-tcipe, hi-pen.
u: hu-truneu, hu-txun, hu-tsu, hu-tu, hu-sot, hu-po.
Vowel of prefix differing from stem:
i: hi-ta, hi-tanpu, hi-sam, hi- wax, hi -ma, hi-pxa, hi-pxadji, hi-txa,
hi-txanimaxa, hi-taxai, hi-suma, hi-mosni.
u: hu-si, hu-santcei, hu-tananundjatun.
o : ho-wee, ho-napu, ho-xu.
e: e-qa, e-quc.
It will be seen that the connecting vowel of the prefix contrasts with the
stem about as often as it differs from it, but the principle determining the
choice of vowel — which is definitely fixed for each word — is not clear. Con-
ditions in the verb are generally similar.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians mid Language. 327
case of the first person as object, is the other form, that namely
in tc. In some cases, where the first or second persons are the
subject, the independent form of the pronoun is used outside the
verb to indicate the object. In other cases the independent forms
were not iLsed, leaving the meaning apparently obscure. To some
extent Chimariko in this respect resembles the neighboring
Shasta, where also both subject and object are not always indi-
cated by incorporated pronominal elements. In Shasta, however,
this loss of definiteness is atoned for by the wide use of demon-
stratives, which do not seem to be in use for the same purpose
in Chimariko. In this connection should be mentioned the
troublesome suffix -da, -ida, -inda, -tinda. This is frequently used
with verbs, and was at first thought to be perhaps a demonstra-
tive, but seems on the whole most probably to be simply the parti-
cipial suffix -da, combined with the suffix of the present tense,
-in, -ni. Examples of the use of pronominal elements with
verbal stems are given below.
i-mitcitni citeela I kick the dog
mi-mitcitida citeela You kick the dog
hi-mitcitni citeela He kicks the dog
ya-miteitni citeela We kick the dog
qo-mitcit citeela Ye kick the dog
hi-mitcit citeela They kick the dog
i-mitcitni I kick you
i-patni I poke you
i-mamni I see you
i-puimukni I pinch you
i-mitcitinda I kick him
i-patni pamut I poke him
i-mamni I see him
i-puimukni I pinch him
i-mitcitnatci I kick you
i-patnatci I poke you
i-puimuknatci I pinch them
me-miteitida You kick me
me-patni You poke me
me-puimukni You pinch me
mi-mitcitni You kick him
mi-puimuk You pinch him
mi-mitcitida You kick us
teu-miteitida He kicks me
teu-hatni He pokes me
328 University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth.
tcu-mamni He sees me
mi-mitcitni He kicks you
mi-hatni, mi-hatinda He pokes you
ini-mamni(?) He sees you
tca-mitcitinda He kicks us
tca-puimuk He pinches us
tca-mamni He sees us
qo-mitcitinda He kicks you
qa-hatni He pokes you
hi-mitcitinda(?) He kicks them
ya-mamni We see you
ya-mamni We see him
qo-mama Ye see me
qo-mama Ye see him
tcu-mamtinda They see me
mi-mamtinda They see you
A feature of considerable importance in the structure of the
verb lies in the apparent use, although rarely, of nominal in-
corporation, and possibly of complete incorporation of both
subject and object pronominal elements. In the texts as
obtained occur the forms apexadjit and apisuxta, translated
respectively as "fire he steals" and "fire he throws away,"
The noun fire is apu, and the verbal stems -xadj, to steal, and
-SUX-, to throw, occur frequently without any such apparent in-
corporation of nominal object. As these are the only clear cases,
nominal incorporation is hardly a characteristic of the language.
The tendency toward such forms may however be seen also in
the words for wink and to shake the head, (nu)sulaplap,
(tcu)maitsat, the former incorporating the stem for eye (-sot-),
the other that for head (-ma). A single instance of apparent
incorporation of both subject and object pronominal elements
occurs in the form ye-mam-i-xan, probably for ye-mam-mi-xan,.
I-feed(eat)-you-will, I will feed you. As the verbal stem here
ends in m, it is difficult to tell whether the i really stands for mi
or is simply euphonic before the future suflEix.
The reflexive is indicated by the use of the suffix -eye, -yiye,
-eiyeu, added directly to the verbal stem, the prefixed pronominal
elements being the same as those used with the intransitive verb.
i-tcut-eiyeu I strike myself
mi-teut-eiyeu you strike yourself
hi-tcut-liyeuni pamut he strikes himself
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 329
The imperative is indicated in the singular by a prefix n-,
which always takes the same connecting vowel between it and
the verbal stem as the second person singular indicative. The
verbal stem is in most cases used without suffix of any sort. For
the exhortative "let us" the prefix of the first person plural,
y-, ya-, is used, the verbal stem being similarly without suffixes.
ni-mitcit kick him!
ni-puimnk pinch him!
n-ama eat !
ya-tcxuai let us fight!
ya-traxismu let us run!
y-amma let us eat!
Apart from the pronominal and the modal and temporal
elements, there are two classes of affixes used with the verb. One
of these is instrumental in meaning, the other is used to modify
the idea of motion contained in the verbal stem.
Ideas of instrumentality, as that the action is performed by
the hand, foot, end of a long thing, and so forth, are expressed
uniformly by means of prefixes. This is in accord with the usual
rule of American languages, and with the usage of three of the
stocks which are in close geographical proximity to Chimariko,
the Shasta, Maidu, and Wintun. These instrumental prefixes
are placed immediately before the verbal stem, and, so far as
obtained, are as follows :
a- with a long object
e- with the end of a long object
me- with the head
mitci- with the foot
tcu- with a round object
tu- with the hand
wa- by sitting on(t)
ni-a-axiaxe nib with long thing (side off)
n-a-klucmu knock over with bat
ni-e-klucmu knock over with end of pole by thrust
University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth,
roll log with end of pole
roll log with head, by butting
knock over with head, butt over
knock over with foot, kick over
roll log with foot
knock over with a stone, ball
knock over with hand
roll log with hand
rub with hand
break by sitting on.
Modifications of the idea of motion expressed in the verbal
stem are indicated uniformly by suffixes, and not by prefixes.
The meanings of some of these suffixes are not as yet wholly clear,
and it is probable that the list could be extended by further
-dam, -tarn, -ktam down
they travel about
slide down roof
roll down with hand
pull out tooth
he flies down
he flies around
he flies toward
jump across toward
he flies out
jump out of
jump, run under
hammer into down (a nail)
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 331
TEMPORAL AND MODAL AFFIXES.
As in the case of the last group, ideas of tense or mode are
uniformly expressed by suffixes, and these suffixes invariably
follow any suffixes of motion where these are used. In the case
of the future, the suffix follows the verbal stem or suffixes of
motion when the pronominal element is prefixed, but comes after
the latter in those cases where it is suffixed. In addition to those
here given, there are several suffixes of which the meaning is
-ni, -nin, -in, present, incompleted action:
i-mam-ni I see you
tcu-kei-ni he hears me
sodr&-i-ni I bleed
-sun, present. Used apparently as the auxiliary verb to be.
-aJc, -k, past, completed action:
I was hungry
•gon, -xan, future:
•da, -ida, -inda, -tinda, present participle:
puntsari-da anowesta itrila woman-being she whipped boy
we were rich
ye were cold then
we shall be strong
I shall be hungry by and by
I shall be rich
I shall go
he will run
I shaU kill him
•ye, -e, interrogative:
himeta hitak-soop yu-wam-xan
I stop running (running I stop)
I saw him dancing
I kill him while dancing (dancing I
ye being old, ye are old
I (am) kicking him
are you going to kill met s
do you hear met
if you run, I shall whip you
if it rains to-morrow, I will go
if (I) should die.
perhaps I shall be sick (sick-I-perhaps)
you kick he may (he may kick you)
332 University of California PuUications. [Am. Akch. Eth.
-hun, -nihun, continuative :
ye-tak-nu-hun I continue to sing
ye-man-hun I continue to eat
i-mum-wet I run all the time
ye-ma-wet I eat continually
-tcai, desiderative :
-xa, -xo, -xu, -xe, -gu, -Tc, negative:
ma-xa-hada-nan you are not rich
tco-xo-xu-nan I am not fat
xe-tak-nan I am not singing
pala-mi-gu-nan you are not strong
me-xe-puimuk-unan you are not pinching me
The negative is expressed in two ways, according as the pro-
nominal elements are prefixed or suffixed to the verbal stem. In
the former case, a prefix xa-, xo-, xe- is placed between the verbal
stem and the pronominal element, and a suffix -nan added after
the verbal stem or such other suffixes as there may be. The
essential element seems to be x, the connecting vowel varying
with that of the pronominal element and the verbal stem. In
the first person singular intransitive, it is generally xe-, and
the pronominal element is omitted. "Where the pronominal
elements are suffixed, the negative affix is combined with -nan,
and is placed as a suffix following the pronominal element, the x
being changed to a g, and the connecting vowel sometimes drop-
ping out, resulting in the form -gnan. In some cases, indeed
quite frequently in the transitive verb, the negative affix appears
twice, xo- or xu- preceding, and -gu following the verbal stem,^
Very commonly the apparently desiderative suffix -tcai is used
with the negative, resulting in a form which may be translated
' ' do not wish to. ' '
In a limited number of instances, a different verbal stem is
employed in the plural from that in the singular. Not infre-
quently, however, informants, on giving such forms, on closer
questioning admitted that the singular stem might also be used,
and that the variant stem first given for the plural might be
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language.
used also in the singular, i.e., the two stems were merely
sjTQonyms. Only two cases were found which did not appear to
be explainable in this manner, and the second seems only to
belong partly to this category, inasmuch as the distinction holds
good only in the present tense.
The verbal stems which have been isolated in the analysis of
the material collected, are both monosyllabic and polysyllabic.
Many of the latter are probably derivatives, but it has not been
possible to analyze them as yet. The great majority of stems
appear to be monosyllabic.
get off horse
lose, get lost
go in a boat
hue, xuc, ko8 blow
carry on head
slip, slide (Cf. lu)
knock over (Cf . luc)
make, do (Cf. mu)
University of California Publications, [^m. Arch. Eth.
spread out, tear
break in two
hungry (Cf. am,
mi 'ina, i 'ini like, love
reach up for
Adjectival stems are commonly polysyllabic. The attributive
and predicative forms are alike, and the former precedes the
noun, whereas the latter follows. In their combination with the
pronominal elements, some take these before, some after the stem,-
as pointed out previously, but no rule has been found for the
The numeral system of the Chimariko is quinary up to ten
and then continues decimally. Six is 1-cibum, seven is 2-sbum,
eight is 4-cibum, nine is 1-tcigu, ten is sa'an-1, eleven is 1-lasut
or 1-rasut, twelve is 2-risut or 2-lsut, thirteen is 3-risut or 3-ulsut,
and so on regularly to twenty, which is two-ten, xoku-mtun
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 335
sa'anpun. Thirty is three-ten, xoda-m-tun sa'anpun, and one
hundred is wood-one, pucua-pun. Numerals seem to be un-
changed, and do not vary with things counted.
The paucity of locative suffixes in the noun is in part made
up for by a few postpositions, which serve to point out locative
ideas. But two have been tentatively identified, and their use
may be seen from the following :
awa xunoi yeaxu'nmoxanan house into I shall go
pusua hiya'talot tcumu board it lies under
Chimariko is apparently rather destitute of connectives. In
the text fragments secured, they do not appear at all, but the
texts are clearly somewhat disjointed, and so do not serve as
satisfactory material to judge from. The complete absence of
connectives, however, seems to point to their comparative rarity.
ORDER OF WORDS.
The usual order of words is subject-verb-object, or subject-
object-verb. In some cases, however, particularly when the sub-
ject is pronominal, the order is reversed, object preceding subject.
In the transitive verb when the independent pronoun is used as
object, the order is regularly subject-verb-object. When one of
two nouns stands in a possessive relation to the other, the
possessor always precedes the thing possessed.
CONCLUSION AND RELATIONS.
Compared with neighboring linguistic families, Chimariko
occupies a somewhat intermediate position. In phonetic character
it lies rather between the smooth, vocalic languages of the Cen-
tral Californian type, and the harsher, more consonantal North-
western type. In this respect it is like the Shastan family, and
may be regarded on the whole as belonging to that group. In
its use of incomplete incorporation and its lack of plural it also
336 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
resembles this type, but differs from it in its lack of syntactical
cases, and its greater paucity of nominal locative suffixes. In
common with the Shastan languages, and some of those of
Central California, is its use of verbal instrumental prefixes. It
will be seen, therefore, that Chimariko does not fall distinctly
into either the Central or Northwestern morphological group,
and may more properly be regarded as belonging to the Shastan
type. In the general classification of Californian languages
recently proposed,^^ Chimariko was placed with the Northwestern
type, but it was stated that it showed less clearly than the others
of that group the distinctive features upon which the group was
The considerable degree of similarity in grammatical and
phonetic character between the Chimariko and the Shastan
family, lends further interest and importance to certain curious
features on the lexical side. Comparison of Chimariko with
Hupa and Wintun shows practically nothing in the way of lexical
resemblance, and in the case of Wintun at least, less than one
might expect in the way of direct borrowing between two
adjacent and friendly tribes. If comparison be made however
with the Shastan family, a different situation is revealed, for
between forty and fifty cases have been noted here, in which
lexical correspondence is clear or probable. The similarities are
found in words of varied classes, including parts of the body,
animals, artificial and natural objects, and verbal stems. Further,
a number of verbal instrumental prefixes and directive suffixes,
and perhaps pronominal elements, show agreement also. So con-
siderable a number of lexical similarities, and with so wide a
range, brings up sharply the question how far such agreements"
are to be regarded as due to borrowing. That one language
should adopt from another a few words is to be expected; but
can the possession of common forms for such fundamental words
as head, ear, mouth, tooth, tongue, man, woman, fire, water, deer,
rattlesnake, and several numerals, and such verbal stems as to eat
and to see, be explained on this basis? The explanation of bor-
roAving here is made more difficult in view of the further fact
13 Dixon and Kroeber, The Native Languages of California, Am. Anthr.,
n. s., V, 18, 1903.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language.
that the larger number of similarities are not between Chimariko
and its immediate neighbor the Shasta, but between Chimariko
and the Atsugewi and Achomawi, members of the Shastan family,
but separated from the Chimariko by the whole extent of Wintun
and Yanan territory. As has been pointed out," the Achomawi
and Atsugewi are lexically widely divergent from the Shasta, and
in many cases Chimariko agrees with forms in Achomawi or
Atsugewi where their stems differ wholly from Shasta. If bor-
rowing is the explanation of these agreements, then we must
assume that the Chimariko and Achomawi and Atsugewi were
formerly contiguous peoples, since separated by migration. Such
movements must have been however relatively old, as no tradi-
tions or other evidences of migration are observed. If, on the
other hand, the similarities are regarded as of such character and
number as to point to real genetic relationship, then we have
another instance of the great degree of differentiation which has
taken place within the Shastan family. That this is unquestion-
ably great, is shown by both Achomawi and Atsugewi, and the
problematical Konomihu, with which latter indeed, there are one
or two agreements in Chimariko. The fact that, in spite of the
close association of the Chimariko with the "Wintun, there has
been practically no borrowing, and that the phonetics and gram-
mar of the Chimariko show close similarities with those of the
Shastan family, makes the probability of real relationship much
The following list illustrates the more striking instances of
lexical agreement between the Chimariko and Shastan families :
1* Dixon, The Shasta- Achomawi : A New Linguistic Stock, with Pour
New Dialects, Am. Anthr., n. s., VII, 213-217.
University of California Publications, [^m- Arch. Eth.
to pull off
with the foot
with the hand
by sitting on
Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 339
In the present state of our knowledge of the extent to which
borrowing has taken place in California at large, it is difficult to
arrive at a definite solution of the question of the relationship of
Chimariko with the Shastan family. The extent of the similarity
in this ease, however, points to the necessity of a thorough
investigation of the whole matter of borrowing throughout the
state. The question also involves the much wider one of the real
limits of genetic relationship, in the need of determining the
character and number of agreements which shall be regarded as
essential to establish common descent.
The following text fragments comprise all that was secured.
The translation is often doubtful, but as a rule, that which was
given by my informant has been given, with queries where the
meaning is evidently wTong. The same word is often spelled
differently in different places, it seeming better to give the forms
just as they were heard at the time, rather than to attempt to
reduce them to a common spelling. Not infrequently the text
forms differ from those secured in the paradigms of grammatical
material. Explanations and discussion of uncertain points are
given in the notes. I have attempted to give a running transla-
tion of three of the tales, but they are so fragmentary and
confused, that it is almost impossible.
I. THE SOECEEER.
himi'santo haa'tpikta^ tcima'r oha'tida^ hako't'
(Sorcerer) he comes out a person shooting magically he kills
pokelai'dop* itcxu'tduxta"^ tcima'r akodee'nda
basket hiding it away a person missing him
kowa'doknanda" puntsar wa'xni^ qowa'doknanda a'wa
he does not return woman went away she did not return house
natciwa'mda^ qowa'doknanda ho'wadokta^ qe'wokinda^"
she went to she did not return she did not return ( ?) said she was sick
wa'xni qowa'doknan" itse'xni miitu'm qa'suk"
went away she did not return she took canoe why
hoida'nda" qowa'dokdanda" ma'ta xunoi atcu'dat"
did she not return she did not return sweathouse in he lay
University of California Publications, [-^m. Arch. Eth.
drowned he went off
he has gone he stays
hiwo'mda atcu'danda pun
staying he lies down one
he eats I am going
place I am going.
I see him
he went off
didn't look at him
Salmon River to
1 ha-a-tpik-ta. The suflS^ -tpi, out of, seems sometimes to occur with a
final k. The suffix -ta may be the participle. The stem is a.
2 The stem -hat- also occurs in the following: nihatxa, poke; nohat'oi,
close window, -ida is the participial suffix.
3 Probably contracted from ha-ko-tinda.
* Contracted from pokelaida-op. The suffix is the intensive.
5 This stem occurs also as -txat-. The suffix occurs also in himai'dukta,
he carried it home. See note 6.
6 Ko is xo, negative prefix, -wa-dok, to return, from -wa-, -owa-, to go,
and -dok a suffix apparently meaning backwards, or toward speaker.
7 Perhaps contracted from owa'xni.
8 Perhaps natci-awamda, we go. The first person plural has not been
found elsewhere without the intensive suffix -dut.
» Probably participial.
10 This stem also occurs as qedjok-, qetcok-.
11 Shortened from qowa'doknanda.
12 Interrogative of uncertain meaning.
13 Verbal stem here is obscure. Negative prefix ho- is xo-.
1* No explanation of the difference between -danda and -nanda could
16 The stem -tcu- is also used for to sleep. The ending -t occurring
quite frequently in the texts, after participial and other endings, is found
but rarely in the paradigms secured. Its function has not been made out.-
10 The stem here is -tcuk-.
17 Abbreviated (?) from howam'danda.
18 Literally his-f oot.
19 The stem appears to be qa-, which occurs also in nuqa'duha, lie on
back, nuqa'ohunmi, lie on belly.
20 For hiwo'mda. The stem apparently also occurs as -warn-, as in
iwa'mdaxanan, I'll stay. Owa-, -owam- on the other hand means to go.
21 Analyzed as i-mam-ni, i being the pronominal prefix of the first
person singular, and -ni the suffix of the present tense.
22 Probably for howa'mxanan. The stem is owam, howam, with the
future suffix -xan.
23 See previous note.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 341
II. THE FLOOD.
it will blow live-oak acorns
live-oak tree (?)
he stood up
citce'lla tcitindo'sa hitake'gon'
dog coyote it will rain
hold tight coyote
teitcindo'sa exo'kiit® citce'lla
coyote blew away dog
pala'mixan® nuwau'k iko'tce^"
Comeback! you shall be strong comeback! blows (T)"
is that your place
I do not wish to go
go on! alone
let's fight coyote
that is not your place
I do not want to
you are weak
I will kill you let's go
coyote he was angry with
I don't want to
I shall go
let's go around
yuwa'ktaktcai'nan^'' citce'lla xomi "inanan^
I do not want to go around dog I don't like
mice'qe^* awakdaxa'n mica'kui^*
"miceqe" let's go around nephew uncle
husi'kdaktcai'nan^^ yetcu'mdaxanan^^ mice'qe tcitindo'sa
he doesn't want to follow I'm going to get married " miceqe " coyote
howa'ktayanaxa'nan^^ yetcu'mdan a'qitcu'kdarahut'*
I am not coming back I am married water flood
tcetre'tcexanan^' qe'wot tca'ldan a'wu
we allshall die this metal mountain
yawe'risam^^ homo'xat^* a'wa ya'mut
we make holes through it fell down house we fix
all do not wish
we will fix
all fell down
raining it snowed
water it came
die (?) water coming raining
itcuxu'nmit** ametcatra'djixan*'' hita'kta
it got deep all will starve raining
aqitcu'ksas ^'ye ( q ) etcexa'non pu'namar*'
water comes all will die not one
University of California Publications, l^^- Arch. Eth.
qudro'tpinan*^ aqidju'tkun*^ qeitci'yaxan qatus
left water coming all will die Frog
puhi'tsedan^" qeitci'yaxan qatus hidje'ktan^^ exa'tcei
went about in boat all will die Frog he went in boat Otter
aqi'ktan^^ hune'ri aqi'ktan tci'mar tcetra'xiit^^ pun
he floated Mink he floated people all dead one
me'matinda^* tci'mar hupo'n^^ tca'txun himat'ta"'
person his rib bone he found
ixotawe't^^ tca'txun iwoxu'nmila^'
I look at it bone near sunset
xaro'la ule'di^^ ma't 'ta
I keep it
I keep it always
baby small found
a'mat®* ha'ralole'do ha'mat
she ate baby-small she ate
ole'da hiwo'f" puntsa'lla pun i'tri pa'tcigut^
persons we are two we remain
puntsa'la amanii'da i'tri
girl he fed man
many shall be people
mahinoi'yat puntsa'la tcimar
people will be many
hinoo'kni tco'tan hame'u i'trihinda qa'tci hia'daptcehanda^
( ?) food is growing
ameba'nda^^ mu'ne ameba'nda
acorns are plenty black-oak are plenty
amebanda ya'qa ameba'nda he'cigo
are plenty white-oak acorns are plenty hazel
tci'miana ameba'nda tcl'tci ameba'nda u'muli hie'tjumunda
sarvice -berry are plenty manzanita is plenty salmon come many
tsa'wi e'tjumunda^^ amata'nda ho'samhunita'nda^"
eels are many they ate they danced
he'uma'htanda^" hu'ktatandaman owa'ktiheinda^^ tci'mar
gambled many go about they come people
pohimta'nda hosa'm hiinide'u pohimta'nda^^ tci'mar
they sleep dance (?) they slept people
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 343
wa'ktixeinda*^ hepata'nda'* ha'matanda ha'madeu*'
went about they stayed they ate food
hitxa'itanda^® xema'non^^ yuma'mxanan xema'non
they finished I am not eating I'm going off I am not eating
pomu'yen howa'mgutcainan qedjo'kni^* hutimhuktcai'nan
I'm sleepy I'm not going I am sick follow I don't want to
nuwa'man a'wam himollai' mowa'mimi 'ina®*
you go let's go niece you want to go.
1 Probably participial.
2 The more common future suffix -xan is sometimes -gon, as here, and
3 The verbal stem here is -imu-, to hold. The form is second person,
future, the force of the suffix -ate being here obscure.
4 The more usual word for tree seems to be at 'a, atsa.
B The usual stem for * ' to blow ' ' is -kos-, koc-, -xos-. This form -kot-
appears again below, and also in hekoteu, tattoo-mark. The suffix -ku
« Another form of the stem for "to blow," seen also in tcoxu'zanan,
I shall blow away, and in yoxun'ot, I whistle.
7 The stem is -hoa-, -ha-; seen also in yoho'adaxanan, I shall stand up,
nuha'da, stand up!
8 With the imperative prefix n-. -wauk is probably a contraction from
-watok-. Other forms are -wok-, -wak-, -wax-.
9 Pala- is the stem, -xan the future suffix, -mi the suffix of the second
10 The suffix -tee appears also in such forms as moxolitce, you are bad,
maxawintcei, you are old.
11 The stem here is pa-.
12 Probably the same stem as -owa-. Occurs also in natcidut a'wam,
we go, ya"aye, I go for, awu'm, let's go.
13 One of the apparent cases of infixed pronouns, la-mi-puk-ni. La-
also occurs as la-i-dam-ni, I am tired, la-mi-dam-a, are you tired?
14 Apparently from a stem -tcai-, -tee-, to wish, desire. Seen also in
such forms as xowa'mgutcainan, I won't go.
15 The stem is -ko-. Ye- is the pronominal prefix of the first person
singular, -xanan the future suffix.
18 See note 12.
IT Stem is -owa-. M- is the pronominal prefix of the second person
10 The stem here is apparently -we-, seen also in tcawe'pan, I am angry
with you, mawe'ni, you are mean, surly.
20 This stem -tcxua'- is seen also in yetcxua'xanan, I shall fight; metc-
xua', have you been, are you fighting?
21 Y- is the pronominal prefix of the first person singular; the stem is
-owa- and the suffix -ni is that of the present tense.
22 Ama-mi-su-da-ye. Perhaps "place-your-being"; see under Pronoun,
344 University of California Publications. [A-^- Arch. Eth.
23 The -k- here is the negative.
24 The use of the prefix -da with the suffix of the future is frequent.
25 Probably contracted from y-uwa-tok-da-k-tcai-nan, the -k- being the
negative. For -tcai- see note 14; -tok-, -ok is a suffix meaning backwards.
26 The negative prefix xo-, with the stem -mi 'inan-.
27 See note 12. The -k- is here again negative.
28 An exclamation characteristic of Coyote, and frequently used by
29 Not the usual form, which is himollai.
30 Either maternal or paternal apparently.
31 The stem is -sik-, seen also in yusi'mxan, I'll follow; mexasi'-mnatc-
xun, don't you follow. The prefix is that of the third person singular.
32 The stem is -tcum-.
33 The prefix h- is apparently the negative, which is more usually x-.
34 Obscure. The same stem appears in nitcu'ktam, to lie on ground, of
a round thing; also perhaps in hitcu'kni, he drowns.
35 Probably modified from tcet-qe'-tce-xanan. The use of tee- both
before and after the stem -qe-, to die, seems intended to intensify the
meaning, we all.
36 The stem here is -mu-, appearing also in i'muxanan, I will fix. The
prefix is that of the first person plural.
37 The stem is -wer-, -wel-, seen also in hawe'lsamni, it goes through
38 Translation doubtful. Probably homu'xat, from the same stem as
39 See note 38,
40 Translation doubtful. Apparently tca-xa-djisen, the stem -dji- being
perhaps related to -tcai-, to wish, desire.
41 See note 34.
42 Probably participial. The stem -tak- seems to be homophonous with
that for to sing.
43 The stem is apparently -pui-, not to be confounded with -pu-imu- as
in i-pui-mukni, I pinch (with-fingers-press, hold-tightly).
44 Probably hi-tcu-xun-mi-t. The prefix tcu- indicates a bulky object.
The stem -xun- appears also in nitcuxu'nmi, pound down a nail; notsoxu'n-
mu, bore a hole; ni'axunmutpu, put cap on pen, cover on box. The
suffix -mi seems to refer generally to the ground, or motion downwards,
as nya'tmi, a flat thing lies on ground; nuqa"ohunmi, lie on belly.
45 See note 35. The two forms seem to be identical, except for the
addition here of ame-, meaning hunger.
46 See note 34.
47 Pun is the numeral ' ' one. ' '
48 Translation doubtful. The suffix -rotpin occurs in the forms pu'n-
usrotpin, one left; xo'kosrotpin, two left.
49 Probably aqi-tcut-xan, for aqi-tcuk-xan. See note 34.
50 The stem seems to be -tse-, seen also in itse'xni, she took boat.
61 The stem here, -djek-, tcek-, seems to be related to that in itse'xni,
52 Probably participial. Two explanations of this form seem possible,
either aqi-k-tan, water-rolling (-k-, to roll, move over surface), or (h)a-
qik-tan, the stem -qik- being for -qim-, -kim-, seen in aki'mni, he floats.
53 See note 35.
54 Compare ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive; ma-mi-mat-a, are you alive?
55 Po is elsewhere always used for foot.
Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 345
56 Stem is -mat- seen also in ima'tni, I find. Probably participial.
B7 Other comparable forms are, miti'nda kutaxa'na, shall you keep it;
icehe'nda kutaxa'na, I shall keep it. Itxan is the word for leg.
58 The stem is apparently -xota-, seen also in: ixo'taxanan, I shall
watch; yaxotai'yaxan, we shall look for. The xo- does not seem to be the
negative. The suffix -wet is a continuative. Compare imu'mwet, I run
cointinually; yema'wet, I eat constantly.
69 If -wo- is the stem, this means to sit, as in i'wo, I sit ; hi'wotinda, he
sits. For -xun- see note 44. The ending is puzzling.
00 Apparently a case of nominal incorporation, xarala-himat 'ta, baby-
he-finding. Another form for the noun was given as xalu'la.
61 Small is ule'da. This is apparently run together in rapid speech
62 See note 57.
63 Noun formed from the stem -am-, -ama-, to eat.
64 The usual form would be ha'ma. The pronominal prefix of the third
person is however quite frequently omitted. The final -t here and in
other cases does not occur in the paradigms of verbal forms secured.
65 From puntsar, woman. The suffix -la occurs in many names of ani-
mals and of relations, the form here being probably puntsalla, the inter-
change or equality of r and 1 being clearly marked in many words.
66 See note 59.
67 Derived from the demonstrative stem pa-. Other derivatives are
seen in patcea'mku, something; patci, what; pa'tcigun, no. The suffix -gun,
-gut is the negative.
68 Probably for xoku'litca. Cf. tcima'rtca, we are men, Chimarikofl.
69 The stem -pa- occurs also in ya'patcen, we stay with.
70 The intensive suffix -op, -ot. Refers to the particular man previouBly
71 The stem is apparently -pu-, to shoot. The xa- may be the negative,
in the sense of not shooting, i.e., stalking, hunting, I stalk game being
given as yexapo'unu. The same prefix (?) occurs apparently also in
nexadu'mxu, cook, boil it!
72 The usual word for boy is itri'la. This same stem appears again in
73 From eta, many, with future suffix and final -t.
7* See note 70.
75 Literally ' ' man-becoming. ' '
76 The only comparable form is na'tap, sift!
77 Elsewhere the stem ame- means hungry.
78 Perhaps connected with eta, many.
79 The stem is -samxu-. Cf . isa'mxuni, I dance ; misa'mxuni, you dance.
80 The more common stem is -wentso : hiwe'mtson, he gambles.
81 In the paradigms secured, this is given as owa'kni, or owa'ktinda.
82 The stem is -po- or -poi-. Cf. poi'mni, I sleep; pomu'yen, I am sleep-
ing; poa'nmu, are you sleeping?
83 See note 81.
84 See note 69.
86 See note 63.
86 The stem is apparently -txa-. Cf . itxa'Eni, I stop, cease.
87 Negative. Cf . ma'mut maxa'mana, you are not eating ; na'tcidut
ya'xamanat, we are not eating.
88 Derived from the stem qe-, to die.
89 Compound form, from -wa-, -owa-, to go, and -mi 'ina-, to wish.
University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth.
Dog and Coyote were travelling eastwards. Dog said, "It is going to
rain, it is going to blow. Hold tight to a live-oak tree." It blew, and
Coyote was blown away. Dog stood there and called, ' ' Come back, you shall
be strong. ' ' Coyote did not wish to, for he was angry with dog. The
latter said, ' ' Let us fight, ' ' but Coyote declined. After some discussion
they agreed to travel about, and get married. A flood was coming on, in
which they believed they would be drowned, so they tried to make a
metal (?) house, but it fell down. Water came, it rained and snowed, and
all people were starved and lost. Frog was floating in a canoe, and Otter
and Mink floated on the water. Prog found the rib of one of those who
had been drowned. At sunset it became a baby, which was put in a
basket. The girl baby grew up, and married Frog(?), and to them a child,
a boy was born, and by and by there were many people. There was an
abundance of food then, and people went about eating and dancing, and
living as they do now.
III. THE UNSUCCESSFUL HUNTER.
he didn't kill
his thigh he carried back
hutrine'u* imai'dukta tca'koasun^ a 'a kogutxu'kni^
intestines he brought back I'm good hunter deer you don't like me
i'trirok^ aqa' ya'aye* pu'ntsarop yatcaxi'sxun^ wise'da
that man water I go for that woman they ran off down river
awa'tmun axa'wayaguktcainan^^ ewo'mut^^ i'trirop
went did not want to come back he cried that man
kuto'kkutcai'dananda^^ tcum^* tcum tcisi't hatcise'nda^'*
never coming back (?) (?) I said not following
ewo'maminda^^ i'trirop i'trirop ewo'munda pu'ntsarop
still crying that man that man crying that woman
xomi"inanan xowa'mgutcai'danan uwi'r ya'patcen^^ uwi'r
I don't like I do not wish to go (?) we stay (?)
ya'pa'en xowa'mgutcainan yowa'manda xo'wadumguteai'nan
we stay with don't want to go I going don't want to go home again
awa'mai ya'pat hisi'k tcutcxe'mun elo'hni
(?) (?) good (?) (?)
xowa'mgutcai'nan tcugu'tcen xomai'muktcainan^* hi'midanda^*
I don't want to go I don't want to I don't want to carry it is heavy
tcxale'gu-" imai'momen^^ xuxodaktcai'nan^^ xugonaktcai'nan^'
light-not I carry I don't want to watch I won't talk to you
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language.
tcudi "ineman tcupi'tan'** xowa'mgutcainan
(t) my foot is sore I don't want to go
moxolige 'euni^" teu'itcxemun^" xowa'mgutcainan tcumai'idan
you are no good I drag away (?) I don't want to go I carrying
tcuwa'xyen exe'u itcxu'Enan^^ yexo'yexanan^
shell I like I'll go and swim
tra'wel ule'tcida hetce'tcoi
yeko "oxan ameqe'eda^" ye'man
I'll kill dying of hunger let's eat
xema'non^^ Iti'in^^ lumi'gina'ye
I am not eating I drink don't you drink
put it in fire fix it !
you did not come I have been listening
I don't want to eat you look at me
xama'nan qo'ma aqa'deu komatra'sni
not eating grass- seed grass -seed yellow daisy
tci'ntcei tcexa'ma kowatcu'mxu pe'tsoneu
sunflower-seed a sort of flower (f) (t)
they will eat
I cook soup
shall not eat
a yellow flower
1 See note 71, text II,
2 The stem is -ko-, to kill. Cf . yeko'xanan, I shall kill you. The suffix
-duk is uncertain. Cf. xowa'doknanda, he didn't come back; itcxu'tduxta,
I hide it away. See following note and note 6, text I.
3 Possibly a case of nominal incorporation, from (hi)tcipe, thigh and
himai'dukta, carrying back. Cf. nimai'mu, you carry it! imai'muxan, I'll
* A nominal form in -eu, formed from a stem -tri- ( ?) of unknown
5 Apparently from -ko-, to kill. This form is obscure, as the pronomi-
nal suffix tea- is not elsewhere used as subject of a transitive verb, but as
object. Cf. pa'ut tca'kotinda, he kills me. The use of -sun which else-
where has the force of the auxiliary verb "to be, " is also unusual.
« The prefix ko- is probably the negative.
T Probably for i'trirop.
8 The stem is -a- (Cf. -wa-, -owa-). See note 1, text I.
9 The stem is -teaxis-. Generally used as the plural for "to run,"
another stem, -mum- being used in the singular.
10 Probably from -wa-, -owa- to go. The suffix is undoubtedly -muni,
upwards, the -ni being the present tense ending.
348 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
11 The stem seems to be -wa-, with the negative prefix. The usual
form of the ending is -gutcainan.
12 From -W0-, to cry, weep.
13 Obscure. There is no stem clear, -tok- being elsewhere always
united with some regular verbal stem, sometimes with the meaning of
back, returning. Perhaps abbreviated in rapid diction from xowato'k-
1* There is a stem -tcu- which means * ' to sleep. ' ' Cf . yetcu'yegon, 1
shall sleep. Another stem -tcum- has the meaning of "to marry." Cf.
yetcu'mdaxanan, I shall get married.
15 The usual stem for ' * to follow ' ' is -sim-. Cf . yusi'm, I follow, go
with; mexasi'mnatcxun, do not follow me!
i« See note 12.
17 See note 69, text II.
18 The stem is -mai-. The suffix -mu is uncertain, although it apparently
indicates direction of motion.
19 The stem appears to be -mi-.
20 The suffix -gu here appears also in such forms as xani'gu, by and by ;
curaigu, some time ago. It is probably the negative affix.
21 See note 18.
22 This is apparently xu-xo-da-k-tcai-nan. There seems to be a redupli-
cation of the negative prefix, but other examples occur, where -xota- as
a stem means simply to watch, observe, as ixd'tanhun, I watch; ixd'taxanan,
I shall look at. Ta- alone has no meaning applicable here.
23 The stem is -go- or -go 'na-. Other examples are nego 'Ena, talk to
me ! ; igo 'enegon, I '11 talk to you.
2* Doubtful. The possessive prefix of the first person singular is evi-
dent, but the remainder of the word is not clear. The stem for ' ' foot ' ' is
elsewhere always -po-.
25 The stem here is clearly -xoli-, or -xuli-, meaning bad. Other examples
are tco'xoligni, I am bad; qoxoye'uteeyi, are ye bad; xuli'da, he is bad;
xuli ma'takni, you sing poorly. The suffix -eu may be that used to form
nouns from verbs, so that the form here would be "you are a bad-one."
28 Apparently tcu-itc-xe-mun. The stem -xe- occurs also in niexe'xe
sweep! The prefix tc- is a very common one, and seems to be similar in
its meaning to t- or to-, meaning with the hands, or by force. Other
instances of its use are ni-tc-xe-tpik, pull out nail; ni-tc-xa-lo, pull out
tooth; nu-tc-oru-ha, reach up for, etc., etc.
27 The stem is -tcxu- or -tcxuE-. Other instances of its use are ya'-
tcxuunan, I wish, want (to eat) ; mitcxu'ima, you wish, want.
28 The stem is -xu-, as in ixu, I swim ; nixu'yaxana, shall you swim t
What seems to be the same stem however is used with several other mean-
ings, as : tcoxii'xanan, I shall blow away ; noxu', whistle ! ; tco'xun, I am
fat; qa'xunda, ye are fat, etc. In this latter case, the u is generally short
however, but it is certainly long in the other cases.
29 The stem is -mi'ina-. Other examples are: xomi"inanan, I don't
like you; mexemi 'inanan, you don't like me. Cf. tcudi'ineman above.
30 Probably ame-qe-da, I am dying of hunger. See note 45, text II.
31 See note 87, text II.
32 The stem is lu-. Cf. lumi'ginaye.
33 See note 36, text II.
34 Perhaps for mu-ku-wa-tok-gu-nat with the negative affix repeated.
35 The stem is apparently -cem-. See note 10, text IV.
36 See note 82, text II.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 349
A man went out to hunt, but secured nothing. So he carried back hia
thigh and his intestines, saying, "I am a good hunter." His wives sus-
pected, and did not like him. They said, "We will get some water."
Then they ran away. (The remainder seems to be wholly unconnected, my
informant maundering on until she was tired.)
rv. THE THEFT OF FIRE.
Waida howamda apexadjit^ tcitindosa xatcile pun
Eastwards he went fire -steal Coyote child one
xexadjit^ tcitindosa mice'qe himu'kta apisu'xta yuwau'mia
he stole Coyote "mieeqe" running fire throwing I go
mice'qe yaxatcl'ya pa'tcimam^ itukmiisun* mice'qe
"mieeqe" I steal everything I make " miceqe "
yuwau'mxanan mice'qe kimidjunu'mdju'^ yowamxa'nan
I shall go " miceqe " to the head of the river I'll go
yuwaumxa'nan wise'da puntsa'r e'tasun mice'qe a'ma
I'll go downriver woman many are "miceqe" place
yuwaupa'kasun mice'qe a'ma pun xo'nasun" mice'qe
I go around "miceqe" place one I'll not "miceqe"
lure'djasun xu'mde tcitindo'sa tcusato"mun qa'qatce
quick (f) Coyote I choke a bird
nti'wam tcusato "Emun^ tce'tc^ nu'wam tcusato"Emun
go! I'm choking Buzzard go! I'm choking
yekoxa'nan na'tcidut a'wam iwa'mdaxanan* xe'qoqtcainan
I'll kill you we go I'll stay I won't kill him
tci'marut qe'sop® xu'nogidji mice'qe nagi'tcuk ice'ratina^"*
people if die I'll get well (?) "miceqe" (f) listening (t)
imitcici'gut" we'lmu mice'qe yowa'mxanan mice'qe
I kick it open quickly "miceqe" I'll go "miceqe"
tcu'sigasun^^ mice'qe ye'koxanan mice'qe me'xemi 'inanan
I'm handsome " miceqe " I'll kill "miceqe " you don't like me
mice'qe megutxu'kni xuwo'ktcainan hame'u I'tciknan"
"miceqe" you don't like me I don't want to come back food not growing
hame'u pa'tcigun hame'u idan mitcxuu'na^* mowa'mxana
food none food (f) do you like you shall go
xusi'raJiuktcainan tcugu'tcen iwo'mdaxanan tcusi'mxanan
I don't want to follow I don't want to I'll stay me shall follow
University of California Puhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
I don't want
old woman only
I don't want to stop
I won't go off
itricuxai'deu^^ tcoxogo'anatan^^ xowo'ktcainan yowa'mxanan
I'm a chief they don't talk to me I don't want to return I'll go
i'woxantin iwa'togegon ye'tcuyegon^^ iwo'mtegon iwau'tegon
I'll stay I'm coming back I shall sleep I'll stay I'll come
yuwa'togegon qedeegon^^ xowa'toknop isumda'mdegon^"
I'm coming back will pay (?) I may not return I'll seek (?) you
mowa'tokatcxun^^ miwo'mtohon^^ yuwau'gegon
you better all return you stay I'll go
me 'inada'mdatckun misamda'mdatekun me 'inade'atckun-^
do ye wait for me do ye all listen do ye wait for me
ye'teudamdegon mowau'gatckun yowa'tokegon yeaxte"egon
ye all return I'll return I'll get lost
tcima'r imamde 'egon ixota'mdegon
people I shall see I shall watch
yuwamxa'nan amemtu'ini ulu'idaitee
I'll go I'm hungry my brother
mekoi'tee yowa'mxanan yuwo'kegon
brother-in-law I'll go
I'll lie down
I'll talk to them
I'll not come back
I like you
I'm going home
I'll kill I don't want to
don't want to go
all lazy alone
la'mipukni^" pa'laidje yuwa'mni xokole'tce
you are weak I'm strong I go two of us
iwo'mdaxanan nuguwa'mna niwo'mta
I shall stay don't go! stay
iko'modaxanan" mo'xogoanan niya'tcima mame'ini niko'moda
I'm going to talk don't you talk laugh! (?) talk!
I look for
Vol. 5] Bixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 351
nuwau'm nixo'ta mugu'teen^* yowa'tokxanan
go back! look at me you don't want to I'm coming back
miwomdatexun mowa'mkunaxana po'moxana mice'mxana
you stay aren't you coming back? shall you sleep you'll listen
po'la iwa'megonye xokole'tce awa'mxanan xa'rale nikl'da
alone I shall go two of us will go child carry
mugu'tcen ni'ceheda^® tre'ulot^° nicehe'm xai'rot'^
you don't want to take it that big one take it! that little one
nikl'da yowa'mxanan niceheda po'la iwomte'egon
carry! I'll go take it! alone I'll stay
nuwa'mhini tcugu'tcen nowa'man ameqe'eni noha'tamda'^
goon! I don't want to go! I'm dying of hunger look at me!
nitcu'kta^^ tcugu'tcen nowa'mliini xowa'mgutcainan hi'ye
take it (?) I don't want to goon! I don't want to go (?)
tce'pini nateu'da na'xaman hame'u muputce'tceaxini
(?) lie down! don't eat! food you are too lazy (?)
titee'ndakeye miwo'rhanaqe mugu'tcen a'wam tcugu'tcen
(?) (?) you don't want to let's go I don't want to
teupi'tan xowa'mgutcainan tcupi'tan^* ye'tupmoi na'tcidut
my foot sore I don't want to go my foot sore (?) we
nuhwe'aqi yamai'ta imai'ta puntsa'r itri puntsa'rie
(?) my place (?) (?) woman man wife
ulu'idaida miko'modahanxani yowa'mxanan hisi'kni xole'ini
sister you will talk I'm going good bad
iko'modaxanan yako'onewa mo'xoligositce^^ micehe'mxana
I will talk we are going to talk you are no good are you going to take him
mowa'mxana nuwa'man xosi'mgutcai'nan tcugu'tcen
are you going go on ! I don't want to follow I don't want to
xomi"inanan qaqo'n qo'ni niko'muda ko"omitcxun
I don't like you you kill me I cry out I talk you better cry out
ano'tci laibu'kni poimu'yen yahai'tca^" he'u awa'man
(?) weak I'm sleepy let's get food all right we'll go
na'tcidut xowa'mgutcai'nan nowa'man xowoktcai'nan
we I don't want to go go on! I don't want to stay
mitciumaxa'na madaqa'na^" awa'm yaxo'da nisu'kta^'
(?) you sing let's go we look look back!
himo' aqe'mtuini*® lu"mixana nuwa'gai*" yuwa'dkun*^
yes I'm thirsty shall you drink come on! I'm coming
352 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
ima'nmi lu'umitcehin tci'rhatce yuwa'man iko'ktaxanan*^
I see him you drink (?) I'm going I shall growl
iko'ktayexanan mowa'mgunaqo'sexanan*^ yuwa'mni
I'll go and growl aren't you going to go? I'm going
iko'mutaxanan iko'ktasun qosamut ye'woxanan**
I shall talk I always growl you stay I'll give you
ma'musqo'sexana he'wu mowa'mxana ye'koaxanan no'nu
shall you give him too yes are you going I'll kill him don't
xo'mamguteai'nan nowa'man iwo'mdaxanan tri'rhatcen
I don't want to see you goon! I'll stay (?)
nowa'm tcugu'tcen ni'koxun mala' nuwa'm heu himo'
goon! I don't want to cry out! (?) goon! yes yes
miko'moda yeeni a'ta magollai ma'tri'i matco'lai
you talk (?) (?) uncle nephew grandmother
matrici' ulu'idai matco'lai ma'la'i muta'lai masa'lai
nephew brother grandmother maternal sister mother's sister (?)
himo'lai a'ntxasai xa'wilai ulu'idaxaiye mitei'nlulai
father's sister's child older sister paternal grandfather younger sister (?)
1 Apparently nominal incorporation. Cf. apisu'xta, below.
2 The usual third personal prefix is here strengthened to x-.
8 Cf . patci, what; patcea'mku, something; patcigun, no, none.
* See note 36, text II. The prefix tu- seems to mean actions done with
hands. The stem is puzzling. In several cases, -kmu- seems to mean "to
roll," as nimitei'kmu, roll with foot; nie'kmu, roll with end of stick;
nime'kmu, roll with head. There is a common suffix, however, -mu, which
seems to have somewhat variable directive meaning and function, as
nai'mu, chop; mise'kmu, swallow; ipe'nmu, I lick; iya'tmunip, I lay down
a flat thing. If -k- is the stem, its meaning is general, as we have
nitcu'ktcan, drive nail; nu'kmak, comb hair, etc.
6 Probably a place name.
6 Perhaps related to inam, I touch. Cf . inadaxan, page 350, third line
7 The stem is -satoE-. The meaning is said to be choking because of
8 The stem is -warn-, -wom-.
» Conditional suffix.
10 Apparently first person. The stem is -cem-.
11 The prefix mitci- meaning actions with the foot. The stem does not
12 The stem is apparently -siga-. Cf. misiga'sun, you are handsome.
13 The stem here, -itci- apparently is the same as -itri-. See note 75,
14 See note 27, text III.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 353
15 The m of -worn- seems to have disappeared here.
18 Chief is itrixaideu. The pronominal element here is inserted appar-
ently into the structure of the noun, which may perhaps be analyzed as
itri, men, -xai-, stem for to make, create, and the suffix -eu which usually
forms nouns from verbs.
IT The stem is -go- or -go'na-. Cf. note 23, text m.
18 The stem is -tcu-. Cf. yaxutcu'ixan, we shall not sleep; yetcuda'm-
degon, I shall lie down, sleep.
18 Cf . idai'goxan, I shall pay ; tcadai'gunip, we pay.
20 Cf. isu'mni, I follow. The suffix (?) -dam occurs also in such forms
as meinada'mda, you look for me; yetcu'damdegon, I'll lie down.
21 The suffix -ate seems to denote plurality. Cf. nateidut=(?)noatci-dut.
22 Probably for miwo'mtaxan.
23 The stem is apparently -inada.
24 The usual form is xowamgutcaidanan.
25 Cf. i'samutni, I come back; ya'samuta, we come back.
28 Apparently a case of infixing the pronominal element. Cf . la'tcipukni,
I am weak.
27 The stem here is clearly the same as in the next word. It is tempt-
ing to regard the -mo as perhaps an incorporated second personal objec-
tive element, but there are no other cases to support this view. Cf.
nikomoda, talk, speak!
28 See note 14, text II.
29 The stem is apparently -cehe-. See next line.
30 Shows the use of the intensive suffix -ot, with an adjective.
31 Perhaps related to xara'li, zaru'la, baby.
32 Elsewhere -xotam-.
33 The stem -tcuk-, or what appears to be but one such stem, has many
meanings. As itcu'ktamnip, I put down a round thing; nitcu'ktcan, drive
a nail; tcuitcu'kni, I drown; nitcu'klo, pull off button. See note 34,
34 See note 55, text II.
35 See note 25, text III.
30 The stem -hai- elsewhere has the meaning of to spit, to vomit.
37 The stem is -tak-. Cf. yetakni, I sing; ya'tak, we sing.
38 This stem does not occur elsewhere. To throw is -sux-.
39 Cf. ame'mtuini, I am hungry.
40 Perhaps for -wauk- contracted from -watok-.
41 Perhaps for yuwa'tokun.
42 By * ' growling ' ' was meant, it was explained, ' ' talking big. ' '
43 The suffix -qose apparently means "also, too."
44 Meaning doubtful. The stem -wo- elsewhere means to cry, whereas
-wo- is the form used in the singular for * ' to sit. ' '
Coyote went eastwards to steal fire. There was one child only of the
owner at home. Coyote stole the fire, and ran off down river, where there
were many women. He ran so fast that he choked, then surrendered the
brand to a bird, who did likewise, giving it up to the Buzzard. (The latter
portion of this tale also is apparently extremely confused, and it seems
impossible to make any connected sense out of it.)
354 University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
V. A MYTH.13
nise'it^ iwot^ mata hi'wot^ atcalaitaii hiwot^
North lived sweathouse lived with his grandmother lived
dwatgu't^ oa'mta* owa'temut owa'mdawa'temut badji'mdu''
started went went up went up-stream what for
imamatcimi*' waituamtuwatmut ba'tcikitci^ owatmut
have you come? come back come back went
wa'ita* i'tusait iwo't^ uwa'wuktan tcimar Ida't**
west where his sister lived you must talk people many
eicimit'ni' ca'ik!'et^° hoxada'ktca'nat" tsusutaiik-e'et
come to see the dance I am ashamed I don't want to watch do not be ashamed
xe'manat^- nimamic^^ hoca'nkunit^* hotcapunat^^ yua'mta^^
I do not eat (?) (?) not dance I know nothing arrived
bo'unmut" equ'ictan^* a'maniku'mkiyat ni'tcaho'dat^®
slept what do you say? you act foolishly have you sense?
xa'nimnosainoxosa'n^" lu'it^^ idji'tmit^^ yaca'mkunit-'
do you know what you do? drink I sit on one side that is why I dance
yasa'iuta^* i'djitmi naxama'nan^^ qosi'n^® imica'nkunit^^
thus I do I sit do not eat how did you dance?
noxopi'nmi^* ma'iki'et^" a'manot-^ yuwa'tmun^" not^^ i'qorok^^
do not play are you ashamed? recently I came I my language
ml'qot^^ mldjapti^^ miqowe'g' an"^* xo'lik maliniqo'nag' an^^
you speak do you know you will always talk that bad you will always
have to talk
aqo'sit e'wanmu^" o'u 'xaik'e'nan^° ba'tcaamni^^
why do you cry? you are no good
no'xojimta^* iqo'iorot^^ dira'mda qe'g'edatci djewn imanmi^*
you do not know long ago pray large look for
moxolikaxa'winta**' ba'dja^^ muxa'inat*^ dira'mda mi'teapu'ta^'^
two old men sat nothing made long ago you know
otuntsa*^ yaca'mkunaxan^^ etcut*^
feathers we will dance long
13 Obtained in 1901 by Dr. A. L. Kroeber from Doctor Tom, the Chi-
mariko informant mentioned below in connection with the vocabulary.
While the thread of the story cannot be made out from the disjointed
narrative, it evidently is a myth. Doctor Tom passes among the Indians
as being more or less out of his mind. As he is old and knows practi-
cally no English, the translation had to be given by him in the Hupa
language, with which Dr. Kroeber is unacquainted, and translated into
English by a Hupa. While loose, it is however shown to be approxi-
mately correct by the analysis that can be made of many forms.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 355
yaxo'taxan** mukice'ta*^ onicnema'ri naijidiji'train"
we will see you do not wish to go once more we must go then they stay
yupqa'radjimni ixo'taxanen*^ pa'tcuyama** ba'tca
I get up now I will see him what will we eat? what
qo'tsesekesa'inen yacamkunit naecia'racimni ba'ikinaesan
must we do? we dance I must stretch myself I will dance about
ho'tceu yutiwie'ni nimiina't** xo'miinana'n*" ne'g' ada'txumu'i
fall in water you like I do not like yourself
we'yit imitsama'kot na'paata mutsuiiita nlclkio't'^"
dance hold I me (?) surpassed make a fire!
Ixota'x*^ Ima'm*" qosni'ni-" ladjin'^ xepakl'n boe'mxan''*
let me look ! I see how I am tired I am dizzy I am sleepy
Ix'otan''^ hini' ixotemdjukehe'n^* e'g'eta tcimexa'ita^'
do not care to look you make
nitxa'xana'*® la'djin qosi'ni mica'iikunit^^ iwonhi'ni''*
stop ! tired how you will dance I stay here
xo'sini qo'sini lawitama''^ ciraku'® mu'amta"° bateaxa'hatan"^
what makes you tired already you start I have nothing
namau'itciwun nua'mdat®^ na'cia'tela'axanan ya'apu'tmin
you will eat you must go you must take it in go home
a'manidja'pui'^ nitco'u"* qo'sin nitco'u tel'sagkun®'^ tcaaVeita"*
you know stretch yourself how you stretch I am exhausted I am angry
dawuxton yutsu'nta"^ djuklu'uxut"® ladjida'mda*" eica'mkuni
do not jump in jump in become tired I dance
la'djin ye'matsisin miitca'exotax^" nupu'o a'wamtu^^
tired I want to eat look at it what for? with mouth
mikof xa'ni mikoxa'naf^ naa'wutbimni^^ yuaka'nat
you talk by and by you will talk we must play
nacibi'mdaxanan" otsumni*^ namaata(n)hei na'icukudjhen^*
we must play jump in do you pick berries do not want to
nu'tsuxunmu^^ nitxa'nemaexa^" nlcie'i nacba'tcikum'^
jump into the ground your knees are sore I do not want
i'xotama'ri bi'maranu'tcxo a'tcawe'it ni'wekdapmu^* qocum
I want to see you mash it are you afraid? bring him out! how
tsi'rokon''* I'mamni e'xaini' no'ot qe'xeta^" ima'mta
did I talk I see I make I I make I see
tee'mta*^ ixo'tat ica'mxu'nit gu'utceet^^ hema'itat*^ xa'niiku**
always I see I dance do not want to carry him soon
356 University of Calif on ^^uhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
himen^^ hi'mitci'latcila^' a'si'n®^ xo'djabutnat^^ mi'sik-ee'i^^
dark middle of night day do not know make right
mi'qoxanat" naxaik-ena^" miatci'matakxu'n^° mo'xoci'nta''^
you will talk do not be ashamed might laugh at you if you do not know
want you will see
blind let me look
get him up !
I am going home my feet
do not wish
make it !
you see it
ye'wetdaxana'c na'sieta'mxanan^*'^ la'mitamakun" hl'tat^
I shall catch him it will be day tired many
e'icamkunit^°2 ila'djin^^ a'mimtu'ita"^ badji maxa'ia
I dance tired I am hungry nothing you can make
qo'maicxu'nun iisa'n yima'mda wu'tsunat^°* kato'oxu'mii'nanan^*'^
know I breathe I see I am not sick I do not like you
how do you know?
1 Perhaps for wise-da, down-stream, i.e., north.
2 -wo-,to sit, to stay. Cf. hiwotinda, he sits.
3 -wa-tok, -owa-tok, return(?). Cf. muku-watku-nat, you did not come,
page 347, line 8 of text.
4 -wam-, -owam-, to go; -ta, participle.
5 patci, what; -mdu, instrumental.
6 -mat-, to find; -mamat-, alive. Cf. ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive.
7 Cf. ante, badji-mdu.
8 wai-da, west or up-stream.
9 Cf . etasun, many.
10 C-, probably for tc-, I; -aikie-, ashamed.
11 Cf. note 22, text III.
12 Cf . xemanon, page 347, line 6 of text.
13 Perhaps ni-, imperative, and -mam-, to see.
14 ho-, negative; -samxu-, to dance.
16 ho-, negative; tcapu- probably -trahu, to know.
16 Cf. note 4.
17 -po-, to sleep. Cf. po-anmu, you sleep.
18 Probably -qu-, -ko-, -korao-, to talk; e- perhaps interrogative. Cf.
i-mi-canku-nit, did you dance?; a-qosit, why?; e-wanmu, do you cry?
18 Probably -tcaho-, for -trahu-, to know. Cf . ante hotcapunat.
20 Perhaps xani, by and by;
21 -lu-, to drink. Cf . page 347, line 6 of text.
22 i-, I ; -tcit-, to sit ; -mi, the verbal sufiix, down ; -t probably the inten-
sive suffix, -ut, -ot, -t.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 357
23 ya-, we; -samxu-, to dance.
24 Probably -sam-, to listen (?). Cf. mi-sam-damdatckun, page 350, line 8
25 na-, second person imperative; x-, negative; -ama-, to eat; -nan,
verbal suffix. Cf . x^manat, ante line 6.
28 Interrogative stem qo.
27 i, perhaps interrogative. Cf. note 18.
28 no, imperative; xo-, negative; -pim-, to play; -ni, suffix of present
29 Cf. aman-itri, young; aman-inhu, new. Perhaps also a'maniku'mkiyat
ante, line 7.
30 y-, for i-, I; -uwat-, -owat-, to come.
31 Contracted from nout.
32 Evidently from the stem -ko-, -qo-, -go-, to speak. The form is
obscure, as the possessive -i, my, is always suffixed.
33 mi-, you; stem as in the previous word.
84 mi-, you; -ko- to talk; -we, perhaps for -wet, continuative; -g'an for
35 It is possible that the first portion of this word is the Wintun pro-
noun for the second person dual, malin. A Hupa word is inserted in the
88 Cf. ewo'imamni, I cry.
37 Cf. pa'tceam-ku, something (nothing!).
38 no-, imperative; xo-, negative; -ta, participle. The stem -jim-(tcim)
does not occur elsewhere in the material collected.
89 i-, I; -mam-, to see; -ni, present tense.
40 Obscure, -xoli, may be xuli, bad; xawin, old. Cf. note 25, text III.
41 mu-, you; -xai-, to make.
42 hu-tu, its feather.
43 Cf. hitcun, long.
44 ya-, we; -xota-, to see; -xan, future.
45 Cf. -gutce-, -gutcai-, do not witsh, as in tcu-gutcen, I do not wish.
46 na-, imperative; -jid-(tcit) (reduplicated), to sit. So "do ye sit
down one after the other "(!).
47 i-, I; -xota-, to see; -xan, future.
48 patci, what; y-, I; -ama-, to eat.
48 ni, second person imperative ; -mi'inan-, to like.
50 -cikiot perhaps for -cekta-, to build fire.
51 la-, weak, tired; -tci, I; -in, incompleted action. In other instances,
52 -po-, to sleep; -xan, future. Cf. poimni, I sleep.
53 Cf. ixota'x, line before.
64 Cf. note 45.
56 tci-, I; me-, actions done with hand(T) ; -xai-, to make; -ta, participle.
66 ni-, second person imperative; -txa-, to stop; -xan, future.
57 mi-, you; -samxu-, to dance. The phrase "how you will dance"
seems to mean * * thus you will always dance in the future. ' '
58 -won-, for -worn, to stay.
6» ciraku, curaigu, from cur-, long ago, and the negative -gu.
60 mu-, you; -warn-, to go; -ta, participle.
61 Seems to contain the negative.
62 nu, second person imperative; -wam-, to go.
358 University of California Puhlications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
63 Cf . note 29. Perhaps -pu is the interrogative suffix. Cf. mexadjipu,
have you stolen?
64 ni-, second person imperative; -tco-, cf. -tcu-, to lie down, to sleep.
65 tci-, I; -sag-, cf. -sax-, to cough (?).
66 tea-, I; -awe-, angry; -ta, participle.
67 -tsu-, -tsum-, -tsun-, to jump.
68 dju-, tcu-, I; -klu-, to fall.
69 Cf. note 51. -dam is a verbal suffix of uncertain meaning in this
case. Cf . meinadamda, you look for me.
10 Contains -xota-, to look, watch.
71 ha-wa, his mouth; -mdu, instrumental,
72 Or else from -ko-, to kill. Cf. ye-ko-xan-an, I '11 kill you, text IV,
73 -pirn-, to play.
74 Cf . tcugutcen, I don 't want to, text IV, line 15.
75 nu-, second person imperative; -tsu-, to jump; -xun, verbal suffix
meaning into; -mu, verbal snffix of uncertain meaning. Cf. naimu, chop;
nitupmu, roll along, etc.
78 hi-txanemaxa, his knee.
77 Cf . patcigun, no.
78 ni-, I; -whek-, to push; -tap, out of.
78 Cf. iqorok, ante line 10.
80 -xe-, for -xai-, to make.
81 tcem-da means * ' across a stream. ' '
82 Cf . note 74.
83 Perhaps he- is the negative, xe-; -mai-, to carry.
84 xani, by and by, and -gu, the negative. Cf. note 59.
85 himi, hime, himokni, night. The -n appears in hime-n-ala, moon.
86 asi, asse, day. Cf . asi-n-ala, sun.
87 X0-, negative; djabu- (tcapu ante) for -trahu-, to know.
88 hisikni, hisiki-, good ; -eei perhaps -eye, reflective.
89 na-, second person imperative ; x-, negative ; -aikie-, ashamed.
»o mi-, you, object; -yatci-, to laugh; -xun is either the future -xan, or
the continuative -hun.
81 mo-, you; -xo, negative; -cim-, -cem-, to listen; -ta, participle.
82 n-, second person imperative; -ama-, to eat; -xan, future.
83 na-, second person imperative; -mi, -tmi, verbal suffix, down; -wi-,
cf. hawi'ida, driv deer; ha-wi-maxan, poke hole in sheet of paper.
84 n-, second person imperative; -ap-, to get off horse; -ha, up.
85 y-, I; -owam-, to go.
86 tcu-, my ; hu-po, his foot.
87 ma-, perhaps for na-, second person imperative; -xai, to make.
88 -tcu-, to lie down, sleep.
89 -up, intensive.
100 -owam, to go; -xan, future; -at(?) for -ut, -ot, intensive.
101 asi, day; -xan, future.
102 ei-, for i-, I.
103 amemtu-, hungry; -i-, I; -ta, participle.
104 The final -t, -at, probably the intensive -ut, -ot is of frequent occur-
105 XU-, negative; -mi'ina-, to like; -nan, verbal suffix.
106 -aik.ie-, ashamed.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 359
ye'ma^ i'waxanin^ e'koexanan^ tci'miteakun kolalai joia'mni
I eat I will defecate I will urinate enough sick I go
nlma'ama* nidjidmaga'na' nipa'itca* ba'tciku' ici'cnu'xni i'sa'n'
you see say so pick up no bring wood sleepy
xa'nisama^ xe'ma'® dji'txanak^" hosetdjaniwu' nlmina'" hisi'kta"
soon head blanket sick behind good
hi'edat hldjuknl" hl'djutbitan^* nadja'ldan^' naxo'cxu^' misa'gu"
fall in drown a spring rock cut put in mouth
nisa'wka hltai^^ ko'on^® hiteiwamda nlxota-" muxu'lika^^ awa'm
put in mouth much talk go down look! say go
nuakta-^ xa'ye dje'u^^ miwu' xumamnan^* yaeangxu'ni^''
go ' small large give do not see let us dance
yaxu'tcu nici'nate'i no 'sexana'n^^ nimama' naeco yoku'n
go to bed cover me! suckle me look make basket
ne'wu pa'dju^'^ nuwi'e^^ xoda'la^® nitcxe'm^'* nltcxe'ako^"
give enough carry little drag! stop!
ml'tcapu^^ hi'wana'dan na'klo badxa'la nuxu'mamnan^*
chew go on see two enough not see
yokumramni'p^^ mitcxa'ni^^ yeko'n^* tcawi'n mexo'tan^'^
run small kill I fear on
yutsuxa'Dani^" ynwa'wukne'^^ bo'anmu^* na'waxaii^" muxulinni*"
fall down I come back you sleep your mouth is small you are ugly
xa'se hitema' nimama nimaitce*^ yamat ima'mta nima'mxanat
grass (?) cook see food I see you will see
naot xu'noita*^ nintji^^ a'ma ixa'ita xo'se himou
I go up your nose earth I made grass yes
exaini'p** ye'kon^* najidi'li naxa*" huwa'm xa'ni
I make I kill play flute ! stop go soon
ladjitamni djo'pa-elo'ni*® eloneheV* ni'djitmi*^ nitcxe'mku^"
tired too hot hot sit down I drag !
djemta nuamatcxun** wesatkla'se yu 'tsu'txamu*" hawalla^®
across river go ! sleepy fall down who are you
la'mitama namaexuni xalala'idji'ni diramda diramd ua'kdaf^"
tired around go home long ago long ago came
i< Part of a text obtained in the same way as the last.
360 University of California Publications. [A^. Arch. Eth.
hica'mniman ni'xota dje'wut^^ i'tc'i'xni xuno'ita*^ lutsuktu'n^"
not see you look ! large play up fall in
mti'adokni^^ tcigutxotne'i^^ yeaxtu'n wetce'o migaatcxu'en**
you come back lonely I return near leave
nacuamni' hitai ko'on hupucnei^^ memamnei'®^ mi'teapu
go away much talk his leg straight I see you you know
nama we'lemii^^ edjeene'i nema'iradjim^" netcxe'm nicigya't^^
eat! quickly shoot carry! drag! make fire!
nixa'ii tca'xawinta^* nl'mamxa'nat etc'i'xta^® koma namaxana't
make it! I am old you will see grow seeds
watcel ni'mamxanat koma hecigu djimia'na
pepper-nuts you will see seeds hazel-nuts sarvice-berry
haikye'u hatcho'u hosiri'na*"
sugar -pine -nuts digger pine-nuts cedar
1 i-, I; -ama-, to eat.
2 i-, I; hi- wax, his excrement; -xan, future; -in, incomplete action.
8 e-quc, his urine.
* ni-, second person imperative; -mam-, to see.
6 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -gan, -xan, future.
6 ni, second person imperative; -pa-, perhaps -pa-, to smoke.
7 Of. iisan, text V, next to last line.
8 xani, soon, by and by.
8 hi-ma, his head,
10 tcitxa, blanket.
11 Cf. himinatce, behind; himinna, back.
12 hisiki-,* hisikni, good.
13 -tcuk-, a stem of varied meaning. Cf. nitcuktan, drive nail; nitcuk-
tapku, take out a round thing; itcukar, drowned; text I, line 7.
1* -tcut, to strike(?); -pi, -tpi, suffix, out, out of.
15 Cf . tcaldan, metal.
16 Cf. tca-xos-amu, I yawn.
17 Cf . note 65, text V.
19 Cf . note 9, text V.
19 From -ko-, to speak.
20 n-, second person imperative; -xota, to look, watch.
21 Cf. note 40, text V.
22 nu-, second person imperative; -wak-, to come; -ta, participle.
23 djfeu, tceu, treu, large.
2*xu-, negative; -mam-, see; -nan, verbal suffix.
25 ya-, we ; -samxu-, to dance ; -ni, incompleted action.
26 no-, second person imperative ; -sex-, cf . -sek- ,to swallow ; -xan, future.
27 Cf. padju, grizzly-bear.
28 nu-, second person imperative; -wi, cf. ha-wi'-ida, drive deer.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 361
29 xodallan, poor.
80 Cf . tcu-itcxe-mun, page 347, line 2 of text.
31 mi-, you; -tea-, to chew; -pu, perhaps interrogative.
82 Cf.(?)nipe-ram-ram-, to taste.
s3Cf.(?)ni-tcxa-lo, pull out tooth; itcxa-posta. Dyer's ranch .
8< ye-, I; -ko-, to kill; -n, incomplete action.
36 -tsu, to jump. Cf . note 67, text V. But hu-tsu-tmin, fly down ; -xam,
suffix, down; -ni, incompleted action.
37 y-, I; -owak, to come, here apparently reduplicated; -ne, -ni, incom-
38 Cf. note 17, text V.
39 ha-wa, his mouth.
*omu-, you; -xuli-, bad. Cf. note 21,
41 Cf. -mai-, to carry.
*2 xunoi-da means west or north.
*3 A Hupa word. The Chimariko would be mo-xu.
4* e-, for i", I; -xai-, to make; -ni, incompleted action; -p, intensive.
45 Cf . i-txa-Eni, I stop.
48 elox-ni, elo-ta, hot.
47 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -mi, suffix, down.
48 Cf . mo-watok-atcxun, page 350, line 7 of text.
49 awilla, who.
50 -wak-, to come ; -da, participle ; -t, intensive.
51 mu-, you; -atok-, -watok-, return; -ni, incompleted action,
52 Cf. tcigule, we all. Or more probably, tci-, I; gu-, negative,
63 hu-po, his leg.
54 me-, for mi-, you; -mam-, to see; -nei, cf. preceding word, and, post,
55 welmu, quickly.
56 ne-, second person imperative; -mai-, to carry,
57 ni, second person imperative ; -cekta-, make fire.
58 tea-, I; -xawi-ni, old; -ta, participle.
59 Cf. -itri-, -itci-, to grow, a man.
60 Cedar is hatsinaktca; hosu, xosu is yellow-pine nut. The tree would
puntsalot hamtatinda citcelot
puntsalot himitcitinda tcimal
citcela hapukeini heraxolla
woman whipped dog
man kicked the woman
dog caught the jack-rabbit
you are kicking the dog
they are pinching the dog
I am kicking him
you are kicking me
he likes me
ye are whipping me
I shall kick the dog
hit the dog!
University of California Publications. [-A^m. Arch. Eth.
I see thee, him
I like ye
you are poking me
he sees me
do ye see me
ye are thin
he is sick
we all are old
you are fat
ye are short
who are you
who is he
what is this
who shot you
puntsarida anowesta itrila
woman whipped boy
are you going to keep it?
I stop running
while running, he shot me
I saw him running, hurrying away
while he was dancing, I killed him
The following English-Chimariko and Chimariko-English
vocabulary is based on the author's notes. To these are added
materials from the following sources.
Words marked with an asterisk, *, are from Powers' Tribes of
California, pages 474-477, slightly transcribed to conform to the
present orthography. Those marked with a dagger, f, were ob-
tained by the author, but are given in identical form by Powers,
allowing for the fact that Powers does not distinguish k and q
and writes no glottal catches.
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 363
Words in parentheses, ( ) , were obtained by Dr. A. L. Kroeber
from the informant Friday in 1902, and those in brackets, [ ],
from Doctor Tom, an old feeble-minded Chimariko at Hupa, in
1901 and 1902. Many of the more common words, having been
obtained by Dr. Kroeber in a form identical with that recorded
by the writer, are not separately given.
Words marked with § were obtained by Dr. P. E. Goddard
from Mrs. Noble, a daughter of Mrs. Dyer, in 1902. A consider-
able number of other words also obtained by Dr. Goddard, in a
form identical with that recorded by Dr. Kroeber or the writer,
are not specially marked.
Acorn, yutri, (tcxupun)
Acorn (black-oak), [(muni)]
Acorn-meal (leached), paci
Acorn-meal (unleaehed), yoma
Acorn-soaking place, matciya
Acorn (shelled), ihitci
Ankle, hi-kxanlSde, hi-txanlede
Ant (black), pfelo'a
Ant (red), t'amitcxul
Arm, hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu],
Ashes, matripxa, matripa
Aunt (paternal), uluida-i(f)
Aunt (maternal), malai-i, mutala-i
Autumn, asodiwukni, nomatci*
Axe, haimuksa, hamuktcu*
Baby, xarulla, xalula, (xalala),
Bad, xuli, holi-ta*
Bark (of tree), hi-pxadji,
To bark, wowoin
Basket (burden), sangen,
Basket (cooking), poquela
Basket (mortar), ha'eu
Basket (open tray), powa
Basket (sifting), atanisuk
Basket (spoon), kaluweft
Basket (storage), ( opumaktca)
Basket (tray), p'unna
Bachelor, puntsariecku, oelulla
Beads (disk), mendrahe
Bear (black), tcisamra, (djicamla),
Bear (grizzly), padju, (potcu)
Beard, (hu-putcu-n-xarae), [ha-
University of California Publications. [A^m. Arch. Eth.
Belly, hu-truneu, (hu-tceneu),
Belt, hi-ca 'amatat
To bend, -koru-
Bird, (di'la), tirha*
Black, tcelei, tceli-t*
Blackbird, tira-cela, teila-tcele
To bleed, sodre-
Blind, -sukxomen, -xosanmun
Blood, sotri, citrqi, sitso*
To blow, -bus-, -XUC-, -kos-, -xu-
Blue (?— cf. blood), sote'i
To boil, -potpot-, -dum-
Boy, itrilla, iteilaf
To break, -kat-, -tcex-, -xotos-
Breast (woman's), si'leye, sirhat,
To breathe, -saxut-
To bring, -hak-, -hek-
To burn, -hi-, -maa-
To bury, -tot-
By and by, punuslala, xani,
To call, -ko-, -koko-
Canoe, mutumma, motuma*
To carry, -mai-, -ham-, -qi-, -xu-
Caterpillar, xawin, qawin
Cedar, hatsinaktca, hatinaktsana
Chaparral, puktca'Ena, axaena
To chew, -tcatci-
Chief, itra-xai-deu, itci-haitie*
Chin, tsuna, wetu
Chipmunk, pipila, wisilla(?)
To clap hands, -putata
To clear (weather), -tcemux-
To climb, -ar-
Cloud, hawedam, [awetama],
Cold, eco-, (xatsa), eso-ta*
To comb, -kma-
To comb, -watok-, -wok-, -owak
To cough, -sax-
Coyote, tcitindosa, (maidjandela),
Crane, kisum, kasar
Crow, wa'da, wa'la
To cry, -wo-
Cup and ball, hitcumudadehu
To cut, -kut-, -lolo-
To dance, -samxu-
Daughter, masola-i, maisula-i*
Day, asse,t [asi]
Deep, tcuxunmin (?)
Deer, a 'a, aa*
Deer (buck), (xuwetci)
Deer (doe), (yetcawe)
To dent, -kxol-, -tran-
Dentalia, hatcidri, t'ododohi
"Devil" (prob. sorcerer),
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 365
To die, -qh-
To dig, -po-, -tsik-
To dip up, -hedo- (f)
To dismount, -ap-
Dog, citcella, sitcelaf
Down stream, wis&da
To drag, -tcxe-
To dream, -maka-
To drink, lu-
To drive, -sik-
To drop, -lul-, -lu8-, -lurim-
To drown, -tcuk- (!)
Duck, xaxatc^i, hahatce*
Dust, matcitsxol, matrepa
Eagle, wemer, tcawitcau,(djawidjau)
Ear, hi-sam, hi-cam*
East, up stream, waida, (waida)
To eat, -ama-, -ma-
Eel (lamprey), tsawa
Egg, andqai, amoka*
Eight, xodaitcibum, hotaitcipum
Elder tree, tcitcxoi
Eleven, pundrasut, saanpun
Elk, a'eno, aanok*
Everything, patcimam (f)
Eye, hu-sot, hu-cot*
To fall, -man-, -mo-, -klu-
Fat (n)., pi'a
Fat (adj.), -xu-
Feather, hu-to, hi-mif
To fight, -tcxua-
To find, -mat-
Finger, hi-ta, hi-tra, (hi-tca),
Finger-nail, bolaxot, (bulaxut)
Fir, kipi'ina, (kimpina)
Fire, a'pu, apu*
To make fire, -cekta-, hatsir
Fire-drill, apu'Ena, hatsiktca
Fire-drill base, apu'natxui
Fire-place, akamina a'pu
Fish-line, hook, hamamegutca
Fish-trap, weir, tsat
Five, tsanehe, tranche
To fix, -mu-
Flat, river-bench, maitra
To float, -kim- ( t)
Fly, musaswa, musotri, mosotce*
To fly, -tu-
To follow, -sum-
Forehead, hi-mo8ni,t [hi-muclei]
To forget, -xome-
Four, quigu, qoigu
Fox, tcitcamulla, apxantcolla,
Friend, [imikot], imi-mut (=love)
Frog, qatus, (axantcibot)
To gamble, -wemtso-
Girl, puntsula, puntcalla*
To give, -hak- (T), awu-t*
To go, -a-, -warn-, -waum-, -wawum-,
Good, hisikni, (hisiki-), hisi-ta*
Goose, lalo, lalo*
University of California Publications, [-^-m. Arch. Eth.
Grandfather (paternal), xawila-i
Grass, hawunna, (awuna), kotcu*
Grasshopper, tsatur, tsatul
Green, himamto, (imamcu),
To grow, -itri-
Hand, hi-ta, hi-tra, hi-tca*
To hang, -kim-
Happy (?), tcumidan
Hawk, yekyek, petcxol
To hear, -ke-
Heart, hu-sa 'antcei, (hu-santcei),
Heavy (?), tcumidan
Here, this side of stream, kentcuk
To hiccup, le-
To hide, -txat-
To hit, -at-
To hold, -imu-
Hot, elo-, (eloxni), elo-ta*
How long, far, qaitcu
How many, qatala
How often, qatramdun
Humming-bird, qerektce, trelektcei
To be hungry, -ame-, -amemtu-
Hupa, person, hitcxu; place,
Hyampom people, maitroktada
Ice, hatcen, atci*
To jump, -tudu.
To keep, -kut-
To kick, -mitci- ^with foot
To kill, -ko-
To kneel, -komat- (?)
Knife, tcisili, tcididi, tceselli*
To know, -trahu-
Large, trewu-t, (djewu), tceu-t*
To laugh, -yatci-t
Leaf, hi-taxai, tahalwi*
Leg, hi-txan, hi-tal*
To lick, -pen-, -hen-
To lie on ground, -tcu
To like, -mi'inan-
To listen, -cem-
Liver(?), hu-ci. See breast
Lizard (red), himiniduktsa
Long ago, cul, cur, [diramda],
To lose, -licxu-, liiliixe-
Low, hutculan (?)
Madrone, etxolna, [hetxolna],
To make, -xai-
Man, itri, itci*
Many, much, eta, (hitat), itat*
Manzanita, tcitcana, tcitci
Maple, trupxadji 'ina, ipxadji'ina
To marry, -tcum-
Marten, xuneri, qapam
To mash, -lot-
Meat (dried), pititexun
To meet, -hayaqom-
Milk, cira, ci'ila
Mink, huneri (? — see marten)
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 367
Moccasin, pa, ipaf
Mole, tsabokor, xosanmu
Moon, himen alla,t [himi-n-ala]
Morning, himetasur, himetacus*
Mother, cido-i, sito-i*
Mountain, awu,t aumiya, [ama]
Mouth, ha-wa,t [ha-wa]
Nephew, micaku-i, himoUa-i
Night, hime, himokni, [himi]
No, patcigun, (patcikun), patcut*
To nod, -pukim-, -pupul-
North (west?), xunoida
Oak (black), mune'Ena, (munena)
Oak (live, hepuitci 'ina
Oak (poison), xaxecna
Oak (tan-bark), yutxuina
Oak (white), yaqana
Oats (wild), aqedeu
Ocean, aquareda, aka-tceta*
Old, xawini, hahawin-ta*
Old maid, itridusku, amalulla
Old man, itrinciilla
Old woman, cunhulla
One, pun, p'un
Otter, exoiteei, [haiokwoitce]
Owl, tcukutcei, hara
To paint, -poxolxol-
To pay, -daigu-
Penis, hi-pel, [hi-bele]
Person, tcimar,t tcimal, [djimar],
Pigeon, yanunuwa, yanunwa*
To pinch, -puimuk-
Pine (digger), hate 'ho, hatco,Ena
Pine (sugar), haqewinda
Pine (sugar, cones), (haqeu),
Pine (yellow), xosu, hosu*
To play, -pim-
To poke, -pat-
Potato (wild), sawu, qawal,
To pour, -qo-
To pull, -texet-, -tcxa-
To push, -whek-
Quail (mountain), pisor, pisol
Quail (valley), qadakin pisor
Quickly, welmu welSni, luredja
Babbit (cotton-tail), hiwinolam
Rabbit (jack), hemoxola, emohoUa*
Raccoon, yeto'a, [yeteiwa]
Rain, hitak, itak-ta*
Rattle (split), hemuimektsa
Rattle (cocoon), patcxal
Rattlesnake, qawu, kawu-tcane*
To recover, -nook-
Red, wili'i, wili-t*
To remember, -xutaxun-
Rich, hitam, -hada-
University of California Publications, [^m. Aech. Eth.
To roast, -maq-
Robin, srito, citra
To roll, -k-
To rub, -xiaxe-
To run, -mum-
Salmon, umul, omul*
Salmon (dog), (djeida)
Salmon (hook-bill), (bitcoqolmu)
Salmon (red), masomas
Salmon (steelhead), (acotno-umul)
Salmon (summer), (umul-tcani)
Salmon (dried, crumbled), tsamma
Salmon-river people, hunomitcku
Salt, aqi, aki*
To say, -pa, -patci-
Scorpion ( ? — see cray-fish), tcisitcin,
To scowl, -suta-
To scrape, -xedo-
To scratch, -kirkir-, -xolgo-
To see, -mam-
To sell, -tciwa-
Seven, xakuspom, qSqicpom
To shake, -lucluc-
Shaman, tcowu, (tcuu)
Shell (conical), teanapa
To shiver, -nini-
To shoot, -pu-
To sing, -tak-
Sister (older), antxasa-i
To sit, -tcit-, -W0-, -pat-
Six, p'unteibum, p'untepom
Skirt (woman's), hiektcandeu(l)
Skunk, pxicira, [picui]
To sleep, -po-
To slide, -sap-, -sapho-
To slip, -klu-
To smoke, -pa-
Snake (king), mamusi
To sneeze, -ninxu-
To snore, -xatudu
Snow, hipui, hipue*
Snowshoes, hipui ipa, panna
Son, oella-i, oalla-i*
Spear (fish), hohankuteu, altar
To spill, -qox-
To spit, -haihu-
To split, -bis-
Spoon, wecnaqalne, sapxel
A spring, cidiilla, (aqa-xatsa)
Spring, Icisumatci, kicumatci*
To squeeze, -tci-
Squirrel (gray), akwecur,
Squirrel (ground), ta'ira
To stand, -hoa-, -ha-
Star, munu, mono*
Star (falling), muniitumni
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 369
To stay, -wo-, -wom-
To steal, -xadj-
To stink, -mitcxu-
Stone, qji'a, kaa*
To stop, -txa-
To strike, -tcut-
Striped, qisoi, exaduqisman
Summer, ahanmatci, ahenmatci*
Sun, alla,t lilla, [asi-n-ala]
To swallow, -sek-
Swamp, hixut, cita
To swim, -xii-
To talk, -ko-, -go-
To tear, -tra-, -xata-
That, pamut, paut, p§,t
This, qewot, qat
Three, xodai, hotai
To throw, -SU-, -sux-
Thunder, tremiimuta, tremamutceu,
To tie, -wuqam-
Today, kimase, assef
Tomorrow, himeda, himetaf
To touch, -na-
Tree, at 'a (?), atsa*
Trout, trawel, (tcawal)t
Tump-line, hima'idan, kasusu
To twist, -pxel-
Two, xoku, qaqu
Uncle (m. or p.), magola-i
Under, tcumu(f), wise§
Up, (-tso, wiemu)
Valley, hitcxaeni (I), maitcitcam*
Village, awitat, tcimaretanamaf
To vomit, -haima-
To wake, -suhni-
To wash, -pok-
To watch, -xota
Water, a'ka, aqa, aka*
We, natcidut, noutowa, tcigule
What, patci, qatci
Where, qomalu, (qosi)
To whip, -nuwec-
To whistle, -xu-
White, mene'i, mene*
Who, qomas, komas,* awilla
Widow (remarried), yapada§
Widower, mamutxu ( f )
Wife (my), puntsar-ie, (punsal-i),
Wild-cat, tagnir, tragnil,
University of California Publications, [^-m. Akch. Eth.
Wind, ikose-ta, ikosiwa*
Wing, utu,t hu-tu
To wink, -raprap-, -laplap-
Winter, asodi, asuti*
To wish, -tcxuii, -tcai- (?)
Wiyot at Areata, qataiduwaktada
Wolf, citciwi, sitciwi*
Woodpecker, konanateei, teuredhu,
(dedima), [dirima], (teuleti)
To work, -pu-
To yawn, -xaca-
Yellowhammer, tseyamen, triyamen,
Yes, himo,t [(Mmo, hiye)]
Yesterday, mo 'a, moo*
Young, amanitri, amaniti-ta
The alphabetical order is that of the letters in English. On account of
of some uncertainty as regards surd and sonant stops, b, d, and g have been
treated as if they read p, t, and k. The same holds true of dj and tc. For
similar reasons q has been put in the same place in the alphabet as k, and
c as 8. The sound of a apparently being nearer open o than a, these two
characters have also been treated as one in alphabetizing. Ts and tc may be
variants of one sound; tr, in many cases at least, is not t plus r, but a sound
similar to tc, with which it often alternates. These three sounds have there-
fore been united. Glottal catches have been disregarded in alphabetizing.
The order of the characters used is thus as follows:
k, q, g
tc, tr, ts, dj
Words denoting parts of the body are given with the prefix of the third
person. Terms of relationship usually show the suffix of the first person.
Wherever the derivation or structure seemed reasonably certain it has been
indicated by hyphenation.
aqa, a'ka, aka,* water
-a-, to go. See also -wam-, -waum-,
a'a, aa,* deer
a'e-no, aa-nok,* elk
a'asawi, wild potato. See also
sawu, qawal, sanna
ahan-matci, ahen-matci,* summer
[(ahateu)], dentalia. See also
aqareda, aka-tceta, ' ocean
aqa-xatsa, water-cold, spring
[agaxtcea-dji], a place name
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language.
akamina a'pu, fire-place
aqed-eu, wild oats
aqi-tce, [aiki-dje], Salt Banch
akwecur, [akuitcut], gray squirrel
alla,t ulla, [asi-n-ala], sun
-ama-, -ma-, to eat
-ame-mtu-, to be hungry
ama, [ama], country, earth, ground
ama-idatciku, nowhere. Cf.
[ama-tcele-dji], place name
amalulla, old maid
amani-tri, amani-ti-ta,* young
[amimamuco], place name
(amitsihe-dji), [amitsepi], village
at foot of Hupa Valley
anoqai, amoka,* egg
antxa-sa-i, older sister
-ap-, to dismount, get off a horse
a'pu, apu,* fire
apu '-Ena, fire-drill. Also hatsiktca
apu'-na-txui, fire-drill base
(apu-n-aqa), fire-water, whiskey
apxantc-olla, fox. Also tcitcamulla,
-ar-, to climb
a88e,t [asi], day, today
asodi, asuti,* winter
-at-, to hit
at-ar, fish-spear. Also hohankuteu
at 'a, atsa,* tree
atanisuk, sifting basket
atrfei, flower. Cf. next
atci, root. Cf. last
atcugi-dje, Bennett's, Forks of
awilla, who. See qomas
awu,t aumiya, mountain. See ama
axac-na, chaparral. Also
axad-eu, eats-cradle. Cf. ahateu,
dentalia, which were strung
(axantcibot), frog. See qatus
e, today. See also kimase
elo-ta,* (elo-xni), hot
eso-ta,* eco-, cold
eta, (hitat), many
et-xol-na, [hetxolna], (hetcxol-na),
exoi-teei, [haiokwoitce], otter
ha'-eu, basket (acorn-mortar)
-hai-hu-, to spit
-hai-ma-, to vomit
haim-uksa, ham-uktcu,* axe
-hak-, to bring. See also -hek-
-hak- (f), to give
(haq-eu), [haik-eu], sugar pine
haq-ew-ina, sugar pine
-ham-, to carry. See also -mai-,
hamame-gutca, fish-line, hook
haomi-uksa, (haamiaktca), basket-
-hada-, rich. See also hitam
hatcen, atci,* ice
hate 'ho, digger-pine (cone or nut)
hatco'Ena, digger pine
University of California Publications. [A-m. Arch. Eth.
liatcidri, dentalia. See also
hatcugi-dje, South Fork of Trinity
haura,* fox. See apxantcoUa,
hawedam, [awetama], (awatama-
hawu-nna, (awu-na), grass
-hayaqom-, to meet
-hek-, to bring. See also -hak-
hemox-ola, emoh-olla,* jackrabbit
hemuime-ktsa, split-stick rattle
-hen-, to lick. See also -pen-
hepuitci '-ina, (hepetci-na), live oak
-hedo- (?), to dip up
-hi-, to burn. See also -maa-
hiektcand-eu(?), woman's skirt.
See also oxwai
[hiikda-dji], a place name
hima'idan, tump-line. See also
himamto, green; (imamcu), blue;
himamsu-t,* green, blue, yellow
hime, [himi], night
himen alia, hime-n-alla,*
hime-da, hime-ta,* tomorrow
hime-tasur, hime-tacus,* morning
himeaqu-tce, Big Creek
himinidu-ktsa, red lizard
him6,t [(himo)], yes
himolla-i, brother's child, father's
sister's child, grandson
hipui, hipue,* snow
hipui ipa, snowshoes. See also
[hisaa-da-mu], a place name
hisi-kni, hisi-ta,* (hisi-ki), good
hisi-deni, right hand
[hisitsai-dje], a place name
hitak, itak-ta,* rain
hitam, rich. See also -hada-
hitutai-dji, Willow Creek
hitcu-n, hitcu-Eni, long, high
hitcumudad-ehu, cup and ball game
hitcxaeni (?), valley
hitcxii, [hitchu], Hupa (person)
hitewamai, Hupa (place)
hixut, swamp. See also cita
-hoa-, ha, to stand
hohankut-eu, fish spear. See also
[(hobe-ta-dji)]. Hostler village,
Hupa, where an annual acorn
ceremony is held
hara, owl. See also tcukuktcei
hasusa-kta, [(hose-ktca)], quiver
hotai, xodai, three
hotai-tci-pum, xodaitcibum, eight
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 373
hatsir, to make fire
hatsi-ktca, fire-drill. See also
hadi-na-ktco-hada, Cedar Flat
hoxu-dji, a place name
hunoini,* Trinity river; [hunoini-
wam], South Fork of the Trin-
hunomitcku, Salmon-river people
-hus-, -XUC-, -kos-, -xu, to blow
hutculan (?), low. See hitcolam,
full, hutcolanan, empty
[hutsutsaie-dje], a place name
huwita-dji, a place name
(ihitci), shelled acorns
imimu-t,* to love; -mi'inan, to like
[imikot], my friend
-imu-, to hold
-itri-, to grow
itri, itci,* man
itri-lla, itci-la,t boy
itri-nc-ulla, old man
itri-dusku, old maid
Itri-xai-d-eu, itci-haitie,* chief
itci-la-i, itci-lla-i,* father
[(iteikut)], a place name
[(itcui)], a place name
[itsutsatmi-dji], a place name
itcxaposta, Dyer's Eanch
-k-, to roll
qa'a, kaa, stone
[qaetxata], a place name
[kaimandot], a place name
qaiyausmu-dji, Forks of New Eiver
kaluwe,§ spoon basket
qapam, marten. See also zuneri
-kat-, to break. See also -tcex,
qatai-duwaktada, Wiyot at Areata
qawal, wild potato. See also sawu,
qawu, kawu-tcane,* rattlesnake
-ke-, to hear
-q6-, to die
qe-hewa, "pain," magic cause
qerek-tce, humming-bird. See also
qewot, this. See qat
ke-ntcuk, here, this side of stream
-qi-, to carry. See also -mai-,
-kim-, to hang, to float (?)
kimase, today. See also e
kipi'-ina, [kimpi-na], fir
-kir-, to scratch. See also -xolgo-
qis-oi, exadu-qis-mam, striped
kisum, crane. See also kasar
kisu-matci, kicu-matci,* spring
-klu-, to slip; also to fall, for which
see also -man, -mo-
-kma-, to comb
-ko-, to kill
-ko-, -go-, -koko-, to talk, to call
[kokomatxami], a place name
-kos-, -XUC-, -hus-, -xu, to blow
i-kos-eta, i-kps-iwa,* wind
-qo-, to pour
-qox-, to spill
q6-mas,t who. See also awilla
qa-tci, what. See also pa-tei
qo-malu, (qo-si), where
qa-itcu, how long, how far
qa-tala, how many
qa-tramdun, how often
University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
k5 'okoda, spider-web
qaqu, xoku, two
qoigu, quigu, four
qaqic-pom, xakus-pom, seven
-komat- (?), to kneel
qo 'omeniwiuda, New Eiver City
konona-tcei, woodpecker. See
-koru-, to bend
kas-ar, kisum, crane
kasusu, tump-line. See also
qat, qewot, this
katcu, clover; kotcu,* "grass"
-kut-, to keep
-kut-, to cut. See also -lolo-
-kxol-, to dent. See also -tran-
-laplap, -raprap-, to wink
le-, to hiccup
-lolo-, to cut. See also -kut-
lalo, lalo,* goose
-lot-, to mash
lii-, lui-t,* to drink
-lul-, -lurim-, -lus-, to drop
luredja, quickly. See also welmu
-lucluc-, to shake
hi-ma,t hear, hair. Cf. himaidan
-maa-, to burn. Se also -hi-
-maq-, to roast
-mai-, to carry. See also -ham-,
maitra, flat, river-bench
maidpa-sore, Thomas', a place
maitro-ktada, Hyampom people
-maka-, to dream
mago-la-i, (my uncle, maternal or
malai'-i, (my) aunt, (maternal)
-mam-, to see
-mat-, to find
mamsuidji, a place
mamutxu (?), widower
-man-, to fall. See also -mo-, -klu-
masola-i, maisola-i, daughter
masomas, red salmon
matrepa, matcitsxol, dust
matciya, acorn-soaking place
mene'-i, mene,* white
men-drahe, disk beads
hi-mi,t feather. See also hu-tu
hi-mina-tce, behind, outside
-mitci-, to kick, with foot
-mitcxu-, to stink
-mo-, to fall. See also -man-, -klu-
m5 'a, moo,* yesterday
hi-mosni, hi-musni,* [hi-muclei],
-mu-, to fix
-mum-, to run
[(muni)], black-oak acorn
mune'-Ena, (mune-na), black oak
munu, mono,* star
munu-tumni, falling star
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 375
musaswa, musotri, mosotce,* fly
mutala-i, maternal aunt
mutumma, motuma,* canoe
[(mutuma-dji)], Captain John's
village at Hupa, which is
reached only by boat
-na-, to touch
natcidut, we. See also noutowa,
[(neradji)], village at head of
-nini-, to shiver
-ninxu-, to sneeze
hi-wi-nollom, rabbit (cotton-tail)
-nook-, to recover
ndutowa, we. See also nateidut,
-nuwec, to whip
o-ella-i, o-alla-i,* my son
oel-ulla, bachelor. See also
onipa,t pipe. Cf. -pa-, to smoke
(opuma-ktca), storage basket
-owa, to go
-owa-tok, to come
oxwai, woman's skirt. See also
-pa-, to smoke. Cf. onipa, pipe
-pa-, to say
pa, ipa,t moccasin
pa-nna, snowshoes. See also
pamut, paut, pat, that
paci, leached acorn-meal
-pat-, to poke
-pat-, to sit. See also -tcit-, -wo-
patci, what. See also qatci
patci-gun, (patci-kun), no
patci-mam (?), everything
patcxal, cocoon rattle
pate 'xu, willow
paut, pamut, pat, that
hi-pel, [hi-bele], penis
pelo'a, black ant
-pen-, -hen-, to lick
petcxol, hawk. See also yekyek
pi 'a, fat (noun)
-pim-, to play
pip-ila, chipmunk. See also wisilla
-bis-, to split
pis-or, pis-ol, quail
pititcxun, dried meat
(bitcoqolmu), hook-bill salmon
-po-, to dig. See also -tsik-
-po-, to sleep
-pok-, to wash
poq-ela, cooking basket
bolaxot, (bulaxut), finger-nail
pat, pamut, paut, that
padju, [potcu], grizzly bear
-potpot-, to boil. Se also -dum-
powa, open-work tray basket
-poxolxol-, to paint
-pu-, to work
-pu-, to shoot
-puimuk-, to pinch
punuslala, by and by
-pukim-, -pupul, to nod
puktca'-Ena, chaparral. See also
pun, p'un, one
p'un-tcibum, p'untcpom, six
pun-drasut, eleven. See also
p'unna, tray basket
University of California Publications, [-^m. Akch. Eth.
puntsar-ie, puntcar-hi,* (punsal-i),
puntsari-eeku, bachelor. See
punts-fila, puntc-alla,* girl
-pupul-, -pukim-, to nod
punuslala, by and by
-putata, to clap hands
xami], o-putcu-n-hama,* beard
hi-pxadji, hi-patci,* skin, bark
i-pxadji '-ina, tru-pxadji '-ina,
-pxel-, to twist
pxicira, [picui], skunk
hi-sam, hi-cam,* ear
-cem-, to listen
-samxu-, to dance
sanna, wild potato. See also sawu,
sangen, (cankeen), burden basket
saanpun punlasut, eleven. See
hu-sa 'antcei, (hu-santcei), u-santce,*
sapxel, spoon. See also wec-naqalne
sawu, wild potato. See also qawal,
-sax-, to cough
-saxutxut, to breathe
-sek-, to swallow
-cekta-, to make fire. See also hatsir
hu-ci, liver; (husi), u-si,* breast
-sik-, to drive
cira, ci'ila, si'leye, sirha,t [cida],
woman 's breast, milk
[ciloki], a place
cita, swamp. See also hixut
citimaa-dji. Big Bar
cido'-i, sito-i,* (my) mother
citra, srito, robin
citrqi, sotri, sitso,* blood
sodre-, to bleed
citc-ella, sitc-ela,t dog
citc-iwi, sitc-iwi, wolf
cid-ulla, a spring
-sap-, sapho, to slide
hu-sot, hu-cot,* eye
hu-so '-xa, tears
sote'i, blue (?-— cf. blood)
-SU-, -SUX-, to throw
-suhni-, to wake
cul-, cur, long ago
-sum-, to follow
cun-hulla, old woman
-suta-, to scowl
[suta-dji], a place
-SUX-, -SU-, to throw
-daigu-, to pay
ta'ira, ground squirrel
-tak, to sing
tagnir, trcagnil, wild-cat
t 'amina, flea
tamini, by and by
t'amitcxul, red ant
hi-taxai, tahalwi,* leaf
(dedima), [dirima], woodpecker.
See also konanantcei, tcuredhu,
tirha,* (di'la), bird
tira-cela, teila-tcele, blackbird
dilamda, [diramda], long ago
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language.
-tot-, to bury
t'ododohi, hatcidri, dentalia. See
-tu-, to fly
hu-tu, u-tu,t feather, wing.
See also hi-mi
-tudu-, to jump
-dum-, to boil. See also -potpot-
t'ummi, armor. See also tcitza
-txa-, to stop
hi-txan, hi-tal,* leg
hi-txan-lSde, hi-kxan-ldde, ankle
-txat-, to hide
-txax-, abandon. Cf. -taxt-
txol, trxol, scorpion (t), crayfish.
See also tcisitcin
hi-tra, hi-ta, (hi-tca),* hand, finger,
tranehe, tsanehe, five
hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu], hi-tcanpo,*
-tra-, to tear. See also -xara-
-trahu-, to know
-tcai-(?), -tcxuu-, to wash
trcagnil, tagnir, wild-cat
tsamma, dried crumbled salmon
-tran-, to dent. See also -kxol-
tcanapa, conical shell
tsat, flsh-trap, weir
-tcatci-, to chew
tsawa, lamprey eel
trawel, [tcawal],* trout
(djawidjau), eagle. See also wemer
-teex-, to break. See also -kat-,
tcele-i, tceli-t,* black
trelektcei, qerektce, humming-bird
[(teem-da)], across stream
-tcemux-, to clear (weather)
tcerasmu, [tcidasmu], mountain-lion
trSwut, tceu-t,* (djewu), large
-tci-, to squeeze
tcim-ar, tcim-al, (tcim-al),
[djim-ar], person, Indian
tcim-tukta, (djem-duakta), white-
-tsik-, to dig. See also -po-
tcigule, we. See also natcidut,
tcintxap-mu, [djundxap-mu]. Big
tcisamra, tcisamrha,* (djicamla),
[djisamara], black bear
tcisili, tceselli,* tcididi, knife
tcisitcin, scorpion. See also txol,
-tcit-, to sit. See also -wo-, -pat-
tcitaba, tcitaha,* lake
tcitra, Trinity Eiver
tcitindosa, coyote. Cf. tcitcam-uUa,
tcitxa, armor. See also t'ummi
-tciwa-, to sell
tcitcam-ulla, fox. See also apxantc-
oUa, haura. Cf. tcitindosa,
University of California Publications. [Am. Arch. Eth.
tcltcan-ma, [djitcaan-ma], Taylor
tcitexoi, elder tree
triyamen, tseyamen, (tciaman),
(tso), up. See also wiemu
tcolidasum, [djalintasun, djalitasom],
tcowu, (tcuu), shaman
hu-tsu, u-tsu,* teeth
-tcuk- (?), to drown
tcukutcei, owl. See also hara
-tcum-, to marry
tcumidan, happy (?), heavy (?)
tcumu (?), under
tsuna, chin. See also hu-wetu
hu-trun-eu, (hu-tcen-eu), u-tcuniwa,
trupxadji '-ina, ipxadji '-ina, maple
tcuredhu, (tculeti), woodpecker. See
also konanantcei, dedima, dirima
-tcut-, to strike
tcuxunmin (?), deep
-tcxa-, -tcxet-, to pull. See also
-tcxet-, tcxa, to pull
trxol, txol, cray-fish, scorpion (?)
-tcxua-, to fight
(tcxupun), acorn. See also yutri
-tcxuu, -tcai-, to wish
uluida-i, (my) paternal aunt
umul, omul,* salmon
(umul-itcawa), sturgeon ("large-
(umul-tcani), summer salmon
wai-da, east; (wai-da), up-stream
-wak, -watok-, to come
wa'la, wa'da, crow
-wam-, -waum-, -wawum-, -a-, to go
-watok-, -wak, to come
welmu, quickly. See also luredja
wemer, eagle. See also djawidjau
-wemtso-, to gamble
ho-wec, antlers, horn
hu-wetu, chin. See also tsuna
-whek-, to push
(wiemu), up. See also tso
wili'i, wili-t,* red
wisilla, chipmunk (?), beaver (?).
See also pipila
-W0-, to cry
-W0-, -wom, to sit, to stay. See
also -tcit-, -pat-
wowoin, to bark
-wuqam-, to tie
-xai-, to make
xar-uUa, hal-alla,* (xal-ala), baby
-xaca-, to yawn
-xata-, to tear. See also -tra-
-xadj-, to steal
(xaumta-dji), a village in Hupa,
below the Ferry
[xawaamai]. Mad River
xaxa-tcei, duck; hahatce,* mallard
xaxec-na, poison oak
xe'ir-en, xere'-in, narrow (?),
-xedo-, to scrape
-xiaxe-, to rub
xoku, qaqu, two
xaku-spom, qaqi-cpom, seven
-xolgo-, to scratch. See also -kirkir-
-xome-, to forget
Vol. 5] Dixon. — The Chimariko Indians and Language. 379
[xoraxdu], a place
xosu, hosu,* yellow pine
xodai, hotai, three
xodai-tcibum, hotai-tcipum, eight
xodalan, poor. Cf. -hada-, rich
-xotos-, to break. See also -kat-,
-xatudu, to snore
-XU-, -XUC-, -bus-, -kos-, to blow
-xii-, to whistle
-XU-, to swim
-XU-, to carry. See also -mai, -ham-,
-XU-, fat (adj.)
-XUC-, -XU-, -bus-, -kos-, to blow
xuli, holi-ta,* bad
xuneri, huneri, marten ( f ), mink( t).
See also qapam
xunoi-da, west (f), north (!)
-xutaxun-, to remember
(xuwetci), deer (buck). Cf. -wee,
yaqa-na, white oak
[yaqana-dji], a place
yanuniiwa, yanunwa,* pigeon
-yatci-, iatci-mut,* to laugh
yekyek, hawk. See also petcxol
yeto'a, [yeteiwa], raccoon
(yetcawe), deer (doe)
yoma, unleached acorn-meal
yutxui-na, tan-bark oak
Forks of New River
New River City
South Fork Trinity River
tcolidasum [djalintasun, djalitasom]
380 University of California Publications. [Am. Aech. Eth.
Hupa, village at foot of valley (amitsihedji) [amitsepi]
Hupa, village below Ferry [hobetadji]
Hupa, Hostler village (xaumtadji)
Hupa, Captain John's village [(mutuma-dji)]
Hupa, village at head of valley [(neradji)]
Unidentified place names mentioned by Doctor Tom to Dr. A. L.
Kroeber: amimamuco, hikdadji, kaimandot, itcikut, itcui, hoxudji, sutadji,
hisitsaidje, huwitadji, qaetxata, yaqanadji, amatceledji, itsutsatmidji, agax-
teeadji, baktunadji ,hisaadamu, xoraxdu, hutsutsaiedje, ciloki, kokomatxami.
Achomawi, 241, 260.
Accidental possession, 320, 323.
Adolescent girl, 109.
Aflfricatives in Hupa, 16.
American Anthropologist, 73, 253,
American Folk-Lore Society, 26.
American Indians, 24.
American languages, 1, 19, 70.
Arrows, 246, 247, 259, 282, 300.
Arrow-straightener, 253, 284.
Athapascan, 67, 68, 71, 74, 80, 131,
296; Athapascan dialects, 7, 9,
11, 13, 17.
Bale's lake, 242.
Baskets, 250, 253, 264, 268, 270,
272, 274, 278, 300.
Bekot«idi, 58, 59.
Belt, 258, 276.
Be^inyasin, 32, 33.
Big Bar, 296, 297, 379.
Big creek, 379.
Big Flat, 379.
Bill Ray, 68, 201.
Black Hills, 241.
Blue Rock, 67, 217.
Blue Rock creek, 233.
Bodily decoration, 298.
Bows, 246, 282, 300.
Bureau of Ethnology, 240.
Burnt Ranch, 297, 379.
California, Ethnological and Arch-
aeological Survey of, 239.
Camass, 243, 256.
Cannel coal, 26.
Canoe, 243, 247, 248, 259, 260, 262,
Caps, 255, 276, 298.
Case, grammatical, 321, 323.
Cedar Flat, 297.
CeLciyetodun, 191, 208, 214.
Central California, 260, 305, 311,
321, 335, 336.
Chelly Caiion, 25.
Chesnut, V. K., 149.
China Flat, 307.
Classification of sounds, 4.
Clear lake, 241.
Coast Range, 246.
Continuants in Hupa, 8.
Contributions to North American
Ethnology, 11, 67.
Corral creek, 296.
Coville, 243, 247, 249, 254, 255,
Cox 's Bar 296.
Coyote, 68', 191^ 195, 211, 217, 218,
219, 222, 231, 232, 304.
Cradle, 257, 270.
Crater lake, 240.
Culin, Stewart, 253.
Cup and ball game, 302.
Dawn Boy, 26, 27, 28, 31, 33, 34.
Deformation of head, 257.
• Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., Vol. 5.
Deschutes river, 240.
Dialects, Eel river, 135.
Dip-net, 243, 249, 259, 262.
Directional suffixes, 319, 330.
Dixon, E. B., 296, 299, 302, 337;
and Kroeber, 336.
Dorsey, George A., 253.
Dutch Henry creek, 226.
Dyer, Mrs., 295, 307, 309, 363.
Dyer's, 297, 379.
Earth lodge, 243.
Eel river, 67, 201, 224, 226, 234.
Elk, dancing, 227.
English, 2, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 22,
Estsanatlehi, 47, 59.
Ethnological and Archaeological
Survey of California, 239.
Evernia vulpina, 254.
Exploded sounds, 19, 70.
False palate, 3.
Fire drill, 257.
Fire, securing of, 304.
Fire, theft of, 349.
Fish-hooks, 250, 259, 286.
Fish spear, 247, 251, 259, 300.
Fish trap, 257, 280.
Flood, 304, 341.
Food songs, 32.
Fourier's theorem, 3.
French, 13, 23.
French creek, 296.
Friday, 295, 307, 309, 363.
Gambling tray, 264.
Gatschet, A. S., 241, 246.
German, 2, 12, 13, 23, 70.
Goddard, P. E., 296, 299, 307, 363.
Grasshopper Girl, 30, 47, 48.
Hair brush, 258.
Haliotis, 26, 31, 32, 59.
Harpoon, 251, 286.
Hastsehogan, 27, 28, 29, 30, 33,
Hastsejalti, 26, 27, 28, 29, 33, 34.
Hatali Natloi, 24, 59.
Hawkin's Bar, 297, 379.
Hay Fork of Trinity river, 296.
Eajolkal Aski, 26, 28.
Hearst, Mrs. Phoebe A., 239, 295.
Horse Fly valley, 242.
Hostler village, 380.
Houses, 243, 299.
House God, 27, 29, 47, 48.
Hupa, 68, 71, and foil., 295, 296,
297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, 304,
305, 306, 336, 354, 361, 363, 380.
Hupa language, 4.
Hupa Texts, 10, 17.
Hyampom, 296, 379.
Incorporation, 321; nominal, 328.
Independent pronoun, 322.
Inherent possession, 320, 323.
Instrumental prefixes, 318, 329.
Intensive suffix, 321, 322.
John Wilson creek, 231.
Juniper, 257, 274.
Julius Marshall, 4.
Kai Pomo, 67.
Kato, 67, 68.
Keen creek, 240.
Keno Spring, 242.
Kibesillah, 191, 205.
Kininaekai, 25, 29.
Klamath Falls, 241.
Klamath Indian Keservation, 239.
Klamath lakes, 240, 241, 242.
Klamath Lake Indians, 239.
Klamath marsh, 240, 241, 242.
Klamath river, 240 .
Konomihu, 305, 337.
Kroeber, A. L., 307, 309, 354, 363,
Kymograph, 2, 3.
Laytonville, 67, 197.
Leggings, 255, 276.
L evirate, 301.
Lightning of the Thunder, 61.
Link river, 241.
Lip positions, photographs of, 2.
Little Lake valley, 198, 226.
Locative suffixes, 319, 321, 323.
Lockey Flat, 242.
Long valley, 67, 198.
Long Valley creek, 225.
Lost river, 241.
Lost River valley, 242.
Lutuami, 239, 240, 241, 242, 253,
Mad river, 219, 379.
Maidu, 299, 311, 320, 321, 329.
Marey tambor, 4.
Marshall, Julius, 4.
Mats, 245, 260, 264, 288, 290, 292.
Matthews, Dr. Washington, 24.
Maul, 252, 259, 284.
Mechanical Aids to the Study and
Recording of Language, 3.
Mendocino county, 67.
Moccasins, 255, 276, 280, 298.
Modal-temporal affixes, 319, 321,
Modoc, 240, 241.
Modoc Indians, 239.
Monosyllabic stems, 333.
Morphology of the Hupa Lan-
guage, 12, 18.
Mortar, 252, 284.
Mud Springs, 198.
MuUer, two-horned, 252, 259, 266,
Nagaitcho, 68, 183, 185, 186.
Nasals in Hupa, 9.
Navaho, 12, 77; Navaho Legends,
26, 27, 28.
Net sinker, 259, 284.
Nets, 247, 249, 250, 252, 300.
Nettle, 250, 288.
New river, 295, 296, 307, 379; city,
296, 379; forks of, 379; tribe,
Night Chant, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 35,
Ni'naftokfi, dine', 27.
Noble, Mrs., 363.
Nongatl, 149, 219.
Northwestern California, 259, 260,
300, 304, 305, 311, 335, 336.
Number, 321, 323.
Nymphia polysepala, 242.
Object, nominal, 327; pronominal,
Offspring of the Water, 61.
Order of words, 335.
Oregon, 239, 259, 301, 306.
Origin of earth, 183; of fire, 195;
of fresh water, 188; of light,
191, 195; of seeds, 210; of val-
Palate, false, 3,
Patterson's, 297, 379.
Pains, in Chimariko, ceremonial,
Pelado Peak, 47.
People on the earth, 27.
Pestle, 252, 284.
Pipes, 253, 259, 286, 300.
Pit river, 241.
Place names, 379.
Plains Indians, 259.
Plants used by the Indians of
Mendocino Co., Calif., 149.
Platters, 256, 268.
Plural for politeness, 143.
Pollen Boy, 30, 47, 48.
Polysyllabic stems, 334.
Possession, 320, 323.
Powers, S., 67, 296, 307, 362.
Prefixes, 318, 320.
Pronominal affixes, 318, 324.
Puberty ceremonials, 301.
Putnam, F. W., 24.
Quiver, 255, 282, 300.
Rafts, 255, 260.
Rancheria Flat, 198.
Rattlesnake as husband, 234.
Ray, Bill, 68, 201.
Reclining Mountain, 26.
Redemeyer's ranch, 197, 235.
Red Mountain, 217.
Red Rock House, 25, 30, 31.
Reduplication, 311, 334.
Redwood creek, 227.
Rhett lake, 240, 241, 242, 243.
Rock creek, 198.
Rocky Mountain sheep, 35.
Rogue river, 240.
Eound Valley, 198.
Eousselot, kymograph, 2, 3, 4, 10.
Sacramento Valley, 299.
Sak 'eniinsandun, 225.
Salmon river, 297.
Salt Ranch, 379.
San Francisco mountain, 49.
San Juan mountains, 49.
San Mateo mountain, 49.
Sapir, Edward, 68.
Scirpus lacustris, 244, 290.
Scirpus rohustus, 244, 288.
Scott Valley, 297.
Scripture, E. W., 3.
Semi-vowels in Hupa, 8.
Serpent, horned, 226.
Shaman, 60, 303.
Shasta, 295, 296, 297, 303, 305,
306, 307, 311, 320. 321, 327, 329,
335, 336, 337, 339.
Sherwood valley, 226.
Shuttle, 250, 286.
Sierra Nevada, 246.
Slayer of the Alien Gods, 61.
Snow-shoe, 255, 276, 298.
Sounds in Kato, key to, 69.
Spanish, 67, 70.
Spear points, 253.
Spirants in Hupa, 10.
Spoon, 268, 300.
Spoon-shaped basket, 255.
Sprague river, 241, 242.
Stems, monosyllabic, 333; poly-
Stops in Hupa, 13.
String. 250; nettle string, 288.
Suflaxes, 319, 320, 321, 323.
Summer house, 244, 264.
Sun Bearer, 58.
Sun shelter, 245.
Sweathouse, 245, 246, 299.
Sycan marsh, 241; river, 242.
Taboo, 109, 199, 205.
Talking God, 27, 29, 47.
Taylor's Flat, 296, 297, 379.
Ten-mile creek, 221, 233.
Thomas', 297, 379.
Thunder, 68, 185, 186.
Tom, Dr., 295, 309, -354, 363, 380.
Torch, 257, 286.
Trinity county, 295, 307.
Trinity river, 297, 306, 379; south
fork of, 295, 297, 379.
Tse'gihe, 28, 32, 33, 54.
Tsenit,si/io,<7an Bigi'n, 25.
Tse' ya/iodiZyiJ, 28.
Tule, 244, 253, 254, 256, 258, 264,
268, 270, 272, 278, 280, 288, 290.
Tule lake, 240, 241, 242, 243.
Turtle, 222, 223.
Turquoise, 26, 59.
University of California, 239; De-
partment of Anthropology of
the, 24, 295.
Verb stems, 332.
Vowels, 307; in Hupa, 5.
Washo, 320, 321.
Wailaki, 67, 68, 201, 234.
White Corn Boy, 30.
White House, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31,
Willow, 256, 278.
Willow creek, 307, 379.
Wintim, 295, 296, 298, 305, 306,
311, 321, 329, 336, 337.
Wokas, 243, 248. 252, 255, 256,
259, 266, 268, 274, 280.
World behind the ocean, 209.
Yam Say peak, 241.
Yana, 295, 311, 337.
YatcuLsaik 'wut, 193,
Yellow Corn Girl, 30.
Yellow-hammer, 205, 207, 209.
Yellow jackets, 299.
Yuki, 67, 191, 226, 231.
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