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CHINA
HER HISTORY, DIPLOMACY, AND COMMERCE
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• . . • .
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RICCI AND PAUL ZI (COSTUME OF MINO DYNASTY)
From an old pk-ture published by £he Cldneso Jesuit Pfere Hoang
IFroJUispiecf
TRANSL.VTION OP WORDS IK CORNER
The tire Zi (canonised as) Win-ting (learned,
resolute) with Li-tsM Ma-teu C'Licius," or
Bicoi Matthew) discussing the Word picture
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CHINA
HER HISTORY, DIPLOMACY, AND COM-
MERGE, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES
TO THE PRESENT DAY
BY E. H. ^ARKER
FBomaoB or CHiitni at tbb tiotobia univxbsitt or maucbistbb ; formkrlt
QXa Of BU MAJHTY'I O0KBUL8 IN 0HX2VA ; m 1892^ ADV18XB OH OHINSBB AFFAIBa
TO TEX BURMA aOTEBVHXBT
WITH MAPS
SECOND EDITION
LONDON
^ JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.
1917
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\ '
> iis^ EpmoN
' 'lOitatNTBD •
SxooKD EDinoir .
. ifanuary 1901
. IfiOl
. Apra 1017
All Biohts Rbsbbvxd
r^,,c:..--t:;>
\-
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PREFACE
It is just sixteen years since I penned prefatory
remarks to the first edition of this book : this
was when the South African War and the
" Boxer '' trouble were both being settled up,
the first having naturally tied our hands a little
in dealing satisfactorily with the second ; but
the alliance with Japan in 1902 restored a balance
satisfactory to our general interests in China and
the Indian Ocean, whilst two great wars have'
had the effect of transferring to Japan a large,
well-merited, and honourable share in the policing
of the China seas as the trusted ally of both
Russia and Britain. Meanwhile China herself
has passed through the throes of an incalculable
upheaval, and a number of important events fore-
shadowed in the earlier impressions of this work
have actually taken place. Apart from the
disappearance on very generous terms of the
once prudent and illustrious Manchu dynasty
itself — a picturesque catastrophe which after all
chiefly concerns the family pride of a few foreign
princely families, — ^means have been found
quietly to merge the mass of settled Manchus,
including their characteristic " pigtail," in the
general body of Chinesci — ^from whom, especially
in the north, the males are physically almost
indistinguishable! — ^with liberty to intermarry,
engage in trade, travel freely, and so on ; yet the
" pigtail " is by no means penally tabued, even
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4 7 ti i i) V
vi PBEFACE
among Chinese cranks. Although the Republi-
can flag of five colours, adopted with that end in
view, gave expression to the hope that Mongols,
Tibetans, and Turki (Mussulmans) might also
find in the vast undivided domain a common
level to the general weal, yet separative aspira-
tions to complete independence may in the end
defeat this desire so far as the two first are con-
cerned, whilst the Chinese themselves apparently
now see clearly, so far as touches the third, that
only a modified equality can be arranged for
uncompromising religionists, some Turki speak-
ing, other Chinese speaking, who live largely
under the government of their own princes and
beys, or even under semi-independent Chinese
Muslim generals.
The last of the three new chapters added to
the present edition endeavours to give a succinct
account of how political reform arose from
humiliating foreign defeat, and how the hitherto
suppressed and stunted spirit of democracy as-
serted itself through these vague yearnings for
reform, so there is no prefatory need to labour
this particular point again here. Suffice it to say
that, although in Europe we seem day by day to
hear chiefly of revolts and political squabbles
in China, as a matter of fact the " Eighteen
Provinces " are not in such a very parlous condi-
tion after all, the chief reason for tms modicum of
happiness being that China is, as it ever has been,
a nation of small owners and hardy cultivators,
whose ethical teaching has for 2,000 years past
inculcated a spirit of deference and order, a
right to self -protection, and a family or clannish
detachment from public and political authority.
In spite, then, of alarums and excursions on all
sides, the Foreign Customs revenue for 1916 is
in sterling the very highest ever collected, whilst
the Salt Gabelle, under the vivifying influence of
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PREFACE vii
Sir Richard Dane's purifications, promises to
rival the Customs itself in **rich blessings.''
Even the Post-office, owing its success to French
brilliancy of strategic management, is a vast
paying concern. I have not given a special
chapter to Railways, for they are diffusing
themselves apace over the Chinese dominions
in such wise that any statistics ventured upon
to-day would be practically obsolete a year hence.
Up to the moment of writing 15,000 miles of
first-class lines have been conceded, of which
total two-fifths are now actually working, with
another fifth under construction. It is under-
stood that Russia, Japan, Britain, and France
are financially interested to the extent of over
sixty million pounds sterling, against seven
millions for Germany and fifteen millions for
China herself (at present high silver rates).
All these railways develop trade in a marvellous
and scarcely hoped-for way by opening up vast
tracts of country twenty years ago almost as
little known to the foreign trader as Tibet, and
by enabling the industrious Chinese farmer to
get rid of vast surpluses of produce formerly too
often an indigestible drug on the local markets :
with the absence of roads and banking facilities
there was previous to the advent of the steam
horse no stimulus to produce more than at best
a prosperous clan subsistence, whereas now the
railway brings exchange imports so to speak
to the very door; and the foreign commercial
traveller, no longer condemned to sail in cramped
boats over dangerous rapids, or to wheelbarrow
and donkey-riding over apologies for roads,
for weeks at a time, with unrestful repose in
verminous inns, can now fly hither and thither
with his flaming posters, heavy samples, and
cash exchange or credit facilities in a com-
fortable sleeping-carriage, creating demand in
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viu PREFACE
every village for foreign " fancies/' Besides, the
Post Parcel Office is teaching the interior Chinese
that a vast miscellaneous trade can be done in
this way too without any effort at all.
Long before the " Boxer '' war and the con-
sequent native yearning for better things in their
political administration, it had been evident
that the German merchants were taking more
pains and bestowing more intelligent thought in
the conduct of their business than the conserva-
tive and unimaginative British trader of the old
school. All over the Far East they enjoyed com-
plete *' freedom of the seas,'' and in our colonies
and settlements, where they were much esteemed
as solid and orderly guests, they shared absolute
equality of right and privilege ; but they never
at any time showed any particular inclination to
** rough it " either in the commercial or the
missionary line, and it was only when the French
railway to Yiin Nan and the steamer facilities to
Sz Ch'wan and Hu Nan opened up Central and
West China, in a way never seen before, that the
careful Germans, finding they could operate safely
and comfortably, hastened to take full advantage
of British, French, and Japanese pioneering.
The result has been that they have opened up,
chiefly in Central China, entirely new export
trades in native produce, besides securing almost
a monopoly of electrical, mining, and other
engineering in provinces scarcely even visited,
except by missionaries, twenty years ago. More-
over, in doing all this they have received from
unsuspecting British banks facilities greater than
any German bank would risk. There may have
been good-natured professional envy, often mixed
with admiration, on the part of the less active
British trader of "muddied oaf" tendency,
but there was certainly no angry hostiUty, still
less any of the malignant Prussian hatred the
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PREFACE ix
existence of which the Great War has generated
and propagated in the naturally meek German
mind : the superior energy and foresight of
the Teuton traders were freely if regretfully ad-
mitted, and many were the occasions on which
British and American consuls, customs officials,
. travellers, etc. — ^the present writer himself often
included' — called attention publicly to the neglect
on the part of British trade generally to revise
its methods ; especially in the direction of adver*
tising, preparing intelligible price-lists, visiting
likely customers on the spot, granting less rigid
terms of credit, shaking off compradoric strangu-
lation, treating the native trader more cour-
teously and indulgently, and so on.
It is right to admit that these lessons have been
taken to heart in a few cases, and it is well known
that certain British tobacco and patent medicine
enterprises have made huge successes on these
new lines ; one or two British exporters of fresh
and frozen provisions, following Teuton example,
have organised proper receiving, cleaning, and
{>acking establishments for facilitating the col-
ection, shipping, and distribution, and for the
sorting and repacking in workmanhke condition
of edible produce ; and besides this, at least one
British firm or syndicate has secured a strong
controlling position in connection with the out-
put of important Chinese mines ; so there is a
fair prospect that in the near future the old
" sit still at the chief port and as to inland
depend upon the compradore" system will
gradually be replaced by one . of more hustle
and energy, especially as the Shanghai Mimici-
pality« — ^and no doubt other ahalogous bodies
— ^has recently seriously roused itself to wake-
fulness upon the necessity of teaching the young
British trader practical Chinese, so that import
agents, buyers, and exporters may move freely
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X PREFACE
off beaten tracks and visit native exporters,
importers, producers, and consumers at any likely
spot in the interior, making their own transport,
likirij and credit arrangements, free from the
shackles of compradoric restraint and monopoly.
Honourable competition on these lines may easily
be hoped for in neutral China ; but so long as the
tame and subservient German race remains under
the baleful spell of the neurotic Prussian braggart
and moral abortion whose blasphemous buf-
fooneries have plunged Western civilisation into a
caldron of boiling passion, making both cowards
and bullies even of the non-Prussian army and
navy officers, it will be quite impossible, so far
as British colonies are concerned, to grant or to
allow British banks to grant to German banks
and traders the generous facihties they enjoyed
in such amplitude before the war, and of which
they everywhere took a mean advantage, under
the cunning and . unscrupulous wire-pulling of
Potsdam, in order to secure in their own exclu-
sive hands the key-strings of finance, and the
key-commodities of commerce and (ultimately)
of war. Until this contempt of human law and
decency be purged clear, the German — ofiicial,
commercial, or other — should be treated as a
lupinum caput, unworthy of trust in or near any
isolated fold, and above all not be suffered to
gain a foothold anywhere in the Far East,
whether at Tsing-tao or in Indo-China. Every
one knows the many innate good qualities of the
genuine Germans ; but the Prussian Old Man of
the Sea must be first cast off by the German
Sinbad, and ample reparation made before pardon
can be granted or any off chances taken. ^
* In Vol. xxiii. (May-Jaly, 1820) of the Quarterly Review (John
Murray), an able writer who reported on German conditions after
the Napoleonic wars thus delivers himself: — "These very
qualities which we so much admire are liable on the other hand
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PRSFACS xi
As things now stand, there is every prospect
of China goii^ smoothly ahead under the con-
cUiatory presidency of Li Yiian-hung, so long
at least as the Prussian viper is not allowed to
find another nestling-place in her bosom, wherein
to brew its poison. Sir Robert Hart, Sir
Richard Dane, M. Piry, Mr. Kinder, Dr. Timothy
Richard, may be cited as but a few instances of
Britons and Frenchmen who have loyally served
with great and permanent results the exclusive
interests of China : but where is the German,
official or missionary, who has ever done any
thing disinterested? The eagerness to under-
take army instruction, to supply men-of-war
and guns, the monopoly in the miscellaneous
arms trade, the greedy hold on mines and
electric engineering, — this is all part and parcel
of the ultimate design to secure military control
in the interests of the Potsdam octopus. Japan's
recent attitudes have from time to time been
considered harsh towards China, but it must be
remembered that she also is now fighting for her
future life, and she is as fully determined that
China shall never again have a German-com-
to be perverted in the most mischievous mamier. The sincerity
of the Qermans exposes them to be the dupes of others to a
dangerous degree ; tiieir enthusiasm is apt to evaporate in absurd
projects, and their perseverance to degenerate into obstinacy. . . •
The composure and secrecy of debate on grievances suit the
genius of the Qerman better than any sudden exertion for their
removal. His imagination dwells with delight on gloom and
mystery, to the neglect of aU its gayer and more airy fancies,
whilst the milk of human kindness with which his bosom may
be stored is apt to turn to a mixture of ferocity and sentiment
extremely di^B;usting. Hence this country has at all times
been fertile in secret and peculiar associations, into which its
natives have entered with an enthusiasm totally unknown in
other parts of the world. • . . The whole system of the Prussian
Qovemment, although carried on with a strict attention to the
principles of justice, is extremely severe in its mode of operation.
Their fiscal regulations are in many respects arbitrary and vexa-
tious in the extreme, especially where their newly acquired pro-
vinces are concerned."
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xii PKEFACE
manded (for that is what German-trained means)
army and navy as she is resolved that Germany
shall never again, if she can prevent it, set foot
in Tsing-tao or any other vantage point on the
China coast : it has recently been " mooted '*
(probably indirectly, as a feeler from Potsdam)
that Germany would give back Alsace in ex-
change for Indo-China; but even if Japan
would tolerate German presence anywhere in
the China seas, France is far too generous and
noble-minded a nation to hand over the effemin-
ate and defenceless Annamese she has christian-
ised to the tender mercies of a pack of imnatural
Karl Peters and Puttkamers, whose cowardly
brutalities in Africa have an appropriate sequel
in the recent Prussian treatment of Belgians,
Serbians, Armenians, and French occupis; not
to mention the craven business of the Lusitania
and the sinking of numerous hospital ships.
Japan, true, is not of our blood, faith, or habit,
but her record for a generation has been stedfast
and honourable, and she is — despite this natural
separation in sentiment — a far more noble ally
to cultivate than any wedge-pated HohenzoUern
of Prussia can ever be again ; and, indeed, it is
doubtful if the Po-Russians or " next to the
Russians '' are ethnologically related to us at all ;
they seem to have "adopted" German just as
the Bulgarians have adopted Slav.
As to what the real policy of Japan towards
China is to be, no better definition of it could be
desired than that set forth in Viscount Motono's
speech as Foreign Minister delivered in the
Imperial Diet on 28rd January last, and tele-
graphed in ewtenso to the Times of 27th January.
Certainly, there are some points in the general
settlement of disputes on which China and Japan
have not yet arrived at complete agreement ;
probably this is because Japan cannot well
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t'REFACE xiii
declare, and China neither feels nor understands,
the importance, in her own interests as well as
in the interests of peace and civilisation, of
extracting the viper's fangs once for all. As
to American suspicions of Japan, these may be
dismissed at once if the United States will only
continue to approach chocs ^opinions in a spirit
of reasonableness ; and indeed some of our own
colonial dominions may well revise their attitude,
if only in recognition of Japan's spontaneous
assistance in scotching the serpent's head.
E. H. P.
14 (tobmbblt 18), Qambibb Tebbaob,
Livjuipooii,
8 March, 1917.
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CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
OEOORAPHY
Aootirate notions of Chinese geography — ^Eighteen Provinces and
natural linuts — ^Natural movements of population — Significant dis-
tinction between east and west parts — ^Its bearing upon Britiefti
commerce — China has spread outwards : we regard her inwards —
Original movements of ancient Chinese — Changes of Yellow River
stream — Early Chinese capitals — Supposed Babylonian origin —
Attacks by nomads — ^Line of Chinese further advance— Dialect areas
— ^Non-Chinese populations in China — ^How distributed in northern
and southern halves^ and in eastern and western halves — ^Frontier
tribes — ^Lolotribesandtheir system of writing ; theMissiond'Ollone ;
— ^M. Jacques Bacot and the Moso tribes — ^The Kachyns — ^Mrs.
Bird-Biflhi^ on some Tibetan tribes — Cave-dweUers of Sz Ch'wan —
Shans in Hcdnan; Rev. Samuel Clarke's book — Spread of early
Chinese through Yang-taze Valley — By way of the lakes to Canton —
Rise and raratic course of Yellow River — ^The Idss region, and von
Richthofen's theory — Navigability of YeQow River; Mr. Rodney
Gilbert's travels — Corruption in repairing its banks — China's real
" Sorrow "—Chinese engineers ana the dykes ; recent American
plans — Source of the Yang-tsze— Chinese ideas on the subject, and
their reason — ^limit of navigation — ^Rev. S. Chevalier's great charts
— ^The Irrawaddy sources— Skill of steamer pilots— True sources of
Upper Yang-tSEe — Once a region competed for by Sieunese and
Tioetans — ^The Canton or West River — ^Its trade and the treaty port
Wu-chou — Chinese have advanced along lines of least resistance —
Its commercial significance — Salt trade ; Sir R. Dane's reforms —
Yang-tsze Valley — ^Mountain ranges — ^Barrier between Tartars and
Chixiese — Between Tartars and Tibetans — Between Yang-tsze and
West River valleys — Other ranges— Dr. Bretsdmeider's excellent
map ; modem changes in city designations . Pagea 1-15
CHAPTER II
HISTORY
Insipidity of earliest annals— Confucius' ** Spring and Autimm "
history — The destruction of the old literature — ^M. Chavannes and
Sz-ma Ts'ien's great history — ^Interest begins with foreign relations
and nomad wars— The *' First Emperor's " unification of China —
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xvi CONTENTS
The monoflyUabio raoea of men — ^Boman oompariaona — Comparisona
with the atatea and territoriea of America — ^Firat newa of Japan —
The Han dysaaty— The Hiupg-nu (Huna or Turka) — Corea— The old
Canton kingdom,^and Wu Ti'a conqueat — ^The old Foochow kingdom
— Conqueata in'Turkeatan — BnddhiHm and India — ^Bnrma and
Roman abipa during later Han dynaaty — ^New diviaion into provinoea
—The "Three Empire" period— Sundering of North and South
intereata — ^The Weat dropa into obUvion — ^Ta'in dynaaty, ideally
" Chineae " — Tartar movementa and displacement of dialeota —
Compaxiaon with the Latin languagea — ^** North and South"
dynaaty period — Compaxiaon with the Empire of Charlemagne —
Confui^nff auoceeaiim of ephemeral dynaatiea — ^Unification under
the Sui dynaaty — ^The Franka — The nomad empire of the Jeojeo —
The Turka — Corean oomplicationa — Annexation of Annam — Japan'a
new name and pretenaiona— Siam — Looohoo— Focmoaa — ^Weat Turka
—Tibetans— T'ang dynaaty replacea that of Sui—" Men of T'ang "
— ^Rulea from Peraia to Corea — ^Turka aucoeeded by Ouigoura— Stone
inaoriptiona atill extant — ^Tribal namea appUed to kingdoma — ^Araba
— ^Tibetan inaoriptiona — Tibetan and Siameae ambitiona — Kaahmir,
Balti, Nepaul, and India — South Sea peoplea— The Franka again —
Hiung-nu and Turk; repetition of hiatory — Ephemeral dynaatiea
follow that of T'ang— ^The Sung dynaaty: ita oharaeter— The
Kitana— The NliohAna— Old China and the Tientain trade arear—
North and South empirea once more — ^DiapUcement of populationa
— ^The Mongol conqueata: general tranaformation — ^Kubbd'a vaat
empire— The Ming djmaaty replacea the Mongola — Great marine
activity in the South Seaa— Japaneae piracy and Loochoo — Growth
of the Eleuth power — Manila — The Franka coming by eea — ^Dutch
and Engliah — ^Abandonment of the Chineae in the South Seaa by
the Ming and Manchu dynaatiea — ^Ming influence in Aaia weak —
Miaerable collapae of the dynaaty — ^How the Manchua gained head-
way— Nurhaohi*a ware with China — ^Hia aon Abkhai — ^Wu San-kwei
and the Chineae rebellion — ^The Manchua aeize the qpportunily —
Utiliae itongol troopa — Conqueat of China completed— Conqueat of
Weatem Mongolia, Tibet, and Turkeatan — Climax of Manchu power
— Submiaaion of Nepaul — Annam, Burma, and Siam— Japan and
Looohoo— fiulu — ^Manchua no aptitude for the eea — ^Land power
compared with that of Kublai— Manchua better than Mongol— The
"Boxera" Po^aa 16Hkl
CHAPTER m
EABLT TRADE NOTIONS
Intereet b^gina with relationa abroad — Chineae contempt for trade
Early ideaa on trade — Tribute and trade— Indifference to wealth —
Growth of deaire for gain — ^Early currency — ^Wara and acardty —
Rough treatment of tradera — ^Army contractora— Salt and iron
QKniopoliata — ^Arbitraxy aumptuary lawa — Trade ataplea — Chineae
atandarda of wealth — ^Diplomatic trade — ^Faira and horae trade —
Tunguaic trade— Turkeatan and Canton trade — Syrian trade with
the Far Eaat — ^PUny and Ptolemy — Where waa Kattigara ? — ^Limited
number of posaible porta — Bomana got ailk and iron from China —
— ^Land trade vid Parthia — Tradera by aea and by land not alwaya
identified — Chineae agenta on the Peraian Gulf — dUneae^riesta make
the round tour by land and aea — ^Diviaion into two empirea accounta
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CONTENTS xvii
for much ignorano&— Hindoo and Aiab oQlomes— Peaceful inter-
national retkations — ^Roman traders at Nanking — ^Probable Irrawaddy
and Momain route — ^Authors repeat the same storiea— No question
of duties or taxation — ^Arabs and Franks — Attempt of the Emperor
to reach thQ Franks — ^Anachronisms in national names — ^Active Arab
trade— Arab and Persian attack at Canton— Turkish land trade —
The iron trade again — ^Tea — ^Neetorian Stone and foreigners at Si-an
Fu — ^Decline of Canton monopoly — ^Rise of Hangchow and Ningpo^
Marco Polo's Zaitun — ^Rare book on trade by a royal Chinese —
Chinese trade in Indian Ocean—** Faifo " as a place of call— No
trade with Tonquin — Sumatra ports— Marco Polo's accounts:
amply corroborated by Chinese — Colonel Yule's splendid work —
Eunuch emissaries from China to the Indian Ocean . Pages 42-58
CHAPTER IV
TRADE ROUTES
Two main branohes'of the great road to the West — ^Karakoram Pass
not to be confused with Karakoram city— Sir Aurel Stein — Sup-
posed " land-compass " and trade road to the South — ^Disoovery of
West River by Chinese— Hosie and Ainsoough— Hu Nan route to
Canton — ^Parthian and Indian road measures — ^Trade junction at
Kokand— ^Has a 2,000 year history — ^No silk went by sea until the
Parthians drove it thither — ^The Burma route — The travels of the
monk Fah-hien — Cosmas on sixth-century trade — ^Hiian-ohwang's
travels and Sir A. Stein— The EUuathala, or Ephthalites— Tokhara
and the Arabs — Chavannes' translation of other monks' travels —
Proof that trade routes existed — ^Mongols kept to northerly routes-
Justin's mission to the Turks — ^Persia and the silk trade — ^Persian
and Arab sea trade — Persian appeal to China — ^Arab and Persian
struggles round Kokand — ^Arabs work their way to the Kokonor
region — ^Arabs and Ouigours— Rodney Gilbert — ^Arab aUianoe with
Tartars of North China — ^Arab missions by sea : their route — Nes-
torians and Jews at this period — Chinese sea trade; Hirth and
Rookhin— Canftt and Zaitun— Arabia and African coast— Persians
and Nestorians confused — ^Parallel confusion later on between
Franks and English— Conquests of Genghiz Khan— Roads followed
by his messengers — ^And oy RubruquiSy Haiton's brother, etc. —
First Mongol Mussulmans— Marco Polo's route— Burmese routes
again — Tonquin railway — ^Where was Zaitun ? — ^Parallels in nomen-
cUture— Marco Polo's sea route— Ibn Batuta's voyage to China —
Nestorian evidences — ^Takakusu's disooveries — Chavannes, PeiUiot,
Tachibana — ^Turkish and Ouigour evidences — Carpini, Rubruquis,
Odoric, Monte-Corvino— Marignoli, Pascal, and other Franks —
Missions to and from TamerSme— Goes was the first to identify
" China " with " Cathay "—lieutenant Wood— Ming eunuchs' sea
routes — Early name for Formosa — ^Land routes to Nepaul and
Tibet — ^Manchu disooveries — Kalmuck wars, and consequent Manohu
conquests — Roads to and from Tibet — ^Khotan road — Kokand
and the Kashmir trade— Abb6 Hue's route— Nepaul and Lhassa
roads— British expedition of 1904 — Sources of Irrawaddy — Chinese
pilgrims to Mecca — ^Mongol, Manchu, and Corean roads— Spread of
railways in Mongolia — Annamese roads and trade — ^French railway
to TQn Nan — General conclusions and principles — ^Proflress : is it
ci happy omen 7 Pages 59-80
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CHAPTER V
ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS
St. Francis Xavier, the first missionary, dies at Sandano — Founding of
Maoao— Arrival of Ricoi—" Franks " at last identified— The Srst
Portuguese traders— Mission to Peking ends in disaster — ^Frank guns,
and how Macao was founded— Mendee Pinto, Ningpo, and Zaitun —
Bestrictions on trade — ^Rivcdry of Dutch and Japanese — ^Portuguese
settle quietly down — ^Macao's degeneracy — Spaniards and Manila —
Spaniards and Portuguese one reidm — Msssaore of Chinese at Manila
— ^Koxinga threatens it— Chinese in Manila — The Dutch — Earliest
known (£inese settlements in Formosa — Japanese rivaliy — ^Koxinga
drives out the Dutch — ^Dutoh mission to Peking — Chinese obtain
Dutch aid against pirates— Chinese incorporate Formosa with Fuh
Kien — ^Dutch tribute to China — ^Van Braam's mission — ^Dutch
remain quiet till 1803 — Coolies for Sumatra — ^Dutch policy — Chinese
demands after ** Boxer *' war — Bicd's death and successors — ^The
Manchus and Schaal — ^Verbiest makes cannon — ^Religious dissen-
sions — Queen Elizabeth imd China — English attack Canton, and
are mistaken for Dutchmen — English at Amoy before 1730, and
even earlier at Ningpo — ^Earlier still at Canton — Opum War of
1840-2 — ^History of opium — Chinese also to blame— Beforms since
1906 — ^Friction concerning right of entry into Canton — ^A dunese
junk visits England — Second war — ^More treaty ports — ^Russia takes
advantage — ^Extension of missionary rights — ^British influence first
— Japan looms to the front — Qermany pushes forward — ^French
influence declines — ^Murder of Margarv— <?hefoo Convention and
more ports — -'Opium Convention — Sikkim Convention — Burma
Convention — Convention of 1897 — Kiang-hung Convention —
Kowloon and Wei-hai Wei agreements — England has her fair share
— Expedition to Tibet in 1904 — The Russians — Serve Mongols
as body-guards — Pinto meets Russians — ^Russian captives at
Peking — ^Cicidents of Russian political intercourse— Kalgan trade
convention — ^Ili question — China's weak Manchurian poUcy —
Changed — Siberian railway and Cassini Convention — ^Manchuria
now Russian — New " all-Ruasian " railway — ^Manchuria and division
of ** rights " with Japan — ^France and Mangu Khan — ^Franks and
Fulin — French " ferocity " and self-effacement — Treaty of Whampoa
— ^Taiping religious rebellion — France and the second war — Cession
of Saigon — ^Erolorations in Indo-China — Qamier killed bv Black
Flags — ^Rividre s similar fate — Tonquin rebeUion — ^Hostilities .with
China — Fonmier Treaty — ^Haiphong tracle — ^Inland "ports" —
Benefit to Hongkong — ^The Yiin Nan railway through Tonquin —
Ss-mao opened to French and English trade — French occupy
Kwang-chou Wan — Qermany an unknown quantity — Prussian
treaty — ^Rising pretensions after Franco-German War — ^Frederick
the Great's venture — Sides with the strongest after the Japanese
War — Claims reward at Kiao Chou — Evil example— Japan ejects
Germany — ^The United States — Surrender of Terranuova — ^Treaty
of Wang-hia — ^American support at Taku — ^Treaty of Washington —
Chinese immigration — ^Honest broker attitude— Conscience money
given back to China — Good infiuence in Corea — Lack, of force —
The Manila white, elephant — ^Belgium — ^Portuguese position at
Macao— Sr. Branco's activity — Japanese aloofness — ^Perry's treaty
— ^Lord Elgin opens Japan to British trade-— Japanese revolution
—Transformation— ^Treaty of 1871 with China— Formosa diq>ute —
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Liooohoo— JapaiMM ligfaU in C < m% m Chmeia inteigue— War with
Ghiiia flhimcmonniri Treaty — Opening ol Sooohow and Hangohow—
The ** Boxers " give Japan her opp or tun ity — She becomes a first-
fslass Qreat Power, and annexes Coiea — ^Denmark — Spain — ^Polioy at
Manilsr— Cuba ooolie question — ^Exchange of envoys — ^Loes of Philip-
pin e s Seflor CQlogairs servioes— Italy and the Pope — ** Cultured
iMrbarians" — Trea^ ol 1866 — ^Itsly and Corea— Demands in the
ChAh KAQg province rejected — ^Austria — ^Baron Csikann a '* brilliant
second "—Swiss— Red Cross and Poetal Convention— Peru — Brasil
— ^Menoo and ill-treatment of Chinese— Congo State — Sweden —
Mr. CsrI Book— Turkey's fiasco in the Far East— Serbia, Rumania,
Corsan " Empire" Uruguay— list of Treaties, eto., to 1006
Pa999 87-125
CHAPTER VI
SIBEBIAy ETC.
The Tartars — ^Hung equally over Europe and Asia — Ruaaia oooupies
their place — ^Two main dviliaations, Roman and Chinese — ^Russia
caps the pair — ^Zones separating both Rome and China from Hyper-
boreans — ^Hiung-nu Empire, Huns, and Avars — Tungusic Empire
replaces Hiung-nu — ^Never included Turkestan — Japaneee captives
— ^ule North China — ^Fail as a nomad power— Comparison with
Mongols — The Jeujen Empire — ^Not Avars— The Turks— Earlier,
Later, and Western Empires— The Siberien tribes — ^The Guigour
Empire — Their Ifianicheism and the Chavannee-Pelliot documents
— Tungusic power reappears — ^Kitans and Niichdna— The old
Puh-hfu kingdom — Kara-Kitans — Mongols — Kipohaks — Alans —
Bulgars — ^Russians — ^Ancient Wusun and medieval Ephthalites —
— T^o are the Hungarians T — ^Novgorod Republic — First ideas of
Siberia — Kalmuck or Eleuth power — Tamerlane and the Kipohaks
— ^Realm of Sibir or Isaibur : Tobolsk — ^Ivan the Terrible and the
Yugurs of Sibir — Chinese and Russians in accord concermng the
Khan of ** Catch 'em "—The Strogonoff and the Cossack Yarmak—
His raids and discoveries — Contract with the Kalmucks — ^Prudent
Policy of the Czars : " Heads I win, tails you lose " — ^Hiatus in
Kalmuck history— Russian missions to Altyn Khan on the Kem
River — ^Alleged Chinese mission to Russia, 1619 — ^The first tea —
Russian advance to the Amur — ^Little danger in the extreme north —
Attempt to explore the Sungari — Albasin conflict — ^Treaty of Ner-
chinsk — ^Kiachta tea trade — ^Aigun treaty secures the Amur to
Russia — ^Peking treaty secures Ussuri province to Russia — Tibet —
Nepaul— Manipur — ^Burma — Siam— Japan— Corea . Page$ 126-140
CHAPTER VII
MODEBN TRADE
Old co-hong system — ^East India Company — life at Canton— Nature of
Trade— Treaties of Nankin, Tientsin, etc. — Comparison of 1880 trade
with the trade of 1899 and 1913— The Tea Trade— Oood position
of Qreat Britain — ^Revenue : its relation to trade — Cotton goods —
Opium disappears — ^Woollens and metals — ^Russian imports —
Hack^ treal^ of 1902 — ^British Textile Commissioner— France and
sDk— Revolution of ideas caused by kerosene and fiour— New
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oigarette trade — ^Foreign dothing — ^Aniline dyea — ^Demand lor
luxuries — Curious sugar finance — ^Exports — Soya hispida and bean-
cake— Straw-braid — ^The new feather and albumen trades — Hides,
steins, and tobacco-— Mats» hemp, oils, spirits, leather — Shipping —
Foreign population — ^Paldioi trade — ^Hoihow trade— Lappa and
Kowloong — ^Large silk filature trade at Canton — JA Hung-chang's
intelUgenoe— Transit-pass Nemesis at Wu-chou — Rival proyincial
capitals — Swatow trade— Amoy or " Zaitun " — ^Disappearing tea
trade — ^Bad government in Fuh Kien — New port cd Santu Ao —
Foochow's decline— Wenchow trade — ^Ningpo transformations —
Railway bickerings — ^Hangchow trade and Uhin understandings —
Summer resort of Kuling — ^The Poyang Lake and the railway —
Shanghai the great centre — River trade— Chungking — ^Novel condi-
tions of trade — ^Branch at Wan Men — lohang and its transhipment
trade — Sz Ch'wan railway — ^Tea and hides — Shashi, a failure — ^Rail-
way ^to Hu Nan — ^Yochou and its possibilities— Ch*ang-sha and
its antimony — ^Hankow's central position — ^Tea still flourishes —
Kewkiang trade fairly flourishing— \Vuhu and its great rice trade —
The port of Nanking, 'a great railway centre— Chinkiang and its
prospects — Qreat increase in the Newchwang trade — ^Port Arthur
not now a treaty port — ^Ta-lien Wan as a railway terminus — ^Tientsin :
enormous development of its trade within recent years — ^Ranks
almost next to Shanghai — Great wool trade with Mongolia — Great
area served by Tientsin — Advantages of Ts'in-wang Tao as an ice-
free port, coal export — Kalgan, iua-yiih Kwan, and the Russian
land trade — Chef oo and her extended trade — ^Kiao Chou as a limited
'* free port" was entirely German — ^Wei-hai Wei's doubtful status as
a port— Corean trade now Japanese affair — Shanghai the great centre
—Caution in estimating trade totals — ^Tonquin trade and railways —
M§ngt8z — ^Lungchow — Ss-mao— Kwang-chou Wan— Soochowand the
Shanghai-Nanking railway — Kongmun and Kumchuk— Other mis-
cellaneous quasi-ports, on various frontiers, making up the Foreign
Customs totial of forty-seven .... Pages 141-176
CHAPTER VIII
THE GOVERNMENT
Central Government not essential — ^Eighteen Provinces — Old names
still used — Comparison with French provinces — ^Theory of provincial
Sovemment — Changed relations of former Viceroy and Governor —
[emorials to the Emperor have now become " submission " to the
Preadent and Boards — ^Division of labour not yet quite definite—
Judicial and & executive governments — ^Reorganisation of each
province separately— Jehol and other extra-mural governments —
New relation of province to province — ^Each a state — ^Mongolia,
Manchuria, Turkestan, Tibet — ^Disappearance of Banner canton-
ments — ^Modern development of armies and Salt GabeUe — ^The
Board and provincial .revenues — New taxes under the Republic
— System of budget finance — Give-and-take principles — China one
vast democracy — ^Manchu privileges and disabilities abolished —
In spite of revolutions and failures, China and Peking have both
really advanced — Caste distinctions now abolished — ^The hien is the
real unit of government — ^Number and size of hien districts —
Largest towns may append to a small hien city— Personal assooia-
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tion with native city — The Men like the Lord Mayor — ^Embodiment
of "the State*' — "Father and Mother/' or factotmn for the
people — His 8ta£f of seoretariea — ^Not bo black as he is painted —
Jndioial and executive distinction has deprived him of much power —
New police system for all China — ^thill description of the ** good
viceroys'" efforts and of Yiian ShI-k'ai's example at Tientsin —
Means of obtaining office — ^How he raises money — ^Reforms intro-
duced after " Boxer " war — ^Ill-de&ned duties of a /u ; this nebulous
official now abolished along with his imaginary " city " — The ante-
rooms of a Governor — The pickings of a former prefect — ^Distri-
bution of patronage — ^K'ang Yu-wei's contemptuous view of ronds
de evir in 1898 — ^Description of taotaia* functions — Now styled
tacyin — But things all round are still (1917) in a state of flux — Other
special, salt, and grain taotaia — ^Illustrative table . P<»geB 177-190
CHAPTER IX
POPULATION *
Ancient population extensive — ^History of the Census — ^Unnecessary
to go back beyond a.d. 600 — ^Relative statistics for China and
Corea — ^Mouths and households — ^l^r. Lionel Giles on the Census —
Proof indirect from army statistics — ^Population during the eleventh
century — ^Freemen, villeins, and serfs — North and South extremes
to be excluded — ^Population of Tartar-governed China in twelftli
century — ^Proportion of households to acres — ^Negative estimates
for South China — ^Mongol populations — ^Before and after Bayen's
conquests — Manzi and Cathay — ^Marco Polo's estimates — ^Fearful
ravages of war — ^Hon. W. W. Bockhill as an authority — ^Depopu-
lation of Sz Ch'wan— During 1,500 years, an average of 50,000,000
souls — After the Tartars had all been ejected — Artificial decreeise
of population — ^Manchu statistics — Steady rise — Great prosperity
and liberality — System of levying land tax — ^K'ang-hi's reforms —
Free heads — ^K'ien-lung's new way of looldng at thmgs — ^Enormous
increase— Effects of Taiping rebellion — ^Difficult to day millions —
Chinese official statistics Qie sole evidence— Opinions alone are
worthless — Spedal conditions .of Sz Ch'wan — ^Did not pay to be a
mandarin there Pc(^e« 191-204
CHAPTER X
BEVENUE
Revenue regarded as food for government — A tithe of produce — Salt
comes next— Customs more modem — ^No spaee now for elaborate
detail— Consider the Manchu dynasty alone — ^Revenue 250 years
ago— Corruption existed — ^Prosperity of the eighteenth century —
One tael equal there to one pound here — ^Balances, surpluses, and
sale of titles — ^Peking share of the revenues— Nothing done until
lifter the ** Boxer " war — Crushing effect of " Boxer " indemnities
on the public — ^Expenditures — ^Waste on the Yellow River — ^Real
revenue and expenditure at least double the nominal — As much
onoe more for " squeezes " — ^And once more again for local rates —
The decrees of the Board of Revenue — Specimen of an old appro-
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priaticm " bill *'-— Great military ezpeiuilitiir»-<}«Qefal finaiieial
confufiiaa — Very little improvement under the Republic — ^Foteign
loans and noveltiea — " Boxer " affair of oourae did still further eon-
f oond matters — ^Defence against Russia and France — Contributions
to other provinces— Specimen of annual revenue-receipts table —
The measure of the nominal appropriations — ^Underlings at head-
quarters — ^Expense of remitting — Curious contrast*— Specimens of
Republican budgets Pages 206-221
CHAPTER XI
THE SALT OABELLB
Illustrative of natural geography — Earliest excise on salt — ^Description
of the Two Kwang salt system — ^Annual yield of revenue — Comers
of other provinces supplied — ^Irregularities — Swatow and part of
Fuh Kien — Fuh Kien aut system—^he simply of salt to Formosa —
Enormous clandestine trade up the Wtoohow River — Old adminis-
trative divisions for Ch^h Kiang salt— Sir Richard Dane's reforms —
Geographical reasons affecting An Hwei — The island salt supply —
Price of salt now increased throughout the empire— Large revenue
receipts — Clever engineering in the Hwai salt r^on — ^North and
South varieties— Compromise with the Ss Ch'wan industry —
Description of the qrstem — ^Kdd for native investments S erv es
the Yang-tsse Valley — Ss Ch'wan salt and hydrogen wells — FueA
supplied by nature — ^Three Yang-tsse viceroys used to manage the
salt revenues — Sir R. Dane and Republican changes— Personal
experiences — Salt serves as small change — Sudden changes depre-
cated — One exit only from Ss Ch'wan — Area served — ^Yfln Nan and
Kwei Chou arrangements — ^Tibet's position — Supplies Nepaul —
Black salt wells in Kublai Khan's time — ^Wu San-kwei and the
Panthay Mussulmans exploit the salt — Muang-u salt — ^llCanohurian
salt — Changes since " B<«er " war — Mongoliim salt — Goes east to
Peking and west to near Russian frontier — Possibbr the salt
industry of 2,000 years ago— Revenues very small— Old China —
Geographical significcmce once more— Chinese a Yellow River
people— China's Sorrow— ^The oldest salt industry Shan Tung— Two
branches of the salt trade— Used to be one with the Tientsin salt
syndicate — ^History of first Chinese salt administration — Salt and
iron monopolies— The Tientsin or *' Long-reed " salt industry — ^Mer-
chants are heavily " squeeaed " by the Government — The recent
farce of Government " faith bonds " — ^Divided condition of Ho Nan
in her salt siniplies — Shan Si or Ho-tung salt system — ^Its history
in Tartar hands— Achmac, the villainous minister of Kublai Khan —
Commissuy lives at P'u-chou — Sir R. Hart's land-tax scheme fails
— Chang Kien proposes all-round increase in price of salt
Pages 222-244
CHAPTER XII
LXKttJ
Origin of Kkin — ^A special leivy on tea and salt to mmport troops
operating against Taipings— Bxtensions of the idea—Tax beeomes
an imperial onfr— Shanghai Ukin and f onignera— Our own weakness
causes the troabla-Oaiineae recognise its unooostitatioiiality— Ho
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Nan Uhin — Evidently Ukin waa a voluntary " benevolence ** at first
— Taka and Tientsin levies for ** Sam OolHnson's " troops — Chefoo
Ukin — Charges levied on native opium — Mr. Wade and Mr. Lay —
Native opium in Ytin Nan — Likin in Manchuria — ^Li Han-ohang
collects for Liu K'un-yih's troops — Chungking Wcin — Likin along
the Ch£th Kiang trading routes — ^Kwang Si accounts — ^Kiang Nan
charges — ^Definition made precise — Our responsibiUty is double—
The foreign howl of anguish — Sir Brooke Robertson's deliberate
policy — ^Blocks the way until his death — Sir Brooke condoned —
Peking rapacity — ^Effect of the Foreign Customs — ^Effect of Taiping
rebellion upon the land-tax — ^A big combine— Compromise neces*
sary — ^AU share the plunder — The Republic no better — ^A huge
Tammany Hall — ^National conscience — ^Ftoposal in 1902 to abolish
KHn in exchange for increase in import dues — Comparison of
Chinese and French exactions on Yiin Nan trade — ^Under tiie Re-
public the semi-independent military governors practically are law
unto themselves at present — Sir Robert Hart's salt Ukin arrange-
ments of 1898 — The estimated likin revenue in 1911 and 1913 —
The redoubtable General Chang Hiin and his army feeding on the
country — Opium Ukin a thing of the past — Effect of Ukin on the
railways — British and American protests — China's lack of public
disinterestedness — General considerations — ^Increase of duties — ^What
is wanted Pages 245-265
CHAPTER XIII
THE ARBiY
Manohu military organisation — ^Niich^ and Eitan banner organisation
the soul of it — ^Manchu, Mongol, and Chinese banners — ^Bought out
by the President of the Republic — Civil and military " domicSes " —
Strength of the banner army — '* Stiffeners " at the conquest —
Provincial banner garrisons-^Jealousy caused — Drain on the
provinces — Contrast with India — ^D^eneracy — ^The Green Flag,
or Chinese Army — Provincial and brigadier generals — Changes of
titles under the Republic — Service in one's own province — ^Relative
rank — Corruption and peculation — ^Distinction between *' soldiers "
and '* braves " — ^All a question of honesty — ^Efforts at reform
previous to the Japanese War — ^Effects of the Japanese War —
Difficulties in the way of reform — German occupation of Eaao Chou
— ^The yoimg Emperor's reforms— The Empress-Dowager is egged
on to interfere— Endless circle of savings and waste — Yiian ShI-k'ai's
effective army — The " Boxer " fiasco— Recent reforms — ^Viceroy
Chang denounces the Green Flag and drills foreign-trained troops —
The new military spirit turns out a Frankenstein monster — Central
control over armies and railways wrecks the dynasty — ^Provincial
generals and pronunoiamenioa — ^New armies of 1905 and 1911, with
new nomenclature— Chinese soldiers not ei^tirely Gilbertian, but
have a bottom or fundament of good qualities Pages 250-210
CHAPTER XIV
PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS
Rev. A. Smith's ezoeUent book upon this subject — ^Personal opinion
upon Chinese character — Observations upon Manchus— Marriages
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with Chinese — ^ICanchu officials and princes — "Mean whites**
among the scions — ^Drihking habits — Comparison of Manohu with
Chinese bravery — Bravery generally — ^Manchus and Chinese —
Different groups of Chinese — ^Distinctions— Take the common
Chinese view of ourselves — ^Republican sumptuary changes — ^We
take the same general but inaccurate view of the Chinaman —
Question of truthfulness — ^Distinctions in lying — ^Not much worse
than we are ourselves — Question of thieving—Ordinary care and
common honesty — Practical honesty of thieves — Cleanliness and
dirt — ^More definitions and distinctions — Great fidelity — ^Respect
for justice— Politeness — Effect of the Republic — Definitions and
comparisons— Cruelty and callousness, and their explanation — The
Viceroy Liu disapproves of it — ^A true bill — Commercial rectitude —
Recent degeneration — Government credit — ^Libidinous nature —
Marrisge and concubinage — ^Puritanical virtue — Chinese women —
Position improved under the Republic — ^Local reasons — ^Infanticide
— ^Virility — Treatment of children — ^Inferior position of girls — ^Recent
improvement — ^Hold-off attitude of parents — ^Mothers are petty
tyrants — Pairia pole^ftM— Children and pigs — Temperance in eating
and drinking — Theory of gluttony, vice, opium, and drink — Dis-
tillery laws — Aphrodisiacs — ^Industry a ruling virtue — ^Artificial
light, and effect of latitude — Sagacity in money making — Official
smugglers — The handy man — ^A cold time for barbers-— What the
Chinaman can fio<*do— Time will show^effeot of change
Pages 271-292
CHAPTER XV
BELIOION AND SEBELLION
Meaning of "religion" — ^Effect of it at home — Much the same in
China — ^Like to appear whole in the next world — Care not for
doctrine — Over-zeal of missionaries — ^Early or natural religion —
Confucianism— Improvement in articulate ideas— Republic first
abandons and then harks back to the old philosopher — ^Revolution
of ideas in Asia just before our era— Good effects of Buddhism —
Position of women — Comparison with Romish Church — Toleration
of the Chinese mind — ^Mussulmans— Early Christianity in China —
Regulars and their disputes — ^Zeal and doctrine too much, charity
too little— Female foot-squeesing — ^Missionaries and their views —
Opium — Hearty British co-operation — ^Drink— Slavery— Concubin-
age — Words not to be taken too harshly — ^Marriage— Poptdar con-
ventions — ^Village feasts — Church rates — ^Narrow sectarianism —
ReUgious mind of the Chinese — ^Ideas of a soul — Filial piety — The
basis of Chinese Law — ^Mussulmans tamed down — Rodney Gilbert's
Turki experiences— Wisdom of Russian Church — Secret societies —
White Lily sect— Cause of two dynasties' collapse—*' Boxer " re-
volts— Taiping rebellion — ^Later " Boxer " consequences
Pages 298-306
CHAPTER XVI
LAW
Law reform in 1905— Foreign codes consulted— British law just as
cruel once— China has a consecutive law history — Pairia poieetat
and filial ixiety — ^Austin and Maine Qn law — Chinese law is purely
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CONTENTS XXV
crixmnal — State and family — War and crime — ^Family law no affair
^of state— Civil law almost as little — Contract and custom — ^Andent
m3rth8 and traditions— History dates from 841 b.o. — ^Early Chinese
'codes — Comparison with Roman Twelve Tables — ^Roman contrasts
—Chinese Solons and Oracos — Qradnal steps towards uniformity
and mercy — ^lCaxim»— The First Emperor's Procrustes bed —
Basis of successive dynastic laws — The Marcus Aurelius of China —
Son's responsibility for father — Simplification and mildness always
advance a step — ^List of punishments — Tartar rule in North China —
Comparison with the Qermanic tribes — ^Introduction of foreign
religions — 1,400 years of clumsy clasmfication — ^Appeals and con-
science— Instances of crown cases reserved — ^The ratio decidendi—*
The Emperor and the Pope on Infallibility or Sttpra leges 9Ufnu9 —
History of law continued backwards from the Manchus — Ancient
cbiter dicta still in force— Fierce treason laws — ^The Emperor K'ang-hi
— Jurisprudence falls off with advent of Europeans — Sir Qeorge
Staunton and the Chinese code — ^A Chinese Doctors' Conm^ons— The
Ifing dynasty and back again to the Mongols and other Tartars —
The T'ang dynasty and the Han dynasty are the two leading houses
for jurisprudence— Legal reform in the twentieth century after
" Boxer " wars — Executive, legislative, and judicial functions first
separated — ^Independence of judges— Parliament — ^Wu T'ing-fang,
Foreign Secretary and Codifier <S Law— Shto E[ia-pdn, native law
speoialist — ^Practical justice still leaves much to b» desired
Pages 307-^42
CHAPTER XVII
LANOUAOE AND UTERATUBE
Bone inscriptionB, Shang dynasty 1770-1190 b.o.» and most ancient
forms erf writing — ^Litmry revolution of 827 B.o. — Script originally
regarded as "names" only — ^Bronze specimen in London dating
several centuries later — Connected thoughts begin — Laborious
writing art — Fan origin of " books " — Confucius' nistory — 1,000
"names'* increase to 3,000 "ideas" — ^Perishable materials — Feudal
China forcibly united — Writing simplified — Destruction of conten-
tious literature and cranks — ^Revival of literature, simplification
carried further— Sounds, rhymes, and tones distinguished for 9,000
words — Writing materials — Sir Aurel Stein's discoveries — ^No foreign
ideas ever affected Chinese script — Absurd to connect with Babylon
— All men the same — ^Presumption that they all used their organs
the same way — " History " is simply " Events " — ^Reason for
perishable materials — Ceesar and Sz-ma Ts'ien of equal literary
merit — Chinese script good for any language.
All languages equally easy — Chinese differences only suggest diffi«
culty — ^No Chinese talk exactly alike— Learners must stick to <me
dialect tiU mastered — Irish and Scotch accents as illustrations —
Monosyllabic and tonic languages — ^Digraphs and diphthongs — All
languages "piled up " in practically the same resulting way —
No Chmese Malaprops— No " grammar '' in Chinese— Who knows
'what " parsing " means ? — A rose by aiiy other name— Universal
^Chinese ignorance dimini shing— Women's day coming — ^Different
'sorts of style— No snobbery in Chinese conversation — ^A man's a
man for a' that — Dialects and brogues — ^Forms of " mandarin " —
Talk'takes a back seat— Z^tter a scrvpta fiianef— 400 syllables for 40,000
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oharaoters — 76 per c«ot. of iham uaeleai — ^limit of " learning " —
A European may be as Bound a " harmless drudge '* as the most
learned Chinaman — Do not stuff your memory — Japanese get along
with fiftv syllables — " Thickenings " in Welsh and Japanese —
Super-rennement of tones — Ancient Chinese provable from Corean,
Japanese, and Annamese — Cantonese the oldest and most highly
developed — ^Tartar corruption of Chinese, and Teutono-Gallic cor-
ruption of Latin — ^The French have, like the Pekingese, lost their
" entering tone " — ^Influence of Indian priests on Chinese language
— ^A " tip '* for would-be students — ^Pelonflese and Cantonese alone
repay study except for missionaries and "locals" — Question of
romanising Chinese — ^Welsh onoe more . . Pages 343-364
CHAPTER XVin
THE RISE OF THE CHINESE REPUBLIC
Rush of literature on the Revolution — The " Awakening of China " —
li Hung-ohang and Chinese struggles against foreign aggression —
Corean, Burman, and Tibetan questions— Count Cassini and the
Siberian railway — Admiral Lang and the Chinese fleet — Japanese
war and loss of Formosa — Li Himg-ohang's diplomatic pilgrimage—
Germany out in the cold — ^The Eaao Chou intrigue and vi(dence —
General scramble in consequence — The Emperor's fiasco—** Boxer "
deq>eration — ^The old Dowager a genuine reformer — ^Ytian Shi-
k'ai's good work at Peking and Tientsin — ^Preparations for a Con-
stitution — Efforts at r^orm by the Yangtsze viceroys — ^Russo-
Japanese war gives breathing time to China — Great Britain and
Tibet — Fair dealing with both China and Russia as finale — Death
of Dowager and Emperor— The Dalai Lama at Peking— The Regent
and the new Dowager — Palace intrigue and dismissal of Yiian Shl-
k'ai — ^Provincial councils and provincial armies begin to feel their
helms — Struggle for central or for provincial control — Likin bungling
and the moribund Mackay treaty of 1902 — Sympaihy for Boy
Emperor changes to despair as to obtaining constitutioxial rights —
National Assembly of 1910— Revolution of 1911— Sun Yat-sen
hurries back to China — ^Manohu appeal to Yiian ShI-k'ai, who takes
charge at Peking — Anarchy in the provinces — Emperor announces
Magna Charta to his ancestors' spirits — ^ICanchu princes removed
from high ofiftce — ^Regent resigns seals of office^** Pigtails *' sacrificed
— Solar-lunar calendar mooted — ^Dowager leaves ParUament to decide
— ^Abdication of 12th February — Old Dowager's brother secures a
plank from the wreck — ^Yiian ShI-k'ai as Pleoipo. — ^Republic created
not self-made— Sun Yat-sen President; Li Yiian-hung Vic&-
president — ^New era introduced — ^Yiian dishes Sun, and is formally
elected President — Looting by Yiian's troops at Peking and Paotin^
— New Constitution of fifty-six Articles — Its defects — United
League and Popular Party intriguer— T'ans Shao-i as Premier —
Hwang Hing and Sun Yat-sen placated with high but harmless office
— ^Li Yiian-hung Chief of the Staff— The Five Races— Intermarriage
and squeesed feet — ^Advisoiv Council in lieu of Parliament — Petty
revolts and intrigue— Northerners get the puU over Southerners
— Foreign loans — ^National flag — The opium curse — ^Difficulties
with Tibet and Outer Mongolia, Turkestan, etc.— T'ans Shao-i
bolts and esoapes assassinatioa— Dictatorship bruited— Party
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CONTENTS xxvii
wrangliiig — ^Hwang Hing and Sun Yat-aen venture to Peking —
Death of new Dowager — ^Parliament to meet — ^Yuan suBpected
re aaaaesination of Sung Kiao-J6n — ^Hwang Hing joins in revolt
againat Yiian'a pretenaionB — Chanff Htkn and his " pigtailed '*
army to the rescue— Yiian's " Pride's Purge '* and coup d*iiai —
Chang Hun propitiated with a Ifilitary Govemorflhip; declares
independence, but is bought out and given a h^h-sounding
sinecure— <jreneral confidence in Yiian — ^K'ang Yu-wei placated —
l^ce-preeident Li YiSan-hung coaxed to Peking and is ** enuffed out **
for two years — ^Parliament gives way to Advisory Council — ^Useful
work in China during 1014 — ^Hopes for China — How if Yiian die T —
Yiian worships Heaven in state— European war once more gives
China breathing apace— Projects for new Constitution— Japan
ejects Germany — The Press oxdy half alive to Japan's future dagger
— The Peace Association and uncanny rumours— Discrediting of
republican principles — Professor Goodnow's officious interference —
Dr. Morrison and M. Ariga — Bogus petitions — Suspicious attitude
of Yiian's scapegrace son — Liang fil*i-cn'ao ** smells a rat " — German
intcigues — ^Yiian ShS-k*ai seems hypnotised — ^Advisory Council recom-
mends monarchy — ^More bogus petitions in support — The idea of a
constitutional monarchy not unreasonable— Suggestion of popular
vote — ^Warning by Japan, Britain, and Russia to "go slow** —
France and It^y f oUow suit — General foreign and native confidence
in Yuan, but not as Emperor, only as constitutional ruler — ^Atti-
tude of America, Germamr, and Austria — ^Adulatory addresses and
thimble-rigging — ^Yuan offered the imperial crown — ^Rats leave the
labouring diip — ^Absurd showering of princely and noble titles as
bribes — Effort to secure the '* Four Intimates *' — ^Eunuchs and
pretty girls at an end for palace uses — ^Duke Confucius collapses —
New era of Great Constitution — Ominous revolt in YiinNan— ^apan
quickly shows her hand against German intrigue— Spread of revolt
to the other provinces — ^Yiian has to "dimb down'* — The fire-
eating es- viceroy Shum — Sun Yat-sen, T*ang Shao-i, Liang K'i-ch'ao,
Wu T'ing-fang aU hostile— Risk of South China falling asunder —
Yiian's mad moratorium — ^Hurried summoning of Parliament —
Yiian falls sick and dies of uromia and mortification — ^Li Yiian*
hung succeeds — ^Twan K'i-jwei Premier — ^Deaths of Hwang Hing
and Ts'ai Ao— Hopes for China through general conciliation
Page8 365-386
Glossary Poi/et 387-394
Index p<i^e«895-4io
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LIST OF MAPS, ETC.
RlOOI AND PaXTI. Zi (008TUMB OF MlNG DyNASTY), FROM
AN OLD FIOTUBB FUBLISHBD BT THE ChINBSB JbSUIT
Pebb Hoano FranHspieee
FAonro TAsm
1. Rough sketch of Chinese Empire showing propor-
tion OF Eighteen Provinoes .... 1
2. Rough sketch-map to illttstrate the size of each
province ........ 6
3. Rough sketch-map illustrating the spread of
Chinese from (1) Yellow River Valleys ; (2)
Head Waters of Yang-tsze ; (3) YttEH Valleys 14
4. Rough sketch-map to illustrate the ethnology
OF China AND THE Chinese EXPANSION . . .16
5. Sketch-map to illustrate convergence of all roads
UPON THE Pamir Region ; also to show certain
MAIN ROUTES FROM THE West .... 48
6. Rough MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE MAIN DIRECTIONS TAKEN
BY THE EARLY LAND AND SEA TRADE WITH ChINA . 50
7. Sketch-map showing most of the names mentioned
IN Chinese navigation 58
8. Map showing the sea routes known to the Chinese
OR BY ENVOYS to China 62
9. Sketch-map to illttstrate Chinese land and sea
APPROACHES TO InDIA ; ALSO CERTAIN MAIN ROUTES • 64
10. Map to show Chinese knowledge of Africa . . 76
11. Map to illustrate the utmost extent of Chinesb
RT7LB AND THE TRADE ROUTES INTO ChINA FROM ALL
SIDES 84
12. Map TO ILLUSTRATE THE Eastern Island TRADE SPHERE 92
xxiz
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XXX LIST OF MAPS, ETC.
f ACOra PAOB
13. Map nxusTRATmo SiBBBiA 138
14. Map showxno thb position of aix pobts and habts
open to fobxion tbadb 174
15. Map iiiLUStbatino population in 1894 and bbybntje
IN 1898 204
16. Rough MAP TO ILLUBTBATB GHAPTEB ON Salt . 244
17. Gbnbbal map OF China (aftbb Bbbtsohnxideb) At end
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CHINA
CHAPTER I
GEOGRAPHY
If we desire to obtain accurate notions touching
the political and commercial capacities of China,
we must first endeavour to realise what her
territory is like. It has been the native practice
• in modern times to style " China Proper " by
the collective name " Eighteen Provinces." As
a matter of fact, since frontier questions with
European Powers became acute, the " East
Three Provinces " (Manchuria) and the " New
Territory '* of Turkestan have been so reorgan-
ised that there are now practically twenty-two
directly governed provinces ; and Formosa
formed in a modified degree yet another new
one, until, some twenty years ago, the Japanese
insisted upon its cession. It will be more con-
venient to ignore these recent changes, and to
consider first the compact and thickly populated
territory lying between the various deserts or
steppes and the sea —in other words, the " Eigh-
teen Provinces," which are, or were until
recently, surrounded to the north, west, and
south by tributary or independent states, and
to the east by the Pacific Ocean. The natural
boundaries of China Proper, as thus limited,
have always been much the same— that is,
1
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\a :;:.'■-.:. . GEOGftAPHY [chap. 1
deserts or steppes beyond mountain chains have
prevented the rapid expansion of cultivators in
any direction except along the valleys of rivers
which run eastwards into the sea. If the poli-
tical boundaries have in our times, as often
before, been pushed into the desert or upon the
plateau, that does not seriously affect the one
salient feature of the vast Chinese Dominion,
which is that, out of an irregular triangle cover-
ing an area of 5,000,000 square miles and sup-
porting a total population of 400,000,000 souls,
one comer embracing barely one-third of the
total surface consists of regulation provinces,
ruled imder one uniforoi system, and containing
nine-tenths of the population ; whilst the rest of
the triangle, so far as it has not, either de facto
or de jure, seceded from Chinese control, con-
sists of poorly watered desert or plateau, thinly
peopled by races forming majorities over the
Chinese settlers. It was only when, as in the
case of Manchuria and the New Territory of
Turkestan, the Chinese element became in some
way predominant or equal, that political
measures were taken to assimilate an ** outer"
portion.
The Eighteen Provinces thus form a roughly
circular mass occupying nearly one-third of the
dominion's surface. But, if we bisect this mass
from north to south, we shall find that the
western half has a general tendency to be moun-
tainous, whilst the eastern half has a corres-
ponding tendency to be flat. We shall find,
moreover, that out of a total population of be-
tween 800,000,000 and 400,000,000, the eastern
half contains three-quarters, whilst the moun-
tainous half only contains one-quarter. As we
proceed with our inquiry, we shall discover,
besides, that, taken as a whole, the western half
is barely self-supporting, and contributes even in
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B.a 2000-A.D. I6OOI COMMERClALlASPfeCT 8
theory very little to the Central Government at
Peking, whilst the eastern half can support
itself, feed the Central Government, and also
assist the impecimious west, always supposing
that war and revolution do not queer the normal
pitch. The wealthy province of Sz Ch'wan
rather interferes with the truthful harmony of
this sweeping arrangement; but none the less
the broad facts are as stated, for it is only the
eastern half of Sz Ch'wan that pays a surplus ;
in fact of very recent years the western half has
been constituted a separate government for
many exceptional purposes.
We have now got imder our eyes a material
upon which to work, and it is thus evident from
a commercial point of view that the interests
of Great Britain lie almost entirely upon the
coasts, upon the embouchures of three or four
great rivers, upon the valleys of those rivers and
their tributaries, and upon the head waters of
the Yang-tsze in Sz Ch'wan. In other words,
geograplucal considerations indicate the eastern
half of China Proper as the most accessible and
the most valuable field for our commercial
development ; and, if this region be kept open
to us, we can, without great violence to our
feelings, relegate to a second place Manchuria,
Tibet, and Yiin Nan, in the first of which the
legitimate competition of Japan and Russia is
likely to be most keen, whilst India and China
have joint- interests in the tea trade of Tibet,
and France through Tonquin has as much to do
with Yiin Nan as we have through Burma.
Familiar though the names of Chinese pro-
vinces are to those who have passed a lifetime in
the Far East, I am aware that the general reader
is apt to get confused if too many strange names
be thrust upon his attention at once. I there-
fore give here a simple map with a list of the
8
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4 GEOGBAPHY [chap. 1
Eighteen Provinces in order to illustrate my
remarks (see next page).
When we Europeans approach China, which
is usually done by sea, we are unconsciously im-
pressed with the notion that, the farther inland
we go, the more we leave " civilisation " behind
us. But it must not be forgotten that, from
the native point of view, the coasts are the ends
of the eartn, and the places where least of the
true Celestial spirit is to be found. All the solid
part of Chinese tradition and history seems to
show that the original inhabitants of the. Central
Kingdom (who have never possessed any national
or ethnological designation in the sense of
*' German,'^ "Turk," "Russian,'' etc.) were
first heard of as moving from the north and
west down the valley of the Hwang Ho (Yellow
River), the lower half or mouth of which has
shifted from time to time, sometimes leaving the
mountain mass known as the Shan Tung Pro-
montory to the south, and sometimes to the
north. The old capitals of the kings were all in
the valleys of the Yellow River or in those of its
tributaries, such as the River Wei in Shen Si.
Hence all the legends of even the mythical
emperors are centred between Si-an Fu and
Peking, near which place (Tientsin) the Yellow
River once entered the sea. In fact, the trade
area now belonging to the single port of Tientsin
nearly covers the whole of semi-historical China.
Even so far north as Kalgan there are ancient
remains of what appear to be signal towers or
tombs dating as far back as b.c. .200. On this
undoubted fact — ^that some of the earliest known
Chinese advanced from the north and north-west
—many ingenious theories have been pro-
pounded, connecting them with Babylonia, the
Accadians, Persians, Hindoos, and what not.
By assuming errors in ancient Chinese records
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iZI
Jehol
MH
-36
-ZA
m
121
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•-' * • '
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A.D. 1650-1900] LIST OF PROVINCES
THE EIGHTEEN FROVINGES, Etc.
VMM of
Piovtpee.
AnHwei. \
ChdhEiaDg,
ChihLi
Ho Nan
HuNan
Hu P6h
KanSuh
KjAng Si
Kwang Si .
KwangTung
KweiChoQ .
Shan Si
ShanTung .
Shen Si
Ss Ch*wan .
YunNan .
Tsaasbted ICeuUng.
Feaoe-Olory
CMbBiver
Direct Btile
Happy-EstabliBli
Riv6P Sontli
Lake South
Lake North
Sweet-Sedate
Biver West
Biver (and) Su
Broad West
Broad East
Noble Tract
Mountain West
Mountain East
Shen West
Four Streams
Cloud South
AxohaloNune
Wan {
Yiieb {
Yen {
Min {
Ya
Ch'u {
Ngoh {
(no general
name)
Kan
Wu {
} Yiieh
K'ien
Tsin
Ts'i
Pftrt of oldKiang Nan; i.e.
An(king)andHwei(chou)
The Eiang (Yang-tsse)
once had a mouth here
Peking never under Vice-
roy
Established (I think)
about A.D. 700
South of the (Hwang) Ho
South of the (Tung-t'ing)
Lake
North of the (Tung-t'ing)
Lake
Kan(ohou)and Suh(chou)
(prefectures)
West (reach of the) Eiang
The Yang-tsze about Soo-
ohow
The west and east parts of
Kwang Nan, or the old
Annam seat of power
Perhaps a euphonic form
of the old '* Kwei State/'
or Devil Country
Chih Li used once to fall
within the parts east of
the (Hang) Mountain
Bange
West of Shen (an old
state practically mean-
ing ** the Pass ")
Once called ^* Three
Streams"
South of the Ss Ch'wan
Mists, or the Misty
Bange ( Y0n Ling)
ShdngKing ,
Kih-lin
Hdh-lung
Kiang
Prosperous
Capital
Happy Forest
Black Dragon
Biver
Liao
(none)
(none)
Also called Fdng-t'ien
The ancient Manohu
cradle : possibly from the
old Chinese-Corean Kilin
Province
Also called Tsitsihar
Sin Kiang
New Domain
(none)
Kashgaria-Dzungaria
T*ai Wan
Terrace Bay
(no general
name)
Formosa (now Japanese)
It win be noticed that there are two Yiieh and two Kiang. The
ChineBe oharaotera alone can express the distinctions to the eye.
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6 GEOGRAPHY [chap, i
here and there, by rigidly adhering to our own
Scriptural texts, and by indulging oiir imagina-
tion a little, we might perhaps even trace the
first Chinaman back to the Tower of Babel, or,
for the matter of that, to the North Pole, I can
only state the moderate impressions which the
perusal of original Chinese history has left upon
me. A capable and settled political race is first
heard of in possession of lands along the Yellow
River : it is occupied in fighting for its existence
with the horse-riding nomads to the north, who
raid the stores of wealth accumulated upon culti-
vated lands by industrious workmen, and who
disappear, when pursued, into their trackless
deserts. It is continually being reinforced, by
other bodies of its own kind coming from the
north-west.
The next great historical advance seems to be
south-west into modern Sz Ch'wan (" Four
Streams "), and then through the two great lake
regions down south by way of the navigable
Kan river of Kaang Si, and the Yuan and Siang
rivers of Hu Nan into the region of Canton,
which, as will be seen from our sketch map,
belongs to an entirely different catchment area.
But the valley of the Yang-tsze, as a whole, and
the provinces south of it and at its mouth, do
not appear to have become properly assimilated,
either politically or industrially, before the com-
mencement of our Western era. Moreover, the
portions of all the seaboard provinces l3dng very
near to the coasts seem to have been out of hand
up to a very recent date— say 500 years ago;
so that we must picture in our minds the Chinese
/ace spreading like a fan from the southern bend
of the Yellow River towards the Upper Yang-tsze
and the coasts, its political force becoming
weaker and weaker as it approaches those coasts
and the Indo-Tibetan highlands. Hence we
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A.D. 1650-1900] DISTRIBUTION OF POPULATION 7
find that, whereas throughout the whole of
interior China one tongue is now spoken — subject
to more or • less serious variations in dialect,
never of an incongruous or impossible kind — in
the coast provinces south of the Yellow River,
and in those alone, are spoken dialects so excep-
tional as to rise almost to the distinction of
separate languages; but only so in the sense
that Swedish, Danish, German, and Dutch are
languages foreign to one another; that is,
though words iSffer in sound, they are easily
traceable to one indefinable or elastic original.
Thus we Europeans, approaching China from the
sea, are at once connronted with a practical
difficulty which is not nearly as much felt by
the Chinese themselves approaching the extremi-
ties from the heart, and one of the chief obstacles
to OUT success is this confusion of tongues, which
unduly localises every European's efforts.
I have above divided the Eighteen Provinces
into the eastern and western halves. In a very
rough way the eastern half may be stated to be
rich, and densely populated by pure Chinese;
the western half to be poor, and thinly populated
by mixed races, often exceeding the Chinese in
numbers. In the northern portion of the eastern
half there is probably not now left a single
individual of aboriginal race, though up to about
a thousand years ago certain unidentified " bar-
barian" tribes were still mentioned along the
southern (Hwai River) bed of the Hwang Ho.
In the southern portion of the eastern half there
are still a few independent or semi-independent
tribes, known as Yao or Miao, occup3dng the
border mountains which separate Kwang Tung
on the south from the Hu Nan and Kiang Si on
the north. But these tribes give very little
trouble, and possess no political importance of
any kind. In the mountains of Fuh Kien I have
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8 GEOGRAPHY [chap, i
myself come across remnants of strange aborigi-
nal tribes, and even in Cheh Kiang there are a
few. Still, in a general way, and ignoring trifles,
it may be truthfully stated that the wealthy,
populous, eastern half of China Proper contains
none but pure Chinese, or aborigines so closely
assimilated as to be indistinguishable from
Chinese ; and in all cases these aborigines are of
the monosyllabic and tonic tongues so character-
istic of China.
On the other hand, the western half of the
Eighteen Provinces is largely foreign. The
miserably poor province of Kwang Si contains
many obscure tribes, usually grouped under the
main heads of Shan (Siamese) or Miao (no
ethnological clue as yet). Not only so, but there
are still many aboriginal officials, responsible,
however, not to the Central Government direct,
but to local Chinese prefects or magistrates. In
the adjoining province of Kwei Chou there are
also a good many Miao tribes, some groups of
which I saw myself when there; they are in
appearance not unlike the Kachyns of the
Burmo-Chinese frontier, who are known to be of
Tibeto-Burman origin. In Yxin Nan there are
a great many tribes of the Shan race, not only
within the border, but also in those recently
delimitated districts which now belong politi-
cally to Burma (Great Britain) or Tonquin
(France). Among the mountains of north-east
Yiin Nan and south Sz Ch'wan, the powerful
confederation of so-called Lolo tribes stiU'main-
tains its independence. A French missionary
named Paul Vial, who had lived amongst them,
twenty years ago published a very valuable
memoir upon the suDJect. The Lolos possess a
written system of their own, a specimen of which
(discovered by Mr. E. C. Baber in 1880) I have
before me, together with a sheet from P6re Vial
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A.D. 1880-1912] NON-CHINESE BRIBES IN CHINA 9
throwing light upon its nature. Since then the
Mission D'OUone of 1906-1909 has published
two very interesting works about the Lolos and
their language, the literary expression of which,
however, is of an unsatisfying nature. From
time to time very serious collisions take place
between the Lolos and the Chinese armies, the
result always being a patched-up peace, leaving
the uncivilised men very much to their own
devices as before. The Kachyn tribes * seem to
form a link between the homes of the Shans and
Tibetans. They extend along the Upper Irra-
waddy and the western frontiers of Yun Nan.
M. Jacques Baeot in 1912 pubUshed an equally
illuminating book upon the writing system of
the Moso tribes nearer to Tibet than the Lolos.
The Kamti tribes of the Upper Irrawaddy (the
Mali-kha branch) are, however, pure Shans, and
their language possesses a strong affinity with
Laotian and modern Siamese. On the western
frontiers of Sz ChVan we have numerous and
sometimes very formidable independent Tibetan
tribes, such as do not fall within the hierarchical
administration of Tibet proper. Mrs. Bird-
Bishop has given us interesting particulars about
some of these, but she appears to have some
reasons (not stated) for suggesting that they
are not Tibetan as usually supposed. The cave-
dwellers of eastern Sz Ch'wan have mostly dis-
appeared, but their abandoned dwellings in the
mountain-sides may still be seen anywhere to the
west of Chungking ; some of these tribes still
exist to the extreme south-east, near the Kwei
Chou frontier. In the island of Hainan there
are at least two groups of " savages,'* or non-
Chinese, one of which I personally ascertained
to be of Shan kinship. Despite the utter con-
1 (7/. my detailed aocount of these tribes. Fortnightly Review,
1897.
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10 GEOGRAPHY [chAp. i
fusion which reigns both in the Chinese and the
European mind touching the south-west bar-
barians, taken as a whole, I am disposed to think
that in all probability most of them will be found
to range themselves either under the Shan or
the Tibetan head. In this connection the Rev.
Samuel Clarke published a very informing work
in 1911, showing that none of the other south-
west tribes ever had any writing system, not-
withstanding their intelligence and their quick-
ness in picking up our romanising novelties.
We have seen how the advance of Chinese
civilisation has been along the Yellow River and
then up its great tributary, the Wei, to the head
waters or tributaries on the left bank of the
Yang-tsze. A combined movement from those
head waters and from the lakes of the Hwai (old
Yellow River mouth) system seems then to have
gradually taken in the whole Yang-tsze Valley,
including the old dihouchure at Hangchow. A
glance at the map will show how their next
obvious move was across the Poyang and Tung-
t'ing lakes to Canton. Let us examine these
rivers in order. The Yellow River, the dis-
covery .of whose exact source engaged the earnest
attention both of the ablest Mongol and the
most ambitious Manchu Emperors, rises among
a group of small lakes called Odon-tala (lat.
85"* N., long. 96° E.). It then runs through
Charing Nor eastwards for 800 miles, turns
sharply back to the north-west, bisects Kan Suh
north-east, and takes a tremendous northerly
sweep round part of the desert, inclosing within
its bend the often-contested Ordos region. It
then turns due south, and forms the dividing
line between Shen Si and Shan Si. The pass of
T'ung Kwan, at its southern bend, was for many
centuries the key to the possession of empire,
in the days when the political centre of gravity
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B.C. 2000-1016] YELLOW RIVER VAGARIES 11
always lay within a hundred miles' radius of
that point. The water is clear up to its entry
into the loss region — ^in fact, the Mongols style
it the Black River ; but so soon as it reaches
Shen Si it begins to take a yellowish tinge from
the fine " loose " sandy soil which covers a vast
area on both sides of its valley, and the presence
of which, according to a theory of the distin-
guished geologist Von Richthofen,. is to be
accounted for by untold generations of dust
blown over'from the deserts. Quite recently the
American traveller (and humorist) Mr. Rodney
Gilbert has given us vivid pictures of Mussulman
life in these desert regions. This part of the
Yellow River is extensively used by salt boats,
and by junks conveying iron and other metals
from the Shan Si mines ; but from the moment
it emerges into the lowlands (between Hwai-k'ing
and Ho-nan cities), it becomes erratic, and is
practically useless for navigation. Every year or
two it bursts its banks, and temporarily destroys
some tract or other; every few centuries it
changes its course altogether. Its old bed is
often useless, whilst the new one has to be raised
or buoyed up between dykes, sometimes high
above the surrounding plain. Directly or in-
directly, millions of taels have been annually
wasted in patching it up and in feeding a corrupt
army of peculating official harpies. In a word,
the Yellow River amply justifies its traditional
sobriquet of " China's Sorrow," and it would be
a great blessing for China if proper scientific
European specialists would take the matter
seriously in hand ; in fact, at this moment, an
American syndicate is in treaty with the Repub-
lic for a thorough-going reform of the whole Hwai
River, Grand Canal, and string of lakes tangle.
Meanwhile the Chinese engineers who manipu-
late the complicated system of lakes and levels
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12 GEOGRAPHY [chap, i
forming a network about the Grand Canal and
Hung-ts6h Marsh, are almost as expert in an
empirical sense as the wary Dutchmen who keep
an ever-watchful eye upon the Zuider Zee and
the intricate system of Netherlands dykes. The
supply of water and the sacrifice of land are
carefully measured and jealously watched with
a view to keeping open the Canal and preventing
disasters of great magnitude.
The Yang-tsze River is considered by the
Chinese to take its rise in the north-west corner
of Sz Ch'wan, not far from the point where the
Yellow River, as above described, suddenly
turns north-west between mountains 20,000 feet
high. The reason for this view of the matter is
that the rich plain of Ch'€ng-tu was colonised
centuries before anything of a definite nature
was known of Yiin Nan, which remained practi-
cally a sealed book up to the time of Kublai
Klian, 650 years ago ; and even now the Chinese
have comparatively little acquaintance with
what we call the Upper Yang-tsze above P'ing-
shan, which is the limit of navigation for all but
very small boats. After this, up stream for
some distance, it is to nearly all intents a Lolo
river, and for several hundred miles forms the
boundary between Sz ChVan and Yiin Nan.
When we speak of the Yang-tsze valley in a com-
mercial sense, we really, without intending it,
mean the river taken in its Chinese sense just
described, and this river with its feeders drains
half the area, containing one-half the population
of the Eighteen Provinces.*
I need not say any more about the rest of the
stream, the Middle and Lower Yang-tsze, which
^ The Rev. S. Chevalier, 8.J., in 1901 published a magnlQcent
atlas, with detailed plates, showing the exact configuration of
every fraction of the Great Biver*s course between P'ing-shan
and Ich'ang.
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A.D. 900] THE BURMA-YUN-NAN FRONTIER 18
is already so well known from Ich'ang down-
wards. European pilots know every bank» and
follow the changes of channel day by day : it is
marvellous with what skill they will bring a huge
steamer down at full speed on the blackest of
nights. Touching what European geographers
consider the source of the Yang-tsze« — that is
the longest water-course above Sz Ch'wan* — ^its
head waters are not very far from those of the
Yellow River. The latest maps of the Upper
Yang-tsze show three small streams in the lofty
valleys between the K'unlun and Tangla ranges
(lat. S*"" N., long. 90"* E.). These three combine
to form the River Drichu, which flows south-east
through the country of the Darg6 tribes, past
Bathang, into Yiin Nan. A thousand years ago
the possession of all this western Yiin Nan region
was being contested by the Shan empire on the
one side, and the Tibetans on the other. At
present it has no commercial, and very little
political significance, and is one of the least
known parts of the world ; the Indian Govern-
ment, however, keeps its eyes wide open, on
behalf of Burma, and has recently established
a new commissionership in the Putao region
(west of Yiin Nan), which effectively secures to
us command of all the Irrawaddy sources.
There yet remains a third great water system,
that of the Si Kiang, or West River of the Two
Kwang provinces. All its head waters are in
eastern Yiin Nan, and for some distance it forms
the boundary between Kwei Chou and Kwang
Si. The trade of all its branches and tributaries
concentrates at the new treaty port of Wu-chou
on the borders of Kwang Tung and Kwang Si.
In touching upon the above drainage systems,
I wish first of all to illustrate how naturally the
invading Chinese have in their expansion in-
variably followed the Unes of least resistance ;
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14 GEOGRAPHY [chap, i
and, secondly, to prepare the reader for certain
important results affecting the course of modern
trade, and more especially the enormous native
salt trade, which is organised strictly in accord-
ance with the facilities offered by rival water
routes. Handled in a masterly fashion by Sir
Richard Dane, the Salt Gabelle has now become
one of China's best financial assets. I think
it specially useful to insert here a sketch map
of tne Yang-tsze Valleyi so as to bring vividly
before the eye some points upon which I have
touched. What little there is to be said about
the geography of Tibet, Mongolia, and Manchuria
will be introduced under those or other heads.
It only remains now to mention one or two of
those historical mountain ranges of the Eighteen
Provinces which play a part in determining
political or commercial divisions.
The great natural barrier between the Chinese
and the Tartars has always been, and to a great
extent still is, the range known as Yin Shan, or
" Sombre Mountains," which may be roughly
stated to form a backing to the Great Wall all
the way from the northern Ordos bend of the
Yellow River to Corea. Then there are the
Nan Shan, or " South Mountains," of Kan Suh,
which divide off the Turko-Tartar from the
Tibetan groups : it has always been the policy of
China to keep these two groups apart. Another
important range separates the valley of the Wei
(tributary of the Yellow River) from that of the
Han (tributary of the Yang-tsze) : it is called
by various names in the maps, but I have never
been able to satisfy myself what the proper
Chinese name is. Then there is the Mei Ling,
or " Plum Range," which separates the river
systems of the Yang-tsze and the Chu Kiang
(Pearl or West River). There are many other
notable mountain ranges in China, mostly off-
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A.D. 1900-1911] REPUBLICAN CHANGES 15
shoots of the great Central Asian Range usually
known as the K'unlun. Several of these ranges
I have crossed myself ; but it would be of barren
interest to enumerate them here, or to enter
into wearisome details as to what this spur does,
or how that system re-appears. I confine my-
self therefore to naming the few chains which,
in my own experience of history and travel,
appear to play a prominent practical part. The
best way for those readers who really take a
close interest in the geographical features of the
Eighteen Provinces to gratify their special
propensities would bfe to study the map which
1 have always found the simplest and clearest
for general purposes — ^that of Dr. Bretschneider
(revised edition, 1900). It is wonderfully ac-
curate, and sets out all topographical peculiari-
ties in excellent proportion. Although the ju^
chaUf and fing cities are no longer, under the
Republic, distinguished from the hien^ it will
be some time before even the Chinese themselves
lose sight of the old " ranks " of walled cities ;
and in any case these distinctions of political
size and quality must be kept in mind when we
consult books on China published before the
general hotch-pot rearrangements fitfully made
since 1911.
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CHAPTER II
HISTORY
The human interest in Chinese history in the
case of non-specialists begins with foreign rela-
tions. Just as early Roman history loses itself
in an ill-defined mist of Etruscans, Volscians,
Sabines, or other petty tribes, and makes the
ordinary reader, who honestly desires to start
from the beginning, anxious to get on to the
livelier subjects of the Carthaginian and Gallic
wars ; so do students of Chinese, who have em-
barked on the voyage of discovery, dread the
wearisome duty of wading through the insipid
stories of early Chinese times : how the great
Yii cleft the mountains and guided the waters ;
how the noble king A, of a new dynasty, got
rid of the tyrant B of an old one, when he was
feasting on mountains of flesh and rivers of wine,
regardless of his people's poverty, surrounded by
beautiful, if mischievous, houris. I have been
through it all thrice in the original, and will there-
fore be more merciful to those who do me the
honour to read me than I have been even to
myself: in making these irreverent remarks I
must add that the true dated Chinese history
only begins in 842 B.C., at which date a great
revolution took place, not only in politics, but
also in letters. 1 will not inflict any earlier or
traditional " history " upon my readers — ^not
so much as a summary— I sweep it totally away,
16
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r CHWESE EX FANS/ ON
N07V<N0WN
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B.C. 800-220] INSIPIDITY OF EARLY HISTORY 17
Even Confucius' history, which treats of events
well subsequent to the Triumvirate of 841 bx.,
and describes comprehensible human beings who
do not irritate us with their excessive rectitude
and virtue, is inexpressibly flat and insipid. He
may be said to be the very first to deal at all with
concrete facts, extending in this case over 260
years of his own state's experiences (722-481
B.C.) : but he wrote merely as a pedagogue,
utilising these events as lessons for the " unruly "
ruling princes, and with the single object of
magnifying the imperial or royal supreme house,
which had been effete and ineffective ever since
the repubUcan outburst. The earlier histories,
or such fragments, " gingered " up by Confucius,
as remain, are downright stupid. There are no
intelligent generalisations : simply bald annals
interspersed with a few exhortations, orders to
act, and a ^ few personal anecdotes. Chinese
thought, usually very hazy, appears rather in
their ethical works, and these only became
possible after an enlarged script had been thought
out in principle at the time of the Triumvirate
—or perhaps Duumvirate. I am not surprised
that the first Great Emperor, who effected a
pretty clean sweep of the ancient kings, the
feudal princes, and the literary men about 220
years after Confucius' death, made a desperate
effort to annihilate the existing literature too
• — more especially that portion which consisted
of polemics, philosophy, and opinion^ — ^sparing
only works on matters of positive fact, such as
medicine, husbandry, divination (by astrology,
then ranked as an historical science) ; and
particularly the annals of his own time. There
are, however, some smart conceits even in the
" Spring and Autumn " annals, or history of Lu
(Confucius' own state) ; and the industrious
French sinologist M« Edouard Chavannes has
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Id
History
[chap. II
recently provided us with a word for word trans-
lation of S5&-ma Ts'ien's great history, which
practically tells us all that is known of ancient
times, and may be regarded as the true basis
of all Chinese history, I refer to that monu-
mental work those whose consciences will not
permit of their resting satisfied with my assur-
ance!^ as to the unprofitable nature of earlier
annals : there is no excuse for their shirking
the duty, if they think someone should under-
take it, as the Shi-ki now exists in accessible
form, done into faithful French.*
The things which chiefly interest me in ancient
EARLY CHINESE DYNASTIES
Kame of Dynasty.
Knmber of Bolen.
Dniatlon of
Dyiuwty.
Bemarks.
"FiveMonaroha"
Hia
Shang
Chou
Nine
Eighteen
Twenty-eight
Ten
Twenty*flve
2862-2206
2205-1767
1766-1122
1122-828
827-266
Altogether mjrthical.
Legendary and largely
mythioal.
Chie&y legendary.
Semi-historical kings.
Recognised as his-
torical by Ss-ma
Ts*ien.
Chinese records are a few observations about the
raids of the horse-riding nomads of the north,
and the measures the Chinese took to repel them ;
but it is only in the second century before Christ
that we get any consecutive account of these
movements. The Great " First *' Emperor of
the Ts'in dynasty, who unified the Chinese
dominion in 222 B.C., and whoSe ancestors seem
to have been, in part at least, of a race more
or less foreign to the earliest lettered Chinese,
^ M. Chavannes unfortunately stopped at the 47th of the
115 chapters* his labours in the direction of Buddhism, the
Turkish history. Sir Aurel Stein's discoveries, and other intensely
interesting subjects having weaned his appetite for the milk of
antiquity in favour of the strong meat of practical matter.
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B.C. 800-200] COMPARISON WITH EARLY ROME 19
broke away impatiently from all old traditions,
and became sole master : hitherto his external
influences had been chiefly exercised over Tibetan
and Tartar tribes. Dr. Bretschneider's map,
which gives in various tints a very good idea of
the land levels, shows clearly what was the
natural configuration that determined this great
unifying movement. In the words of the late
W. F. Mayers, who possessed in the highest
degree the historical instinct, the new empire
extended " from the plains of Yen and Cnao
(the modern Ho Nan and Chih Li) to the banks
of the Yang-tsze and the hills of Yiieh (the modern
Ch@h Kiang), and from the Lake of Tung-t'ing
to the Eastern Sea." The nomads, then called
Hiung-nu, were for the first time driven beyond
the northern bend of the Yellow River, and
nearly the whole of what we call Southern China
was officially annexed, if in a loose sort of way.
All China and Indo-China was, and still is,
peopled by a set of people who speak mono-
syllabical languages, with tones for each separate
word ; just as Aryans are inflective, and the
Turanians agglutinative in their genius. The
quality of these southerly annexations and
tne degree of human kinship existing between
the Chinese and the peoples of the south may
be compared with the northerly annexations of
the Romans, and the degree of Aryan kinship
existing between them and the Gauls and
Germans. Similarly, though in the reverse direc-
tion, the hereditary enemy Carthage may be
compared with the ancient Hiung-nu foe. But
despite the division of nearly the whole area of
the Eighteen Provinces of to-day into thirty-six
governments, this first truly imperial dynasty,
called that of Ts*in from the principality of its
origin (Shen Si), seems only to have niled
immediately and directly over the original
4
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20 HISTORY [chap, n
Chinese plain. Like the earliest settled states
of America, the oldest of these thirty-six divisions
were conceived on a very small scale, whilst the
newly conquered " territories *'• — ^like early and
half-Spanish Texas as compared with ancestral
Massachusetts— each covered an area almost as
great as that of all Old China.
This powerful dynasty of Ts'in soon collapsed,
apparently from a general incapacity to digest
and assimilate all it had so hastily conquered.
The Hiimg-nu soon reappeared upon the frontiers.
It was now that the first definite tidings of
Japan (then only known as an agglomeration of
the Wo or Wa tribes) began to arrive over the
sea. Amongst the ambitious generals who con-
tested the imperial succession was a self-made
man of peasant origin named Liu Pang : he after
three years of incessant fighting was proclaimed
Prince of Han, and ultimately assumed the
imperial title as Emperor of the Han dynasty.
To this day, in memory of this glorious house,
the Chinese (with the exception of the Can-
tonese) call themselves " men of Han " when
they wish to differentiate themselves from Tar-
tars, Tibetans, or foreigners. This is, indeed,
the nearest approach to a national designation.
During his seven years of effective reign (202-
194 B.C.), and during the administration of his
puppet son, subject to and followed by the
usurpation of the widowed consort (194-179)
(the first of the Chinese "Catherines,'' and in
political character very like the Dowager-
Empress who died in 1908), there occurred the
first really authentic and properly recorded
relations with the Hiung-nu, who were then quite
able to assert their perfect equaUty with China,
and even presumed to talk of marriage alUances.
The Great Khan Mehteh (= Baghdur) even sent
a flippant poem to the Dowager, proposing what
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B.C. 200-100] CHINA^S EXTENDED SWAY 2i
he called a " swap." The whole history of the
Hiung-nu wars of the Han dynasty is intensely
vivid and interesting, yielding not one whit in
any respect to the Greek accounts of the Scy-
thians and Huns in the respective times of
Alexander and Attila. There is excellent ground
for believing that the Scythians, Huns, and
Hiung-nu were practically reshuffles of one and
the same assemblages of people — ^the Turks and
Mongols of later date.
The ill-assimilated conquests of the short-
lived Ts'in dynasty left to the Han house, in
addition to Tartar troubles, a legacy of further
wars with Corea (then called Chaosien) and the
southern coasts of China. It is possible that one
of the motives for marching on Corea was the
desire to turn the left flank of the Hiung-nu.
Although in modern times the " Yiieh " of
Canton is written at least (but not spoken) in a
- different way from the " Yiieh " of Cheh Kiang,
there was no such difference then, and there is
reason to believe that one race, more akin to the
Annamese than the Chinese, then occupied the
whole of the coast regions south of the Yang-tsze,
including the whole valleys of the Canton (Si
Bliang) and Tonquin (Red and Black) rivers. It
also seems that most, if not all, of the settled
countries bordering on China were then ruled by
Chinese adventurers ; or at all events by native
princes acquainted more or less with the Chinese
system of records, and having a Chinese blend
in their blood derived from immigrants. Here,
again, we must look for a parallel to the Romans,
who, simply from the fact of their possessing
business-like records and archives, soon spread
out on all sides, and colonised the surrounding
Italian or Gallic towns or states. The period of
conquest extended from 188 to 110 B.C., and at
the time when Wu Ti began his military career
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22 HISTORY [chap, u
(128^108), the King of Ch'ang-sha (now stUl the
capital of Hu Nan) was the only one of the vassal
kings enjoying independent hereditary power,
though really subject to the Emperor of China.
The Canton state was called " South Yiieh," and
the Foochow state " Min Yiieh " ; even the north
part of the latter, with capital at the modern
WSnchow, was called the '* Eastern Seaboard
of Yiieh/' The princes of both the latter were
descendants of one common King of Yiieh, in
Confucian feudal times a powerful sovereign.
Subsequently to 110 B.C. their populations were
moved to the River Hwai region. The conquest
of Corea led to the further discovery by land of
the Japanese, who then occupied (whether as
immigrants or as aborigines is not yet settled)
the tip of the Corean peninsula, as well as the
southern half of the Japanese islands. The
necessity of " turning the right flank " of the
Hiung-nu, over whom the Chinese gained a
decisive success in 119 B.C., led to alliances with
other nomad races in modem Hi and the New
Territory, and finally to the annexation of
Khotan, the Pamirs, Kokand, and, in short, the
whole modern Manchu Empire as it existed up
to its fall. Although the Hiimg-nu were not yet
completely subdued, yet their lines of commimica-
tion were pierced. Parthia, Mesopotamia, and
even Syria were distinctly " located,'' if not
officially visited, and there are numerous indica-
tions pointing to an acquaintance with the Greek
dynasties of Bactria and Affghanistan. Now
first Buddhism was distinctly heard of, and India ;
the attempt to reach India by way of Yun Nan
carried with it the discovery and partial annexa-
tion of the various Shan, Miao, and Tibetan
tribes. Hindoo missionaries began to find their
way to China through Turkestan, and the Bur-
mese (then called Tan) are first mentioned.
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A.D. 100-200] DIVISION INTO PROVINCES 28
King An-tun, of Great TsMn, is said to have sent
an expedition or mission by way of Tan in
A.D. 166, and there seems good reason to suppose
this word must be " Antoninus." Whoever the
traders were who undoubtedly used to come from
the West by sea, it is stated that they were called
Ts'in (possibly = Syr) on account of their comely
appearance like the Chinese Ts'in people. The
annexation of Nan-yiieh involved that of Hainan,
Kwang Si, the Lei-chou peninsula, and at least
half of Cochin-China. It is even thought by
zealous believers that Christians and Jews foimd
their way to China vid Tartary during the After
Han dynasty, which reigned for two centuries
after Christ at modern Ho-nan Fu, as the Early
Han had done for two centuries before Christ
at Ch'ang-an (Si-ari Fu),'
Instead of the thirty-six provinces of Ts'in,
the After Han dynasty divided the modern
Eighteen Provinces into only thirteen, of which
eight represented Old China, which then as now
extended up to modern Shanghai and the sea,
whilst the whole of the south was divided into
four, and the west was made one, proof that
these parts were still but half opened to civi-
lisation. The satrap system was m full vogue ;
princes were given provinces ** to eat," and not
merely to govern as centralised officials. North *
of the Great Wall were the Hiung-nu (now broken
up and partly driven west) and the Tungusic
^ As to Early Han, I append particulars of the dates of Wu
Ti*s conquests in tabulated form : —
127-125 B.C. OrdoSyboth comers of the northern bend of the
Yellow River.
115-111 B.C. Modem Kan Suh (Suh-chou, Liang-chou, Kan-
chou), up to Tun-hwang (Purun-ki River).
Ill B.C. Modem Canton, Tonquin, Hainan, Kwang Si, and
part of Kwei Chou.
1 10-1 09 B.C. Western Yun Nan and Sz Ch'wan. Eastern ditto .
108 B.O. Corea (northern half only).
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24 HISTORY [chap, u
hunter-nomads (aiming at the decrepit empire
of their former masters the Hiung-nu). Then
came the pastoral Tibetan tribes of the Kokonor
region and the Upper Yang-tsze, gradually
merging into the Shan peoples of Yiin Nan, the
unorganised Miao of Kwang Si, and the slowly
retreating Yiieh tribes, originally extending from
modern Ningpo to Canton. These last seem to
CmNESB DYNASTIES WITH A CONTINUOUS INTELLIGIBLE
HISTORY
KMne of Period
or Dynasty.
Doxation.
Nnmbw of Bcden.
BemarkB.
TB'in
256-206
Five
The fourth declared himself
" First Emperor " in 221,
From 206 to 202 there was
general anarchy.
Han
202 B.O.-
Twenty-seven
From A.D. 25 the eastern
A.D. 220
branch moved its capital
from modem Si-an Fa to
modem Ho-nan Fu.
Three Empires
220-265
Average of three
The northern one (Wei) is
in each
the one chiefly in evidence.
Tain
265-420
Seventeen
From ▲.D. 317 the eastern
branch moved its capital
From 309 to 439 there was a bewildering succession of Hiung-nu, Bastard
Hiung-nu, Tungusic, Tibetan, Tibeto-Tungusic, Migrated Tungusic, and rebel
Chinese ** dynasties,*' ruling in various parts of the north, from Corea to
Kokonor ; in addition to, and in competition with, first the Tsin Empire^ and
later the Northern Empire of the Tobas and the contemporaneous Chinese
Empires at Nanking.
It must be remembered that the old fu cities are now abolished under the
Republic, but for many years the habit of using the term must continue, if
onfy in order to make use of existing maps.
have very soon lost their separate identity, and
to have either permanently retired into Annam
proper (Tonquin) or to have been merged into
the Chinese.
From A.D. 220 to about 265 China was split up
into three empires : a branch of the old Liu
family of Han in Sz Ch'wan (Shuh), the Sun
family south of the Yang-tsze (Wu), and the
usurping Ts'ao family in the north (Wei). This
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A.D. 255-420] GRADUAL TRANSFORMATION 26
state of affairs is very similar to the partition of
the Roman Empire into the East and West
monarchies at Constantinople and Ravenna, or
Rome. The continuity of imperial history is
now broken, for the southern dynasty has noth-
ing to do with the long struggles between Tun-
guses, Hiung-nu, and Tibetans for predominance
in the north ; whilst the northern dynasty lost
all touch with the Syrians, Hindoos, Javans,
and other mercantile people coming in trading
vessels to Canton and other marts on the coast.
In A.D. 222 the Emperor of Wu divided the old
realm of Ejao-chi (South Yiieh) into two man-
ageable halves. The name Kwang-chou, later
Kwang-nan, was given to what is now the double
Canton province, and Tonquin was called Kiao-
chou. Corea slipped away, and Chinese influence
disappeared from the Far West. In a word, the
whole Weltpolitik of the great Han dynasty
crumbled to pieces. This period of division is
by no means uninteresting, but events are not
sufficiently connected to admit of pourtraying
the situation with a few strokes in a brief sketch
like this.
From A.D. 265 the Sz-ma family (distantly
related to the famous historian) were for a time
nominally sole rulers of ^ina, under the style of
the Tsin dynasty. This word must not be con-
fused with the older Ts'in, which, by retrospective
philological processes pecuhar to China, means
that Sdn must not be confused with Ziln. The
imperial house was distinctly literary and peace-
ful, rather than warlike and ambitious ; — in fact,
it developed those qualities which we now con-
sider peculiarly Chinese, It was the great age
of calligraphy, belles lettres^ fans, chess-playing,
wine-bibbing, and poetry-making ; of strategy
rather than hard fighting,and of political timidity.
From this time dates the rule that no one should
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2« HISTORY [chap, n
set foot in China, at least to remain, without
bringing tribute. Moreover, a succession of
Tartar dynasties of very short duration kept the
whole of the extreme north in a perpetual fer-
ment. One curious and permanent result of all
this was that the Chinese centre of gravity was
entirely changed. At the present day, if we wish
for etymological accuracies, we find them most
perfect in Canton and Corea ; that is, the best
representative of the language spoken under the
two divisions of the Han dynasties is now to be
found in the descendants of emigrants to the
south ; whilst the Coreans, cut off for many
centuries by Tartars from intercourse with
literary China, have rigidly preserved, in or
according to their ancient form, the early Han
pronunciation of the Chinese words they borrowed
2,000 years ago. The rough nomads who
swarmed into North China not only mixed their
blood with that of the Chinese, but debased the
language ; hence we find that the " mandarin "
forms of speech, in their relation to old theo-
retical Chinese, bear much the same relation to
the coast dialects that French does to Spanish,
Portuguese, or Italian, which, though not so
fashionable, are all of them nearer old Latin than
the French can claim t0be.
The rival Tartar dynasties in the north were
finally dispossessed by a Tungusic family called
Toba, which ruled for 200 years with great
vigour over North China, whilst the pure
Chinese governed the southern half. This was
the period known as the '* North and South
Dynasties" ; and ever since that time it has been
as much the rule as the exception for Tartars of
some kind to divide the empire on equal terms
with native dynasties. Here, again, we find a
close parallel in Roman history. The Stilichos,
Ricimers^ Alarics, and Theodorics all made way
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A.D. 26ih^l8] SEMI-* BARBARIAN ' DYNASTIES 27
for the permanent northern Frankish empire of
Charlemagne. But neither the northern nor
the southern half of China was continuously
ruled : instead of puzzling the reader with a
confused narrative of how this was arranged,
the result of which would probably be to leave
him in as thick a fog as before, I draw up a short
Dynwty.
Funilj Kune.
Oapiui
(modem name).
Dazatlon
(A.D.).
BemarkB.
(West) Tain .
(East) Tain .
Sung •
Th'i
liMig .
Ch'«n .
Sui
Sz-ma .
do. .
Liu
Siao .
do. .
Ch €n • .
Yang .
Ho-nanFu .
Nanking 1
Si-anFu j
do.
do.
do.
Si-anFu
265-317
317-419
420-478
479-602
602-666
667-588
581-618
Pure Chinese.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
Han
Chao
Yen
Ts'in
(After) Ts'in .
West) Ts'in .
Hia
Wei .
(Weet)Wei .
(East) Wei .
(North) Ts'i .
Chou .
Sui
Liu . {
8hih .
Mu-yung |
P'u (or Fu) .
Yao
K'i-fuh
H6-Uen
Toha .
/Yft-wto \
\Toba . /
Kao . {
do. .
Yii-w«n
Yang .
Ho-nanFu \
Si-anFu /
Ho-nanFu .
Lin-ohang \
Ting-ohou /
Si-anFu
do.
near Kokonor
Ning-hia .
Ho-nanFu .
Yung-p'ingFn
Ho-nanflk \
Lin-ohang /
do.
Si-anFu
do.
304-329
819-352
334-399
352-395
384-417
385-i28
407-428
386-534
535-557
534-550
560-577
557-581
581-618
r Hiung-nu ; des-
- oended from Han
t by marriage.
/"Wether" tribe
\ of Hiung-nu.
A Tungusio family.
A Tibetan family.
do.
A Tungusio family.
Hiung-nu.
Tungusio.
do.
do.
do.
do.
Pure Chinese.
table showing the succession of Tartar and
Chinese houses, one to the other, I must men-
tion that capitals were often temporarily shifted ;
also that the list of northern dynasties here given
is by no means exhaustive. It will be noticed
that the intermarriages between Han and the
Hiung-nu produced dangerous results, for one
barbarian based his claim to found a Chinese
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28 HISTORY [CHAP.n
dynasty on the pretext that he was the only
true du:ect descendant of the first Han emperor.
It will also be seen that the Tibetans never had
more than one short innings ; never again did
they assume imperial airs, although they made
many conquests in later times. But the Hiung-
nu (Turks) and Tunguses (ICitans, Nuchens,
Manchus) will often reappear ; as to the Mongols,
they seem to have been Turkified Tunguses.
At last Yang Eaen, an energetic general of
distinguished descent in the service of the Chou
dynasty, succeeded in unifying China once more
under one sceptre. He was murdered by his
son, who, though a madman of the Caligula
type, ruled for a few years with extraordinary
vigour, and carried his arms or his prestige to
the uttermost ends of the empire. It is recorded
of this monarch that he wished to communicate
with Fulin, or ** the Franks.*' Some argue
from this that their name could not have been
known so early, and that '' Fulin " must mean
some other people. But it must be remembered '
that this allusion is made retrospectively by his-
torians of the T'ang dynasty after it was known
who the Franks were. Exactly the same thing
occurs in the Ming History, which explained all
about the Franks of 1520, under the events of
that date, but after Ricci, in 1600, had for the
first time made it clear that the Franks, Fulin,
and Ta Ts'in were all one.
To revert to the Toba Tunguses of North China,
who for 200 years had managed things pretty
much in their own way. Diuring this period
(886-582) another nomadic power called the
Juju, or Jeujen (Gibbon's Geougen), had become
formidable in the Desert region, and had also
succeeded in subduing most of the Hiung-nu
remnants in Southern Siberia and elsewhere.
One of their subject Hiung-nu hordes was that
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A.D. 500-eoO] TARTAR AND FOREIGN STATES 29
of " Tiirk," so called from an alleged native word
meaning " helmet,'* having reference to the
helmet-shaped mountain over-shadowing one
of thehr chief valleys (lat. 40"^ N., long. 102'' E.,
or thereabouts). These Turks were mostly
smiths by profession, and were employed by -,
their Jeu-jen masters to forge weapons and
armour ; but as the power of the Tobas declined,
the Turks found an opportunity to measure their
strength with the Jeujen. Not only did they
destroy this nomad power and take its place,
but they began to domineer over the last two
Tungusic dynasties of North China, and to
demand marriage alliances. The Sui dynasty
(581-618) succeeded in repelling the pretensions
of the Turks, and also overran Corea as a punish-
ment for her diplomatic coquetting with their
Khan. At that time the modern Mukden was
the Corean capital, and the old name of Chaosien
had been abandoned in favour of Kaoli (locally
pronounced exactly like our word " Corea '*).
Relations with Annam were reopened; that
country was divided into thirteen provinces in
Chinese style, and tribute was exacted for the
first time. The attempted conquest of Corea
brought a mission in a.d. 608 from Japan, which
now for the first time took the name of Ji-pftn,
or ** Sun's-rise,*' and claimed an imperial status.
In the same way the closer relations ydth Annam
had the result that Chinese envoys were des-
patched to Red Earth State. By this appears
to be meant the modern Siam, but the Tai or
Shan race had not yet been given that name,
which is simply the Burmese word Sham, written
by the Portuguese Sciam, and corrupted by us
into a dissyllable. For the first time Loochoo
was heard of, and by that name (Liu-k'iu) ;
the Chinese even sent a quasi-piratical expedition
in order to exact tribute. Strange to say,
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80 HISTORY [chap, n
nothing whatever is yet known even of the bare
existence of Formosa, though later tradition
mentions it as a dependency of Loochoo, at first
under the apparently Sansfa-it name of P'i-she-ja
(some such sound as Vich&na or Vaisadja),
The Western Turks were an impenetrable barrier
between China, Persia, and India; and the
Tibetans had not yet become an aggressive
power. Such was China under the.Sui dynasty,
which collapsed before the T'ang house as
quickly as, 800 years earlier, the house of Ts'in
had fallen before Han ; and for the same reasons :
it was too revolutionary, and it was unable to
digest all that it had swallowed.
The Great T'ang dynasty (618-907) ranks
with the Han as one of the two *' world-powers '*
of Chinese history. To this day the only Can-
tonese word for *' Chinaman " is ** man of
T'ang," which fact tends to show that the south
had been isolated ever since the Han lost their
prestige there, and that none of the short-lived
Nanking dynasties had left any permanent im-
precision on the popular mind.
Li Shi'-min, the real founder of the T*ang
dynasty, son of the nominal founder, Li Yiian,
is perhaps the only instance in the whole course
of Chinese history of a sovereign who was, from
a European point of view, at once a gentleman,
and a brave, shrewd, compassionate man, free
from priggishness and cant. He personally
subdued the Turks and Tunguses in such a way
that for half a century the Tartars were under
direct Chinese rule from Corea up to the frontiers
of Persia, the fugitive sovereign of which latter
country actually came to China for protection.
For the first time in Chinese history the Emperor
effectively conquered the three kingdoms of the
Corean peninsula, which was also for a few
generations governed directly as a set of pro-
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A.D. 600-TOO] MUSSULMANS AND TIBETANS 81
vinces. During the reigns of his successors (one
of them was a concubine, Chinese " Catherine '*
No. 2, who became rather irregularly the Empress
of his son, and Regent over his grandson) the
Turkish power, after a period of revival, was
finally broken, and passed into the hands of a
kindred race known as the Ouigours. Within the
past generation nimierous Tinrkish and Ouigour
monimients have been discovered, chiefly by
Russians. Not only has it been possible to re-
const^ct the old Turkish language by the light
of these inscriptions, sometimes bUingual or
trilingual, but the main points in Turko-Chinese
history are sufficiently confirmed by them. The
Turks clearly were, and are definitely stated to
have been, the old southerly Hiung-nu ; and the
petty Ouigour sub-division of the Baikal group
of Hiung-nu, which of course had no cause for
appropriating the equally petty tribal name of
" Turk,'* did, when it became the ruUng tribe
over kindred tribes, exactly what the Osmanli,
Mongols, Manchus, Russians, English, French,
and other dynastic families have done all over
the world, — it applied to the whole dominion
the generalising name of a tribal part of it.
The Mahometans, in their struggles with the
Turks of the Bokhara region, were soon brought
into contact with China, and relations with the
Caliphs became fairly regular and intimate.
The Tibetan gialbos of Lhassa also first became
a power contemporaneously with the T'ang
dynasty : bilingual inscriptions of this date, in
Chinese and a modified form of Sanskrit, are
still to be seen at the Tibetan capital, and, in-
deed, were found still in sitij^ when we entered
it in 1904. A third great power, which seems
to have been practically Siamese, contested
supremacy with the Tibetans in the Yiin Nan-Sz
ChVan region, and we find both Ouigours and
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82 HISTORY [chap, n
Abbas^ide Arabs taking part with the Chinese
in these struggles round and about the Upper
Yang-tsze. Both the Tibetans and the " Uhao
confederation " {chao is still Siamese for ** prince '*
and "principality*') came within an ace of
securing the imperial throne under the weaker
T'ang emperors ; and as it was, the Tibetans for
some decades held possession of Chinese Turkes-
tan. During this dynasty an able Corean
general in Chinese employ, whose footsteps have
just been dogged by Sir Aurel Stein, carried the
Chinese arms into the region of Kashmir and
Balti, and Nepaul is also heard of for the first
time ; the various princes of India then opened
up diplomatic relations with China. Annam
remained a Chinese prefecture, but had to be
defended against the ambitions of the Siamese
confederation and of Ciampa. Since a.d. 940
Annam has been ruled by native dynasties tribu-
tary to China, but now of course it is manipu-
lated by the French. The relations with the
South Seas seem to have had leisure to develop
themselves peacefully during these severe
struggles all along the line of the land frontiers.
The Hindoo trading colonies of Sumatra, Java,
Borneo, and Sulu were gradually displaced by
thofee of the Arabs, whose merchants also ac-
quired a firm footing in Canton, Zaitun (Ts'iian-
chou), Canfu (Kanp'u near Hangchow), and
other places on the Chinese coast. Europeans
now begin to be vaguely heard of as Fulin, Folang,
or " Franks '' (a name which is almost certain
to have been introduced by the Arabs overland by
way of Persia, for even in India the English were
known to the overland Manchus as the "JP'i-ling").
The Fulin are identified by the Chinese of the
eighth century with the old Ta-ts'in ; and, as all
the world knows, the celebrated Nestorian Stone
of the eighth century discovered by European
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A.D. 700-1100] THE TARTAR MENACE 88
missionaries at the T'ang capital of Si-an Fu
800 years ago, describes in Syriac and Chinese
the Christian religion of Ta-ts'in, At this time
the Chinese do not seem to have quite under-
stood that the sea and land routes to Arabia
both led to the same place ; nor is there yet any
trace of " Franks " coming by sea*
Just as the destruction of the Hiung-nu power
by the house of Han paved the way for Tungusic
dynasties in North China, so the destruction of
the Turkish power by the house of T'ang paved
the way for the Eatans, Nuchgns, Mongols, and
Manchus. Moreover, just as a few Hiung-nu
dynasties enjoyed short leases of power before
the Tobas obtained a firm seat, so a few Turkish
dynasties reigned in the north before the Eatans
(the name origin of Marco Polo's Cathayans)
secured a real hold. The T'ang power finally
collapsed in 907, and of the five dynasties that
rapidly succeeded one another, until the house
of Sung once more reunited the greater part of
China in 960, three were of Turkish extraction.
It was during this period of anarchy that Annam
finally slipped away from China's direct rule.
The Sung dynasty (960-1260), like the. Tsin,
was never able to get quite rid of unpleasant
northern intruders ; and, also like the Tsin, it
was peaceful, literary, and strategical in its
inclinations rather than warlike, bold, and
ambitious. The Sung era is undoubtedly the
Augustan era of China in all these senses. The
Kitans formed a powerful empire (with a capital
for the first time at modern Peking) which
lasted for 200 years (916-1115). They were re-
placed by their eastern subjects the Nuchgns, the
southern branch of whom had already (700-900)
formed an influential and civilised buffer state
(Puh-hai) on the north frontier of Corea. The
NuchSns governed their empire with success for
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84 HISTORY [chap, n
over a century (1116-1282), until they in turn
were overthrown by the Mongols. Roughly
speaking, both Eatans and NiichSns ruled only
over Old China, i.e. the four provinces of Chih
Li, Shan Si, Shan Tung, and part of Ho Nan ;
but also over what we now call Mongolia and
Manchuria :• — ^in other words, over the trade area
now fed from Tientsin. Turkestan and Tibet
lay entirely outside their spheres, and a semi-
Tibetan, semi-Toba state called Hia (Marco
Polo's " Tangut '') formed in the region of Ordos
and the Yellow River Loop a barrier (896-1287)
between them and the West. During all this
time the Sung dynasty, with capitals at various
towns in modern Ho Nan province, and finally
at Nanking and Hangchow, had a complete
monopoly of southern affairs and the ocean trade ; .
whilst Corea, Hia, and the Otiigours kept up a
trimming policy, first with one, then with the
other, often with both of the Chinese powers.
It is curious to observe that the true Chinese
were not now to be found in Old China, but in
aU those parts which, as emigrants, their ances-
tors from Old China had popiilated. It is like
Scotland being repopulated at the expense of the
Picts and Scots coming from Ireland.
At the beginning of the thirteenth century
there arose the mighty Genghiz Khan, whose
vast empire had its origin in a petty squabble
between himself and an envoy sent by his
NiichSn suzerain to enforce from him more
respect. The Mongols soon made short work of
not only both the Chinas, but also of their
tributary states, such as Hia and the Ouigours ;
they moreover swept over Turkestan, Persia, and
the steppes beyond ; annexed Russia ; ravaged
Himgary ; and even threatened the existence
of Western Europe. In the south, Kublai for
the first time effectively conquered Yiin Nan,
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A.D. 1200-1400] MARCO POLO'S PATRON 85
and even Burma, Annam, and several of the
Shan states lying between them. It must here
be mentioned that so far back as 830 B.C. the
feudatory King of Ch'u (Hu Nan) had conquered
Yiin Nan ; but owing to wars with revolutionary
Ts'in the conquering general could not get back^
and he had therefore founded a kingdom there.
To resume, — Corea was made a subservient
dependency, and Mongol influence was extended
all over the southern seas, at least as far as
Ceylon. But Kublai came to signal grief in his
attempt to subdue Java; still more so in his
Sersistent and presumptuous expeditions against
apan, not one inch of whose soil has ever been
suUied by foreign conquest. Kublai Khan per-
haps came nearer being Emperor of the World
than any monarch, Eastern or Western, has ever
been before or after him ; and, though the
Chinese affect to despise the ** frowsy Tartars "
{sdo ta'tsz)j their historians frankly admit that
" Hu-pili6 " (as they call him) ruled over a
vaster empire than any other Chinese sovereign
had ever done before.
But the Mongols soon became quarrelsome and
degenerate after Kublai's death. A young bonze
named Chu Yiian-chang, from an obscure village
not very far from the Han founder's birthplace,
raised a patriotic force of *' Boxers," and drove
the Mongols back to their pristine deserts. He
speedily established friendly relations with Corea,
tuiited the whole of the Eighteen Provinces once
more under a native Chinese dynasty, sent a
Frank messenger back to Europe to notify the
change, and summoned all the petty powers of
the southern seas to their '* duty." Never was
there such marine activity in China as during
the early reigns of the Ming dynasty (1868-1424).
Chinese junks, under the command of a very
distinguished exmuch, amply supplied with firnds.
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86 HISTORY [chap, n
ammunition, and fighting men, went as far as
the Arabian and African coasts ; the Red Sea
was first vaguely heard of, and tribute was for
some time regularly sent from Arabia, Ma'abar
or Malabar, Ceylon, Sumatra, the Malay states,
Siam, Java, Sulu, Loochoo, and Borneo, besides
innumerable other petty island rulers too insig-
nificant to enumerate here. Towards the end of
the sixteenth century the armies of the great
Japanese Napoleon, Hideyoshi, overran Corea,
his ultimate aim being to conquer China. The
Ming dynasty, though already decrepit, rendered
signal aid to Corea in driving the Japanese out.
During the two preceding centuries the Japanese
pirates had actively harassed the Chinese coasts,
and in 1609 they temporarily carried off China's
tributary, the King of Loochoo. Manchuria is
. scarcely even mentioned during the 280 years
this house of Ming occupied the throne. There
were frequent wars with the Mongols, and it
was in the course of this isolated period that
the obscure power of the Western Mongols
or Eleuths had time to grow. One Chinese
emperor was taken captive by their ruler Essen
at a place (still so called) just outside the Great
Wall styled T'umu, and was detained by that
chief for some years. Bell of Antermony gives
us the best account of the Eleuth doings with
Russia.
Luzon (Manila) is first mentioned in 1410 as
sending tribute to China ; but nothing more is
heard of the place until 1576, when the sea-borne
Franks (Fulangki) begin to attract serious atten-
tion. At first this term was applied indiffer-
ently to the Portuguese, Spaniards, and French ;
but the Dutch (Ho-lan), and afterwards the
English, were specially known as " Red-hairs.'*
Chinese influence had almost disappeared from
the South Seas bef oreEuropeans put in an appear-
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A.D. 1400-1600] AN UNHONOXJRED DYNASTY 87
ance, and after the settlement of Malacca by the
Portuguese, the whole political field was practi-
cally abandoned ; the Chinese traders there
wiUingly submitted to the government of natives
and Europeans without attempting to secure the
protection of either the Ming or the Manchu
power — ^in fact, the latter was always disposed
to view trading emigrants in the light of pirates
or traitors. In one case, however, the Manchus
put their foot firmly down : they secured pos-
session of Formosa, whence the Dutch were
ignominiously driven. Since the "Boxer"
affair of 1900 the Manchu and Republican
governments in turn have shown more solicitude
for the welfare and dignity of their subjects
abroad*
The Ming dynasty waged a long war with
Burma and the Shan states under the latter's
protection ; on the whole successfully. It also
maintained a preponderating influence in Annam,
Siam, Ciampa, and Cambodgia. Tribute was
occasionally sent from Arabia, Samarcand, the
Pamir states, and various parts of Turkestan ;
but in the main Chinese influence in Tibet and
all places west of it and of the Yellow River was
fitful and feeble. In spite of the vigour of the
founder of the Ming dynasty and of his warlike
son, who in 1421 finally transferred the capital
from Nanking to his own appanage Peking, on the
whole no impression of affection or respect has
been left upon the Chinese mind by this ruUng
house, the emperors of which soon dropped into
the hands of eunuchs and favourites ; and it
perhaps ended as pitifully and contemptibly as
any Chinese dynasty ever did.
The way the Manchu dynasty came into being
was this. Diuring the Mongol times (1260-1868)
the warUke spirit of the Tungusic hunting tribes
had been kept up to the mark by employment
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88 HISTORY [cbap. n
on a large scale in the expeditions against Quel-
paert and Japan. As we have seen, the Ming
dynasty left the whole region of what we now
call Manchuria very much to itself; as it bore
the Mongol name Uriangkha, it seemd likely
that when the Mongols were driven out of China
CmNBSE DYNASTEBS WHOSB GENERAL RULIKa PRmCIPLES
CORRESPOND WITH THOSE NOW XN VOGUE
Kune of DTOMty
orPtriod.
Dnntkm.
KtuiilMr of
Rulort.
Benuurloi.
T'ang
Five Dynaaties
Song
KitaxiB,
912-1117
1117-1232
MongolBy
1229-1260
YiSan
Ming
Taking
580-618
618-907
907-960
960-1260
960-1260
1260-1368
1368-1644
1644-1911
Four
Twenty-two
Average two
eaoh
Eighteen
Twenty-*
two
Nine
Seventeen
Ten
Two effective rolen only. A
wonderfolly active dynaa^.
Three of the five were of Turidah^
origin. The Kitana ruled to the
north of them alL South and
Weat China waa nearly inde-
pendent of them all, and under
aeparate rulezt known aa the
" Sixteen States."
There is no such name at thia date
as "North and South Dynas-
ties," but there ought to be.
The Chinese affect to regard
Sung alone as historical Ch&a ;
but from 1127 the Sung had to
abandon all China natSi of the
Yang-tsae, and for 300 years the
Peking plain was inTartar hands.
Kublai and his successors first
occupied the Peking throne.
The first native dynasty to rule the
north since 450 years.
As with the Mongol Khans pre*
vious to Kublai, so with the
Manchu Khans previous to 1644
— they do not count aa " Bona
of Heaven."
they, and more especially the Uriangkha tribe,
retained political influence in Prince Nayen's
old appanage, which had in Kublai's time been
practically modern Manchuria. The name of
the celebrated Mongol general, Uriangkhadai,
simply means *' man of Uriangkha.'' The only
occasions on which the people in these parts
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4.D, 1650-1T50] FACILE MANCHT CONQUEST 89
geem to have had friendly intercourse with the
Ming power was when they took advantage of
frontier fairs to bring down horses, furs, and skins
for sale or barter to the Chinese. During this
obscure period of imperial inaction, the tribes
now grouped together as the Manchu race must
have had ample opportunity to develop ; ,but
the Manchus themselves are not able to tell us
much of their own origin and doings previous
to the time when their chief Niu*hachi conceived
and carried out the bold idea of welding all the
Tunguses into one nation. Some of the southern
chiefs, tinged with Mongol blood, objected to
this fusion, and either took refuge in or intrigued
with China. This led to frontier wars and
recriminations, and finally to the conquest of
the Chinese borderlands by Nurhachi's son,
Abkhai. Meanwhile a great rebellion broke out
in degenerate China, and the Ming general,
Wu San-kwei, who had been sent against the
Manchus, was recalled to quell it. Peking fell
into rebel hands, and Manchu assistance was
foolishly sought by Wu San-kwei. The Chinese
Emperor having meanwhile committed suicide,
and there being no proper heirs, the Manchus
saw their opportunity, and promptly took it.
Abkhai's son and successor became the first
Manchu Emperor of China in 1644. Previous
to this Corea and Eastern MongoUa had been
reduced to submission, and special measures
were now taken to draft the capable Mongol
troops into the Manchu military organisation.
The Coreans were allowed to govern themselves
on the tacit condition of furnishing troops when
called for. China was soon conquered, and then
came the turn of the overweening Wu San-
kwei and other revolted Chinese satraps, the
Western Mongols, the Kalkhas and Eleuths,
Kokonor, and Tibet. By the time of the
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40 HISTORY [chap, n
Emperor K*ien-lung (1786--1795) the Chinese
Empire had reached its climax. The necessity
of completely subduing the Eleuths and Dzun-
garian Kalmucks led to the conquest of Ili and
Kashgaria. The wars with Tibet similarly led
up to the conquest or pacification of Nepaul.
There were also long wars with Annam and
Burma, in which the Manchus often came off
second best, but which resulted in a more or
less genuine recognition of Chinese suzerainty ;
an authoritative tone was assumed even over
Siam when that country became involved in the
peninsular question. Of course these southern
nations knew next to nothing of Manchu-Chinese
distinctions. The Manchus have always left
Japan severely alone, but in Loochoo they
found a faithful vassal (equally complaisant to
Japan) until about forty years ago, when Japan,
in consequence of Formosa disputes, uncere-
moniously gave the Chinese notice to quit. The
Sultans of Sulu have also been respectfully dis-
posed towards the Manchus, and the tomb of
one of them who visited Peking and died in
Shan Tung has been kept up at the public charge
down to our own times. With these exceptions
the Manchu dynasty, which had no real aptitude
for the ocean, always, following the example of its
kinsmen the Kitans and NiichSns, cut itself off
entirely from political relations with the Southern
Seas. It was only after the Japanese and
" Boxer " wars of 1894 and 1900 that China^s
pride began to be touched on the subject of
" bullying '' her emigrants in the South Seas
and America. As a land power, however, the
Manchus have been even more solidly estab-
lished than the Mongols were ; for although the
immediate successors of Genghiz commanded
the personal attendance before their desert throne
of Russian, Armenian, and Persian princes, the
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A.D. 1250-1850] MONGOL AND MANCHU 41
most powerful Mongol Emperor, Kublai, really
ruled in an effective sense over the Eighteen
Provinces alone, and was at perpetual logger-
heads with his vassal relatives of Persia, Mon-
golia, and Manchuria; moreover, the Mongols
were not the intellectual or literary equals- of
the Manchus, and never had either the same
prudence or the same financial grasp of the
country's resources. As to the relations of
Europe with the Manchu Empire, that subject
requires a special chapter. It only needs to be
remembered at this point that Chinese struggles
with the nomads and Tartars begin with the
dawn of history, and are carried down to our
own day, when the '* Boxers " and reformers
have succeeded between them in securing what
the Taipings just missed — the regaining of China
for the Clunese. The Taiping rebellion began
at a place called Kin-t'ien (Siin-chou Fu) in
Kwang Si, and is considered by the Chinese to
have been owing, Uke the earlier " Boxer '*
revolt of 1808-16, to the influence of foreign
religion.
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CHAPTER III
EARLY TRADE NOTIONS
The history of Chinese trade, like their general
history, only becomes really interesting to most
of us m its relation to foreign countries. From
the very first the trader seems to have taken
rank with our conventional usurer, and to have
been regarded as a small-minded person whose
main ooject in life was, not to increase the
public wealth, but to corner supplies ; nor does
the abstract idea of more legitimate trade appear
ever to have been conceived in the sense of
** mutual exchange for the furtherance of com-
fort and luxury, but rather in that of " steps
to keep the needy from starving, and the armies
supplied with food and weapons." The Book
of History says : "Do not overvalue strange
commodities, and then foreigners will be only
too glad to bring them." In purely mythical
and semi-historical times there are traditions of
islanders bringing tribute from the south, and
of tattooed tribes from part of Yiieh (modern
Wenchow) carrying swords, shields, and fish-
skin boxes for sale or barter. The so-called
" tribute " of ancient times seems to have practi-
cally meant " trade," for each province was sup-
posed to bring to the metropolis the superfluity
of that which it produced easiest and best,
receiving bounties or presents in return. Swords,
gold and jsilver, piece-goods, tortoise-shells, and,
42
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B.C. 800-200] MONEY-MAKING DEVICES 48
later, copper coins were used as currency, the
chief preoccupation of the Government appar-
ently being to keep the people supplied with a
sufficiency of this primitive money. The swords
seem to have become gradually symbolical in the
shape of *' knife coins.*' To this very day the
majority of the Burmese are as indifferent to
private wealth as we are led to believe the
Chinese once were. It was well before Confucius*
time — the period of the Rival (princely) States
under the nominal hegemony oi the Emperors
or Kings — that the idea of accumiilating profit
seems to have energetically possessed men's minds.
One statesman (Kwan Chung, died 648 b.c.) is
said to have invented a kind of lupanar where
trading visitors from neighbouring states were
encouraged by " Babylonian women '* to leave
their gains behind them ; thus this enterprising
(Ts'i) state sold its goods at a profit, and got
the money back in part. As the historian says :
*' Roguery and violence now began to take
precedence of right and justice : greed for the
possession of riches replaced modesty and
humility in men's minds : huge fortunes were
made by some callous ones, whilst others were
starving before their eyes.'* In 622 B.C. customs
barriers and duties are mentioned in consider-
able detail.
When the ffreat Ts'in conqueror, the self-
styled ** First ^' Emperor (221^209 B.C.), united
the empire into one whole, the currency is stated
to have consisted in pounds of unminted gold,
and half-ounces of some kind of copper coinage.
Silver, pewter, jewels, cowries, and tortoise-
shell all had their fluctuating market values, but
were not legal currency. The long-continued
efforts made to repel the northern nomads had
greatly exhausted the Empire; and when, in
addition to all this, the struggle of competing
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44 EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [chap, in
generals for the succession had ended in the
^ triumph of the Han house, the price of grain and
of horses had become fabidously high. The
founder of this active dynasty may have been
a great man, but he was certainly not a refined
one* In order to show his contempt as a
sovereign for " writing fellows,** he more than
once deliberately used the hat of a literary man
for the basest of purposes ; and to evince his
hatred as a legislator for huckstering, he " for-
bade merchants to wear silk or ride in carriages,
piling upon them taxes and charges of all kinds,
in order to humiliate and make them miser-
able.*' His wife and son after his death some-
what alleviated these burdens as the Empire
gradually settled down into a better financial
condition ; but the sons of ** merchants were still
unable to occupy any official post,**- — ^an inci-
dental statement of the historian which leads
us to infer that traders were under a social tabu.
The chief subject for commercial speculation
was grain for the armies, and the trader of the
period appears to have been the same objection-
able kind of person as the ubiquitous army pur-
veyor and commissary so detested by Napoleon
during his Italian campaigns. Other fortimes
were made by ** melting iron and evaporating
salt " ; the rich so manipulated their wealth
that, like Orgetorix, they got the poor into their
power as serfs. Later on, provincial satraps and
wily ofiicials exploited " copper mountains "
for their own profit ; clandestine coinage reduced
the value of the standard currency ; and so on.
The famous Emperor Wu Ti, of the early Han
dynasty (141-87 B.C.), whose military activity
first opened the West to China, and in whose
time the prestige of China was at its climax,
adopted the arbitrary methods of some of our
English kings : he sent commissioners round to
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B.C. 100] " WAR-BREAD " FOR EARLY CHINA 45
levy fines and benevolences upon the rich, even
to confiscate fortunes which were shamefully
large. An ofl&cer was established at the capital
whose functions were, like those of a Baron
Potocki, to ** prevent traders and shopkeepers
from making huge profits, to take charge of all
transport and delivery, to place artisans under
official control, and to keep all prices of com-
modities steady."
These are only a few of the devices employed
by the early Chinese legislators to evince their
suspicion of and contempt for traders, and it is
evident from even the meagre details which go
to make up the above account that merchants
in those days were viewed much as Jews were
regarded by King Edward I. It does not give
us much insight into the methods of early
trade, nor is there a word said about organised
foreign commerce. But, as hundredweights of
grain and pieces of silk goods are counted by the
five or six million in prosperous years, we may
assume that the backbone of revenue and also
of internal trade consisted in grain for armies
and poor districts ; salt to make the grain
palatable as food ; iron to make pans for boiling
the brine, and to manufacture weapons for the -
soldiers ; horses, provender, and carts for mili-
tary transport; silk for clothing and wadding
(no cotton in those days) ; and copper for
common currency. Gems of all kinds were
Eurely articles of luxury, used then, as now, for
oarding purposes. There is nothing extra-
ordinary in all this. Even now the only wealth
in many prosperous Chinese villages consists in
a woman, a water buffalo,'* a pig, and a few
fowls ; iron pans for cooking, a rough spinning
machine, a few strings of cash, and suits of silk
or cotton clothes ; with lumps of salt or (at all
events until the recent prohibition of smoking
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46 EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [cHAP.m
and poppy growing) ounces of opium for barter.
The up-to-date novelties are cotton, kerosene,
cigarettes, spirits, fancy soap, perfumes, and
beer. This being the condition of Chinese
wealth as I have myself (1869-1894) seen it in a
dozen different provinces, it may be easily ima-
gined what the degrees of poverty must be, even
allowing for ultra-modern republican progress.
So soon as ever foreign nations are mentioned
f in Chinese history, we hear first of exchange
presents between equals, or tribute from
inferiors, both of which are merely trade in its
earliest form. In offering his hand and heart
to the Chinese Empress-Dowager, the poetical
if not Rabelaisian Hiung-nu Khan Mehteh
(209-178 B.C.) said : " I should like to exchange
what I have for what I have not.'' He probably
hinted at trade, though the Empress, woman-
like, construing the offer in a more personal
sense, protested that her bodily charms- — ^more
especially her hair and her teeth — ^were inade-
quate ; probably she knew of the Tartar custom
of " taking over " a deceased father's wives ;
at any rate, a " girl of the blood " was sent to
him for his immediate needs. He himself sent
camels, horses, and carts, receiving as an equal
in return wadded and silk clothes, buckles, hair-
pins, embroidery, etc. Sometimes the Hiung-nu
were able to insist on regular subsidies of grain
and yeast besides these complimentary presents ;
for even then the Tartars were drunkards, and
loved to vary their native kumiss with Chinese
samshu. But frontier '* fairs " and even clan-
destine trade are also specifically mentioned as
early as 140 B.C. The nomads used to bring
horses and beasts for sale ; more especially the
" 800 mile a day " or '* blood-sweating " horses
of Kokand were highly prized. Horses, pearls,
sables^ and excellent wood for making arms are
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B.c.500.200]INDO-SCYTHIANSANDTAllTHlANS Vt
mentioned amongst the earliest products of
North Corea, which then extended far into
Manchuria ; the same thing, pliLS flax or hemp,
of the Tunguses bordering thereon ; the buck-
thorn arrows with petrified resin or lapis-lazuli
tips brought by the latter were known by report
even in Confucius' time (560-480 B.C.). In the
eastern part of the Corean peninsula iron was
the sole currency : both the Japanese and the
other Corean £rt;ates used to purchase their iron
there. When the Emperor of China was en-
gaged in turning the flank of the Hiung-nu, he
sent the now celebrated traveller Chang K'ien
(160-110 B.C.) on a mission to some of their
enemies whom they had driveii to modem Hi.
Before the envoy got there, these nomads had
been driven by the occupiers of Hi to Graeco*
Bactria, and after driving over the Oxus the
Aryan people of that state, already enfeebled
by Parthian attacks, had possessed themselves
of the country ; thence they crossed the Oxus,
and subsequently formed (160 B.C. to a.d. 60)
the Indo-Scythian empire, one of the kings of
which, Vasudeva, actually accepted a Chinese
title a century or two later (a.d. 229). The
last Greek seems to have been Hermaios, con*
quered in a.d. 60 by Kadphises; but Gondophares
of Farthia a few years later still had a few minor
Greek kinglets under his sway. Chang K'ien,
taken prisoner by the Hiung-nu, escaped after
ten years' captivity to modern Kokand, whence
he found his way into Graeco-Bactria. On lus
return to China he brought a report upon West
Asia from Mesopotamia to the Pamirs. He
narrated his having seen Chinese goods in
Bactria, and having ascertained that they came
through India. This led to his being sent on
a second mission to Hi and Kokand, which
country was at last conquered and forced to
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48 EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [chap, in
accept suzerainty. Attention was also given to
Yiin Nan and Canton, the first because it was
expected to lead to India, the second because
it was found that Yiin Nan produce came to
Canton by river : this led by degrees to the
conquest of both regions, and to the better
knowledge of several new trade routes ; but to
this day the hoped-for southern line of posts
extending from Canton to Bactria has never
been achieved. In the negotiations which pre-
ceded the conquest of Canton (110 B.C.), the
King of South Ytieh complained that he was
not allowed to import iron, agricultural imple-
ments, or female animals. His return presents
include such things as rhinoceros horns and
geacocks, which probably came northwards to
anton by §ea in the way of trade. From all
this we may gather a tolerably accurate notion
of what the ancient land commerce of China
must have been. For clearness' sake I use the
modern names of some places.
The Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and Syrians
were already old hands at conducting sea trade
when China under the Han dynasty first found
herself with an unbroken line of coast, and it is
abundantly clear from the works of Pliny and
Ptolemy that an active trade between Alexan-
dria and the Far East had already been in exist-
ence for some centuries before our era. Katti-
gara was the extreme point known to the Red
Sea navigators, and of course each specialist has
his own theory as to whether Rangoon, Singapore,
Canton, or some other modern mart is meant.
It is also a knotty point to decide whether
" King Antun's " messengers already mentioned
reached China in a.d. 166 by way of Rangoon
or by way of " Faifo " in Annam : I have
wandered on foot over and examined both these
places, and also inspected nearly every business
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Bx. 200-A.D. 100] INDIAN OCEAN TRADE 49
port of importance on the coasts of Burma,
Siam, the Malay Peninsula, and Indo-China,
besides reading up the special ancient lore of
each place. Conditions of tide, sandbanks, cur-
rent, alluvion, etc., change with each generation,
just as do the vicissitudes of government. All
trade ports become so because the embouchure
of some great river facilitates distribution, be-
cause the anchorage is spacious and safe, or for
other similar reasons ; and the number of such
desirable sites must then, as now, have been
limited to a narrow choice. I am disposed to
think that trade went on between the Syrian
merchants and the natives exactly as it does
now, and probably at most of the same places,
between Canton and the coasts of India; but
as the Burmese, Annamese, and Siamese as we
now know them had not then reached the
countries in which we at present find them ;
the Arabs had not yet displaced the Hindoos,
nor the Europeans the Arabs; as, moreover,
the Chinese, notwithstanding the " First Em-
peror's " forced migrations, had not yet moved
outwards or down to the south on a wholesale
scale as far as the sea coasts, it is futile to waste
labour over unessential discussions as to detail;
and better to content ourselves, at least in an
outline work of this kind, with what we know
for a certainty. It is quite incontestable that
the Roman Empire is stated by Pliny to have
obtained from China silk, iron, and furs or skins :
it is also distinctly staged by native historians
that the Chinese obtained from Ta-ts'in glass-
ware of all kinds, asbestQs, woven fabrics, and
embroideries, drugs, dyes, metals, and gems.
So far as the northern parts of China, and there-
fore the Government and the historians, were
concerned, this important trade was chiefly
known of as a land trade by way of Parthia
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bo EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [cHAP.m
(which, it is interesting to note, the Chinese
always call Arsac, from the generic name of the
Parthian kings) ; and if small stress is laid
upon the part which came by sea, this is easily
to be explained by the special circimistances I
have already touched upon : (1) the lateness of
China's appearance on the coast; (2) the fact
that during half of her historical existence China
has been divided into two empires ; and (8)
the failure in even modern times to realise the
true position of the West, and to identify persons
coming from the south-west by sea with the
same persons coming from the north-west by
land. In the year a.d. 94 special facilities were
given to hawkers, as distinguished from great
traders, throughout the empire.
In A.D. 98 a Chinese agent, sent by a general
in the field on a voyage of exploration in order
to learn more about the mysterious Ta-ts'in,
arrived on the western confines of the Parthian
Empire, and endeavoured to take passage to
the countries beyond in a local ship, — ^the only
possible direction in which this ship could have
sailed was down the Persian Gulf or westwards
from Gujerat to Aden; — but the skippers at
the port, which was either Basra or other port of
ancient Babylon, or some landing-place contigu-
ous to it up to which the sea is then known to .
have reached, successfully endeavoiured to dis-
suade him. The key to their motives is found
in the same history that narrates the above
incident : ** The Ta-tsHn merchants traffic by
sea with Parthia and India : their kings always
desired to send missions to China, but the Par-
thians wished to carry on the trade with them
in Chinese silks, and it is for this reason that
they were cut off from communication. This
went on until the King Antun," etc. All this
is perfectly plain; in the first century of our
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A.D. 200-^0] l^HE PEACEFtTL SOUTH SEAS 51
era, at least, a brisk trade in silk had already i
grown up between China and Rome. The
Parthians tried to monopolise it, and the
Romans, in order to escape Parthian cupidity, ^,
had recourse to the sea route, with which official
China had no opportunity of acquainting herself
before the second century. The one link, and
that an important one, between the land and
the sea routes was subsequently forged by such
travellers as the Buddhist priest Fah-hien, who,
beginning with the fifth century, reached Turkes-
tan by way of the Pamirs, and groped their way
home through India, and thence by sea along
the Java, Cambodgia, and Malay coasts. Ac-
cording to Gibbon, a Chinese envoy appeared in '
Aurelian's triumphal procession after the Par-
thians had been replaced by the Persians.
Shortly after this, it will be remembered from
our slight historical sketch, North China was
politically cut off from the southern coasts for
lour centuries. It is not surprising, therefore,
to find that the northern Tobas have nothing
new to say about the South Seas, whilst the ^
southern dynasties at Nanking are correspond- ^
ingly ignorant of events along the desert routes.
But these southern dynasties kept up their
relations with Ceylon, India, and Indo-China,
and there is every reason to believe that a brisk
trade went on without interruption as before.
Up to the time of Mahomet, it seems that
colonies sent out from India had managed or
financed the entire ocean trade with the Far
East, if they did not also in most cases directly
rule the coast peoples of Java, the Malay Penin-
sula, and Indo-China. Profound international
peace appears to have reigned, so far as Chinese
trade was concerned. There were no very
violent attempts made by junk-masters to con-
quer the natives, nor by dark-skinned rulers to
6
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52 EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [chap, m
harass or practise extortion upon the traders.
There is one specific but not very well authenti-
^ cated mention in a.d. 226 of a Ta-ts'in merchant
^ coming to the court of the Emperor of Wu (at
Nanking, but later at Wu-ch*ang opposite Han-
kow), who gave him some black dwarfs to take
back as curiosities; otherwise nothing new is
said of that country except in connection with
the trade of India. The history of the Toba
dynasty, in adding a few new details about Ta-
ts'in, says that the capital is called Antu
(Antioch). The early histories, in describing the
capital, do not give it this name. Curiously
enough, this northern account goes on to describe
*' another way to Ta-ts'in by water vid Yung-
ch'ang"; this (practically the head waters of
the Irrawaddy) evidently has reference to the
old story about An-tun, for it is almost certain
that nothing fresh had occurred in connection
with the Roman Empire. These various his-
torical accounts, however, though manifestly
often copies from one another, or from one
common original document stowed away in the
imperial archives, are often important as supple-
menting details omitted by other copyists as
being unessential. The single important point,
and that upon which to lay stress, is this : both
Roman and Chinese accounts make it perfectly
clear that land and sea trade in silk, iron, glass,
textile fabrics, and many other articles existed
between the Red Sea ports (Petra, etc.) and the
Indo-Chinese ports (Rangoon, etc.), and also
between Mesopotamia and Si-an Fu, during the
first five or six centiuies of the Christian era ;
but so far it does not appear that the foreign
question of customs duties, transit charges, or
tonnage dues ever came to the front promi-
nently, if at all, in China, though customs
barriers are mentioned in the year 488 as being
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A.D.«)0-TOO] NATIONAL NOMENCLATURES 58
relaxed: in suffering places, — apparently affect-
ing trade between the Northern and Southern
Empires.
The Arabs are first heard of by the Chinese in
A.D. 628, under the name of Tajik, or Tazi, and
in connection with a revolt of Persia against her
overbearing task-masters the Western l^irks. As
Mahomet was not yet dead, and means of com-
munication were not more rapid then than they
had been 600 years earlier, we have here a good
instance of the speed at which news of political
changes in Europe might reach China. The
name Fu-lin now also appears for the first time,
and the people of that country (which I take to
be Fereng, or " Frank ") are baldly stated to
be ** also called Ta-ts'in.'' The energetic but
crazy Emperor of the Sui dynasty, whom I have
already characterised as a sort of Caligula, is
stated to have unsuccessfully attempted to
open communications with Fu-lin. As this
monarch sent an envoy by sea to Siam, per-
sonally visited the Turkish Khan in his own
tent, and was present at the capture of the then
Corean capital (now called Mukden), it is evident
that he had both energy and curiosity enough
to solve the European mystery if he could ; at
the same time, even in his day artisans and
traders were forbidden to enter officialdom.
There have been interminable learned discussions
as to what Tazi and Fu-lin really mean etymolo-
gically, but there is scarcely any doubt that the
Arabs of Bagdad and the Nestorian Christians
of Syria are at least sometimes intended. We
have much the same anachronism, confusion, or
extension of ideas in the Far East in connection
with the Russian word Kitai (Mongol plural
Satan), still applied by them to all Chinese,
though only a small portion of China was ever
governed by Kitans, and none of them were so
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54 EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [chap, ni
governed when the Russians first picked up the
word.
It needs not to be told again how Arab traders
and missionaries spread themselves along the
African and Arabian coasts, boldly navigated
the Indian Ocean, established factories on the
Gujerat and Malabar coasts, in Ceylon, Sumatra,
and Java, and then in Canton and other Chinese
ports. In 658 the Chinese established a mathe-
matical college. In the middle of the seventh
century we also first hear of tithes being levied
in kind, upon imports of spices, camphor, and
precious woods, by an officer appointed specially
to oversee the foreign trade : one of these
functionaries is stated to have been on duty
at Canton in a.d. 768, just five years after the
Arabs and Persians had made a filibustering
attack upon and then pillaged and burnt some
warehouses in that city, as recounted in the
history of the T'ang dynasty. The reports of
the Arab merchant Suleiman upon the con-
dition of trade in the Far East during the ninth
century, and the comments of the Arab geo-
grapher Abu Seid, who wrote about one century
after this again, confirm what the Chinese say,
and make it quite certain that a lively inter-
national traffic then pervaded the whole of the
Indian Ocean. Even the Chinese accounts
speak of foreign ships at Canton having a
capacity of 1,000 hharams^ — an Indian word
having the meaning of " a quarter of a ton.**
Towards the end of the fifth century the
Turks appear on the Chinese frontiers, in order
to purchase silk and wadding in exchange for
articles of their own production. The Turks
were workers in iron, and the district of Liang-
chou, in or near which they are first heard oi^
was, as we have seen, precisely the most ancient
iron^roducing place mentioned in Chinese
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A.D. 760-1000] FOREIGNERS AND TEA TRADE 66
history. Tea now appears for the first time as
an article of commerce, and from that day to
this Turkestan, Siberia, Tibet, and finally
Europe, have regarded this as the main staple
of their trade with China. The Nestorian Stone
with Syriac and Chinese inscriptions, dated
A.D. 781, to which allusion has also been made
in other chapters, gratefully acknowledges the
toleration shown to Christian travellers by the
monarchs of the T'ang dynasty. At this time
there were over 4,000 foreign families in Si-an
Fu, and owing to the Tibetans having just then
occupied TurKestan, most of them were obliged
to settle in China for good. Foreign traders
from the West were taxed at Bukur on the
Tarim River, the fund going to defray the
expense of keeping the high road open.
During the penod of anarchy which inter-
vened between the collapse of the T'ang dynasty
and the rise of the Sung — ^that is, during the
greater part of the tenth century — Canton seems
to have lost its place as the main centre of
foreign trade. In 986 the sea traders were
prohibited from exercising their calling. The
explanation probably is that petty local dynas-
ties ruled all over South China, at Canton
amongst other places ; and until the Sung
dynasty had settled the question of respective
political spheres with the Kitans in the north,
it could not give attention to such remote dis-
tricts as Canton. Hence there are more frequent
allusions to the land trade between Tangut and
Corea than to the junk-borne commerce of the
South Seas. The result was a partial transfer
of sea trade to Hangchow and (modern) Ningpo,
to which places customs inspectors were, at the
request of the foreign spokesmen, appointed in
A.D. 1000 ; efforts were also made to obtain a
similar appointment for Ts'iian-chow (Marco
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56 EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [cHAP.m
Polo's Zaitun), and this was granted in a.d. 1087 ;
but I observe in the Sung history a statement
in the year 1114 to the effect that the Hoppo of
Canton was then still obliged to send to Court
annual presents of pearls and ivory. The Bava-
rian sinologist Dr. Frederick Hirth, succeeded
about twenty years ago in obtaining a very rare
Chinese work, Upon Foreigners^ composed by an
imperial scion of the ruhng Sung house, who
actually occupied this last-named post towards
the end of the twelfth century ; he and the late
Mr. W. W. Rockhill (then U.S. Ambassador at
Constantinople) about four years ago published
in their joint names a painstaking review and
development of the whole subject of ocean trade.
As piracies at Swatow, off Fuh Kien, Canton,
and the Lei-chou peninsula are frequently
noticed in the standard Chinese histories, it is
probable that the whole coast was in a dis-
turbed state at that time ; but in the year 1141
it is recorded that '* rules governing sea-going
junks " were drawn up. In 1182 the Fuh Eaen
customs officer was abolished. In 1156 the
taxing stations in all the provinces were closed
up, in order to facilitate trade. In 1167 the
Hoppo of Canton was directed to scrutinise the
doings of foreign traders pretending to bring
tribute. In 1166 the two maritime customs
stations of Ch8h Kiang were closed. In 1178
and 1182 foreign traders were restricted in their
dealings with bullion ; and in 1199 Japanese and
Corean traders were limited in some way in
their copper ** cash '' operations ; it is remark-
able that similar suspicious copper cash opera-
tions Were exciting grave attention at the moment
I wrote these lines in 1916. In 1204 Canfu was first
garrisoned with marines ; and in 1205 eighty-one
Cantonese sub-stations (? likin) were abolished.
In 121 1 Kwang Si cattle taxes were stopped. And
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A.D. 1100-1200] JEALOUS TRADING RULES 67
so on. The space at our disposal only permits
of it being stated here that the Chinese had then
acquired a knowledge of the African coast down
to Zanzibar, the Red Sea, and even (to a limited
hearsay extent) of Egypt and Sicily. The great
centre of Arab trade in the Far East was Sar-
baza, or the modem Palembang in Sumatra,
between which place and the coasts of Fuh Kien
Chinese junks plied regularly with the two
monsoons, carrymg their cargoes of porcelain,
silk, camphor, rhubarb, iron, sugar, black dwarf
slaves, and precious metals to barter at Palem-
bang for scents, gems, ivory, coral, fine swords,
prints, textile fabrics, and other objects from
Syria, Arabia, and India. Cochin-China — prob-
ably " Faifo," near the modem Tourane*— joined
in this trade as a sort of half-way house, but
levied the heavy charge of 20 per cent, upon all
imports. It is specifically stated that there
was no foreign trade with the northern part of
the peninsula, i.e. what we now call Tonquin.
After Palembang the most important trade
centres were Lambri (Acheen), and ports in
Java, Borneo, and perhaps Manila. That there
was an active trade- witn North China is also
evident, for in 1180, when the Niichgn Tartars
had driven the native Chinese Sung dynasty
across the Yang-tsze, ** Fuh Kien, Canton, and
Chgh Eaang trading junks were forbidden to go
to Shan Tung lest the Niich^ns might make use
of them as guides." In 1178 the export of silver
and silk ** to the north " was forbidden, and in
1178 it was made a capital offence to export
tea thither ** on ox or horse back." In 1192 the
Ya-chou (Sz Ch'wan) custom-house was abolished
—evidently referring to Tibetan teas.
The accounts given by Marco Polo of this
same ocean trade, as it existed when he visited
the South Seas, were at first received in Europe
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88 EARLY TRADE NOTIONS [cbat.jjx
with incredulity, but almost every place named
by him, whether it be in Africa, Arabia, India,
Sumatra, or Java, can be identified with trade
marts mentioned either in Mongol history or in
the above-cited work of the Sung dynasty, or
else in the history of the Ming dynasty which
succeeded the Mongols. The late Colonel Yule
has treated this subject so exhaustively in his.
immortal work on Ser Marco Polo * that it is
quite superfluous to cite further evidence, unless
it be to demonstrate the accuracy or inaccuracy
of insignificant points in detail. Full accounts
have also been published, by various gentlemen
competent to examine the Chinese onginals, of
the voyages of Cheng Ho and other Chinese
eunuchs, despatched early in the fifteenth cen-
tury by the Ming emperors reigning at Nanking
and Peking upon various dip^Dmatic and com-
mercial missions to most of the countries in the
Indian Ocean between the Red Sea, the Persian
Gulf, and Singapore.
The above historical sketch of early trade,
imperfect and superficial though it necessarily
is, will perhaps suffice, when read in connection
with the preceding chapters, to prepare the way
for an account of the great turning point in the
annals of the Far Eastern trade— the arrival of
Europeans in the China seas.
^ ReviBod and enlarged in 1903 by Henri Oordier.
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CHAPTER IV
TBADE KOUTES
Afteb the first land discoveries of Han Wu Ti's
generals, the Chinese laid it down quite clearly
that there were two main roads to the West,
and to this day they are still known by their old
names of North and South roads — i.e. of the
T'ien Shan (Celestial Mountains) which divide
off the two. In the Han times the '* six states
north of the mountains " were nomad, and the
** thirty-six town-states" were settled in their
habits. The North, or Sungaria Road, or Great
Road, is the one which leads from Si-an Fu,
north of Kokonor, past Kan-chou, Suh-chou,
and the Purun-ki River at Ansi Chou to Hami,
Barkul, Manas, Urumtsi, and. Ili. The T'ien
Shan ** must be crossed " at either Hami or
Turfan, which last place, under various names,
has always been a pivot of Chinese power — i.e.
whenever it reachea so far.P In other words, on
leaving Barkul for Urumtsi you can go by Turfan
if you like. The South, or Kashgaria Road, or
Short Road, branches off from the North Road,
either at Turfan for Harashar, or at the Purun-ki
River for Lob Nor ; there it again divides into
two:-— you can either go past Korla north of
the Gobi steppe and of the Tarim or Yarkand
River ; or you can go south of the Gobi steppe
past Khotan and Yarkand, passing to the north
of the Karakoram Pass which leads into Kashmir,
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eo TRADE ROUTES [chap, nr
and of the watershed of the K'unlun Range
which shuts off both Tibet and Kashmir. Tins
Karakoram Pass must not be confused with
Karakoram city in Mongolia ; nor must it be
forgotten that names of places frequently change,
and that I ignore many of these changes in
order not to crowd my book with ungainly
sounds. From Kashgar it is 'clear the earliest
Chinese travellers passed over the Pamirs to
Badakshan and Kandahar or Kabul. As I
prepare this new edition, Sir Aurel Stein sends
me an account of his most recent travels in the
Wakhan region, in the course of which he tramps
over and personally identifies the old landmarks
of 2,000 years ago.
There is an old Chinese legend about foreign
envoys having been sent back to Annam in
** south-pointing carriages,*' from which story
some persons have rashly inferred that in 110 B.C.
the use of the magnetic compass was known.
What we may fairly conclude is that in those
times there was already an overland commerce
with the South. When, in or about 184 B.C., a
Chinese agent was visiting the modern Canton,
he noticed some strange produce which was
stated to have come from modern Yiin Nan,
On his way back to the imperial capital the
agent questioned some traders in modern Sz
Ch'wan about this produce, and discovered that
there was a regular junk trade between Yiin
Nan, Kwei Chou, and Canton; this is the
identical trade, now developed by steam-
launches, that Hosie and Ainscough have fully
described to us within the past decades. When
in 112 B.C. the generals of tne Emperor marched
upon Southern Yiieh in several columns by way
of Hu Nan and Kiang Si, they took advantage
of these discoveries to ship troops also from Sz
Ch'wan and Kwei Chou, in both cases by means
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B.C. 200-A.D. 500] PARTfflAN TRADE 61
of the divergent headwaters of the Western
River, which will be further referred to in the
chapter on ** Salt." In 196 B.C. the King of
South Yiieh had already complained to the
Emperor that his trade in cattle, iron, and
utensils was being interfered with by the Em-
peror's kinsman the King of Ch'ang-sha (Hu
Nan) ; so that it is evident the trade route by
the Canton North River and the (Hu Nan) Siang
River had also been used long before this.
The Chinese record that the Parthians carried
on a land trade in waggons and a sea trade in
boats. The distances along the road are given
in such a way that it seems plain a Persian
farsang (ten miles) was used as the measure of
stages. The Chinese pilgrims some centuries
later measured by Indian yddjanaSj which are
perhaps the same thing. This matter of Par-
thian distances has been worked out by Frederick
Hirth, who shows that from the Parthian capital
(at first on the Oxus, but later much farther
west) a road led for 1,600 English miles east-
wards to the frontier at Antiochia Margiana (near
Margilan or Kokand), which place the Chinese
historians of that period called Mulu — con-
jectured to be the mUru of the Zend-Avesta.
Westwards from the Parthian capital a second
road ran 1,200 miles across the Zagros chain to
Ktesiphon, whence 820 more to Hira (port of
Babylon). We need not trouble ourselves much
about this western part of the trade, which was
monopolised by Parthians and Persians, and in
which in any case no Chinese trading caravans
ever engaged ; but it is evident that Margiana
brings us back to some place very near the
Chinese frontier, or at least to the region under
Chinese influence, visited first 2,000 years ago
by Chang K'ien, and last contested sixty-five
years ago by the Manchus. There is another
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«2 TRADE ROUTES [chap, iv
point to be remembered : even some of the
river routes to Canton had only been discovered
a century before our era ; so that no silk could
have been sent abroad from North or West
China by sea, nor had the imperial Chinese any
properly controlled territory or any accumula^-
tions Of silk south of the Yang-tsze. Pliny
(28-79) mentions iron as one of the commodities
coming from China ; and at the time (200 B.C.)
when, as explained above, no silk could possibly
have gone direct from China to Rome by sea,
the Chinese specially mention a people enriched *
by commerce in salt and iron in the region of
modern Liang-chou, and a heavy excise was laid
upon iron by the First Emperor, who himself
came from Shen Si. Thus it seems plain that
all silk and iron went by land, until the Parthian
cupidity, two centuries later, drove it to the sea
route. The Chinese enumerate over fifty kinds
of produce imported by them from Ta Ts'in.
Ptolemy and Arrian (second century) speak of
Sina, Thin, the Seres, and the *' Stone Tower '*
(some such place as Tashkend or Tashkurgan,
i.e. *' Stone City '' or " Stone Fort,'' near Yark-
and). Sir Aurel Stein, bringing to bear the
evidence of Marinus of Tyre and Maes the Mace-
donian, places the Stone Tower at Daraut-
Kurgan, now a RusAsian frontier post in the Kara-
tegin valley. In the chapter on " Early Trade
Notions " I have already shown how the over-
land route from Rangoon and one of the thi'ee
Burma roads to China by the Irrawaddy, Mekong,
or Salween {vid Bhamo, Esmok, Kiang-hung, or
the Kunlon Ferry), was open to the " tribute " of
Antoninus.
The routes followed by the Chinese Buddhist
pilgrims are not to be ignored when we attempt
to decide what the ancient sea and land trade
routes were. At the beginning of the fifth
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A.D. 400-550] CHRISTIANITY AND PILGRIMS 68
century of our era the most celebrated monk
of all (Fah-hien), starting from modern Si-an Fu,
passed through modem Liang-chou (near the iron ^
region of 200 b.c,), the modern Kan-chou (long
the Ouigour capital), Tun-hwang (still so called),
the modern Lob Nor, the modern Harashar,
Khotan (still so called), the modem Kugiar,
and Tashkiu-gan ; then from the left bank to
the right of the Indus by a circuitous road it is
impossible to identify, but which was probably
the same route as that followed by Chinese and
Hindoo merchants at this day, not to mention
our own travellers, sportsmen, and explorers —
i.e. vid Shahidula, the Karakoram Pass, Srinagar,
over the Indus to Dir : here again Sir Aurel
Stein has dogged the pilgrim's steps with affec-
tionate interest. Thence Fah-hien went to modem
Peshawur and Kabul, recrossed the Indus at
Bannu, whence he travelled straight across
India, down the* Ganges Valley, to a place near
modern Calcutta; took ship for Ceylon, Java,
and on to Eaao Chou in Shan Tung,' — notorious
since 1897 for its violent seizure by the Germans,
and since 1914 for their ejection by the Japanese.
It appears the pilgrim's junkmen first tried to
make Canton, but were carried by the wind
much farther up north : thence he returned to
Si-an Fu (a.d. 414).
It is stated that Alexander Cosmas, himself a
trader in Arabia and India (580-50), says in
his Topography that there was a maritime trade
thejice with Tzinistan, a place bordered by the
Eastern Ocean. He also mentions Christianity
as having existed in Merv and Samarcand a
century earlier, and as having spread to the
Bactrians and Huns : I myself ventured to
adduce evidence upon this point a few years ago
in a paper entitled the Early Christian Road to
China.
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64 TBADE ROUTES [chap.iy
The next Chinese pilgrim in date and impor-
tance was Hiian-chwang. Starting also n*om
modern Si-an Fu in a.d. 629, he reached (pre-
sumably by the same route as Fah-hien) the
region of modem Turfan ^nd Harashar, which
he found then in the hands of the Tiirgas branch
of Western Turks ; thence past Kuche (still so
called) along the southern or Aksu road over
one of the passes of the T'ien Shan Range to
modern Issyk Kul and Tokmak. Near the
" Thousand Springs " he met the Western
Turkish Jabgu Khan, who gave him an inter-
preter to take him to Kapisa. As had happened
only a generation earlier with the Greek envoy
Zemarchus, no idea of the distinction between
Western Turks and Original Central Turks seems
to have entered the pilgrim's head. Thence he
went on to Talas (modern Aulie-ata), White-
water City (Ak-su, or ** white water,'* near
Tchimkend), to modern Nudjkend and Tash-
kend, Samarcand, Kesch, the Iron Gates (Der-
bend), Tokhara, Balkh, Bamian, and on to
Kapisa. Here he not only brings us to the
region discovered by Chang K'ien in his search
for the Yiieh-chi* or Indo-Scythian nomads driven
away by the Hiung-nu, and which is also near
the old Greek and Parthian frontier of Margiana,
but he tells us stories of Kanishka, King of
Gandhara, a.d. 40, who was. himself one of the
Kushan or Indo-Scythian monarchs; their
appearance, as judged from the coins of their
ruler Kadphises, is distinctly Turkish. When
he passed through, the old Tokhara or " Haia-
thala" empire of the Oxus had already been
shattered by the Turks. He gives us quite a
long account of his travels and experiences in
both North and South India, whence, after .
innumerable interesting experiences, he returns,
vid Taxila, Kapisa, the Hindu Kush, and Andrab,
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v: {':'•:■ :•;.
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A.D.700] CHINESE PRIEST PILGRIMS 65
to the Oxus; whence again through Shignan
and the Pamirs, past Lake Victoria, over the
mountains to Khavanda, an old state which
cannot be far from modern Kashgar : the
Emperor himself went out to the city gate to
witness his triumphant return. This voyage
occupied seventeen years, and it is interesting
to note that about ten years after that (655-60)
the capital of Tokhara was made by the Chinese
Emperor, Yiieh-chi Fu, or "the city of the
Yiieh-chi'' nomads, who had been driven thither
800 years earlier. The King of Tokhara, as
friend of the'Nestorians and head of the anti-
Arab party, about this time sent a map to China,
with a request that the Arab conquests between
Khotan and Persia might be taken under Chinese
protection.
These two aire by no means the only priests
who made important journeys. A work by the
bonze I-tsing (648-718), who had himself wan-
dered to Smnatra, " Malayu," the Nicobars, the
mouths of the Hoogly, and modern Behar,
returned the same way to Canton, and thence
to Ho-nan Fu where the Court then was. My
excellent friend Edouard Chavannes has trans-
lated the whole of this work, which, however,
touches only casually on geographical points,
and aims chiefly at the encouragement of Buddh-
ism. It gives a list of sixty priests who
made the grand tour^ some by land and others
by sea, all moved by a purely literary and
charitable enthusiasm in the shape of an eager
desire to learn at the fountain head all about
the Buddhist rites : at that time these ruled
supreme, and had a strong civilising influence
all the way from Affghanistan to Japan : they
had not yet felt the shock of competing Islam,
either along the seaboard or along the land
chain of states. The fact that hundreds of
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66 TRADE ROUTES [chap, iv
Nestorian, Hindoo, and Chinese priests and
bonzes were able to move freely, by land and
by sea, all over Asia proves, though it may not
throw specific light upon commerce, that trade
routes were frequented then along exactly the
same lines as they had been before, and as they
are now. So far as I can see, the Mongol
generals of the thirteenth century, who generally
used the northernmost road, past Issyk Kul, as
being in a most suitable climate for their men
and beasts, never travelled by any of the more
southerly roads, except on one or two occasions
over parts of those traversed by Fah-hien and
Hiian-chwang. The reason is plain : there was
no pasture for the animals, and no sufficient
space for their huge waggons. It must not be
forgotten, however, that irrigation on a large
scale was introduced, or at least improved,
under Chinese auspices.
The road followed in 569 by the Byzantine
return mission, under Zemarchus and Maniach
the Sogdian, sent by Justin II. to the Turks,
as mentioned above, actually passed through
Tokhara or Sogdiana, where the first Turks
were encountered, offering or selling iron. The
Khan was found in the " Ektag " or " Ektel ''
(Turkish Ak-tagh or "White Mountains"),
whence Zemarchus, who had meanwhile been
presented with a Klrghis concubine, accom-
panied him to Persia, stopping on the way at a
place called Talas : the Kirghis at this time
used to pay tribute of iron to the Turks. I am
disposed to think that the Khan " Dizabul '*
was not the Great Turk at all, but the Western
Khan, whose ordo was somewhere between Issyk
Kul and Lake Balkash. On his way back
Zemarchus crossed the " Oech " (Oxus), and,
after a long joiu-ney, reached a large lake, which
he skirted for twelve days. Then he crossed
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A.D. 600-900] HISTORICAL CONFIRMATIONS 67
fovir rivers, all running into the north side of
the Caspian, traversed the Alan coimtry and
the Caucasus, and took ship at Trebizond for
Constantinople. A few years previous to this
the Turks had allowed Maniach, as a Sogdian
subject of theirs, to go to Persia in order to
arrange for a less obstructed silk trade with
China; but an Indo-Scythian envoy there
named Catulphus thwarted the project, and
therefore Persia, fearing Turkish resentment,
sent envoys to North Cluna. Consequently the
Turks sent Maniach by way of the Caucasus to
Constantinople, and the envoy was able to state
that the Indo-Scythians ("Haiathala,'' Eph-
thalites, or Chinese Eptat) had been annexed. It
was nowthat Justin sent him back with Zemarchus
to act as guide as above related. All this gives
us a wonderfully clear confirmation upon numer-
ous points, such as the ancient iron and silk
trade, the West Turk encampment at Talas, the
road later followed by Rubruquis, and so on.
In the early part of the T'ang dynasty (seventh
century) large numbers of Persian traders are
stated to have come by sea and spread them-
selves over the Empire. Owing to the anarchy
which ushered out the ruling house (end of the
ninth century), they and other foreigners at
last confined their trading operations to Canton.
Besides the accounts already mentioned in the
chapter on " Early Trade Notions," there are
the often-quoted narratives of the Arabs Wahab
and Abu Seid (850-79), which testify once more
to an active sea trade all along the Indian
Ocean, the Persians being apparently ahead of
the Arabs in numbers and energy. It is Abu
Seid who describes the great massacre of Canton,
when (879), apart from natives, 120,000 Mussul-
mans, Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians are
stated to have perished.
r
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68 TkADE ROUTES [chap.iv
It has already been mentioned that in a.d.
628, . after a century of tyranny, the Persians
threw off the Turkish yoke. Pirouz, the son of
Yezdedgerd, escaped from their vengeance to
Tokhara, and appealed to the Emperor of
China, who sent a mission to expostulate with
the Arabs in 651. The Persian King Yezded-
gerd had been killed by the Arabs as he was
flying to Tokhara, and the victory of Kadesieh,
in 686, put an end to the Sassanides altogether.
When in 661 China took over the administration
of all the states between Khotan and Persia,
Pirouz was appointed Chinese Viceroy. Again
attacked by the Arabs, he fled in 670 to Si-an
Fu, where he died. The Chinese Mussulmans
have in some way confused the victorious Arab
general Sadi Wakas with the first Arabs who
came by sea to Canton, and have always had a
legend that the famous Arab pagoda built in
751, which still stands there, is lus tomb. In
other Mussulman temples at Canton there are yet
to be found trilingual inscriptions in Arabic,
Persian, and Chinese. It appears from Arab
sources that their General Kotaiba between 705
and 707 subdued Balkh, Merv, and Bokhara,
on his return from which last-named place he
was attacked by the Turks, Sogds (Tokhara),
and Ferghana people (Kokand). They defeated
the Turks in 709, and set up a King of Sogd in
710. No mention is made of any Ephthalite
dominion, the very shadow of which must now
have totally disappeared. All this is in accord
•with Chinese history. The Greek authors, in
mentioning these ^^ Abdeli " or Ephthalites, also
allude to the " Taugas," a name stated by the
Chinese themselves in the form Tau-hrva-ah to
be applied by the people of High Asia to the
Chinese. During the eighth centurv several Arab
missions came to China by way of Tokhara, the
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A.D. 900-1000] ARABS AND CHINA 60
north branch of the South Road, the Purun-ki
River, Si-ning, and Liang-chou. The Chinese men-
tion Arab traders at Ansi on the Purun-ki River,
and only last year [1916] the vivacious American
traveller Rodney Gilbert gave us his charming
sketches of Arab reminiscences and survivals in
these parts. The early Arabs mention tea {ch^a-ye,
the Russian chai) under the name of sakh. At
that time the Chinese employed large numbers of
foreigners in the army, and .both Arabs and
Ouigours (who therefore must have some of
them already become Mussulmans) assisted China
in recovering Si-an Fu and Ho-nan Fu from the
rebels. These or other Arabs would seem to
have worked their way from Si-ninjg down to
the head waters of the Yang-tsze, for in 801 both
they and the Samarcandians or Tokharans
(K'ang state) were found taking part in the
struggle between the Tibetans and Siamese (Chao
confederacy) on the head waters of the Kin-sha
(Yang-tsze) River.' It is interesting to note in
this connection that, during the Nepaul war of
1788, a Manchu general made a very bold march
from Si-ning across the Murui-usu and Tibet
direct to Nepaul. Probably it will be found
that both he and the Arabs took the same route
as far as Charing Nor (near the Yellow River's
source), where the road branches.
There is no mention of the Arabs during the
Five Dynasty anarchy, between the fall of the
house of T'ang and the rise of Sung (say 900-
960) ; but there is evidence of friendliness
between Khotan and the Ouigours, and of a brisk
trade along the southern branch of the South
Road. During the whole period of the Timgusic,
Kitan, and Niichen reigns in North China (900-
1200), the Arabs only found their way once or
twice to the north. In 924 the founder of the Kitan
dynasty was on the Orkhon, trying to persuade
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70 TRADE ROUTES [chap, iv
the Kan-chou Ouigours to come back to their
old habitat there. An Arab mission promptly
turned up on the Orkhon, and applied to him
for a marriage alliance. It is not likely that it
arrived from the north-west by the Uliassutai
Road ; probably it came by way of the Great
High Road to the West from Si-an Fii, which
then ran through Ouigour territory. In 1120
another Arab mission, bent on a similar quest,
actually obtained a Kitan princess.
On the other hand, nearly thirty Arab missions
are mentioned between 968 and 1116 as arriving
by sea, and we find Chinese history discussing
the advantages of the sea route over that of the
land. Previously to all this, in 966, a priest who
had made a tour through the West by land, had
taken presents to and " summoned " the King to
do homage to China. In one case the King is
called K^O'li'foh (Caliph), and in another the
envoy comes along in company with a mission
from Pin-t'ung (Binhthuan) in Cochin China.
In 1017 half the duties " charged on foreign
trades '' were specially remitted as a favour to
the Arabs, and these people are afterwards
spoken of at Canton as belonging to a country
over 40 days' sail north-west of Ts'iian-chou to
Lan-li (Lambri), " whence the next year 60 more
days." Later on we shall see that this wintering
of Chinese junks in the South Seas was quite
habitual.
Diuing the northern Sung dynasty (from 960
to its flight south in 1127) there was a " barbarian
hotel " or caravanserai at Si-an Fu, inside of the
south gate of the city. Nothing whatever of the
Nestorians is heard during this period ; but there
are still existing some records at K'ai-f6ng Fu
of the Jews there, who, in the opinion of Father
Tobar, S.J., used most probably to come to
China as merchants.
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A.D.1000] SEA-TRADE ACTIVITY 71
The best authorities on the sea trade during
the Sunff dynasty are Frederick Hirth and W. W.
RockhilI» who have succeeded in discovering and
translating several very valuable and rare Ciunese
works on the subject. As we have seen, Canton
lost its monopoly in a.d. 999, when customs
officers were appointed to modern Ningpo and
Hangchow : Kan-p'u, Marco Polo's Canfu, was
made a military or naval station in 1205, and lay
opposite, between the two. The Ming history
specially states that in Mongol times Canfu was
a great trading centre, and that it had for that
reason been walled in and created a municipal
town : the place still exists under the old name
of Kan-p'u, but is now quite insignificant and
almost forgotten. However, in 1087, long before
Kan-p'u became a famous port, the merchants of
Zaitun (Ts'iian-chou) had obtained the coveted
official recognition. Trade between Loochoo and
Japan clearly went on, and there are full de-
scriptions of Sumatra, Java, and Borneo, which
places the Zaitun junks reached with the north-
east monsoon in six weeks. But I see no evi-
dence that Manila had yet been discovered, as
suggested by Hirth. The junks usually waited
until the following spring for a favourable breeze
to take them on to Ceylon, the Malabar coast,
and the Arabian and African ports, amongst
which Berbera, Shehr or Shaher, and Djafar can
be specifically identified from the Chinese char-
acters used. There is ample evidence from
standard Chinese history, as well as from Mr.
RockhiU's and Dr. Hirth's rare books, that Zanzi-
bar was included in the usual voyages, and there
are also descriptions of Cambay, Gujerat, Malwa,
Bagdad, Basra, and other places in the Persian
Gulf. It is to be noticed that one Chinese author
(a.d. 1000) identifies the " sea- trading barbarians
at Canton with the '' Hien sectarians *' of the Ta-
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T2 TRADE ROUTES [chap.iv
te'in monastery at Si-an Fu. At one time it was
thought that Nestorians were referred to when
these two words were used ; but twenty years
ago the late Gabriel Dev6ria proved them to
have been Persian Mazdeans and Manichseans.
As an instance of the slowness of the Chinese in
identifying members of groups of the same
nation coming by land or sea, I may mention
once more that during the Nepaul war of a
hundred and twenty years ago certain diplomatic
representations were made by Nepaul with a
view to assisting China in her action against the
*' Franks '' of Calcutta trading " at Canton/'
It was only when, during the Yarkand War, the
Manchu Resident there sent some mysterious
information to Peking about the " Franks "
having taken the Panjab, that the Emperor
awoke to the startling fact that in both cases
these feringhi or pHling were simply his old and
very objectionable friends the Ingkili (English) ;
the point is of importance in connection with the
Fulin question.
The conquests of Genghiz Khan once more
opened freely the great trade routes of the West.
The immediate cause of the conqueror's first
bellicose rage was the treacherous behaviour of
the frontier officials at Otrar, on or near the
Jaxartes, near the Fort Perovsky of our day.
He left his native place on the Onon near the
close of 1218, and made straight for the Irtish ;
then he was joined by various aUies, and pro-
ceeded by the road north of Issyk Kul to Otrar,
which was captured and looted towards the end
of 1219. He then marched across the Jaxartes
upon Samarcand and Bokhara. Whilst at Samar-
cand he took it into his head to send post-haste
back to Shan Tung for an old Chinese Taoist
philosopher, who at once set ojff with his Mongol
guide, vid Peking and Kalgan, to the Kerulon
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A.D.1200<1800] THE MONGOL DESERT COURT 78
River; whence along the banks of the Tola,
past Karakoram, to Urumtsi ; then through the
Otiigour country to Almalik (Ili), by the road
north of Issyk Kul to Sairam, Khodjand, and
Samarcand. There some messengers from Gen-
ghiz Khan met him, and escorted him through
Kesch, Derbend, over the Qxus, to Balkh. This
most northerly road must not be mistaken for the
" JNTorth (Celestial Mountain) Road " above first
described, which runs from Hami and Ununtsi
to Ili, and thence over the passes to Kashgar. .
In 1254-5 the King of Little Armenia sent his
brother to Gayuk Khan with presents. This
prince first of all visited Batu and Sartak, as
Kubruquis did; then he passed through the
steppe country, ^ and travelled to the north of
Issyk Kul by way of modern Cobdo and Ulias-
sutai to Karakoram : Batu's brother, Barca,
was the first prominent Mongol to adopt Islam. In
returning, the Armenian took the most southerly
road by way of modern Urumtsi and the south
side of Issyk Kul ; whence, through Tashkend
and Otrar, to Samarcand, Bokhara, Tehran, and
Tabriz. Rubruquis took nearly two months to
get from the Volga to Talas ; thence along the
road running south of Lake Balkash, from which
place he reached Karakoram in a month.
In the first edition I mentioned Ogdai Khan's
great Kitan minister in the (now obsolete)
discussion upon the Chinese Calendar. This
minister's great-grandson Yelii Hiliang subse-
quently travelled on foot from Tun-hwang to
Urumtsi, Manas, and Emil (near Tarbagatai).
On the whole, therefore, the Great Northern
High Road, which may be called the main road,
manifestly seems preferable to those running
both north and south of it, for waggons, cattle,
and foot travellers alike.
Marco Polo himself seems to have followed
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74 TRADE ROUTES [chap.it
the usual main road from Balkh through Dogana
(Tokhara), Kunduz, Talecan, Badakshan, Shig-
nan, Tagarma or Tashkurgan, Kashgar, Yarkand
(perhaps Khotan), Harashar, Lob Nor, Sha-chou
(Tun-hwang), Camul (Hami, or Hamil), the Tolas
or '* plain " of Chikin (the Chikin Ouigours, not
the same as the Talas, near Lake Balkash), Suk-
chur (Suh-chou), Campichu (Kan-chou), Etzina,
and Karakoram. I should mention that the
Mongol history makes specific mention of the
Etzina road and of many other High Asian
branch roads which Kublai either improved or
opened. All places I name appear upon one
or the other of the accompanying sketch maps.
Marco Polo's description of Yiin Nan and Biu*ma
is simply that of the chief trading road of to-day
by way of Momein and Bhamo (the Irrawaddy).
He never went to the more southerly Shan states,
nor to Siam ; and consequently he does not
mention the only two other peninsular trade
routes, one by way of the Kunlon Ferry (Sal-
ween), and the other via Keng-hung (Mekong).
Nothing has essentially changed from that day
to this, and as many as 5,000 Chinese mules from
Yiin Nan may be seen any day during the
autumn trading season picketed amongst their
burdens in the vacant fields around Bhamo. The
other two routes are also in full vogue for the
Maulmein and Siamese trade; and of course
the French railway through Tonquin to the
Yiin Nan capital has given a great fillip to the
sea trade with Hongkong.
There is no doubt that Marco Polo's Zaitun
was to all intents one of the places immediately
north or south of Amoy, and it almost certainly
included, in a trader's sense, both Chang-chou
and Ts'iian-chou. These are still the great
emigration and trade ports for the southern
ocean, and both of them lie near the European
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A.D. 1200-1800] MARCO POLO'S ROUTE 75
" open port '' in Amoy Bay. Learned men have
long disputed what " Zaitun " specifically means,
but I think it almost certainly stands for the
coast town of HaitSng, which, though not made
an official " city " until 1564, must have long
borne that name; just as Shanghai was not
made an ofiicial city till 1291, Kan-p'u not until
the Ming dynasty, and Hankow not until 1899.
Kan-p'u was one of the grain stores when the
great Mongol general Bayen established his sea
routes in 1283.
Marco Polo describes the voyage from Zaitun
to Ciampa (Faifo), Java, Lochac (Siam), Pentam
(Bantam, or Batavia) ; Little Java, Ferlech,
Basman, Samara, Dagroian, Lambri, Fansur (all
in Sumatra Island) ; Necuveran (Nicobar), Anda-
man, Seilan, Maabar, Masulipatam (? Chinese
" Soli '*), Madras, Lar, Cail, Coilon, Comari,
Delly, Melibar, Gozurat, Tana (near Bombay),
Cambaia, Semenat, Scotra, " Madagascar "
(Magadoxa), Zanghibar, Abascia (Abyssinia),
Escier (Shaher), Dufar (Djafar), Calatu (Kalhat),
and Cormos (Hormuz). Almost every single one
of these names is mentioned either in the Chinese
history of Kublai's relations with the Indian
Ocean, or in the Ming history of the eunuchs'
voyages to the West two centuries later. Where
the names are not specifically mentioned by the
Chinese, it is generally because they had appar-
ently changed, or for other sufficient reasons ;
in most cases discrepancies are satisfactorily
explained. These eunuch travels, coming as
they did half way between Ibn Batuta's and
Vasco de Gama's times, form a good connecting-
link between the Arabs and the Portuguese.
Now, the Arab traveller Ibn Batuta sailed from
Aden to Magadoxa in 1389, just between the
Mongol and the Ming times. He went to Zanuj
(Zanzibar), thence to " Zafar " (Djafar), Hormuz,
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76 TRADE ROUTES [chap, iv
Lar, Bengal, Java (Sumatra), ** Mul Java "
(Java), and El Zaitun in China ; whence again
to El Khansa (Marco Polo's Kinsai, i.e. Hang-
chow). Here he heard of the Mongol dynasty
being on the point of collapse, and he returned
to Zaitun, where he took a Sumatra junk for
Java and Sumatra, sailed thence to Kawlam
(Quilon) and Kalikut, and got home to Zafar
and other places in Arabia in 1847.
The celebrated Si-an Fu tablet discovered by
a Chinese Christian, and reported on by Father
Semedo in 1626, is further testimony to the fact
that Syrians, if not also Europeans, had for many
centuries followed the great road from Mesopo-
tamia to China. This inscription was the work
in 781 of a bonze of the Ta-ts'in monastery,
and gives a full account of Christianity : the
Japanese Buddhophile M. Takakusu some years
ago made ingenious discoveries as to the precise
identity of this learned bonze^ and the difficulty
found in pairing off a competeift knowledge of
Pali and Chinese in one man. There are many
evidences that the Chinese confused Nestorians
with Mazdeans and with Persians generally.
That brilliant Jesuit priest the late Father
Havret, even expressed his conviction that we
might yet discover on the banks of the River
Wei (Si-an Fu) proofs of a Christian mission
contemporary with the apostolic era ; but this
hope I cannot help thinking too sanguine. The
Nestorian stone, inscribed with perfectly legible
Chinese and Syriac characters, mentions an
imperial edict, dated a.d. 688, according tolera-
tion to the Christian religion, and specifically to
the priest Olopen of Ta Ts'in. The original edict
was long unsuccessfully searchedfor by sinologists,
and was at last unearthed in 1855 by the inde-
fatigable Alexander Wylie, the only cfifference in
the wording of his copy being that Olopen is
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MAP TO SHEW CHINESE KNOWLEDGE OF AFRICA
"^ A r R I C A
INDIA2^
OCEAI^
y ., (CHINESE
Zanzibar' ^oxttkeb^
SEA.)
76]
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A.D.800'1800] FOREIGN RELIGIONS IN CHINA 77
described as a Persian instead of a Ta-ts'in man. «
The reason for this discrepancy has ahready
twice been explained. In the trilingual stone
inscription (Ouigour, Turkish, Chinese) dis-
covered a few years ajgo by Russian travellers
at the old Ouigour capital on the River Orkhon,
and dating from about a.d. 880, mention is
made of a western religion, either Manichseism or
Nestorianism, which fact again tends to connect
Syria and Persia once more, through Tokhara,
with China and Mongolia. Nor must I omit to
mention the eminent services of MM. Ed. Cha-
vannes and Paul Pelliot, who, availing themselves
of the great cache of ancient literature discovered
by Stein, Tachibana, and others in the Thousand
Buddha Grotto near Tun-hwang, have been able
to set our knowledge of Chinese Manichseism
upon a firm footing.
Then we have the mission of John of Piano
Carpini, sent by Innocent IV. to Gayuk Khan
in 1245-7 (he passed through the country of the
Naimans and Kara-Kitans ; thence along the
Sungarian lakes to near the Orkhon) ; Rubru-
quis' mission of 1254 already mentioned, also
tnrough the Kara-Kitan country, near Lake
Balkash ; letters from Nicholas III. to Kublai
Khan, sent by Franciscan friars in 1277-80 ; and
the arrival at Peking in 1298 in order to found
churches there of John of Monte-Corvino, be-
longing to the society of the Friars Minor. The
account of his journey says the Florentine trade
route lay through Azov, Astrakhan, Khiva,
Otrar, Almalik (Hi), and Kanchou. In 1286-
1881 Friar Odoric in his own person trayelled
over parts of both the land and the sea roads
to China; Trebizond, Tabriz, Shiraz, Bagdad,
Hormuz, India (Tana), Malabar, Quilon, Ceylon,
Mailapur (Madras) ; thence by Chinese junk to
Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Ciampa, Canton, Zaitun,
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78 TRADE ROUTES [chap.it
over the mountains to ** Cansay '• (Hangchow).
This last stretch of country I have been over twice
myself, crossing two sets of passes. In 1886 the
last Mongol emperor sent letters by a " Frank *•
named Andrea to Benedict XII., who replied
in the following year to the Khan's message.
In 1840 the Franciscan priest John of Marignoli
built a new church at Jagatai's capital of Almalik
(Ili), where in 1889 Pascal's Spanish mission had
been massacred. In 1842 this fresh mission was
once more destroyed; and in that same year
Nicolas de Bonnet arrived in Peking as successor
to Monte-Corvino. We have already seen in the
chapter on " History " how a " Fulang " man
brought a wonderful horse to China in 1842, and
how the founder of the Ming dynasty in 1871
sent a message to Europe by one ** Ni6kulun," a
" Fulin " man, who had come to trade at Peking
in 1867. In 1876 another Fulin man came with
the Sumatra mission to China. Both Marignoli
and Pegoletti bear witness to the fact that
*' Franks " had nothing to do with France,
but meant all the Christian peoples west of
" Romania " ( ? Greece) ; even now the modern
Greeks use the word " Franks " in this sense.
The Ming envoy sent to demand tribute from
Tamerlane in 1895 travelled vid the Kia-yiih
Pass, Hami, Turfan, Ili, and Samarcand, whence
he was taken on to Shiraz and Ispahan, staying
some years in the country. Owing to a dispute,
probably about tribute, in 1401, the envoy was
forcibly detained ; and in 1406 Tamerlane, for
reasons not given, but evidently incensed at the
demand for tribute, crossed the Jaxartes with
an immense host in order to invade China. As
he died at Otrar, he evidently followed so far,
and intended to follow farther, but in a reverse
direction, the footsteps of Genghiz Khan. The
Castilian envoy, Clavijo, who was then at Samar-
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A.D. 1400-1450] OLD WORDS FOR "CHINA" 19
cand, has left it on record that a caravan of 800
camels, laden with silk, musk, rhubarb, and
gems, came from " Cambalu in Cathay '' in 1404.
The son of Tamerlane sent numerous missions
to China, as recorded in the Ming annals, and
amongst the many return Chinese envoys there
was one who visited Hami, Turfan, Sairam, Otrar,
Tashkend, Samarcand, Kesch, Bokhara, Herat,
Termed, and Badakshan.
A Persian trader in a work cited by Dr. Bret-
schneider upon Tchin or Khata trading, and dated
about 1500, mentions a mission to China sent by
Tamerlane's grandson about the year 1449, but
the Turkish translation of this Persian work does
not enable us to identify the names of places
along his route. The Ming history says that
missions came from Samarcand in 1480, 1487,
1445, 1446, and 1449. It is interesting to note
how long the word Eatan (Khata) and Cambalu
(Peking) survive, together with the older word
Thin, Tzin, or Tchin. It was reserved ffer Bene-
dict Goes (1602-7), who travelled from Kabul,
Yarkand, and the Upper Oxus to Suh-chou,
first to prove that *^ Cathay '' and "China"
were one and the same place. Lieutenant Wood
in 1888 was the next European to follow the
route of Polo and Goes.
The sea trade routes followed by the eunuchs
of the Ming dynasty are perfectly clear. And
after all it is only in petty matters of shifting
banks, shifting bars, and consequently shifting
emporia, that we can possibly go wrong ; for a
junk which leaves its anchorage must either go
back or go on, in either of which cases it calls at
fixed places. The chief one of these leaders was
the Chinese Narses named ChSng Ho. In 1405
he took sixty-two junks and 27,800 men from
Shanghai to Amoy, Faifo, Binh-thuan, Pulo-
Condor (island), and Kampot (Cambodgia), to
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80 TRADE ROUTES [chap, iv
all which places I went myself in 1888, and in
the same order, so that I can personally vouch
for the reasonableness of the eunuch's stages.
Either on this or the next occasion he took
Kilung (Formosa) on his way, but failed to induce
the savages of those parts to bring tribute ; but
he left presents, and describes them, and also
mentions the origin of the name Tamsui (Fresh
Water), which is still that of a treaty port. In
1407-9 the same eimuch went to Palembang,
Lambri, Malacca, Siam, Cail, and Ceylon, fighting
several considerable battles near Acheen and
Kandy, and asserting China's over- sovereignty
in a very decided way. In 1412-16 he visited
Pahang, Lambri, Aru, Kelantan, the Andaman
Islands, Cochin, Quilon, Calicut, Hormuz, Aden,
Magadoxa, Jubb, and Brava. In 1480-1 he
found it necessary to go the round of most of the
above places again. He himself never actually
went UD the Persian Gulf, nor up the Red Sea ;
but he *ent lieutenants, who seem to have pene-
trated to Jeddah, as they brought back detailed
accounts of the land of Mahomet. Nor does he
seem to have ever gone personally to Java or
Borneo, which islands, however, were both re-
peatedly visited by other eunuchs ; as also were
Madras, Bengal, and (by land) Nepaul and Tibet.
The present Manchu dynasty had to begin
afresh and feel its way overland along new or
forgotten ground, just as its predecessors had
done. The first distant discoveries were made
towards the end of the seventeenth century,
when the Emperor K'ang-hi found it advisable
to march as far as the Kerulon and the Tola in
order to drive back a Kalmuck invasion ; his
historian truly boasts that no previous emperor
occupying the Chinese throne and no Chinese
army ever went so far west, or numbered so many
as 80,000 men conveyed across the desert. The
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A.D. 1700-1800] SIR AUREL STEIN'S ROAD 81
son and grandson of this excellent monarch saw
that it was indispensable to crush the Kalmuck
power : they pfoceeded to attack them first at
Kokonor and Lob Nor ; then to advance along
the North Road to the Purun-ki river and the
Tsaidam ; as a sequel utterly to annihilate the
whole Kalmuck state, to annex Cobdo, Sungaria,
and in the end even the Mahometan states of
Little Bokhara {Le. Kashgaria). The Kalmucks
retreated on one occasion from Kokonor by a
road running west of the Kia-yiih Pass to Hami,
and not marked on most maps. They were
granted trade privileges with China in 1789,
and also had the privilege of going to Tibet to
** boil tea '* ; but of course that was before their
power was broken. At present there seems to
be no long-distance caravan trade along the direct
roads between Tibet and Lob Nor across the
K'unlun Mountains. During all these conquests
the Chinese armies always kept either to the
northernmost road by Uliassutai, or to the
North (Sungaria) Road, or the two branches of
the South (Kashgaria) Road, i.e. to the main
roads ; and the same thing may be said of Tso
Tsung-t'ang's reconquest from Yakub Beg in
1877, except that he never used the Uliassutai
road at all : by-roads and cuts across the desert
were only occasionally made use of for military
surprises. The southern branch of the South
Road has always been used for the Khotan
jade-stone import trade, which is a very ancient
one. After the subjection of Kashgaria, the
Manchus for a few years extended their influence
over Kokand, Bokhara, Shignan, and Badak-
shan; but their armies never penetrated even
temporarily far beyond the Pamirs. There
were continuous disputes with Kokand as to the
right of the latter to tax the Kashmir trade
crossing the Sarikol region ; but China supplied
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82 TilADE ROUTES [chap. iV
Kokand with tea and drugs, and was thus always
able to put pressure upon the Usbeg power by
stopping this important trade.
The ordinary Tibetan tribute route, over
which thousands of men and animals habitually
travelled to and from Peking in huge caravans,
was that taken by the Ahh6 Hue in 1884-5.
He followed the high-road from Dolon Nor to
Chagan Kuren, near Baotu ; cut across the
Yellow River and a corner of the Ordos Desert ;
and recrossed it at Karahoto. Thence he fol-
lowed the left bank and the Great Wall to Sayang,
Nien-po, and the Kumbum Monastery, near
Si-ning. From that resting-place he started
once more along the road running south of
Kokonor to the sources of the Yellow River ;
crossed the Shuga and Bayen-kara ranges, then
the Murui-Usu, and on to Lhassa, apparently
by the same road the Manchu Nepaul army
took, as already related.
The Nepaul " tribute '' (trading) mission,
which still periodically visits China, invariably
takes the post road, vid Shigatsz and Lhassa, to
Ta-tsien Lu. The road from Yiin Nan to Tibet,
though practicable, is too rough for troops, and
is therefore deliberately abandoned by the
Manchus, as it was 2,000 years ago by Han Wu
Ti : still. Prince Henry of Orleans some twenty
years ago managed to cross the extreme head
waters of the Irrawaddy, the ultimate so\u*ces of
which have since been accurately placed by
Jacques Bacot and others. Westward from
Lhassa to Lari there is a post road; but the
Chinese Resident had for long been practically a
political prisoner at Lhassa ; d fortiori no Chinese
trader can do much in the way of exploration
farther west. Since the British expedition to
Lhassa of 1904, the Chinese reconquest of Tibet,
and the disorganisation of frontier affairs con-
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A.D. 1850-1900] CHINA TO MECCA ROUTES 88
sequent upon the fall of the Manchu dynasty,
the precise status of Tibet has been in a state of
" suspended animation,"
It IS interesting to notice what route is usually
followed by modern Chinese Mussulmans on
their way to Mecca- In 1898 I met one of these
pilgrims at Bhamo; he had come all the way
from Ho Nan province, and was going by steamer
to Rangoon. In 1841 a Yiin Nan Mussulman,
who afterwards became prominent in the Pan-
thay rebellion as " Old Papa,'* went by way of
Esmok to Kiang Tung, Legya, and Ava (Man-
dalay) ; thence in a junk laden with Yun Nan
copper to Rangoon. From this port he travelled
by steamer to Calcutta, Ceylon, Malabar,
Socotra, Aden, and Mocha ; thence to Jeddah.
The route he took back by sailing vessel was
ultimately by way of Acheen; but he was
wrecked on the way, and most of the places he
called at are not at all identifiable by the un-
initiated. Then he went -to Penang, Malacca,
Singapore, Canton (where he stayed in the old
mosque), up the West River to Nan-ning and
Peh-seh. Peh-seh is now the great trading
centre for the foot traffic between Pakhoi, Kwei
Chou, and Yiin Nan. But he also gives us a
land route, which is exactly that of 2,000 years
ago, and is evidently so described by him with
the intention of encouraging the Kan Suh
Mussulmans to do their reUgious duty ; to wit,
the Kia-yuh Pass to Hami, Turfan, Aksu, Ush,
Kashgar, Andijan, Kokand, Khodjand, Samar-
cand, Bokhara, Bagdad, Aintab, Aleppo,
Damascus, Jerusalem, Cairo; or, as an alter-
native, Aintab, Antioch, Jaffa. Instead of going
from Bokhara to Bagdad (he names eight
stations), you can go from Bokhara to Balkh,
Kabul, Kandahar, Kelat, and Beyla, taking ship
at Beyla. The late Gabriel Dev^ria has collected
8
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84 TRADE ^ROUTES [chap, nr
these and many other interesting details con-
cerning the Chinese Mussulmans.
If we now pass on to Mongolia, we shall find
that the trade of north-west concentrates at or
near Baotu, at the north-east corner of the
Yellow River bend, whence the ancient high-road
through Kwei-hwa Ch'eng (Tenduc) permits of
easy travel to Dolonor (Lama Miao) and Kalgan.
From Kwei-hwa runs also the high-road to
UUassutai and the northernmost route to the
Far West. These roads (soon to be railways)
are of great commercial importance to the
foreign trade of Tientsin, and the best first-hand
authority on the subject is Rodney Gilbert, who
has '* roughed it *' by boat, cart, and camel.
As to the roads into Manchuria, recent re-
searches prove absolutely that the mediaeval
Chinese envoys to the NiichSns followed the
present high-road round from Peking, through
Shan-hai Kwan, Mukden, Kirin or Ch'angch'un,
to Alchuk and Sansing. So with the modern
Corean road from Soul, or P'ing-yang, by way
of I-chou, whence either vid Mukden and the
Manchu road, or md the F§ng-hwang road and
Kin-chou,^ where the latter joins the former :
these were the roads of ancient times. The
Kitan roads I have been over, for the most part,
myself; they are simply the high-roads from
Peking through the various passes of the Great
Wall, and to this day the caravans of laden
camels or mules, the droves of horses, the herds
and flocks driven in for sale may be seen coming
through in the winter season exactly as they
came 2,000 years ago. Of course the Peking-
Mukden and Peking-Kalgan railways have revo-
lutionised part at least of the trafiic, and no
doubt before long the Kalgan railway will be
carried on to Urga and Kiachta. The present
Kalgan and Kiachta road used by the Russians
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B.C. 100-A.D. 1900] ROADS THROUGH TONQUIN 88
was not the one preferred by them in the seven-
teenth century. They used to go from Tsuru-
haitu on the River Argun, across the River
Hailar and the Hingan Range, down the Yall
Valley to the Nonni ; whence south-west through
the steppes and mountainous borderland of south-
east Mongolia to the Hi-fSng K'ou (pass) in the
Great Wall. Between Tsitsihar on the Nonni
and Peking, travellers crossed ChoUn-u-ye and
Mokhoi to the rivers Toro and Shara Muren,
with its tributary the Loha.
The same thing may be said of the Tonquin
frontier ; the roads have always been the present
ones; the only novelty being that the Red
River route from Yiin Nan past Lao-kai to
Hanoi never existed in practice, even if known
in theory, as a continuous road, until twenty-
five years ago, when Jean Dupuis effectively
discovered it. Even Haiphong had no existence
as a port. Now we have a continuous railway
from the port, vid Hanoi and Lao-kai to Yiin
Nan city. The Annamese formerly discouraged
trade with China, when and for the same reasons
the Japanese did : first, on account of pirate
complications; secondly, from the dread of
opium importations.
The total result of these laborious inquiries
into trade routes is, after all, a simple concmsion.
With one or two exceptions, the beaten tracks
are exactly the same now as they were 2,000
years ago, both by land and by sea. The marts,
with similar rare exceptions, are either the old
marts, or are near them, or have a special
traceable reason for their modified existence.
Even the peoples are the same, peoples, mixed
or displaced here and there by conquests,
famines, or other cataclysms. Tea, known, as we
have seen, to the earliest Arab visitors, became a
new export when cotton became a new import :
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se TRADE ROUTES [chap, iv
it was first taxed in the eighth century. Cheap
freights for heavy commodities in huge ships
have displaced certain exchanges ; as, for
instance, iron, which from being an export is
now an import : thousands of tons of old horse-
shoes twenty years ago did, and possibly still
do go out as ballast, at low freights. The great
novelty and the great economic curse to China
has been opium, which now happily ceases in
great measure to work its evil course ; but it is
not fair to charge upon ourselves the whole
blame for this, nor do the Chinese historians
attempt to do so : on the other hand, we have
not been ungenerous in our efforts to aid China
in suppressing the evil within the past decade.
The way a man walks from one village to
another is a road ; if the walk extends to fifty
villages, and a pack-mule accompanies the man,
it becomes a great road ; if supplied with post-
stations for man and caravan, it is a high-road.
People follow their noses by land, the compass
by sea (or headlands if they do not understand
the compAss), and bones in the desert ; all this
now in 1917 exactly as they did 200 B.C. In
other words, commercial history shows us
nothing more than that with the same old
materials we adapt ourselves to fortuitous cir-
cumstances exactly as our ancestors did before
us. During the past sixty years these modifying
circumstances have been of unusual gravity,
and for that reason have caused unusual com-
motion* — ^they are steam, electricity, coal, petro-
leum ; and now last of all wireless talk, aerial
and submarine locomotion ; in a word, " pro-
gress.'* It appears to me doubtful if we Euro-
peans are a whit happier for " progress '' ; it
has certainly not had cheerful results so far
for the Chinese :* — two dozen words originally
written in 1900, truer than ever now in 1917.
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CHAPTER V
ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS
The first European missionary who attempted
to reach China by sea was St. Francis Xavier,
and the first great city the Portuguese had
definitely heard of was Canton ; but St. Francis
died, in 1552, on his way thither, at the port of
a small island called Shang-ch'uan, lying to the
south-west of Macao. The name was soon cor-
rupted into Sanciano, or Saint John, which it
now bears : the Macao Portuguese still make an
annual pilgriniage to this place. Macao was
founded shortly afterwards, but it was not
until 1582 that the Jesuits Ruggieri and Pasio
actually succeeded in reaching Canton itself;
and they subsequently went on to the then
provincial capital of Chao-k'ing, locally pro-
nounced Shiu-heng. Here they were joined in
the following year by the Italian, Matthew Ricci,
who after various vicissitudes reached Peking
with one or two companions in 1601. Now it
was that the Chinese had the opportunity for
the first time of comparing notes upon the
subject of the mysterious Franks and the semi-
mythical country of Ta-ts'in, which up to that
date had been as much a puzzle to them as
Serica and the Seres had been to the denizens
of the West. The condition of their own prac-
tical knowledge when Ricci arrived was as
follows :« —
87
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88 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap.v
In 1617 a '* Fulangki " fleet had appeared at
St. John's Island, which was then the entrepot
of trade between Canton and Malacca. Why
the Portuguese* — ^for they it was, under Peres
de Andrade's command^ — ^were introduced into
China by this name we can only guess ; prob-
ably because, as with the old Fulin, the already
established Arabs had to explain to the Chinese
who they were. They sent apparently to Canton
or Chao-k'ing a Ka-pi-tan Mo (Capitao do Mar)
with tribute in 1518, and then first was their
name of ** Frank " officially recorded : the
word ** Portugal " was afterwards used, but it
never seems to have quite ** caught on,'* though
the " Po'tu-ki man " of Macao is now familiar
to us all. Naturally the appearance of these
strangers at Canton, to which place Andrade
shortly afterwards forced his way, created great
commotion in official circles, especially as other
Portuguese ships had meanwhile visited Ts'iian-
chow, and had exhibited considerable violence
and asperity in their dealings with the various
trading people along the coasts. However, a
Portuguese mission, it is not quite clear under
whom, got to Peking in 1520, and an attempt
was then made by the Chinese Government to
force the Envoy to restore Malacca to its rightful
king, who was nominally a tributary of China.
At least one of the members of the mission was
executed at Peking, and the Envoy himself is
supposed to have perished in prison at Canton,
back to which place he was ignominiously
escorted. This fiasco naturally led to hostilities,
during which the large Portuguese cannon used
in the sea-fights attracted considerable attention,
and soon acquired the name of " Franks " too,
which in some parts of China is still the case
even to this day. The Chinese seem to have
subsequently availed themselves of the assist-
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A.B,1500-1700] EARLY PORTUGUESE DOINGS 89
ance of the Portuguese, and of these wonderful
guns, to punish their own pirates : trade had
meanwhile been temporarily transferred to the
coast town of Tien-peh (Tin-pAk), west of St.
John's, but now (1684-7) the Portuguese were
allowed by some official who had been judiciously
bribed to occupy Macao as a commercial depot ;
and from that day to this they have never been
ousted from it, though their right to possess it
was never put on a legal footing until some
thirty years ago (1887). But they had also for
a time other settlements at Ningpo and Ts'iian-
chow, the former of which was destroyed in
1549, probably at the time the piratical Mendez
Pinto was there* Pinto had just escaped from
captivity in Mongolia, and had returned to
Ningpo from a visit to Japan, which country he
was the first white man to see. There was also
some fighting at and near Ts'iian-chow, but both
the Chinese and the Portuguese accounts leave
confused impressions, and it is probable that
the Portuguese never had so much to do with
that port as the Spaniards.
For some years after this the severest possible
restrictions were placed upon Chinese leaving
their country for purposes of trade, but in 1567
the Governor of Fuh Kien obtained their
removal : in any case trade at Macao went on
without a break. In the main it appears the
Chinese were unable or unwilling to prevent the
fortification of Macao : moreover the Dutch and
the Japanese were beginning to give serious
trouble, and it was therefore thought prudent
to conciliate the Portuguese. Their trade was
limited to twenty-five ships a year. In 1667 a
mission was sent from Goa to complain about
obstructions to trade, and in 1710-27 the King
of Portugal took prominent part in the Emperor's
academic dispute with the Popes; but since
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90 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
the last mission to Peking in 1758 the Portuguese
have until our own days had very little inter-
course with official China. Up to the time of
Ricci's arrival it was not quite understood what
country Portugal really was; the very name
was not heard in China till 1564 ; and even now
the vague name of " Western Ocean '' men is
usually employed by old popular habit to spe-
cially designate the Portuguese, — except, as ex-
plained, in " pidjin English '* conversation. The
physique as well as the moral of the mixed race
now in occupation of Macao is considerably
below that of pure Portuguese, and even below
that of the pure Chinese. The trade of the place
has dwindled into insignificance.
From the Portuguese we pass to the Spaniards.
In the year 1576 the Chinese, in their pursuit
of certain Japanese and Chinese pirates who had
been hovering about Formosa, came across some
more Franks in Manila, where there had already
been large settlements of Fuh Kien traders long
before the Spaniards ever appeared in those seas.
A Mexican priest who had lived there, writing
in 1688, said their junks came from Ocho (Foo-
chow), Chincheo (Ts'uan-chow), and Amoy,
and always went back in ballast, carrying only
silver. They paid a duty of 8 per cent, upon
all imports, and there were no exports : the
group was nominally annexed in 1565. In 1575
two Spanish Augustines had visited Foochow
and Canton on a political mission from Manila.
The Chinese may well be excused for having
confused the Portuguese .with the Spaniards
during the negotiations which . took place at
Manila relative to the treatment of Fvh Kien
merchants there, for in 1580 Philip II. annexed
Portugal, which remained for over half a century
one realm with Spain. Manila, so called from
a river in Luzon, was taken in 1571, and the
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A.D. ieoO-1900] THE FIRST SPANIARDS 91
whole group of islands was styled " The Philip-
pines '* in honour of the Spanish king. The
Chinese then used no other word than the old
native name of Luzon ; nor do they now. It
appears that some of the speculative Chinese,
evidently misled by the enormous importation
of silver from Mexico, and the fact that the
Spaniards never gave anything but silver in ex-
change for the multifarious Chinese produce at
last imported, got into their heads a notion that
gold and silver might be obtained in Manila for
the mere picking of it up. Official personages
were despatched at their instigation from China
to make inquiry : the Spaniards grew suspicious
that ideas of conquest were being entertained,
and considerable ill-feeling was thus engendered,
which culminated in a fearful unreasoning
massacre. This seems to have been in 1608 ;
nearly the whole of the Chinese were put to
the sword, and even those who escaped death
were sent to the galleys. Both Chinese and
Spanish accounts agree, however, in stating that
junks and traders soon began to arrive again
as if nothing had happened. But a limit was
thereafter placed upon their numbers by the
Spaniards, and each man had to pay a poll-tax
of eight dollars. Another massacre took place
in 1662, when the Chinese pirate Koxinga, who
had just ejected the Dutch from Formosa,
threatened to come over and also take Manila.
Since then the Chinese Government, until quite
recent years, seems to have almost entirely
ignored the place ; and their subjects, chiefly •
from the Amoy region, have thriven fairly well
under the strict but narrow Spanish rule. The
total population of the whole group does not fall
far short of 8,000,000, and, as everyone knows,
the Americans are now (since 1899) in possession.
The main exports are sugar, tobacco, and hemp.
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92 ARRIVAL OP EUROPEANS [chap.v
It should perhaps be mentioned that in 1762
Manila was occupied by the English, but soon
surrendered on payment of a ransom.
The Dutch first opened commercial relations
with the Spice Islands, Bantam (near Batavia)
and Acheen in 1598-1600. Coffee was first
brought into Eiu^ope from Arabia in 1580, and
was soon in great demand, so the Dutch sent an
agent to Mocha with a view to cultivating coffee
in Java. In 1610 they extended their trading
relations to Hirado, in Japan : but in 1640 they
were compelled to retire, and were confined to
the tiny island of Decima — a mere quay — in
Nagasaki Bay. It was about this period that
the Chinese first heard of the existence of the
Dutch : ^^ Sailing in great ships and carrying
huge guns, they went straight for Luzon (1601),
but the Luzon men repeUed them, on which
they turned for Macao." Just after the Japanese
and Chinese pirates had been driven out of
Kilung (whence the latter fled to Borneo), some
Chinese fishing boats drifted to Formosa, and
then traders began to settle there. The Dutch
were not long in discovering this promising
commerce. In 1608-4 they succeeded, with the
connivance of certain Chinese traders, in effect-
ing a landing in the Pescadore group of islands,
whence they were ejected in 1624 : a number
of them were carried captive to Peking. In
consequence of these events, the Chinese Govern-
ment encouraged their people to emigrate to
Formosa, and the Dutch, in 1684, also went
on to found settlements in T'ai-wan (South For-
mosa). The oldest name for the island seems
to be " Mount Kilung,'' from a headland on the
north promontory, and Kilung is still the name
of a port in the extreme north ; but no serious
attention appears to have been paid to it by
junkmasters until the fifteenth century, when
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A.D. 1660-1900] VICISSITUDES OF FORMOSA 98
Chinese traders began to establish their stations
at various suitable spots in the island. Shortly
after their exploit with the King of Loochoo, as
narrated on page 40, the Japanese endeavoured
to form a colony in Formosa, and had to contest
possession with the Dutch ; but the Dutch were
ultimately driven out in 1662 by Koxinga, who
was himself half a Japanese : * his father, a
baptized Christian named Nicholas, had visited
both Manila and Japan, where he had married
a native woman, Koxinga's mother. It may
be explained that Koxinga is merely the Portu-
guese form of the Chinese words Kwok'Sing-ya^
or " the gentleman with the reigning surname,"
because a Chinese prince, then a fugitive in the
south from the triumphant arms of the Manchus,
had caused to be conferred on him, in considera-
tion of his heroic patriotism, the family name of
the Ming dynasty. In 1 665 a D utch mission under
Van Hoorn visited Peking, and the local govern-
ment of Fuh Ejen seems to have sought Dutch
assistance about this time in connection with
Formosa affairs. It was not until 1688 that the
Manchus succeeded in obtaining from ^the
Koxinga family, with Dutch assistance, a renun-
ciation of their hereditary rights in Formosa;
and subsequent to that date (until its cession to
Japan in 1895) the island was incoiporated in
the Manchu empire as part of Fuh Eaen.
Chinese history gives a fairly intelligible and
accurate account of the struggle between
Japanese, Franks, and Red Hairs, but after their
expulsion from Formosa the Dutch are not so
much heard of in the China seas as other Exuro*
pean nations. According to the arrangement
which the Chinese say was made by a Dutch
mission to Peking in 1656, Holland had to send
tribute to the Manchu court once every eight
years. A mission under Titsingh and Van
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94 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
Braam visited the Chinese capital in 1798, and
since then Holland appears to have gone quietly
about her own business in the Southern Archi-
pelago, without troubling herself with Manchu
official relations at all; Chinese traders mean-
while managed to thrive under the strict and
discriminating rule of the Hollanders. And so
things went on, their Canton factory of course
in f\3l swing, until the Dutch treaty of 1868 was
concluded : this was after the second Chinese
war, and the occupation of Peking by the
English and French. But even after this the
Dutch held aloof, and probably they would
never have sent a minister to Peking at all, had
they not desired to obtain a liberal supply of
coolies for Sumatra. The Chinese in Java and
other Dutch colonies have not quite so much
freedom as in Hongkong or Singapore ; but they
are treated with sagacity as well as firmness,
and the Dutch, who watch them carefully, and
nip any nascent rising or independent action in
the early bud, know well how to utilise to their
own advantage the capacity of the Chinese for
self-government and commercial organisation.
This fact began to touch Chinese pride after the
" Boxer " war, and, following many years of
patient negotiation, China at last gained her
main point, which was to place her nationals in
the Dutch islands under the '* observation " at
least of Chinese consuls.
All this, however, relates to the Dutch of
to-day, from whom we must now turn to pick
up the thread of our narrative of the earlier
arrivals in China. Ricci died in 1610, and was
therefore not called on to explain to the Chinese
the concrete existence of any European nations
except the Franks, the Italians, and the Dutch.
But there is a chapter in the Ming history which
states that, according to the Western men who
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A.D. 1680-1687] THE JESUITS AT PEEING 95
arrived between 1578 and 1617, their " Lord of
Heaven *' was born in Judaea, or the aneient
Ta-ts'in. Ricci is also specifically said to have
made for the Chinese a map of Europe, and to
have explained to them the division oi the world
into five great continents. His statements were
received with considerable increduUty, but he was,
notwithstanding, kindly treated by the Emperor.
After Ricci's death, Pantoja, Rho, Schaal (or
Schall), and other distinguished Jesuits succeeded
to his influence ; they rendered considerable
service to the Chinese in the manufactiu'e of guns,
the calculations of eclipses, and matters of science
generally. Adam Schaal was in Peking shortly
after the Manchus took possession ; his appeal
to their clemency was well received, and he was
appointed President of the Astronomical Board
by the prudent Manchus, who were only too
anxious to avail themselves of talent, wherever
found. His successor, Verbiest, assisted the
Manchu commanders dtiring the Chinese satrap
rebellions to make large cannon for use in the
field, and the Emperor K'ang-hi even showed
himself personally very well disposed towards
Christianity. Unfortunately, religious intrigues
with his own sons, and disputes between rival
missionary societies led to an untimely difference
of opinion upon the subject of ancestor worship
between the Emperor and the Pope, since which
time politics have been inextricably mixed up
with Western religion in China, and persecutions
never entirely ceased so long as the Manchu
dynasty existed.
The first English arrivals came shortly after
the Dutch. According to one account cited by
Chinese writers. Queen Elizabeth qf England
sent a letter and presents to China in 1596, but
the ships of the mission were wrecked in a storm.
In 1687 five English ships are stated to have
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M ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap.v
come from Sumatra to Canton, and to have com-
menced hostilities there, owing to the Portu-
guese haying intrigued so as indirectly to force
the local authorities to obstruct the new-comers'
trade ; but, it is added, they siurrendered the
fort they had taken, on being allowed to dispose
of their cargoes. However, in both cases the
strangers were, if they really did come, mistaken
for Dutchmen, whose own origin again was only
imperfectly understood at that period. In
Koxinga's time the English are believed to have
had dealings at Amoy; this is not unlikely,
for they were certainly there in 1780, when their
trade was stopped ; at all events, the East India
Company established, and for a few years kept
up a factory at the Chusan Islands near Ningpo
somewhere towards the end of the seventeenth
century.^ It is certain that already some time
before that, in 1684, a foothold had been
obtained at Canton ; indeed, the Chinese state
that in 1685 foreign commerce had been officially
authorised at Macao, Chang-chou (Zaitun),
Ningpo, and some place near Shanghai. There
were several other attempts made during the
eighteenth centiu-y to trade at Ningpo and
Tientsin ; but practically all legitimate foreign
commerce, English and otherwise, was confined
to Canton, until the first war with England
broke dut in 1840, in consequence of a misunder-
standing in connection with the opium trade,
and about the price to be paid for opium sur-
rendered by us. Up to the year 1765 the
import of opium, which was at first regarded in
the light of a medicinal drug, had never exceeded
200 chests; but in 1796 it was entirely pro-
hibited, on account of the rapidly increasing
^ The oorrespondence of Catohpoole, who was there in 1701-2,
waa about twenty years ago published by M. Henri Oordier in
the Bevue de VBxtrimeOrient.
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A.D. 1795-1906] SO-CALLED "OPIUM WAR^* 97
number of smokers. In 1798 Lord Macartney
had audiences with the Emperor at Jehol,
but opium was apparently not one of the sub-
jects specially discussed/ It seems the British
Superintendent in 1795 offered China some
assistance against revolted Nepaul.' By 1820
the import of opium had steadily risen to 4,000
chests, and the Chinese Government began to
feel justly alarmed, both at the enormous drain
of silver from the country, and at the prospect
of debauching the popiJation. In 1821 the
opium hulks were driven away to the Ling-ting
Islands, and in 1888 severely repressive measures
were begun. The whole melancholy story of
the so-called " Opium War '* has been frequently
told, and I have myself published a prids trans-
lation of the best connecfed Chinese account of
it. It is distinctly admitted that it was the
stoppage of trade, and not the destruction of
opium, that caused the war; also that the
Emperor when the war was over voluntarily
conceded the right of all but officials to smoke
the drug. It is unquestionable that the smoking
of opium does a great deal of physical harm,
and causes a vast waste of money and energy ;
but even the Chinese admit that the initial
responsibility for its use by smokers was as much
theirs as ours ; and in any case they had during
a whole generation deliberately extended the
evil by allowing the undisguised cultivation of
the poppy on a wholesale scale in China itself.
Indian opium in 1900 did not represent one
quarter of the total consumption ; since 1906,
however, energetic steps have been taken to rid
the country of the curse.
^ I published the Emperor's amusing letters to King George III.
in the NineieefUh Century for July, 1896.
s An official account of Lord Amherst's abortive mission in
1810 appears in the CJUnese Beeorder for 1808.
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98 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap.v
After the first war, which secured, in addition
to Canton, the further opening to trade of
Shanghai, Ningpo, Foochow, and Amoy as treaty
ports to all the world, besides the cession of
Hongkong to Great Britain, the chief points of
international friction were usually found to be
in connection with the contested claim of British
traders to reside within the walls of Canton.
In 1846 a fine junk was smuggled out of the
river, taken by Captain Kellet, R.N., round the
Cape to America and England, and exhibited in
the East India Dock two years later. In 1856
the Viceroy Yeh categorically refused to admit
the English into the city, on the pretext that
Governor Bonham had formally abandoned the
claim in 1849. These strained relations led
gradually and indirectly up to the burning of
the " Thirteen Hongs,*' and to the second war,
in which the French also took part, and which
culminated in the destruction of the Emperor's
Summer Palace some miles beyond the metro-
polis, and the opening of Peking itself to the
diplomatic representatives of European powers
generally. The Treaty of Tientsin and the
Peking Convention which followed it opened a
number of new coast ports (Newchwang, Tient-
sin, Chefoo, Swatow) to foreign trade, besides
certain places on the River Yang-tsze (Hankow,
Kewkiang, Chinkiang), two markets in the
islands of Formosa (T'aiwan, Tamsui), and
Hainan (Hoihow) : this last, however, was not
actually utilised until 1876. Russia took advan-
tage of the occasion to extend her Ussuri terri-
tory at the expense of Manchuria, and most of
the othelp European powers hastened to secure
to themselves by separate treaty the same com-
mercial and religious advantages as those
obtained by England and France, as will be
recorded in detail under separate heads. Mis-
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A.D. 1860-1875] TREATIES WITH CHINA 99
sionary enterprise was placed by these treaties
upon an entirely new footing, and instead of
being a dangerous occupation, in which the un-
protected priest carried his life in his hands as a
guarantee for his own prudence and moderation,
it became a comparatively comfortable and safe
distraction, combining the charm of agreeable
travel in new lands with a reasonable certainty
of consular protection. It is only fair, however,
to add that some societies, as, for instance, the
Jesuits and the China Inland Mission, have con-
sistently done their best to avoid the doubtful
advantage of consular interference. •
We shall towards the end of the chapter take
up in turn each nation as affected by modern
treaties. Meantime we may remark that from
1860 to 1870 England was unmistakably the
sole influential power at Peking, — ^perhaps with
Russia, on accoimt of her land frontiers and her
consequent proximity, as a good second; but after-
wards Japan began to work her way ominously to
the front ; whilst, after the Franco-German War,
the inoffensive Prussia blossomed into a threat-
ening state called ** TS-i-chi " {DetUsch, or Ger-
many) and proportionately increased the scale
and pretensions of her commercial and diplo-
matic representation in the Far East, culminating
in her military direction of the Great Powers in
the ** Boxer " war of 1900. On the other hand, the
defeat of France deprived her of the opportimity
of avenging in an adequate manner the massacre
of French officials and other subjects at Tientsin
in 1870 ; and thus the influence of France fell
almost to zero for some years. Then came the
suspicious murder of Mr. Margary, a British
consular oflScer conducting an Anglo-Indian
expedition oVer the Burmese frontier into Yiin
Nan; the futile mission of inquiry under Mr.
Grosvenor ; and the prolonged diplomatic dis-
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100 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
cussion which led to the Chefoo Convention of
1876. The immediate results were the opening
to trade of more ports (Wenchow, Pakhoi) on
the coast, and more places on the Yang-tsze
(Ich'ang, Wuhu), together with certain stipula-
tions concerning the opium trade, and the
establishment of permanent Chinese Legations
in Europe, America, and Japan. In 1886 these
stipulations ripened into what is called the Opium
Convention, practically arranging, on the one
hand, for the checking of a further increase in
the Indian import, and on the other for the
assistance of the Hongkong Government in
securing to China, under cheap conditions, an
enhanced import duty on that article ; but on
the understanding that there was to be no further
charge of any kind in the interior of China.
Another open clause in the Chefoo Convention
took the ultimate form of the Chungking
Agreement of 1890, by which foreign com-
merce obtained direct admission into the heart
of Sz Ch'wan. The Sikkim Convention of the
same year recognised in principle the right of
British India to trade with Tibet, provided
for by a separate article in the Chefoo Con-
vention.
When Upper Burma was taken, the British
Government in its haste to get rid of Chinese
objections had, or rather its representative had,
somewhat weakly accepted a stipulation about
a mission from Burma being sent with presents
at fixed intervals under British supervision ;
this was by way of recognition of China's dejure
suzerainty. The stipulation was contained in
Article I. of the Convention of July, 1886 ; and,
as at the same time some preliminary steps had
already been taken towards opening up trade
from British India with Tibet, by Article IV.
it was agreed to stay further action in this
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A.D. 1894-1904] THE BURMESE QUESTIOJJi .iohl'
sense, and not ** press the matter unduly " ;• —
in other words, to drop it, as another sop to
China for holding her tongue about Burma.
The Convention of March, 1894, " gave effect ''
to the third article of this Convention of 1886
by dealing with the Burma frontier and its
trade questions alone, but of course it omitted
all allusion to Tibet. The Chinese, meanwhile,
having made an imprudent treaty with France
touching the cession to her of certain Shan
states, which had been quite as much Burmese
as Chinese, were compelled by Great Britain
further to modify the Convention of 1894 by
another one dated February, 1897, which recti-
fied the frontier in other directions less clearly
savouring of Burmese " rights,'' and therefore
much to the advantage of Burma : it further
provided for the establishment of British consuls
at Esmok and Momein. By a special additional
article, the coveted West River above Canton
was at last opened to trade, together with the
ports of Wu-chou and Sam-shui. Thus, after
an interval of 2,000 years, we obtained the
rights forcibly taken by China from the King
of South Yiieh.i Finally, by the Kowloong
Extension and the Wei-hai Wei Agreements of
1898, we enlarged our hold over the mainland
opposite Hongkong, and acquired the " ele-
ments " of a new naval base in Shan Tung,
which was situated right between the " spheres "
of Russia and Germany. Naggings with China
about Tibetan trade went on at intervals till
they culminated (1904) in our occupation of
Lhassa : on the Burmese frontier we have
secured command of the whole Irrawaddy valley.
In view of all this no one will say* — however
much in matters of detail we may have erred
in judgment' — ^that Great Britain lias failed to
1 Pp. 48, 61.
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TMS ; .V • .• ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
secure for herself, on the whole, a considerable
number of miscellaneous commercial and political
advantages from the fdcheuse sUtuaion arising
out of an attitude on tne part of China so hostile
to " progress."
The Russians were the. first Europeans to hold
relations on a national scale with China, though
it is highly improbable that at first the Chinese
had the faintest idea of connecting them either
with the ancient Ta-ts'in people, or with any
other hazily conceived " tribes '' of the West
Ocean, or Europe. They were rather grouped,
in the Chinese mind, with the Kirghis and
Kipchaks as a Western Asiatic race of hyper-
boreans. The story of the Mongol conquests of
1240 and onwards has often been told, but it
is not so generally known that Russian imperial
guards are frequently mentioned at the Mongol
Court of Peking at intervals up to a century
later than that date, and this at a time when the
Mongol dynasty at Peking was tottering to its
fall, and had no more political hold of any kind
upon Russia. Not one single word touching
Russia appears in Chinese history during the
whole interval between the disappearance of the
Mongols (1868) and the rise of the Manchus
(1644) ; but, according to Russian accounts, an
unsuccessful attempt to induce the Chinese
Emperor to open relations was made in 1567.
It seems to be certain that there were some
Russians found in Shan Si twenty years before
this, but it does not appear very clearly what
they were doing there : they seem to have been
ultimately rescued from danger by some friendly
Mongols. The chief authority for this strange
incident, when I first discussed it, was the ad-
venturous Portuguese traveller Mendez Phito,
already mentioned, who was taken prisoner
by the Chinese, and put to work on the Great
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A.D. 1620-1860] EARLY RUSSIAN RELATIONS 108
Wall repairs.* Two Cossacks were sent, vid
Kalgan, on a mission to Peking by the Governor
of Tobolsk in 1619, but with like unsatisfactory
results. In 1652 there began a long struggle
between the Manchus and the Russians for the
possession of Yaksa, or Albazin, on the Amur.
Baikoff was sent on a mission in 1668. By
the Treaty of Nerchinsk of August, 1689, the
Russians agreed to abandon Albazin, and a
number of them were removed as prisoners to
Peking, where they were incorporated in the
" banner " system. Provision was made for
their religious instruction, and this is really the
germ of the Russian Orthodox Mission at Peking.
Aigun, opposite Blagoveschtschensk, where the
fighting occurred in August, 1900, was made
the Iqpal Manchu capital in 1684. The history of
Russian relations with the Manchus is a long
one. It embraces the questions of the Turgut
Mongols' or Kalmucks' migration to the Volga,
the Manchu envoy Tulishgn's missions to them in
1716-30, and their subsequent return in a dis-
gusted frame of mind to China in 1770 ; Russia's
missions to China in 1719-27 ; the Kalmuck
wars, and the surrender by Russia of fugitives ;
frontier disputes in 1848-9 ; the occupation by
Russia of the Lower Amur in 1855 ; Poutiatin's
mission ; and the Treaty of Aigun in 1858.
Their commercial relations with China had been
confined to the tea trade of Kiachta, and to a
trifling barter near Tarbagatai. In 1860 Count
Ignatieff, by the Treaty of Peking, took advan-
tage of the situation created by the Anglo-French
attack upon China to secure the annexation to
Russia of the whole Ussuri region. In 1862 there
was concluded a convention regulating the land
^ I have since dealt with the whole subject in detail. See
MongcUa before the Manchus, Shanghai As. Soc. Vol. xliv., and
The Rusaiana and Mongolia, University Press, 1917.
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104 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap.v
trade vid Kalgan, but this was subsequently
superseded by another dated 15th AprU, 1869.
When China was in the throes of the Mussulman
revolt, Russia temporarily occupied the province
of Ili ; but, after Yakub Beg's power had been
broken in 1876, energetic steps were taken by
China to recover from Russi.a this important
region, and these efforts proved successful in
1880-1. At one time the Manchu envoy
Ch'unghou had nearly been persuaded, amid the
Capuan delights of Livadia, into abandoning
the territory, and it was largely owing to the
patriotic denunciations of (the later Viceroy)
Chang Chi-tung that his timorous action was
repudiated by China. During all this long
period of time the Russians had been carefully
kept by the Chinese as far away as possible
from Manchuria, the whole of which region it
had always, since the Albazin affair, been
Manchu policy to maintain as nearly as might
be practicable in the condition of an unoccupied
desert. It was only in 1888, after British con-
sular and military officers had visited and
reported on that fertile region, that China
awoke to the fallacy of this timid policy. Since
then the three Manchurian provinces have been
civilly organised, cultivated, and poptdated as
quickly as possible, and were thus being pre-
pared to resist the advance of Russian power
by the development of their own economic
strength. But the utter collapse of the Chinese
and Manchu military efficiency during the
Japanese war gave Russia another opportunity,
which she was not slow to take, in the way now
well known to us all. Moreover, the Russian
idea, first conceived at the time of the Crimean
War, of constructing a Siberian railway, had
come to sudden ripeness in March, 1891, when
the Czar Alexander III., differing from his
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A.D. 1900, A.D. 1800] RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR 105
ministers, took a peremptory resolution in
favour of one uninterrupted line ; and the time
was now thought favourable for diverting this
line, as originally planned under Alexander's
ukase, from Nerchinsk, through Manchuria;
since then, however, the Russians have seen the
wisdom of continuing their " all-Russian " line
to Vladivostock by way of Khabarovka. The
Cassini Convention of September, 1896, secured
railway powers that gave to Russia an over-
whelming predominancy in the north of the
Chinese Empire, as far down as the Liao Tung
peninsula. As a direct consequence of the un-
expected seizure of Kiao Chou by Germany,
towards the end of 1897, the Russians actually
occupied Port Arthur and Ta-lien Wan, as the
Cassini Convention seems to have loosely stipu-
lated,^ — ^under certain undefined conditions.
Events subsequently so shaped themselves that
Russia was now in quasi-possession of all Man-
churia until the " Boxers '' began to move.
Following shortly upon that came the Russo-
Japanese war, the result of which was to divide
the railway administration of Manchuria be-
tween Russia and Japan ; and now (1917) the
chivalrous attitude towards each other of these
former rivals has led to a treaty extending
Japanese " rights " up to Harbin, and giving them
in addition sailing privileges on the Sungan river.
The French until very recently did not make
much history in China. Lewis IX. sent the
Franciscan friar Ruysbroek (Rubruquis) to
Mangu Khan in 1254, but the name of France
does not appear in the numerous Mongol allu-
sions to Christians. Between 1289 and 1805
there was some correspondence between the
Mongol khans of Persia and Philip the Fair, and
in 1842 a native of " Fulang " State is recorded
in Mongol history to have brought a present to
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106 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap.v
Peking of a very fine black horse with white
" stockings." The same history had already
recorded the death, in about 1312, of a " Fulin '*
man from the West who had served Gaynk and
Kublai Khans as physician, astronomer, and
historian. Amongst this man Aisie's (? Isaiah's)
sons were Elias, Georgius, and Luke ; so that
he was probably at least a Syrian, if not a Frank.
In 1867 and 1875 Fulin men are Jieard of at the
Court of the new Ming dynasty. But the name
of France never appears for certain in Chinese
history until the year 1718, when, in enumerat-
ing the Holan (Dutch) and other strange Western
nations, the Manchu Emperor observes the
'' unusual ferocity '' of the Holansi, who are
" of the same race as the Macanese.'* True,
Lewis XIV. had sent a letter to the Chinese
Emperor in 1688, recommending to him some
French Jesuits ; but no mention whatever is
made of this event in the Manchu history. There
was, apparently, a certain amount of French
trade at Canton, as is evident from the fact that
the United States received French assistance
there in 1785 ; but French interests in China up
to the date of the Second War were almost
exclusively religious, and her missionaries during
all this long period of self-effacement suffered
great persecution. In spite of the noble services
done by Bouvet, Regis, Jartoux, and other
Jesuits in mapping out the empire, Christianity
was prohibited, and many missionaries were
martyred in the provinces. But the limited
toleration of Christianity secured by the Treaty
of Nanking encouraged Louis Philippe to obtain
in 1847 a similar treaty (Whampoa) for France,
whose missionaries were thenceiorward allowed
to settle in the five treaty ports.
The great Taiping "rebellion of 1850, to which
I recur in a later chapter, had for one of its
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A.D. 1856-1875] FRENCH MISSIONARIES 107
ostensible objects the establishment of Chris-
tianity in China. This incongruous mixture of
rebellion and religion naturally led to fresh
persecutions, for the rebel leader claimed a kind
of personal relationship with Jesus Christ. The
torture and judicial miu-der of Father Chappede-
laine in 1856 gave Napoleon III. a welcome justi-
fication for joining the British in the Second
War, as a result of which further advantages
were secured (in a rather underhand way) to
the missionaries, and the old cathedral at Peking
was solemnly re-opened. On their way back
from China, the commanders of the French fleet,
in conjunction with the Spaniards, who also had
unredressed grievances against Annam, con-
quered part of Cochin China, and by the treaty
of 1862 Saigon and the siurounding province
was made over to the French. This led to
further conquests and cessions in 1867, partly
as a sequel to the explorations of Garnier and
others in the Shan states and Yiin Nan. Whilst
the Chinese were engaged about this time
in quelling the Mussulman revolt in Yiin Nan,
a speculative Frenchman named Dupuis con-
ceived the idea of supplying them with arms
by way of Tonquin, where the French began to
make *' arrangements '' in 1870. This led again
to further activity on the part of Garnier, who
had now been to Peking and visited the Yang-
tsze ports ; his career, however, was cut short
by the border bandit Lao Vinh-phuc * and his
"Black Flags'' in 1878. The same thing
happened ten years later to the adventurous
Rividre, and almost on the same spot. A
rebellion in Tonquin, led by a discontented
Chinese general named Li Yang-ts'ai, placed
China in rather a false position with the Black
Flag leader, and also with the Annamese, who
^ Died> honoured, Jan. 1917.
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108 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
were thus uncomfortably placed between three
fires. But meanwhile the French had been
steadily tightening their hold upon Annam and
Tonquin, and all this naturally made the Chinese
authorities in the Two Kwang provinces feel
very uneasy, not only because Annam was a
tributary, but because their own frontier was
placed in danger. Finally hostilities broke out ;
the Chinese fleet was destroyed at Pagoda
Anchorage; an attempt was made by the
French to occupy parts of the Pescadores and
Formosa ; and at last, by the Foiu-nier Treaty of
May, 1884, and its sequel of June, 1885, China
agreed to recognise the validity of- the treaties
entered into between France and Annam, seciu*-
ing to the former the protectorate of Tonquin.
Haiphong now became an important centre of
trade, and economical development quickly
followed all over Tonquin. A delimitation of
land frontiers was arranged, and one of the
political results has been that several new
treaty " ports " have opened to the French the
inland trade of Kwang Si and Yiin Nan. Lung-
chow (now connected with Langson, in Tonquin,
by railway) was opened to trade on the 1st Jurte,
1889 ; Mengtsz was also thrown open in August
of the same year ; and Hokow (opposite Lao-
kai on the Franco-Chinese frontier) in June,
1895. The new through railway, opened in 1910^
enhances the commercial importance of all these
places, and i)laces the Yiin Nan capital in direct
communication with the sea. Of course France
alone of Treaty Powers is the one that nominally
benefits by all this ; but although it was in-
tended primarily to serve the interests of Franco-
Annamese traders, as a matter of fact the trade, —
so far as it is not throttled by short-sighted
fiscal measures, — is chiefly between the CWnese
of Yiin Nan and the merchants of Hongkong.
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A.D. 1860-1895] FRENCH AND GERMAN DOINGS 109
By the Gerard Convention of 1895 Esmok was
opened to Tonquin trade, and a like privilege
was secured to the British-protected Shan
states by the Burma Convention of 1896. Thus
this last place (Esmok) is the spot where British
and French interests unite. The French availed
themselves of the novel situation created in the
first instance by Germany at Kiao Chou to claim
" compensation " in the shape of the old pirate
haimt of Kwang-chou Wan (Bay) opposite the
island of Hainan, and proceeded to add to it
in petto an undefined Hinterlanch: a dispute as
to boundaries soon provoked hostilities, and it
was in consequence of this that the French
pushed their way up to and established a political
influence at Yun-nan Fu, whence, however, they
had to retire precipitately on the breaking out
of " Boxer '' troubles. As we have seen, things
have righted themselves once more, and for
many years both sides have shown tact in con-
serving neighbourly relations.
Germany was not even known to China by
name previous to the Second War, although in
1752 Frederick the Great had founded an Asiatic
Company and sent two ships to Canton ; even
in Ricci*s time some of the Jesuits were known
to hail from " Germania,'' but where that place
was no one either knew or cared. After the
British and French had got their treaties finally
settled in 1860, " various smaller states,"
amongst which Prussia, applied for similar
privileges; The Prussian treaty was signed at
Tientsin in September, 1861, but for five years
after that no Prussian envoy was allowed to
reside at Peking. For some time after their
arrival the Germans occupied a rather humble
position in an insignificant tenement, which
now forms a small part of the British Legation
precincts ; and, politically speaking, they were
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110 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
simply makeweights to Great Britain's general
policy. But after the successful Franco-German
War they began to assume a considerably higher
tone, which sometimes became aggressively
haughty when the Chinese local officials ven-
tured to question the justice of their claims. On
one occasion at Swatow (I think in 1882) they
landed marines and took forcible possession of
a contested piece of ground; but this violent
action was at once sensibly repudiated by Prince
Bismarck. Notwithstanding all this, even so
late as 1890 Hhe Viceroy at Canton publicly
announced that the Germans were more sub-
missive than the English, and therefore prefer-
able as military instructors. In consequence
of these views, the military education of the
Chinese has often been lairgely in the hands of
Germans, who have also very naturally taken
the opportunity to " unload '' arms and ammuni-
tion. The Germans, who engineered the job,
obtained some credit as joint-deliverers with
France and Russia when the Chinese were help-
less at the feet of Japan. But the culminating
point in Germany's diplomatic influence was
reached when, in piping times of peace, Kiao
Chou and the surrounding territories were taken
by force in ostensible satisfaction for some
injuries done to missionaries, but manifestly
also because China had not showed sufficiently
tangible gratitude for favours received. This
act, unprecedented in the annals of diplomacy
and international comity, undoubtedly set the
evil ball a-roUing which led to the occupation
of Port Arthur and Ta-lien Wan by Russia,
Wei-hai Wei by England, and Kwang-chou Wan
by France : but in all three cases these Powers
at least went through the form of asking before
taking, and exhibited some small consideration
for China's '* face." In the long run, perhaps
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A.D. 1786-1900] POOR CHINA! Ill
this aggressiveness may redound to the advan*
tage of the Chinese people ; but there is rather
an unsavoury smell about it all, and possibly
we should have done better for our descendants
if we had agreed to put things back upon their
former honest basis. ;In any case, the propin-
quity of the Germans to Confucius' sacred district
proved maddening to the Chinese literary mind,
and was of itself enough to account for at least
one of the massacres at Peking, and, unfortun-
ately, elsewhere : at the best this aggressiveness
looked like hitting a weak man when he was
down. Meanwhile Japan in self-defence had
to re-establish herself at the cost of a war
in the Liao Tung peninsula, and to eject
Germany from Kiao Chou on the first good
opportunity. Great Britain's hold on Wei-hai
Wei has been "benevolent,*' savouring, in
fact, of a " watching *' brief : it remains for
France to decide what course of action her
historical chivalry will call for in the early
future.
The United States sent their pioneer trading
ship to China in 1785 ; they were first intro-
duced by the French into the mysteries of the
co-hong or " joint-stock " system at Canton ;
but in those days foreign traders were only
allowed to reside there during the trading season.
For some reason this riile was not enforced so
strictly with the Americans, probably because
they had just emerged from a war with the
aggressive English, and were regarded in the
light of possible allies. The Chinese at first
styled them "New People,'' not being able at
once to differentiate them from the English.
Then the name " Flowery-Flag '* was invented,
and this national name continues in popular
use to our own day. In 1821 the honour of
" Old Glory '' was somewhat compromised by
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112 ARRIVAL OF P^UROPEANS [chap, v
the surrender to the Chinese for execution of
one Terranuova, a European who had been
inscribed on the articles of an American ship.
By the treaties of Wang-hia of July, 1844, and
Whampoa of October in the same year, the
United States secured the privileges obtained
by England for her subjects after the first
Chinese war. During the progress of the Second
War, the Chinese neglected no effort to use the
United States as a catspaw; and indeed the
Americans, who perhaps assisted us by putting
moral pressure upon China, had a considerable
amount of influence in arranging the final settle-
ment at Tientsin : consequently they obtained
their treaty in 1858 a week earlier than did
either the British or the French, who had done
all the fighting. There is, however, a tradition
that a small American force gave us active
assistance at Taku, when the celebrated " blood
is thicker than water " episode took place. A
real ground for hostilities furnished by the
Chinese to the otherwise friendly Americans was
the firing into two of their vessels by the forts
of the Bogue on the 17th November, 1856. By
the Treaty of Washington of 1868 the United
States disclaimed all desire to interfere in
Chinese affairs, and arranged for the admission
of immigrants into the United States. The
hostile feeling engendered in the western terri-
tories and states by the overflow of undesirable
Chinese led to a compromise in the shape of the
Commercial Treaty of 1880, and finally to the
Immigration Prohibition Treaty of 1894, which
in 1904 the Chinese envoy at Washington was
instructed to oppose vigorously. The United
States have always been somewhat prone to
pose as the good and disinterested friend of
China, who does not sell opium or exercise any
undue political influence. These claims to the
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A.D. 1865-1900] HONEST AMERICAN BROKER 113
exceptional status of an honest broker have
sometimes been shaken by the sharp treatment
of Chinese in the United States, Honolulu, and
Manila; but perhaps the Central Government
at Washington has not always the power to
make its just wishes prevail over the biased
decisioni; of state legislatures, and is not there-
fore to be blamed too severely. The somewhat
loudly advertised return of " part of '' the
" Boxer '' indemnity (in any case subject to
conditions) simply means that America had
asked for more meat than she could decently
swallow. American policy in Corea, having been
in missionary hands, was very creditable, and
also had a decidedly favourable effect at Peking,
where for many years the United States' influence
was otherwise weak. However, America's ab-
stract virtues in Corea availed her nothing against
the Japanese legions. On the other hand, the
earlier Chinese policy in Manila was for some time
both ungenerous and suicidal : no Chinese except
those who left during the war were allowed to
immigrate, although Chinese labour alone had
developed and can develop the resources of the
islands. At present the Americans themselves
do not seem quite to know what is the best thing
to do with Manila. Mr. Morse is the writer
who gives us the most temperate and just
account of his countrymen's policy in China.
Belgium appeared amongst the minor claim-
ants for a treaty after the second war, and one
was finally concluded in 1865. She had not
been much heard of in China until 1898, when
her name has come prominently forward in
connection with railway and other concessions.
In 1900 M. Joostens pressed for Belgium's
right to an envoy for herself alone, and this was
acceded to in 1905.
In 1862 the Portuguese, with the assistance of
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114 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap.v
the French, endeavoured, but unsuccessfully, to
obtain a formal treaty with China, but it was
not until 1887 that they were officially recog-
nised as possessors of Macao. From 1682 to
1849 they had regularly paid a rental of 610
taels a year, and the Manchu Government natur-
ally declined to recognise the declaration of
independence which followed upon the assassina-
tion, on the 22nd August, 1849, of Governor do
Amaral. I possess a Chinese copy of a draft
treaty dated 1862, but I do not thinJk it was ever
signed : certainly it was never ratified, nor was
any Portuguese treaty right conceded. It was
to the interest of both parties that this hap-
ha^rd state of affairs should be rectified. China
required the co-operation of Macao in order to
obtain the full advantages conceded in 1886 by
Great Britain in connection with the opium
revenue; and in view of what had happened
in Formosa during the 1884 hostilities with
France, both China and Portugal felt nervous
lest any other power- — especially France« — should
appropriate Macao. Portugal therefore imder-
took never to alienate it without China's con-
sent, and on these conditions she drags out a
comparatively uneventful existence there. Be-
tween 1901 and 1906 the Minister at Peking,
Senhor Branco, exhibited considerable activity ;
more than one treaty was elaborated, besides
subsidiary agreements ; the knotty points were
Macao's food supply, nationality and naturalisa-
tion, harbour boundaries, smuggling, railway
to Canton, ownership of neighbourin| islands,
etc. Disputes were still going on when the
Manchus fell, and so far neither of the two
republics seems to have " ratified."
The Japanese, who are now fairly entitled
alike by right in moral principle and might of
conquest to equal rank amongst the greatest of
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A.D. 1868-1888] JAPAN'S RISE 115
Powers, had always been utterly ignored by
the Manchus tip to the date of the second war
with Great Britain, and this feeling of proud
aloofness was heartily reciprocated. In 1858
the United States expedition, under Commodore
Perry, led to the circumscribed Treaty of Kana-
gawa in 1854. Similar treaties were concluded
with Great Britain and Russia in 1855 ; and,
after the Anglo-French War of 1858, Lord
Elgin, by the Treaty of Yeddo, obtained the
opening of Japan to British commerce. In
1868-9 took place the great Japanese revolu-
tion, the abolition of the second king, or Shogun,
with the whole superstructure of feudalism,
and the restoration to real power of the Mikado,
or true Emperor. The Japanese now lost no
time in preparing themselves as quickly as
possible for a suitable place in the world's
councils, and never in the history of the universe
has a national transformation been so rapid or
complete. In 1871 they succeeded in concluding
their first treaty with China, which was signed
by Li Hung-chang in the autumn of that year.
The Chinese did not at first take the Japanese
very seriously, feeling rather a contempt for a
nation, of small physique withal, which so
readily threw off its veneer of Chinese civilisation
in favour of new-fangled European notions ;
but the Formosa dispute of 1874 soon awoke
them to the fact that the despised islanders
were not to be trifled with. That same year
Japan, by a stroke of the pen, placed China's
old tributary Loochoo under the control of the
Tokyo Home OflRce, and all China's expostula-
tions were ignored, as well as the piteous en-
treaties of Loochoo itself. When, in 1888, the
Powers began to conclude treaties with Corea,
it was found that Japan had ancient vested
rights of an unmistakably historical natiu*e at
10
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116 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
Fusan, and it was soon evident to all and
sundry therein concerned that she was bent on
developing them in other parts of Corea too*
China, as Corea' s suzerain, was somewhat
puzzled what to do when Japan in 1876 signed a
treaty with the " independent sovereign state"
of Chosen ; the matter became more compli-
cated when the United States and England did
the same thing in 1882-8. The negotiators of
the American treaty kindly admitted to a share
of privileges thus directly obtained China also,
who thus proceeded to conclude a treaty with
her own vassal, and then immediately set to
work to intrigue with a view to substituting her
own active influence in lieu of that of Japan.
This led to sundry revolutions, murders, kid-
nappings, and hostilities, which lasted over a
period of ten years, and finally culminated in
the war of 1894-5, when China received a
thorough thrashing, and lost both Corea and
Formosa : after that fot a decade her interests
in Corea were semi-officially looked after by the
British. In December, 1899, China concluded
another treaty with the " Great Emperor " of
Corea, foolishly neglecting, however, to insert
a most-favoured-nation clause.- — To return to
Japan ; the Shimonoseki Treaty and Liao Tung
Convention of 1895 had at once raised Japan
to the status of a WeltmachU and brought her
into diplomatic collision with European powers
as above described. The Commercial Treaty
of 1896 somewhat unexpectedly placed in the*
hands of Europeans many of the advantages
Japan had hoped to secure for herself, and the
new ports of Soochow and Hangchow were as
a sequel opened to the world. Sic vos, non vohis
is the motto applicable to Japan's action ; but
she took her " dishing " with great dignity,
and when in 1900 the declaration by China of
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A.D. 1868-1900] THE JAPANESE. THE DANES 117
hostilities against the whole world gave Japan
her next great opportunity, we could only expect
that she would not allow herself to be relegated
to a " back seat " again. The Mikado of Japan
took absolutely equal rank with the Czar of
Russia and the Queen of England in setthng
up by telegraph the dreadful mess created by
the " Boxer " fiasco. Four years after that
came the unfortunate Russo-Japanese conflict,
which, however, despite the intrigues of a reptile
foe, has left them both mutually respecting
friends of each other and allies of Great Britain.
Corea is now a Japanese province, and doing
well at that. Whatever Japanese past faults
may have been, a courageous fighting race will
always appeal to the sporting sense of fairness
which has in most circumstances our national
sympathies.
The Danes had a '' hong " in the old factory
days at Canton : they, the French, and the
Swedes depended for their profits largely upon
their success in smuggling tea about the English
coasts. The Danes, through the good offices of
Sir Thomas (then Mr.) Wade, concluded a
treaty with China in 1868, and until 1898 their
interests were usually looked after at the ports
by the British consular authorities : in that
year they were placed in Russian hands. Danish
interests lie chiefly in the direction of Telegraph
Conventions, and they have a large staff at
Shanghai in connection with the Great Northern
and Eastern Extension Companies. It need
hardly be said that without the countenance
and support of Russia and Great Britain Den-
mark would not count for much in the Far East.
The Spaniards concluded a treaty with China
in 1864, but it does not appear to have been
ratified until 1867. In 1877 there were nego-
tiations about cooUes for Cuba, but until 1881
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118 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap, v
the Spaniards do not seem to have had any
permanent minister in China. The Chinese
traders who went to Manila were always kept
under in rather an uncompromising way, and
it was manifestly the policy of Spain, subsequent
to the events described at the beginning of this
chapter, to have as little to do with official
China as possible. But in 1874 the new question
of the ill-treatment of Chinese in Cuba came
under discussion, and a Chinese mission was sent
to Cuba to inquire ; the result was the treaty of
December, 1878. When a permanent Chinese
minister was sent to the United States in 1879,
Spain and Cuba were included in his mission;
and so it came about that the Spaniards had
to despatch to China an envoy in return. His
influence at Peking was never very great,
though Sefior Cologan, as Doyen during the
'' Boxer " settlement, acquitted himself with
distinction. Since the loss of the Philippines
to America, Spanish influence in Peking may
be said to have disappeared altogether, except
in an academic sense.
Italy is recorded to have sent tribute in 1670,
and the Pope in 1728 ; but both these alleged
events are connected with the Jesuit-Dominican
dispute, the stormy conference at Macao, and
the unsuccessful missions of Tournon and Mezzo-
barba. The Italians, not having come to trade,
are stated by Chinese authors to be the most
cultured and respectable of the barbarians, who
would never have '* rebelled ** but for the evil
example of England and France. The words of
the Chinese historian are almost prophetic, in view
of "Boxer "-time Italian action in Cheh Kiang:
" Even Italy, the most famous and civilised of
European countries, was moved by the same
prospect of greed, and in 1861 an application was
made by the ItaUan Consul for a share in trade
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A.D.18e^96] ITALY, AUSTRIA, SWITZERLAND 119
privileges." The first Italian treaty was con-
cluded in 1866, but the Italians did not put in
an official appearance until 1877, when a man-
of-war visited the coasts of Corea. The Italian
minister has usually resided in Shanghai, in
order the better to push the commercial interests
of his countrymen, as, for instance, the Peking
Syndicate agreement, signed in 1898. It was
not till 1899, in connection with the expected
concessions on the ChSh Kiang coasts, that Sr.
Salvago Raggi on behalf of Italy first showed
signs of a spirited forward policy. Her expec-
tations were, however, nipped in the bud by an
unexpected display of energy on the part of the
Chinese. It was success which followed this
last gasping ejffort of resistance that probably
inspired the vacillating Manchu rulers with a
part of the courage necessary in order to brace
themselves up for the crazy '' Boxer " outburst.
In 1902 Sr. Gallina insisted that Italy should
receive a special Chinese minister, and not a
mere " double-barrelled " man.
The Au'strians did not draw up a treaty until
18'69, and for many years they left their interests
in British hands. Their minister until 1901
ordinarily resided in Japan, to which country
he was also accredited, but in 1902 Baron
Czikann, following the example of his Italian
colleague, demanded as a quid pro quo for his
presence at Peking a '* single-barrelled " man
for Vienna. From this date Austria was a (not
very) " brilliant second " to Germany in China.
The Swiss have no treaty, and their interests
are commonly entrusted to French hands.
This absence of diplomatic contact had its
inconveniences in 1896 in connection with the
Postal Conference, and again in 1904 when Red
Cross matters were under discussion.
Peru drew up a treaty with China in 1875,
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120 ARRIVAL OF EUROPEANS [chap.v
the interests of the latter country having special
reference to the alleged ill-treatment of coolies,
whilst the former's interest lay in procuring
them as cheaply, and with as few restrictions
as possible. The war with Chili practically
snu^ed out Peru, at all events so far as any
influence in China was concerned, and she may
be regarded for the present as non-existent in
Peking councils,
Brazil (1880), Mexico (1900), and the Congo
State (1898) have treaties with China, but, so
far, nothing has occurred to bring any of these
states prominently forward ; in each case
coolies were wanted by the one party, and it
was desired by the other to secure fpr them
decent treatment. Difficulties arose after Presi-
dent Diaz ceased his long firm rule, on account
of Chinese traders receiving ill-usage at the
hands of rival aspirants or their followers ; but
these appear to have been reasonably met on
both sides.
The Swedes established an East India Com-
pany in 1627, but their nationals who visited
China came on board vessels belonging to other
countries. A Swedish vessel reached Canton
in 1781, and fifty years later others are men-
tioned. There is a Swedo-Norwegian treaty
with China, and Mr. Carl Bock was resident in
Peking for a time (1897-1898) ; but since the
separation of 1905 the Scandinavian interests,
chiefly shipping, are sufficiently watched over
by consuls-general at Shanghai ; there has never
been a Norwegian minister at Peking so far as I
am aware ; but Count Wallenberg seems to
have been there for many years (off and on) as
minister for Sweden.
There was some flutter when in 1889 the
Sultan decided to send a frigate and a mission
to Japan. The reappearance on the high seas
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A.D. 1882-1915] THE BALKAN POWERS 121
and in Chinese waters of the Turks so dreaded of
old was a highly interesting development. They
put in at Pagoda I. for refreshments, and there
I endeavoured to prove to the gallant com-
mander that he was a Hiung-nu in disguise ;
but the luckless Ertogrul came to grief on the
rocks in the Inland Sea, and the fierce Tiu*ks had
to be sent home as " distressed mariners." To
add local colour to an amusing dSno'&meni, the
Japanese man-of-war which took the men home
was refused free admittance through the Dar-
danelles, and had to " get ready for action.'*
In 1882 the Serbian Eang Milan begged the
Chinese Minister in France to hand in a letter
to his august master announcing Serbia's pro-
motion to kingly rank. Rumania had already
set Balkan examples in 1881, when two separate
missions were either sent (or perhaps locally
commissioned) to announce (1) the accession
of King Charles, and (2) his promotion to royal
status. In 1915 the death of King Charles and
the succession of King Ferdinand were " an-
nounced."
In 1902 "Great Han" {i.e. "Imperial" Corea)
sent resident envoys to China, and exchanged
certain consuls; but of course these amenities
ceased after the Japanese had ousted all foreign
political influence from Corea — as a result of the
Russo-Japanese conflict.
In 1915 the newly elected President of Uruguay
announced his accession.
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CHAPTER VI
SIBERIA, ETC,
A HISTORY of China's foreign relations of the
most sketchy description would not be com-
plete without some separate and connected
account of the Tartars who have always harassed
her from the north. Just as the hyperborean
regions of Europe have only become a cognate
part of El Rum, or the Roman Empire system
(for that is really in a civilising sense what
modern Europe still is) since Russia took them
vigorously in hand, so the hyperborean regions
of Asia have only become a cognate part of
Hwa-hiaj or the Chinese Empire system, since
Russia gave them their bearings. But Russia
is in possession of the whole, and straddles both
systems by what Roman lawyers eddied occupation
or the right of first occupant. If we omit the
tropics and South Seas, we may say ihe old
northern hemisphere consists of two groups of
400,000,000 souls each, the one being Chinese
or Yellow Man civilisation, the other European
or White Man civilisation. Russia now caps
and overawes the pair, and is the first great
instance in the world's history of a powerful
empire north of the temperate zone. In fact,
the Asiatic conceptions of White Czar and (so
to speak) '* Yellow " Czar, or of Chagan Khan
and Bogdo (Holy) Khan, express the same misty
idea in Tartar minds ; all the rest is Feringhi, or
126
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B.C.200] FRANKS AND SCYTHIANS 127
** Frank/' somewhere beyond the White Czar's
domain. The Arabs call Europeans Afranghi,
or Beni Asfar,— '* Sons of Yellow," i.e. " not
dark," and the island Greeks still have an
adjective ^payKiKo^^ meaning, in effect, ** con-
tinental." Europe, previously to the blossom-
ing forth of Russia, knew practically nothing
north of the menacing hordes which emerged
from the east along beaten lines, and gradually
became her rulers,' — ^in parts at least. China,
previously to the same event, knew practically
nothing north of the hordes which moved rest-
lessly east and west along beaten lines, and also
gradually became her rulers,* — ^in parts at least.
The historical analogy between the Chinese and
Roman Empires is nearly complete throughout
the whole gamut of history.
First in date there was on the Chinese side the
Empire of the Hiung-nu, which bounded and
menaced all of the modern realm of China, from
Corea to the Pamir, except Tibet and the Eighteen
Provinces. No doubt these Hiung-nu nomads
knew something of the petty hunting tribes in
occupation of what we now call#Siberia ; but the '
Chinese knew nothing whatever of them ; unless
in a very vague way, and by name only, some-
thing of the Kirghis to the west and the coast
Tunguses and Ainos to the east. On the Western
side we know nothing of anyone but *' Scythians,"
and in the East the Chinese knew nothing of
anyone but Hiung-nu. It is very unUkely that
we shall ever know more of either than we do
now, namely, that the manners of the two, as
described to us by the Greeks and Chinese re-
spectively, were nearly identical. The Hiung-nu
seem to have swept to and fro then, just as the
roads run now, by the northern route from
Tsitsihar, Urga, Uliassutai, Hi, and Tashkend;
or from the Yellow River bend north and north-
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128 SIBERIA, ETC. [chap, vi
west to Urga and Uliassutai. They were driven
away by the Chinese from the southern group
of roads, from Hami to the Tarim valley and
the Pamirs, at a comparatively early date ; but,
diu*ing the greater part of the time — ^to use the
words of Chinese historians — '* the Han dynasty
had the sagacity to keep them in good temper
by permitting a regular border trade." The
total duration of their empire, whether in a
united or divided condition, was, roughly speak-
ing, 400 years, from 200 B.C. to a.d, 200 ; but
although the greater part of the ruling caste
and the fighting men went permanently West,
where some of them were to reappear as Avars,
Huns, etc., in Europe, they did not expire in
China without a final struggle; indeed, they
ruled as Chinese " Emperors " of limited por-
tions of China, after most of their race had gone
West; and in any case they foimded princi-
palities in western parts subject to Chinese
influence, thus enabling us to connect their
ruling families with the Turks without a serious
break. Professor Hirth of Columbia Univer-
sity even thought and perhaps still thinks he
had unearthed Attila's son Hernax from the
Chinese records of Sogd : — but I am not in the
least convinced.
Then comes the empire of the more westerly
Tunguses, who were only known to China
previously to a.d. 45 as vassals of the Hiung-nu.
As the power of the latter was broken up by
China, so were the opportunities for separate
development improved by these vassals of the
declining Khans. The new empire of the Tun-
guses thus formed was at its zenith just as the
last of the genuine uncivilised Hiung-nu dis-
appeared (in an independent pohtical sense) for
ever. This disappearance from China is coin-
cident (allowing them time to travel) with the
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A.D. 200-1200] NOMAD AND SEDENTARY 129
sudden appearance of the Avars and Huns in
Europe ; it is only reasonable to conclude, there-
fore, that the (Hiung-nu) strangers, who pushed
on Goths, Vandals, and other tribes before them,
were the identical people who, as we know for a
certainty, had gone from China somewhere West,
But the later group of Tungusic Tartars, although
their domination occasionally extended as far
as Hi, never had, like the Hiung-nu, any real
hold on the Tarim valley or Turkestan; they
are specially remarkable for having settled a
number of Japanese prisoners in Eastern Mon-
golia, where their power was most in evidence.
The Hiung-nu had probably never heard of the
Japanese. On the other hand, the Toba clan of
the Tunguses was more successful than the
Hiimg-nu had ever been as a sedentary and a
civilised ruling house, and its princes adminis-
tered North China as emperors, on a footing
of perfect equaUty with the genuine Chinese
emperors of the south, for 200 years (880-580).
But this preoccupation with Chinese affairs left
the other and wilder Tartars time to counter-
develop once more ; and although the Toba
dynasty of North China conducted several
successful campaigns against both their now less
civilised kinsmen and against the remains of
the Hiung-nu tribes, they were never able to
assert themselves as an effective nomad horse-
back power, and at the same time to sit com-
fortably on an imperial throne. The Mongols
previous to Kublai (Genghiz, Ogdai, Kayuk,
and Mangu) were the only ones that ever suc-
ceeded in this double task ; and so, even with
the powerful Mongols, a double rdle did not last
very long, for Kublai was, after his return from
Yun Nan and his accession to the throne,
simply the sedentary and personally imwarlike
Emperor of China; the Tartars, if not inde-
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180 SIBERIA, ETC. [chap, vi
pendent, were all more or less rebellious vassals
under disloyal relatives of his. It is not sur-
prising, therefore, that when the Toba Tunguses
eight centuries before Kublai took to the
comforts of civilisation, a mixed nomad empire
developed itself once more out of the leavings
of the Hiimg-nu and Tungusic " horseback
dominations."
The very name of this third great ruling caste
of nomads is exceedingly unsatisfactory; the
words Juju, Jwe-jwe, or Jeujen convey to us
no hint whatever such as we can gain, or at
least imagine, from the earlier words Hiung-nu
(Huns, or "Hiin slaves") and Tung-hu (Tunguz, or
"East Tartars " ). Following a Chinese practice
which prevails to this day, the Toba Emperor, no
doubt advised by Chinese pedants, thought he
would improve this apparently native word into
the bastard sound Jwan-jwan, which is stated
to have ndeant " wrigglers." There is no evi-
dence to show that the units of their fighting
power were more Hiung-nu than Tunguz, and
such evidence as there is of a ruling caste is
decidedly in favour of a Hiung-nu rather than a
Tungusic origin ; there are even very faint
indications that they might have been Suomi,
or Finns. At any rate, there seems to be no
justification whatever for concluding, as Euro-
pean writers have done, that the Jeujen were
the Avars : it is almost impossible that they
can have been so. What is quite certain is
that they had amongst their vassals, quite close
to the Chinese frontier, in or near the region
. where money was made from the iron trade in
220 B.C., a Hiung-nu tribe called " Turk."
These Turks worked as ironmasters for the
Jeujen, and subsequently, when they had
generated strength sufficient to assist them-
selves, rose against and annihilated the power
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A.D, 550-650] THE TURKS AND SIBERIA 181
of their suzerains. There is nothing to show
that the dominion of these Jeujen ever extended
west even so far as Ili, then occupied by a race
called ^' Yiieban/' who, indeed (if we accept the
evidence of etymology at all), may well be the
*' Eban,'' or '' Evar," — ^in other words, a branch
of the Ephthalites, as the Chinese seem to make
out.* The chief struggles of the Jeujen were
with the " High Carts, or the later Ouigours,
of the Lake Baikal region.
After the crushing of the Jeujen came the
empire of the Turks, touching which we not
only have the most precise Chinese accounts,
but also a number ot important Turkish and
Ouigour inscriptions, discovered within the past
generation in the Irtish, Orkhon, and Tola
valleys, and confirming the Chinese accounts.
The first stage of Tiu'kish rule lasted from about
the year 560 to 680, when the Chinese, after
incessant warring, succeeded in taking the
Supreme Khan captive. For fifty years after
that event, Chinese political influence was
dominant all the way from Corea to the frontiers
of Persia ; but still there is not in the whole of
Chinese history one trace of a single definite
name to show that they had any definite know-
ledge of what we call Siberia. There are vague
indications in the far north of savage tribes
using snow-shoes, deer-carts, dog-carts, and of
^ It would be well for students who take a soientifio interest in
etymology to note that in em expanded Chinese dictionary p€urtly
based upon Dr. S. W. Williams' earlier work, emd published a
quarter of a century ago by my former colleague. Professor
H. A. Giles of Cambridge, I have given the actual sounds in eight
dialects of every impartarU word in the language : besides their
Corean, Annamese, emd Japanese soimds. I have also con-
tributed thereto, by way of extended preface, a philological
essay explaining the '* Qrinmi's Law " of the Far East, and the
oonstmotion of Chinese. This knowledge is indispensable to
anyone who ventures an opinion upon points connected with
Chinese etymology ; but of course it may be acquired by separate
study independently of my pioneer effort.
11
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182 SIBERIA, ETC. [chap, vi
other matters connected with them, suggestive
of Samoyedes, Ostiaks, and Chukchis ; but if
the Turks then under more or less direct Chinese
rule had any knowledge of insignificant peoples
north of what are at this day the boundaries of
the Chinese Dominion, they kept that know-
ledge to themselves, or never told the Chinese
enough to make it worth while recording any-
thing. In connection with the western branch
of the Turks, and especially the Tiirgas, the
Chinese histories make numerous allusions to
Persians, Syrians, EphthaUtes, Kirghis, and
other Western peoples, about whom they had
very scant information ; but there is never
anything to show that organised states existed
in Siberia beyond the Amur, Baikal, or Balkash.
Probably the Chinese never pushed up thither
because the length of the nights was so alarming
and it was so cold : several times the Chinese
mention with astonishment the long days of a
northern summer. The accounts given of the
second (main or eastern) Turkish Empire,
founded by Kutlug Khan, are even more inter-
esting and precise than those of the first. It
endured from about 680 to 743, when it was
replaced by the domination of a kindred race
called the Ouigours. These people, however,
never exercised anything like the same effective
dominion that their kinsmen the Hiung-nu and
the Turks had done before them, and they
decidedly showed more settled inclinations, and
more of a taste for science, art, and religion :
by degrees they seem to have voluntarily aban-
doned the Urga region north of the Desert alto-
gether, and to have settled in what are now the
western parts of Kan Suh province. Chavannes
and Pelliot, in their illuminating little work on
the Manichaeans already alluded to, have thrown
much new light upon Ouigour civilisation.
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A.D. 800-1200] TUNGUSIC DEVELOPMENTS 188
Meanwhile the Tunguses, corresponding to the
ancient Toba rulers, and also perhaps to the
later Mongols (before they became imbued with
a strong Turkish admixture), or to the modern
Solons, found opportunity to develop a great
political power in the Far East. There is reason
to believe that their rule included, at least for
tribute purposes, a great many tribes beyond
the Amur, as also all the Fish-skin Tartars,
Goldi, Manchus, and other unmistakable peoples
of Tungusic race, right up to the Pacific Ocean
and the mountains of Corea : but we cannot yet
identify some, if any, of the tribal names by the
light of any ethnological indications now sur-
viving. We are therefore, so far as our inquiry
is concerned, still left in the same historical posi-
tion : by the light of anything that can be dis-
covered in Chinese history, the Ouigours ruled
the west whilst the Cathayans or Kitans ruled
the east of what is now Chinese Mongolia ; the
first never pushing their knowledge, not to say
their influence, beyond the Earghis, the second
never hearing of much beyond the Amur and
Lake Baikal. Then come the Niichens, or
genuine eastern Tunguses totally unaffected by
Mongol or Turkish admixturesT, They are prob-
ably much the same people as those who for
200 years governed the little-known kingdom of
Puh-hai (720-920), which had political relations
with Japan as well as with China. They also
co-existed as a political power along with the
Ouigours, and with the so-called Kara-Kitans
who fled west when the NiichSns broke up
the original Cathayan power. And so on until
we come to Genghiz Khan, no part of whose
tribal habitat was much farther north than the
River Shilka, if indeed so far. Genghiz, as we
know, swept the whole zone between Siberia (as
we now understand the word), Tibet, and China,
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184 SIBERIA, ETC. [chap, vi
It is in the thirteenth century that we hear
for the first time in the Chinese records intelligible
accounts of Kipchaks, Alans or Azes, Bulgars,
and Russians. A great deal of interest attaches,
in connection with the Mongol inroads, to the
Hungarians, who belong to the same souche as
the Finns : so, at least, Professor Nordenskjold
told me when he visited Canton in 1879, and so
I have since satisfied myself more precisely.
The Bulgars of Genghiz' time were also partly
Finnish, at least so Bretschneider thought ; but
they have adopted the Slav tongue. One
extensive race, called the Wusun, disappeared
utterly from the Hi region shortly after the
Yiieh-chi, driven west by the Hiung-nu, gave way
before these same Wusun, and, turning south
to Bactria, founded the ** Indo-Scythian '' or
Ephthalite dominions in the PiLnj&b and Persian
regions, as already explained. Some modern
Chinese writers have endeavoured to identify
these missing Wusun with the Russians ; but
this is not likely, for the Russian language
appears to be pure Aryan ; that I can see for
myself. There is no evidence to connect the
Wusun with the Hungarians ; but the possi-
bility of it must not be ignored ; — ^in fact, Csoma
the Hungarian, about ninety years ago, went
on a hunt all over High Asia in search of the
original Mad jar language; and the late M.
Kossuth gave encouragement to my Hungarian
friend Nimati Kdlmdn, who bespoke my co-
operation on the same quest : the Chinese men-
tion the Madjars quite plainly (Ma-cha) in
Genghiz* time. I cannot recall any other
instance of the utter disappearance of a con-
siderable nation from Chinese ken, unless it be
that of the Yiieban (also from Hi). The dominion
of the Mongols over Russia, and to a certain
extent Hungary, seems to be the first connect-
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A.D. 1200-1400] NORTH SIBERIA KNOWN 185
ing link forged in the chain which was ulti-
mately to join Western Europe with Kamchatka.
The hold of the Mongols over Europe and over
Asia weakened simultaneously. In the West
the Novgorod Republic had opportunity to
develop, and in the East China was able to shake
herself free. The Ostiak tribes of the Obi
(Beresof and Tobolsk) had paid tribute to Nov-
gorod before Novgorod paid it to the Mongols ;
but if the Mongols ever heard of the Ostiaks,
they do not seem to have thought it worth
while to interfere in a question of such jejune
importance to themselves. The brother of
Haithon of Armenia, besides Rubruquis and
some of the other European pilgrims to the
Mongol Court, would seem to have first sug-
gested to Europeans the existence of a farther
or Northern Siberia. The Mongols of China
kept up relations with the Kipchaks, Russians,
and Azes almost until their fall (1868) ; but the
Ming dynasty had little to do, in a friendly
co-operative way, even with Manchuria or
Mongolia so near, let alone with the tribes of the
remote western steppes. The Eleuth or Kal-
muck power accordingly now developed; and
Chinese history totally ceases to be authoritative
on northern nations from that day to this.
The Manchus knew of no people farther north
than the Kazaks, or Turkified Kirghis, half of
whom are now Russian and half Chinese in
a political sense. The former Mongol influence
over the Kipchaks in Ming times, therefore,
passed from China to Tamerlane, who was
treating with Kipchak envoys at Otrar, and even
contemplating an attack upon China, when he
died there in 1406. The word " Sibir '* is about
this time mentioned for the first time as part
of the realm of Toctamish the Kipchak. Dr.
Albert Wirth, who collected and sixteen years
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186 SIBERIA, ETC. [chap, vi
ago spontaneously sent to me many valuable
data touching this period, says that a Bavarian
named Schiltberger, who was there as a prisoner
amongst the Tartars at the time Tamerlane died,
speaks of *' Issibur, where carts and sledges are
harnessed to large dogs.''
In 1465-9 Ivan the Great annexed Novgorod,
and threw off the Kipchak yoke ; so that the
country of Sibir, practically the modern Tobolsk,
became almost independent. But by the time
of Ivan the Terrible (1557) the Sibir people, or
" Yugurs," had been compelled to send him
their usual tribute of minivers and sables.
Modern Chinese, in referring to these events, say
(but do not explain at what date or on what
authority) that the Russians had four great
provinces— Ki-yu (Kiev), the *' old tribe'';
Moskwa, the " new tribe " ; K'a-shan (Kazan) ;
and Si-pi-r (Siberia), which last was subdivided
into four. At present, according to Russian
official documents, there are 2,000 or so of
** Turalinians " between the Tobol and the
Irtish, and there are 26,000 Ostiaks in Tobolsk,
Tomsk, and the Yenissei. There are also
Chuvashes and Voguls in Tobolsk, but which of
these tribes represents the " Yugurs " of their
sixteenth-century '* Sibir " I cannot say. Any-
way, Ivan and his son Theodore went on with
their eastern advance until they had conquered
the Bashkirs and Tobol-Tartars. The Cninese
record that between 1522 and 1567 the Russians
conquered the Khan of *' K'u-ch'eng," and re-
moved him to the north of the Altai Mountains,
thus bringing themselves into contact with the
Tata (Mongols) and Wala (Eleuth).
It was just at this time (1579) that the " Stro-
gonoff," or half-Tartar merchant guilds of East
Russia, engaged the services of Yarmak and
7,000 of his Cossacks to further their interests
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A-D. 1680-1620] K'U-CH'ENG OR KOZtJM KAN 187
in Tartar regions ; but after three or four years
of skirmishing and scuffling with the troops of
** Koziim Kan," Yarmak perished by drowning,
either in the River Irtish or in one of its tribu-
taries (1584). In 1591 "Koziim Kan" was
defeated, and again in 1598, when he fled for
refuge to the Kalmucks' camp near Lake
Dzaisang (north of the Altai) ; but the Kal-
mucks in turn chased him away to the Kirghis.
Here, manifestly, the Chinese and Russian
accounts agree fairly well in the main facts. The
doings described thus brought the Russians into
contact with that branch of the Mongols called
the Kalmucks' — styled by the Chinese Eleuths- —
who had meanwhile had time to gather strength
and found a dominion in the region of Uliassutai,
Hi, and Tarbagatai, which dominion included
many Kirghis and Turkish tribes. The pre-
datory Cossacks sent missions to the ruler of this
powerful state in the name of the Russian Czar,
who, like a wise man, secured all he could get
for nothing but the taking, and ran no risks.
It so happens that there is a hiatus in Chinese
history at this time, and the Manchu Emperor
K'ienlung himself admits that between 1450 and
1650 the Chinese knew little more of the Eleuths
than that they often joined other Mongols in
raiding the frontiers : they do not even know
the names of the khans. However, in 1616 the
Ataman Wassili relates what happened to his
mission sent in the name of the Czar to the
Altyn-Kan (Golden Khan), at whose Court he
met also an envoy from the Yellow Czar (Em-
peror of China)' — ^probably the chief of as
bogus " a mission as his own. The Khan was
then encamped on the Kem-chik, or " Little
Kem," i.e. on the present Russo-Chinese frontier,
due north of Cobdo. The Russians say that the
Altyn Khan promised to get their trading
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138 SIBERIA, ETC. [chap, vi
missions through to China, and that the Chinese
even sent a mission to them in 1619 ; but, if so,
the Chinese are quite unaware of it, and the very
name of Russia was to all appearances totally
unknown in Peking at that time. The Russians
or Cossacks pushed on to Lake Baikal, and
received in 1688 their first tea through the
agency of this Altyn Khan, the history of whose
successors, until they were destroyed by the
Chinese, I have already published from Manchu
history.* By 1648 the Russians had already
reached the Sea of Okhotsk. After all, they had
only to follow the compass, so far as North
Siberia wasi concerned ; for there was not, and
there is scarcely even now, a genuine native town
in the place ; nor had the scant population of
trappers, fishers, and hunters any desire or
motive to resist their advance, which therefore
required little courage. The true interest lies
in the story of their pushing their way down the .
Shilka and the Amur. These adventures have
been related over and over again, and there is
very little new for me to say here. In 1654
they attempted to explore the Sungari, but the
Cossack Stepanhoff was killed by the Manchu
troops in 1658 ; and this event is also recorded
by the Chinese. Then there was a long conflict
for the possession of Yaksa, or .Albazin ; but in
1689 the Russians, by the Treaty of Nerchinsk,
agreed to abandon it, and also both banks of tjie
Amur. From that time to 1855, when Mura-
vieff " Amurski '' obtained the Czar's permis-
sion to annex the Amur, the Russians remained
on very quiet and inoffensive terms with China,
trading only at Kiachta and Tarbagatai. In
1858 the Aigun Treaty, necessitated by these
1 " The lialmucks," China Review, vol. xxiii. " The Eleuths,"
China Review, vols. xv. xvi. See also previous references on
pages 36-40.
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A,D. 700-1860] TIBET, NEPAUL, MANIPUR 189
new ac<^uisitions, loosely defined the Ussuri
boundaries ; but in 1860, by the Peking Treaty,
Ignatieff secured the doubtful part east of the
Ussuri ; and now Russia, biding her time, has
improved her opportunities, slipped quietly in,
and dominates North Manchuria.
The early history of Tibet (700-900) is bound
up with that of the early Siamese empire of
Nan-chao. For a time the Gialbos threatened
the existence of China, and, as it was, asserted
their equaUty, obtained princesses, and made
treaties of reciprocity ; they also forcibly occu-
gied Kan Suh and Chinese Turkestan for a num-
er of years, right up to Lake Balkash. During
the Five Dynasty, or Anarchy Period (904-960),
there were a few missions to China, but practi-
cally Tibet was an unknown quantity ; and
throughout the Sung dynasty (960-1260) the
diplomatic relations were only fitful. During
Mongol and Ming times Tibet was xmder military
supervision, but enjoyed internal independence.
After the Manchus came to power and overawed
the Lamas, their Resident, except on one or two
occasions when China had to assert herself,
for a century and a half occupied a position in
Tibet as modest and retiring, out as mfluential,
as that of our Resident in Nepaul. Nepaul,
which was forced by China to live on friendly
terms with Tibet, is still tributary to China,
and sends trading missions ; but she prudently
avoids raising political questions, and meanwhile
supphes us with some of our best mercenary
troops, at the same time enjoying complete
independence. Manipur, or Kas6 as the Chinese
call it, was only known to the Manchus for a
short time during the wars with the Burmese
king Alompra's successors : there is no mention
of such a place in the records of any previous
dynasty. China has never in modern times
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140 SIBERIA, ETC. [chap, vi
had the faintest political influence in India,
though all five kings of the Hindoo states sent
missions to China about 1,000 years ago. True,
in the middle of the seventh century the warlike
founder of the T'ang dynasty, with the assist-
ance of Nepaul, carried punitive war success-
fully upon a king of North India, but there the
matter dropped : the Ming dynasty 800 years
later had shipping relations with the Indian
coasts ; but none the less India has never fallen
within China's political sphere. The Mongols,
Mings, and Manchus have each in turn sent
expeditions to Burma, but China's political
influence has never continued for long there
either. Siam has never been invaded either by
land or sea, but from the date of her moving
down definitely to Ayuthia« — say a.d. 1200 —
from the Shan states (Old Thai *), south of Yiin
Nan, until 1858, she always recognised China as
a nominal suzerain, for reasons of trade pohcy.
The Shan states^ — ^those not belonging to Burma
— and also Annam, have at irregular intervals
been either ruled indirectly by the Chinese or
have been nominally tributary to them. The
same thing may be said of Corea, but with less
irregularity. Japan has never been in any way
conquered by either Chinese or Tartars, nor
forced to do anything ; she has occasionally
sent polite missions, but it is only the Chinese
who call them *' tributary " ones. I just men-
tion these points in order to complete the circuit
of the Eighteen Provinces, and to bring the
reader back to the other side of Siberia.
^ See p. 29. The Old and New Tai or Thai (= free) races differ
in using or in omitting the aspirate, as I ascertained on the spot
in 1888, from Mr. Gushing and other Shan scholars. The History
of Nan-ohao makes use of this national word Tai, and explains
quite clearly how the Early Siamese were under the religious
influence of Magadha.
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CHAPTER VII
MODERN TRADE
It is not necessary to dwell upon the old co-hong
trade at Canton. The former Factory site of
the " Thirteen Hongs " is now principally occu-
f)ied by a large foreign " hong " about two fur-
ongs below the island settlement of Shamien.
Trade with the East India Company nominally
began in 1680, and all privileges continued until
1788, when there were certain modifications.
In 1884 exclusive rights entirely ceased. Life
and trade at Canton a century and a quarter
ago have been vividly described * by Dr. S. W.
Williams, who resided there before the Factory
was destroyed in 1856, and was frequently U.S.
Charge d' Affaires at Peking after the second or
Anglo-French war. The merchants passed a
confined, ceremonious, and reserved existence,
entirely in the hands of their fiadors and com-
pradares on the one hand, and of the Chinese co-
hong on the other. No wives were allowed, and
even burials had to take place at Whampoa,
twelve miles down the river. It was only in
1828 that the British Superintendent first suc-
ceeded in getting his wife up : it will be remem-
bered that this misogynist policy had already
been followed 2,000 years before in the case of
" female animals," the idea in both cases evi-
dently being against increase and ^ multiplica-
^ Oh4na Beview, 1876-7.
141
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142 MODERN TRADE [chap, vii
tion. British trade was, of course, the largest
of all ; lead (for packing tea) and woollens were
the chief imports (no specie, no cotton fabrics)
from England, opium from India, and the usual
" Straits " produce picked up from the Dutch
colonies visited by our ships en rotUe. Tea and
silk were the main exports then as (largely)
now. The British tea consumption in 1795 was
14,000,000 lbs. a year, more than one half of
which total was smuggled by foreign ships from
Canton, operating in the English .Channel.
The Treaty of Nanking (1842) opened four new
ports, and abrogated all these restrictive rules
about residence. Afterwards, as has been ex-
plained under the heading of " Europeans," by
the Tientsin treaties nine, and by the Chefoo
Convention again four additional ports were
thrown open to foreign trade. The various
wars and complications that have harassed
China up to date have led to the total number
of ports being increased to forty-seven, so far as
the Foreign Customs is concerned. In the year
1864 the British or direct trade had already
reached 101,000,000 taels, or ounces of silver,
and the total, including other countries and
coast trade, was 260,000,000 taels : at that date
the whole trade of Japan, America, and other
foreign countries only amounted in all to 10
Ser cent, of the British trade, including, of course,
Iritish colonies. I proposed in the 1901 edition
of this book to take the year 1880, as a central
point, between the period when legations were
first established at Peking in 1861 and the year
1900 (that is, the trade of 1899), in order to survey
rapidly the condition of foreign commerce in
China. I now propose to compare these totals
with the trade of 1918, that is, the trade before
the great war queered the pitch. As the gold
value of the silver tael is still only about half
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A.D. 1880--1918] STATISTICS FOR PERIODS 148
what it was in 1880, and subject to violent aber-
rations at that, I think it better to give the totals
in silver, as nearly as I can; for, although this plan
may suggest to us a false idea of the gold cost of
produce to England and Europe, it is the only
true way to form a notion of the actual wealth,
measured by the standards of silver and copper,
which is taken out of China, for the unit of
'* Exchange " in Shanghai is the rate for tele-
graphic transfer on London.
DIRECT TRADE, EXCLUDING COAST TRADE AND FOREIGN
TRADE IN CHINESE JXJNKS ; ALSO EXCLUDING RE-
EXPORTS ABROAD
Hineleen Forts.
Thirty-two Ports.
Forty-seren Ports.
Brittah Empire
Japanese Empire
Otner countrieB
1880.
122,600,000
6,700,000
30,000,000
1899.
286,200,000
63,100,000
113,000,000
1918.
402,000,000
186,000,000
403,000,000
168,300,000
462,300,000 I 990,000,000
From the above summary it will be seen that
if between 1880 and 1899 the total direct trade
nearly trebled itself, between 1900 and 1918 the
same direct trade about doubled itself; and the
Japanese share, magnified nearly ten times during
its pioneer development, has more than tripled
itself again during its riper development. Look
at it which way we will, there is no reason to fear
that Great Britain is going to the wall, for we are
still equal to the rest of the world, barring Japan.
It must be remembered that England no longer
takes the larger half of China tea, as she did in
1880, which deficit is more than compensated for
by much greater cargoes of tea brought from
India, the paid value of which remains in our
own empire instead of going to that of China. It
must also be remembered that the Russian
and Japanese land trade by way of Manchuria
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144 MODERN TRADE [chap, vii
has introduced quite new elements, and that the
loss of Kiao Cnou to Germany in 1914 must
agai:n seriously modify the position of affairs
as existing in 1918.
Out of the above trade, and of the home or
coast trade in foreign or Chinese steamers,
which is equal in volume to over once and a
half the total of the foreign trade, the Chinese
Government in 1880 derived a revenue of
14,250,000 taels, against 26,660,000 taels in
1899, and 48,900,000 taels in 1918. It will be
noticed that, whilst direct trade has trebled and
again doubled, the revenue on the whole trade has
not kept pace : the reason is not very obvious ;
but as, owing to fluctuation in exchange rates
and market values, the charges on imports have
for many years only averaged 8 per cent.,
instead of the 5 per cent, average usually sup-
posed to be levied, that fact (which of course in
itself requires further specialist explanation) may
partly account for it. Then, again, we must
consider the British bankers, careful definition
of what are called *' invisible imports " and
" invisible exports," both of which or neither of
which must be counted. Probably a further
reason is that the specific duties on compara-
tively high-paying articles such as tea have for
many years steadily declined with the trade in
those staples ; whilst the specific duties on
various cneap export commodities (formerly
neglected, but now aggregating huge totals) are
very low, and therefore do not advance pace
by pace with the volume of the trade. Rice,
for instance (though not exportable from China
except under diplomatically arranged special
concUtions), is sometimes " exported " by the
million hundredweight from one port tq the
other at a very low likin charge, or even free
altogether. However, in 1902 the Mackay
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A.D. 1880-1918] COTTON AND YARN TRADE 145
treaty, which aimed amongst other desirable
financial reforms at the abolition of likin in
exchange for a substantial increase in import
duties, did attempt to grapple with this ques-
tion, and, as I write, I observe that the atten-
tion of President Li has once more been called,
by his Chinese advisers this time, to the
extreme desirabiUty of effecting that important
*'swap/'
The trade in cotton goods is the one which
most interests the Englishman at home, and the
Board of Trade has at last shown its good
sense in establishing an Advisory Committee,
with a special commissioner properly trained
in the Chinese language and the cotton business
alike, to deal with the textile question by study-
ing it " on the tramp " in China. In 1880
the trade in cotton goods amounted to 28,400,000
taels, in 1899 to 108,500,000 taels, and in 1918
to 182,500,000 taels (being 88,000,000 taels
over 1912). As to the yarn trade, the displace-
ment noticed in the earlier editions of this work
has now become accentuated to such a degree
that Japan and Indi^ practically divide the
whole foreign import in equal shares ; both
these, however, are now threatened in tiu-n by
the activities of Chinese mills, where docile
labour is obtainable at rates defying competi-
tion anywhere abroad. There is an immense
import of native raw cotton, native yarn, and
native coarse cloth into Sz Ch'wan, and much
cotton also comes into Yiin Nan from the Shan
states and Burma ; of course in 1880 nothing
was known of all this last, because Upper Burma
was not yet under our control.
Opium, so prominent a feature in foreign
trade when " China " was first pubUshed, has
now happily ceased to interest us except in so
far that arrangements are still incomplete for
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146 MODERN TRADE [chap, vii
working off stocks in hand under the terms
stipulated with the late Manchu Government.
President Li, as did President Yiian, shows great
determination in the matter.
In 1880 over two-thirds of Chinese exports
(value 81,600,000 taels) were represented by
2,100,000 cwt. of tea, valued at 85,700,000 taels ;
and 114,700 cwt. of silk, valued at 29,800,000
taels. It is as sad to find that in 1899 and 1918
the exports of tea only amounted to 1,681,000
and 1,500,000 cwt., valued at about 30,000,000
and 34,000,000 taels, as it is agreeable to notice
the totals 281,000 and 350,000 cwt. of silk,
valued at 90,000,000 and 105,000,000 taels.
Thus tea is better and dearer, whilst silk is more
plentiful and cheaper, no doubt owing to im-
provements in tea assorting and to filature
developments in silk factories. India and
Ceylon have done irreparable damage to the
tea trade of China with Great Britain, who now
ranks positively after Russia, instead of being
six or eight times ahead of her. At present,
however, Russia is beginning to appreciate
Indian and Ceylon teas in ever-increasing quan-
tities.
It will thus be seen that the main staples of
trade remain very much what they were before
what may be called the Treaty-port period.
But it must be noted that an enormous business
is now done in many new commodities of which
scarcely anything was heard in 1880, still less
in the pre-legation times anterior to the Second
War of 1858 ; for instance, a gigantic and ever-
increasing importation of kerosene oil from
America, Russia, and Sumatra, which in 1897
had already exceeded 100,000,000 gallons,
whilst in 1913 we have 185,000,000, including
about 24,000,000 from a new rival — Borneo.
Then there is cheap flour for South China from
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A.D. 1900-1917] '*NOT IN THESE TROWSERS" 147
America. These two imports alone, with a
joint value of over 35,000,000 taels, have created
as great a social revolution in China as did the
advent of tea and the introduction of gas into
England. Mules may be seen by the thousand
in distant Bhamo carrying kerosene oil through
the passes into Yiin Nan ; peasants may be met
every evening in Arcadian Hainan carrying
home a neat pound-bag of beautiful white flour,
together with the farthing's-worth of peri-
winkles their ancestors have always brought
home in the evening as a relish for the rice.
Since 1899 quite a new import trade in cigarettes
has gained a firm footing, encouraged, no doubt,
by the ban upon opium : the value for 1918
was 12,600,000 taels. Foreign clothing is in
demand on account of the slump in pigtails and
petticoats for men : happily women have not
imitated the restless and often hideous changes
beloved of their Western sisters, but have con-
fined their democratic yearnings to the tighten-
ing of the once baggy sleeves and trousers;
if a mere man may venture an opinion, they
looked more modest in the good old *' bags.''
Aniline dyes and artificial indigo have had a fine
time of late years, to the profit of Germany,
who in 1918 pocketed a trifle of 10,000,000
taels.
The importation of miscellaneous articles of
luxury has of late years increased to such an
extent as to vie in aggregate amount with the
totals of ** regulation " staples. Thus all China-
men who can afford it now like to have tumUers
and bottles, foreign stockings, soap, lamps,
cigars, preserved milk, sweets, and umbrellas;
not to mention watches, musical-boxes, bicycles,
motors, and toys. The women are fond of
American and European scents, good mirrors,
fine white sugar for powdering the face, needles,
12
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148 MODERN TRADE [cHAP.vn
and finger-rings. Then there is a curious though
weighty import which is also an export. It
actually pays better to export enormous quan-
tities of coarse Chinese sugar to the " foreign
country '' of Hongkong, and re-import it thence,
after refinement, as " foreign sugar," paying one
export, one import, and one half or coast duty,
plus two freights, than to refine it in China
where labour is cheapest, or to import real
foreign sugar. No more eloquent comment on
the suicidal and imbecile financial policy of the
provincial authorities could be made. In 1918
China spent 35,000,000 taels on this " imported ''
sugar.
But besides new-fangled imports, properly so
called, and this hermaphrodite sugar, many new
exports have either shifted bearings, or have
started into prominence sinop the year 1880.
In that year, after deducting the values of tea
and silk, the total exports from China in foreign
bottoms were only 12,800,000 taels, against
75,000,000 in 1899 and 260,000,000 in 1918.
Thus, the beancake (manure) which used to go
from Chefoo and Newchwang to South China
for sugar cultivation in 1880, now mostly goes
to Japan, and no longer exclusively to Amoy,
Swatow, and such places. The beans from which
the beancake was made (after the extraction of
oil) were almost unknown as an export ten years
ago, but now the beans and the cake each count
for about half of a total of 50,000,000 taels,
and besides about 4,000,000 taels' worth of oil
goes to Belgium and Japan. • The Dutch, Danes,
Belgians, and Germans import great quantities
of beans (and various crushed oils) for the manu-
facture of margarine and other foodstuffs. The
Brazilians and the Italians are now growing Soya
hispida of their own in rivalry. The export of
straw-braid from Chefoo and Tientsin has doubled.
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A.D. 1880-1917] GERMAN ^'SLIMNESS" 149
though in 1880, when it first began to attract
serious notice, it had already nearly trebled
itself in five years; it was never heard of in
the five-port days: there was a tremendous
fall in 1918 to 5,000,000 taels from 10,000,000
in 1911, no doubt in consequence of fraudulent
and careless behaviour on the part of producers
and dealers. Feathers of all kinds may be
described as an entirely new export, which is
now assuming really great and alarming dimen-
sions owing to the organised hunt for birds
other than domestic fowl. The albumen and
egg export is also quite new. Both these for
Belgium and Germany. The quantity of hides
and skins exported had in 1898 trebled itself
during six years — in 1880 the export was hardly
worth special mention : in 1918 the total value
was about 25,000,000 taels; here the Germans
have been as active as in the notorious Calcutta
hide monopoly, so dangerous to India. The
trade in mats and matting, hemp, jute, ramie,
leather, native spirit, wine, and oils has been ad-
vancing in a most extraordinary rapid fashion ;
in matting, however, there has been a recent
slump, owing to some hitch in American arrange-
ments. Still, as we get to understand better
some more of the unfamiliar, ingenious uses to
which the long-experienced Chinese put their
numerous oils, barks, and fibres, we shall un-
doubtedly before long create similar large ex-
ports in other directions. There are many
openings in China for the mercantile man with
ideas, and whatever we may think of KuUur^
there is no denying that the Germans are the
most fertile in this thinking-out department.
Caveant considesj therefore.
In the above remarks no account has been
taken of coast trade (780,000,000 taels), which,
added to the foreign trade, amounted in 1899 to
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160 MODERN TRADE [chap, vn
1,210,500,000 taels, and in 1918 to 1,858,500,000
taels, of which the ships of Great Britain account
for 618,000,000 taels m 1899 and rather less in
1918 ; that is to say, the coast trade has not
increased in proportion to the foreign trade, and
the Chinese and Japanese steamers have taken
much more of the coast trade than formerly.
As to foreign shipping, in 1880 there were
22,970 entrances and clearances of 15,874,852
tons, 60 per cent, being British ; in 1899 the
figures were 56,957 entrances and clearances, of
88,868,902 tons; of which, again, 60 per cent,
were British — at least so far as tonnage goes ;
in 1918 the figures were 190,788 and 98,884,880,
Britain's share being 82,186 vessels of 88,120,800
tons ; but in 1899 25,850 British ships, averag-
ing over 900 tons each, carried 28,888,280 tons,
whilst it took 22,548 Chinese ships, averaging
over 400 tons each, to carry 8,944,819 tons ;
in 1918 it took 121,768 Chinese ships to carry
19,908,944 tons. Thus the British ships average
about 1,200 tons to the Chinese average of 150
tons; the explanation is 'that steam-launches
and the comparatively recent inland navigation
rules have revolutionised local shipping, four-
fifths of the registered *' inland " vessels being
Chinese. Japanese shipping has advanced with
giant strides, totalling 22,716 ships of 28,422,487
tons, being more than quintuple the figures for
1899 ; and it will be noticed that the average
is over 100 tons per ship. Other countries are
still so far behind that I need not mention them ;
the only one to make any show at all was Ger-
many, and even she had in 1918 fallen seriously
off since 1908 : of course, now, she has dis-
appeared altogether as the baseless fabric of a
dream.
The comparative number of foreign firms
doing business in China (including now, of
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A.D. 1880-1917] FOREIGNERS IN CHINA 151
course, Manchuria) is thus given for the three
years 1880, 1899, and 1918 :—
Nationality.
1880.
1899.
1913.
Biitiflh
236
401
590
Qerman
65
115
296
Amoriottn
31
70
131
F^ranoh
. < 16
76
106
Bnasiaii ,
16
19
1,229
Ji^^MUMflO .
195
1,269
Portuguese
10
46
Dutoh
21
%
'
Daaiflb .
Spaniflh .
47
■ i3d
Swedish, etc, etc. .
1^
J
f
Foreign Finns in China -
385
933
3,805
The Germans and Americans, it will be ob-
served, have increased, at first nearly, and later
more than proportionately with the British*
The Russians made no attempt to go beyond
the bounds of their old tea trade, and their
firms were all at Hankow, Foochow, and Tien-
tsin, until the Cassini Convention presented them
with Manchuria. The French increase in .num-
bers does not bulk largely in reference to the
volume of trade done; but they are especially
active in silk filatures. The Japanese made a
big jump after their war of 1894-5, and a still
more tremendous jump when in 1904-6 they
took half Russia's interest in Manchuria. The
Portuguese pricked up their ears when Senhor
Branco " made the fur fly " in 1904 ; and the
etcetera now includes 89 Italians, 24 Austro-
Hungarians, and 18 Belgians who had not found
grace previous to " Boxer " eye-opening ; also
7 Norwegians, who only separated from Sweden
in 1905. In 1880 the total number of foreigners
in China, including missionaries and other non-
traders, was just over 4,000 ; in 1899 it had gone
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152 MODERN TRADE [chap, vii
up to about 17,000, and in 1918 (including
Manchuria) to 164,000. Of course all this has
nothing to do with Hongkong, which is no longer
a political part of " China,"
Let us now take the ports one by one, glance
comparatively at the years 1880, 1899, and
1918, and see what prospects they give for the
enterprising trader of the future.
(1) Pakhoi is the Ultima ThtUe of coast ports,
as viewed from a Chinese standpoint. In 1880
the boycotting of steamers by native junk owners
and monopolists had only just recently been
broken up ; opium was the chief import ; cassia
and aniseed the leading exports. In 1899 Indian
cotton yarn alone represented three-sevenths in
value of all imports ; opium was quite insignifi-
cant. Aniseed stands for one quarter of the
exports ; cassia is not even mentioned. Sugar,
hides, and indigo stand for over half the remain-
ing exports. In 1918 the total trade had
dwindled to a third of its 1899 value. Indian
yarn stood for one-fifth of all imports, and
kerosene for one-tenth ; opium was extinct.
Neither aniseed nor cassia is separately men-
tioned ; sugar falls to insignificance ; hides
stand firm, and liquid indigo defies German
dyes. Pigs and fish are now the chief stand-by
of moribund Pakhoi trade.
(2) Hoihow (Kiungchow) in 1880 sent nothing
abroad, and chiefly imported foreign opium, but
in 1918 the import of opium was only one-
twelfth in value of the total imports. Cottons,
principally Indian yarn, were in 1899 far ahead
of opium, and kerosene had shot up to nearly
half the value of that drug. Cottons, still half
Indian yarn, and kerosene now stand for half
the value of the remaining total imports after
the deduction of opium, and kerosene alone is
four-fifths the value of opium. Pigs and sugar
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A.D. 1880-1916] CANTON AND ROBERTSON 158
have always been and still are the chief exports,
amounting in 1918 to considerably more than
half the total value. The export of " pine-
apple *' hemp and its grass-cloth continues to
be considerable ; the Kew authorities possess
full details (from myself) concerning this im-
portant fibre.
(8) Sam-shui (including the subsidiary ports
of Kongmun and Kumchuk) was only opened in
1897: cotton goods stand for over half the
total imports ; sugar and tobacco are the most
promising exports. Andad con Dios! for little
is ever reported of you ; in fact nothing, this
century, by any consul.
(4) Lappa (round Macao) and (5) Kowloong
(round Hongkong). These stations were
opened in order to check salt smuggling and to
facilitate the working of the Opium Agreement
of 1886. Their position is peculiar, as Maritime
Customs ofl&cers are, practically speaking, in
charge of a purely Chinese junk trade, which does
not concern foreigners directly. The effects of
the Kowloong extension of 1898, apart from the
railway to Canton, concern the colony of
Hongkong, which, possessing no statistics, is
never very illuminating on the subject of trade.
(6) Canton; a strong German shipping and
general trade centre before the war. In 1880
the imports were only one-fifth of the exports ;
most of the opium was (and was still in 1899)
imported in native junks. There had been
singular neglect on the part of foreigners for
twenty-five years past to insist on transit-pass
privileges for imports into Kwang Si and be-
yond. This was chiefly owing to the personal
Solicy of my former respected chief. Sir Brooke
Lobertson, the British Consul, who took a sym-
pathetic view of China's financial straits. The
chief exports were silk, tea, sugar, tobacco, and
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154, MODERN TRADE [chap, vii
matting. In 1899 the foreign imports alone
were worth more than half the exports, of
which silk (filature) was then practically the
sole important one. Matting only stood for
one-twentieth part of the value of silk, although
compared with 1880 there was twice as much
of it in 1899 ; sugar had by no means disap-
peared, and glass bangles were worth as much
as tea and tobacco put together. Owing,
however, to matting, tea, and other produce
for Europe at that time all going to Hongkong
largely by junk, it was quite fallacious to take
the Foreign Customs returns for Canton as a
criterion of the prosperity in export business.
Li Hung-chang took a very important decision
in this province before leaving for Shanghai in
connection with the '* Boxer '' difficulties of the
summer of 1900. He abolished all likin through-
out Kwang Tung in consideration of 4,000,000
dollars a year to be paid by the seventy-two
leading trades. Were this new plan to succeed
permanently, it mi^t revolutionise the com-
merce of the province or trading " hongs." Be
that as it may, Canton trade is already gal-
vanised into new life, and 1910 was its " record/*
Since then wars and revolutions have reduced
it, and must have further reduced it since 1918,
when its total reached 114,000,000 taels; yet
its revenue for that year is a record. Opium
has disappeared, but of course some must be
smuggled. The exports now balance the im-
ports (if we include the bullion on both sides).
The Hoppo, with his nefarious native customs,
is abolished. The chief imports are cotton goods,
sugar, and kerosene. The chief exports remain
as before, that of sugar being one-third of the im-
port, for reasons already explained (pp. 148, 166) ;
and matting having fallen off (p. 149).
(7) Wu-chou (40,000 inhabitants), the gate to
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A.D. 1880-1916] KWANG SI AND SWATOW 155
Kwang Si, had no existence as a foreign port
in 1880. After two and a half years of life,
by the end of 1899 it was found that practically
the whole trade was with Hongkong. More
than half the imports were cotton goods — as
they still are. It is purely a transhipping centre,
and the surrounding district possesses no impor-
tant products of its own ; motor-boats carry up
country, and bring back, respectively, the imports
from and exports to Hongkong and Canton by
large steamers, which cannot get beyond this
point. In 1907 the " port '' of Nan-ning, 600 miles
farther up the river, was opened, and the motor-
boats could even ascend another 600 miles to
Peh-ngai, on the Yiin Nan frontier. After the
revolution of 1912, Nan-ning was made the capital
of the province in place of Kwei-lin ; but in 1916
the Civil Governor went back to the old capital,
the Military Governor remaining at Nan-ning. The
whole trade of Wu-chou and Nan-ning combined
is negligible in bulk and value, and in any case
does not seriously concern foreigners at present.
(8) At Swatow in 1880 more than half the
value of imports stood for opium, and sugar
was the chief export. In 1889 opium repre-
sented only one-tenth, and cotton goods one-
sixth ; these two together just equal the value
of the opium alone m 1880, and beancake (in-
cluding beans) stood for nearly a quarter of the
imports. Sugar remained the chief export ;
the value of the sugar exported about counter-
balancing that of imported opium and cotton
goods combined. In 1918 opium disappears, and
fine Java sugars are imported in increasing quan-
tities to the detriment of local exports, the
beancake going to fertilise better-paying crops.
Formosa has now been lost to China for over
twenty years, and there is no more justification
for continuing to discuss its condition under
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156 MODERN TRADE [chap, vu
Japan than there woiild be for discussing the
trade of Hongkong and Macao under Great
Britain and Portugal.
(9) Amoy still carries on the old native
" Zaitun '' trade with the " Straits," the Indo-
Chinese peninsula, Formosa (now Japanese),
the Dutch archipelago, and the Spanish (now
American) Islands, to which places large num-
bers of emigrants proceed annually, equal num-
bers returning with fortunes made. Opium and
cottons in exchange for tea and sugar were
the chief items in the foreign trade of 1880.
Opium and cottons in 1899 still represent half
the value of the foreign imports, but in 1918
opium is extinct and moreover the local culti-
vation of the poppy is eradicated. Amoy has
long been and still is a declining port; besides, its
trade has little interest for any foreigners except
(as with Swatow) those trading from Hongkong
and the Straits of Java. In no part of China
was government more rotten than in the Fuh
Kien province, to which Swatow really belongs
ethnologically ; possibly the reason is, in part,
because all dialects spoken there are totally
unintelligible to the northern officials ; since the
revolution of 1911, Fuh Kien has been almost a
forgotten region.
(10) The North Fuh Kien port of San-tu Ao
(Samsah Inlet) was voluntarily opened in May,
1899, entirely as a political move. I visited it
and the alum mountain to the north of it in
1884, and travelled throughout the Hinterland.
I am, therefore, in a position to suggest that
tea and alum are likely to be the chief exports ;
the tea at present all goes vid Foochow. No
foreign business has, however, yet been reported ;
no foreigner is there or goes there ; it is simply
a question of naval harbour interest.
(11) Foochow lies midway between the last
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A.D. 1154-1916] CHEH KIANG PORTS 167
two places. In 1880 it still possessed the
largest tea export, and the memory of glorious,
old clipper days was yet green there. Tea in
1918 still stands for four-fifths of the total
exports, as it did in 1899, but the quantity is
only half of that shipped in 1880. The other
noticeable exports are poles, bamboo-made
paper, oranges, and edible bamboo shoots. In
1880 the imports were only one-quarter of the
exports, in value, but now, as in 1899, more
than equal the latter. It is at this port that,
as regards shipping, both the Chinese and the
Japanese flags have made the greatest inroads
upon British tonnage since 1899. Opium in
1899 was still, as it was in 1880, one of the chief
imports, but on a much reduced scale : the same
may be said of 1918, but the suppression of the
trade made it clear that by 1914 all but the
illicit imports will have vanished.
(12) Wgnchow has never been much of a port
in our days, though it was once so in the olden
times, and a good tea trade was expected from
it when we went there in 1878. It is so insigni-
ficant now that the British consuls have ceased
even to report upon it. There is a considerable
and very ancient export of bitter oranges, des-
tined entirely for the Mongol market by way of
Tientsin ; these oranges are mentioned at the
" Manzi " or Sung dynasty's court of Hangchow
in the year 1154.
(18) Ningpo had degenerated from 1880 to
1899 into a mere sleepy branch of Shanghai,
to which place it shipped its tea, mats, fans,
and rush or straw hats by the daily British or
Chinese steamer, taking chiefly opium, metals,
and cotton goods in return. This is still the case
so far as the steamers are concerned, except that
the Chinese tonnage is now far ahead of the
British. The old raw cotton export continues.
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158 MODERN TRADE [chap, vu
but with great fluctuations. The Shanghai rail-
way to Hangchow, and thence to Ningpo, may
infuse new life into the port, but political condi-
tions and interminable railway squabbles have
seriously compromised its success.
(14) Hangchow was only opened in 1896, and
has already far exceeded the expectations formed
of it, though it is a mere canal appendage of
Shanghai, as Ningpo is a sea appendage. In
1899 its gross trade had already nearly reached
12,000,000 taels ; in 1918 17,800,000 taels. The
chief imports were opium, tobacco, kerosene,
beans, and beancake — ^but opium has been dis-
placed by cigarettes ; the exports consist prin-
cipally of tea and silk. The Shanghai railway has
disturbed and will further disturb the direction
of trade communications, but in 1918 the railway
directors had to announce a serious deficit, and
both rolling stock and permanent way need
renewal.
I have now worked all the way up to Shanghai
from the south ; but, before touching upon that
great centre, I will bring down the river trade and
the northern trade each to the same focus, and
then collect our consideration of the whole three
groups into one purview, together with that of
the great dep8t for them all.
(15) Chungking was opened in 1891, but I
resided there for a twelvemonth ten years earlier
than that. The foreign-managed trade had
already in 1899 reached 26,000,000 taels, imports
and exports being Equally divided; in 1918,
despite revolutions, rebellions, and local squab-
bles, which greatly hampered trade, the total
exceeded 80,000,000 taels, or only 8 per cent.
below the " record " of 1909 : of course this total
does not cover the vast commerce of the feeding
rivers, nor that portion of the Yang-tsze trade
which ignores the Foreign Customs, Here the
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A.D. 1880^1915] FAR UP-RIVER PORTS 159
tables are turned, and the conditions new ;
there has never been an import of Indian opium,
but more than a third of the total exports used
to consist of the native drug — now opium is not
even mentioned. White wax and silk between
them make up another third, and efforts are
being made so to improve the silk trade as to
make it fill the place vacated by opium. There
is a very large export of musk from Tibet, which
takes in exchange 10,000 tons of coarse tea, by
way of Ya-chou. AH the trade, import and
export, used to be done in chartered native junks,
but during the past few years small steamers
and gunboats have found a way over the rapids
and through the gorges, and thus may be said
to have revolutionised transport, at least for six
months in the year. The imports have all to pass
the gauntlet of either Shanghai, Hankow, or
Ichang, — sometimes of all three. The chief part
consists of cotton goods, or raw cotton and cotton
yarn (native as well as foreign) to be locally
spun or woven into yarn and cloth. In June
1915 the important city of Wan hien below
Chungking was opened as a branch (Foreign
Customs) of the Chungking office. Though
Chungking exports raw silk, it imports silk piece-
goods, skilled local handiwork not yet being quite
up to the mark, and silk being much worn by all
classes. Chungking, representing also Tibet, is
the drug-exporting place par excellence of China ;
but it is impossible in this rapid sketch even to
name the many new features of trade that have
recently given this vast mart exceptional import-
ance ; what is really wanted is a body of Chinese-
speaking British agents, each agent representing
firms in one particular line ; more especially in
machinery, engineering, and electricity, in which
the Germans have been showing great activity.
(16) Ich'ang, at the mouth of the gorges, made
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leo MODERN TRADE [chap, vn
a " port " in 1877, was considered a failure
already in 1880, but the opening of Chungking,
with its native opium trade, in 1891 somewhat
changed the face of things, and the total amount
of the trade for 1899 was about fourteen times
as great as that for 1880 ; but only a small part
of it is local, the bulk is all mere transhipment to
or from Chungking. The neighbourhood is too
mountainous and badly supplied with roads for
local trade to develop rapidly ; the total of all
kinds for 1918 was only about 5,000,000 taels
net. As to shipping, the Chinese, and still more
the Japanese are rapidly gaining ground upon the
British. The Hankow-Ich'ang-Sz Ch' wan railway
has not got much beyond the talking stage.
(17) Shashiis, so to speak, the port of King-
chou, which was in very ancient times an an-
cient royal capital, and has always been a great
political centre in the past: it was still up to
1911 the residence of a Tartar garrison. Its
port was opened in 1896, and is so far a failure
that the British consulate has been withdrawn
since 1899. There are great hopes of develop-
ment when the Shashi-Hingi railway to Hu Nan,
etc., is started. The total trade at present is
less even than that of Ich'ang, the Chinese mer-
chants preferring junks to steamers, likin to
Foreign Customs, and the Back River to the
Yang-tsze. But there is an enormous native
cotton trade with Sz Ch'wan. I ought to say
here, once for all, in connection with inter-port
trade generally, that a total for all China of nearly
1,000,000,000 taels would have to be added to
each 500,000,000 taels of foreign trade, if the
coast trade of each port (only that managed by
the Foreign Customs) were in each case included :
it is difficult to guess what the Z^A:^n-managed
trade would amount to beyond that.
(18) Yochou, the key to Hu Nan, was opened
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A.D. 1900-1914] CENTRAL CHINA'S PORT 161
in November, 1899, but it did not properly
'*take down its shutters'' for business until
1900. It had a fitful career of ups and downs
until, in 1904, the opening of the Hu Nan capital,
Ch'ang-sha, took the wind out of its flapping sails
entirely. Ch'ang-sha, a great mining centre,
especially in antimony, has been a great success
from the beginning, and a vast lake trade has
grown up with the great marts of Hu Nan, in
which the Japanese take a prominent part ; in
fact, their shipping and that of the Chinese
quite equal that of Great Britain. In spite of
general and local political scares, the trade has
risen steadily without a single break from
6,000,000 taels in 1905 to 24,000,000 in 1918 :
opium and the poppy cultivation are effectually
scotched. " Chinese shipping *' of course means
steam craft under the Foreign Customs, quite
apart from junk trade.
(19) The great entrepdt of Hankow occupies
one of the finest trade positions in the world.
It is the only place in China proper, as distinct
from Manchuria, where the Russians are in really
strong force : the largest ocean steamers from
Odessa and London can anchor opposite the
Consulate doors. After taking source near the
same spot, and flying off from each other thou-
sands of miles, the one towards the desert and the
other towards the south, the Yang-tsze and the
Yellow River approach once more to within a
distance of 800 miles : one of the Hankow rivers,
the Han, taps the whole of the intervening space,
and after a partly navigable course of 1,250 miles
joins the Yang-tsze at Hankow, which is also
exactly half-way between gates or keys of the
two lake systems of Hu Nan and Kiang Si.
Situated as it is in the centre of China, with cheap
water conmiunications in every possible direc-
tion, it naturally trades in almost everything.
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162 MODERN TRADE [chap, vii
and the Germans have been as enterprising,
since the " Boxer *' wars, as the British have
been supine, in establishing vigorous new export
trades hence.
.The trade of Hankow must be studied in con-
nection with that of the ports above and below
it, otherwise the grand total of 67,000,000 taels
for 1899 and 164,000,000 for 1918 (or 85,000,000
taels and 175,000,000 if viewed from another
standpoint) would be misleading ; even the tea,
which is of coiu-se a bond f.de original cargo
shipped direct for Europe, includes Kewkiang
tea. It is found more paying to bring the leaf up
river this way in native boats than to ship it on
board chance steamers calling at Kewkiang,
simply to fill up there if they have space. The
export of tea was in 1899 fifty per cent, greater
than that of Foochow ; in 1918 the export was
three times the value, and the import (for blend-
ing purposes) into Hankow of Ceylon, Assam,
and Java dust was more than half the Foochow
export, the Hankow export of teas thus blended
alone far exceeding the total export from
Foochow. The import of kerosene is enormous,
and two 6,000-ton tanks were destroyed during
the revolution of 1911. The recklessness in the
use of oil-lamps had already in previous years
been the cause of some very destructive fires in
Hankow, which finally received its coup de grdce
when imperialist conflagrations, diu-ing the 1911
revolt, practically annitulated the whole city, the
rebuilding of which in improved style becomes
more difficult the longer time is wasted. Yet,
what with railways, cloth and paper mills, en-
gineering and cement works, needle and nail
factory, mints, waterworks, electric installations,
arsenals, mining, etc., the whole place buzzes
with " unkempt " activity, and there is no space
to say more here.
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A.D. 1880-1918] LAKE AND RIVER PORTS 168
(20) Kewkiang was already a decadent port,
and had been reduced to a British vice-consulate
long before 1880, there being little in the way of
either import or export, beyond sugar, shipping
agencies, and tea, to interest foreigners. On the
whole, though there was a great fall in 1918, tea
is not now declining, and the Russians in that year
did well in green brick tea, sent vid Manchuria
to Mongolia. There is a large native trade in
porcelain from the Kiang Si potteries, but not
much of it is exported to foreign countries;
no wonder, for eighteen likin " squeezes '* must
be paid before it can reach Shanghai ; the Re-
publican Government is taking steps to reor-
ganise and improve the industry. With cheap
and comfortable daily, almost hourly, steamers
up and down the river, native merchants
natiu*ally prefer to go to Shanghai or Hankow
to make large piu*chases and contracts. The
great summer resort of Ruling has sprung into
existence since the first editions of this book
appeared : the " estate '' has now attained the
dimensions of a Hombiu*g or a Postyen, and is
largely patronised by missionaries : it is five
hours to the cool mountain by '' chair '' from
sweltering Kewkiang. There was in 1899 some
prospect of a valuable trade in the grass-cloth
plant {Boehmeria nivea\ which had just then at-
tracted attention both in England and Germany :
in 1918 the export had reached 116,000 cwts.
Since the Inland Water Navigation rules were
promulgated in 1898, an active steam-launch
traffic for passengers has sprung up on the
Poyang Lake : the commercial activity on this
lake now bids fair to rival that of its rival Timg-
t'ing; but, so far, the Kiang Si capital Nan-ch*ang
has not been " opened." Even the railway to
connect it with Kewkiang progresses slowly —
the Japanese have a strong interest in it, and
18
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164 MODERN TBADE [cHAP.vn
also in the lake shipping. There is " talk " of a
new railway, direct, to join the two lake capitals
Ch'ang-sha and Nan-ch'ang.
(21) Wuhu, like all the ports opened under
the Chefoo Convention, was in 1880 considered
to be a comparative failure, and for a long time
no foreigners went there. The fact is, China-
nien are conservative, and do not want more
points of contact than they are accustomed to
use, or are gradually brought up to appreciate.
But, after all, 1899 proved its best year, more
than doubling the average total annual trade for
the ten previous years, and passing 20,000,000
taels : after gradually reaching nearly 80,000,000
in 1912, it resumed in 1918 the 1899 figure, the
revolt of that summer having disorganised com-
merce, whilst the rebellious Military Governor
had to flee. The gigantic export of rice (4,000,000
cwt.), largely to Canton and Swatow, was the
chief cause for the unlooked-for increase of 1899 ;
in 1918 the export was only 8,000,000 cwt., but
this is always an uncertain staple, for rice can
scarcely ever be sent abroad, and very special likin
arrangements have to be made whenever shortage
in other provinces renders it urgently necessary
to send cheap rice to other parts of Cluna. Rice,
moreover, is quite an uncertain commodity in
itself, and depends entirely upon the weather.*
(22) Nankmg, though nominally available
under the earlier treaties, was not really made an
open port until May, 1899, and by 1918 it had
worked its way up to 14,000,000 taels. In spite
of the sacking and destruction of the city diuing
the 1918 troubles, that was a " record ** year —
so kindly does the Chinese eel take to skinning.
Nanking now has its University, and is a railway
centre of the first magnitude ; four British firms
do a large business there already, and its prospects
are unbounded.
^ of. p. 144.
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A.D.1600-1916] NEWCHWANG'S VICISSITUDES 165
(28) Chinkiang was in so poor a way in 1880
that it had only three years previously earned
its right to be restored to its position as an
independent consulate; for some years the
oflBcer-in-charge had to submit matters involving
important changes to the Consul at Shanghai.
It is sickening, now that opium is practicaUy a
hideous dream of the past, to look back to the
statistics of 1899, and see what a prominent part
the drug then took in the trade of Chinkiang —
and of most other ports. The Czar's aboUtion
of drink in 1914 was not a more beneficial act of
autocracy than the Emperor's (or rather the old
Dowager's) smashing edict of September 1906 ;
and fortunately the Republic sticks to its guns
now that her Majesty's ten-year period of grace
is over. In spite of the 1913 rebeUion and the
loss of opium revenue, Chinkiang has a hopeful
future, especially when the new port of P'u-k'ou
opposite Nanking springs into organised exist-
ence. As to shipping. Great Britain stiU has
60 per cent, of it. But at present it is rather
startling to see it rank in trade volume below
Chef oo, which only serves the trade reqidre-
ments of one tiny corner of Shan Tung.
Having now exhausted, I am afraid in a very
sketchy way, the riverine line of ports, I pass to
the extreme north.
(24) Newchwang is the most northerly port
of all. Although it is said to be in ^^ Manchuria,"
the province of Shgng King had really no
civilised Manchu population to speak of before
A.D. 1600 ; the inhabitants are a mixed Chinese-
Tungusic race, who have been as often governed
by Corea and by Tunguses of various kinds as
by Chinese. In 1880 all the foreign imports
from abroad came vid Shanghai or direct from
Hongkong. Russia and Japan had not yet put
in an appearance, nor had a pound of yarn been
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166 MODERN TRADE [chap, vit
imported. In 1899 the trade was double that
of 1898, and then having gradually attained its
maximum of 74,250,000 taels in the year of the
revolution, 1911, it had faUen off 25 per cent,
of that figure in 1918 and resumed the lower
total of 1908. Having undergone Russian and
Japanese occupations, the evil effects of Mon-
golian troubles, plague, the reflex action of the
Yang-tsze revolts, and other pohtical disloca-
tions ; having, moreover, suffered from inflated
paper money and general currency chaos, in-
justice in settling native mercantile claims,
drought, and unsatisfactory Liao River condi-
tions, etc., etc., the foreign merchant at New-
chwang has indeed been a sorely tried person
for a whole decade. At present the Japanese
shipping still equals and even exceeds the British,
whicn in turn is more than that of all other
nations put together. Japan, moreover, still
takes half the total exports. Russia had thirteen
steamers in 1899, but only three in 1918. The
sole export of 'first-class importance in 1880 was
beancake (and beans) ; now the Soya hispida
export is one of the great features of Chinese
trade. The port has to suffer severe competition
from Dairen or Dalny, but latterly the Japanese
have begun to interest themselves in the New-
chwang trade too. The formerly flourishing
American trade in cotton goods has received
a blow, owing to the successive, and now joint
policies of Russia and Japan. America looks
askance at the latest position, and naturally
tries to " get in ** once more.
Port Arthur in 1899 was a great trading place
for many nationalities, but of course in purely
Russian interests. The Japanese, who now use
it chiefly as a naval port, took it from China in
1894, and again from Russia in 1904 ; in 1910
the western harbour was thrown open, but it is
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A.D. 1880-1918] GULP OP CHIH LI PORTS 167
not a ** port " under the Foreign Customs — ^in
fact it is a failure in trade.
(25) Ta-lien Wan (Japanese Dairen), or Dalny
as the Russians called it in 1898, is an open port
in territory " leased " first to Russia and then to
Japan. Before the Japanese took it the Russians
had carried out stupendous public works there
with a view to a great future trade, especially in
coal and beans. Express trains carry you hence
direct to Europe, and rapid steamers convey
passengers to and from Shanghai in connection
therewith. The trade for 1918 was considerable,
but 85 per cent, of it was Japanese. The Chinese
Maritime Customs takes cognisance of it, and the
question of duties payable is a matter of arrange-
ment based upon the plan accepted by Germany
at Ejao Chou.
(26) Tientsin exported large quantities of
camels' wool and straw-braid in 1880; cotton
goods and opium were the leading imports, but
she ranked fairly low down in the comparative
scale,— far below such ports as Hankow or Foo-
chow. " Syndicates,'' bent on " concessions " of
all kinds, then began to arrive ; there was great
activity in connection with China's new navy and
naval stations ; the opening of Corea brought
fresh steamers to the port, and its development
continued through the time of the Japanese war
in 1894-5, and the subsequent extraordinary
energy displayed by the Chinese in raising new
armies (1896-1900). After the " Boxer " peace
settlement of 1901, the Viceroy Yuan Shi-k'ai
completely reformed and rehabilitated the place.
The trade had nearly trebled itself during the
ten years preceding his arrival, and now ranks
next to that of Hankow in value ; even above it
in revenue collection. Wool and raw cotton are
the chief exports. The wool is chiefly sheep's,
which comes in enormous quantities from distant
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1«8 MODERN TRADE [cHAP.vn
Mongolia; just as Tibetan wool, starting from
near the same tracts, goes to Chungking; but
there is a fair amount of camels' wool too. The
value of hides, skins, and hair is about half that
of the wool. Cotton goods are the leading im-
ports, Japanese yarn being specially prominent.
Others worth special mention are kerosene and
munitions of war. The former immense impor-
tation of foreign and native opium is a thing of
the past. It will assist us in forming an idea of
the topographical laws which explain the most
ancient Chinese migrations and settlements, if
we accept the dictum that the trade area of
Tientsin embraces all between the sea and the
left bank of the Yellow River up to Mongolia,
including both banks of the northernmost River
Bend down to Ning-hia, the ancient capital of
Marco Polo's Tangut, and to the outposts of
Tibet. In fact, there are three drainage areas
in China for trade, and the sea outlets are Tien-
tsin, Shanghai, and Canton.
(27) Ts'in-wang Tao, nine miles north of the
new sanatorium Pei-tai Ho (near the Shan-hai
Kwan), had since 1898 been much talked of as a
" voluntary port," like San-tu Ao ; but the
trouble with the '* Boxers " postponed the
completion of that arrangement until 1008. The
advantage of this port is that it is always free
from ice, and therefore affords* a better and
nearer channel for the K'ai-Lan (Anglo-Chinese)
Company's coal export than Taku.
Kalgan, at the Great Wall, is perhaps entitled
to a cursory mention, although, in spite of its
excellent new Peking railway, it is not exactly a
** port," even in the same limited sense as the
inland and railway connected towns of M6ng-tsz
and Lungchow, for it is not under the Foreign
Customs. About. 40,000 tons of tea used to
go overland through this place to Mongolia,
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A.D. 1870-1914] RUSSIAN TEA TRADE 169
employing for conveyance about 200,000 camels.
These, it appears, are largely the same animals
that bring sheep's wool to Tientsin from the
region of Kokonor — ^that is, from the entrepot
of Baotu, on the Yellow River, which has already
been twice mentioned in the chapter upon ** Trade
Routes/' About the year 1870 I paid three visits
to Kalgan, and even then there was a consider-
able Russian settlement, which in 1900 was des-
troyed by the " Boxers." The Kalgan tea trade
is not so important to Russia now that direct
steamers of the largest size run from Hankow
to Odessa, and even to Cronstadt ; such as it is,
the Russians bemoan its decadence, and the de-
cline of Edachta energy. In 1918 the export by
Chinese of green brick tea from Kewkiang to
Mongolia was forbidden for a time, and this gave
the Russians a short opportunity as related on
p. 168. In the year 1872 I went up the Yang-
tsze with the captain of the very first Russian
steamer destined for the ocean trade, and towards
1899 there were about six of them clearing for
the Black Sea or the Baltic every year. The
Russian entries and clearances for 1914 were
55 ships of 55,000 tons, which would give an
average of 2,000 tons a steamer. But these
remarks belong strictly to Hankow.
Kia-yiih Kwan (lat. 40^ N., long. 98^ E.) pos-
sessed a ** foreign " custom-house, supported by
the Hankow office, but there was no European
there. Since 1885 there had been a full staff,
with scarcely any work to do. The idea was to
accommodate the Russians who had begun to
take tea in increasing quantities up the Han
River, navigable for small steamers 800 miles,
and for juiScs 600 more ; but a natural death
seems to have practically put an end to both
causes and effects.
(28) Chefoo, like Tientsin, was an exporter of
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170 MODERN TRADE [chap, vn
straw-braid and beancake in 1880 ; her pongee
silks, the product of the " oak-worm " like those
' of Newchwang, were also coming to the front.
They are now well known in Great Britain under
the name of ** Shantungs." The total trade for
1899 was in tael value more than three times that
of 1880. The energy of the Germans at Kiao
Chou soon reduced the Chefoo trade to stagnancy,
for in 1918 Chefoo had dropped to 9,000,000 taels,
whilst Kiao Chou had gone up to 65,000,000.
Of course the opening of Corea had considerable
effect on Chefoo's external development up to
1899, for internally the port only deals with its
immediate neighbourhood, and to this day there
is no railway. In cotton goods America still
rules the roost. The cattle and straw-braid
exports, once so prominent, are now dead.
There is an immense annual " export " of coolies
to Vladivostock, and as a port of call Chefoo
shows shipping activity besides being a summer
health resort.
(29) Kiao Chou, or Ts'ing-tao, is another " free
port '* of the rather suspicious '* leasehold " type ;
but, unlike Ta-lien Wan, it fell almost from the
beginning (since 1st July, 1899) under the ken of
the Foreign or Maritime Customs ; it was offici-
ally opened in May, 1899, during which year the
total trade amounted to 2,200,000 taels. But it
was not " free '' to inter-port trade at all ; and
the custom-house was only for the mainland
commerce. However, in 1906 fresh arrangements
were made, its " free " status was abolished,
full import and export duties were levied, and
Germany received 20 per cent, of them for her
trouble as middle-man. Since the Japanese took
it in 1914 it has been standing by in a more or
less limp condition, waiting until the war clouds
roll away.
Tsi-nan^ the capital of Shan Tung province,
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A.D. 1882-1916] THE LION AND THE LAMB 171
became a " port " in 1906, and is connected with
Kiao Chou by railway, now also run by the
Japanese. When the " voluntary settlement "
was opened, it was officially stated that there
would be " no hurry '' about a custom-house.
Meanwhile the Germans established themselves
in force, and hustled in their own way until the
Japanese gave them walking orders.
Wei-hai Wei has a status as a " port " even
vaguer than that of its Russian and German
colleagues, and it is not in any way affiliated to
the Foreign Customs. Under the benign rule of
Sir James Stewart Lockhart, the British lion
here lies peaceably with the Chinese lamb, and
as a "naval port" this place alone (since 1916)
enjoys the blessings of a penny postage in
Chinese waters.
Corea, which, as a vassal state, was opened
to foreign ships only in 1882, passed to the
status of an independent " empire '' ; but after
being buffeted about between Russia and Japan,
and enduring for a generation the slings and
arrows of outrageous fortune, she has by a fadlis
descenstis settled down to prosperous obscurity
as a Japanese province under a Governor-
General — Requiescat in pace !
(80) We now come to Shanghai, the great
heart from the pulsations of which nearly all the
above derive their arterial not to say artificial
nutriment, and to the invigorating action of
which they drive their venous not to say venal
blood for further treatment and distribution.
In 1880 this great emporium had a direct trade
of over 92,000,000 taels, two-fifths exports and
three-fifths imports. The foreign complications
with Russia and France helped to depress busi-
ness for some years, but in 1886 trade recovered,
and by 1891 it had totalled 165,000,000 taels.
It must be borne in mind, however, that these
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172 MODERN TRADE [cHAP.vn
are gross figures, for a large part of the Shanghai
trade reappears in the form of Tientsin, Hankow,
or even Swatow trade. The true trade of Shang-
hai, less re-exports, for the year 1899 is only
125,000,000 taels, and for 1918, 207,250,000
taels. On the other hand, the gross trade of
Shanghai (including everything from or to any-
where under all conditions) was in 1899 nearly
808,000,000 taels (roughly, £40,000,000), and in
1918, 588,500,000 taels (roughly, £80,500,000).
To understand the complicated distinctions
between gross and net totals, viewed from
various standpoints, it is necessary for those
particularly interested to study the published
returns, customs as well as consular; and it
must also be borne in mind that the sterling
value of the tael fluctuates widely : at present
(1917) silver is extraordinarily high, partly on
account of Hongkong prohibitions.
(84-46) There are still a number of ports or
quasi-ports which ought to be casually noticed.
The trade of Indo-China for 1899 amounted
to nearly £10,000,000 (say 70,000,000 taels),
of which Tonquin took over £2,600,000 (say
17,500,000 taels). Reports are irregular and
unsatisfactory, but I take it £20,000,000 and
£5,000,000 would be nearer the mark for 1918.
The trade with Mengtsz ( Yiin Nan) vid Haiphong,
the Red River, and Hokow on the French
frontier, was opened in 1889, and amounted in
1899 to 5,250,000 taels, all conducted by Chinese
merchants, and mostly carried on, in mere transit,
through Tonquin, with Hongkong; the figure
for 1918 was 19,750,000 taels, and would have
been much larger but for the cessation of the
opium traffic. As early as 1140 the new Li
dynasty of Tonquin had opened a port, corre-
sponding with the modern Haiphong, to the
trade of Siam and Burma, but there is no specific
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A.D. 1140-1918] REMOTE ** PORTS '* 178
mention of it in Chinese history. Trade seems
to have then centred at Tourane, or rather
at ** Faifo," about 20 miles up the river. The
**port" of Lungchow (Kwang Si) was also
opened in 1889 : the trade in 1899 was not
only contemptible in amount, but was abso-
lutely declinmg — ^the total wais under 86,000
taels. After the extension of the Langson
railway,, in 1902, it rose gradually to 900,000
taels in 1908 : reports are scarce, but as its
customs revenue for 1918 only bately reached
5,000 taels, and as in any case the French
only are concerned, we may ignore the place.
Sz-mao (Yiin Nan) promises better. It was
opened to the French in 1895, and to the
British in 1896, as already stated under the head
" Arrival of Europeans." The average annual
trade in 1899 had been about 225,000 taels— so
far, chiefly cotton from the British Shan states ;
but both in total trade and in revenue it is
little better off than Lungchow, and consuls no
longer report upon it. Of Kwang-chou Wan,
the new French station in the Lei-chou Peninsula,
leased in 1898, it is difficult to say anything,
except that there is a good native trade with
Macao and Kongmun ; however, it is a free port,
and in no way falls under the Chinese (Foreign
or Maritime) Customs.
Kongmun and Kumchuk have both been
mentioned as being under Sam-shui (p. 158) ;
but in the Foreign Customs revenue lists avail-
able to me Kongmun ranks (separately) higher
than its parent port, whilst Kumchuk is not
enumerated at all. Ch*ang-sha has been treated
of under the head of its parent and guardian
Yochou (p. 161), whose revenue it more than
doubles. Nan-ning, which was declared an open
•' port " in 1907, has already been discussed
under Wu-chou (p. 155), though it has separate
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174 MODERN TRADE [chap, vii
customs mention as one of the forty-seven. M an-
chouli, Aigun, Hxmchun, and Suifenho on or near
the Russian frontiers ; Lungchingtsim in Kirin ;
Antung and Tatungkow on or near the
Japanese (Corean) frontiers ; and Harbin where
Russian and Japanese interests meet, are all in
the list of forty-seven revenue ports managed
by the Inspector-General at Peking ; but there
are special arrangements with both Russia and
Japan as to the nationality of the officials in
charge, and other matters ; besides which British
interests are only remotely concerned in Man-
churian regions except in so far as preferential
freights and duties are on the tapis. Finally
there is Momein or T'gng-jriieh (pp. 74, 101) which
was opened in 1902 and achieved its humble
" record " of 475,000 taels in 1918 with a customs
revenue of 66,000 taels ; but de minimis non
curat lex : when the railway from Bhamo joins
up with it, no doubt the world will discover its
potentialities.
Then there are Ejang-tsz, Gnatong or Yatung
(Dariiling), and Gartok (source of the Indus),
which (Tibet being independent) the Foreign
Customs has ceased to mention. Also Ta-chien-lu
(Darchendo), the trade for 1918 in which place Mr.
Assistant Sang (presumably from the Ch'Sng-tu
Consulate-General) surprises us by describing this
very year (1916) ; as the Tibetans every now and
again eject the Chinese, and as the Chinese soldiers
themselves periodically sack the town in order
to recover their pay, it must be a parlous spot for
capitalists just now. Then there is Yiin-nan Fu
(the word/u now abolished), which was opened as
a " voluntary " port in 1906 ; P'u-k'ou, opposite
Nanking (pp. 164-6), sanctioned in 1916 because
Nanking's shore port Hia-kwan is not convenient
for transhipments ; two high officers have been
appointed to supervise the building arrange-
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A.D. 1896-1916] ODDS AND ENDS l7S
ments. Lung-k'ou on the north side of the Shan
Tung promontory was made a subordinate office
of the Chefoo customs in 1915 : the Japanese
for some years before the war had been making
use of this place, and they made it a sort of
land base in 1914 for taking the Germans in the
rear. In 1905 the great marts of Chou-ts'un
and Wei hien in Shan Tung were made sub-
sidiary to the Tsi-nan customs when established
(p. 170). Ch'ih-feng in North Chih Li (well
north of Jghol) was declared a trading mart by
mandate of January last (1916). In 1905 quite
a mmiber of " voluntary " places for trade were
opened in different parts of Manchuria — ^to wit,
F6ng-hwang, Liao-yang, Sin-min-t'un, T'iehling,
T'ung-kiang-tsz, Fak'umen, K'wan - ch'6ng-tsz
(that is, Ch'ang-ch'un), ICirin, Ninguta, Sansing,
Tsitsihar, etc. IQn hien (Kin-chou Fu) was
*' voluntarily " opened in February 1916, and
Mukden would seem to be another volxmtary
mart.
In enumerating these odds and ends of
*' ports " over and above the orthodox 47, I
must appeal for consideration in the matter
of spelling. First there is the old-fashioned
customary spelling; then there is Sir Thomas
Wade's Pekingese (as modified by myself) ;
then there is the irregular Chinese official Post-
Oflfice spelling ; and finally the spelling adopted
by the Foreign Customs. It is almost impossible
so to decide in each case as to please everybody.
(47) Soochow has not often been included in
the special trade reports issued by the Foreign
Office, and is really a mere appendage of Shang-
hai. Still, in 1896 it acquired the dignity of
being, an "open port" on its own basis (see
p. 116), and its separate trade under the Foreign
Customs had in 1899 already reached 1,500,000
taels a year ; for many years subsequent to that
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176 MODERN TRAD£ [chap, vu
it oscillated above and below 5,000,000 taels ; but
besides this there is the trade which pays the
likin offices rather than the Foreign Customs,
which cannot be '^ squared." Foreign influence
is, however, more ' specially concerned there in
developing spinning mills and silk filatures.
The Shanghai-Nanking railway brings it within
easy reach. There is a University, and there are
a few foreigners in the Customs, Post-office, etc.
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CHAPTER Vni
THE GOVERNMENT
At first sight it might appear that, in describing
the Grovemment of China, we should begin with
the Emperor, or at least, now that a Republic
has been established, with the Central Admini-
stration at Peking. But as a matter of fact the
Manchu power was a mere absorptive machine,
whose very existence (as recent events have
shown) was a matter of comparative unconcern
to. the provinces, each of which is even now
sufficient unto itself; and exists, tries to exist,
or can exist as an independent unit. Hence, just
as, for the moment, we have in the first chapter
eliminated Tibet, Mongolia, Manchuria, etc.,
from the field, and have confined our preliminary
geographical view of the Empire to the Eighteen
Provinces, so do we for the present dismiss the
President and his Ministry, as we formerly did
the Emperor and his Court, from consideration,
and limit our survey to what is really the living
and active administration — to wit, the gener^
constitution of China Proper, a confederation of
more or less homogeneous provinces.
It will be noticed from the list given in the first
chaptet that nearly every one of these provinces
has an ancient and purely territorial name, in
addition to its present practical or descriptive
appellation; this ancient or literary name is,
notwithstanding political changes, still used in
177
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178 THE GOVERNMENT [chap, vm
official documents quite as often as the modern
one. Thus the Canton Military Governor, who
in effect replaces the former Viceroy, says :
*' Your despatch has reached Yiieh '' ; and the
Shan Si Civil Governor, in discussing likin, in
the usual terse literary style, talks of *' Tsin
K.'' It is just as though the modern French
departmental prefects were to use the old pro-
vincial terms Gascony and Burgundy more
freely than they do ; or as though we English
should, for elegant purposes, retain the official
use of such words as Mercia and Wessex.
Now, subject to qualifications which will
hereinafter be made, the main idea which runs
throughout the republican provincial organisa-
tion is. as follows : Each province h^^s both a
Military and a Civil Governor, who report on all
formal matters to the Board at Peking, and of
late have shown a tendency to " wire " their
sentiments direct to the President : affairs on
this point have not yet consoUdated themselves.
About 820 years ago pairs or triplets of provinces
began to have a temporary Viceroy or Governor-
General in addition to the governors ; and when
the Manchus came to consoUdate their power,
in 1640-50, such viceroys became permanent;
until, after various re-shufflings, they settled
down to a definite distribution, very nmch as
they were until 1911. The original motive in
appointing a viceroy was not unlike our idea
in appointing Sir Bartle Frere or Sir Hercules
Robinson as High Commissioner for South
Africa ; that is, military or other urgent con-
siderations rendered it expedient for one strong
man to deal with some wide question, involving
more than one gubernatorial or divisional interest.
But now one very radical change has taken place
in China, and shows every sign of permanency ;
each province is free from the joint rule or part
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A.D. 1905-1911] PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT 179
superintendence of any other province. True, the
precise relative duties of the Military Governor
and Civil Governor are not yet permanently
fixed, but at all events they do not " move "
for each other^s consent and signature any
longer, and the Penlow-Jorkins farce that used
to characterise the joint powers of the Viceroy
and the Governor in Manchu times has entirely
ceased. The rendering of both officials' titles has
changed three or four times since the provinces
*' pronounced '' in 1911, but now it seems de-
finitely settled that Tuh-kiin (Army Director)
and Shing'Chang (Province Senior) are most in
accord with democratic needs. It is still "good
form '' to avoid using personal (" Christian ")
names; but the old appellations of "great
man" (excellency), " old grandfather " (your
honour), etc., have gone by the board, and now
every man, from the President downwards, is plain
Sten-shing, or " Mister " ; that is, " former born,'*
or Senor. It happens occasionally that the
Military Governor acts also for the Civil, or
vice versdj and no special qualifications are (as
yet) required for either; but no doubt, as the
Republic " finds its helm,'' these matters will
gradually be righted.
Those picturesque functionaries the Treasurer
and the Judge, whose Joint or several recom-
mendations used to " move " the Viceroy and
Governor (jointly or separately) to "act," still
in a measure exist (after many shiftings) under
the names of Finance Senior and Interior Affairs
Senior; but they are both now in a more sub-
ordinate position, and moreover both take orders
direct from the Peking Boards.
More or less successful attempts had been made
by the Manchus since 1905 to separate the
Executive from the Judicial powers, and these
efiorts have been continued under the Republic.
14
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180 THE GOVERNMENT ^ [chap, vni
Thus we have three grades of Judges and Justices
in each province, appointed by the Peking
Ministry of Justice, and (as I understand it) in
no way responsible to the MiUtary or Civil
Governor, or to their subordinates the Finance
and Interior Elders or Seniors,
Nominally, at least, each of the " Eighteen
Provinces " (that is, twenty-two) is equal to
the others, but naturally a rich or important
province still continues to be coveted by the
avaricious or ambitious man. Yet there are a
few further irregularities in detail which some-
what upset the perfect symmetry of this com-
paratively simple arrangement as a whole. In
order to deal adequately with the Mongols,
Tibetans, Turki, and other non-Chinese peoples,
it has been found necessary to keep up certain
military proconsulships on the basis of indepen-
dent provinces. Thus the extramural part of
Chih Li remains under the tu-fung of Jehol, and
the extramural part of Shan Si under the tu-fung
of Kukukhoto, undemocratic titles included.
Evidently it would not do to shock the Mongol
princes, dukes, etc. (who still carry Manchu
titles), by placing them under a mere citayen.
In the same way there are special arrangements
for the Kokonor, Hi, Altai, and Tibetan frontiers,
at all which places, however, it has been found
possible to abolish the old Manchu titles in
favour of more democratic appellations; still,
when the Boards send circular orders to the
provinces, the " scratch " governors of these
more or less foreign-infected regions are treated
quite on the basis of " real men."
As to Outer Mongolia, after declaring its
independence under the Urga *' Saint " and ac-
cepting Russian protection in a certain measure,
it has come back to the Chinese fold imder
conditions regulated by treaty between Russia
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A.^).1912] THE EJECTED MANCHUS 181
and China ; the only unsettled question (as
I write) is whether his Holiness should send
members to the Chinese Parliament.
The ejected Manchus give no trouble at all.
The princes and nobles enjoy their pensions
and private estates under the liberal arrange-
ments solemnly made by President Yuan Shi-
k'ai in 1912, and no doubt he was wise in thus
purchasing their innocuousness. A few able
Manchus are still employed as high republican
officials, but the buU: of the mixed Pekingese
and the purer provincial garrison Manchus seem
to have quietly " relapsed " into Chinese, just
as Bosnians, Greeks, Serbians, Bulgarians, etc.,
with facility relapse into " Turks " when occa-
sion required. The ** wild '' Manchus, Tungusic
hunters, etc., remain as they were, and are
probably imaware that any important change
has taken place at all; they are of no more
political importance than our gipsies.
Now, each of these Eighteen Provinces is, as
already suggested, a complete state in itself,
whose corporate existence is in no way dependent
upon any other state, except in so far that the
poor ones dun the rich ones for the money which
the Central Government still in theory " appro-
priates to them,"— when, indeed, it has even itself
any money to work upon at all. Each province
had its own army, navy, system of taxation,
and its own social customs ; but, as regards the
army and navy, things are still in a state of flux,
though the tendency is, of course, to gather
power as much as possible into central hands : so
it is better not to attempt any closer definitions
at present. The Salt Gabelle has been com-
pletely revolutionised and improved under the
able direction of Sir Richard Dane, and this
source of revenue is now almost as important
as the Maritime Customs. Still, as regards
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182 THE GOVERNMENT [cHAP.vm
provincial *' rights," it is too early to make any
satisfying statement.
Many new taxes have been introduced, both
under the Manchus and the Republic, since war
indemnities and loans practicaUy absorbed the
whole " regular " revenues of China. This did
not matter so much to Peking, for the existence
or non-existence of a central bureaucracy was
never essential to the corporate life of China;
but the democratic " King's Government " in
the provinces had to be carried on, and therefore
innumerable new levies in the shape of wine,
tobacco, and house duties; stamp, licence, and
various other excise duties ; transfer fees, gam-
bling farms, and other " special '' charges and
monopolies have one after the other been in-
troduced or developed by way of " raising the
wind '* for the sailing of the provincial barque.
Nor is the provincial government more essen-
tial to popular life than the central, from which
it only differs in this- — ^that it can get at the
people directly. China can get on very well —
so long as bandits do not disturb order — ^without
any government at all ; it is like a vast india-
rubber ball, which immediately rights itself after
each squeeze. Amid all this welter, one thing
is now certain. Peking can no longer *' sell "
each province to the highest bidder or present
it to the first favourite. Corruption seems to be
as bad as ever; but at least the Chinese stew
in their own juice, and are not dished up for the
sole delectation of idle Manchus ; moreover, the
huge first charge on all provincial revenues for
" Peking Contingent " no longer exists except
in the moderated shape of pensions granted to
the former ruling classes in consideration of their
retiring from the empire trade, and this sum (if
paid) is not " appropriated " from the provinces.
In justice to Peking, however, it must be con-
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A.D.1917] BARBERS AND BARBARIANS 188
f essed that it does and has done much for justice,
education, means of communication (railways,
telegraphs, etc.), postal facilities, encourage-
ment of industries, improvement of water-
courses, some sanitary matters, and a thousand
and one minor things in many instances totally
ignored by the Manchus ; in spite of the dismal
tale of revolutions, China has marched, but
she still remains the " free and easy '' country
she always was. There are no passports, no
restraints on liberty, no frontiers, no caste
prejudices, no food scruples, no. finnikin
sanitary measures, no moral laws except popular
customs and criminal statutes. China is in
many senses one vast republic, in which personal
restraints have no existence; — ^in a word, Kip-
ling's ideal place " east of Suez." The Manchus,
as the ruling race, had certainly a few privileges,
but, on the other hand, they suffered just as
many disabilities. Barbers, play-actors, and
policemen in Manchu times were under a mild
tabu — more theoretical than real ; but now the
barber has partly disappeared with the pigtail ;
male play-actors are not given to the vices of
Manchu fashion so much, whilst real women
now act, and very often the modern policemen
are quite exemplary individuals. On the other
hand, aboriginal *' barbarians '' always could and
still can easily become Chinese by reading books
and putting on breeches — or " some veskits,"
as Artemus Ward used to say : in fact several
of the most prominent Military Governors of the
moment are by descent of the Shan or the
Miao-tsz race. This being the happy-go-lucky
condition of high office in China, there is (apart
from accidental or special causes) no jealousy or
class feeling in the country ; it is simply a
question of big fish feeding on little fish, unless
and until the little fish can keep out of the way.
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184 THE GOVERNMENT [cHAP.vm
eat their way up, and become big fish them-
selves ; and, so far, things under the Republic
seem too much as they were under the Empire,
private gain, as before, taking precedence of the
public weal. The exceptions are rare.
Each provincial government being thus a
state in itself, how does it go to work ? It
must be explained in answer to this question
that the true official unit of Chinese corporate
life is the hien^ or " city district,'* and for 2,000
years past there have been some 1,800 of them ;
even allowing for the recent republican changes
(shortly to be described), there cannot be much
over 1,600. Each average province is divided
into from 70 to over 100 Men, a term variously
translated by Europeans " district," " depart-
ment,*' " canton," or " prefecture." The half-
barbarian province of Kwei Chou has only
thirty-four ; but then it has numerous '* autoch-
thonous " districts besides; that is to say, dis-
tricts ruled by " barbarian " magistrates, usually,
hereditary, but responsible to the nearest genuine
Chinese magistrate in serious matters. Chih
Li has nearly 140 ; but this total includes the
Peking and Mongol districts of the Jehol com-
manderie. A hien is in area about the size of
an English county, or a French department,
with the same uncertainty or irregularity as to
area and importance. It almost always con-
sists, in purely Chinese tracts, of a walled city
and an area of, say, 500 or 1,000 square miles
round the town. Very often an enormous city
of lower rank forms an appendage to a sleepy
old hien ; until recently this was the case with
Hankow : it has a parallel in England, when big
new towns (as, for instance, Liverpool in relation
to Walton) *' belong " to mere village parishes,
until they receive their own chartered "rights."
Every Chinaman is described first of all as
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A.D. 1911^1917] CHINESE MUNICIPALITIES 185
belonging to a given hien ; and so strong is the
association that it follows him through life, if
he gains distinction, much as the territorial
surroundings of a Scotch or French magnate
easily attach to his family name. Thus Li
Hung-chang is often currently described as the
" Hoh-fei statesman," because he hails from the
hien of Hoh-fei ; whilst his illustrious rival
Chang Chi-tung is similarly called by newspaper
men the " Nan-p'i viceroy," from a city of that
name on the Grand Canal, south of Peking ;
so the President Yiian Shi-k'ai on the day of
his death was spoken of as Hiang-ch'eng (his
birthplace) : it is like our " ThaiJc ye, thank
ye, Hawthornden."-
The hien magistrate is still, under the Republic,
the very heart and soul of all official life and
emolument, his dignity and attributes, in large
centres such as Canton or Chungking, not falling
far short in many respects of those of the Lord
Mayor of London. His comparatively low rank
S laces him in easy touch with the people, whilst
is position as the lowest of the yu-sz^ or commis-
sioned "executive," clothes him with a status
which even a Military Governor must respect. He
is so much identified with the soul of the State,
that the Emperor or Government itself used to
be elegantly styled hien-kwan, or " the district
magistrate." . He was before 1912 judge in the
first instance in all matters whatsoever, civil or
criminal, and also governor of the gaol, coroner,
sheriff, mayor, head-surveyor, civil service ex-
aminer, tax-collector, registrar, lord-lieutenant,
sedile, chief bailiff, interceder with the gods ;
and, in short, what the people always call him
— ^*' father and mother officer " ; but the new
republican organisation has shorn him of many
of these attributes ; indeed (as just said) in the
last years of the Manchus the executive and legis-
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186 THE GOVERNMENT [chap, vra
lative functions were bv'way of being separated
throughout the whole official body, whilst the new
Gendarmerie Board at Peking has remodelled the
police. The Men cuts a very different figure in
a remote country district from that accepted
by him in a provincial metropolis like Canton,
where he is apt to be overshadowed by innumer-
able civil and military superiors ; just as in
London the Lord Mayor is outshone in a sense,
even at his grand " spreads," by the Court and
the Cabinet Ministers. In his own remote city
the hien is autocratic and everybody, though
possibly now the new local councils and provin-
cial parliaments may be beginning to assert
themselves. He had no technical training what-
ever in Manchu times, except in the Chinese
equivalent for *' Latin verse " ; if he had ob-
tained his post by purchase he had not even that.
Now, under the Republic, there have been sug-
gested, if not established, training schools for ad-
ministration, based on the Japanese system of
education, which even in the last Manchu years
was seriously proposed as a general educational
model for CJfiina.
The " value " of every hien in the empire is of
course perfectly well known ; but although there
are bribery and corruption at Peking as well as
in the provinces, the solid basis of government
is not really bad, and from my experience of
Chinese officials I should say that the majority
of them are men no worse than American
" bosses,"' — ^that is, mere hacks or hirelings of a
corrupt growth, with as much ** conscience " as
their system vouchsafes. Purchase of official
rank, and even of oflBce, has been sadly on the
increase ever since China began to get into
trouble with rebels and Europeans ; even now,
under the republic, though substantive office
can no longer be bought, and the nine " button "-
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A.D. 1902-1917] MANDARINS GALORE 187
ranks no longer exist, it is impossible to deny that
jobbery is more in evidence than competency.
The serio-comic descriptions of office juggling
I gave in the first editions of this work are amply
borne out by the scathing denunciations of the
" three good viceroys," who, after the " Boxer ''
war, drew up a thorough scheme of reform ; the
men who saved China were Liu K'un-yih, Chang
Chi-tung, and Yuan Shi-k'ai. The tentative re-
forms of the last-named at Tientsin (1902-1907)
really provided effective models for the whole of
China.
Although the essence of provincial government
thus consists in the Men and the four (now two)
big men at the top of the tree, there are certain
intermediaries who, in spite of recent drastic
changes, cannot be ignored. Each group of two
or more Men used to be under a/w, or city of the
first class, and each province had from five to
ten fu. I will not confuse the reader with too
much definition. SuflBce it to say that a fu
city had no real existence of its own, but was
always within the walls of one or more of its
own hien. Thus Lii-chou Fu in An Hwei,
which has under it five hien^ was really the Hoh-
fei Men city where Li Hung-chang was born. In
a few cases, as for instance that of Kwang-chou
Fu (Canton city), there were and are two head Men
within one set of walls ; but the warrants of each
are limited in their run by an imaginary dividing
line ; — much to the comfort of local thieves. In
one case, the enormous city of Su-chou Fu
(Soochow), there were actually three head hieny
i.e. three prcetoria or yamins * and three rulers,
within one wall ; but of course only the triple
head of the one *body was there : the Hinter-
lands ^ or territories subject to each one, spread
out like three fans in different directions. It is
^ '* Tamin " (standard-gate) is now almost abolished in favour
of kung-shu or " public office."
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188 THE GOVERNMENT [chap, vra
necessary to mention this in 1917, because nearly
all existing maps, despite republican changes,
exhibit cities graded under the now extinct
system.
The duties of a/w (usually called a " prefect ")
were as unsolid and abstract as his territory.
I have sat and talked with many a /u, but I
never understood what they did (beyond re-
hearing as judges in the second instance), except
act as a conduit-pipe for several hien ; just as
the archdeacon has been humorously defined
as an ecclesiastical dignitary performing archi-
diaconal functions, so was the fu a territorial
dignitary performing prefectural functions. All
routine orders from above came to the hien
through the /w, and conversely with the routine
reports. The " head " /w and the " head " hien^
when in one city with the highest provincial au-
thorities, had to melden gehorsamM, or " report,"
every morning. In a few cases the fu had some
special and real business, custom, salt, mercan-
tile, or other, confided to him in addition to
his nebulous supervisory functions. The notori-
ous reformer K'ang Yu-wei pointed out to the
luckless young Emperor in 1898 that all officials
except the hten were useless excrescences, and
ought to be abolished. No wonder the " profi-
teers'' of the day hounded the man from Peking, —
and thus indirectly the Emperor from his throne,
and the dynasty from its " tripod." As a matter
of fact the Republic has totally expunged all fu
throughout the Dominion.
Above the fu, again, there was a still more
modern and still more indefinite division and
ofiicial called the foo, who had not even the
loan of a walled town to live in ; and there never
was such a place as even a theoretical too city.
Like the fUf ne was, and at this moment perhaps
still is, a conduit ; but a much busier man, always
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A.D.1917] NEBULOUS OFFICIALS 189
provided with special duties ; for instance at
nearly all the treaty-ports the tao or taotai (with
whom a consul ranks by treaty) manages foreign
affairs. His yamSn (now kung-shu) may be within
the walls of a pity or anywhere else. There were
several grades of tao : there was the simple '* cir-
cuit intendant" ; then there was the " intendant
having a say in military matters," the *' customs
intendant," and so on. Besides these executive
too, there were also others in charge of grain
transport and salt gabelle ; but these formed no
part of the regular administration. However,
the Republic began by abolishing all tao (except
those required under foreign treaty) ; then it
reintroduced them under the literary name of
kwan-ch^ah ; then it changed the name to tao-yin ;
and noWj as I write, I witness the extraordinary
spectacle of a tao-yin officially reporting that
he (and all his kind) is a useless humbug, and
ought to be abolished : under these circum-
stances I fail to see what honest President Li
can do but knock the hydra on the head once
for all. I do not touch upon the assistant
administrative officials, outdoor and indoor,
attached to each district. Like the Japanese
artist who, with a few dashes of his brush,
leaves a general impression of landscape to be
gathered from a few daubs, so do I, in my im-
perfect way, select a few leading features in
order to convey to non-specialist readers a
picture which their minds may rapidly take in
without undue fatigue. The provinciiJ admini-
stration system of China is still in a state of
fixix, doubt, and restless, not to say meddlesome
change, and it would be unsafe to count upon
permanency any farther than as above.
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CHAPTER IX
POPULATION
In ancient times the population of China must
have been very great, for even 2,000 years ago
it was stated that the " whole of the nomads
put together scarcely number as many as the
population under a Chinese township area."
Of course this loose way of illustrating the
chances of success in a warlike expedition against
the Hiung-nu must not be taken too strictly.
Other positive statements scattered about the
history books would probably between them
rectify the sentence above quoted so as to mean :
" the quarter of a million of soldiers which the
western part of Siberia and High Asia can raise
against us would not exceed the adult male popu-
lation of one of our provincial county divisions."
The fact, moreover, that the revenue collected
in silk stuffs alone amounted at times to 5,000,000
pieces, and apparently in one year ;• — collected,
too, from the north only, or half the area of
modern China,< — ^points to a settled population
of at least 20,000,000. The Manchu Annals
for 1908 give us an account of the census as it
has existed since the Chou dynasty- — ^the mil-
lennium before our era ; and Dr. Lionel Giles of
the British Museiun was able only last year (1915)
to unearth from the Stein documents precise
details of how the census was worked at Tun-
hwang 1,500 years ago. If we were to search
191
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192 POPULATION [chap, ix
diligently all the early histories, we might find
even more precise indications, such as those
which it has been possible for historians to give
during oiu* " Middle Ages '' ; but the purpose of
this book will be sufficiently served if we dismiss
from consideration the whole period when China
was divided into two or more rival dynasties,
largely foreign, and begin with the native Sui
rulers, who had in a.d. 600 completely unified
the empire. A few years after this date (609)
the population is specifically stated to have
numbered 8,700,000 households, in 1,255 Men
districts. In 652, after the fearful wars of
succession and the destructive expeditions against
Turks, Coreans, etc., the number of households
had gone down to 8,800,000. In 654 a biennial
census was ordained. The conquest of South-
west Corea in 660 brought 760,000 households
with it. Probably the third or South-eastern
Corean peninsular state contained as many. By
the conquest of North Corea in 668 China gained
170 hien districts containing 697,000 house-
holds ; and these figures, compared with those
for 609, give us a fair relative idea of each
country's population. Then followed a period
of recuperation, and the following official figures
enable us to fix approximately the average
number of " mouths '* in a household :• —
Tear.
Mouthi.
738 .. .
766 .. .
7,861,286
9,619,264
46,481,268
62,880,488
Another piece of information makes it plain
that not more than one person in each house-
hold could have been taxed, that some house-
holds were not taxed at all, and that only
one-seventh part of the persons not ranked as
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A.D. 760-900] VICISSITUDES IN POPULATION 198
householders paid taxes ; for, out of the above
figures for 755, only 5,801,044 householders
and 7,662,800 non-householders paid scot. Dr.
Lionel Giles adduces statistics gathered from the
5,000-volume encyclopaedia ^showing how this
ratio was computed at various dates. — But, to
continue our own estimates, in 807, after bloody
wars with the Shans and Tibetans, 1,458 hien
only contained 2,440,254 households, and even
of this number but 1,440,000 in eight provinces
(too) had been counted; the rest for fifteen
other provinces had been merely estimated.
There can be no mistake about these figures,
for it is added, " and out of this reduced popu-
lation, only one quarter that of the reign period
742-756, we have 880,000 paid troops I " In
the years 820 and 821 the number of " house-
holds and tents " is twice given as below
2,400,000, and the number of mouths as below
16,000,000 ; but in one of the two cases it is
stated ** this excludes (modern) Sz Ch'wan, Kwei
Chou, the Two Kwang, and Annam (then
Chinese) '* ; and in the other, '* this excludes
military provinces/' Finally (apparently after
reconquests), we are told a few years later that
'* out of 8,850,000 households we are employing
990,000 soldiers; out of a total revenue of
85,000,000 (? silver ounces or taels), one third
goes to the Emperor, and two-thirds are local."
During the Turkish interregnums, or the Five
Dynasty Period (907-60), which came between
the fall of the T'ang and rise of the Sung dynasty,
when China was really split up into a dozen
petty states, there are naturally no records of
population worth noticing. But I have come
across the following during the eleventh century,
when China, though unified, nevertheless was
on the Great Wall line still under- Tartar rule
(pp. 88-4 and 128-188) :^
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194
POPULATION
[CHAP.ZX
Tear.
Moathfl.
1014
1088 .
1097 .
9,066,729
18,289,385
19,436,670
21,976,965
32,163,017
33,401,606
The two last years, however, subdivide the
householders into two classes, and use the
word "adult man'* (ting) instead of the word
" mouth." A close, special study is necessary
to discover exactly what this means, and Dr.
Lionel Giles has made some points here too. I
was inclined to think *' mouth " here meant
" man or woman, but not child," and ting meant
" male capable of doing corvie or bearing arms."
The figures for 1088 and 1097 are thus sub-
divided I —
Qnalifloatlon.
Householders.
Adults.
Siq»egrior.
Quest .
12,134,733
6,154,652
28,533,934
3,629,083
Lord . , .
Guest .
13,068,741
6,366,829
30,344,274
3,067,332
The probable meaning of this is that most
Chinese freeman units furnished at least a
father and one (or two) sons out of each house-
hold ; but that villeins, or " copyholders " with
precarious tenancy, only furnished occasional
men for the wars- — never more than one for each
two villein households* — and were practically
serfs. This supposition is strengthened by the
fact that the T'ang dynasty (600-900) is known
to have emancipated large numbers of Govern-
ment adscriptitiij who had, during centuries of
war, sought protection under great lords ; but
private families continued to keep them, and
the T'ang Government ceased to emancipate
privately-owned serfs against their masters'
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A.D. 900-1200] HAZY STATISTICS 195
wilL It was, however, the policy of the Sung
dynasty (900-1200) to reduce the number of
slaves in the households of the rich. It must
also be borne in mind that the Kitans ruled over
parts of modern Chih Li and Shan Si, and that
the Sun^ dynasty positively declined from the
beginning to have any political truck with
either Yiin Nan or Annam.
The Nuch€ns (earlier Manchus) turned out
the Kitans from North China, and, besides
governing all their territory between Corea and
the desert, pushed their way into real China
much farther than the Kitans had done. In
fact, the whole of *' Old China " was in their
hands* — ^that is, the whole valley or valleys of
the Yellow River enclosed between longitude
lOS'^ E. and latitude 88° N. Their official
figures for three years are :* —
Tear.
MoatliB.
1183 .
1190 .
1196 .
616,624
6,939,000
7.223,400
6,168,636
46,447,900
48,490,000
The figures for 1188 only include the military
organisation under the Tartar mingans or chili-
archs, and may perhaps also serve to show
what the Kitan " banner " population had
been : one quarter of the mouths were slaves.
It is stated that the equivalent of 26,000,000
English acres were cultivated, i.e. between four
and five acres for each " mouth." The last-
recorded number of (modern) Manchu house-
holds was in 1784, when there were 26,500,000
for all China, cultivating about 150,000,000
acres ; so that the proportion in 1188 is rela-
tively quite different, unless the word '* mouth '*
is irregularly used. If we deduct the mingan
population from the figures of 1190-5, we
15
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196 POPULATION [ohap. a
get about 6,500,000 householders, consisting of
40,000,000 mouths, taken by the Tartars from
the native Chinese Sung Empire. We have
seen what the Sung population was a century
earlier. If it had not increased, there would
still have been 18,000,000 householders left in
the southern empire, and probably (in view of
incessant warring) this figure really does approxi-
mately represent the number for South China, as
to which, however, there are no statistics at
present available to me.
The Niichens were in turn driven out by the
Mongols, whose first census in 1285 showed
878,781 households, with a total of 4,754,975
mouths. Over 200,000 households were added
to the next census in 1252. From 1261 to 1274
there is steady progression, year by year, from
1,418,490 to 1,967,896 households; but of
course these totals only include " Old China,"
two -thirds of whose population had either
emigrated or been destroyed. In 1275 the
number of households is given at 4,764,077, but
it is not clear what conquered parts this total
includes. The later conquests of 1275-6 are
carefully recorded, together with the number
of households and mouths obtained by official
inquiries in each province. These conquests
practically amount to the same thing as the
additions to ** Old China " made or consolidated
by the conquering Han dynasty 1,400 years
earlier, and include Hu Peh, Hu Nan, Kiang Si,
Cheh Kiang, and Kiang Su, with a grand total
of 7,288,881 households of 14,658,820 mouths,
Le. if we add up each specified minor total. But
if we lump specified with unspecified totals, as
the Mongol historian does, we obtain, as he
gives us, 9,870,472 households of 19,721,015
mouthis;^ settled in 778 conquered hien districts.
This agrees roughly with a casual statement
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A.D. 1200-1800] HOUSEHOLDS AND MOUTHS 16^
made in another chapter : " In that year (1276)
we obtained ten million households from the
obliterated Sung house." This Sung dynasty
is none other than Marco Polo's Manji, or Manzi,
this word being, as already explained in part
(p. 157), the modern Chinese man-tsz or ** southern
ruffians," just as the Mongols are ta-tsz, or sao-
ta-UZj " frowsy Tartars " (p. 85). Marco Polo says
there were 1,200 towns in all Manji, and 1,600,000
houses in Kinsai alone (Hangchow). As Hang-
chow was only the capital of one of the " Two
Ch8h," the conquest of which brought in
2,988,672 households, the 1,600,000 applied to
the "West Cheh [Kiang] '' alone would be a fair
proportion : '* East Cheh [Kiang]" then included
Shanghai and the coast parts down to W^nchow.
The Sung history says that in 1264 that
dynasty still possessed 5,696,989 households of
18,206,582 mouths, and that in 1276 the Emperor
formally " handed them over " to General
Bay en. In 1278 the conquest of Chang-chou
(Zaitun, p. 74) and the surrounding parts brought
in about another million households. An idea
of the fearful slaughters which took place in
those times may be gained from the statement
in 1282 that Sz Ch'wan was found to contain
only about 120,000 households. This is accen-
tuated in 1285, when we are told that " Sz
Ch'wan and the Kwang Tung coast districts
are but sparsely populated." In 1298 the num-
ber of households is put down at 10,402,760,
without any further explanation : possibly the
disastrous wars against Japan, Annam, and
Java may have stopped further increase. In
1294 the conquests and annexations on the
Burmo-Tibetan frontier added 900,000 house-
holds to this figure. In Kublai's time 5,000,000
cwt. of rice used to be annually sent to Peking.
On the whole it seems that during the 1,500
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198 POPULATION [chap, nc
years' interval between the " First Empire *'
and that of Kublai, in spite of ups and downs,
the population had remained stationary : it
began and ended with about 50,000,000 souls.
In 1891 the purely Chinese Ming dynasty,
which for the first time in 600 years held the
Eighteen Provinces under one sway, free except
for incursions on the Great Wall line from
Tartar complications, counted its population at
10,684,485 households, of 66,774,661 adults.
In 1898 there were 16,052,860 households of
60,546,812 mouths. The increase of mouths
over adults is not hard to account for ; but,
unless we assume a new or the recrudescence of
an old habit of living apart from the paternal
roof, it is difficult to explain the sudden upward
movement of households. This year the equiva-
lents of 140,000,000 acres were cultivated, and
it is distinctly stated that ** most of the land
in the empire is now under tillage." In 1491
the population went down to 9,118,446 house-
holds of 68,281,158 mouths; and in 1578 it
figured at 10,621,486 households of 60,692,856
mouths. The explanation is given that (appar-
ently in order to escape excessive taxation) " a
habit had grown up of seeking the protection
of rich persons, of living in boats, and of pre-
tending to be workmen or traders."
The Manchu Government, which issued (in-
complete) revenue returns from the very first year
of its existence (1644), was not ready at all until
1651 with its population and land-tax statistics.
At the end of that year there were 10,688,826
households. We may assume that the conquest
of the Eighteen Provinces was practically com-
plete in 1657, up to which date the number of
householders had increased by one or two
million each year, until they reached over
18,500,000. Various wars and disasters kept the
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A.D. 1T08-1785] "FREE RESOURCES'* 199
figures steady up to 1708, when for the first
time an excess over 21,000,000 was recorded.
The financial condition of China was then so
prosperous that the Emperor, in the fulness of
his heart, took to remitting the whole land-tax
from time to time, each province taking its
benefit in turn. The total cultivation had
reached about 110,000,000 acres * ; that is, count-
ing bad and good land together, land-tax upon
the total area (possibly 150,000,000 or 200,000,000
acres) upon which it was due from 24,600,000
householders, was gathered in calculated at
the rate of so much an acre of good land.
The Emperor determined that the sum thus
derived (not quite 80,000,000 taels, or ounces
of silver) was a sufficient charge upon the land ;
arguing that, no matter how the population
might increase in the future, the same land, now
for most practical purposes all of it* cultivated,
would in the same future have to feed two,
three, or even ten persons, instead of the one
as now ; which meant that the struggle for life
would be greater, and each individual's power
to pay taxes would therefore proportionably
decrease. Accordingly, from the year 1718 the
returns of ** adults and mouths '* was accom-
panied by a subsidiary return of " free ones."
By 1784, the last year for which returns are
Eublished imder this system, the ** free ones '*
ad increased to 987,680, whilst the other two
categories remained pretty much as they were-
in 1712.
The words '* adults and mouths " so vaguely
us^d together now, as they were used separately
under previous dynasties, must have meant in
combination '* tax-paying households"; for, on
his accession in 1785, the practical Emperor
K'ien-lung set about devising a more intelligent
1 English.
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200 POPULATION [chap, rx
system. He said : " What is the good of
recording taxable units which never increase^
and free units which pay no revenue ? I want
to know how many human beings there are.*'
Consequently from 1741 to 1851 we have year
by year a steadily mounting return of souls,
beginning with 148,411,559, and ending with
the maximum of 482,164,047. If attention be
paid to the methods by which I have en-
deavoured to extract principles and conclusions
from the above defective evidence, it will be
seen that the population of China cannot at
any time have much exceeded 100,000,000 souls
until the beginning of the eighteenth century.
By the year 1762 it had overtopped 200,000,000 ;
and so on, doubling itself every century ; so
that we are probably right in concluding that
it only reached 50,000,000 in 1644 when the
Manchus took over the power ; that is, it much
more than doubled itself during the century
1650-1750, despite all wars and tribulations.
During the nrst years of the great Taiping
rebellion (1856-60), the registered population
declined by two-fifths ; but, though many
millions must have perished, it is not at all
likely that the numbers of 1851 were more than
literally decimated.* Even then, to kill or
starve 48,000,000 people in ten years, would
mean 12,000 a day, in addition to the 40,000 a
^ In a pamphlet entitled PopulaHon and Beverme of China,
reprinted from OUa Mersiana, 1899 ; and in a paper published
in the Royal Statietical Society^ s Journal for March in that same
year, I gave further specific evidence bearing upon statistics,
and also discussed the question how far the Taiping rebellion
of fifty years ago affected the population. I need not repeat
all the arguments here. The same pamphlet gives statistics
from Russian sources (Sacharoff) showing what the population
of each province was in 1894. But these statistics, which I
first critically examined by the light of famines and other
disasters, were in their turn all obtained from the Chinese official
tables. I notice that Dr. Lionel^Giles has recourse to Sacharoff
too.
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A.D. 1842-1904] CHINESE OFFICIAL TABLES 201
day who (at the rate of 80 per thousand per
annum) would die naturally, and would balance
about the same number of births. Moreover,
the rebellion only covered one-half of the total
area of China, so that 24,000 a day is certainly
more likely than 12,000 : in other words the
death-rate was nearly doubled ; and in any case,
from first to last, there never has been any
direct evidence as to what the population of
China is or has been except the Chinese official
statements. I have now shown that these
hang fairly well together, in spite of all defects
both in quality and in quantity. We may
accept them or reject them ; but it is unreason-
able to accept only so much as may fit in with
our own preconceived notions, and reject all
the rest. The mere opinions of Europeans are
therefore worthless, so far as they conflict with
specific evidence. The United States Minister
to China, Mr. W. W. Rockhill, in 1905 and 1911
published his calculations, based on official
Chinese estimates, the originals of which, for
1910, 1 possess ; and many other less distinguished
foreigners have aired their views ; but, just
before the fall of the Empire, the Canton viceroy
frankly informed the Emperor that, so far as
his province was concerned, the census was a
hollow sham — as probably with all the provinces.
I give here a table in two columns showing the
population of each province in 1842 and 1894 —
that is, before the Taiping rebellion, and since
China has recuperated her forces. For con-
venience' sake I ignore fractions over or under
100,000 as being unessential to the main ques-
tion. It is notorious that Chgh Kiang, Ho Nan,
Ejang Su, and Kiang Si suffered most by the
Taiping revolution, so that we neeiJ not marvel
at their comparative backwardness. Shan Si
was reduced by a terrible famine in 1877-8. Kan
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202 POPULATION [chap, ix
Suh and part of Shen Si were ruined by the
Mahometan rebellion of 1860-75, Sz Ch'wan
calls for special remark : we have seen that in
Kublai Khan's time it had already been once
depopulated, whereas all visitors to the cele-
brated Ch'eng-tu plain certify to its being at
the present moment one of the richest and most
populous spots in China, and this plain alone
(the only large plain in the provmce) must
cover an area of 8,000 square miles.
Nam«of ProTlnce.
1849.
18M.
An Hwei .
Chtti Kiang
Chih Li
Fuh Kien .
Ho Nan
Hu Kan .
HuPgh .
Kan Suh .
Kiang Si .
Kiang Su .
Kwang Si .
Kwang Tung
Kwei Chou
Shan Si
Shan Tung.
Shen Si
Ss Oh' wan.
Yiin Nan .
36,600,000
30,400,000
36,900.000
25,800.000
29,100,000
20,000,000
28,600,000
19,600,000
26,600,000
39,600.000
8,100,000
21.100,000
5,700,000
17.100,000
36,200,000
10,300,000
22,300,000
6,800,000
35,800,000
11,800,000
29.400.000
25.200.000
21,000,000
22.000,000
34,300,000
9,800,000
22,000,000
24.600.000
8,600,000
29.900.000
4.800.000
11,100,000
37.400,000
8,400,000
79.500,000
6.200.000
Bough totals
419.600,000
421,800,000
During the rebellions which ushered in the
Manchus 250 years ago, the depopulation was
again so complete as to be nearly absolute,*
When wandering over the province for thousands
of miles in 1881, I came across inniynerable
" traditional proofs '' of this fact. Every vil-
lager in the province speaks of it as we in
England speak of the Great Plague of 1665
(except that his historical memory is the better
trained). Another specific proof is that when,
in 1712, the land-tax was made unchangeable
for ever, Sz Ch'wan had (with the exception of
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A.D. 1712-1912] SZ CffWAN'S SPECIAL CASE 208
the four half-foreign and pauper provihces,
Kan Suh, Yiin Nan, Kwei Chou, and Kwang
Si) the lowest land-tax of all— under 700,000
taels, against an average of 1,700,000 for the
other provinces. At the rate of proportionate
taxation per household, this would give 700,000
households, or about 4,000,000 souls, instead of
the 80,000,000 now supposed to be there.
Apart from the fact that Sz Ch'wan has
enjoyed comparative peace for two centuries,
there was an enormous immigration at the time
of the Taiping rebellion, and from all sides ; so
that probably some of the losses in the registered
population of other provinces reappear amongst
the gain in the officially registered population of
Sz Ch'wan. I found, when there, that a stream
of immigrants from Hu Kwang {i.e. Btu Nan
and Hu Peh) and Kiang Si had long been and
still was steadily pouring in : I came across but
one village where the original population had
remained unchanged. As neither Hu Kwang
nor Kiang Si has apparently suffered any great
drain of population, it seems likely that the
desolated provinces still farther east have during
troublous times sent streams of refugees into
them, which streams have either remained there,
or have themselves moved through, or have
gushed on before them the original population,
till, all allowances made, it is exceedingly
difficult to beheve that there are now 80,000,000
people in a mountainous province, the western,
north-western, and south-western parts of which
are still but very thinly populated by semi-
independent tribes. Yet there is other and
indirect evidence in favour of some really great,
increase in population. Whilst in other pro-
vinces no attempt has ever been made to sur-
charge the land-tax (except in the way of
ordinary peculation), in Sz Ch'wan for many
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204 POPULATION [chap, ix
years past one " fine " and one *' benevolence "
have been annually levied on owners in proportion
to their land-tax: in other words, the official
land-tax in imperial times was, and probably still
is quadrupled ; for these two items, levied only
on the richer districts, amount to considerably
over 8,000,000 taels a year. There is yet an-
other indirect piece of evidence. Sz Ch'wan is
notorious for the fewness of its civilian officials
(all of whom, under the universal rule up to 1912,
had to serve in other provinces) : in other words, it
was the one province in the Empire where it paid
well-to-do persons better to stay at home than to
** trade " abroad as mandarins ; and that trade, as
we all know, is still one of the most lucrative in
China, and the one patronised by the most highly-
educated persons, as, for instance, in the great
opium smuggling " operation " carried out in 1916
by members of Parliament and a cabinet minister.
As a further illustration, by exception to what I
state as the rule, I may take the case 20 years ago
of the General Pao Ch'ao, one of the very rare
instances of a Sz Ch'wan military mandarin of
capacity. After all his brave services, it was
found onhisdeaththathe had beengrossly corrupt,
and had made his fortune in a most dishonourable
way. However, the Viceroy Liu Ping-chang (him-
self a corrupt scoundrel, whose disgrace was sub-
sequently insisted on by Great Britain) managed
to arrange things so that the Emperor did not
compel General Pao's heirs to disgorge.
It has been the practice during very recent
years for British and other foreign officials
reporting on Sz Ch'wan trade to reduce this
80,000,000 to 45 or 50-^0 milUons — apparently
mero mot'dy because the total is so staggering;
there is, however, no trustworthy evidence one
way or the other, and we may as well follow the
Board.
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M*_ ^ 1^1 L^
3d
(tl
00.
'./""^
30d
9^/
■n,8oo,oDq
' REV I
pop;
■joo.oq(
:v.
,ooc
1))^
¥}
that the census was
jj. As to provinciiil
j^efore, wo allow the
oi
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CHAPTER X
REVENUE
In an outline work like this it would be \m-
Erofitable to enter retrospectively into the whole
istory of Chinese finance. In the chapter on
" Early Trade Notions " I have made a teyr
remarks bearing upon the subject of very early
trade and taxes. The chief authority for these
observations is the first standard history, by Sz-
ma Ts'ien, who devotes a special chapter to the
Budget ; and all subsequent dynastic histories
have, in imitation or continuation of this arrange-
ment, consecrated one or more volumes to
" Eatables and Goods,'' which expression practic-
ally means ** Finance and Trade " ; for the
radical idea at the bottom of Chinese financial
methods is ** feeding the people, and feeding on
the people " : in accordance with this notion all
salaries were once calculated in hundredweights
of rice. Just as Anglo-Indians now say " he is a
6,000-rupee man" (a month), so did the Chinese
once say ** he is a 2,000-cwt. man " (a year).
The root of all legitimate t€ixation has always
been a tithe or proportion, in money, kind, or
both, of the land's cultivated produce. The Salt
Gabelle (formerly associated with iron licences)
has, dynasty by dynasty, taken but a second
place in importance. Inland and Foreign Cus-
toms always held a subordinate and irregular
position until our own days, being viewed rather
m the light of the Emperor's personal fiscus^
S06
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206 REVENUE [chap, x
for the Court and favourites, than of the State's
exchequer ; and in any case they are apparently
not more than 1,200 years old, even in their
infant stage (pp. 62, 65). How the different
dynasties rang the changes, sometimes caprici-
ously, upon these three main items of revenue
is a matter of antiquarian rather than of practical
interest : the cash was got in.
We must do the best a short span of life
enables us to do, and endeavour to get a good
hold of the outlines or principles of Chinese
history before we devote our best energies to the
elaboration of special details. With these re-
serves, therefore, I refer to what I have already
said in earlier chapters, and dismiss the whole
subject of practical finance previous to the
Manchu dynasty, confining myself to a glance at
matters as we find them, say, between 1715 and
1915. Up to 1784 the Board of Revenue's annual
budget consisted, on the debit side, of a state-
ment accounting for receipts of :• —
1. Land-tax in ounces of silver.
2. Grain-tax in hundredweights of cereals.
8. Straw, grass, etc., in bundles.
4. Salt produced in " drafts '' (quarters) for
retailing.
5. Salt dues on above in taels (^ tael per
draft).
6. Tea in ** drafts " (quarters), apparently for
export.
7. Copper cashcoined fromGovernment copper.
At the beginning of the dynasty the total
revenue receipts in money or bullion were under
15,000,000 taels, and in 1656 under 20,000,000.
At the same time, the Emperor has left it on
record that he was well aware enormous fortunes
were made out of the provinces by his conquering
generals. In spite of expensive wars, remissions
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A.D.l'r40-1790] REVENUE RECfill^TS
liot
of taxes, and imperial visits or costly tours of
inspection, the average expenditure was so much
below average receipts that for over half a
century (1740-90) there was a balance of
60,000,000 or 70,000,000 taels always in hand.
It must also be remembered that the inter-
national gold value of the silver tael was then
nearer eight shillings than the present average of
three shillings, and its local purchasing power was
also much greater than at present. K we regard
one tael as equivalent in local power to one pound
with ourselves, we shall not be far wrong. During
this halcyon period, the eighteenth century, the
regular receipts may be roughly put down at
40,000,000, and the regular expenditure at
80,000,000 taels ; the accumulated balance was
only occasionally drawn upon when the annual
surpluses were unequal to special demands ; but
these annual surpluses usually covered the ex-
ceptional expenses, just as the " free resources '*
of Russia under M. de Witte were always at
hand (in theory at least) to defray unlooked-for
charges. But every now and then, under special
stress, the sale of titles or office was temporarily
resorted to, in order to ease the money market.
The following is a specimen of a genuine pre-
Taiping budget in taels :—
Beceipta
Reformed land-tax .... 29,410,000
Profits on salt 6,746,000
Customs [very- little foreign] . . 6,415,000
Sale of office 3,000,000
Tea, fish, rushes, mining . . . 322,000
Transfer fees 190,000
Octroi and miscellaneous . . .. 868,000
44,940,000
Less sale of office (exceptional) . . 3,000,000
Total ordinary cash receipts (taels) . 41,940,000
Hundredwei^ts of grain received (value
from Tl. 1 to Tls. 2) . . . . 4,841,000
Total receipts 46,781,000
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208 REVENUE [chap.x
All the above revenue seems to have gone
either actually to Peking, or (indirectly thither)
as pay to the central and provincial armies ; or
to officials ; or to services connected with Peking
and its armies, such as posts, grain-boats, or
mints ; or to administrations of other matters
associated with the Peking interests, such as
repairs to the Canal, to the Peking rivers, the
Hwai dykes, or the Yellow River.
Now let us take the corresponding credit side.
Out of a total expenditure of 81,000,000 taels,
only one two-hundredth part goes in any way
directly to the public, and even this trivial sum
of 140,000 taels for ** educational establish-
ments " probably refers to Peking official colleges,
or Manchu schools.
The following is a condensed specimen, then,
of a genuine pre-Taiping expenditure sheet : —
Army and army intereBts
Salaries, allowanoeB
Yellow Biver
Poets and boats
Palaoes, prinoes, eunuchs, eto.
19,500,100
4,554,700
3,800,000
2,120,000
1,309,000
31,382,800
Education 140,000
Taels 31,522,800
As the number of soldiers included in the above
pay total is 800,000, I presume that the 100,000
or so of bannermen at JPeking would absorb be-
tween 2,000,000 and 8,000,000 taels, whilst the
100,000 bannermen in the provinces, plus the
600,000 Chinese provincial troops, would require
from 16,000,000 to 17,000,000 taels.
The working revenue or expenditure of the
provinces, which of course was never reported
in detail, and never appeared even locally on
paper in the shape of a budget, was in real fact
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A.D.1900] MANY FINGERS IN THE PIE 20S
somewhat as follows : — ^about 1,500 Men rulers
would have to net on the average at least 10,000
.taels a year, over and above all allowances, in
order to make their own fortunes and those of
their superiors. The " allowances and salaries "
issued by the Emperor were really held back as
security, and very often quietly peculated, by
the Men's superiors. These hien would also have
to spend on the average at least another 10,000
taels a year in order to entertain passing officials
of rank, pay the cost of their own maintenance
(including police), the salaries of secretaries, etc.
Of course some hien secretaries^would have their
tens of thousands, whilst others would only have
their himdreds of taels ; I only speak of averages.
The various customs monopolists would also
require 5,000,000 taels a year for their own
fortunes, and to defray the cost of presents to
the fisc at Peking ; scarcely any of the customs
receipts went to the cerariuniy whether local or
central. In other words, the 45 or 46,000,000
of official revenue must be at least doubled if we
are to get even approximately at the first instal-
ment only of what was really extracted as actual
working revenue from the popular bed-rock in a
regular way. And all this, again, is quite apart
from the irregular tyranny, bribery, peculation,
and extortion by special inquisitors, military
men, etc. ; and apart from the rapacity of tax-
collectors, police, and so on. Anything done for
the public good, such as road-making, bridge-
repairing, sanitation, charitable establishments,
municipal police, local schools, feasts, theatricals,
lighting, police — ^in fact ever5rthing except what
concerns the Emperor and his service — was, and
is (subject, however, to a few wholesome reforms
introduced since the ** Boxer " smash of 1900),
defrayed by local subscriptions or popular rates,
municipally or rurally imposed, over and above
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210
REVENUE
[chap. X
the State and official taxes levied directly or
indirectly, as above described, in the name of
the central or local government.
Having now taken a retrospective glance at the
{)rinciples upon which revenues have been col-
ected and spent in the immediate past, let us
endeavour to gain an insight into the working
of a contemporary budget as it was up to the
date of post-Boxer reforms : — ^Towards the end
of each year the Board of Revenue, like a distant
embodiment of Themis, looks round upon pro-
vincial mankind, takes up its files, and sees that
the following items of expenditure, in which the
Central Government has an immediate interest,
are good, and must be defrayed :—
armies
Taels.
8,000,000
1,400,000
5,000,000
3,000,000
1,000,000
20,000,000
1,600,000
1,700,000
1. Pay and salaries at Peking
2. Palace needs
3. Russian and French frontier
4. Yang-teze defence armies
5. Navies
6. Provincial armies
7. Yellow River .
8. Getting grain to Peking
Railways .
Arsenals •
Foreign loans (repcdd)
New-fcuigled notions •
Total Taels 41,600,000
It will at- once be seen that, even in the good
old times of comparative solvency previous to
the Japanese war of 1894, the expenditure on
armies, navies, and things connected with them
had risen within a century from 19,000,000 to
88,000,000 taels; but after 1898, again, both
the central and the provincial armies were im-
proved at great expense, and in spite of dis-
bandings and retrenchments in 1900 probably
cost much more than 40,000,000. Hence it
then became urgently necessary at once to re-
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A.D. 1896-1900] EFFECT OF REFORMS 211
duce the 20,000,000 taels wasted upon utterly
useless provincial troops; hence, again, dis-
content and disloyalty ; but none the less
reforms took place at the persistent urging of
the ** three good viceroys " (p. 187). The Palace
needs ceased to increase. The Yellow River
cost less than it did ; not because its condition
was better, but because times were worse, and
the people must therefore suffer in the shape of
extra floods and diminished public works; in
1898 Li Hung-chang himself was set to work to
effect a genuine amelioration on the spot if he
could. When China was building her own rail-
ways in a modest way, and at snail-like pace,
the provinces had to send up between them
about 500,000 taels a year for that purpose;
but when, in 1886, the new Admiralty was estab-
lished in consequence of the shock caused by the
French war, the railway fund was partly diverted
to (the elder) Prince Ch'un, the Emperor Kwang-
su's father, as Lord High Admiral. Again, when
the Japanese destroyed the fleets, and Prince
Ch'un Was dead, portions of both funds were
devoted to ** pressing needs"* — ^in this case to
** building a new palace for the Dowager-Em-
press " ; and in 1900 a beginning was being made
with a new navy, whilst railways gradually got
involved with foreign loans and syndicates.
Arsenals had an up-and-down perfunctory and
wasteful life too in their haste to complete mili-
tary preparations. Finally, foreign loans, old and
new, the repayment of which, and of interest
thereon, in 1900 absorbed about 25,000,000 taels
a year, were entirely a new charge on the revenue.
New activities included concessions, speculations,
mills, steamer companies, mints, foreign copper
for modern coins, mines, telegraphs, telephones,
electricity, etc., some of which soon began to pay,
and some of which were worked at a loss ; in a
16
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212 REVENUE [chap, x
few cases the central or a provincial government
found itself financially involved in one or more
of these, as for instance in the Shanghai-Ningpo
railway and the K'ai-Lan coal industry (p. 168),
In their heart of hearts the Chinese, or at least
those " in '* with the Manchu Government, would
have liked to pitch the whole lot into the sea,
and go back to happy old times. And (here I
repeat in 1916 with emphasis the exact words
I used in 1900) I am not sure that they are not
right ; ** progress " does not seem to conduce
to content at all ; and, personally, I think there
is much to be said for the life of a so-called
" barbarian.''
It will be seen at a glance that, bad though
things were before the Japanese war of 1894—5,
matters were infinitely worse in 1900 after the
Germans in 1897 had set the pace for " grab."
The Board had to see that 60,000,000 or
70,000,000 taels were found annually for expenses,
instead of the 40,000,000 of the happy old dolce
far niente days : this meant a corresponding
diminution in the "free resources" which used
ultimately to find a way into various private
pockets. It may well be imagined that the result
was infinitely more serious when the "Boxer"
affair came to be written off, in 1901, with its
damage to foreign investments, compensation for
foreign expenditures, and so On. Poor old Li
Hung-chang's desperate bargaining with eleven
implacable envoys at Peking is one of the most
pathetic stories in the world's history. On the
28th September the Board announced the trifle
of 982,288,150 taels. On the 1st November the
tough old statesman was reported to be spitting
blood ; on the 7th he was dead.
The Board found that the receipts it could,
at the time of Li's death, coimt on for the year
were (roughly) :• —
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A.D. 1901] CRUSfflNG "BOXER" INDEMNITIES 218
Taels.
1« Land-tax, in money .... 26,000,000
2. Native Customs
. 4,250,000
3. Foreign Customs
. 22,750,000
4. Profits on salt .
14,000,000
5. Likin ....
, 14,000,000
6. Profits on native opium
3,000,000
7. Miscellaneous
3,000,000
Loans and benevolences
—
Sale of ofiSce
-^
Foreign loans (received)
—
Total Taels 87,000,000
This total represents the maximum probable
receipts up to the time when the ** Boxer " re-
bellion broke out, and does not necessarily con-
flict with any other tables given in this chapter.
There is even here an excess over ordinary
expenditure of 46,000,000 taels, which total
still leaves 25,000,000 for the service of loans ;
8,000,000 for arsenals ; 2,000,000 for railways,
palaces, and other novelties ; and 16,000,000 for
provincial needs.
Things would thus not have been so very bad,
in spite of parlous times, if all the receipts had
been paid, in one currency, into one central chest
or account (as the Foreign Customs receipts are) ;
and if all payments had been drawn in one cur-
rency from this one chest, and remitted in one
way ; but, in the first place, all provinces had and
have two main currencies of pure silver (several
'* touches ") and copper cash (several qualities),
the relation between which two differs in each
town every day. Besides this, each province
has its own " touch '* and " weight ** of a silver
oimce ; and some provinces use dollars, chopped
and unchopped, by weight or by piece, as well
as pure silver ; and the dollar exchange varies
daily locally and centrally in regard to both
copper cash and silver. Even this difficulty,
which involves an enormous waste of time and
energy, and opens the door to innumerable and
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214 REVENUE [chap, x
inscrutable " squeezes/* might be philosophic-
ally ignored if receipts and disbursements were
lumped in one account, — if the venous blood
were allowed a free course to the heart, and the
arterial blood a clean run back to the extremities.
In spite of the multitudinous reforms introduced
or at least favourably considered during the last
years of the Empire and the five years of the
Republic, most of these currency absurdities are
as rampant as ever ; but, before we enter into
the present financial situation, let us consider
the — immensa moles of incompetence and corrup-
tion with which men of the Sir Richard Dane
type have to deal before they can make any
secular impression upon, or give permanent
shape to this jelly-fish mass of corruption. The
Board, which was as corrupt and conservative
as the provinces, went about its business in a
very hand-to-mouth, rough-and-tumble sort of
way. Instead of saying : ** Your receipts are
5,000,000, and your disbursements 4,900,000 ;
send 100,000 to the balance chest,'* it used to
say :—
** From your land-tax, eight-tenths nominal
of which are this year only expected (after deduc-
tion made for disasters), 500,000 will be sent for
Peking salaries (original), 100,000 for the same
(extra), 200,000 for the Palace, and 100,000 to
make up for shortage in the remittances to Man-
churia for 1896. It must arrive (with the usual
extras for Board's fees) in part before the seventh
and entirely before the tenth moon. As your
salt likin is transferred to the Inspector-General
of Foreign Customs for the service of loans,
six-tenths of the ordinary likin which used to go
to the Manchurian armies must replace the salt
likin remittances on Peking account, whilst four-
tenths will take the place 8i what used to be
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A.D. 1880-1900] HARLEQUIN FINANCE 216
repayments on Ftih Eaen account, but which
since 1886 have been transferred to the appro-
priation for Yun Nan copper (minus scale and
waste). If this be insufficient, the saving of
7 per cent, on the scale for army payments accu-
mulated since 1881 can be temporarily trans-
ferred to the arsenal contribution (subject to
discoimt). The province of Kwei Chou complains
that your 6,000 taels a month for its frontier
army have not been sent. Sz Ch'wan has been
directed to advance the requisite sum ; and mean-
while, as the Inspector-General has compounded
with Sz Ch'wan and Hu Peh for a lump annual
sum down instead of collecting their joint salt
likin, you can direct the Salt Commissioner to
send up quickly for the new Tientsin artillery
the 200,000 taels a year formerly devoted to the
Canton torpedo college."
This picture of imperial Chinese finance is of
course an artificial one, slightly exaggerated with
an extra tinge of local colour so as to illustrate the
hopeless confusion that reigns. Each viceroy or
governor used to dispute every new demand, and
it was quite understood that some appropria-
tions were intended to be more serious than
others. Some simpleton of an honest man from
time to time threw everything out of gear by
allowing a truth to escape : but the Board never
let a " flat " of this sort score in fact, even though
he might appear to do so in principle. A governor
could not be expected to show zeal for Yiin Nan
copper when he knew that the high officer in
special charge was making a fortune out of it.
On the other hand, the " Board's rice," though a
matter of no public importance, was always
promptly sent ; oh the same general ground that
a consul, in writing to the Foreign Office, is always
very careful to cTocket his despatches neatly- —
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216 ' REVENUE [chap.x
to avoid a wigging. It does not do to quarrel
with your bread and butter ; and underlings at
headquarters can easily put a spoke into the
wheel of the biggest man in the provinces if he
gets nasty to them.
There were many other absurd results of this
rule-of-thumb system. Province A received
subsidies from province B, but, itself owing
others to province C, paid B on behalf of C.
Thus there are two freights to pay, and two
losses on exchange. Sometimes A might be
directed even to pay a subsidy to a province B,
which already pays one^ to province A. Funds
which might easily be sent by draft were usually
despatched in hoUowed-out logs of wood, with a
guard of soldiers as escort, accompanied by carts,
fighting " bullies," and a commissioned officer.
&ren when sent by draft, there was a charge of
2 or 8 per cent, for remitting, and a commissioned
officer was sent to carry the draft — (just as we
send favoured officers to carry treaties or news of
victory), so that he might gain " kudos '' for his
zeal. It was pathetic to read the accounts of
hundreds of cooUes trotting all the way to
Shanghai from Shan Si with hollowed logs of wood
containing silver wherewith to repay the interest
on European loans. The extraordinary care and
punctuahty exacted in matters of form, duty,
or national honour in Manchu times were only
equalled by the shameless peculation and callous
waste of time and money which prevailed in
personal matters connected with the performance
of the same public duty. Officers of high rank,
who were known to make 80,000 or 40,000 taels
a year out of their posts, gravely worked out their
balances to the thousand-millionth part of an
ounce, forgetting that (even if the clerk's salary
were only sixpence a day) the time occupied in
counting and subtracting each line of figures
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A.D.1900] FARCICAL FINANCE 217
would cover, ten thousand times over, theclei^'s
salary rate per minute. In a word, the whole
Chinese financial system was, and to a certain
extent still is rotten to the core ; childish, and
incompetent; and should be swept away root
and branch. I am no financier, but, so far as I
can see, Peking is as hopeless as ever, whilst the
republican provinces have cut the Gordian Knot
by the simple process of not sending any revenue
at all. Until there is a fixed currency, a Euro-
pean accountancy in all departments, and a
system of definite sufficient salaries, all reform
is hopeless to look for, and it is astounding
that the ministers do not act upon this view
when they contemplate the results of Sir R.
Hart's and Sir R. Dane's work.
Table of poe&ible Revenue Items in 1900 for Eighteen Provinces of
Ohma and Three Provinces of Manchuria^
ThMb.
Money land tax 25,067,000
Grain tax, value in money, oommuted or not 7,640,000.
Native Customs 4,230,000
Taxes of all kinds on Salt, direct or indirect 13,050,000
Foreign Customs Colleotorate . . . 22,052,000
Likin, excluding that on scdt and opium . 12,160,000
Taxes on native opium and opium licences 2,830,000
Miscellaneous undefined taxes, licences, fees,
etc 2,165,000
Duties on reed flats .... 215,000
Rents on special tenures .... 690,000
Corv^ and purveyances (roughly valued) 110,000
Sale of office and titles .... 266,000
Subsidies from other provinces . 9,282,000
Tea taxes 900,000
Fuel and grain taxes .... 110,000
Total, Taels . . 101,567,000
[Native loans and benevolences not included
in the Qrand Total, as being exceptional] [6,334,000]
1 For fuller pcurticulars, see the reprint from OHa Mersiana
alluded to in the chapter on " Population.*'
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218
REVENUE
[chap. X
TaUe of TokH Revenues of each Province forming (he above Mai.
Name of TMliO
An Hwei
Chfih Kiang
Chih Li
Fuh Kien
Ho Nan
Hu Nan
Hu P6h
Kan Suh
Kiang Si
Kiang Su
Kwang Si
Kwang Tung
Kwei Chou ,
[Less subsidies
other]
4,033,000
5,786,000
6,360,000
6,036,000
3,235,000
2,765,000
7,320,000
5,946,000
4,800,000
21,450,000
1,730,000
7,525,000
1,107,000
from one
Kameot
ProTlttoa.
Shan Si
Shan Tung
Shen Si
Sz Ch'wan
Yiin Nan
TMb Qtinindlng
rabddlM).
4,040,000
4,530,000
2,380,000
6,050,000
1,985,000
Total, Taels . 97,077,000
Shdng King .
Eorin .
Tsitsihar
Grand Total
province to the
. 3,340,000
470,000
680,000
. 101,567,000
9,282,000
Translation of official statement of expendi-
tures for 1910 as telegraphed to each Province by
the Board ; it will be seen that the expenditure
in 1910 was double that of the revenue in 1900.
TMIf.
. 15,587,889
5,355,657
2,290*906
. 23,574,139
841,264
. 24,890,000
. 25,745,182
6,741,779
7,895,177
Shan Tung 10,525,928
Fdng-t'ien (S. Manohuria)
Kirin (Central Manchuria)
Hdh-lung Kiang (N. Manohuria)
Chih Li ....
Jdhol (military governor)
Kiang Su (Sooohow Division) .
Do (Nanking Division)
An Hwei ....
Kiang Si
Shan Si 6,140,252
Ho Nan 6,600,094
Shen Si 4,127,565
Kan Suh 3,290,757
Sm Kiang (= New Territory) . . . 3,346,564
Fuh Kien 6,941,107
Ch«h Kiang 8,473.207
Hu Pfii 18,521,400
Hu Nan 6,424,200
Sz Ch'wan 14,964,926
Kwang Tung 27,610,227
Kwang Si 4,992,157
Yun Nan 6,983,166
Kwei Chou 1,791,056
(For further particulars, see Economist for
10th April 1910.)
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A.D. 1911-1918] EXTRAORDINARY BUDGETS 219
The Board's circular instructions for 1911,
the last year of the Empire, were that in making
estimates of expenditure for the Budget, items
must be gathered under four main heads — to
wit :• —
1. The requirements of the Peking yamins.
2. Those of each province under the re-
modelled system of official appointments.
8. The internal administrative expenditure of
each province.
4. Garrisons, proconsulates, residents, etc.,
in Mongolia and Tibet.
The deficit for 1911 was budgeted for 88,000,000
taels.
The First Republican Budget showed a
deficit of 280,520,000 taels, consisting of the
following : —
Tads.
Deficit on the Manohu Budget . . . 88,000»000
„ "Annual" „ . . . 82,620,000
Provisional Expenditure . . . 110,000,000
In other words, enlightened democracy, taking
Mr. Micawber as model, " gives an I.O.U. for
total amount,'' for the Income side has " nil '*
entries.
The Budget for 1918 (the first complete year
of President Yiian SM-k'ai's government) was as
follows :• —
Total expenditure, about . . .. $003,000,000
consisting of
Total ordinary expenditure, about • 410,000,000
„ extraordinary expenditure, about 163,000,000
„ reserve funds, about . . . 230,000,000
„ fund to encourage industries
[our old friend Yiin Nan copper
specially included] . . . 100,000,000
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220
REVENUE
[chap.
To meet the above expenditure, the available
revenue is given as follows :•—
Total revenue,
consisting of
about
1. Laud-tax „
2. Salt-tax ,,
3. Customs „
4« JAsnm ,,
5. Sundry taxes „
6. Government Industries „
8. Sundry (royalties, eto.) „
(a) Ordinary
p>ut the total is only $222,100,064, and
item No. 7 (which is omitted !) accounts
presumably for the missing $33,623,144]
(6) Extraordinary (foreign loans, eto.)»
about ••••••
(c) Revenue to be carried forward (internal
loans, etc.) . • . • •
$725,733,208
52,600,988
49,054;250
53,606,465
18,202,002
6,342,217
12,540,627
28,574,515
255,723,208
70,000,000
400,000,000
I do not discuss this absurd ^^ Budget" seri-
ously; there are numerous explanations given
as to why the Customs is underestimated so
many tenths, why salt so many tenths, etc.,
etc.— the old thimble-rigging in a new form.
In short, complete incapacity of the good old
order is exhibited all round. It will be noted
that the above " Budget " is on a silver dollar
basis, and that a dollar was (roughly) two shillings
— i.e. has 25 per cent, less silver than a tael;
hence the sterling " receipts '* of this precious
" budgetastro " would be very roughly about
£72,000,000, or 670,000,000 taels, and the ex-
penditure £90,000,000 or 720,000,000 taels.*
China's really serious indebtedness only began
after her foolish Japan war in 1894-1895, and
ever since then she has plunged deeper and deeper
^ Silver has been tmusually high this last Ghiistmas, and £50
I remitted only fetched $300 in Shanghai. Two years ago the
same amount of gold remitted brought me considerably over
$600. Thus allowance most be made in all my scatt^c^ed financial
reoiarks for the period to which those remarln refer.
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A.D. 1894-1918J CHINA'S INDEBTEDNESS 221
into the treacherous mire. Her total owings
cannot now fall far short of £200,000,000/ the
interest on which (including amortisation) is
much greater than her total revenue (liberal
" squeezes '' all round included) for 1894. When
the Reorganisation or Five Power loan of 1918
was on the tapiSy a complete list of all out-
standing indebtednesses was published in the
North China Herald for 16th February 1918, to
which lovers of mammon are referred.
^ A Hongkong newspaper received as I correct proofs^ says
£150,000,000 ; bat my estimate inckides short loans, provincial
kMuis, informal loans, irregular loans, etc.
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CHAPTER XI
THE SALT 6ABELLE
The salt industry contributes its share to illus-
trate for us both the natural principles on which
China is divided into provinces, and the con-
tinuity of her institutions. A statesman named
Sang Hung-yang is stated to have been the
first (in 90 B.C.) to establish an excise upon salt.
It will be noticed from the accompanying map
that the areas from which a revenue is derived
from salt do not entirely correspond with the
political subdivisions of the Empire into groups
of provinces. We have the Valley of the Canton
River, the Old Region of the Northern Yiieh
kingdoms, the Old Kingdoms of Wu and Ch'u,
all supplied with sea-salt, extracted and pre-
pared in different way's, according to the natural
facilities at hand in each producing place. Then
we have the various kinds of well-salt, with or
without fuel in the shape of gas, which supply
the western and mountainous parts of China,
broadly corresponding to the ancient Kingdoms
of Shuh, Tien, and K'ien.^ The lake-salt of
the desert competes with the pond-salt of Shan
Si for the service of what may roughly be
styled the mixed Tartar-Chinese regions. Finally,
there are the primitive reed-flats of the north,
^ The ancient kingdoms, and their gradual absorption, do not
fall within the scope of this book ; the question is analysed in
AnoieiU China Simplified^ published in 1908.
222
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A.D. 400-1900] CANTON SEA-SALT AREAS 228
which serve the needs of the greater part of
Old China. These administrative areas will be
found to correspond in a general sense with the
different stages of Chinese conquest, and with
the spread of Chinese influence. A glance at
the list of provinces given upon page 6 of the
first chapter, and a reference to the remarks
upon Han Wu Ti's annexations, in the chapter
on " History,'' will perhaps assist to make this
clearer. A reference to the first chapter will
show us that the vast tract called the Two
Kwang— that is. West Kwang and East Kwang
— ^being the northern half of the old state of
South Yiieh, is simply the delta about Canton,
including all the network of streams which in
any way contribute to it ; the Swatow River
system in the east is really by nature and ethno-
graphy part of Fuh Kien. Accordingly we find
that the sea-salt which is prepared along the
Canton coasts is, and since the fourth century
always has been, all concentrated under one
management. This was, and probably still is
the modern administration of the First Class
Salt Commissioner at Canton, aided by a Second
Class Commissioner for Kwang Si, both in
Manchu times subject to the supreme nominal
direction of the Two Kwang Viceroy. There
were seventeen subordinate mandarins on the
staff, and 169 depdts of all kinds, managed by
six different "chests" or counting-houses, the
ancient head centre of all being, as of old, at
Tung-kwan, lower down than Canton, at the
junction of the "Great" and the "Lesser"
rivers. Owing to financial straits, efforts were
made after the "Boxer" indemnity settlement
to stretch the annual yield of excise as far as
possible, say, to 1,000,000 taels : in the last year
of the Empire, 1911, this figure was quadrupled.
It will be noticed that the head waters of the
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224 THE SALT GABELLE [chap, xi
West River above Peh-seh rise in Kwang-nan Fu
( Yiin Nan) : accordingly this prefecture * alone
uses Canton salt, and in return sends supplies of
copper for the mint. One of the northern tribu-
taries of this West River rises in the township
of Ku-chou (in Kwei Chou province), and in
the same way that department gets its salt
supplies from Canton, instead of from Sz
Ch*wan or the Hwai monopoly. It is not quite
so obvious why three districts in the south of
Hu Nan and three whole prefectures in the
south of Kiang Si should make two more
exceptions, though certainly part of the so-called
" North " River rises in the first-named province,
and part of the " Small *' River in Kiang Si :
no doubt there are special local conditions to
consider; and in any case the irregularity is
nearly a century old, at the very least. For
salt administrative purposes the Two Kwang,
so far as they are drained into the delta, are
divided into two distributions : that of the
" Great Hivev '' (west of Canton), and that of
the "Small River'' (east of Canton). The
Swatow River rises in T'ing-chou (in Fuh Kien
province), and therefore that large prefectural
area uses the Canton salt in vogue in the valley
of the Swatow River, in preference to the less
accessible coast salt of Hing-hwa (Fuh Kien).
The island of Hainan is of course included in
the Canton scheme, which thus roimds itself
off by cutting corners from provinces politically
and financially appertaining to rival salt
industries.
The salt industry of Fuh Kien, being smaller
than that above described, is managed by a
^ Although fu prefeotures (groaps of bien) are now abolished »
no new mape are yet published, and aocordiiiigly the old nomen-
clature must he, partially at least, oontinued for the purposes
of this chapter.
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A.D. 1000-1900] OLD YUEH COUNTRY SALT 225
Second Class Coimnissioner and seventeen sub-
ordinate mandarins, who were in Manchu times
under the supreme nominal control of the Viceroy
at Foochow : this administration (like that of
Canton just described, which latter dates from
the organisers of the fourth century of our era)
can only be traced historically back to times
when a good political hold upon the land had
been first obtained by advancing Chinese civili-
sation (say A.D. 1000). I fi!nd that, when
changes were made in 1157, the dues produced
80,000 " strings '' a year. The number of sub-
ordinate salt officers employed in each province
depends upon the stage at which the salt leaves
official hands to pass through middlemen to the
consumers : hence in Fuh Kien it is imusually
large. Since Formosa became Japanese terri-
tory in 1895, the development of Fuh Kien salt
productiveness has of course been further circum-
scribed, at least officially ; but I have no doubt
that, with so conservative a people, things would
continue to run very much in their old channels,
so long as Japanese excise and customs interests
were not adversely affected. During the Taiping
rebellion of 1855-1865 there was a period of
spasmodic energy in Fuh Kien, owing to the
transport service of the Yang-tsze or Hwai
system having beccmie disorganised ; but after-
wards matters settled down to a dull uninterest-
ing routine, and very little information of
interest reached the general inquirer. The total
nominal income raised from Fuh Kien salt
in 1899 was about 500,000 taels a year ; in 1911
thrice that sum. As an instance of what " hanky-
panky'* goes on behind the scenes in China, I
may mention that I once went to the point
where the head waters of three provinces meet,
and, sailing down several himdred miles to
WSnchow (Cheh Kiang), met enormous fleets of
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226 THE SALT GABELLE [chap.xi
Foochow salt boats actually working their
way up from behind, as it were, to the northern
and inland frontiers of Fuh Kien. From in-
quiries made I found that a huge trade of 70,000
tpns a year — ^that is, much more than the total
official trade — was connived at by the sagacious
likin officials of Ch8h Kiang. French statistics
place the salt consumption of all Indo-China in
1889 at 150,000 tons, so that my conjectural
figures may not be far from the mark, having
in view the comparative areas of Indo-China
and the region served as explained.
Following our way up the coast, we now
reach the next province of Chfeh Kiang, which,
for the purposes of its salt administration, is
still divided into East and West Cheh. This
nomenclature takes us back to times when one
of the Yang-tsze embouchures entered the sea
at Hangchow, and a considerable part of the
very modern province of Kiang Su was included
in the Cheh regions. In the year 1182, what
was called the Hwai-Ch8h salt system or systems
was put on an Excise basis. From Shanghai,
all down the coast-half of the province to the Fuh
Kien frontier, was the division of Eastern Ch6h ;
and the inner portion, including Chinkiang,
Nanking, and Hangchow, was the division of
Western Ch6h, as already partly explained in the
chapter on " Population/' Just as in England
our ancient dioceses overlap more modern
administrative boundaries, so in China, for grain
and salt purposes, the obsolete divisions of IQang
Nan and Two Ch8h are still in use, though
Kiang Nan has become two provinces, and the
Two Cheh have become one. As the area of
supply is large, there is a First Class Commis-
sioner in charge of it, in Manchu times under
the nominal supreme direction of the Governor
at Hangchow; and there were thirty-nine sub-
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A.D. 1900-1910] SEA SALT OF CHEH KIAN6 227
ordinates at the various distributing depots.
As in the ease of the two industries already
described, the salt is neariy all, if not all, sea-
salt, collected and treated under varying con-
ditions and in different ways at certain centres
along the coast. During the Taiping rebellion
this salt also took advantage of the general
disorganisation of transport to encroach upon
the Hwai monopoly ; it went far up the Yang-
tsze, and even down the Poyang Lake. But
neariy a century back I find " Fychow *' (Hwei-
chou Fu in An Hwei) already consuming the
West ChSh article ; this exceptional arrangement,
which perhaps is an ancient one, is easily ex-
plained by tfJ^ing a glance on a good map at the
river system, and reflecting that teas from the
same region were driven in 1899-1900 by likin
exactions from Kewkiang to Ningpo. There is
another corner of An Hwei province (Kwang-t6h),
and also a wedge of Kiang Si (Kwang-sin)
similarly included in the Two Ch8h system, but
without, the justification in either case of a
river soiu*ce. All Kiang Su south of the Great
River is included, except the extensive prefec-
ture of Nanking. There are special arrange-
ments for the two islands of Ting-hai and
Ch'ungming (which latter produces salt of its
own too), into which, however, I need not enter
here, as my object is merely to sketch general
principles. After the Japanese war and the
consequent foreign loans, it was found necessary
here and elsewhere to increase the consumers'
price of salt, and of course this added something
to the general feeling of discontent and unrest
then already prevailing in China. For 1899 I
estimated the Two Ch6h salt revenue at 1,000,000
taels ; for 1911 it was nearer 8,500,000 taels.
The great organisation known as the Two
Hwai — ^that is, the Northern and Southern
17
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226 THE SALT GABELLE [chap, xi
divisions of the Hwai River (which, owing to
Yellow River vagaries, now only exists in a
truncated or mouthless condition)— is, as I
stated in the earlier editions, well worthy the
attention of a British syndicate, and, indeed,
forms the basis of Sir Richard Dane's highly
successful reforms now astonishing the world.
The more the Yellow River (and fresh water
generally) can be kept away, the better for the
salt flats ; and the Chinese engineers of the
Hwai are almost as expert as the Dutch manipu-
lators of the Zuider Zee dykes in regulating the
levels of competing waters. It will be seen
from any tolerably good map that the whole of
Kiang Su north of the Great River and east
of the Canal is a dreary flat, and a great prtioon
of this land is very lightly taxed, owing to its
brackishness, and to its inability to grow other
crops than rushes. Here lie all the celebrated
salt flats of the Hwai, and the business distinc-
tions of North and South, whatever they origin-
ally meant, now refer chiefly to difference of
origin, colour, and treatment in the trade article,
together with capriciously demarcated respec-
tive areas of consumption, which are apt to
vary a little when one or the other kind of
salt runs short in its own " preserve.'' The
NuchSn Tartars and the Sung dynasty, nearly
1,000 years ago, used to have a customs and
salt station on the Hwai. Since the great
Taiping rebellion, the whole syi^tem has been
completely reorganised by a succession of very
able viceroys ruUng at Nanking. Their chief
aim was how to regain for the Hwai interest the
area lost during the wars and rebellions of
1865-66, and how to estabUsh an Ausgleichj or
modus Vivendi^ with the immense salt-well expor-
tation from Sz Ch'wan, so as to leave the latter
a fair share of the consumers' groimd which
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A.D. 1900-1910] SIR RICHARD DANE AGAIN 229
it rescued from the miseries of " insipid food "
during the long Taiping anarchy ; and so as at
the same time to arrange that the relative
prices of the rival salts should not be too high
for the indigent people, or too lightly taxed to
admit of a substantial revenue ; and also that
the general revenue systems of the three great
Yang-tsze compound states*— Sz Ch'wan, the
Two Hu, and the Two Kiang (half the area
and half the population of all China Proper) —
should be sufficiently elastic to provide the usual
remittances for Peking, and for the support of
their own several armies, navies, and arsenals.
In accordance with this complicated arrange-
ment, the Governors of the Hu Peh, Hu Nan
(Two Hu) ; Kiang Su, Kiang Si, and An Hwei
(" Two '* Kiang) ; and Ho Nan had no say at
all in " high policy '' questions of salt : the
whole gabelle was under the administrative
control of a First Class Commissary at Yang-
chow, who again was in Manchu times under the
supreme "diplomatic" and (in this case rather
more than) nominal supervision of the Viceroy
at Nanking; this latter was de faclo^ but not
de jure, in regular consultation with the Viceroy
at Wuch'ang (Hankow) in matters affecting the
AusgUich. Each of the above six provinces
(except An Hwei which had none, and Kiang
Su which had two) had a Second Class Commis-
sary ; and there are thirty-four subordinates,
but all attached to headquarters alone. Thus
each province (except An Hwei, which is quite
close to both Yangchow and Nanking) has an
imperial accountant for purposes of local finance,
but no control over distribution. The great
central dep6t for stored salt is Ich8ng, between
Chinkiang and Nanking. Of course all the above
takes no account of Sir R. Dane's reforms,
under the Republic, of which more anon.
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280 THE] SALT GABELLE [chap, xi
It would weary the reader were I to state the
names of each producing " yard *' ; the peculiar
system of land taxation modified to suit the
producing districts ; the way " warrants " are
issued to speculators, salt is weighed out, gross
and tare distinguished, order of precedence in
sales arranged, dues, likin, and other charges
apportioned, and so on. As the merchants who
practically farm the industry " offered as bene-
volences " 8,000,000 taels during the period
1880-1900, over and above the sums which the
business was bound under regulation to yield-
in other words, as the Government has dared
to " squeeze '* an average of 400,000 taels a
year besides its regular income of 5,000,000 or
6,000,000 taels (in 1911 nearer 10,000,000 taels)
' — ^it may well be imagined that the wealthy
owners of " perpetual warrants '' must have
made a large profit. As many distinguished
families used to invest in this syndicate, just as
we Europeans invest in Consols or Rands, there
was, of course, a universal conspiracy not to
disclose to outsiders the real profits; and, as
the Viceroys at Nanking had to defend the
interests of their provinces against Peking
rapacity, such profits and revenues as were dis-
closed to them by their subordinates beyond the
regular figures never reached the Peking Board's
ears officially. Therefore, of course, I could not
in 1900 prove by documentary evidence what
everyone knew, and what Sir R. Dane has
proved, namely, that this great organisation is
capable of great and beneficial developments in
honest hands.
Hwai salt, of two main kinds, is consumed in
those very limited parts of Kiang Su south of
the Yang-tsze not already described as appro-
priated to the Two Cheh trade ; in all Kiang Su
north of the Yang-tsze, except the wedge served
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A.D. 1182-1900] INTERESTING SALT WELLS 281
by Shan Tung ; in all An Hwei, except the two
comers also above mentioned, and except also
in one district (Suh-chou) in the extreme north
not drained by the Hwai River, and served
from Shan Tung ; in that south-east corner of
Ho Nan which is drained by the head waters
of the Hwai River ; in all Kiang Si, except the
comers served by the Two Kwang and Two
Ch@h systems; in all Hu Peh, except (a) the
extreme south-west corner, where no navigable
stream communicates with the Yang-tsze ; and
(b) (to a limited extent, but not aS a trade)
even in those districts of the same corner which
have such navigable communication ; also (c)
only concurrently, since 1870, with Sz Ch'wan
salt in the six prefectures west of the Han River ;
and (d) subject to some tolerated encroach-
ments of local well-salt in the extreme north-
west. It is also consumed in all Hu Nan,
except the parts appropriated to Canton salt;
and except in the extreme north, where, since
1870, it has run concurrently with Sz Ch'wan
salt ; finally, in the four eastern prefectures of
Kwei Chou, these being drained by the head
waters of the Hu Nan rivers. In a word, Hwai
salt serves nearly the whole Valley of the Yang-
tsze, up to the gorges and the mountains.
The great Sz Ch'wan salt industry, first
organised in 1182, is totally different from all
those described, and the brine is extracted from
very deep Artesian wells, which also produce un-
limited quantities of hydrogen gas, thus always
gratuitously at hand as fuel for treating the salt ;
in some cases speculators distribute this fuel,
like our coal gas, in long bamboo pipes.* The
^ I have frequently described these wells at length, but perhaps
the condensed account given in Cftambers's Jourrud for 1806 is
the most accessible to European readers, though since then
several enterprising travellers have given further and perhaps
more up-to-date descriptions.
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282 THE SALT 6ABELLE [chap.xi
interests involved are almost as great as in the
case of the Two Ilwai, and the secrecy observed
{i.e. beyond the stereotyped official point) is
quite as impenetrable to those not ** in the
swim/' Yet there is only a Second Class Com-
missary in charge, with seven subordinates ; but
in Manchu times the Viceroy, who had nominal
supervision of the whole, exercised a much more
direct controlling influence over the well-salt than
did even his sea-salt colleague at Nanking, with
whom, as with the Viceroy at Wu-ch'anff (Han-
kow), he had to fight out his financial battles.
In wandering over the provinces of Sz Ch*wan,
Kwei Chou, and Hu P8h, I had good oppor-
tunities for studying the working of this wonder-
ful industry. In many places the salt, especi-
ally when of the hard kind like blocks of stone,
is practically small money, and its retail value
varies imerringly so many fractions of a farthing
per pound according to the freight rates of boats
in demand, and the number of miles coolies
have to walk. A lost traveller could almost
grope his way about the country by simply
askmg the retail price of salt at each village and
at the next one in any direction. The waste of
fuel, of human and beast labour, of time, and of
patience is of course gigantic, but it might have
serious effects upon the popular economy of the
province were machinery suddenly introduced,
carriage cheapened, and strict honesty incon-
tinently insisted upon.* The nominal yield in
taxes to the Government was in 1899 about
2,000,000 taels a year on salt taken out of 6,000
Artesian wells actually working (over 8,000 in
existence). Probably 10,000,000 taels would be
nearer the mark for 1911, subject, of course, to
damage done to trade by revolutions and rebel-
^ The Qermansy I understand, recently obtained a oontraot for
an Eleotrio Power Plant, but it was annulled.
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A.D. 1850-1890] TIBETAN SALT 288
lions. The reason there are so few officials in
charge is that* large stocks, which are icnored
by the administration when they reacn the
middleman's hands, can only travel by water ;
and the water-ways are. few, shut in, uncon-
nected by canals, and easily controlled. There
is really, as I pointed out (p. 168) when I spoke
of the three great trade drainage areas of China,
only one great exit eastwards from Sz Ch'wan,
as there is only one from Kwang Si, The salt
service of course covers the whole of Sz Ch'wan
province, and (concurrently with or indepen-
dently of the Hwai salt) those parts of Hu Nan
and Hu P8h above specified; all Kwei Chou
province, except the eastern area reserved to
the Hwai system of Hu Nan, and the corner
appropriated to Canton as explained ; and the
north wedge of Yiin Nan which communicates vid
Lao*wa T'an with the highest navigable part of
the Yang-tsze. The Governors of Yiin Nan and
Kwei Chou had (and perhaps have) each nominal
supervisory control in their own provinces ; but
there was no Kwei Chou staff at all, and no Yun
Nan staff for this particular salt ; the Yiin Nan
officials were there for the management of quite
another branch, now to be separately described.
As to Tibet, which receives from Sz Ch'wan
endless human caravans of tea by way of Ta-
tsien-lu and Kwan Hien, I presume it must also
take some of the Sz Ch'wan salt ; if it does, I
cannot find trace of it, though I see that in 1180
trade with certain " Tibetoid " tribes was
sanctioned. There are some very ancient wells
close to Tibet in the extreme west near Ya-chou
(the great entrep6t of the tea trade with the
Tibetan tribes) which were working 570 years
ago; but as Tibet is a brackish and nitrous
coimtry throughout, I expect it supplies itself,
and needs no Chinese salt : in fact Tibet used to
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284 THE SALT GABELLE [chap, xi
supply Nepaul with salt and butter in exchange
for grain, and no doubt does so still. In any
case plentiful supplies for the northern frontier
of Tibet can be obtained from Mien-chu city in
Sz ChVan.
In the days, over a thousand years ago, when
a Shan empire ruled in Yiin Nan, there was
already mention of the local Black Salt-wells,
and in Kublai Khan's time (thirteenth century)
there is frequent allusion to trouble with the
"barbarians at the salt wells." At the com-
mencement of the Manchu dynasty, their hench-
man, the Chinese satrap Wu San-kwei, was
allowed to increase the salt dues for a time in
order to pay his Yiin Nan troops; and in our
own days (1864-1874) the Panthay Mussul-
mans held profitable possession in their turn.
Except in the north corner of the province,
devoted to the Sz Ch'wan monopoly, Yun Nan
salt is free all over the province (with the further
exception of the corner appropriated to Canton)
after it has been purchased from the private
proprietors of the wells and has paid Govern-
ment dues ; under the Manchus a Second Class
Commissary and twelve subordinates used to
manage the business, and the annual yield to
government account was about 500,000 taels ;
in 1911 nearer 1,000,000 taels. Towards the
Burmese and French frontiers' — at Muang-u for
instance' — ^there are a few other unimportant
wells, but the population there is too scant and
** barbarian '* for Chinese officials to make much
out of that or any other industry, as we have
seen under the heads of Momein and Sz-mao
trade rpp. 173, 174).
We have now nothing left to consider but Old
China, all the salt systems above described
dating subsequently to the beginning of our
era, at least so far as any known oBicial or-
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B.C. 200-A.D. 1900] MONGOL SALT 285
ganisation of them is concerned. In the earlier
editions I left Manchuria out of consideration
altogether, as the salt revenue collected there
in the twelfth century by the Nuchen officials
(twelfth centuiy) never amounted to much ; and
the same could be said of Manchu times, previous
to the reforms of the Viceroy of Manchuria,
Ikotanga, twenty years ago : indeed, until 1887
salt was free altogether; but even in NiichSn
and Mongol times (1150-1850) there was some
official control of the Liao-yang salt flats ; how-
ever, I find that under pressure of "Boxer"
legacies and exigencies a very large official con-
sumption is now recognised, as to which more
further on. It is still har^y necessary to do
more than, as before in 1900, merely mention
Mongolia, which produced in Manchu times no
revenue to the Central Government of any
kind, salt or otherwise; and, now that Outer
Mongolia is partly "independent," cannot well
fall under Sir Richard Dane's reforming hand.
There is, however, a Mongol-owned salt lake,
called Ghilen-tai, in the Desert to the west of
the Alashan Mountains, which presumably still
supplies the wants of what may be called the
Great North Road, from the Yellow River at
Baotu, or at Tokto, where it is discharged from
boats and carried east right away to Kalgan
and Suan-hwa north of Peking ; and also in the
other direction north-west to IJliassutai. Some
restraint had to be placed upon this Mongol
salt, which was almost free in Kan Suh, so as
to prevent encroachment upon the Shan Si
system. It is by no means improbable that
this Lake Ghilen is the identical place men-
tioned in 200 B.C., and stated to be near modern
Lan-chou, where the inhabitants, as I have
stated in the third chapter, throve famously in
the salt and iron trade. The Piebald Horse
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286 THE SALT GABELLE [chap, xi
Pond salt (Hwa-ma Ch'i) from a place just south
of the Great Wall, where the Kan Suh and
Shen Si frontiers join, has the run of the greater
part of Kan Suh, and also part of Shen Si,
concurrently with Mongol salt ; but the entire
revenues derived^from both the above industries
are exceedingly small ; so much so, that the
management of them was left to two executive
taotais in Kan Suh and Shen Si, of course in
Manchu times subject to the Viceroy. There
are also some wells in South Kan Suh, probably
geologically connected with those of Sz Ch'wan :
however, the whole of the salt service super-
ficially described in this paragraph rather sur-
rounds than belongs to Old China, which is
thus hemmed in on all sides by areas supplied
from wells or flats dating from some time subse-
quent to our era. It is well to note once more
how every subject, be it trade, language, salt,
or geography, tends to accentuate this one
salient point — ^that the Yellow race or Chinese
are essentially a Yellow River people, and that
the disastrous irregularities of that stream are
rightly termed ** China's Sorrow " in a very
special and literal sense. At the same time it
must not be supposed that the term ** Yellow *'
languages (first used, I believe, by myself).
Yellow race. Yellow peril, and so on has any-
thing to do with the Yellow River : it refers to
the human complexion.
The oldest salt industry of all is, as we might
expect, that of Shan Tung : there is no salt
to speak of on the peninsula itself; it is all
derived from coast places north and south of it,
round about the present mouth of the Yellow
River, and about the former German ** sphere "
of Kiao Chou, now in Japanese keeping. What
with the Grand Canal, the River Wei (from Wei-
hwei city, not to be confused with the Wei of
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▲.D. 1180-1912] CHm LI SALT FINANCE 287
Shen Si, pp. 14, 76), and the canals connecting the
various Yellow River beds, Shan Tung has
unrivalled facilities for distribution, and, as
might be anticipated, consumes not one pound
of any salt but its own. The trade is di-
vided into two branches, called respectively the
*' warrant system " and the " north and south
freights," the latter being half in official hands
and half in mercantile, the two working to-
gether. The warrants seem to run over the
mountainous peninsula and its base down to
the extreme south frontiers. The north freights
evidently refer to Shan Tung itself, or the
greater part of it ; the southern freights to the
extraneous parts of Ho Nan, Kiang Su, and An
Hwei. The whole administration is under a
First Class Commissary and thirteen subordin-
ates, of course under the nominal supervision
in Manchu times of the Governor. Up to 1837
the centre of the Commissary's operations was
Tientsin, which I suppose means that the Viceroy
of Chih Li had until then general supervision
over two commissaries i but the distance was
found inconvenient, and so in that year the
Governor was made supreme responsible chief
over his own commissary. I notice that the
Mongol dynasty made several similar changes
(1260-1888), and recast more than once the
organisation established by the Sung house in
1181. I have no doubt the vagaries of the
Yellow River often decided to which adminis-
tration this or that part of the distribution
service should belong. After the Japanese war
of 1894r-5 the retail price of salt was raised
here, as elsewhere, and efforts were made to make
the dues account contribute more money to the
public chest. Perhaps the total credited to the
Government would in 1899 have reached 400,000
taels: in 1911 nearer 4,000,000 taels— if we
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288 THE SALT GABELLE [chap, xi
include the gains credited to all provinces in
which Shan Tung salt circulated.
In the chapter on ** Early Trade Notions " it
was mentioned how tradition says an ancient
statesman once utilised the charms of woman as a
lure to catch the gold of strangers. This man,
usually known by his popular name Kwan Chung
(700-645 B.C.), was premier of the state of Ts'i
(Shan Tung), whose salt business we are no^?^
discussing; he was also the first to conceive
the notion of a Government monopoly in salt
and iron, based upon an average annual mini-
mum consumption per individual of 80 lbs. of
salt, and upon the indispensability of plough-
shares, axes, pans, knives, and needles. But
the Sang Hung-yang mentioned at the head of
this chapter, a man celebrated for his mental
arithmetic, was the first to tax salt en route.
Thus it is plain other people knew how to make
money out of salt and iron besides, and maybe
before, the men of the Ordos Desert. The wealth
thus brought to one vassal state was shared by
the feudatory powers in the vicinity, who soon
took to imitating so lucrative a policy. It was
evidently under this first stimulus that the Sz
Ch'wan salt wells were discovered (830 B.C.), .
and possibly the Ghilen-tai industry also : a
large export to the steppes of the Hiung-nu
grew up, and to those states as well which
were dependent upon Ts'i for their salt supply.
By the time the First Emperor came into
power (B.C. 220), the salt and iron revenues
of China had increased twenty-fold. Ever
since those days the Shan Tung salt admini-
stration has had a steady history, but perhaps
rather as an appendage of the one about to
be described than as a separate organisation of
its own.
The "Ch'ang-lu,'* or Long Rush or Reed system,
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A.D. 1800-1900] HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENTS 28d
derives its name from the city Ts'ang Chou/ on
the Grand Canal (south of Tientsin), once so
called. In 1285 Kublai Khan ** once more
divided the Ho-kien (Chih Li) and Shan Tung
interests," which, as above explained, are really
one in working principle. Passing to our own
days, we find in 1900 a First Class Commissary
at Tientsin, with sixteen subordinates, and the
Viceroy (who \mtil about 1870 resided at the
provincial capital of Pao-ting) had in Manchu
times nominal supervision. The yield was about
500,000 taels a year; but here again the mer-
chants were viewed as a milch cow, being second
only to the Hwai traders in point of yielding
capacity, if we may judge by the ** loyal benevo-
lences " which were frequently exacted, and the
fact that nearer 8,000,000 taels were extracted
in 1911. One of the latest Manchu Govern-
ment plans for raising money was to issue
" manifest faith '' bonds, repayable after a term
of years, and bearing interest ; of course all
loyal officials and salt merchants were expected
to subscribe ; naturally their exuberant loyalty
was too much for them, and most of them
** begged not to receive interest,'* and even " pro-
tested that they did not want even the capital *' ;
a fortiori they did not expect ** recognition in the
shape of rank.'* The price of salt had been
thrice raised one centime a kilo since 1895, and
about 100,000 taels were added by the above
benevolence to the 500,000 previously yielded.
The service (speaking of sixteen years ago) in-
cludes all Chin Li, except those parts north
of the innermost Great Wall, which use Ghilen-
tai salt; and there are special arrangements
for the city of Peking. It also covers the
whole plain of Ho Nan, except the south
wedge belonging to the Hwai system, i.e. the
^ Now that chcu are abolished, Ts'ang hien.
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240 THE SALT GABELLE [chap, xi
level tract bounded on the west by the base
of the mountainous triangle served by Shan Si
salt, and on the east by An Hwei, Kiang Su,
and the small Ho Nan wedge supplied by Shan
Tung salt. Thus Ho Nan is rent by many rival
salt masters, but in Manchu times had none the
less a Second Class Commissary of her own to
look after both her grain and salt interests, and
to arrange accounts. The harassed people in
the north of China, alternately under Tartar
and Chinese rulers in the remote past, never
took kindly to the taxation of scdt, which was
every now and then abolished, and anon re-
established, for various reasons, by dynasty
after dynasty; but there is specific mention
of salt-works near Tientsin when North and
South China became reunited in the seventh
century; and a century after that the great
financier Liu Yen so developed the Government
monopoly in salt that it produced half the
total revenues of the empire. It may be men-
« tioned that the ** Long Reeds '* of the locality
bearing that name are useful as fuel for boiling
the salt.
There now only remains to be examined the
very ancient Shan Si salt organisation at present
known as Ho-tung or " East of the (Yellow)
River/' The extreme west of China used to
consume this lake salt until the Sz Ch'wan wells
were discovered, and it remained a Government
monopoly until a.d. 506, when the Tungusic
dynasty then ruling North China threw open to
free exploitation a number of the works. In 924
the Turkish reigning house representing Central
China placed an official taxing superintendent
over the official ponds of An-yih and Kiai city —
names which exist to this day« — ^near what is
known as the Lake of Kiai. After the expulsion
of the Tartars, the Sung dynasty placed eighteen
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A.D. 1000-1900] MODERN REFORMS 241
of the marshes under Government control. In
1010 and 1116 the "red salt" of this locality is
spoken of officially • In 1178 the Sung dynasty,
ckiven south, prohibited the import of Shan Si
salt from the Niichgn dominions into Ho Nan.
Kublai Khan's villainous " Saracen '' (Ouigour)
adviser Achmac, mentioned by Marco Polo,
increased the dues very heavily ; but still a few
ponds were left free to the public. The Manchus
merged the salt dues in some districts into the
land-tax, so that wherever this took place the
people became entitled to free salt. In 1846
the heavy cost of keeping the works in repair
led the Government to consider once more the
advisability of putting them up to public auction.
The result of all this was that Shan Si salt had
. only a very limited circulation in that province ;
but it supplied, and still doubtless suppUes, all the
western half of Ho Naii' — south of the Yellow
River only^ — ^and the valley of the River Wei
in Shen Si: this arrangement brixiging it near
the head waters of the River Han, precautions
have to be taken to keep it out of the Hwai
preserves. There was a Second Class Com-
missary for the province, who in Manchu times
resided at P'u-chou in the extreme south, far
away from his nominal superior, the Governor
at T'ai-yiian; and he had eight subordinates.
The revenue in 1900 was about half a millioh
taels, and there are perhaps thirty districts pos-
sessing salt ponds; so that the whole region
must be very saline. For 1911 8,000,000 taels
would be nearer the mark.
In 1904 the pressure of indemnities became so
great that the late Sir Robert Hart proposed a
scheme for increasing the land-tax on a uniform
scale throughout the length and breadth of
China ; but this fell through, chiefly through the
opposition of the viceroys Wei Kwang-t'ao and
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242 THE SALT GABELLE [chai>. Xi
Chang Chi-tung, Simultaneously the (now well-
known mercantile) statesman Chang Kien sub-
mitted a scheme for reorganising the Salt
Gabelle. Year after year the " three good vice-
roys," in drawing up their drastic schemes of
general reform, gradually acceded to proposals
for raising the price of salt throughout the
Empire at the rate of so many copper cash the
Chinese pound; in such wise that, although
no one has yet dared to touch the land-tax, by
degrees everyone, has come round to view with
equanimity considerable additions to the price
of salt, which, after all, is a fleeting form of Mr,
Wemmick's *' personal property " and not a
fixture in the soil like the land-tax ; which last,
moreover, the Emperor K'ang-hi had sworn by
the nine gods, on behalf of the proud house then
reigning, " never to tax no more."
Accordingly we find the same Chang Kien
called upon by Yiian Shi-k'ai (when summoned
to Peking late in 1911 to save the dynasty) to
serve as Minister of Trade and Agriculture ; and
a little later, when the Republic was temporarily
organised at Nanking, Chang Kien was chair-
man of the first conventicle there ; he held many
trusted posts during the firstthree years of Yuan's
presidency ; but in 1915 (scenting danger) applied
unsuccessfully during August to go to the so-
called "Watercourse Conferences" in America.
He was appointed one of the ** Four Cronies "
when Yuan declared himself Emperor, but was
conveniently attacked by a serious diplomatic
malady, disappeared into space, and has hidden
himsetf away (ofl&cially) ever since. In 1918 he
published his scheme of Salt Reform, which has
also been translated and published in English ;
this was the precursor to an invitation to Sir
Richard Dane (formerly Inspector-General of
Excise and Salt in India) to take over the job,
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A.D. 1908-1916] KING STORK AND KING LOG 248
which has since been done with such marvellous
success that the Salt Revenue in the short space
of three years has already begun to rival the
Foreign Maritime Customs Revenue in bulk and
certainty. It may here be mentioned paren-
thetically that, previous to the death of the
Dowager and the Emperor in 1908, a Chinese
mission had already been sent to India to inquire
into the nature of the Salt Administration there.
Sir Richard Dane, or the Chinese Administra-
tion, will no doubt from time to time publish
reports showing exactly how far he has dealt
with each of the eleven systems, which are
here illustrated more clearly by a map ; how
far he has left the cadres (so to speak) of the
personnel untouched in Chinese hands; and so
on. Meanwhile it may be stated that the official
Chinese Government report for 1911, the last
year of the Manchu Empire, published the fol-
lowing list of the amounts consumed and taxed
during that year :• —
The Two Kwang system ,
1,954,821 cwts.
(of 133 J lb.)
„ Fuh Baen system
772,000
ft
»9
,, Two ChSh system
1,700,620
»9
t
99 „ Hwai system
4,896,888
»»
»
9, Sz Ch'wan system
5,608,600
»»
f
„ Yiin Nan system
512,300
9t
f
99 Manohnria system
3,840,000
»»
f
99 Mongol-Kan Suh system .
22,781
9»
»»
99 Shan Tung system .
2,095,744
»»
f»
9, Ch'ang-lu (Chih Li) system.
3,974,000
»»
t»
99 Ho-tung (Shan Si) system .
1,589,400
>»
tf
26,867.154
Apart from corrupt and intentional juggling
with figures, the above total does not mean
very much in point of accuracy, for each place
has (or had) its own special arrangements for
taxes, allowances, perquisites, etc., which often
meant that one cwt. nominal was in reality as
18
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244 THE SALX GABELLE [chap, xi
much as two at the outstart of its travels from
the base to the depdts. Still less do the estimates
I have formed above of the increased revenues
from salt between 1899 and 1911 (based on the
supposition that the Government would extract
an average of two taels the cwt.) correspond
place by place with the irregular reality. Here,
again, local custom varies, and it is hopeless to
attempt the unravelling of exchanges, propor-
tions, relation to land-tax, fees, etc., etc. The
only thing is to wait until Sir Richard Dane
gradually rakes in all hitherto untouched
systems, introduces intelligible general rules,
and straightens out the whole tangled web.
Meanwhile we cannot be far wrong in cutting
the Gordian knot as we have done at, say,
53,000,000 taels; for, as we have seen, the
budget of 1918 drawn up by the Chinese Minister
of Finance bejore King Stork in the shape of
Sir Richard Dane had replaced King Log in
the shape of ** old custom," put down the esti-
mated salt revenue at $60,000,000, one Mexican
dollar and a half being (very roughly) estimated
at one (government) tael for the purposes of
this calculation.
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^
lai
mr
^>/
4hOW
W
Mi?
*m^ lJ
w
3fi
ES
^4
WJ.f
— i- ^£0
m
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CHAPTER XII
LIKIN
The idea of this now notorious tax is repeatedly
said to have been conceived in 1849-51 by the
taotai Yao, then engaged upon certain adminis-
trative reform schemes, and his original idea was
only to tax tea and salt. But the first mention
I can find of likin in standard records is towards
the end of 1852, when, during the incipient Re-
bellion, ten provinces were called upon to raise
extra funds, and Li Hwei, the Governor of Shan
Tung, instituted a lifauj to be contributed by
traders. But he at once found that the expenses
of collection were barely covered by the receipts.
Both the above compound words practically
mean a " percentage," or rather " per mt'Hage,"
as it is reckoned on thousands ; not necessarily
one, but two or three per mille. The Governor
Hu Lin-yih at Hankow about this time instituted
such a charge in his province in order to pay
the troops operating there against the Taipings.
The next thing heard of it is in the spring of
1854, when the Governor-General of the Two
Ejang reported the success of the likiieny or per
mille ** contribution," in certain tracts drained
by what is known as the Inner Lower River
(north of and parallel with the Yang-tsze,
between the Canal and the sea), and suggested
its extension to other provinces. In 1855 there
were already complaints of extortion at the
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246 LIKIN [chap, xn
dozen or so of stations established one after the
other below Yangehow on the Yang-tsze River.
In Kan Suh province the new levy proved so
full of abuses that it was at once suspended;
but general regulations for the Empire were
none the less drawn up by the Cabinet Council
in that year, and the Board of Revenue was
officially charged with the duty of promulgating
them and exercising general supervision. Thus
the tax is an imperial one.
In the summer of 1856 the late Marquess
Tseng's celebrated father^ Ts6ng Kwoh-fan,
then in the field against the Taipings, applied
unsuccessfully for permission to devote an or a
part of the likin collected at Shanghai to the
support of the armies operating against the
rebels in Kiang Si ; it was decided that the
presence of foreigners at Shanghai was an in-
superable difficulty, and that, in any case, Kiang
Su had a prior claim over Kiang Si. In the
absence of clearer language, it seems plain that
at this stage the Chinese saw full well how far
the common-sense interpretation of the Nanking
Treaty was an obstacle, and that they woidd
never have dared to place a likin on foreign
goods had not our own boneless policy stiffened
them up to it. The following year, on the
recommendation of the Nanking Viceroy Iliang,
the Emperor decided against the idea of levying
a likin over and above the duty on tobacco, on
the ground that the traders would be liable to
vexatious interference at every place they
passed. The levy is here described as an ** un-
fortunate necessity " ; so that it is plain that
from the beginning the Chinese recognised its
unconstitutional nature. In 1858 the Governor
of Ho Nan reported the progress in his jurisdic-
tion of the new idea, and was wamea not to
allow any "undue harassing" of the persons
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A.t>. 1858-1860] DEVELOPMENT OF UKIN 247
charged with the tax. Meanwhile the Governor
of Hu Nan signified his desire to stop the further
levy of likin in his province, as being found
injurious to trade : the Emperor's answer was
ungraciously evasive : " I have no doubt you
understand what is right more than most of
them ; you are no fool." The Nanking Viceroy
Ho Kwei, who had expressed doubts about the
wisdom of giving encouragements for " con-
tributions" charged upon foreign goods at
Shanghai, *' in which there might be contra-
band," was told by the Emperor not to make
too much fuss about imaginary difficulties, but
to give the usual rewards i — in other words, to
sell titles at so much per lump sum collected ;
which confirms the notion conveyed by the
word kiien,' — ^that the levy was nominally at
first a voluntary gift. Mention is made at the
same time of likin paid at Taku by Canton and
Foochow junks entering the Tientsin River,
and of likin on salt at Tientsin for SSngk'o-
lints'in's (" Sam CoUinson's ") army. In 1859
likin was newly established at Chefoo, it having
been found that the various junks were begin-
ning to go there in order to evade the charges
at Tientsin. Orders were next issued to charge
likin on native as well as on Indian opium in
the interior, and the likin per pecul on foreign
opium was fixed at Tls. 20, in addition to the
Tls. 80 import duty ; but the local officials were
only allowed to collect the former. It does not
here appear who collected the latter, but I suppose
the embryo of the Foreign Customs, either under
Mr. Wade or Mr. H. N. Lay. At all events, it
is quite clear that we gave ourselves away in
the Treaty of 1858. At this time allusion is
made to likin on native opium grown in Yiin
Nan, " where foreign opium scarcely exists."
In 1860 a collection upon trading carts and
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248 LIKIN [chap, xn
bullion caravans was authorised at the Shan-hai
Kwan — ^the gate to Manchuria* — ^based on the
same rules as that collection made at Fak'umen
on the Mongol frontier palisade north of Mukden.
Li Han-chang, elder brother of Li Himg-chang,
was entrusted with the collection of likin in
Eaang Si, where the army of Liu K'un-yih was
then operating successfully against the rebels.
Chungking likin to the amount of Tls. 10,000
was urgently called for as a military aid from
Sz Ch*wan. In 1861 efforts were made to keep
open the main Cheh Kiang roads, then harassed
by Taipings, so as to facilitate the collection of
likin from passing traders. The belated likin
accounts of Kwang Si were also called for, and
orders were given to rearrange the multifarious
likin charges in Kiang Nan.
The above precise information all comes from
the original decrees forming the basis of pub-
lished Manchu history, and I have thought it
well to quote the facts chronologically, in order
to trace the historical growth of likin^ which in
its origin may be defined as ** one per mille
unwillingly levied under stress of exceptional
circumstances upon a limited number of luxuries
in transit.'' Specific mention is plainly made of
collections in the majority of the provinces, and
it is evident that if the Chinese Government
has subsequently taken an ell, it is largely be-
cause we ourselves tacitly abandoned inch after
inch ; at the same time, it must be admitted
that we are partly responsible for the financial
straits which have necessitated the irregularity.
Since 1861, during the fifty years' nominal
reign of the three boy emperors under the
tutelaffe of successive Dowagers, things have
gone from bad to worse. We are all familiar
with the howl of despair which our merchants
and consuls have raised at every port, and have
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A.D. 1644-1904] BIG FISH AND LITTLE FISH 249
steadily kept up. My revered old chief, Sir Brooke
Robertson, at Canton, had, as stated,* a well-defined
if mistaken policy, and he was too strong a
man with the Foreign Office to be overborne by
Sir Thomas Wade. He said we were taking
away from the wretched mandarins — ^who, if
corrupt, were none the less victims of a system
which gave them no adequate pay — ^their ac-
customed local revenues, and were leaving them
no chance of reasonable gain; that therefore
he would do nothing in the matter : and nothing
ever was done at Canton till he had retired and
died. What he meant was that, as the Foreign
Customs pays in all its money to the credit
of Peking, and Peking appropriates very little
of it to salaries or provincial uses, the local
authorities must have some new means of oiling
the administrative machine. To understand his
theory, which is really a very just one, reference
' must also be made to the remarks made in the
chapter on "Revenue.'* Not one cent of anything
Peking could get hold of in Manchu times was
ever voluntarily given up by Peking to any
person for any purpose except what concerned,
directly or indirectly, the interests of Peking.
The Foreign Customs, of course, interfered
greatly with the development of the native
coUectorates, which were always regarded as the
great plums of Palace favour ; and if the Hoppo •
of Canton — ^to take one as an example — could
not recoup the million or so of dollars he had
paid for his post, how could he send a regular
stream of gold watches and chocolate creams to
his patrons of the Seraglio ? Not only so ; the
Taipings had ravaged the greater part of the
country, and the rebellion had seriously reduced
the yield of the land-tax. If the hien had no
longer any " superfluity *' on the land-tax, how
1 p. 165. * Abolishedil904«
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250 LIKIN [chap, xn
was he to grease the prefect's palm, the prefect
the taotaVSy the taotai the treasurer's and the
judge's, and so on up to the Governor, the
Viceroy, the Board, and the eunuchs, not to
say the Emperor and the Empress-Dowager?
And, so far, things are even worse under the
Republic. I do not defend the Chinese system ;
but I say we must put a little human nature
into our condemnation of it. How are you to
make bricks without straw ? or, as the Chinese
say : " How make a meal without rice ? "
It must be remembered that Peking and the
provinces were under the Manchus, and to a
certain extent still are^ though competing rivals,
at the same time one great " trust " or " com-
bine " for all matters connected wif h the great
national industry of raising the wind. A Men to-
day may be a secretary of state to-morrow. The
mandarins are the skilled " hands " in a big
co-operative scheme, and they will either change
the foremen or strike, unless reasonable com-
. promises are made with them. Then, the people
themselves are " in it," for China was republican
in fact before it was in name, and any indus-
trious man might and may become an official.
Nearly every one says (or the majority say) :
" All right, we know all that ; reform is neces-
sary, but give me my share of the good things in
the meantime." Yet there have not been lack-
ing officials who have taken a higher view even
under the Empire. In 1879, when the Mussul-
man rebellions had all been crushed, and the
national conscience began to wake up, the sale
of office was abolished in view of renascent
prosperity, and it was seriously proposed to
abolish likin too. However, Yellow River and
other disasters and complications soon drove the
Government once more to the sale of titles, and
sometimes of real office ; so likin had perforce to
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A,D. 1902-1916] A SWASHBUCKLER 261
remain. After the " Boxer '* settlement of 1901,
a second move was made towards the abolition
of likin in exchange for readjusted import
duties ; but owing to the difficulty of bringing
all the Powers into line, Sir James Mackay's
well-meant efforts of 1902 bore little fruit.
In October 1908 the United States and Japan
also drew up treaties with China, in which the
latter formally agreed to suppress likin in ex-
change for a 1| per cent, surtax, bringing up
the duties on foreign imports to an effective
5 per cent. She also consented to reform her
currency, weights and measures, judicial system,
mining regulations, and so on ; to open Peking
and certain new ports to trade ; but such effect
as has been given to all these treaties has not
forwarded matters very much.
The omitted particulars given in the earlier
editions about the K/rfn collected in each province
are now obsolete, and may be treated as non
aveniLSf the more so in that ever since an inde-
pendent tutuh set up in each province at the
revolution of 1911, each man in local power has
been more or less a law unto himself. The 1911
estimate for likin was originally $86,500,000,
but as some provinces, in their haste to enjoy
the fruits of democracy, incontinently proceeded
to abolish likin^ the budget for 1918 only esti-
mated the yield at $18,250,000. Sir Robert
Hart had already made arrangements during
the summer of 1898 that certain of the salt likin
offices in the Yang-tsze valley should be placed
under the control of the Commissioners of Mari-
time Customs, and subsequently it was agreed
that a number of native customs houses should be
transferred to these foreign commissioners too.
When a swashbuckler like the redoubtable
Chang Hiin can for four years on end defy all
forms of central government, set up an army of
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262 ' LIKIN [cHAP.xn
80,000 or 40,000 men at a vital junction like Su-
chou in North Kiang Su (practically controlling
both the canal and the railway, not to speak of the
general communications between four provinces),
and maintain those troops, defiant pigtails
included, in affluence and efficiency, it must be
evident that likin is by no means dead in tltat
region, for blackmail on trade is his chief means
for raising the wind. Every military satrap
in China, whether tutuh as first self-styled,
or tsiang'kiin as dubbed by President Yiian, or
tuh'kiin (a combination of the other two) as
called by President Li, does the same thing so
far as he can and dare, the only difference being
one of degree ; the majority do it to fill their
own private pockets and those of their sup-
porters ; others to maintain their armies in an
effective condition for the provincial good ;
few, very few, for the benefit of the State as a
whole, and the advantage of the public.
It follows from what we have said that nothing
clear can be stated statistically of likin at the
present moment. So far as opium likin is con-
cerned, it appears to be, at least dejurcy entirely
under the control of the Foreign Customs, and
in any case opium is a moribund trade. So far
as salt likin is concerned, in 1898 Sir R. Hart, as
just stated, succeeded in controlling a few centres,
such as An-k'ing (" Gankin "), Kewkiang, etc.,
whilst Sir R. Dane and his Chinese controllers
(who seem to be growing more and more con-
vinced of the excellency of his methods) are
gradually rakinff in system after system of salt
istribution, and station after station of salt likin
exactions. Thus, as regards these two main
heads of opium and salt likin^ the reader must
be referred to the special reports, so far as they
are given to the public, issued by the Inspec-
torate of Foreign Customs and by the Salt
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A.D. 1900-1916] TARRED WITH SAME BRUSH 258
Control at Peking, which latter seems to be a
co-ordinate branch of the Board of Finance.
So far as general likin is concerned, the tacit
** rule '* seems to be the good old one that he shall
take who has the power, and he shall keep who
can. The whole financial position of China is in
a hopeless jumble ; the honest men with clean
hands are few, and of those few scarcely any
have financial capacity. No man can say what
each province gathers in, but whatever doles
may be vouchsafed to Peking, likin is not one of
them. If Peking is to get anything, the tuh-
kiin (military) or sheng-chang (civil) governor
prefers that the cadastral land-tax should furnish
the fund, for here there are definite registers
to consult. Ever since likin was introduced
sixty years ago, it has been tacitly ** sealed " to
provincial uses, and only shared with Peking
under pressure. All local officials, high and low,
have therefore an equal interest in thimble-
rigging. When the Peking-Hankow Railway
was approaching completion, the viceroys and
governors concerned made, with the approval of
the Board at Peking, fair arrangements under
which the provinces through which the line
passed should share a reasonable likin levy, and
presumably this arrangement still holds good,
more or less, on that line.. But on the Shanghai-
Nanking line, and still more on the Tientsin-
P'u-k'ou (Nanking) line, there have been serious
complaints of the injury done to trade, and the
inconvenience inflicted upon passengers. In the
spring of 1914 the Legations had to protest
against contraventions of the 1858 treaty touch-
ing transit dues in An Hwei province, and against
the imposition of a " consumption tax " at de-
stination. In the summer of that year both
the British and the American ministers had to
protest against illegal exactions and discrimina-
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264 LIKIN [cHAP.xn
tions against foreigners, in the provinces of
Kiang Su, An Hwei, and Ch6h Kiang: a post-
ponement of these levies was demanded. In
the late summer of 1915 the British minister
had to protest once more against the reintroduc-
tion of likin stations (abolished in consequence of
the 1914 representations) on the Tientsin-Nan-
king line. This time the native traders of the
three provinces concerned' — Chih Li, Shan Tung,
and Kiang Su— all joined in the protest. The
An Hwei traders cWmed in later : there were
complaints of levies beyond the 2J per cent,
authorised by treaty, and also of the rough way
in which passengers' baggage was treated. Thus,
not only do these miserable local exactions
impose an irritating obstacle to trade, but they
seriously affect the prosperity of the trunk railway
lines and foreign loan interests. China can never
become a real Power until provincial and sepa-
ratist feelings are subordinated to the general
weal of the State, and until public funds cease to
be regarded as legitimate quarry for the private
fortune himter.
Having now glanced at the general effect of
likin upon trade, I may perhaps be permitted to
express a personal opinion that the merchant
guilds of each province would probably be only
too glad to pay a fixed sum of from 1,000,000
taels to 10,000,000 taels a year to the Govern-
ment, according to wealth, provided that no
likin, octroi, fees, consumption taxes, or any
charges whatever were, under any pretext, levied
on either imports or exports, except at the treaty-
ports and by the Foreign Customs. Jealousy of
the Foreign Customs is the less justifiable now
in that within the past decade it has been sub-
ordinated to a national " Customs Department "
at Peking, on the understanding, however, that
the British Inspector-General is to have the free
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A.D. 1900] DISHONESTY ALMOST PRUSSIAN 255
hand he always had. It would also pay foreign
commerce well to agree to a general increase
of duties under the same conditions. But, hand
in hand with these two reforms, which would at
once go far towards restoring the financial
equilibrium of the Empire, out of the 100,000,000
taels or so thus encashed, at least one-h^ would
have to go towards inaugurating an entirely new
scheme of civil service, in which all mandarins,
high and low, and all " underlings," should
have a sufficient and even liberal salary or wage
for work done : this latter reform, indeed, was
insisted upon J>y the ** three good viceroys '* in
the long discussions subsequent to the ** Boxer "
settlement of 1901. For many years to come
no unaudited accounts should be entrusted to
Chinese, and a fixed currency should be at once
introduced, so as to get rid of the bugbear of
shroffs and compradores: as with the Chinese
in Foreign Customs employ, there is no harm
in their merely handling the money and acting
as cashiers, so long as Europeans manage the
balancing of the accounts and employ a definite
currency, whether it be gold, silver, or copper.
Afar-reaching reform of this kind would, however,
require a man of the highest calibre, and the
best part of his remaining life-time at that. Un-
fortunately national jealousies have so far ren-
dered such a scheme difficult of achievement ; and
certainly now no Prussian will ever be tolerated
by the Entente as " boss,'* with a Ktdtur taint of
dishonest croupierism, and with general false-
hood, cheating, and unfairness combined in his
ill-shapen distorted pate.
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CHAPTER XIII
THE ARMY
At the time the first edition of this book ap-
peared, when the whole civilised world, so to
speak, was arrayed in arms against China at bay,
the question of her armaments was of unusual
interest. But it was then no easy matter to
pourtray the existing army from any point of
view whatever; and now, when everything is
modernised and changed, it is still difficult to
understand the position without casting an
eye back upon the historical record. First of
all, there was the old Manchu military organisa-
tion into " banners," or army corps, extended
after the conquest so as to include the Mongols
and a few faithful (or traitor, accordingly as we
may look at it) native Chinese. The late Sir
Thomas (then Mr.) Wade with infinite pains
drew up about sixty years ago a fidl analysis of
this system ; but at present it is totally obsolete
for the effective purposes of war, and therefore
not worth describing in detail. Yet it may be
useful, though the Manchu has really disap-
S eared (as it was in 1900 contemplated he might
isappear), to put on record the main features
of the formidable aggregation which sufficed to
overrun China 250 years ago.
There is no doubt that the principles of
military organisation perfected by the Manchus
were conceived in the same general spirit and
256
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A.D. 900-1900] MANCHU MILITART HISTORY 257
form as those of their ancestors the Niichens,
who imperially ruled North China from 1118 to
1284 ; and these latter again drew part of their
inspiration from a distantly allied race called
the Kitans, who had ruled much the same
territory as northern emperors, and on an equal
footing with the rulers of South China, from
907 to 1112. The Eatans, in turn, must have
inherited traditions from the still earlier State
of Puh-hai alluded to on pages 28, 188. As
modified by the early Manchu chieftains and
emperors, the latest Tungusic organisation was
as follows I —
There were eight Manchu banners, in pairs
of four colours {i.e. plain and bordered), three
banners being of higher caste than the other
five, like the three Kitan " superior tents,*' each
banner under a turfung. Thus, with the assimi-
lated Mongols and the descendants of " faithful "
Chinese, there were twenty-four banners, num-
bering in all from 200,000 to 220,000 men. Just
as every ordinary Chinaman belonged and still
belongs to a Aten, and has his domicile registered
in the office of his ** father and mother man-
darin,** so every bannerman belongs to what the
Manchus styled a niuru, and has his military
domicile registered at the headquarters of his
colonel, who thus stands in the same (or a some-
what similar) patriarchal relation to his military
" people,** be they princes, officers, or common
troopers, as does the magistrate to his civil
population : it must be added that when Presi-
dent Yiian " bought out *' the dynasty under
Republican pressure in 1912, he guaranteed
many of their rights, and amongst those pre-
served was the Banner organisation, so far as
it firffected the imperial family, their descendants,
and retainers: hence the tu-fu/ngs and niurtts
still keep their titles, registers and pensions, but
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258 THE ARMY [chap, xra
under the control approval of the republican
Ministry of War. About 150 years ago, when
the banner organisation was at its best, there
were 679 Manchu, 227 Mongol, and 264 Chinese
colonels (or tsolingj the other current name for the
Manchu niuru)^ each in theoretical command of
800 families (troopers) ; but the actual total has
always stood at about two-thirds of the theo-
retical, and the natural increment of able-bodied
men has from economical considerations been
drafted off into the categories of expectants,
supernumeraries, and so on, drawing less or no
pay. With this limited force of archers and
spearmen China was conquered, for the artillery
supplied with Jesuit assistance was only used
on rare occasions ; but of course local troops had
even from the first to be forced or cajoled to
assist the comparatively small bodies of banner-
men, who acted rather as '* stiff eners" than as the
main body, just as the bulk of our Indian and
African armies are of native races, honourably
** stiffened," in the proportion each emergency
requires, with a bctckbone of British soldiers;
or just as the Czechs, Bosnians, Poles, and other
unwilling Slavs are less honourably forced or
cajoled into assisting their bullying Germanic
conquerors. The ilite of the banner forces,
always more than half, from the first (1644)
served to hedge in majesty at and around
Peking; but at certain vital provincial cen-
tres, such as Canton, Foochow, Hangchow, etc.,
banner garrisons with their families, forming
a sort of hereditary privileged caste within the
inner walls, were until the 1911 revolution kept
under a Tartar General, theoretically in order
to " keep down '' the turbulent " Man-tsz '*
or Chinese, and actually to hold the keys of
the city gates. The feeding of these privileged
soldiery was a first charge upon the revenues of
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A.D. 1880-1910] NATIVE GBEEN BANNEHS 259
China, and it is thus only natural that so expen-
sive an incubus should have severely tested the
loyalty of the Chinese majority not enjoying any
such banner privileges. For many years previous
to 1911, 7,000,000 taels had been the fixed
" first '* appropriation for those at Peking alone,
and a " supplementary" vote of at least 1,000,000
usually followed. As all this money came from
the provinces, a fortiori the latter had to find the
money for their own local bannermen and for
their Chinese armies as well. If the finances of
China, already described as having been so
flotirishing 150 years ago, had not been shattered
by a succession of rebeUions and foreign troubles ;
if these bannermen had maintained their mili-
tary virtues, their robust simplicity and man-
liness, the Empire would neither have felt the
burden severely, nor grudged the necessity of this
heavy charge : the preservation of order, and a
national sense of pride in power and prestige,
would have amply compensated for the price
paid to a few privileged keepers of the peace
and the purse-strings ; just as in India the tax-
payer has some satisfaction, in the shape of
security for person and property, to show for
the ^to him) huge salaries he pays to his British
administrators. But, unhappily, the inactive
bannerman, both at Peking and in the provinces,
had towards the end degenerated into idle,
flabby, and too often opium-smoking parasites ;
they had long neglected even to keep up their
archery, which in any case had become useless in
these days of magazine rifles, though it might
have nourished a wholesome muscular habit of
body if persisted in, much as our nearly obsolete
sailing craft nourish a bold race of turbine steamer
skippers : in 1905, however, archery examinations
were formally aboUshed. In the provinces these
degenerate Manchus were often, practically,
19
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i^ tHE A&MV [chap, xnt
honourable prisoners, rigidly confined within
the limits of the city w^s, in the midst of a
semi-hostile population speaking a dialect which
bannermen were brought up in, or had to learn,
in addition to their own if they wished even to
Purchase a cabbage in the streets; and the
'artar General, who nominally outranked even
the Chinese Viceroy, was really often a self-
indulgent, ignorant incompetent.
The Chinese army or '^ Green Banner" was
organised in the following way, or was theoretic-
ally so organised until (1852-1865) the Taiping
rebeUion and foreign wars necessitated fresh
patchwork. As I did in the case of civil govern-
ment, so do I now with the miUtary administra-
tion : in order to leave clearly outlined impres-
sions, I first state the general principles, reserving
ejsceptions and specicd detail for the end. Each
provmce had a General, in supreme command of
the green troops, and in immediate command
of a portion of them ; his yamin was sometimes
at the provincial capital, sometimes at a (now
aboUsh^) Ju city, or other place more strategic-
ally important. This oflBcer's ** button ** rank was
one nuance higher even than that of a viceroy ;
but in the diplomatic and civil part of his busi-
ness he had to report and memorialise conjointly
with the Viceroy, who (unless the General were a
very able man, and charged with very important
duty) was often to most intents his superior
officer. He had under him from two to six
.brigadier-generals, each in high command of a
brigade, and in immediate command of part of
one: their yamin in each case was either at
a first-class city, or at some special point where
foreigners or other objectionable persons had to
be kept down. It all depended upon the real
work being done. And so it went on. Colonels,
majors, captains, lieutenants, sergeants, and
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A.D. 1908-1916] NEW COMMANDERS' TITLES 2«1
corporals were, and no doubt still are each in
command of greater or smaller bodies of men,
stationed in the cities, towns, and markets, and
co-operating with the civiUan hienSj assistant
magistrates, and other small fry, down to the
village headman. Now (1916) the tuh-kim or
MiUtary Governor is the sole supreme chief in
each province ; the other chiefs appointed directly
by the President are called chSn-shaU'-shi or
" Order-preserving Commissioners," and seem to
correspond to the now extinct brigadier-generals ;
but there are also hurkiin-sht and other occa-
sional sht or commissioners not yet very defini-
tively sorted out.
The old term " green " has gone out of use,
and the army is simply " the land army "
into which Manchus, other bannermen, braves,
** greens," " savages," or any one else may enlist*
There is little use discussing further organisation
so long as each province is practically independent
of Peking. Military officers in Manchu times
were always supposed to ride on horseback, and
not sit in sedans ; but in latter degenerate days
this rule was honoured more in the breach than
the observance. Civilian officers could never
serve in or very near to their own province, but
military officers nearly always did so; and in-
deed often must, for otherwise they would not
be able to talk promptly to their men. This
question of serving in your own province came
up for serious consideration in the months
immediately preceding the death (1908) of the
famous Dowager, who towards the end became
an ardent and convinced reformer ; it was pro-
posed to modify the civilian disabilities up to a
certain grade of rank. Now, under the Republic,
it is too early to speak of definite rules, but in
Sractice the old rule is ignored ; for instance, the
Qhtary and Civil Governor {pro tent.) of Hu
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262 THE ARMY [chap, xm
Nan, T*an Yen-k*ai, is at this moment (1917) a
native, and the press hails this fact as a good
qualification.
Now, for two centuries at least, all " green "
officers, from general to corporal, had been
engaged, despite numerous spasmodic punish-
ments and reforms, in wholesale peculation, and
neither the garrison branch nor the fighting
branch of the troops supposed to be under their
commands, even if in some cases it existed
at all, has had more than a partial or temporary
existence. A green soldier, like a bannerman,
came in the long piping times of peace to regard
what reduced pay and allowances his officers
left to him as a sort of hereditary sinecure, there
being a tacit understanding that A and his suc-
cessors would pay one shilling to B and his heirs,
provided B would now and for ever sign vouchers
for two shillings, and clap on a uniform " to his
back " each time the Viceroy or any other " big
man " should come round to hold a review.
This state of affairs seems to have been tacitly
connived at even by the earlier and abler Man-
chus at Peking, who were in no hurry to see
effective armies in the provinces they "fed"
upon. They could easily send to any point a
fighting body of mounted Mongols, or of Solon-
Manchus, when danger really arose.
When the great rebellions and the foreign
complications consequent thereon broke out
sixty or more years ago, the imperial leaders
had recourse to the device of hiring " braves "
to do the fighting. That is, such " soldiers "
as existed, and had no stomach for the merry
wars, were left to perform garrison and police
duty, whilst either sturdy peasants or such of
the youthful soldiers as were willing and able
to fight were engaged, at much higher rates of
pay than the craven soldiers received, in order to
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A.D. 1860-1910] FALSTAFFIAN RASCALS 268
induce them to face the foreign enemy. Under
competent leadership the Chinese brave — and
indeed the Chinese soldier, when his concrete
existence with all his limbs and organs abouthim
was placed beyond cavil or doubt — ^was, I take it,
as good as any other average fighting man. But
of course a warrior to succeed must be fed, and
supplied with arms at least nearly as good as the
enemy's ; and this even if he gets no pay, clothes,
medical attendance, or protection from the ele-
ments — all which accessories a Chinese warrior
of the old-fashioned pre-" Boxer" kind could
and did dispense with at a pinch more or less
cheerfully.
When the wars of the sixties were over, spas-
modic efforts were made, not only to drill and
supply with foreign weapons a certain number
of bannermen at Peking, Canton, and a few other
places where foreigners were well to the fore,
but also to keep the braves up to the mark. The
greens were too far gone for anything to be done
with them, qud greens ; but, carefully weeded
out, some of them were occasionally available
as reserve braves. As a Foochow green captain
wittily remarked twenty years ago, in his report
to the High Commissioners, when nettled at the
Board's contemptuous comments on his mere
** soldiers" : " After all, there is no essential dif-
ference between a soldier and a brave. Both are
simply men. If you pay my soldiers as well as
you pay his braves, my soldiers will be braves ;
but if you starve his braves as you are starving
my soldiers, his braves will be soldiers. Braves or
soldiers, it is in each case a question of true
§ ay-rolls, unpeculated pay, sufficient food and
rill, and good rifles."
After making a fair show in 1880 against the
Russians in Hi and in 1884 against the French
in Tonquin — ^not to mention the earlier recon-
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264 THE ARMY [chap, xm
quests of Turkestan from Yakub Beg (1874),
and Yiin Nan from Suliman the Panthay (1878)
— ^the Chinese, or rather the Manchu Government,
began to get presumptuous, and our own blunders
led them, or contributed to lead them, on the
wrong tack in Corea in 1886. The result of ten
years' Corean bickerings was the Japanese war of
1894, in which navy, braves, bannermen, and
soldiers were all alike knocked "sky-high";
and China, smarting under the weight of shame
and a heavy indemnity, began to make genuine
and serious efforts to put her military house in
order. It was at once seen and admitted that,
as a fighting value, the whole green army might
be abolished at one stroke of the pen ; it was
suggested in 1896 that a standing army of
800,000 men in ten districts should be raised ;
but it was pointed out, and also at once admitted,
that the " vested rights " even of common soldiers
must be considered, or the worm might turn ; not
to mention the necessity of providing for gallant
officers who had received brevet rank for more
or less imaginary victories, and who looked to
substantive promotion. Besides, feeble though
the greens were, there was no other force
to maintain elementary order in the coimtry
towns, to check smugglers, to guard city gatcB,
to escort prisoners and dignitaries, to watch
passes, fords, and other pivot points on lines of
communication. It was therefore decided to
do away with a quarter or a half of the greens in
every province, according to the degree of cor-
ruption prevailing in each place, and at any rate
not to fill up or create more vacancies. The
difficulty about officers was, " How can we
deprive His Majesty's deserving officers of their
salaries and expectations ? And, if we pay them
for commanding, how can we entirely abolish
their commands ? " Then dame the German
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A.I). 1897-^1908] HASTY ARMY REFORMS &«5
attack on Kiao Chou, and the counter demands
of other Powers; German training officers were
accordingly engaged to form really effective
armies at Nanking and Wuch'ang, The young
Emperor and his advisers were thus in a fair way
to solve some, if not all, of these knotty points
by introducing sweeping reforms. But His
Majesty was in too much of a hurry, and,
alarmed, the Empress-Dowager by a counterblast
gave short shrift to most of these reforms, whilst
the intrigues of disappointed peculators, both
civil arid military, doubtless had a good deal
to do with bracing that energetic lady up to the
further decisive action point of conducting a de
facto if tacit regency once more in the name of
the de jure Emperor* The weak part of Chinese
reforms is and always has been the absence of
continuity and sustained effort. The Chinese
never know how to persist. No sooner are
reductions made and the savings therefrom
applied to new efforts, than fresh appropriations
of money are required to complete these efforts.
When the results are good, it is felt that econo-
mies may be made. And thus things go on
in a perpetual vicious circle. Compensation to
incapables who have been got rid of: savings
thus overestimated, and insufficient to get good
men : sudden alarms and hasty additions :
ultimate extria expenditure instead of the savings
expected, in order really to get the men re-
qmred : reduction in the number of the men
now competent, or in their pay, in order to briiiff
the permanent expenditure back within normid
limits. Meanwhile Yuan SM-k'ai had after his
Corean failure trained up an excellent force near
Tientsin and had (1898) supported the Dowager
against the Emperor.
Although several viceroys and governors took
advantage of the Empress-Dowager's voUe^faee
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266 THE ARMY [cHAp.xm
to obtain " reconsideration '* of certain reduc-
tions already sanctioned, each province, or at
least each one exposed to "foreign insult," did
really make genuine efforts within the two years
preceding the " Boxer " rising to place its mili-
tary power upon a proper basis. The ridiculous
"Boxer" fiasco was really a manifestation of
Sublic indignation at the inability of the Manchu
ynasty to preserve China's honour; that was
why the Dowager, in her alarm, conceived the
idea of utilising this dangerous popular movement
on her own side ; why she shuffled and hesitated
so much ; and why the two viceroys possessing
German-trained armies at Nanking and Hankow
(Wuch'ang) joined Yuan in ignoring her orders
to massacre all foreigners. They three alone
knew what real armies were, arid how China
was only beginning to acquire the elements of
military strength; hence our characterisation of
" three good viceroys."
In 1901, when the "Boxer" settlement was
being arranged, the Viceroy Chang Chi-tung sent
in a memorial plainly setting forth the utter
futility and wastefulness of the green banner
troops, and in that year a Decree approved an
entirely new army scheme, including training
schools for officers and men. Army Council,
General Staff, an active army in twenty territorial
sections or army corps, with divisions, battalions,
cavalry regiments, and artillery batteries, en-
gineer companies, etc., all complete. Total,
500,000 fighting units. Then there was to be a
Reserve Force, with 9 (1st) and 8 years' (2nd)
liability after active service. Most instructors
were from Germany and Japan. Efforts were
made to secure some sort of uniformity in artil-
lery, rifles, small arms, rates of pay, uniforms,
manoeuvring, and drill. The more successful
armies^— those under the three good viceroys* —
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A.D. 190»-1912] THE MODERN ARMY 267
were to draft off officers and instructors to aid
the more backward provinces. There were long
discussions about the necessity of cultivating the
military spirit; historical comparisons showing
how the soldier and civilian officers were in the
good old times of equal dignity ; how the mili-
tary man had fallen from his high estate ; how
in foreign countries even princes belonged to
the army or the navy; how absurd it was to
lock up Manchu princes in otiose inactivity at
Peking ; and so on. It never seemed to strike
any one that this sudden appreciation of the
despised soldier might galvanise him into a
Frankenstein dangerous to the dynasty; but
that is what has occurred; and since the Re-
public was established in 1911-1912 the soldier
has come into his own with a venffcance, and has
become a body, or rather many bodies, of prae-
torian guards or janissaries, threatening at every
instant the establishment of legitimate authority.
Even when the Manchu dynasty in 1908
seemed to be recovering its authority, when the
Dowager appeared earnestly convinced of the
necessity of legal, constitutional, financial, educa-
tional, and army reform, there were signs of
military restlessness; for instance, demands,
even made by prominent Manchus, for the
abolition of pigtails and petticoats, for recourse
to a more practicable and manly dress, and for
equality of status between civil and military
officials. In view of this the State soon saw
that railway communications were the true key
to military efficiency, and thus a new struggle
sprang up between provincial interests and the
desire to control provincial railways on the one
hand, and State interests (not unjustly suspected
to be dynastic interests) counselling towards
direct State control of all railways. This struggle
was exacerbated by the failure of the Ningpo
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268 THE ARMY [chap, xin
and Sz ChVan railway projects under local
control, and the determined but sensible Peking
effort to lay hands nilly-willy upon the manage-
ment of these lines. This question, indeed,
seems to have been the one that most im-
mediately precipitated the unripe revolution
of 1911.
Meanwhile under the feeble regency (1909-1911 )
of the younger Prince Ch'un (the Emperor
Kwang-sii's brother), who allowed himself to be
controlled by Palace agencies, and above all by
the vengeful spite of the new Dowager (widow of
Kwan^-sii), the independence of military spirit
grew in proportion to the progressiveness and
efficiency of provincial armies. Two of the
" three good viceroys*' (Liu K*un-yih and Chang
Chi-tung) were no more, whilst the third (Yiian
Shi-k'ai) having been summoned in 1907 from
his Tientsin administrative successes to Peking,
promptly after the Dowager's and Emperor's
deaths in 1908, fell a victim to these intrigues,
and was summarily ejected from the capital.
Thus the one man who had practically created
the modern army, and could control it, was
relegated to obscurity, and, directly the Han-
kow-Sz Ch'wan revolt broke out in October 1911,
all these provincial army chiefs ** pronounced "
in O'Donnell fashion, and constituted themselves
tutuh or independent military rulers respectively
of each province, a state of affairs that, after
various changes in name, practically exists in
milder outward form at the moment I write.
It is unnecessary to recount the details of the
army reorganisation as above described, based
upon the reforms initiated in 1906. In 1912 the
Republic changed the names once more, names
so often changed from antiquity that any given
one may mean, squad, company, regiment, or
army according to its adapted signification at
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A,D, 1914] LATEST ARMY DESIGNATIONS 269
thi&or that date in the past. One word, however,
has persisted through centuries, and that is
yingy meaning an entrenched or walled-in camp
of from 500 to 1,000 men, and which we may
here translate " battalion," as it can be used
either in an illustrative sense, as " God favours
the strong battalions," or in a specific sense, as
** one battalion only got across." My French
colleague Professor A. Vissidre (possessing the
retired rank of Minister Plenipotentiary) pub-
lished in 1914 an excellent accoimt in the Journal
Asiati^ (Jan.-Feb.), and from it I take the
f oUowmg V —
An army corps is called a kiin (the whole
" navy " is called the " seA-kun " and the whole
*' army " the '* land-ikt^ "). A division is termed
a 8h%; a brigade, lil; a regiment, fwan; batta-
lion, ying ; and a company, lien. The basis of
gradation is, after Japanese model, expressed
by one syllable : thus all generals are tsiangy all
superior officers are hiaOy all subaltern officers
are wei^ and all sous-officiers are sKi; but all
the above are subdivided into three, i.e. shangy
ckumgy and hia^ meaning "top, middle, bottom":
thus we have top general of an army corps,
middle general of a division, and bottom general
of a brigade ; and, proceeding downwards, in
the same way colonel, lieutenant-colonel, com-
mandant (I presume =- major) ; then captain,
lieutenant, sub-lieutenant; and so on witn the
top, middle, and bottom sht (corresponding, I
suppose, with our sergeant, corporal, etc.). —
Thus M. Vissi^re. The rank and file have im-.
mensely improved since I penned my serio-comic
and somewhat contemptuous description of the
Chinese "Tommy" as he existed up to 1900;
at the same time, whilst totally withdrawing it
from this edition, I must remind readers that
even in 1900 I expressed the utmost confidence
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270 THE ARMY [chap, xra
in Tommy's "bottom" (as Dr. Johnson em-
barrassingly said in the presence of Miss Hannah
More), and declared that I myself would not
hesitate to lead Chinese soldiers (brought into
shape under my own supervision) against any
troops in existence; "for, Sir, they have a bottom
of good sense."
As to the Chinese navy, I think I was the first to
greet the future Captain Lang; R.N., when, with
the future Captain Ching, R.N. (two curiously
Chinese names 1), he brought out the first mos-
quito gun-boats to Pagoda Anchorage in June
1877. I again met Admiral Lang at the same
Elace in May 1890 when, with Admiral Ting,
e was in joint command of a powerful Chinese
fleet.* Meanwhile (once more on the same spot)
such fleet as the Chinese had between the above
two dates was destroyed by Admiral Courbet
in September 1884. The navy at present is- —
and politically wisely* — as negligible a quantity
as ever, and there would be no practical object
in describing here the history of its failures,
* For this humorous incidentsee John OAfnantan (Murray, 1901 ).
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CHAPTER XIV
FEBSONAL CHAEACTEEISTICS
It is only natural that, at a moment when all
Europe is watching the great issues involved in
the present struggles of the Chinese democracy
to carve out for itself a place in the sun of
civilisation and progress, special interest should
attach to the question of personal qualities.
Volumes have already been written on this
subject; but the Rev. Arthur Smith, in his
matchless volume Chinese Characteristics, has for
long been and still is universally regarded as
having best expressed those judgments which
most of us feel to be just, but few of us are gifted
with the art of clearly enunciating- — ^not to say
with the verve and insight of the inimitable
American author. I feel an unjustifiable pride in
recalling the fact that, when the first papers came
out anonymously about thirty years ago, I was re-
peatedly asked— dubiously — if I was the author ;
the sentiments being occasionally recognisable as
mine, the just doubts being whether I was capable
of writing anything so entertaining and readable.
I have not to this day read any of Mr. Smith's
appreciations, except the first few anonymous
ones, and I now therefore simply give, not his
judgment nor the judgment of mankind, but my
own individual opinion after a generation of total
residence in nearly all parts of China.
Of the Manchus, as distinguished from the
271
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272 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xiv
Chinese, I can only speak touching those who
under the Empire used to inhabit Peking,
Canton, Foochow, Nanking, Hangchow, and
Chinkiang, and who seem to have since quietly
and inoffensively merged into the local popu-
lations. Except in the case of Peking, where
the Manchu and Chinese population was so
mixed as to be indistinguishable to any but the
most observant eye, the Manchus were all
" bannermen " ; that is, a privileged caste of
soldiers, having their families with them, living
in cantonments amongst a people speaking
(except in the case of Nanking and Chinkiang)
a totally different dialect. Their life was a
haughty and exclusive one, and what natiiral
characteristics they may have had were inevit-
ably coloured by the nature of their surroimd-
ings. Mixed marriages were not allowed until
after the " Boxer " settlement, when steps
began to be taken to assimilate the Manchus
to the Chinese in many ways. Of all these
Manchus I should say their chief characteristic
was a combination of laziness and pride ; but
wherever placed with foreigners in the relation
of pupil to teacher, as for instance in schools,
driU-grounds, laboratories, etc., their bearing, as
was natural with a ruling race, was distinctly
more dignified than that of Chinese. The speci-
mens of Manchu mandarins (always hailing from
Peking) I have met in the provinces have
invariably appeared to me to be more jovial,
easy-going, accommodating if not reasonable,
impulsive, and careless of consequences than
the Chinese : at the same time less capable of
business, less cautious about public opinion, more
ignorant and indiscreet. The princes at Peking
were of course haughty, and often a trifle sullen,
as became the degenerate descendants of .fine
manly fellows like the earlier emperors; for
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A,p. 1870-ldOO] MANCHU CHARACTERISTICS 278
they felt themselves de jure entitled to all the
deep-felt respect their ancestors exacted, but de
Jacto impotent to obtain even a shabby imitation
of it; moreover the innumerable tsung-shihy or
(poor) relations of the blood were not under
the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts, until in
1907 their conduct became so offensive that Mixed
Courts "of a sort'* were established to deal
with the anomaly. The Manchus, like nearly
all northerners, have a tendency to get drunk.
Here, again, they differ from the Chinese, but
are not so bad as the more simple Mongols.
Even at official interviews a Manchu mandarin
was occasionally flushed with liquor, in which
case he often adopted a braggart's airs. As to
bravery, I don't believe a Manchu is by nature
either more or less brave than a Chinaman. If it
is brave tp commit suicide rather than to suffer
humiliation, then both are equally courageous. If
it is cowardly to run when you have no confidence
in the honesty or capacity of your officers, then
both are equally cowardly. But, generally, it
appears to me that true courage is often indis-
tinguishable from pinchbeck all the world over,
and depends very much upon local ideas of
** good form," and external circumstances and
surroundings of every kind; for instance the
French and the Belgians are showing the noblest
courage, whilst the Prussians are exhibiting the
basest cowardice, moral and other.
With the above qualifications, and also re-
serving the question of the purer Manchus in
Manchuria, of whom I know nothing, I should
say the Manchu is indistinguishable in character
from the Peking Chinaman, the Peking China-
man from the northern, the northern from the
central, and the central from the southern. In
other words, they all run into each other, just
as a Russian runs into a Pole, a Pole into an
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274 PERSONAL CHAkACTERlSTlCS [chap. iiV
Austrian, and thence into a German, Dutch-
man, Englishman, and American. To put it in
another way, if you begin to distinguish at all,
you must first decide whether you are going to
split hairs or cleave mountains, for every single
Chinese village differs in character from the next
one adjoining. The broad lines of distinction
must be taken in another way, and in order to
get any real idea of how a Chinaman differs from
ourselves, we must therefore ignore petty details
both in ourselves and in them, and see if there
are any main features of an unmistakable kind.
Perhaps the easiest way to do this would be to
go about it the other way, and try to see our-
selves as others see us. The average Chinese
does not trouble himself to decide from our
complexion or our food whether we are Jews or
Christians ; from the vivacity or stupidity of our
manner, whether we are Latins or Teutons ;
from our readiness to fib or our smugness,
whether we are Russians or George Washingtons
in disguise. No! in Empire days he lumped
us all together as " foreign devils " or " bar-
barians " from the West, who wore tight-fitting
clothes instead of baggy ones; who had long
noses and deep-sunken eyes, mop-like hair instead
of a pigtail; who ate ox-meat, cheese, and
other coarse things instead of rice and a scrap
of pork or fish« — and smelt strong accordingly ;
who often assumed a bullying attitude and
were prone to violence when misunderstandings
occurred ; who got drunk ; and so on, and so
on. Of course now the pigtail has gone by the
board, and mop-like hair is fashionable, as also
are many feat\u*es in the foreign food, dress, and
(sad to say) want of good manners.
The general reader will soon get confused if he
is told that a Cantonese will scrupulously burn
his incense outside his front door at 7 p.m.,
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DIFFICULTIES IN SPECIFICATION &76
whilst a Pekingese will see his own grandmother
anything but blessed before he will sracrifice to
her coffin. Examples of this sort might be
multiplied and diversified by thousands. The
man in the street does not particularly want to
know that the pigtail was only introduced 270
years ago, and was not Chinese at all, but
essentially a Manchu characteristic. All he
sees is that there is a vast tract of country as
big as Europe, inhabited by 400,000,000 of
yellow-skinned men and women with swarms
of half -naked children who are still apt to yell
out opprobrious epithets at Europeans. These
people squat on the ground as often as they sit
on chairs ; are totally indifferent about air and
smells ; shovel their food down with chopsticks i
are always scratching their persons; have
slobbery mouths and plenty of vermin; get
the best of every bargain; seem to tell a lie
whenever they speak at all; wear Jim Crow
suits of clothes when they abandon their native
costume ; are reputed to drown their babies ; still
smoke opium when they can get it ; are supposed
to practise the most bizarre immorality; never
wash; etc., etc. These, and other points like
them, exhibit the broad lines of imaginary
Chinese character, and it is for us now to see
how far they are true.
1. A Chinaman is universally considered to be
a liar. And so he is. But, after a few years of
initiation, I never found much difficulty in
extracting the truth from any Chinaman, whethef
milkman or mandarin. Not only so,*^! always
felt great confidence in the truthfulness of my
own servants, though they often popped out
sundry lies. We have our own lies — divorce-
court lies, club Hes, society lies, husband-and-
wife lies^ and so on. The distinction is that we
lie with a different motive. A Chinaman gener*
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276 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xiv
ally lies in order to get some petty pecuniary
advantage, to save trouble, to conceal neglect,
to avoid being impolite, or to spite an enemy.
We lie in order to keep up conventional ideas of
honour and virtue, to save our relations from
pain or disgrace, from a feeling of esprit de corps,
and so on. But we know the measure of our
own lies ; we instinctively apply the grain or
the bucket of salt where we feel it is required ;
the shock is broken ; we all do things and feel
things in the same way ; the motive is familiar.
But with the luckless Chinaman the conditions
presented to us are new and abrupt. He does
his lying in a different way altogether ; and so
we call him a liar. He calls us liars too, and
believes it ; if not in money matters, at all
events in ** diplomacy." He is not so nice and
particular about the truth as we think we are :
and that is about the measure of my condem-
nation. On the other hand, he is not nearly so
hypocritical ; but he objects to ** losing face."
2. A Chinaman. is thought to be a thief. The
** chit " system is universal in China, so that
pocket-money is unnecessary. I see this very
year (1916) that efforts are being made to cur-
tail the chit habit. A ** chit " is a pencil scrawl
on a piece of paper, naming (in any form) a sum
of money, which is ** collected " from the com-
pradore or, as Anglo-Indians say, the " butler "
once a month : it may be 10 cents for a drink,
or it may be for £25 lost at cards. I always
kept the safe locked, possessed no jewellery
I had not always on, and never locked up
anjrthing but money and important papers;
particularly I never locked up wine or cigars.
During the whole course of my life in China
(with one notable exception, when a thief at
an inn walked off with me and my bed in
my sleep, deposited me in a handy spot, and
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A.D. 1870-1895] THE MOTE AND THE BEAM 277
extracted a valuable fur coat from underneath
me), I was never robbed of anjrthing. I have
several times been menaced with violence by
men who appeared to be thieves, but who
perhaps were policemen or ** watchers " ; yet I
got off by various devices, such as firing an old
pistol, or pointing a candlestick at the robbers ;
and I have missed silk handkerchiefs (as we miss
umbrellas in England) occasionally. I usually
had at least a dozen servants and retainers
wherever I was, and if any of them stole my
froperty I was never conscious of it. Of course
took reasonable precautions, as everyone ought
to do; if a person deposits tempting articles
in tempting places he must expect to lose them,
even in a country like Norway, where simple
honesty is (or was, forty years ago) carried to
naiveti ; but I possessed few tempting articles,
no articles I did not need to use, and these were
always in their proper place, so that I did not
lose them; or, what is equally satisfactory to
a sensible man, was not aware of it. I well
remember Once asking my permanent '* boy "
how it was that so many of my forks had a stain.
He said it was done by various ** coolies," or
under-servants, each of whom in succession
invariably " tested " the electro on his own
account, merely as a business-like act. On
another occasion, when I wished to lock up the
same electro box, he said : " Not at all ; if you
lock it up, someone will mistake the contents
for silver, and carry the whole box away, or
break it open ; whereas, if you leave it open,
each thief will be able to ascertain for himself
that it is not worth stealing."
8. Chinamen are always regarded as being
dirty. This I deny ; or, rather, I qualify. In
the warm parts of China a Chinaman, clothes
and all, is much less offensive to the senses (my
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2t8 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xiv
senseiS) than an Englishman of the same class,
clothes and all. In the cold north, where fuel
is dear and scarce, the custom prevails in winter
of piling on clothes upon clothes, and rarely
changing them. In Mongolia I fell in partly
with local custom, and neither took on my
clothes nor washed any part of my person but
my hands and face for a whole month. No
vermin will at any time touch me, so my case
is perhaps special ; but I noticed everyone else
near me, Chinese and European, " grew vermin,"
to use the local term. Still, it was too cold to
take any garment oft for long ; and so, instead
of undertaking ablutions, the others all em-
ployed their energies, at leisure moments, in the
same way that monkeys do, with a view to
retaining the exclusive use of their own skin for
themselves. In the south of China it is the
custom amongst the working classes to swab,
with a wet rag or dishcloth, as much of the body
as can be got at without taking the trousers off.
This, extended to all the body, is really all a
man requires in any part of the world, and in
any case it is more than our own " working
classes" habitually do. The Hakka Chinese,
in the extreme south, male and female, properly
wash the whole body every day of their lives.
But, apart from washing, the Chinese do not eat
such strong food as we do, and therefore, even
if they are " nasty " in their habits, they are
not exactly rank and dirty* — i.e. not ranker and
dirtier than we are ourselves. Their nastiness
is in form rather than fact ; for instance, my
servants used at a pinch to wipe my dishes with
their sleeve or coat-tail ; blow down the spout
of my tea-pot in their anxiety not to keep me
waiting for a drink ; themselves take a swig from
the spout ; draw the said coat-sleeve across their
noses; wipe their hands or faces after washing
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A,D. 1870-1895] EACH MAN'S PECK OF DIRT 279
with a pair of trousers, a coat-tail, or maybe the
lining of a hat ; spend hours in hunting for body-
vermin (a favourite Chinese pastime) ; and so
on. But, for all that, I do not call them dirty
beyond the ordinary rancidity of poverty all
over the world. The saying : ** The Japanese
wash their bodies, the Chinese wash their clothes'*
is fairly true. Nations differ in the form of their
cleanliness. For instance, no matter to what
continental country you go, you will get more
liberal supplies of table-linen than you will in
any British steamer, hotel, or eating-house.
On the other hand, there is no country where
window-curtains look so clean and neat as in
England. I do not think there is any country
in the world where the " working classes " di^ess
so dirtily as in Ekigland ; nor is there any where
the homes are kept so neat by the same dirty
men's wives.
4. The Chinese are said to be ungrateful.
This I totally deny. The fidelity of Chinese
servants is really extraordinary, if they are
treated with even moderate sympathy and con-
sideration ; and this, whether it be a native or
a foreign master who is concerned. Nothing
makes a more powerful impression on the
Chinese mind than impartial justice. To them
it is a grand sight to see wages paid out with-
out deductions on the "scale," or nibblings of
any kind ; to see the master refusing presents
and bribes — ^which last, indeed, few persons dare
even offer ; to observe that he will not ** run
up " a bill for compensation in cases of riot.
When they begin to get used to the cold mathe-
matical precision of the British mind, going
straight for its object without fear or favour,
they begin to feel that they are in the presence
of a weird, strange being of a superhuman kind.
But again, when they find that, in addition to
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280 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xiv
this chilly justice, they are positively receiving
some tenderness or consideration, such as gra-
tuitous medical aid, free assistance in righting
a wrong, the present of a coffin to their mothers,
and such-like things indicative of disinterested-
ness, they positively overflow with feelings of
respectful gratitude. I have seen a pack of
cunning-looking Chinamen blubber like babies
in taking leave of their master, and the more
impassive he looked the more they blubbered.
It is this gratitude for kindness that often
deceives missionaries into a belief that ** faith "
has been aroused in the Celestial mind. Even
officials of the most rascally description show
great fidelity to a friend. On one occasion I
procured the dismissal of a tolerably high man-
darin for corruption ; but, feeling rather sorry
for the man, I sent him a gorgeous but useless
silver presentation epergne packed in a box I
had never even opened, and which was always
getting into my way. He also never opened it,
probably thinking I was playing him some dirty
farewell trick, or was inf erentiaUy sneering at his
misfortune ; but, some months afterwards, when
he had got to his own province, I received from
him a letter, written in the best of good taste,
avoiding all allusion to public matters, and
sending me some little " literary " paintings of a
most artistic kind done by himself, evidently at
the cost of great labour. He had divined cor-
rectly that no other " presents " would be appre-
ciated, or even accepted. On yet another
occasion I asked a high official to put in writing
some facts touching a matter in which both he
and I had been deceived. He said, " X. has
certainly behaved badly ; but he was my friend
when he did it, as you are now ; and I would no
more tell you in writing that he did it than I
would tell him that you asked me to give infor-
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A.D. 1870-1895] GOOD POINTS IN CHINAMEN 281
mation against him." In fact, there is a very
high standard of both gratitude and honour
amongst friends in China, in spite of treacheries
and rogueries. I cannot recall a case where any
Chinese friend has left me in the lurch or played
me a dirty trick; and few of us can say the same
of our own colleagues and countrymen.
5. Chinejse politenessis generally termed hollow.
Chinamen are not so effusive and formal as the
Japanese (old system), and on the other hand they
are much more ceremoniousthan even the French ;
of course the Republic has affected their out-
ward bearing. It is only given to the few in
any race of mankind to possess the instinctive
and inborn politeness which comes of kindness
taking its own natural form. For most of us
fixed formalities are necessary, just as the letter
of the Law is found indispensable, with or with-
out the rigid dogmas of religion, to restrain the.
vast majority of persons who are not sufficiently
well-balanced by gift or training to be compe-
tent to set up and adhere to their own standard
of right. In this sense, therefore, the Chinese
politeness is hollow; but it achieves its object,
and, being under the old Confucian ideals abso-
lutely fixed, it, like the rules of the confessional,
saves the trouble of thinking, and prevents men
from the gaucherie of external " sin " in form.
Chinese male simperings and our own " feline
amenities " are cast in much the same mould.
The stiipid, gawky clownishness, or rudeness,
of the English rustic or factory hand is quite
unknown in China. There are no A's to leave
out, and no man is ashamed either of his own
relations or of his friends. There is a natural
ease of manner amongst all degrees, which the
*' classified " British mind cannot even conceive.
It is akin to the outspoken frankness and ready
wit of the French, which contrasts so painfully
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282 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chaf. xiv
with our self-con9ciousness, starchy snobbish-
ness, and mauvaise honte. The Chinese are
(unlike the Japanese) much given to brawling
and coarse language ; they are as badly off for
respectable adjectives as Tommy Atkins him-
self. In a word, they are not at heart so kindly
and sympathetic as we are, but they certainly
are more sprightly and polite, and they rarely
*' take social liberties.*'
6. I think it must be conceded that the
Chinese are cruel. Nearly all domestic animals
are treated without any consideration whatever
— not of an interested nature. If kindness or
tenderness is shown, a great parade is made
about it. Children are rarely checked in their
cruelty to mice, flies, and such creatures.
Buddhism has certainly had some mollifying
effect, even upon the Chinese heart ; for instance,
there are societies for ** preserving life,'* and
dens or keeps for " letting animals go " in ; and
some people — especially Mongols' — ^pay attention
to Buddha's precepts about not taking even
the smallest life, even to the extent of killing a
flea. But all that is a mere drop in the ocean
of cruelty, or rather callousness. Perhaps one
reason is that the standard of bodily comfort
is so low in China that the slightest divergence
from it in an unfavourable direction means
cruelty. If an ordinary Chinaman lives over a
sewer or a pig-sty, as I have often had to do in
Chinese inns ; if he feeds on coarse grain, wears
rags, sleeps on the dank floor, and possesses
only 5^. worth of property in the world, all
told ; how are you to make criminals object to
the rigours of prison life ? Yet it is a fact, in
spite of this specious way of putting it, that the
Chinese seem positively to gloat over misery.
Where is there a country in the world where
you will see, as you might have seen in Shanghai
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A.D. 1870^1916] CRUELTY ALMOST PRUSSUN 288
twenty years ago, prisoners, surrounded by a
jeering crowd, starving to death in the sun and
rain, suspended by the neck for days and nights
so that the toe-tips just touch the floor ? Where
was there ever a country (except perhaps Bok-
hara) where maggots were positively bred up
to bore into the wounds of chained prisoners ?
The callous way in which beggars are left to
die in the public streets ; the brutal treatment
of foreigners when at the mercy of a mob ; the
contemptuous ignoring of drowning men ; the
lingering executions ; the swarms of lepers left
to rot on the roads ; the tyranny of gaolers ;- —
all these and many other things go to show that
the Chinese are undoubtedly as low down as the
Prussians in the scale of downright cruelty. It is
but right to add, however, that a great many
official cruelties were denounced a dozen years
ago by the humane viceroy Liu K'un-yih and
others, and some very drastic changes have
since been made.
1. As to mercantile honour, in spite of occa-
sional lapses, such as occur in all countries, it is
so universally admitted that Chinese credit
stands deservedly high, that I need not say
another word about it, except that unhappily
it has quite recently somewhat degenerated
owing to the competition of crooked foreign
traders eager for business. It is also a curious
fact that, although Government credit vis-d-vis
of the people stands so low that it could not
well go lower, as regards foreign obligations
it is, subject to political risks, as good as that
of almost any country. It is quite pathetic to
watch the extraordinary assiduity with which
funds are collected for the service of the
foreign loans ; and even touching to read of
coolie caravans trudging laboriously along with
loads of silver all the way from Shan Si to the
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284 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xiv
banks of Shanghai, where the bullion is paid
into the credit of the Customs treasury for the
benefit of overfed financiers in Europe. Nearly
all foreigners who have ever been employed by
Chinese have noted the scrupulous punctuality
with which their salaries are paid, at all events
when it is possible : the national honour seems
very sensitive upon this point. At times the
treasury may be hopelessly depleted, and under-
lings, through whose hands tne money passes,
will always endeavour to make a " squeeze "
on the scale, or on the exchange; but that
does not seriously affect the main consideration
herein indicated.
8. " Morals " is of course a vague and compre-
hensive word, but I use it here, advisedly, in the
contracted sense of popular Eujglish usage.
The Chinese are undoubtedly a libidinous people,
with a decided inclination to be " nasty " about
it. Herein they differ from the Japanese, who
are excessively lax, but very rarely raffitUs.
A check is placed upon this national Chinese
characteristic by the almost universal practice
of early marriage. Moreover, 90 per cent, of
the population are too poor even to think of
any further sexual indulgence than the posses-
sion of a single wife affords. Among the well-
to-do classes the civilian mandarins, who in
Mcmchu times never served in their own pro-
vince, are often forced to lead a secluded and
sedentary life, and in most cases prefer to leave
their first or legitimate wives at home, partly on
account of the dangers of travel, and partly in
order to look after the family graves, docu-
ments, and honour. Hence concubines are in
these cases almost recognised as a necessity.
Most rich mandarins, however, go beyond neces-
sity, and they are the most profligate class. Next
come the wealthy merchants; but these, when
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A.D. 1870-1895] INCONTINENT SINNERS 285
living at home, are naturally more bound to
decency by family ties than are the mandarins
who move about to temporary habitations with
their servants and concubines. Still, amongst
all classes and ranks the " moral sense " is
decidedly weak, and there is hardly a Manchu or
a Chinese living possessed of that form of
** Puritanical " virtue seen in some Europeans,* —
that condition of mind which frowns at a ribald
or even a risquS story; sternly refuses any sexual
temptation that may offer, or forces itself to be
content with a chivalrous platonic attitude. The
depressing spectacle of 2,000,000 old maids in
England (the proportion would be 20,000,000 in
China) has no counterpart there. Neither man
nor woman exists in China to whom the function-
ing of his or her own nature remains a sealed
mystery. Of Chinese women it is less easy to
speak than of men, for (subject to the effect of
progress " during the last twenty years) nearly
all respectable ones lead a purdah life; but to
judge by the language of novels, what one reads of
in law cases, and sees in street life ; by the jealous
behaviour of men, and the brutally cruel customs
in vogue for punishing all female lapses, " every
(Chinese) woman is at heart a rake," and pre-
cautions are taken accordingly by their lords
and masters. Some provinces have decidedly
more " conscience " than others. The Cantonese,
though exceedingly libidinous, disapprove of
** artificial vice " of all kinds. On the other
hand, Fuh Kien has an infamous reputation,
possibly owing to its ancient connection with
traders from beyond the seas ; and undoubtedly
the morals of that province are made worse by
the fearful prevalence of female infanticide, and
the consequent comparative scarcity of women.
The northerners, more especially the crapulous
leisured classes of Peking, used openly to flaunt
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286 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xir
the worst of vices, and I have not heard of
improvement* No doubt Tartar influence has
had its effect, for from Bokhara to Corea all
Tartars se^m fashioned from one mould in this
respect. Offences which with us are regarded
as almost capital^n any case as infamous
crimes^ — do not count for as much as petty mis-
demeanours in China ; not even in Canton, where
disapproved. This easy-going view works both
ways : it obtains for the Chinese the mistaken
reputation of universally indulging in vile gratifi-
cations ; but such indulgences, by the mere fact
that they are no crimes, soon run themselves
out harmlessly in youth, while ridicule suflfices to
do the rest ; and what an old scamp does in his
harem concerns no one but himself and his
slaves. Anyhow, there is no humbug, conceal-
ment, or Mrs. Grundyism. In sum, I am
disposed to say that the Chinese, taken as a
whole, are not much, if any, worse than Euro-
peans ; in each case, some countries (or pro-
vinces) being greater sinners than others.
9. The Chinese do not treat children well.
Japan has been justly described as the paradise
of children. China is the reverse. Fathers and
mothers, especially rich ones, of course pet and
fondle pretty children of both sexes, and they
like to see them well dressed. Also fathers of
old or official family are careful to have their
sons well trained, according to native ideas of
propriety. But the masses of fathers ignore
their daughters altogether, or regard them as
impedimenta of the female department, to be
kept safely out of the way, and dry, like any
other indispensable stores. Within the past
dozen years, however, female education has been
largely introduced, and women's "rights" have
broadened as much as their former loose and
airy clothing has tightened. Sons are viewed
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A.D. 1870-1895] DWELLERS IN GLASS HOUSES 287
as links, spiritually connecting the person with
one's ancestors and futurity. The American
idea of children — ^and indeed they are often pert,
" marred " little creatures, brought up under
exaggerated ideas of liberty* — ^is monstrous in
Chinese «yes. No siich sight existed in imperial
China as a father sitting down to dinner to eat,
smoke, and chat with his sons, and even to
exchange " views." The only approach to such
easy familiarity was when a busy shopman and
his sons, usually with other relatives or employis,
sat round one table for convenience' or economy's
sake, and snatched a hasty meal by shovelling rice
down together from one big dish ; but even then
the sons had to mind their p^s^ and g's : to sit
down before a father is ** seated unco' right," or,
as each in turn picks a bit with his chopsticks from
the meat or condiment plate, to "bag" the best
piece of meat out of the tureen in a playful way,
would still be an outrage on the paternal dig-
nity. A fortiori a wife, still less a daughter, can
(or could) never join the festive board on even
terms, as with us. During the drafting of law
reform ten years ago, several prominent viceroys
strongly protested against the introduction of
so much personal or individual right at the. cost
of the old patriarchal authority, and of the hus-
band's ancient privileges. Mothers are essen-
tially " spankers " ; even if kind at times, their
tempers are so ill-balanced that they are apt
to scold and slap on the slightest provocation.
The cries of the child only feed their spite, and
urge them on to downright cruelty, as though
** inebriated with the exuberance of their own
verbosity " and screams. Fathers do not beat
children much ; their castigations are reserved
for their wives. When a boy gets beyond the
"spanking" age, his mother has to treat him
as a superior being, and the father would not
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288 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xiv
tolerate any further beatings of the son except
under his own authority. Girls were steadily
beaten and bullied by their mothers from wean-
ing time until they were women, when they
became a prey to something worse — ^mothers-in-
law ; I cannot say if the Republic has worked
improvement. It is by no means rare, however,
for a father, or mother, or both, to show exces-
sive affection for one or all of their children.
There are kind good hearts in China, as else-
where. I am only speaking of " averages " as
seen by myself. The patria potestas as it obtains
in China is totally foreign to our English ideas ;
of European nations the French alone, and to a
limited extent the Spanish and Italians, have
any vestiges of it left : not many. No doubt
it is found best, so far as and wherever it exists,
for the country concerned, for we must assume
that all institutions become such or remain such
because approved. Nolumus mvtare^ etc. But
the product in China is not always pleasing to us.
The very words used in politeness for **your
father" and "your mother" show us what the
Chinese think :- — " your honourable severe" and
" your honourable tender one." In China chil-
dren certainly romp about with great freedom ;
but so do the pigs ; they are none the less
capriciously treated and cuffed about : they fear
rather than respect or love their parents.
10. Temperance in *' self supply " is a Chinese
virtue ; in that respect we are inferior to them
in quite a disgusting degree. Drunkenness is so
rare that it is not regarded as disgraceful at all, but
rather as good form, to get tipsy at a feast ; just
as with us the act of kissing is so little connected
with lust that it is quite ** the thing " to do it
in public. But a Chinaman thinks it even in-
decent to use the word ** kiss," and our walking
out with women to be barefaced immorality ;
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r%
A.D. 1870-1895] INDULGENCE IN DRINK, ETC. 289
but here the Republic has worked a change, and
women not only have more freedom, but seem to
use it discreetly. Strong drink is sometimes dis-
approved of in political or economical philosophy
because it causes anger and a waste of good
grain ; never because men get drunk : accord-
ingly, in times of scarcity distilling is often
forbidden or checked. In the extreme north
(especially Manchuria) liquor is considered almost
a necessity, and there is a good deal of red-nosed
tippling among the well-to-do. Occasionally
soldiers get flushed and violent, but that is on
the same principle that they eat criminals'
hearts and livers — ^to gain pluck. Notwith-
standing all this, in a word, neither drunkenness
nor " drinking " exists in China : the exceptions
are a minimum quantity, and if a falling off has
taken place recently, it is probably to counter-
balance the abstention from opium. In eating
there is no question of indulgence in the case of
95 per cent, of the population : a man shovels
down all he can get for his money, and if he can
afford to buy more than is necessary, a little
extra rice, millet, or buckwheat does him no
harm. " Indulgence " only exists amongst the
mandarin and rich mercantile classes, and their
chief idea is to " feed up to the occasion " ;
hence the enormous consumption of expensive
aphrodisiacs, real and imaginary, such as bird's-
nest jelly, sea-slugs, ginseng, cats' organs, deers'
horns, and a host of other trumpery and even
disgusting objects. I have often oeen asked by
mandarins why their powers were failing, and
what they ought to eat in order to raise a larger
family, or at least to " take steps " thereto.
11. Industry is the ruling virtue of the Chinese,
from the top of the scale to the bottom, but with
the not unreasonable qualification that a man
must be working for himself. No one is more
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2»0 PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [chap, xiv
industrious in amassing pelf than the identical
mandarin who neglects to bestir himself to do
t'ustice. No one works better (always) than the
)uilder or artisan on a piece job, or worse
(sometimes) than the same man on a time job,
AH Chinese (except opium-sots and the over-
married) are risers with the sun ; usually before
it. Until (in very recent years) kerosene was
introduced, there was no artificial light worthy
of the name ; hence everyone was in bed by six
or eight, according to season. If the days in
winter were as short as with us, the Chinese
would probably have adopted the lazy, sleepy
habits of the last generation of Russians before
night workshops came into vogue; but the
days according to season do not vary much in
length, especially in the south parts. In these
circumstances, it is no great virtue to get up at
four and six, or even at two or tluree. All
Chinese inns are in full swing of motion two. hours
before daylight, and there is much night travel-
ling in parts. A Chinaman works hard all day,
but never feverishly ; he stops for an occasional
snack, swig, or smoke, and is always ready for
a running chat. The tacit principle of Chinese
industry is to neglect all secured rights and aim
at more. Thus, a man will work well for £50 a
year ; but if you give him £1,000 to do the same
work, he will probably neglect part of it in order
to turn £50 more in some fresh way. No matter
what takes place, or under what circumstances,
a Chinaman, whatever be his rank or position,
at once sees money or money-loss in it. If you
give him a free passage, he smuggles ; but a free
passage alone will do, if the smuggling is impos-
sible ; if it is easy, he lets his friends smuggle
too. A classical instance occurred last (1916)
summer, when the Minister of Justice, a num-
ber of M.P.'s^ and some high military officers
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A,D. 1870-1895J THE HANDY MAN 29i
travelling on duty from Yiin Nan, were all
mixed up in a wholesale smuggle of opium,* vid
Tonquin, into Shanghai . If nothing else occurs to
the hunter after profitable game, there is chance
of compensation after a disaster ; hence arson
is a common offence in these days of insurance.
If you give him a present, he will even ask — if
possible — ^for a "better dollar than this one,"
or count up the copper cash to see if they are all
good and sound : (copper ** cash " are, however,
being rapidly ousted in favour of a foreign style
coin dubbed ** a copper "). If a mandarin admits
a claim, there is certain to be a hitch in the
quality and weight of the silver before you
actually encash it, and all attempts to reform
the currency have so far failed. A boatman
delays you an hour because ** fuel is cheap here."
In a word, the whole wits of nearly every living
Chinaman (and woman) seem to be devoted to
turning to pecuniary profit every incident in
which he has had, has, or may have a hand, direct
or indirect. Accounts are kept by considerable
traders with scrupulous exactitude. No Chinese
ever needs information as to market prices or
values ; or, if he does, he knows how to get it
without having to trust anybody. In short, as
traders the Chinese are easily " number one."
12. We talk about Jack being a " handy man,"
but he must take points from a Chinaman. The
usual exceptions excepted, every Chinese knows
the time without a watch ; can at a pinch buy,
prepare, and cook his own food ; wash, patch,
if not make his own clothes ; judge the weather,
till the fields, carry a pole and its load ; indicate
the north, manoeuvre a punt, sail a boat, catch
fish, saddle and act as '* vet." to a horse ;
tackle animals, birds, and reptiles' of all kinds
under unexpected circumstances ; walk or ride
^ See page 204.
21
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292 l^ERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS [ckaP. :sClv
a long distance, sleep anywhere at any moment,
take no exercise whatever for any length of
time, loaf time away ; gain the graces of any
woman of any nationality (if she will let him) ;
eat anything, go anywhere, remain without
change' — ^and do other things innumerable. What
a Chinaman cannot do may be summed up as
follows : Shave himself ; do up his own hair (but
since the abolition of pigtails in most parts
these two defects have become obsolete) ; cure
his own maladies ; keep off vermin ; fight with
his fists ; manage a steamer ; keep military or
naval discipline (Yiian Shi-k'ai led the way
to improvement here just when the early edition
of this book camre out) ; handle trust money
honestly; tell a plain, unvarnished story; be
punctual; show nerve in times of sudden dan-
ger; eat cheese; or tolerate a female " master.'*
The complicated question of Chinese character
does not permit of settlement in a few cursory
pages, but the above will at least serve to indi-
cate the general impression which over a quarter
of a century of residence among Celestials ended
by leaving on my mind ; and it must always be
remembered that the Chinese individual, as well
as the Chinese State, is still in the crucible, the
amount of new scum being doubtful.
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CHAPTER XV
RELIGION AND REBELLION
People are apt to confuse themselves by first
harking back upon the obsolete historical word
religio, the very derivation of which is contested
and obscure, and secondly by confusing the word
" piety " with religion. This vagueness leaves
open the door to unlimited argument, the total
result of which is to land us in quite as foggy a
region of thought as that in which most men's
actual feelings on religion generally flounder.
We must go to the root of matters at once and
ask ourselves : What is the popular view and
ordinary effect of formal religion ? With us in
Great Britain the first thing is to ** go to church,"
and not to work on Sundays ; then to say our
prayers, to say grace, and (in a progressive string
according to the degree of our piety) to be chaste,
sober, charitable with money ; to praise God, look
to a future life, and so on. Except that there
is no Sunday, and the curious idea of ** praise "
has never entered a Chinaman's mind, a " good
man " in China — ^which means in this connection
exactly the same thing as a pious or religious
one- — ^is very much a counterpart of the good
Englishman. He visits the church or temple
with quite as much or as little understanding
as most of ourselves of the reason why he does
so; and says prayers — ^but only when he has
anything to pray for ; he pours out a Ubation
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2d4 RELIGION AND REBELLION [chap.xv
or scatters a thank-offering for his food, and
moreover does not forget an acknowledgment,
often daily, to his ancestors. In chastity per-
haps inferior, in sobriety decidedly superior to
our average selves, he is infinitely more charit-
able, especially to relatives ; in his private, but
not in his public capacity. As to a future life.
Be is totally indifferent on that subject so long
as his head is kept on his shoulders in this one,
in order that he may make his bow in decent
form when he arrives in any other sphere there
may be. In " natural religion,'* therefore, a
Chinaman differs Uttle from ourselves.
In ** faith,'* "doctrine,** and '* dogma** it is
different ; and I do not believe any power will
succeed in drumming any one of the three into
the Chinese mind, which is much too clear to
take on trust any mere insistence upon alleged
facts which cannot be proved by plain evidence.
With us a cook who wants a good situation ad-
vertises that she ** holds Church views." Most
Chinamen have also their views, and if not so
orthodox to our taste as those of the cook, they
are usually at least more intelligible. There
would never be any ** missionary rows " if things
were allowed to stand in the *'view'* stage;
but (sometimes unhappily) our churches mihtant
think it their duty to try and effect a change,
not only of view, but also of behaviour by active
means, instead of allowing the Chinaman to
think and act (as they themselves do) for himself.
The average Chinese, though behindhand in
science, is, in many matters, the intellectual
superior of the average European ; hence comes
the trouble.
The foundation of religious feeling seems to
have been much the same in ancient China as
elsewhere. The sun was seen to rise, shedding
warmth and light ; the moon did the same, in
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B.C. 8000-600] THROUGH A GLASS, DARKLY 295
part. Hence the saluting or worshipping of
the sun ; and, by analogy, to a lesser extent, the
moon. The wind and rain were as often agree-
able as objectionable. Hence the idea of bad
and good forces, with an appeal to the pair for
some show of discrimination in their favours.
When life sped, it was difficult to imagine (the
body being still there) whither the intelligence
and activity had gone. Hence confused ideas
of souls, ghosts, gods, and so on. It is easy to
extend this natural system. Desire for children,
gratitude to parents, remorse for injury done to
the dead ; mysterious noises in darkness and
solitude ; droughts, floods, eclipses. In a word.
Chinamen saw themselves surrounded by many
things they could not understand, and their
imaginations (hke those of our early ancestors)
constructed strange ** beliefs *' to account for
them.
The next stage was the Confucian, and it was
only in Confucius' time that written thought
became really intelligible and connected, and
that older works of value were made more dis-
tinct. Confucius had the good sense to say that he
understood nothing about souls and supernatural
mysteries ; he therefore declined to discuss them.
But meanwhile forms and ceremonies had in-
sensibly grown up with advancing wealth and
experience ; besides which Taoism and other
philosophical doctrines were beginning to make
men speculative and polemical. Confucius,
therefore, did his best to reconcile popular cus-
toms or prejudices with the practical business
of state ; he does not seem to have much sym-
pathised with mere " thinkers.'* He evidently
thought Laocius a humbug, and he would have
thought Kant a humbug too. He was a sort
of popular democratic Lord Chesterfield, and
tried to teach his children of China how to be
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296 RELIGION AND REBELLION [chap, xv
decent, orderly, and gentle; how to give and
take without violence ; how to observe distinc-
tions of rank ; how to keep women in check ;
and so on. He did this with such success
(dei^ite a suspicion of priggishness) that his
influence still remains; for dynasty after dynasty
has found support therein for " monarchism."
He was no religious teacher; but as a moral
instructor he must be given rank after Jesus
of Nazareth,' — ^possibly even after Shakyamuni ;
with, but before Mahomet. Even the Republic,
after abolishing him, has plumped for him once
more. It must be stated, however, what is not gen-
erally known, that a couple of centuries earlier the
practical statesman Kwan-tsz * anticipated a good
portion of both Laocius' and Confucius' teachings
A further great revolution in thought took place
about two centuries before our era; the time
coincides with the conquests of the Parthians,
and it is possible that Graeco-Roman civilisation
was affected by the same wave that influenced
China — ^whatever it was. At all events there
was a general movement and a simultaneous
expansion in the world, all the way from Rome
to Corea. The result was that China now first
heard of India, Buddhism, and the Parthians ;
and before long Buddhist philosophy took a
firm hold on the Chinese mmd, just as Chris-
tianity at the same time gradually got a grip of
the Roman or Greek mind. The history of the
spread of Buddhism over the Far East is a long
one. Like Christianity, later on it soon became
surcharged with useless ** doctrine" and priestly
corruption ; in other words, the men who handled
it were but poor representatives of the founders.
Hence it lost caste, and had its ups and downs
from dynasty to dynasty, just as our European
religions had during Tudor times. But it left
> See pp. 43, 238.
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A.D. 100-1900] CHRISTIANITY AND BUDDHISM 297
behind a lasting effect in this way. Buddhism
was democratic; it was the enemy of class
feeling, luxury, cruelty, and greed. It was
merciful, favoured simplicity and economy, and
gave women an equal status with men. Hence
it has had a decidedly good influence upon
men's minds, and especially upon women's; in
fact, Chinese women, having nearly always
been uneducated, and therefore unable to read
or understand contentious philosophy ; being
assigned moreover by Confucius a back seat in
life, could have no religion or moral teaching
except Buddhism and ** nature." All Buddhist
** doctrine " is discredited in China by men of
intellect now, and so are priests as piiofessors of
it ; but the true and simple teaching of Shakya-
muni survives ; and, as priests possess glebes ;
are independent ; and are usually travelled and
sometimes even well-read men, with a leisured
'taste for calligraphy and antiquity; they often
enjoy the respect and companionship of the
learned. The Republic, having begun rather
summarily with priests, gradually reconsidered
their vested rights, and things do ixot seem to be
quite settled yet. Both they and their temples
are more popular with women than men like
to see, and in some provinces there is moral
laxity ; just as in Brazil, Manila, or Hungary
the Catholic priests are less strict than they are
in England, Germany, or France. When men
die, the families, and especially the women,
like to have a few priests in, and they are not
particular as to doctrine, or even as to religion,
so long as chaunting and processions of some
sort go on. Just as distingmshed French scoffers
are reported to send for a priest at the last
moment, so even a Chinese mandarin thinks
it good form to summon a Taoist or a bonze
when a calamity takes place. It is only another
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298 RELIGION AND REBELLION [chap, xv
form of " church parade.'' In Singapore there
is a Roman Catholic church in which a figure of
the Blessed Virgin has somehow acquired a
repute amongst the pagans ; and, as the Portu-
guese priest in charge himself told me, there is
a sort of annual pagan ** wake " held every year
there. The fact is that, politics apart, the
Chinese take an easy and broad-minded view
of all religions, and would never persecute any-
one so long as no gross immorality or inter-
ference with administration, custom, and liberty
took place. The Mussulmans in North China
are never in the least interfered with, because
they have the good sense (like the early Jesuits
had) to fall in with popular feeling, and " let
things be.'' The Chinese, in turn, give them a
free hand in circumcision, pork, wine, and
other specialities. It is only in Yiin Nan and
Kan Suh, where Mahometans have at times
become rather aggressive, that wars and perse-
cutions have taken place, the faults, as usual,
being on both sides.
Such was the state of affairs when Christianity
first appeared. I say ** first " advisedly, for
though Nestorians, Mazd^ans, Manichseans, Jews,
and other Western sectarians had been alter-
nately tolerated and suppressed at various times
between the seventh and the thirteenth century,
they had never been clearly separated, in the
popular mind at least, from Buddhists and
Mussulmans, of which they were considered
perverted forms. At first there was no hostility
to speak of ; but the attitude of the less prudent
Roman Catholics in the seventeenth century
towards the time-honoured custom of ** ancestor-
worship " (which is really much the same as the
annual visits to cemeteries in vogue in France
and Italy) sowed the germs of future trouble.
The disputes of the Jesuits, Dominicans, the
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A,D. 1840-1910] CHARITY NEVER FAILETH 299
Franciscans involved the Pope and the Manchu
Emperor in antagonistic polemics ; persecution
was the result; and for two centuries Chris-
tianity only existed in the provinces by stealth.
The treaty of Nanking (in 1842), and still more
that of Tientsin (in 1858), gave a fillip to propa-
gandism ; and now perhaps there are a million
or more of nominal Christians in the empire,
i.e. about two or three for every thousand souls,
and it must cost quite a million pounds a year
to give them spiritual comfort. It is quite a
mistake to suppose that the Chinese masses
entertain any hostile sentiments towards re-
ligious feeling as such : they respect it, in
whatever form ; and the gentle doctrines of
true, simple Buddhism, which possess so much
that is (externally at least) similar to those of
true, simple Christianity, have, as already
stated, on the whole, exercised a lasting effect
for good on the Chinese mind : so do medical
missionaries and really charitable school teachers
exercise a decidedly good effect upon the Celestial
mind of to-day : but by reasoning kindness, not
by dogma. . What causes trouble is the clashing
of militant doctrine with the village customs
and social habits naturally dear to the rustic
mind. I will just enumerate a few instances to
illustrate my meaning. Roman Catholic and
Protestant missionaries alike inveigh against
foot-binding. This is not unreasonable, and
even the Chinese themselves are beginning to see
that it is an evil custom. The old Dowager
explicitly condemned it some years ago, and
now it is distinctly on the decline, besides being
presidentially denounced ; but prudence is still re-
quired, otherwise it is manifest that hostility and
jealousy must arise between conservative and pro-
gressive females, just as with us a too energetic
display of the Bloomer costume or a divided skirt
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800 RELIGION AND REBELLION [chap, xv
is apt, as a mere novelty, to cause a " row/' Both
Roman Catholics and Protestants rightly inveigh
against the use of opium ; and happily there is
no longer any risk of hostility on this ground,
as both the Republican and the British govern-
ments are whole-heartedly doing their best.
The Protestants, but not the Roman Catholics,
usually make an unnecessary fuss about the use
of spirituous liquors* Coming as they do from
drujiken countries where liquor too often means
vice, they have not the discrimination to see that
their exhortations are quite unnecessary in a land
where intemperance is practically unknown. It is
to be hoped that the suppression of opium smok-
ing will not bring dram-drinking into vogue ;
and it is also to be hoped that the Japanese
will be generous enough to discourage the profit-
able trade in morphia and its apparatus. The
questions of slavery and concubinage are more
serious; but here again Europeans are misled
by their own words. Slavery in China has never
at any time savoured of the brutality the black
variety assumed in European or Arab hands :
in denouncing Chinese slavery- — ^which, though
admitted by the Chinese themselves to be ob-
jectionable, is really more a social caste distinc-
tion, or dimintUio capitis^ than a heartless traffic
in human flesh- — ^the missionaries are unjustly
censuring the Chinese in principle for the past
abominable crimes of their own ancestors. Since
the recent legal reforms, slavery has been nomin-
ally abolished throughout the Empire, but no
doubt old customs still persist in parts inacces-
sible to new influences ; as, for instance, in remote
Kwei Chou province, where "official sales" of
poor children were disclosed in 1908. So, again,
the word "concubinage" connotes with us de-
grading ideas which the corresponding Chinese
word in no way expresses. Apart from the fact
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A^D. 1917] CUSTOMS AND SUPERSTITIONS 801
that polygamy was universal at one time both
with our own religious ancestors the Jews and
with our own political ancestors the Romans, it
is still the rule rather than the exception all oyer
Asia, and there seems to be nothing inherently or
naturally evil in it; in fact, the devastating results
of the great war are now suggesting a Ktdtural
revival of it in order to restore the already un-
favourable balance of sexes. We have no right
to force on other peoples rites and ceremonies
when the sanctions and grounds do not exist
which render those forms incumbent on us.
Then there are the village temple feasts, the
prayers for rain, the exorcising of demons, in
Manchu times the obeisance to Imperial tablets,
even under the Republic to Confucius' shrine,
and so on. These last are the points where the
narrow-minded views and actions of some mis-
sionaries have been apt to give most trouble.
If it is the custom for all to subscribe to a temple
or other " superstitious " feast, it is monstrous
for a too strait-laced missionary to back up the
protest of a more or less genuine convert who
may simply want to escape paying his scot ;
in fact, the missionary himself ought to subscribe
to anjrthing in the shape of local rates which
has the approval of authority. Anyway, he has
no business whatever to question an official
decision touching the incidence of rates or
popular levies upon a Chinese. Our own church
rates, though not now compulsory, have been
so at times. Even admitting that the Chinese
customary levies are absurd and unjust, we
must allow they are not so much so that we are
entitled to pondemn them more severely than
many of our own follies committed in the name
of religion, ancient custom, or local tradition.
So far from being irreligious, the Chinese
are decidedly religiously inclined, though their
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802 RELIGION AND REBELLION [chap, xv
religious feelings may not take that gloomy,
Anglo-Dutch form which is the peculiarity of
** dissenting '* countries. In the first place, all
Chinese have a deep veneration for the idea of
a soul, or the continuity of life ; this idea is
derived partly from the old Shamanistic or
natural religion, and partly from the Buddhist
notion of transmigration. Hence the great
care of the dead, the love of funeral ceremonies,
the readiness to spend money upon graves, the
desire to propitiate the ghosts of ancestors, the
yearning for a son, the strong family sentiment
of unity, and the strict subordination of younger
to elder, the chief rock upon which law reforms
partly came to grief. Hair-splitting doctrine has
no charms for the Chinese mind, which, however
ill-trained, is essentially intellectual and liberal.
The most militant and aggressive religion on
earth, that of Mahomet, has learnt to live in
peace everywhere in China except on the borders
where foreign races complicate the situation ;
and a Mussulman might be and occasionally was
a Chinese {i.e. Marichu time) Viceroy ; as, indeed,
even a Christian might be if he would only make
reasonable concessions, and give us a little more
bright, cheery, tolerant human nature, instead
of seeking to condemn those whose consciences
do not permit them to accept his views of what
is right and true. Under the Republic all
religions have been declared free, and, as the
American traveller Rodney Gilbert has this
year shown us, a powerful Mussulman general
has accepted Chinese rank and is virtually ruling
Islam on the Tibetan frontiers as an independent
satrap.
The above being the general feeling of the
Chinese, we may now go on to describe them as
exactly the contrary of what they are usually
supposed to be; that is, they are religious-
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A.t}. 1800-1600] Religious legislation sos
minded, tolerant, and non-militant ; but neither
the educated nor the ignorant classes \Yill have
what they honestly believe to be humbug thrust
down their throats, and such religious animosity
as exists^ — ^which has never been exercised in
one single instance against the Russian Orthodox
Church — has often had to thank the mistaken
zeal of Roman Catholic and Protestant mission-
aries for its own birth and growth ; or, as in the
** Boxer " case, is indirectly owing to the
** blood of the martyrs " having been used (as
was done by Prussia) for political gain. This
brings us to the germane subject of Chinese
rebellions and secret societies, which have in-
variably been provoked by religious sectaries.
In the beginning of the year 1808, immediately
after John of Monte-Corvino had been conse-
crated Archbishop of Cambalu (Peking), Chris-
tian priests, Buddhist bonzes, and Taoist monks
were ordered to ** pay taxes in future like any
one else,'' and steps were taken to put a stop to
the " exacting claims of BuddWst priests.''
The evident connection of religion with rebel-
lion is apparent from the following : ** Princes
and Tibetftn priests in the imperial cortige
having oppressed the people on the roads, such
things are now prohibited. Prohibited is also
the White Lily Sect; and their buildings will
be destroyed : their sectaries will once more be
made common people." Again, in 1822 : " Pro-
hibition of White Lily Buddhist business." And
in 1849 there was a red-turban revolt in the
north of modern An Hwei, once more under the
aegis of the White Lily Society. It was given
out in this connection that Maitr&ya (the Bud-
dhist Messiah) was doming to earth. Shortly
after this a Buddhist priest turned the Mongols
out, and foimded the Ming dynasty. In 1622
a White Lily revolt broke out in the exact spot
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804 ]ElELIGION AND REBELLION [chaI^.xt
where the madcap ^^ Boxer *' rebellion of 1900
had its^ birth. The Jesuits, then establishing
themselves in China, were not unnaturally con-
nected with this rebellion in the Chinese mind,
and for some years the Prime Minister severely
persecuted them. Meanwhile the White Lfily
leader gained headway, sacked Peking, and put
an end to the Ming dynasty, which was replaced
by the very Manchus whose assistance the Ming
statesmen had sought. During the greater
part of the two first centuries of Manchu rule
there were not many serious popular rebellions ;
but, such as they were, religion was always at
the bottom of the trouble. In 1778 a revolt in
South Shan Si brought the White Lily Society
once more under review. In speaking of a
Mussulman schism of the same date, the Emperor
says : ** It is similar in principle to the White
Lily faith amongst bonzes.** Rebellions were
then spreading rapidly all over the Empire,
which was really in a very parlous state when
the aged KMen-lung abdicated in 1795 to his son,
after a splendid reign of sixty years. In that
year the leading WHte Lily chief was taken and
executed ; the services of General Nayench'Sng
(grandson of Akwei, the Manchu sent to conquer
Burma) are -now first mentioned. In 1818 a
** Boxer " revolt broke out once more in the old
spot (South Shan Tung), and some of its sec-
taries even gained admission to the Peking
Palace. The Emperor Kia-k'ing's life was only
saved by the bravery of his Second son, after-
wards the Emperor Tao-kwang. Though the
term " Boxer " is used by General Nayench'Sng
in connection with this rising, its lineal descent
from the White Lily sect is amply attested by
him, though the official name at the time was
TirnAiy or ** Heavenly Order" Faith. Its
indirect connection with Christianity, or at
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A.D. 1856-lSOO] HOW THE HEATHEN RAGE 808
least with Christian ideas, is possible from the
fact that the term "White Ocean Faith '' is
also vaguely used by some of the conspirators.
At last, in 1850, the direct connection of Chris-
tianity with rebellion was made perfectly clear
when the standard of revolt was raised in Kwang
Si by a student of the Christian doctrine named
Hung Siu-ts*flan : he styled his sect the Shang-ti
Hwei, or ** Society of God," and reigned for ten
years as " King of Heaven *' at Nanking, claim*
ing blood relationship with Jesus Christ, It was
not until 1864 that the late Marquess TsSng's *
father succeeded in retaking the city ; and mean-
while half China had been ravaged. I have
already referred to the Great Rebellion in the
chapter on " Population."
It is unnecessary to inquire into the exact
religious or anti-religious motives which inspired
the present " Boxer '' revolt : matters of opinion
in religion and superstition alike are of no
scientific importance to anyone but the holder,
so far at least as they are unsupported by evi-
dence of truth : but, so far as those opinions
bear upon practical human affairs, it is interest-
ing to note several indisputable facts : (1) the
** Boxers '' were inspired by the tenets of the old
White Lily Society — i.e. they were a protest
made by the spirit of Buddhism against the
spirit of miUtant Christianity; (2) the mili-
tancy against which the " Boxers '' protest is
the evident connection in their minds between
the land-acquisitiveness of Europeans and the
supposed alliance between European militant
missionaries and European political aims. As
usual in human affairs, the protests of ignorant
men assume a violent form, and passion feeds
upon itself as it rages.
The " Boxer *' rebellion had two most impor-
^ Minister to Great Britain a generation ago.
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806 REUGION AND REBELLION [cHAP.xt
tant literary consequences. The great library
of the Han-lin Academy, and that of the
Russian College at Pei Kwan, were both utterly
destroyed : most of the " Albas^ins," or Russi-
fied Chinese, also perished. In retaliation, the
Russians carted off to Europe the whole of the
vast manuscript collection from the Mukden
Palace : this included manuscript copies of the
Greek and Roman classics, which must have
been brought from Europe either by the early
missionaries, or by the Mongols after their con-
quests in Hungary.
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CHAPJER XVI
LAW
After the excitement caused by the Russo-
Japanese war, a Chinese imperial decree dated
April 24, 1905, recited how the Throne had been
advised to recast some of the laws in accordance
with the spirit of the age, and how it had been
resolved to abolish at once the cruel lingering
punishment of hacking the body. It is apolo-
getically explained that the Manchus, previously
to their assuming control of the Chinese Empire
260 years previously, knew no punishment severer
than simple death ; but that, " contrary to
their own merciful inclinations,'' they had been
induced to take over this and other exaggerated
forms from the laws of the preceding dynasty.
In future, therefore, decapitation and strangu-
lation, either immediate or after a period of
revision and delay, were to be the only death
punishments ; the branding of criminals on the
face, the exposure of decapitated heads, and the
decapitating of dead bodies in the case of
criminals not taken alive, were also abolished.
A later decree foreshadowed the abolition of
torture during trial; and shortly afterwards
one of the stipendiary magistrates at Peking
was dismissed from his post by the Emperor for
disobeying the new law in a civil case brought
before him. However, even under the Republic,
22 307
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6o8 Law [chap. XVI
it is unquestionable that, although nominally
abolished, the practice occasionally survives.
In pursuance of the 1905 decree, the Board of
Punishments Throne at once set to work, and
the laws of England, France, Germany, and
Belgium were compared with the Chinese code
laws which prevailed 500 and 1,000 years ago.
The matter was still in a transition state when
the Dowager and the Emoeror died in 1908.
The fact that Chinese law is in need of prac-
tical reform in no way involves the admission
that China is devoid of a legal history and
equitable principles ; nor must it be forgotten,
when we criticise Chinese severity, that until a
hundred years ago Englishmen guilty of treason
were cut down from the gallows whilst alive,
and had their entrails taken out and burnt
before their eyes : women were burnt alive for
treason until 1790 ; and even until 1870 men
convicted of treason were supposed to be
quartered after execution. Until William the
Fourth's reign, highwaymen and other notorious
criminals were gibbeted in chains and handed
over to surgeons for dissection; and the late
Sir James Fitzjames Stephen, in his Digest of
our Criminal Law, himself alludes to the atrocious
severity of our former larceny laws : hanging
for sheep-stealing, for instance, was common
enough in Dr. Johnson's time. I believe I am
correct in saying that up to the beginning of the
late Queen Victoria's reign there were 200
offences for which a man might be hanged. We
must therefore make reasonable allowances for
other nations ; and in any case it must be con-
ceded that a peaceful industrious civilisation,
containing within it such enormous powers of
passive resistance to foreign aggression as China
does, necessarily possesses many an occult virtue.
As a matter of fact China possesses a very
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B.C. 2000-A.D. 1900] CHINESE THEORY OF LAW 809
extensive and perfectly consecutive legal his-
tory : throughout all the changes of dynasty
appeal has been made unswervingly to the same
ancient principles, and there has been almost no
borrowing at all from foreign sources. The
• foundations of existing legal principle are nearly
all to be found in the old classical literature, —
the same literature which suggested to Con-
fucius, and to the other Chinese philosophers
and legists, both before and after him, the various
types of political religion : in fact, ritual, law,
and religion are simply different expressions of
the single all-pervading principle of patria
potestas or filial piety, which is the kernel or
root-motive of all Chinese ethics.
Even in our own time, the conception of the
word Law as meaning nothing more than a series
of sovereign commands is qjily gaining ground
very slowly, after having been laboriously worked
out by the great jurist Austin. This idea is
clearly brought out from the very beginning of
Chinese legal history, except that the automatic
sanction and the command of nature seem to
•form at first one indivisible unit. Sir Hejiry
Maine, in his Ancient Law, has pointed out
that Austin fails to provide us with a motive
for command ; but the Chinese view that all
government must accord with the smooth work-
ings of nature supplies the missing motive.
** Punishment laws '* rather than " laws and
their punishments '' is the idea as conceived by
the Chinese mind, including the inseparable con-
nection between making war and enforcing the
law : under the head of the '* greatest punish-
ments " come making war and putting to death ;
the " secondary punishments '' included cas-
tration, cutting off the feet, slicing off the knee-
cap, and branding ; the " minor punishments "
flogging and the bastinado. The object of law
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810 LAW [chap. XVI
was to keep the feudal states in order, to make
officials do their duty, and to restrain the people
from excess. 'Thus it will be seen that the
Chinese conception of law is pre-eminently
criminal law. The Emperor as sole lawgiver
was the Vicegerent of Heaven, and it is his '
duty to govern directly and through his agents
in accordance with the harmonious order of
nature : if he fails to do so, and persists, he is
liable to be overthrown.
Unjust judgments shock the smooth workings
of nature, and call down various disasters. So
far as man is concerned, his five natural rela-
tions are those of subject, father, husband,
brother and friend. But, so long as the Emperor
governed with reasonable integrity, he was
entitled to the absolute obedience of all his
lieges. The Emperor was to the State on a
large Scale exactly what the paterjamilia^ is to
the family on a small scale, the function in either
case being that of maintaining order; as the
ancient Chinese said : — " The lash may not be
relaxed in the family, nor punishments in the
State, nor arms in the Empire.'' The laws are
like the stings used by insects for self-protec-
tion ; beginning with war and ending with rules
of propriety; instruments for maintaining an
even level ; and so on. The government in no
way interferes with the management of the
family; on the contrary, the whole resources
of the State are placed at the service of each
family-head, on condition of his being politically
responsible in return for the loyalty and order
of his family. The whole Chinese administrative
system is based on the doctrine of filial piety,
in its most extended signification of duty to
natural parents and also to political parents.
China has thus always been one vast republic
of innumerable private families, or petty imperia^
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A.D. 1905] CUSTOMARY LAW 811
within one public family, or general imperium ;
the organisation consists of a number of self-
producing and ever-multiplying independent
cells, each maintaining a complete administra-
tive existence apart from the central power.
Doubtless it is this fact that in a large mea-
sure accounts for China's elastic indestructi-
bility in the face of so many conquests and
revolutions.
The Chinese idea of law thus being castiga-
tory, it is not to be wondered at that, apart
from recent discussions and reforms, there is no
science of civil jurisprudence in the European
sense. Moreover the executive and the judicial
powers have always been wielded by the same
hand, and the distinction between the two
was not even clearly perceived or provided with
distinctive names until 1905. All matters of
what we should call Family Law were left entirely
to the family or clan ; the government in no way
concerned itself — at least so far as taking the
initiative goes — ^with births, marriages, deaths,
burials, adoption, legitimacy, divorce, mourn-
ing, testamentary dispositions, division and
transfer of property, joint ownership, mortgages,
sanitation, medicine, midwifery, sobriety, or
morals. These were, and to a large extent still
"are, all questions for the family council, and it
is only on the comparatively rare occasions when
the council actively and spontaneously seeks
the assistance of a court that the officials take
cognisance : even a murder might be quietly
ignored if the clan concerned decides not to
complain. In the same way, commercial juris-
prudence lay within the private ken of the
different trading guilds ; banking questions were
decided by the marvellously close and effective
organisation of private bankers ; junkmen,
fishermen, pawnbrokers, post-officefl^ squatters.
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812 LAW [chap. XVI
money-lenders, doctors — ^in short, all industries
— ^managed their own affairs and paid the fees
with the minimum of government interference,
if any; and even then the official action was
taken in the interests of public order rather
than to assert a legal principle : and although
a few laws concerning marriages, inheritance,
land transfer, usury, brokerage, etc., were laid
down in the codes, these rather expressed what
was the universal custom than imposed any
fresh ' ' command." Many of these matters, how-
ever, were already in the latest Manchu times
being gradually brought under the cognisance of
newly constituted Boards — ^Agriculture, Trade,
Communications, etc., or Bureaus' — Customs,
Fisheries, Post Office, and so on ; meanwhile the
Republic has not yet foimd its feet sufficiently
to enable us to declare finality on any given
point. Th^re is, strictly speaking, under the
unreformed rSgime^ no contract law at all except
as touches the supreme contract of marriage.
Thus, take the rate of interest that pawnbrokers
might charge, and their licences ; or the permits
to sail in and out of port : in the one case the
needy classes are protected from extortion ; in
the other travellers are protected from pirates.
Should it happen that any family or any industry
saw fit to claim the sanction of a court of justice,
it did not at all follow that such court woiild
announce, still less create, a law for itself : on
the contrary, it would do exactly what our
courts do, and what they did to a greater extent
before statute law largely replaced common
law — ^it would declare the law, or adopt the cus-
tomary law, local or general, as ascertained on
evidence. This is only another way of saying
that in most matters China was and still largely
is governed by the customs of ancestors, or
common law ; that the common law was adminis-
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B.C. 2000-200] THE PHILOSOPHY OF LAW 818
tered by the people themselves ; and that the
State (unless when specially invited) only stepped
in to prevent a breach of the peace.
According to cherished tradition— which, '
however, the best-informed Chinese do not
take too seriously — ^the most ancient monarchs
maintained order by inculcating the principles
of propriety, only introducing punishments
occasionally; even then it was usually found
sujBBicient to " imagine '' the punishment, and
to attire prisoners in a singular garb supposed
to correspond with this or that penalty : thus
those by way of being branded wore black
hats ; those to be deprived of their noses, red
trousers; those condemned to sliced knee-caps,
black coats; those to be castrated, coloured shoes ;
those to be decapitated, petticoats and no collar ;
and so on. From the very earliest times banish-
ment was resorted to. Under extenuating cir-
cumstances the principle of ransoming punish-
ment for a money payment was admitted ; and
up to our own day the same thing was allowed,
at least in theorj^, though in practice it had a
good deal fallen off. But even so far back as
230 B.C. the Chinese philosopher Siin-tsz, who
took a pessimistic view of human nature^ ex-
posed in his chapter on Law the fallacy of this
view of ancient leniency : he said : —
" It is evident crime went on then as now, else
there would have been no prisoners liable to these
severe nominal punishments. The principle is
a false one, moreover. If you are going to
abolish death for murder, and mutilation for
injuries done, how are you going to make the
people dread ? The great thing is to prevent
crime ; to condone it is to nourish wrong-doing.
All this nonsense about pictorial or imaginary
punishments is but a latter-day protest against
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814 LAW [chap. XVI
the cruel and capricious excesses of modern
times. Rewards for good, punishments for evil
— ^the principle is the same ; uncertainty and
inconsistency are the only bane. Consequently
a good government is always a strict one, and a
bad government is always a lax one. The real
meaning of the much-quoted ancient tradition
about pictorial chastisements is that punish-
ments were always figured or pictured after the
tao or method of Heaven."
Hei*e we have a Chinese philosopher, whose
works are still extant, laying down 2,200 years
ago what is practically Jeremy Bentham's
doctrine of pleasures and pains. He aho alludes
to the principles of justice recommended by the
great democratic apostle Lao-tsz who lived
three centuries before him, and in such a way as
to suggest that he must have been familiar with
Lao-tsz' writings, or even with those of Kwan-tsz,
from whom Lao-tsz seems to have copied, con-
sciously or unconsciously.
Although competent critics are agreed that
precise dates in Chinese history cannot be ascer-
tained further back than 841 B.C., there is no
reason to doubt the main facts first handed down
by oral tradition, and later recorded in their
chronicles ; esi>ecially when these same facts are
persistently cited in various connections, in
works of different classes, and by each suc-
cessive dynasty. Thus about 950 B.C., 150
years after the establishment of a new dynasty,
but when times had become degenerate once
more, the King or Emperor decided that law
reform was necessary in order to maintain
proper order amongst **the hundred families'*
• — as the Chinese people are still in 1917 col-
lectively termed. Dr. Legge gives a full trans-
lation of this ancient code in the fifth section
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B.C. 550-500] EARLY CfflNESE CODES 816
of his Chinese Classics^ As to the second
historical code, during the Ufetime of the rival
philosophers Lao-tsz and Confucius, that is
towards the end of the sixth century before
Christ, at a time when imperial and vassal
China was about to break up into a collection
of warring independent states, the prime min-
ister of one of these vassal states, who was
a near relative of the reigning duke, and also
an acquaintance of Confucius, for the first
time in history had the laws cast in metal for
the information of the people. The premier
of a neighbouring state disapproved of this
action as a dangerous innovation calculated to
make the ignorant people look to the fixed letter
of the law instead of abiding by the ancient prin-
ciples of propriety, as declared on the merits of
each case after each case had occurred; in
other words, instead of accepting the themis,
dilU^ or inspired judgment of the magistrate.
Even the radical philosopher Lao-tsz had always
preached the doctrine of keeping the machinery
or " implements '' of State concealed from the
vulgar eye; and in this particular instance
he was supported by Confucius, who argued
that the standard of right and wrong would
henceforth infallibly be transferred from the
ruler's conscience to the written law. He was
full of admiration for the innovator on other
grounds, but not on this one ; and he outlived
him seventeen years. This event of defining
the law publicly was considered so important
that dates were at that time occasionally calcu-
lated from the " year of the casting of the laws '' ;
just as the Romans used to count juridically
from the " year of the Twelve Tables," which
were cast or engraved upon metal about eighty
years later than their Chinese protot3rpe. These
laconic Western laws, the written foundation of
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816 LAW [chap. XVI
Roman jurisprudence, just as the Chinese tripod
laws may be termed the remote basis of existing
Eastern codes, exemplify very plainly the two
different casts of mind in East and West. The
Roman laws dealt with proceedings in a civil
suit; action by wager; slavery for debt; the
absolute power of fathers over children and
slaves; inneritances, testaments, women's posi-
tion, and tutorships; ownership, prescription,
and transfer ; easements ; crimes against person
and property, the lex talioniSj lampoons, the rate
of interest, and false witness; appeal from the
judge to the people ; cost of funerals ; caste
marriages ; pledges for sacrificial debts, and
so on. Nearly all these matters were either
abandoned to the jurisdiction of the family, or
were ignored by the earliest Chinese legislators,
though several of them find a place in later
codes. So far as we can judge by more modern
categories of the quality of ancient Chinese
offences, they seem to have been in the great
majority of cases treason, robbery, theft, arson ;
or oflBcial pilfering and bribery ; and the only
questions for the judge were whether to execute,
mutilate, or flog; for the ruler how to secure
justice, see that the punishment fit the crime,
and stave off Nature's wrath by making it the
interest of his judges to be just. In those days
there was a popular saying that " coffin-makers
always like a plague," meaning that "the police-
man likes a good case '' ; and in the same way
it was ar^^ that if the central government,
in its anxiety for tranquillity, encouraged those
local authorities who exhibited the greatest zeal in
securing convictions, the inevitable result would
be to discourage the upright men who worked
honestly for the people's interest. As with our
own law, no child under seven years of age could
be held guilty of, or be punished for, a felony :
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B.C. 400-800] WHEN LAWYERS DISAGREED 817
this merciful provision was extended by the
ancient Chinese legislators to old persons of
eighty and upwards.
There were two other prime ministers of the
fourth century before Christ who made for them-
selves lasting reputations as legislators. One,
Li-k'wei, instituted a new land system, very
like that proposed for China by Sir Robert Hart
a dozen years ago, under which every available
acre was worked out for adequate but fair
taxation. He also collected into six books or
main heads all that was best in the laws of the
different feudal states, and composed therefrom
a work styled the " Legal Classic," which
may be compared (very humbly) with the
Roman Institutes of Gaius. Most of these
Chinese laws were connected with robbery; the
lighter offences being roguery, getting over
city walls, gambling, borrowing, dishonesty,
lewdness and extravagance, transgressing the
king's commands, etc. This work was car-
ried to the powerful kingdom which 150 years
later conquered the whole of China by a young
man (Wei Yang) who reorganised, developed, and
became premier in that kingdom, where it was
adopted as a kind of code, but with considerable
additions in the direction of cruelty. It is
really this code which, in a modified form, is at
the root of all later Chinese law of the positive
kind. In spite of his great services to this rising
state, the chancellor in question made enemies
by his unrelenting thoroughness, and was in the
end put to death on the accession of a new king
he had offended whilst yet a mere prince or
heir-apparent. The other man, Shen Puh-hai, is
often called the " Chinese Draco," on account of
the extreme severity of his laws ; in addition
to which he was a philosopher of the Taoist
school ; and, indeed, at this time there can be
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818 LAW [chap. XVI
no doubt that such precise philosophical notions
as the Chinese were beginning to have upon the
political branch of law were drawn from the
stern and radical Lao-tsz rather than from the
courtly and conservative Confucius : but that
does not mean very much, for it was then the
complaint of both these philosophers that men
went on fighting for power and personal in-
terest, totally oblivious of the prophets who
were crying out in the wilderness for man's
salvation through propriety and right. Yet
another Taoist philosopher and severe lawyer
(who has left some of his works behind him),
Han Fei-tsz, sought office under the same
powerful revolutionary state one century later
than the above two events : this was just when
the conquest of China was beginning ; but the
jealousy of the then chancellor (Li Sz) of that
rising kingdom, who poisoned his guest and
rival, prevented the lawyer in question from
having any permanent practical influence upon
China's destmies. It is curious to notice, how-
ever, that most prime ministers of minor king-
doms were introduced from other states ; and
this fact may possibly have something to do
with the evolution of a comparatively modern
rule {cf. p. 261 ) that no civilian can serve in his
own province.
All that has preceded refers to the period
anterior to the great revolution of the third
century before Christ, to the destruction of
literature in 218 B.C., and to the founding of cen-
tralised absolutism much as it existed until 1911.
In those good old days, though the punishments
were cruel, there were none of the more modern
lingering tortures ; nor were relatives of a
criminal pxmished with him, though it appears
that in very ancient times at least a threat of this
kind had been made. Doubtful cases were tried
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B.C. 650] MAXIMS ON THE LAW^S MERCY 819
in public, and the benefit of doubt was conceded.
Moreover, even mutilations were coupled with, or
excused by, a kind of compassionate utility : thus
(cf. p. 818) the branded were made gate-keepers ;
those deprived of a nose sent to serve as frontier
pickets ; those without feet, and therefore un-
able to chase, looked after valuable wild game
as park-keepers ; those whose virility was cut
off tended the female apartments; whilst the
unmutilated convicts penormed gang-work. It
was one of Sir James F. Stephen's favourite say-
ings that, as material civilisation advanced and
we became " more comfortable," men grew less
and less inclined to make their fellow-creatures,
and even their animals, more miserable than
was absolutely necessary.
But there are abundant maxims and sayings,
notwithstanding, that prove the existence of
merciful feeling in the ancient rulers. One,
quoted century by century to this day, was :
** Rather let a rogue escape than risk killing an
innocent man.'' Whilst moderate justice was
considered appropriate for a normal political
condition, it was held on the other hand a wise
precaution to be exceptionally severe when the
State showed signs of anarchy. Perhaps the
oldest maxim of all is : " In punishment be
intelligently compassionate." In hopelessly de-
generate times the radical philosopher Lao-tsz
was in favour of the fewest and simplest laws ;
but he insisted on prompt, secret, and effective
application of punishment by properly qualified
ofiicials. Confticius (a little later) has left'
several striking remarks on record. He says :
*' As to convicts, I go with the rest ; we must
necessarily condemn, if only in order to avoid
condemning still more of them later on." Again,
** The ancients understood better than our-
selves the art of preventing crime ; now the best
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820 LAW [chap. XVI
we can do is to avoid punishing crime unjustly.
The ancient magistrates always hoped to save
a prisoner's life : now we seek to prove it
forfeit. Better let a real criminal go free, how-
ever, than slay an innocent man.'' Once more :
" I allow one generation to a new dynasty for
the gradual introduction of benevolent rule,
and I allow a hundred years to abolish killing
and mutilation altogether." ** A benevolent
ruler must have courage too; his rectitude
manifests itself in preventing crime." " Unjust
Eunishment damages the administration, and a
ad administration touches each man's person."
"Government must strictly execute its own
terms." Kwan-tsz, however, had said nearly
all this two centuries earlier. Two centuries
later than Confucius, Mencius has a few re-
marks to make : he allows considerable lati-
tude, and even indulgence, to a ruler so long
as that ruler keeps in sympathetic touch with
the people ; but he says : "No truly benevolent
ruler will slay an innocent man, even to make
secure his own rule."
The great Chinese conquest revolution of
2,150 years ago introduced several new crimes
as well as many monstrous punishments. The
chief intellectual agent in it was the chancellor,
mentioned above, who poisoned his visitor. It
was, at his recommendation, made an offence
punishable with death to conceal books, or to
own any except the few agricultural and scien-
tific works which were not on the " Index
Prohibitory " ; fearful tortures were introduced,
and three generations of relatives were involved
in one man's political crime. The name for
" Emperor" (originally written "self-ruler," but
later "white ruler"), up to 1911 still in use, was
then first introduced, and a homogeneous system
of administration in all important matters was
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B.C. 200] VOX POPULI LEX SUPREMA 821
effectively established all over China. But
though this powerful innovator was an able man,
his methods were altogether too tyrannical, and
after his death in 210 B.C., and then after eight
more years of very chivalrous and picturesque
fighting, a new and permanent dynasty was
founded on practically the same lines : ever
since that things have remained very much in
stat'd quo, even down to our own days.
In accordance with one of the ancient politico-
legal maxims just mentioned, the new dispen-
sation began by abolishing the whole network of
harassing law, and by enacting three simple
rules for the orderly government of the Empire ;
to wit, death for homicide ; compensation and
imprisonment for wounds and robbery ; all else
being left to the people themselves. This
was called the " Tripartite Bargain with the
Elders of the People,'' and the " all else left
to the people'* still holds good, whether inten-
tionally or no, in great measure to this day.
The frank and tactful geniality of the new
ruler's personality has probably more to do
with the credit his memory still enjoys than the
intrinsic wisdom of his summary legal methods ;
but, however that may be, his " three short
rules " have established a reputation in China
little short of that achieved by King John's
Magna Charta amongst ourselves. But the
Chinese are and always have been very grateful
to their rulers for small mercies, and they have
always been found ready to idealise any gracious
sovereign acts. The Emperor, under the guid-
ance of an astute chancellor, rightly refrained
from introducing new measures, and was prob-
ably only giving fuller effect to ancient laws
and customs when he granted this short charter ;
and this was apparently all that King John
did, except that, unlike the Chinese ruler, the
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822 Law tcHAP. XVI
English king had only the grace to do it under
compulsion. The vicarious punishment of rela-
tives was abolished, but official superiors and
witnesses were obliged to denounce offenders.
However, the much-vaunted three simple rules
were soon found insufficient for practical use
when things quieted down ; when the sword
gave way to the ploughshare ; and when the new
dynasty felt secure in its power. The next
chancellor, who (as also his successor in office)
professed the " masterly inactivity '* principles
E reached 800 years before that by the philosopher
ao-tsz, found it necessary to reintroduce vi-
carious punishment for treason, and to select as
many of the general laws of the revolutionary
and conquering dynasty but recently ousted as
were suited to the people's old traditions, and
also to their changed position; he proceeded
to construct therefrom a code in nine heads
(being in effect the six heads of the " Legal
Classic" plus three new ones), which code, sub-
ject of course to extensive alterations, has from
dynasty to dynasty always served as the basis
of Chinese law ; just as the Corpus Juris of the
Christian Emperor Justinian forms in a way the
practical basis ^f European law as a whole,
affecting indirectly even the English and Scotch
statutory laws, and in some instances the
decisions under our common law. We have
already seen that revolutionary, China had
borrowed its Institutes of Law from an active
legal author in one of the feudal states ; and thus
we have an unbroken historical chain extending
back from our own time for about 8,000 years,
with no admixture whatever of foreign notions,
or, at all events, of foreign law. The preceding
dynasty's revolutionary law against concealing
books was abolished by the new dynasty
founder's son, and literature was soon restored
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B.C. 200-180] A CHINESE ANTONINUS 828
to its former influence, after a quarter of a
century of extinction.
Now we come to a very prominent turning-
point in Chinese legal history. The founder, his
usurping empress- widow, and his strictly legiti-
mate son by, her had all passed away; the
obnoxious law against concealing books had, as
we have said, been repealed, and another son, born
in less honourable wedlock, sat on the imperial
throne. On account of his balm, philosophic,
and humane temperament, Han Wen Ti is
occasionally styled by Europeans the Marcus
Aurelius of China. His first act was to issue
the following edict : " Enforcements of the law
are executive acts, the object of which is to
prevent violence and assist the well-disposed :
to visit the sins of convicted criminals on inno*
cent parents, spouses, brothers, sisters and
children seems to me most unreasonable. I wish
for a report.'* His counsellors, after due de-
liberation, advised that it had hitherto been
found good policy to make people feel uncom-
fortable in anticipation by visiting upon them
the sins of their kinsmen after crimes committed,
and that it would be better not to make any
change. A second decree ran : ** When the
law is meet, the people are honest ; when punish-
ment is appropnate, the people accept it without
murmur. Moreover, officials are supposed to
act as guides : if, instead of guiding the people,
they punish them irregularly, they become
tyrants. I wish for a further report." On this
the counsellors gave way : " Your Majesty's
merciful will covers far more ground than we
can presume to imderstand the necessity for."
To illustrate the continuity of Chinese history,
it may be mentioned that this edict of over
2,100 years ago is still on record ; is quite intel-
ligible to modern ears ; and still forms part of
28
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824 LAW [chap, XVI
the stock legal diction, just as does the celebrated
declaration of the English barons upon the sub-
ject of legitimacy : " We will not change the laws
of England which have hitherto been accepted
and apj)roved by our ancestors '' (cf. p. 288).
But, if we inquire closer into Chinese history,
we find that this picturesque event is only
another case of idealising ; not to mention his
grandson and most illustrious successor, whose
financial straits and palace intrigues led him to
enact many hasty and cruel laws, that very
" Marcus Aurelius " himself was, during a sub-
sequent rebellion, unfortunately induced to de-
Eart from his own noble principles. There was,
owever, one other catLse ciUbre during the reign
of this humane Emperor : it happened after he
had been on the throne for nearly twenty-five
years, and the anecdote is as well known in
China as the story of Brutus and his condemned
sons Titus and Tiberius is known in Europe.
A Chinese physician and local ofiicial was sum-
moned to court for peculation, a crime which
rendered him liable, under the new code as
under the older ones, to the penalty of mutila-
tion : having five daughters, but no son, he
bewailed the luckless fate which deprived him
of a representative capable of sacrificing him-
self upon the altar of filial duty in accordance
with the maxim ** A father's debt the son
repays." The youngest daughter, stung by
these reproaches, and knowing that her father
was the victim of private spite, insisted on
accompanying her parent to the imperial court,
where she pleaded nis case before the Emperor
with such eloquence and effect that his Majesty
at once decided to abolish as barbarous the
gunishment of mutilation. Hard labour at the
^reat Wall, shaving the head, wearing the heavy
yoke, bastinado and flogging,— these were sub-
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B.C. 150-A.D, 150] THE QUALITY OF MERCY 826
stituted for mutilation, and really form the
nucleus of the modern system.
The above and similar imperial orders were,
it must be confessed, often rather symptoms of
growing change than definite registrations of
permanent radical improvements ; for, owing to
China's enormous size, and to the apathy of
local rulers, satraps, and magistrates, the imperial
decrees, unless repeated and persisted with, seem
often to have remained a dead letter, especially
where only the interests of the masses were con-
cerned, and where no powerful influence was at
work to insist on following up the order. The
first of Chinese true historians was himself
cruelly deprived of his manhood by the grandson
just mentioned of this humane Emperor, and
this for the purely technical offence of remon-
strating with the monarch in favour of a defeated
gelleral; and he leaves on record a pathetic
letter to a friend bewailing in resigned terms his
miserable fate, and characterising himself as
" what's left from the knife and the saw." It
was this Emperor who encouraged informers and
delators, and developed the idea of forcing out
confessions under torture, a process which I
cannot find to have existed in more ancient times.
Still, notwithstanding the caprice or weakness
of this or that ruler, the progress in the direction
of reason and mercy was now fairly steady :
doubtful cases were reheard at the capital ; the
local authorities were urged to use prompt dis-
patch, and not to confine people too long upon
mere suspicion ; steps were taken to check the
bribery of ofiicials and the corruption of clerks
and police; a growing disinclination to extort
confessions under the lash or rack was mani-
fested ; fasting and solemn formalities were
enjoined when the time for carrying out death
sentences approached ; the number of bastinado
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826 LAW [chap, xvi
strokes administered was more than once re-
duced along the whole line of offences ; in spite
of the evergrowing additions to the law cate-
gories, earnest endeavours were made to simplify
the law as much as possible : and generally, it
may be stated that during the 400 years of Han
dynasty rule (200 B.C. to a.d. 200) a steady
advance took place in the direction of mildness.
For many centuries after that the question
of reintroducing the mutilation punishments
came up for discussion ; dynasty after dynasty
" secured the stag " (as the Chinese poets say
when they refer to the contests for empire) ;
and each reigning house naturally had its own
special code, but always based on the same old
general principles, modified to suit the exigencies
of the times. There never were any surprises or
rival doctrines in China, such as our Gavelkind
in Kent, and Borough-English in other parts of
England, which flatly contradict the ordinary
laws of descent and inheritance.* Referring
back now for light, we may be disposed to ignore
the codes of the minor dynasties that only
reigned for a generation, in favour of those of
renowned houses which maintained the throne
for centuries ; but that would be a mistake :
each new dynasty of course assumed (and hoped)
that it would continue, so to speak, for ever.
Consequently we find that many of the most
far-reaching and even best improvements were
often introduced by short-lived reigning houses
that only endured a lifetime or two. The
general tendency of change ran in the direction
of sparing life, facilitating appeals in doubtful
cases, lightening the load of fetters, flogging on
* Local rules of inheritance, etc., belong to private and patri-
archal family customs, which very rarely come before the
imperial jurisdiction. See the present -writer's CompartUive
Chinese Family Law, 1878 (out of print), origiuaUy published in
the China Remew for 1878,
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A.D. 200-500] OLD LINES OF LAW FOLLOWED 827
parts of the body less susceptible of vital injury,
and sparing the modesty of females. The
principle was laid down, moreover, that women
were only responsible for the crimes of the
family into which they married, and not of that
which they had quitted. In the middle of the
third century of our era there were thirty-seven
groups of punishment for ordinary offences
ranged under the following heads : death three,
shaving four, corporal without mutilation three,
hard labour three, ransomable eleven, fines six,
miscellaneous satisfaction seven ; and the chief
heads under which offences were arranged were,
as of old, robbery (not including terrorising or
trafficking in human beings), thefts, cheating,
defrauding, trespassing, falsifying royal acts of
state, etc. Treason was still punished by cutting
in two at the waist, but responsibility did not
extend to grandparents and grandchildren ; for
rebellion the whole three generations suffered;
their bodies were pickled for exposure in the
market-place, and their dwellings rased to the
ground. In homicides the principle was recog-
nised that relatives might take vengeance, but
not after an imperial amnesty had been granted
to the murderer. In the whole history of China
I have not come across a single case of civil
jurisprudence in the strict sense, i.e. where any
abstract rights between individuals have been
threshed out with considerations touching rele-
vancy of evidence, damage to character, equit-
able set-off, nice definitions in contract, and so
on. All cases brought before the Crown are,
so to speak, brought up by special reference,
because the official judge, or the family, or the
commercial court below cannot settle them, and
applies for assistance.
For three centuries, 280-580, North China
was under Tartar rule, and the native dynasties
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828 LAW [chap, xn
for the first time had to cross the Great River
(or Yang-tsze Kiang, as we usually call it) and
fashion the best empire they could out of Chinese
colonists and southern races only half Chinese.
The march of law and order was about the same
in both halves of China: for if the literary
classes had carried part of their civilisation over
the river with them, the Tartars remained in
possession of the old civilised soil and docu-
ments ; and thus both empires based their
legal principles and humane improvements upon
the same old classics and unshakable ideals.
Strangling is now heard of for the first time
as a death penalty ; less grave than decapita-
tion, because the body remains undivided for
reappearance in the next world; the ancient
punishment of tearing the body to pieces by
means of horses is formally revived by both
dynastic groups. No new legal principle of any
kind is introduced by the Tartars, but one or
two droll punishments certainly suggest foreign
origin ; for instance, wizards were condemned
to carry a ram on the back, embrace a dog, and
jump into a pond. In China proper, though the
laws against inciting the people with baseless
talk are severe, I have never discovered any law
against wizardry or religion. Both in the north
and south the " grievance drum " was intro-
duced, so that persons having a grievance could
call forcible attention of the Emperor and his
ofiicers to an unredressed wrong. The native
procedure of the Tartar dynasties was of coiu-se
quite summary, the tribe chiefs disposing of
causes in a rough-and-ready way in front of
the Khan's or sub-Khan's tent; as nomads
they possessed no fetters or prisons, and being
destitute of any native system of writing (un-
less they kept a Chinese scribe), they made
arrests and recorded judgments by means of
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A.D. 800-600] LATER CODIFICATION 829
wooden tallies : most homicides could be ran-
somed with cattle and horses, as by our own
weregild; but all treasons were punished with
pitiless extermination of the family. Yet just
as the rude Goths at exactly the same date
carved kingdoms and made excellent codes out
of the dibris of Roman civilisation and law, so
did the Tartars rapidly acquire at least a veneer
of Chinese refinement; and some of their
adapted Chinese codes are as much entitled
to respect, when compared with the codes
of the pure Chinese dynasties, as the Edict of
Theodoric the Eastern Goth or the Breviary of
Alaric the Western Goth, which did excellent
duty in North Italy, France, and Spain. Curi-
ously enough, a great Chinese statesman named
Ts'ui Hao, who acted as premier and historian to
the Tartars of the fifth century, was put to death
with his three generations for telling the plain
truth about the Tartar origin in Ws history.
It is now that we first begin to hear of the
characteristic Chinese punishment known to us
as the canguCj or wooden collar, a kind of yoke
or portable stocks. A good deal of the legisla-
tion consists in defining the weight and size of
this instrument, the thickness and smoothness
of the whip and bastinado, ameliorating the
lot of prisoners, arranging the rate of ransom in
copper and silk, and so on. Flogging on the
back was abolished because one Emperor had
chanced to see a picture of the human anatomy,
and had discovered that the bowels were peril-
ously near the spine. There is even one solitary
instance in which the Buddhist desire to save
life is coupled with an appeal to old classical
principles as a reason for extending the system
of ransoming crimes.
The second great turning period in Chinese
legal history was the seventh century^of our
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880 LAW [chap. XVI
era, when, after many centuries of interminable
civil strife and foreign war, China was once
more permanently reunited under a vigorous
native dynasty. Even before the sixth century
was out, China had been reconquered by a
native house of great intelligence and energy ;
but excessive ambition soon led to its premature
supersession. Judgments had now (seventh
century) to be written ; law students were for
the first time trained ; the punishment of
family members was abolished ; the triple recon-
sideration of death sentences was introduced ;
and, generally, some far-reaching reforms were
ordered, if not actually made. The principles
of Buddhism had by this time been thoroughly
examined; and moreover Christianity, the Per-
sian religions, the teaching of Mahomet, had
all been introduced into China : therefore there
was some opportunity to compare notes, and to
soften away the asperities of the old punitory
codes, though it must be confessed that none
of the foreign systems is officially honoured by
the least mention ; a little later the Manichean
disciplines seem to have attracted attention.
Amongst the distinguished officers who received
a commission to reform the laws on the basis
of the improvements introduced by the short
dynasty (580-620) just mentioned, but minus its
severities, was a strong supporter of Buddhism ;
and yet curiously enough he was one of those
who pleaded for the retention of mutilation as
a merciful respite from death. But the Emperor
was firm, and from this date the ancient Five
Punishments, as they have been above * described,
were theoretically re-established almost exactly
as they now are ; that is to say, death (decapi-
tation and strangling) ; three degrees of banish-
ment with or without flogging and hard labour to
remote provinces ; five degrees of penal servitude
1 p. 313.
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A.D. 600-700] THE MESHES OF THE LAW 881
with or without flogging to places in one's native
province ; eight degrees of the greater bastinado,
and five of the lesser bastinado ; twenty punish-
ments in all — although even so late as 1078 the
question of re-introducing literal nose and foot
cutting was unsuccessfully mooted again. Per-
mission to commit suicide at home now appears
for the first time amongst the favoured official
classes. Offences were grouped under twelve
heads : statutory definitions, or qualifications of
the ancient statutes ; protection of the Emperor ;
questions of official duty ; marriages ; imperial
mews and stores ; independent political action ;
theft and robbery ; litigiousness ; cheating and
falsifying ; miscellaneous statutory offences ;
deserters and escaped prisoners ; trials. There
were, as in ancient times, eight grounds upon
which special privileges might be claimed after
sentence, but not in the case of the " ten odious
crimes,'' of which we now first hear. Nothing
could be more unsatisfactory or indefinite from
our juridical point of view than this clumsy
classification, which with slight variation seems
to have remained almost unchanged for 1,400
years : of course it can only be made even par-
tially intelligible to us by examining one by
one the specific crimes ranged under each head-
ing ; but even on the face of it as it stands, it
will be apparent, in spite of vagueness, that
political offences occupy the chief jplace in the
Chinese legislator's imagination; and perhaps
that may be the reason why the Chinese, as a
people, have always been obstinately inclined
to leave politics to those whose business it is to
run the machine of state, and have invariably
managed their own private affairs with the
minimum of application for state assistance : so
far as I am aware, there has never been asserted
a claim for popular rights beyond the mere
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882 LAW [chap, xvi
right of being left with a bare competence
for wife and family. The people of China
have never "cornered," ^till less executed their
sovereigns.
It is to the seventh century that belongs
the definite establishment of another great
principle which has possessed great vitality,
and that is what we have called the triple ap-
Elications for a death-warrant. The Emperor
aving had reason to regret the fact that he
had hastily ordered the execution of certain
offending courtiers or statesmen, gave peremp-
tory instructions that in future his commands
were to be ignored until he had repeated them
three times at decent intervals extending over at
least two days ; so that, to use our English ex-
pression, his Majesty could sleep upon his wrath ;
moreover, warrants for execution were not to be
forwarded any longer by express messenger,
the idea being that the prisoner should enjoy
every possible surviving chance of a reprieve.
There are some grounds for supposing that in
very ancient times this triple appeal to con-
science existed in the form of a thrice-repeated
gardon, the last cry of which was by a legal
ction supposed to be too late to overtake the
prisoner.
A few special instances of Crown Cases Re-
served may be mentioned as illustrating the con-
current effect of scriptural injunction and ever-
changing legal precept in evolving the principle
of a judgment, or what our lawyers call, in
imitation of the Roman jurisconsults, the ratio
decidendi. A youth deliberately murdered his
father's enemy, and was, on the face of it, liable
to execution. But, it was argued, the ancient
Book of Rites says that a son cannot live under
the same sky with his father's enemy ; whilst
Confucius' s annotated history asserts in general
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A.D.680] AVENGING ONE'S FATHER 888
terms the duty of a son to avenge his father's
wrong. The law nowhere actually lays down
that such homicide is specifically excusable ; if
it did, it would appear to encourage murder and
family feuds : still, the law is confessedly based
on the general principles of the classics ; hence
in this case there is apparent conflict between
general legal principle and specific law. It was
decided that each such case must be separately
reported and judged upon its merits. Another
case occurred of a youth killing a man whom he
saw in the act of attacking his father, and then
voluntarily giving himself up to justice. It was
argued from Confucius*s history that the motive
of an act should be taken into account in pro-
Eortioning a sentence; here the youth gave
imself up, so that escape or concealment was
not in question : he therefore received a reduced
punishment. In one case the Emperor had not
the heart to execute a corrupt ofiicial at Canton,
who at an earlier stage in his career had done
him good service. The Emperor said : " I am
supposed to carry out impartially on behalf of
Heaven the rewards and punishments that may
be due. In this case I am afraid I am manipu-
lating the law to the discredit of Heaven. Put
up a matshed in the southern suburb for three
days so that I may do penance at the Altar of
Heaven there." (This singular compromise with
Heaven recalls the expression colpo di stato di
Domeniddio used apologetically by His Holiness
Pope Pius IX to excuse his appointment to
Westminster of Archbishop Manning.) The same
romantic Emperor once in a fit of generosity
sent to their homes 890 prisoners whose names
were down for execution, ordering them to come
up for judgment after the autumn. Not a man
failed^ and so all were pardoned.
In another instance the T'ang Emperor de-
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884 LAW [chap. XVI
clined to sanction the death of an elder brother
serving at a distance when the younger brother
was found guilty of rebellion : eleven hundred
years later a Manchu Emperor took exactly the
same step. Another Manchu Emperor had a
father's enemy case on dppeal brought before
him, and reversed the decision of the T'ang
dynasty. But in the later case the circumstances
differed ; a son killed the son of the convicted
murderer of his own father ; the murderer being
in the hands of the law, the son had no vengeance
to satisfy, for the murderer was legally dead :
moreover, by killing the murderer's son, two
lives were taken from one family in satisfaction
of one life in the other. Hence the murdering
son was sentenced to decapitation, subject to
the chance of a general amnesty taking place
before his name should be finally ticked on for
execution. In the case of an escaped murderer,
who delivered himself up on hearing that his
father had been arrested, a conflict of opinions
arose : it was argued that at no period of Chinese
law had murderers been let off death ; however,
the Manchu Emperor considered the man's
behaviour ** closely approaching nobleness," and
respited the decapitation for banishment and
a nogging. But to go back. After the wars
and revolution which accompanied the fall of
the great T'ang dynasty there was only one copy
of the laws to be found ; but this was enough,
and it formed the basis from which the next
group of short-lived dynasties fashioned their
codes. To this period belongs the abolition of
confiscation of property and of the responsibility
of relatives in all cases but treason ; the cleansing
of prisons, medical treatment of prisoners, de-
cent conduct towards mere witnesses, and regular
tabulation of the rates of ransom : but the
anarchy was too great for these important
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A.D. 970-1660] THE MANCHU LAWS 885
reforms to be properly consolidated; however
that may be, in any case they were symptoms
of healthy progress,
A law of the year 977 (native Chinese Sung
dynasty) made the murder by a stepmother of
her husband's earlier son punishable as an
ordinary homicide. In 1729 the Manchu Em-
peror made the offence punishable as before by
strangulation if the murder deprived the hus-
band of heirs. If the husband was dead, the
stepmother must not have the privilege of ransom
accorded to women, but her own favourite son,
if any, must be strangled. If no son, then she
must quit the family and go back to her own
family, her husband's property being given to
the murdered son's brothers and sons in equal
shares. It is about 900 years ago that the linger-
ing death punishment (abolished in 1905) first
appears both in South China and amongst the
Kitan Tartars ruhng North China : it seems to
have been reserved for the Mongols (1260-1868)
in North China to introduce it on a regular
scale.
Instead of plodding on from this point with
the somewhat monotonous history of Chinese
legal changes, it may be more interesting to start
back from the position of to-day, and to work
our way in a reverse direction to the point where
we have broken oft. The present Manchu
dynasty reigned without a break for over 267
years, and the very first thing the new Emperor
did on his accession in 1644 was to ordain that
the laws of the native Chinese Ming dynasty—
which had governed China for nearly 800 years
(1868-1643) — should be modified so as to include
Manchu customs, and should be reissued as the
Laws of the Manchu Dynasty. In dealing with
the (juestion of general amnesties on joyful
occasions, the responsible statesmen of the day
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SS6 LAW [chap. XVI
gave signal proof of the continuity of legal
history by quoting the dictum of a codifier
1,050 years before them : he had asserted that
'* the states which find pardons unnecessary are
the states which have just laws *' : he also cited
a second codifier of 600 years back, who had
quoted the classical saying that " appeal to
principle was sufficient for the good, even though
chastisement might be the sole effective app^
to the bad man." The Emperor, in justifying
what may be styled "benefit of clergy," or
special trials in favour of officials, and the exemp-
tion* of Manchus from certain pimitory degrada-
tions, referred back to the eight privileges intro-
duced about 1200 B.C., i.e. the privileges of
blood, friendship, virtue, ability, service, rank,
zeal, and hospitality (the last referring to am-
bassadors). In another instance reference was
made to the plea used by the girl who tramped
after her father to the court of the Chinese Marcus
Aurelius, namely, that " a man once judicially
slain can never come to life again, however inno-
cent he may be."
The second Emperor, the famous K'ang-hi,
likewise made many appeals to classical prin-
ciples, and, like his successor, laid down very
definite rules exempting women from the neces-
sity of appearing before the courts : all female
witnesses and persons concerned in a case
(provided they were not themselves accused)
were to be examined on commission in their
own houses. The treason laws of the expelled
dynasty, it must be confessed, are as ferocious
as they have ever been in China at the worst
of times : all the odious punishments abolished
by the decree of April 1905 were in full swing
when the Manchus took over their predecessors'
code, and have remained so ; that is to say,
slicing to pieces, and decapitating the dead ;
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A.D. 1000-1800] THE MANCHU LAWS 887
besides responsibility of relatives to the third
generation both ways, slavery of the women and
yoiing boys, and so on. The fourth Emperor in
1740 issued a new edition of the Manehu Code,
alluding in his preface to the supposed pictorial
punishments of extreme antiquity, and to the
first real code of 960 B.C., mentioned above as
translated by Dr. Legge. In addition to justify-
ing several of his specific decisions in Crown
Cases Reserved by referring back to the classics,
the Emperor cites two cases a thousand years
old, specially named in the Chinese legal records,
in order to amend two decisions connected with
the justifiable murder of a father's enemy by
that father's son. These two cases have already
been alluded to under the T'ang dynasty (p. 888).
The same principle is repeatedly laid down by
the Manehu Emperor that was asserted by one
of the Roman Emperors, namely, that " though
above the law, they considered themselves bound
to live within the law."
The punishing of mandarins ex post Jacto for
not having foreseen, or for not having punished,
a crime is also an extension of the responsibility
theory which seems to have grown up under the
Manehu dynasty.
Legal activity at headquarters in China seems
to have fallen off with the advent of Europeans :
of course ordinary routine business was sub-
mitted to the Throne and disposed of in the
usual way ; and of course special legislation —
as for instance in the matter of opium — has been
sometimes found necessary. Curiously enough,
the falling off in Manehu jurisprudence coincides
in date with the translation of the Manehu Code
by Sir George Staimton, who was with the Lord
Macartney mission of 1798. At present our
knowledge of Chinese law, as presented to us
in its most recent or Manehu form, must be in a
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888 LAW [chap, xvl
large measure gathered from that work, which
is now quite out of print ; but it must be men-
tioned that Staunton only translated the original
kernel or ancient " statute " part of the law,
much of which is obsolete ; he left entirely un-
translated what may be termed the judge-made
or case-law, which really forms the most impor-
tant part of the work. The close corporation of
law secretaries, who have had quite a monopoly
of the law clerkships in all Chinese courts, were
up to 1911 the real persons who manipulated the
latest decrees, fashioned the judgments, and held
a balance between the Emperor and his judicial
officers. By them the judge-made law was really
created and applied. It is another instance of
a trade worked with the utmost secrecy. Even
so far back as 800 years ago, it was complained
that ** all law now depended on the clerks'
memories.''
The legal records of the purely native dynasty
of Ming, which occupied the throne during the
reigns of our Houses of Lancaster, York, Tudor,
and Stuart, distinctly state that all jurisprudence
to their date is based upon the Nine Chapters
of 200 B.C. (Han dynasty), as subsequently
expanded and codified in a.d. 680 (T'ang
dynasty). In 1878 this Ming dynasty published
its code, which is confessedly based on that of
680, and has exactly the same twelve divisions.*
The Mongol dynasty, which practically began,
so far as China was concerned, with Kublai
Khan in 1260, is much better spoken of by the
historians than one would expect, considering
that it was a completely foreign government
ruling China by pure force. Kublai is spoken
of as quite a benevolent prince from a juridical
point of view, and even his less capable successors
are charged rather with a certain slipshod care-
lessness than with wanton injustice. Special
» p. 33L
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A.D. 900-1200] UNDER THE TARTARS 880
featiires of this dynasty were the abolition of
strangulation, and the creation of legislative
privileges in favour of Buddhists, and at times
of other priests, Christian included. The Chinese
both in the north and south seem to have had
nearly all the benefits of old Chinese law ; but
the Mongols, mostly of course military men or
officials, were under a special dispensation. For
three centuries previous to the Mongol conquest,
China was under two concurrent governments,
that of first the Kitan and then the NuchSn
Tartars in the north, and that of the pure Chinese
dynasty in the south : the space at our disposal
will not permit of our saying more than this :
the whole legal history is on record ; progress
can be traced step by step ; and no considerable
departure was at any time made from the
accepted principles handed down from ancient
times.
On the whole it may be said, continuing our
way backwards, that the southern dynasty was
as shifty and as merciful in laws as it was literary
and unusually weak in arms. But officials were
now obliged to study the law, and scholars
began for the first time to hold judicial posts.
For fifty years previous to this north and south
rule, China had been split up into innumerable
contending local dynasties, and it need hardly
be repeated that during this welter of anarchy no
startling advance was made : yet each dynasty
— T-at least each of the five successive central
ones, which are the only ones usually recog-
nised by standard historians — ^naturally took
for granted the possibility that it might endure
for ever ; and thus the very first step taken by
each founder was to issue a code of his own,
based, of course, upon the old codes already
described {cf. p. 826).
Previous to that the great T'ang dynasty, to
24
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840 LAW [chap, xvi
which we now return, ruled the whole of China
with great glory for 800 years, these 800 years
roughly covering the period of our Saxon king^s :
the legal history is very minute, and the special
decisions are both amusing and interesting : as
already stated, some of them are cited at this
day, just as mediaeval authorities may be quoted
in England. So great was the reputation of the
T'ang dynasty, that in the south of China the
Cantonese even now invariably describe them-
selves in colloquial speech as " men of T'ang,"
On the other hand (cf. p. 80), the general name for
Chinese in the north is men of Han,*' " language
or writing of Han," and so on, having reference to
the glorious period described in the earlier part
of this chapter, that is from 200 b.c. to a,d. 200,
when three successive branches of the Han
family sat upon the Chinese throne. During the
800 years between a.d. 280 and 680 China was
ruled by Tartars in the north and native houses
in the south : there is plenty to say about legal
development in both, but this is not the place
for saying it.
To sum up, the two great law dynasties of
China are the Han (200 b.c. to a.d. 200) and the
T'ang (600 to 900), and they alone of all piurely
Chinese dynasties {i.e. not counting the Mongols
and the Manchus) succeeded in exten<fing
Chinese influence to Persia and India : hence to
this day the pure Chinese are proud to call then^*
selves " men of Han,'' and " men of T'ang.'*
After the collapse of China that followed upon
the Japanese and " Boxer'* wars, the question
of legal reform was seriously taken up, one of
the chief motives being to imitate Japanese
success and get rid of extraterritorial jurisdic-
tions. The numerous memorials presented to
the Emperor by the most distinguished Manchu
and Chinese statesmen and viceroys, central
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A.D. 1905-16] MR, 'NGCHOY' OF HONGKONG 841
or in the provinces, are all recorded in full, and
amply prove the literary, logical, and even
legal capacity of the writers, if only their col-
leagues intrusted with the carrying out of excel-
lent laws could honestly and fairly administer
the laws so well understood and approved.
The first point was to expose clearly the differ-
ence between executive and legislative functions,
and to lay stress upon the unwisdom of continu-
ing these two separate functions in the hands of
one and the same man or group of men. The
second reform of supreme importance was to
secure the independence of judges and to estab-
lish proper courts of first and second instance,
appeal, and so oh, both in the capital and in the
provinces. The precise legislative and executive
rights of Parliament on the one hand and the
Boards and Supreme Law Courts on the other,
were shrewdly discussed. This useful work
began in 1905, and was proceeding apace when
the Empress-Dowager and the Emperor died in
1908. Meanwhile Wu T'ing-fang, the present
(end of 1916) Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, was commissioned to draw up a code.
With him was associated one Sh6n Kia-p6n, a
native of the region that for centuries has had
a monopoly of law-clerk business, and very
learned m native law. '* Mr. Wu '* himself is a
British barrister, well known for his eminence
as Minister to the United States. After some
elaboration the Code was drawn up largely after
Japanese model, and from a European point of
view a very fair code it was, apart from the fact
that it got rid of many anachronisms. But it
met with serious viceregal opposition on account
of the novelty, not to say coarseness of its style,
its use of ill-understood semi-foreign definitions,
and its failure to recognise the ethical principle of
Chinese Law, based on Mao, or the natural family
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842 LAW [chap. XVI
rights, duties, and responsibilities as defined in
the Confucian classics.
Things are in such a state of flux under the
Republic that it is hardly safe to say what law
is actually followed by Chinese judges ; what is
the juridical capacity of those judges ; and what
is the ratio decidendi. So far as I can judge,
whatever the law and the judge may theoreti-
cally be, justice to the average claimant is as
far off as in past times, and the Chinese courts
are as unfitted to replace the extraterritorial
consular courts as ever they were.
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CHAPTER XVII
THE LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE
As to the most ancient Chinese writings, within
the past few years a mass of entirely new
evidence has been discovered in the shape of
numerous bone inscriptions, unearthed chiefly
in the true " Central Kingdom *' of Old China.
The meaning of these bone inscriptions is plain
in some instances ; in others it is as uncertain
as their date ; but, whether connected with
divination, dynastic successions, or family
records, it seems clear that they exhibit little
or nothing in the direction of sustained thought
or connected history. A large number of the
rude characters can be easily identified with the
modem forms as evolved through the improve-
ments of centuries. Those which have not been
identified manifestly run " on the same lines *'
as modem characters ; but in the absence of
inscriptions on old bronzes wherewith to compare
them, we must fain leave such unsolved for the
present. However that may be, this most
ancient period of about a hundred pictographic
signs, gradually reinforced by perhaps four hun-
dred more ideographic characters, endured with-
out much local variation down to the year
827 B.C. or thereabout ; and really we do not
seem to possess a single trustworthy specimen
of even the most primitive Chinese script older
than, say, another 827 years before that. That
» 84S
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844 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap.xvh
«
the 827 B.C. script reform was the " articulate "
expression of genuine public opinion budding
for the first time seems evident from the fact
that the interregnum period (841-828) was
characterised as Kung-ho^ or "together har-
monising,'' a term freely used within the past
five years to denote the '' RepubUc." During the
restoration reign of 827 to 782 B.C., a court
annalist introduced a new phonetic system of
writing, a great improvement upon the sprawling
old hieroglyphs and pictographs, which were
only called and considered as " names," with-
out any suggestion of grouping similar soimding
names, still less of splitting up such soimds
into initials and finals, tones and rhymes. His
** book " or vocabulary, consisting of fifteen
bamboo or wooden '* chapters," cannot have ^
exceeded about one thousand characters in all^ *
and this estimate is made from the number used
in the actual or recorded documents that have
come down to us written in that character, many
specimens of which still survive in the shape of
vases, drinking- vessels, sacrificial tripods, bricks,
tiles, and commemorative bronze bowls, one
especially fine instance of the last-named being
at this moment visible to the public in the
Victoria and Albert Museum, together with
translation, history, and arguments as to its
genuineness.
It is now only that real history, accompanied
by effective connected thoughts and expressive if
limited writing, really begins, and with it the
period of material progress and local autonomy.
Writing was a laborious and clumsy art even in
its improved and tentatively phonetic form, and
" books " were rare and heavy objects made up
of strips strung together at one end like (and
probably the indirect origin of) bamboo fans;
ordinary business was conducted by one or more
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B.C. 800-200] WRITING DEVELOPMENTS 845
wooden or bamboo slips like our tallies, each
containing a dozen or so of characters, the form
of which was apt to differ slightly in each semi-
independent state. Confucius' s celebrated Annals
(c, 480 B.C.), the first real definite history ever
attempted in China, was a laconic record of
events in his own state so far as they led him
to observations on and relations with other
states, including the decaying imperial state or
extremely limited area under direct imperial rule.
There is reason to believe that most if not all
the other states kept similar annals, and portions
of the same, in fact, have been dug up from
graves at various comparatively modern times.
Confucius and his contemporaries probably did
not make use of 2,500 separate characters be-
tween them. Confucius' s history, which covers
a retrospective period of about 250 years, is
scarcely literature, though the three largely
amplified commentaries upon it (published
several centuries later) which are usually meant
when people speak of Confucius's celebrated
Annals, are decidedly interesting and readable.
There can be no doubt that during the period
820-220 B.C. the total number of written char-
acters had increased from 1,000 to over 8,000,
for 8,800 were at the latter date collected in a
vocabulary or book. Education was widely
spread ; that is, the limited ruling classes had
broadened their base, cultivated literary trea-
sures, used to consult the oracles, and saw to it
that the mercantile, industrial, and agricultural
commons possessed at least a knowledge of written
character sufficient for the ordinary business
purposes of life, including the learning off by
heart of moral maxims and principles of decency.
If no current everyday specimens have come
down to us as (only in very recent years) in the
cases of the Egyptian papyri and Babylonian
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846 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap.xvh
clay, it must be largely because wood and bamboo
are so perishable by fire and rot.
After the uniting of the contending feudatories
and imperial appanage into one centralised state
in 218 B.C., tne conqueror and his ministers
naturally inclined to favour the use of their own
variety of script when it became a question of
deciding which variant had best claim to be
the standard. Weights and measures, cart-
wheel axles, and political ideas were all thence-
forward to be organised and standardised. It
is highly probable that (as with the Egyptian
demotic writing) scribes, whose routine business
led them to deal with numerous oracular, ad-
ministrative, or mercantile matters, had for long
quietly and empirically indulged in a kind of
short-hand among themselves and their clerical
colleagues of other states, which process would
lead naturally to a general simplification of the
more formal and laborious mode of writing dis-
covered or codified in 827 B.C., in the elaboration
of which simplification; we are told, two of the
conqueror's ministers and a private scholar took ^
independent parts : shortly after that an anony- '
mous individual unified these three collections in
a single book of 8,800, as just stated. In his
eagerness to begin things afresh, this imperial
founder proceeded to call in and destroy not
only so much of the ancient literature as he
could lay his hands on, but also to summon
and destroy the philosophers, scholars, and
politicians who opposed his innovations on the,
to him, most irritating ground that the sages of
antiquity had taught wiser and better things.
Thus it comes about that even those portions of
genuine old classical writings rummaged for and
patched up from memory several generations
after the tyrant's death, and of course after the
total collapse of his short-lived dynasty, are
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B.C. 200-A.D. 200] SIR A. STEIN ONCE MORE 847
open to suspicion as to their gentdneness and
accuracy, as few persons could after that interval
even decipher, let alone explain, the old texts
found, whilst a large number of the 827 B.C.
characters had disappeared for ever. If this
seem incredible, then how many of us can make
out even Queen Elizabeth's writing in the British
Museum ?
The Han dynasty in its western and eastern
divisions we have seen covered a period of 400
years, i.e., the first 200 years before and the
second 200 years after the beginning of our
Christian era— exactly the same periods of time
as those covered by the Hiung-nu dominators,
who used Chinese just as (C»sar tells us) the
Gauls and Germans used Greek script. These
400 years were exceedingly active in a military
as well as in a literary sense. The first diction-
ary (as distinct from mere vocabularies) was
published about a.d. 220, and contained over
9,000 words. Not only was the written character
further developed and made easier -to write,
but the hair ink-brush had come into general
use instead of the scratcher or style and the
rough bamboo paint-brush ; paper was invented ;
various special guide-books and vocabularies
were made; distant military posts were estab-
lished, and expresses conveyed despatches
rapidly from one end of the empire to the other —
Dr. Aurel Stein has unearthed himdreds of them
from the dry desert sand, and the original speci-
mens may now be seen in the British Museum r
the dominions of China were enlarged by dis-
covery; but at no period does the Chinese literary
taste seem to have been in the remotest degree
affected by foreign importations, nor have the.
Chinese writers ever given the smallest hint that
the form of their script owed anything in the way
of inception, change, or improvement to examples
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848 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap, xvn
or suggestions from abroad : in fact, they never
even heard of any rival writing system or con-
ceived the possible existence of any except their
own until they were brought into political con-
tact with the Indo-Scythians (whence Ludia)
and the Syrians (whence Rome). Thus any sup-
posed Babylonian effect, say, in 600 b.c. (even
if it had existed at all) could only in any case
be looked for now in connection with the forms
that have largely perished, and not with the forms
now in use. The Japanese (as admitted in the
Times by Baron Edkuchi) had no letters of any
kind previous to the seventh century a,d.
But as to the specific point of invention, is
there any real necessity for persisting in or
even assuming that writing was in remote and
'* prehistoric *' times the exclusive invention of
any one nation or tribe ? Nay, further ; the
attempts to prove that the Chinese derived their
primitive pictographs from the Akkadians or
Sumerians of Babylonia seem to defeat them-
selves when we read in the British Museum
guide-book that both these ruling peoples are
** believed to have come from Central Asia, and
to have belonged to the Turanian family of
nations " ; t.e., of necessity either to the Chinese,
or Tibetans, or the Hiung-nu and Scythians ;
to wit, the Turks. What scientific ground is
there for assuming that any nation or race is
older than any other ? Every existing man and
woman must have had a father and mother, and
they also must have had parents ; and so on
ad infinitum^ or at any rate until at least pleis-
tocene and even pleiocene times. In any case
it seems rash to assume connection or borrow-
ings on the ground that the primitive sounds
uttered, or scratched on a tree, show some
similarity. There are only one pair of legs
and one pair of arms to clothe, whether we elect
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B.C. 260,000] A MAN'S A lifAN FOR A' THAT 849
for petticoat, clout, or breeches ; and there is,
and for, say, 250,000 years has been, only one
kind of throat and nose to speak out of, whether,
living remote from each other, we incline
towards clicks, tones, grunts, sniffs, labials,
sonants, nasals, surds, or gutturals. Not to
speak of the Neanderthal man, the Heidelberg
jaw, and the Ipswich skeleton, still more recent
discoveries — ^and in point of time we must not
overlook the fossil " fabulous " dragons found
personally by a genuine British Consul in Chinas
only last year (1916), — ^the most recent human
" finds " distinctly point to complete man,
brain-power included, even in pleiocene times.
History is nothing but events, and events dis-
appear for ever unless they are recorded;
hence for untold generations man's doings are
lost in oblivion, and leave not a wrack behind.
Primitive man probably made one of his
greatest discoveries when he began to conceive
definite numbers. As to the mere act of think-
ing, he must have been, for he still is, on the
same plane as other animals, and it is quite
manifest that thinking cannot possibly connote
speech of necessity, inasmuch as those persons
bom deaf and dumb can not only think, but read,
and "get along'' in matters generally as well as
ordinary folk. Man's next step would probably
be the development of speech, which is merely
a " short-distance " record of our thoughts.
Primitive man, having at last grasped the idea •
that his own tree hole and his own wife were
only one set of many similar, would be led to
** record " this and other simple facts more per-
manently with his nails, with shells, or with
sticks, on his wife's skin, or on a tree ; if there
were no trees handy, he might make a shift with
other suitable material ; for instance, clay ; and he
would advance a step further when he found that
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850 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap.xvd
the sun, later fire, made the clay durable. The
Chinese have plenty of loess. Possibly because it
is too friable to convert into viscous mud, they
never seem to have imagined the virtues of clay
"paper," though numerous very hard-baked
bricks and tiles, probably not made of loess^
contain valuable ancient "inscriptions'* of a
terse and limited kind. It was Chinese ill-luck
to choose the most perishable of materials —
wood, bamboos, silk, and paper — and (unless
many more bone or tortoise-shell inscriptions
and tomb treasures turn up) one of the conse-
quences now is that we shall have few literary
antiquities in China except in stone, brick, or
bronze. But that circumstance is far from
proving that the Chinese owed any culture to
other nations, or that their mental capacity
needed foreign stimulus.
By the commencement of oiu: era the Chinese
had written two genuine " world " histories as
they knew the world. Take, for instance, the
chapters on the Hiung-nu in both these histories,
about as long as the " Caesar " and " Tacitus "
used in our schools. The Chinese descriptions
of the Hiung-nu are in general grasp marvellously
like the Roman descriptions of the Gauls and
Germans. The language and flow of thought
are not only as precise and intelhgent, but each
sentence may be translated almost word for
word into good Latin of similar terseness and
grip ; and conversely, the Latin will go quite com-
fortably into Chinese of 90 B.C. and 90 a.d. style.
Although the first dictionary of 9,000 words pub-
lished about A.D. 220 contains fewer than half
the characters used by first-class schoolmen after
the perfect and refined polish of 1,000 years
later, and only one quarter or one fifth of the
characters given in the imperial dictionaries of
to-day, the clear and simple style of 90 B.C. to
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B.C. 90-A.D. 90] CHINESE NOT DIFFICXJLT 861
A.D. 100 has never been excelled, and it is
excellent reading even to-day, without greater
need for a glossary than we ourselves reqtiire
for, say, the Shakespearean plays. The Chinese
have never shown any capacity for " applied
history," but as recorders of bare facts and
describers of definite events they are unequalled
for trustworthiness. Have the Egyptians or
the Babylonians ever written anything that one
can sit down to read by the hour consecutively
and conscientiously, and enjoy like a novel ?
The thousands of clay and papyrus documents
indirectly describing conquests, family dealings,
and so on are of course when pieced together
intensely interesting to our curiosity. But are
they literature ? Is there any " style,'' or
philosophic, logical thought about them ?
Above all, have they any " art " or beauty to
the imagination, as approached through the eye ?
If a nation can struggle during a total period of
500 years out of its bald annals scratched on
laconic slips, create an argumentative philo-
sophy worth destroying, repair that destruction,
rise " like a phcenix from the ashes,'' and achieve
the highest degree of artistic calligraphic and
literary taste, charming to the eye, unfettered
by *' grammar," and good for any spoken Ian-
guage, what need is there to charge upon its
mental capacity an imaginary debt to the
Egyptians and Babylonians ?
From a general point of view no language
can be postulated more difficult than another,
for every language is the easiest expression by
the native speaker thereof of his sentiments ;
specifically, Chinese is provably as easy to speak
as English, for any English child born in China,
and given a free hand to grow up amongst native
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852 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap, xvn
servants and friends, speaks the local dialect
with absolute perfection along with his mother's
English. The difficulty of a language cannot
therefore be inherent, but must lie in the differ-
ence between the language already spoken and
that which is to be learnt ; it is only the differ-
ence between braying and neighing in another
degree, the aims being identical. Chinese, ac-
cordingly, is so different from English, that it
becomes increasingly difficult in the ratio of
the learner's established custom: hence — ^given
equal natural intelligence — a youth of 18 in-
variably progresses more rapidly than an adult
of 40.
These sententiosities apart, however, Chinese
is, by reason of its seemingly grotesque differ-
ences, apparently very hard to learn at all;
and, by reason of its innumerable and confusing
dialects, really very hard to learn correctly,
unless you study it in a place where everybody
speaks in the same way ; for in China, except
in one's own place, no one does speak the same
way ; and in Peking, where officials ff om every
city and village in China do congregate, no one
but a born native speaks absolutely "right."
It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that amongst
a group of native officials forming a government
committee of any mixed-interests kind, no one
can be guaranteed clear in his expositions imless
he " yells at " you, and you at him, occasionally ;
or unless he indulges in pi-fan ( = pencil chat),
i.e. jotting down, or merely indicating by flour-
ishes of his forefinger, the written character
intended to express the particular sound he is
" mouthing," for the special benefit of his col-
league's provincial ear. In Manchu times it
was execrably bad form to misunderstand what
the Emperor — and still more the peppery old
Dowager — ^was talking about ; and as the racy
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A.D.1900] VOWEL DISTINCTIONS 858
brogue of Peking is precisely the same in a mule-
cabman's mouth and in the mouth of the ** all-
highest," most local men admitted to audience
were glad to slur over the formal conversation
prescribed and shuffle out as quickly as possible
from the imperial presence : some viceroys were
so incapable of disguising their broad " Doric "
that they received a pretty broad hint to give as
much of their room and as little of their company
at the metropolis as rigid rule admitted of.
The moral of all this is that a beginner must
choose a dialect and stick to it. The reason is
this : as will shortly be shown, all dialects are
regular; that is to say, no matter how unlike
they may be, the changes in pronunciation follow
definite fixed rules : hence instinct teaches
every native to make mental allowances for
speakers of other dialects, and it is obvious that
these mental allowances are more easily made
when the speaker is "in order '' than when he
speaks imperfectly. For instance, when a Scots-
man says sair toes for " sore toes," or when an
Irishman talks about Tay Pay O'Connor drink-
ing a cup of tay at the say side, even the dullest
English yokel soon learns instinctively that
certain classes of o and i (or ee) are changed to
ei (or ay) in a Scotchman's or Irishman's mouth
respectively ; but if Scotch changes were irregu-
larly mixed with Irish changes, neither the
Scotsman nor the Irishman would be so well
understood by the yokel in question.
Another point. All the Chinese dialects, and
all the " tonic " languages akin to Chinese
(Annamese, Miao, Yao, Lolo, Shan, etc.) are
monosyllabic, i.e. no matter what single word,
whether noun, verb, adjective, conjunction, or
what not, that word is enunciated in one syllable ;
the only apparent qualification of this statement
being that the vowel of many such syllables is
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854 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [cHAP.xvn
often what may be called an ** inverted diph-
thong '' ; thus chiang and change chiu and chu^
though monosyllables, contain vowels of different
degrees of purity or simplicity ; like the word
" gardener," by a few old-fashioned people still
pronounced " gyardner," or like the faint diflEer-
ence between the vowels in chew and choose
made by some clear speakers. But, after all,
this monosyllabic theory of the Chinese lan-
guages must not be overweighted. All lan-
guages, even the most sesquipedalian, are mono-
syllabic, in the sense that all polysyllables must
consist of single syllables; and all inflections,
agglutinative particles, and so on, are either pure
unmodified monosyllables with a definite mean-
ing, or impure monosyllables the original mean-
ing of which it is difficult to trace back. Inde-
pendence and Unabhangigkeit are both exactly
the same word : if, like the Chinese, we had
always kept our European syllables separate
and uncorrupted, we should have been equally
comprehensible if we had said " Not from hang
like way," or, as we still say, " not hang on to
others," or ** to one's mother's apron strings."
The important difference is that the Chinese in
all their parts of speech, whether primary or
auxiliary in meaning, have only had their own
single language to deal with, whereas we in
England have borrowed from so many sources
that most of us are ignorant of what our own
monosyllables mean. German occupies a mid-
way position between English and Chinese : it
may be said aphoristically, " Every Chinaman
knows anal5rtically exactly what he is saying;
every German knows pretty well what he is
saying ; few Englishmen have any exact analyti-
cal idea of what they say." What with Greek,
Latin, and other borrowings, we in England have
frequently lost all trace of our component parts.
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A.D.1900] WHAT IS GRAMMAR? 855
Every one talks of " insufficient circumstances/'
and knows generally what this means, but how
many people can split these words up and define
why each syllable has its partial or contributes
to the total effect ? This instinctive wholesome
feeling every Chinese has, no matter what dialect
he speaks, and thus there are no Mrs. Malaprops
in China, and no hawkers of " haspidesterers " or
" enimcrancies " for the " drorin' " room flower-
pots. The Dowager-Empress could enjoy her
street chaff, on precisely equal dialectic terms,
with any old peasant crony who brought her
a bowl of rice to the countryside ; and it is
recorded that she did.
There is no grammar in Chinese : this is the
next point to be examined. How many of us
can explain the word "grammar'' which we
use so confidently : gramma means " a word "
or " a written sign," and " grammar" by exten-
sion ** the study of forms of speech " ; but the
idea conveyed to the popular mind is a vague
collection of half-tmderstood terms, such as
nouns, verbs, adjectives, tenses, cases, moods,
and so on. Every Chinese word, written or
spoken, is absolutely unchangeable; it cannot
be inflected, agglutinated, or '* parsed " in any
way. Which of us can explain the word
** parse " ? The mere utterance of the word is
all the parsing, partitioning, or defining a Chinese
requires, just as we have shown that the most
ancient written signs were *' names," and there
was an end of it. The Chinese word for a
written gramme (ideograph) is no longer ming
or ** name," but a word only 2,000 years old
as used in that sense called tsz^ and a "not-
recognize-/5a; " means " an ignoramus." Win-li
(grammar) means the " orderly arrangement " of
tsZf and an official statement by the Board of
Education roimdly asserted quite recently that
25
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866 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap, xvn
less than 1 per cent, of the whole Chinese race
(seven per miUe) were acquainted with literature.
As a matter of fact, a much larger proportion of
male Chinese have for many centuries had a
casual acquaintance with the tsz sufficient to
carry them through their daily business, women
in most parts having been, until a few years ago,
entirely ignorant; but this slender male know-
ledge was before the introduction of newspapers
and advertising a generation ago : now both sexes
are rapidly advancing, and the dullest minds are
stimukited by curiosity as to what is going on in
the outer worlds But all Chinese, illiterate or
learned, have as much grammar as we have ;
that is to say, they arrange the order of their
words by hereditary instinct and daily practice
in such a way that they extract the same effec-
tive results as though they had all our moods,
tenses, declensions, and cases. The main differ-
ence between vulgar speech and literary elegance
is that the latter aims at eschewing tautology,
repetitions, expletives, coarseness, and vague-
ness ; the style tends to the telegraphic in its
economy. The most learned Chinese literatus
cannot in the least explain how he arrives at
" style '' ; yet the official, historical, narrative,
and other styles are all recognised and mentally
fixed, subject of course to the qualification that
real masters of style attract special attention,
as with ourselves : official dispatch writers form
a sort of semi-secret guild.
The fact that Chinese written characters or
hieroglyphs are final and unchangeable cannot
possibly have anything to do with the fact that
the spoken language is (aS above qualified) mono-
syllabic and uninflected, for men spoke and
formed their language for the current purposes
of .life long before they ever thought of even
elementary writing; moreover, even within
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B.C. 200C-^A.D. 1900] WHAT'S IN A NAME ? 857
historical memory, Chinese writing was so
laborious and clumsy an art, writing materials
were so expensive and unwieldy, that only an
infinitesimal number of scholars in a very few
capital cities could have had the independent
means to study critically. In the same way it must
be remembered that Chinamen spoke long before
the idea of "grammar'' was conceived in other
lands; the peculiarity of Chinese is that the
people, literate or illiterate, have continued to
speak as they have always spoken, without the
faintest idea of ** good grammar " or " bad
grammar '* having entered a single mind, and
this over a period of some 4,000 years. Speech has
no formal recognition at all, except as an ordinary
function of life, like toddling, walking, suckling,
weaning, eating, belching, or drinking. A school-
master may chide a boy^ for rude acts and ex-
pressions, just as Don Quixote warned Sancho
about erular and regoldar ; but he never dreams
of correcting his " grammar " ; nor are there any
books on grammar. With us the omission or
insertion of an h, a "you was^^ instead of were,
" kep '* instead of " kept," srimp instead of
shrimp, may affect a young man's whole career
in life, because, in addition to a more or less
artificial grammar, we have evolved a more or
less " caste " pronunciation, which is not that
of the profanum vulgtbs. But plants grew before
botany was invented, with its artificial classifi-
cations and impossible Greek or Latin words,
invented to split up leaves, anthers, and other
component parts into innumerable imaginary
departments, futile to all but speciaUsts; and
plants will continue to grow in omne aevum,
subject only to the few insignificant graftings
or unnatural modifications that science may
occasionally supply. So language grew through
tmtold generations of gradual development before
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858 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap.xvh
grammar was invented to harness it to the
restraint of fancy rules. Even in Europe,
dialects still run wild, and " correct " speech is
only ancillary to local brogues, whereas in China
no one has ever dreamt of regulating mere
speech, however finically rules for poetry and
essay-writing may have developed. Every
Chinese official speaks or tries to speak " man-
darin '' of some kind ; not necessarily Pekingese
(the fashionable language for the last thousand
years, and, it seems, still the only one in which
really good colloquial novels are published),
but some form of that vast series of correlated
brogues current over the whole of China, Man-
churia, and (if Chinese be spoken at all) Mon-
golia, Corea, and Tibet, which pass by that
unsatisfactory generic name. But no Cantonese
or coast-Chinese of any kind holding an official
position under the Manchu dynasty would
ever speak his native "non-mandarin*' brogue
officially in public; interpreters were always
used in courts of law, and it was no uncommon
sight to witness, say, a Cantonese judge, who
himself spoke imperfect "mandarin," having
the evidence of a Cantonese prisoner (which
he meanwhile understood perfectly) interpreted
to him in another form of "mandarin" equally
imperfect. This, of course, is only an ex-
aggerated or extreme form of the general fact
already stated — ^that mere speech is a private
and personal affair not to be seriously taken;
whilst litera scripta mdnet^ whatever dialect be
used ; for composition in no matter what
form, legal, official, narrative, essay, poetical,
historical, or what not, is always, resolvable
into perfectly regular local elements, though
six men may (as they do) pronoimce one iden-
tical written word as chi, cup^ cake, kip, dji,
kih, and so on.
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A.D. 1917] DULL ONES, TAKE COURAGE I 859
It may strike Europeans as singular that the
total number of syllables for 40,000 written
characters ranges between 860 to 800. But this
seemingly alarming statement is subject to
qualifications which reduce it to comparative
im]potence. In the first place 12,000 characters
easily embrace the whole gamut of reasonable
literature, and probably of the three or four
million men in China officially dubbed " literate,"
not one million can be depended on to pronotmce
clearly upon more than 8,000 or 9,000. Three-
fourths of the characters are waste ; duplicates
or " cranks " of this or that kind. A good
average knowledge, sufficient for supervising
correspondence, reading proclamations (not too
exactly), glancing over the newspapers and
official gazettes, dealing with commercial docu-
ments, etc., would be 4,000 or 5,000. Hence it
follows that no character beyond this last
number can possibly have a local pronunciation
that can be depended upon ; that is to say, if a
person, Chinese or other, does not know it from
personal experience, he must accept the native
dictionary pronunciation; and this itself is
imperfect, because the native dictionaries, in
arranging their initials and finals, have only
been able (1) to go back to ancient dicta, or (2)
to accept the personal pronouncements of indi-
viduals (who may be provincials) in court
circles. To put it in another way, the ordinary
business Chinese of standing only makes use
during life of 4,000 or 5,000 words in the whole
of his conversation and business, and can only
fit that conversation with the same number of
signs. Hence the European student need not
burden his memory with more (unless he wish
to be a specialist) ; and if he stumble across
either strange words or strange characters he
must look them up ; after which done, he is as
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800 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap, xvn
good an authority as the average Chinese, who
must do the s^ame thing.
As to the number of syllables in a monosylla-
bic language not exceeding 350 — ^indeed the
Hankow dialect has only 320 — ^it is doubtful
if even in polysyllabic English our separate
monosyllables would reach 1,000. The whole
Japanese language from first to last, including
Chinese importations, is expressed by fifty
separate monosyllables ; but then that language
is highly polysyllabic, and there are many clip-
pings, prolongations, and *' thickenings '' — such
as in Welsh d for t (Llandudno and St, Tudno) —
to help it out. In China the same helping out
effect is partly gained by tones, which practi-
cally double, treble, or even quadruple the
distinctions, according to refinement of dialect :
yet, with all that, one of the real difficulties of
Chinese — especially the " mandarin " dialects* —
to foreign students, even those with a good ear
for tones, is, it must be confessed, the want of
variety in word-sounds, which difficulty is of
course accentuated in the case of persons — and
they are many — ^who cannot for the life of them
** get into '' the tones at all. The reason why
some dialects have only 400 whilst others have
800 sounds is that either initials or finals or
both have been merged in the cases of the
"mandarin" group— i.e. in the current corre-
lated brogues of nine-tenths of interior China —
whilst they have been preserved' — ^sometimes
most carefully- — ^in the ignored dialects of the
coast. It is easily provable, from close examina-
tion of the present form of Corean, Japanese,
and Annamese words taken over from Chinese
(from A.D. 1 till, say, a.d. 1300), that the
Cantonese dialect, which is far and a long way
the highest in development, corresponds most
closely with the theoretical or dictionary form of
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A.D, 1917] A "TIP" FOR STUDENTS 861
ancient times^ still rigidly adhered to for poetical
purposes, though no Chinaman can explain
why. This is the more remarkable in that the
Cantonese people are not of pure " Old China "
stock; and the explanation probably is that, as
the Tartars gradually possessed themselves of
North China (as expounded in the chapter on
history), the pure Chinese colonised the south
in huge numbers by way of the lakes, and took
their speech with them. On the other hand
the now existing ** mandarin " dialects of Old
China, West China, and the foreign provinces
above enumerated, evidently represent corrupt
forms as debased by successive inroads by Tartar
rulers, who (just as the Coreans and Japanese
have done with adopted Chinese words) would
tend to make a clean sweep of tones, surds,
sonants, aspirates, and other refinements strange
to their own guttural and agglutinative speech.
The case of the Cantonese is well illustrated
by a parallel with Quebec (and French Canada
generally); there sixteenth or seventeenth-cen-
tury French is spoken, which I personally found
barely intelligible. The case of "mandarin" is
well illustrated by a parallel with France itself,
where Northmen have played such havoc with
Latin that a debased out fashionable "man-
darin '* form has thrust the purer Spanish, Portu-
guese, Italian, Romance, and Rumanian into the
political backgroimd. To illustrate the extent of
** mandarin " corruption : what ought to be ki, toi,
kikf kipy kit J tsiky tstpy tsit, are all debased into one
uniform " mandarin " form chi ; thus a Cantonese
— ^who, moreover, subdivides his four theoretical
tones into about twenty colloquial tones — has
eight chances at guessing right against one
" mandarin" chance in this particular instance;
in fact, he has 8 x 5, or forty chances.
The whole question of ^ comparative tones.
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882 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [cHAP.xrn
aspirates, sonants, surds, etc., is, however, one
that no casual student can be expected to
tolerate for a moment. Sanskrit punsts in the
shape of Buddhist priests first explained it to
the Chinese, or tried to do so. A final piece of
Practical advice may, however, perhaps here be
azarded i — If you want to learn Chinese, no
matter what dialect, get a native who does not
understand a word of any foreign language, and
is guaranteed to be a safe moderate scholar,
speaking his own dialect only. Do not bother
yourself with grammar, but start off by pointing
to something, gradually working your way up
to such words as ** give,'' " me," the numerals,
the negatives, the way to say ** is " and ** has '*
(practically the sole real " verb " or verbs in
existence). Make the man read; follow his
sounds, take notes, keep him in good humour
by letting him smoke and drink tea ; and, having
thus got the thin end of the wedge in, go ahead
in the way most agreeable to yourself, repeating
all doubtful points the next lesson, and going
on repeating day by day till you are clear.
With regard to reading and writing, take notes
of the sounds as they seem to you, and postpone
dictionary work, or comparison with other men's
views, till you feel you are on your own solid
ground. Do not trouble to learn the radicals
{i.e. the 214 conventional, mostly obsolete, char-
acters used in forming parts of hieroglyphs),
but get a Chinese brush, Chinese ink, and Chinese
slab ; watch how the teacher rubs the ink, holds
the brush, and in what order of strokes he writes
each word. Imitate him, always keeping up
Chinese conversation withal. The main rule
is this : (1) No word should be allowed to pass
for an instant unless you can utter its tone and
sound, (2) recognise it on paper, and (8) write it
fvs the teacher writes it^
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A.D. 1917] BIZARRE DIALECTS 868
The above remarks chiefly concern Pekingese,
the " mandarin *' dialect most usually studied,
not only because it is the fashionable court
brogue, but because it is (or was until quite
recently) the only one provided with adequate
machinery in the way of handbooks, etc, for
foreigners : etymologically it is a decidedly cor-
rupted dialect. It may in a general way be
said that no one except missionaries ever seri-
ously engages a purely local dialect : of course
there are very occasional exceptions, and Can-
tonese is not rarely taken up by officials and
other non-missionaries on account of the practical
needs of Hong Kong ; and there are excellent
Canton dictionaries, besides handbooks. The
dialects of Amoy and Ningpo seem to be picked
up by local smatterers* — apart from missionaries
• — ^with unusual facility, perhaps because both
are " unliterary," and full of local locutions
which cannot be written with recognised standard
tsz; both are prpvided with good dictionaries.
Such strange "abortions" as the dialects of
Foochow and Wenchow are never studied ex-
cept under force majeure; yet both have been
thoroughly dissected and explained in published
papers.
Few practical students who may tcJce up
Chinese, whether Pekingese, " southern man-
darin," " western mandarin," or any of the
coast dialects, will care or have time for com-
parative or etymological studies. If they
should wander into these pleasant pastures,
they will find that China follows out nearly all
the " laws " of change we are accustomed to in
Europe ; such, for instance, as the passage from
surd to aspirate, from sonant to aspirated surd,
from one class of nasal to another, from faint
nasal to pure consonant, from o to vs (as in
Spanish), from partial omission of final conson-
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864 LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE [chap, xvn
ants to entire omission with occasional re-
suscitation (as in French), etc. In short, there
is scarcely any bizarre change to be found in
Europe that cannot be closely paralleled in
Chinese ; even the pure Welsh II is extensively
found in one of the Cantonese group, where it
takes the place of $. Through all this maze it
is comparatively easy to grope one's way for
practical purposes if the student masters and
adheres to one definite dialect, never passing to
a second unless he feels that he can do so with-
out wrecking the first ; for even Chinese them-
selves can very rarely speak two dialects with
sufficient purity in each case to pass muster to a
native specJcer as a native speaker of either ; and
it may oe here repeated that speech in China
takes quite a back seat, and (except between
natives of the same tract) it is scarcely an ex-
aggeration to say that no two men talk aUke : one
might even go farther, and say that few persons
quite understand a complicated conversation
without calling for repetitions and explanations ;
these, indeed, form the salt that gives zest to an
interchange of ideas, just as with us the broad
racy talk of a native of Perth entertains and
amuses the educated Englishman, and vice versd.
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CHAPTER XVIII
THE RISE OF THE CHINESE REPUBLIC
A RUSH. of very detailed books upon this subject
burst upon the world four or five years ago, but
the present account reviews the whole question
in condensed proportions, under the light of
official Chinese documents published from day
to day, and from the standpoint of one who was
actually present as events progressed in most of
the countries concerned. The ** Awakening of
China" began when Turkestan was reconquered,
and the Marquess Tseng (who subsequently
wrote a paper thus entitled) succeeded in negotia-
ting a favourable treaty with Russia. At the
same time Li Hung-chang, then Viceroy at
Tientsin, managing also external relations gener-
ally, thought it good policy to encourage treaties
between foreign powers and Corea so as to
thwart designs upon that vassal state's virtual
independence.
Meanwhile French activity in Indo-China
(1884) led up to the loss of China's first war
fleet and of Tonq^uin, whilst the Pendjeh in-
cident in Affghamstan had the indirect effect
of causing a strained situation in connection
with the British occupation of Port Hamilton
off Corea. The death of Sir Harry Parkes at
this juncture (1885) deprived us of our one
** push and go " man who understood the situa-
tion. China made efforts to create a new navy
86i
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866 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvm
and fortify Port Arthur, Wei-hai Wei, etc., an
operation which was by way of placing Great
Britain in an unusuaUy sympathetic relation-
ship with her had not our occupation of Upper
Burma in 1886 stimulated the Marquess Tseng
from his London post of observation to attempt
with us at Bhamo a repetition of his successes
with Russia touching the Ili domain. The
question of Indian trade with Tibet subsequently
complicated the Burma frontier discussion, which
latter ultimately involved China in triangular
difficidties with ourselves and France (1894-5).
In 1891 the Siberian railway (the Tashkend
extension of which had already attracted China's
uneasy attention in 1881) was inaugurated at
its far-eastern end by the present Czar, and
simultaneously Count Cassini appeared upon the
scene at Peking. For some years since the Port
Hamilton bungle of 1886, things had smouldered
in comparative quiet in Corea, but China's general
attitude had meanwhile become somewhat
aggressive, haughty, and notably anti-missionary,
after Admiral Lang — ^a British Captain, lent to
China — ^had shown the dragon flag in the
southern and Japanese seas; she had lost
foreign sympathy. In 1894 the sudden out-
break of the Sino-Japanese war, however, took
every one by surprise, culminating, as it did, in
the crushing defeat of China, the destruction of
her fleet for the second time, and the loss of
Formosa : Germany, notwithstanding, success-
fully engineered a joint effort with Kussia and
France to secure Japan's renunciation of the
Liao Tung peninsula point of vantage ; but Japan
held on to Wei-hai Wei, on the mainland oppo-
site, as security for the fulfilment of other peace-
treaty conditions ; and now began the first of
those heavy foreign borrowings which have since
landed China into such financial embarrassment.
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A.D. 1896-8] DESCENSUS AVERNI 867
Li Hung-chang, after settling matters with
Japan, proceeded to Europe and America in
1896 to see what he could do there to mend
matters poUtically ; as he was still burning with
a sense of personal and patriotic hxuniUation at
his diplomatic defeat by Count It6 in Japan, it
seems certain that he must have had a large
share (probably when in Russia) in the concoc-
tion of the Cassini treaty concluded at Peking
that autumn : indeed, he was appointed on his
return to assist at the Foreign Office only a day
or two after its conclusion. In a secret clause
of that treaty certain preferential *' options " at
Kiao Chou (never pubhshed, I think, except in
Chinese) were granted to Russia.
Meanwhile Germany, as "honest broker'* in
the Liao Tung affair, had received no reward ;
but at an interview with the Czar about that
time, William the Second seems to have twisted
some sort of an acquiescence out of the Kiao Chou
discussion with the Czar and Prince Lobanoff or
his successor (just before or shortly after that
statesman's death in August 1906), which, on the
murder of some German missionaries in 1897, he
treated as part justification for his audacious
seizure of what was a secret option rather than
an admitted Russian " right " ; and thus we find
Germany plumped down almost exactly opposite
the commanding spot on which she had hypo-
critically objected to the Japanese presence.
Russia was therefore not long before she found
an excuse for leasing the coveted Port Arthur.
Japan's security hold on Wei-hai Wei being now
liquidated, China, ever ready to set one barbarian
against the other, agreed in May 1898 that Japan
should hand it over to Great Britain for as long
as Russia held Port Arthur; and, moreover,
the mainland territory opposite Hongkong was
largely extended for Great Britain's benefit.
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868 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvm
Meanwhile in April the French had taken
" French " leave and secured a free port, with
Hinterland, in the extreme south ; and even the
Italians were claiming countervaiUng coastal con-
cessions between Ningpo and Foochow (success-
fully resisted). Thus abject China had almost
resigned herself to the " melon-slicing" or spheres
of influence process when the young Emperor,
tmder the vivifying influence of the Cantonese re-
former K'ang Yu-wei, suddenly took every one's
breath away by laimching a series of revolutionary
edicts with the object of shaking up China from
her lethargy ; but, as to popular representation,
there had been, up to this date, no visible demand
for it ; reform was inspired from above. There
was really nothing amiss about the matter of
this reform ; it was rather the abrupt manner
of the move that roused conservative and pocket
interests to hostility. The old Dowager, who
had long retired with her eunuchs to an inoffen-
sive otium cum dignitaiCy now angrily emerged
from her seclusion. K'ang Yu-wei and the
Emperor tried to suppress her, and enlisted the
aid of Yiian Shi-k'ai (who since the disastrous
Japanese war had been training up an effective
army near Tientsin). But instead of murdering
the Dowager's nephew the Viceroy Jungluh,
Yiian made to him, as his military chief, a clean
breast of the business ; the Viceroy hastened to
Peking; the Emperor was placed under sur-
veillance; the Dowager assumed charge once
more; and all the premature reforms were
summarily annulled. But with these suspicious
events a glimmering of true patriotic feeling,
coupled with sympathy for the Manchu Emperor,
had now begun to possess even the Chinese
mind; to which must be added a sentiment of
disgust at Manchu cabinet's incapacity to de-
fend the integrity of an ancient empire against
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1.^.1898-1902] THREE GOOD VICEROYS 869
foreign aggression in the same way that the
Japanese had done for themselves.
This indefinite bitter feeling culminated in the
ill-conceived " Boxer '' revolt, which was simply
an inarticulate protest and an arms-taking
against the sea of troubles mistily visualised.
Practically it ended in the " Boxers " saying to
the dynasty : — "Clear these (European) foreigners
out, or get out yourselves." It was this
consciousness of a quandary that forced the
Dowager to adopt the hedging or " run with the
hare and hunt with the hounds " attitude that
proved so mystifying to onlookers during the
Jjcgation siege. Her sanest adviser close at hand
was Jungluh. Fortunately the experienced as
well as extremely sane viceroys of the Yangtsze
valley, co-operating with Governor Yiian Shi-
k'ai of Shantimg province, saved the situation
beyond the bounds of Peking just in time ; and
after the Legation reUef in the autumn of 1900
it was the task of the veteran Li Hung-chang to
cobble up the best peace he could with the
assembly of eleven foreign envoys at Peking.
But, after indulging in this egregious dance,
China had naturally to pay the piper, the neces-
sary huge foreign loans of course increasing her
permanent commitments to an enormous extent.
On return in 1901 from her self-imposed exile
in West China, the Dowager set industriously to
work upon real reform, military, judicial, finan-
cial, administrative, and what not, acting chiefly
under the earnest and detailed exhortations of
the two Yangtsze viceroys Liu K'un-yih and
Chang Chi-tung above referred to.
Meanwhile Yiian Shi-k'ai, who on Li Hung-
chang' s death had become Viceroy at Tientsin,
and had seen with his own eyes how well
foreigners administered that place, showed an
excellent example by putting locally into prac-
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sro RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvm
tical effect a number of foreign methods, coupled
with genuine reforms. At Peking a thorough
investigation into constitutional principles was
made, with a decided bias in favour of the
limited German and Japanese types. The
Dowager herself gradually followed the lines
taken in 1898 by the rash young Emperor she
had ruthlessly put in the background, and by
1906-1907 not only was a Constitution promised
within nine years, but effective armies were
created, a free press spread general intelligence,
and China was rapidly being covered with a
network of business-like railways. The fierce
war of 1904-5 between Russia and Japan had
meanwhile practically left China proper un-
touched, and indeed had given her as a tertia
gaudens a welcome respite of breathing time;
as for Manchuria, which economically scarcely
concerns' — or then concerned' — China at all, it
had been for a time quietly abandoned or
ignored as a heaven-sent cockpit for the two
formidable combatant neighbours. China's official
history scarcely mentions the war ! It was quite
a coincidence and not by calculation that Great
Britain — since 1902 an ally of Japan — also
found 1904 a convenient year for settUng her
accumulated disputes with Tibet about rival
influences there, and so far from " grabbing '*
anything for herself beyond the long-stipulated
frontier trade, she really placed Manchu authority
in Tibet in a stronger position than it had been
for some years ; in fact, the way was left almost
too generously open for the reconstitution of
Chinese suzerainty diuring the four years of the
Dalai Lama's flight, and a fair imderstanding
with Russia was arrived at besides.
But now we come to the more immediate
causes of the revolution of 1911, the brewing of
which, as we have seen, had been in reidity
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A,D. 1908-1915] A GIGANTIC BLUNDER 871
going on steadily ever since the fringes of China
— Corea, Manchuria, Formosa, Annam, Burma,
Tibet, and part of Hi in turn — had either
dropped off or been lopped off. The Dowager-
Empress and the Emperor unexpectedly died
within a few hours of each other, and whilst the
forgiven but unrepentant Dalai, on his way back
to Tibet, was actually on the spot in Pelang to
see things for himself and contribute his prayers
for the imperial souls. Instead of continuing
to utilise Yuan Shi-k'ai's services in conjimction
with those of the surviving elder statesmen at
Pdting, the late Emperor's brother and wife
(the Regent and the new Dowager) unfortun-
ately soon succiunbed to a vindictive palace
intrigue, having for its main object the avenging
of the late Emperor's 1898 failure; and thus
the only remaining statesman in China who had
had practical deaungs with the representatives
of all nations, and had been able to test in the
actual working improved administrative and
military measures based on foreign concrete
examples, was relegated under a silly pretext to
private obscurity.
The master hand having been thus removed,
the new provincial councils began to meddle,
and attempts were made to speed up the
National Assembly temporarily acting fbr the
Parliament promised for 1916. Moreover, the
newly created foreign-driUed armies rapidly dis-
covered that they possessed a coherence and a
dignity vis-d-vis of civilians they had never en-
joyed before. This unwelcome military pro-
vincialism, particularly in railway management,
coupled with the perception of its ominous
political importance, made the Manchus on the
one hand as eager for central control as the
{)rovinces on the other were determined for
ocal management : the attempt on the part of
26
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872 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvni
the Imperial Government to place Manchu
princes in control of military, naval, and other
departments might have succeeded if these
young men had exhibited adequate strength of
character, Financial reforms were nullified by
rival central and provincial claims to liJdn^
which, so far from being abolished as stipulated
under the Mackay treaty of 1902, was actually
used more and more by short-sighted foreign
financiers as a security for further loans. Thus
many local leaders of the Chinese people, at first
sympathetically inclined towards the Regent,
his infant son the new Emperor, and the new
Dowager-Empress (widow of the late Emperor,
the Regent's brother), gradually began to despair
of ever obtaining the promised Constitution,
and shrank back with horror at the prospect of
effective central miUtary and railway control
riveting their loosened chains to Peking corrup-
tion once more ; the National Assembly actually
did meet in 1910, and a programme of graduated
work was sanctioned, the Emperor, however,
remaining " above the law, but living within
the law,** like Justinian of old and the Emperor
of Japan anew.
So, when the Hankow-Wu-ch*ang revolution
prematurely broke out in the autumn of 1911
(October 10), the cry of "Away with the
Manchus '* raised there was immediately caught
up by the provinces generally; Sun Yat-sen
and the exiled republicans of 1898 hurried back
to China with all speed; and then, as a last
hope, the Manchu government, in their conster-
nation, appealed perforce to the very man they
had flouted in 1909, begging him to come back
and save the situation. This on pressure he at
once loyally attempted to do, first as Viceroy
of Hu Kwang (the two lake provinces) and with
combined powers as Generalissimo for the whole
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A.D. 1911-1912] VAE VICTIS! 878
Yang-tsze valley, and then as Premier at Peking
(18th November), where again he was at once
placed in supreme command over all the metro-
politan forces.
Meanwhile as anarchical war was still going
on or threatening in the provinces, with a pro-
fessed view to stopping bloodshed, the baby
Emperor under the Dowager's and Regent's
direction announced to the spirits of his ancestors
(26 November) the Magna Charta of nineteen
articles which the Senate or Deliberative Parlia-
ment {Tsz-chSng Yiian) had passed on 2nd Novem-
ber, and as a further act of propitiation all
Manchu princes were removed from high mili-
tary and naval command. On 6th December
the Regent gave up his seals of oflfice, and the
next day an imperial decree, countersigned by
all the heads of departments, sanctioned the
cutting off of the Manchu queue, and likewise
the discussion of a Western or solar in place of
the ancient lunar-solar Calendar. On tne 28th
December an edict of the Dowager-Empress,
bearing the imperial seal and countersigned by
all departmental ministers, left it to an Emer-
gency Parliament {Lin-shi Kwoh-hui) to decide
whether the new form of constitutional govern-
ment should be monarchical (Kiin-chu) or re-
publican (Kung'ho). However, all these and
many other desperate efforts to save the dynasty
were of no avail, and the very last imperial
decrees, dated 11th February, but issued the
12th February, announced that the Dowager-
Empress and the Emperor had formally abdi-
cated under agreed conditions then fully set
out : it is characteristic that the deceased old
Dowager's brother Kweisiang was, as though by
a Parthian shot, at the same moment appointed
to a lucrative post in the Peking Octroi (ne died
in the following December).
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874 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, rvm
On the 18th Yiian Shi-k'ai issued his first
mandate as " Plenipotentiary to function as
Emergency President of the Republican {Kung-
ho) Government/' from which circumstance it
stands out plainly as an historical fact that, in
technical form at least, the Republic was not a
self-creation, but the result of an act of imperial
grace. The following day the Hawaiian-bom
Cantonese Sun Yat-sen, who had arrived in
Shanghai on the 26th and been elected President
on 29th December (elected at Nanking, but
election sanctioned by the Shanghai delegates),
telegraphed his congratulations to Yuan and, with
the Nanking Assembly's approval, announced
his willingness to resign ; his Vice-president la
Yiian-hung also sent from Wu-ch'ang a friendly
message, and promised to arrange with Nanking
for a conference : the official gazette of the
17th February (80th of the 12th moon) contained
an announcement that Yiian Shi-k'ai had tele-
graphed (presumably on the 29th) a reply to
Sim Yat-sen and to the Nanking Assembly
{Ts^an-i Yiian); and in the gazette of the 1st
moon (cyclic year, not reign year), but dated
80th of the 12th moon, appeared an annoimce-
ment from '* the newly elected President Yiian "
to the effect that " we must now use the first
day of the purely solar year, jen-tsZy of the endless
cycle, and style it the 18th day of the second
month of the first year of the Chinese Republic "
{Chung'hwa Min-kwoh). These details are his-
torically important in view of the fact that
Li Yiian-hung had in October already used the
endless cyclic era beginning conventionally with
the mythical Emperor Hwang Ti (2697 B.C.),
and had styled a.d, 1911 "the 4609th year of
Hwang Ti."
Thus also it is historically recorded how, by
ingenious manipulation, Yiian Shi-k'ai succeeded
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A.D.1912] VIVAT RES PUBLICAI 876
in getting rid of the Manchu dynasty on dignified
terms agreeable to the Manchu princes them-
selves ; how the Manchu dynasty, ignoring the
Nanking Republic, created the Republic in a
voluntary way through their own plenipoten-
tiary agent Yiian; and how Yuan in turn
never took any notice of the new love at Nan-
king till he was clearly off with the old love at
Peking ; Nanking making the first advances to
him, he himself as the " newly elected " (inferen-
tially by Nanking included) in the plenitude of
his powers establishing a Min-kwoh, which was
neither monarchical (Kiin-chu) nor Kung-ho as
suggested by the Emergency Parliament on
28th December, It is necessary to emphasise
the exact bearing of all these points, in order
to bring out the generation of the Chinese
Republic in its true historical light.
At the end of February a serious military
revolt, accompanied by looting, broke out at
Peking, to the personal humiliation of the
President, whose position had really been upheld
by these very men's support : it was suppressed
with difiiculty, and not on creditable terms :
it formed, however, a fair pretext for Yiian's
declining to proceed to Nanking for investiture,
as he had to " preserve order " at Peking.
On 10th March Yiian Shi-k'ai was formally and
duly installed as President, took the oath of
fidelity to the Republic in the presence of the
Nanking delegates, the Army chiefs, the Manchu,
Mongol, Tibetan, and Turki representatives,
the Foreign Customs and Post-office ofiicials,
and the European, Japanese, and American
journalists : the yoh-fah ( = concise law) or
Constitution of fifty-six Articles as drawn up
by Li Yiian-hung at Wu-ch'ang in December and
adopted, with him as Vice-president, by the
Nanking republic, seems to have been promul-
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876 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvm
gated as part of what on 10th March the new
President swore to maintain ; the defect in this
hastily drawn-up document was that it had been
draughted by neo-Chinese, i.e. by men more
ignorant of Chinese administrative history and
practice than competent to introduce theoretical
European reforms ; and this absence of experi-
enced northern deliberative concurrence natur-
ally kept open the cleft between the conserva-
tive or northern and the ultra-radical or southern
elements ; these latter were represented by the
'Pung-ming Hwei or " United League Associa-
tion," founded by Sun Yat-sen and [General *]
Hwang Hing shortly after the " Boxer " humilia-
tion of 1901, but afterwards known as the
Kwoh-min Tang or ** Popular Party," under
which name after Yiian's installation it deliber-
ately set to work, by means of the two-thirds
vote rule, to thwart the action both of the new
President and of his provisional Parliament.
Meanwhile Yiian's old Corea henchman T'ang
Shao-i (now enrolled as a member of the United
League) as Premier had formed a ministry ;
Hwang Hing had been propitiated with the
post of Chief-of-the-Staff, also with the rank
of Field-Marshal to maintain order in the
Yang-tsze Valley; and an important railway
inspectorship had been invented in order to
conciliate the disappointed Sun Yat-sen, who
was evidently waiting for a " job," as he does
not appear to have formally abandoned his
southern presidency until a little later,. Le. on
29th Marcn. No doubt it was under the restraint
of this inconvenient covert opposition that Yiian
on 19th March issued his ** scrap of paper,"
denouncing by " mandate " those misguided per-
sons who advised a return to monarchy, and
^ Died as auoh towardfi the end of 1016, and buried with the
highest offioial honours as a good patriot.
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A.D. 1912] TOO MANY COOKS 877
referring once more to his solemn oath of fidelity
to the Kung'ho principle. On 18th April the
Vice-president Li Yiian-hung, though remaining
at Wu-ch'ang, was made Chief-of-the-Staff, and
a mandate recommended the " five races " com-
posing the Chinese dominion {cf. p. 875) to take
advantage of the new privilege of intermarriage :
one more effort was made also to secure the aboU-
tion of the barbarous " squeezed feet *' custom
amongst purely Chinese females. The temporary
ParUament now gave way to a National Assembly
or Advisory Council {Ts^an-i Yiian) of more man-
ageable proportions. A few revolts or rebellions,
now of the military discontents, or anon the " last
ditchers " of the Manchu Party, in several pro-
vinces, were quelled without much difficulty one
after the other ; but still the civil agitators of
the United League displayed persistent hostility
at Peking, where the northerners or conserva-
tives had, notwithstanding, at last succeeded in
reversing the practical balance of power.
For some time attention was now concentrated
upon foreign loan negotiations ; the question
oi what military and naval flags should be
adopted was finally settled ; and presidential
mandates once more dealt seriously with the
necessity of getting rid of the opium curse.
Then there were difficulties with Tibet and Outer
Mongolia, both of which territories had at an
early stage declared their independence ; similar
tendencies manifested themselves in Chinese
Turkestan and the Tarim valley, T'ang Shao-i,
harassed by United League squabbles, soon got
tired of his premiership, from which he quietly
** walked away '' one day; as he did so narrowly
escaping assassination by a poUtical crank at
Tientsin. Meanwhile, talk became more general in
China about the advantages of a Dictatorship, if
only in order to put a stop to this eternal parlia-
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878 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chaf. xrra
mentary wrangling ; at the same time it must
be allowed that Sun Yat-sen and Hwang Hing
had a hearty reception when they visited reking
in August, though in view of the recent e:fecu-
tion at Peking of two of their quondam military
friends they felt extremely uneasy as to their
own safety. On 10th January, 1918, Parlia-
ment (elected mysteriously) was announced to
meet in April, and it was amidst all these seeth-
ing intrigues that the second Dowager died
on 22nd February; and after the assembly of
Parliament in April America and Mexico " re-
cognised " the Republic.
The murder at Shanghai of the Popular Party's
hero, Sung Kiao-jSn, in March 1918, placed
Yuan Shi-k*ai in rather a suspicious position,
and perhaps it was as a consequence of the
general uneasy feeling as to his connivance that
in MayfaTreaUy serious revolt broke out once
more in the Yang-tsze provinces, the disgruntled
Hwang Hing joining hands in the fray, in open
declared war against Yuan's growing pretensions ;
against Hwang & Co. was pitted by Yiian the re-
doubtable General Chang Hiin with his "pig-
tailed *' army, which subsequently captured and
mercilessly sacked the city of Nanking. Chang
Hun is one of the most curious and picturesque
products of the great revolution ; he had faith-
fully held Nanking for the Emperor in 1911
until, driven out by the republicans, he suc-
ceeded in escaping with his defending army to
the important land and water junction of Sii
Chou in North Kiang Su, one of the three or
four real hinges or pivot points of the whole
empire * ; emerging from this stronghold (where
he is still practically independent in 1917), he
assisted early in 1914 in the White Wolf
robber campaign, and ever since then he has,
by his pronunciamentos upon " policy " generally,
» c/. p. 262.
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A.D. 1918-1914] OH I WHAT A TANGLED WEB ! 879
been a danger to the best interests of public
order ; no one can get at him or round him.
But, to return to 1918. In the autumn Yiian
arrested certain members of both houses of
Parliament, and began to take strong measures
towards " controlling " recalcitrant votes. The
result of all this intriguing was that on 6th
October he wa$ elected Permanent President, and
was solemnly inaugurated as such on the second
anniversary of the 1911 revolution, receiving in
due course the coveted recognition of the
" Powers '' that chiefly mattered to him, i.e. the
European Powers and Japan. The Committee
charged to draft a new Constitution were so
obstinately impracticable, however, that the
result of their efforts by the beginning of Novem-
ber was only to clog still further the wheels of
real progress^ and to chain President, Cabinet,
and Judiciary alike to the uncertainties of par-
liamentary caprice ; seeing which Yiian Shi-k'ai,
now firmly seated with theT desired foreign
support, summarily broke up the Popular Party
altogether, and by a sortW Pride's Purge drove
its members entirely out of Parliament.
As a reward for retaking Nanking in 1918,
Chang Hiin had been temporarily rewarded with
the military governorship of Kiang Su, from
which post (after declaring his ** indepen-
dence ") he was only coaxed out, in January 1914,
by heavy money payments, and by his appoint-
ment to the nebulous new charge of Supreme
Inspector of the Yang-tsze Defences, which in
1917 he still holds against all comers.* It is
impossible to deny that all this action of Yiian's
in 1918-1917 was a coup d^etat tending towards
monarchy, and it seems certain that the final
dhtoHmenl was solely prepared in secrecy by the
F^esident himself; but up to this date Yiian
Shi-k'ai had by no overt act disclosed dynastic
^ Though nominaUy Military Qovemor of An Hwei.
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880 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvra
ambitions, contrary to his declaration of March
1912 ; and, indeed, the fact that his ministry in-
cluded such staunch radicals as Liang K'i-ch'ao
and others showed that a firm policy had now
the general approval. The arch-reformer of 1898,
K'ang Yu-wei, seems to have kept in the back-
ground during the whole revolution, but his
then comrade Liang, now in power, succeeded in
obtaining for K'ang and his family their con-
fiscated estates near Canton. It was also now
that the Vice-president Li Yiian-hung (who,
however, had to steal off in the night like a
thief in order to avoid his jealous soldiers' con-
straint) thought he might safely lend his moral
support to Yiian and venture to Peking, where
he duly arrived on 10th December; formed a
marriage alliance with Yiian's family, and for
a couple of years disappeared into absolute
obscurity as Chief-of-the-Staff.
As a next step, to take the place of the ob-
noxious ParUament, the President organised an
Advisory Council {Ts^an-ching Yiian) of members
(paid) nominated by himself, and in the following
May Li Yiian-hung was appointed nominal chief
of it with a salary of $10,000 a month ; many
of the other members were prominent men. A
good deal of really useful work was accomplished
during the year 1914 ; the mihtary and civil
governorships were reorganised under historical
names * sounding less aggressively republican ;
the lesser high officials in the provinces were
recast, and had their relative degrees of subor-
dination to the Peking Boards and the Provin-
cial Governors more intelligibly fixed ; revenue
began to flow into Peking from the provinces ;
Sir Richard Dane got his hand well in upon the
reformed Salt Administration ; internal loans
proved successful ; foreigners were content
with the situation ; and it really looked as though
^ e/. p. 179.
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A.D.1918] "WHAT WOULD DOVEY DO?'! 881
China were settling down at last to a practicable
Republic — ^in name at least, if monarchical in
effect ; the only uncomfortable thing was,
What shall happen if Yuan dies ? Is good
Vice-president Li capable of wearing gracefully
and effectively the mantle of succession ? Presi-
dent Yiian anyway played a bold hand, and at
Christmas time proceeded in state to worship
Heaven for all the world like any Emperor; even
the dethroned Manchu house agreed to certain
modifications in its status.
The breaking out of the great European war
in August 1914 must necessarily have had some
effect in strengthening both the coherence of
China and the firm hold of Yiian, if only because
financial busy-bodies and grasping syndicates
of all nationalities had now less leisure and less
money at their disposal for the Far East than
had been the case before. The year 1915 opened
with the arrangements for the drafting of a new
Constitution in place of that so summarily
abolished in 1918. It had been originally pro-
posed by Japan that Germany should hand over
Ts'ing-tao to China "for the period of the war";
but when the Emden started out on her raids,
and the presumptuous Kaiser treated Japan's
offer with contempt, he received a sarcastic ulti-
matum, and his governor was ultimately ejected,
bag and baggage; moreover, for her own pro-
tection Japan was obliged to formulate certain
at first sight harsh and peremptory demands
upon China in order to forestall Teutonic spite
or intrigue, and any future attempt of the tricky
Kaiser to wrest from China by violence any
Ersatz " place in the sun '* to " take the place of
Kiao Chou '' under an easily forced construction
of some such provision in the 1898 treaty. In
cavilling at the excess of Japanese demands, the
unfriendly press of the Far East seem to have
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882 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvin
forgotten this prime necessity for Japan : " no
Power '* to be granted any coast or island territory
by purchase or lease; that is, specifically,
treacherous Prussia.
The first serious signs that something uncanny
was brooding in the President's mind, or in the
minds of those of his creatures who were suscept-
tible to foreign gold and intrigue, manifested
themselves in the summer of 1915, when a
mysterious society called the Chu-an Hwei or
" Peace-promoting Association " suddenly blos-
somed into existence, promoted by three pro-
minent members of the Advisory Council itself,
its avowed object being to discredit the re-
publican in favour of the monarchical idea,
or at all events to deprecate government by
Sopular clamour in favour of concentrated in-
ividual rule. The next thing was the unex-
pected pronouncement of the American Professor
Goodnow, one of Yiian's political advisers, in
the same sense; it being well known at the
same time, or at all events generally believed,
that no such germinations had taken place in
the universally trusted British Adviser Dr.
Morrison's sagacious mind. On the whole, the
Japanese Adviser Ariga, seems to have person-
ally favoured monarchy. Then came a number
of Chinese " petitions " of doubtful provenance
from all quarters, and at the same time fairly
definite news that Yiian's scapegrace eldest son
Yiian K'eh-ting was interesting himself in the
movement ; whilst on the other hand the Minister
of Justice, that uncompromising republican Liang
K'i-ch'ao, showed a decided tendency to leave the
Government. The Japanese Minister, M. Hioki,
hastened back from furlough to Peking, but
made no opposition, and the Germans (who
had recently displayed considerable intriguing
activity in Harbin, Tsing-tao, and Ningpo) re-
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A.D. 1916] IT COMES IN DOUBTFUL SHAPE; 888
mained remarkably silent (so far as the general
public was aware).
It was at this moment that Yuan Shi-k'ai
himself seems to have fallen under some occult
baleful influence, and the monarchical agitation
accordingly grew apace. At last on 8th October
appeared a Presidential Decree setting forth
how the Advisory Council had received a repre-
sentation from the Temporary Parliament {lAh"
jah Yuan) explaining that all the provinces,
dominions, Banners (including the. one-time
Manchu Heir P'ulun), Mongols, Tibetans, Turki,
Chambers of Commerce, Universities, etc., were
through their representatives (2,006 votes) of one
mind in favour of a constitutional monarchy
{Kiin-chu Uh-hien), or " sovereign lord with a con-
stitution," and suggesting that a popular vote
should be taken. Then it was that the Japanese
Charg6 d' Affaires, M. Obata, accompanied by the
British and Russian Ministers, paid a hurried
visit to the Foreign Office to recommend post-
ponement until the end of the war, on the
groimd that troubles might break out and involve
the treaty ports; this advice was endorsed
by France and Italy shortly afterwards. Un-
doubtedly at this moment the majority of the
trading interests, foreign as well as Chinese, were
in favour of trusting Yuan ; but as yet no one
seems to have contemplated that the so-called
Constitutional Monarchy would take the ulti-
mate form of a despotic hereditary dynasty on
the old model. The United States were too
"proud'' to interfere in China's internal affairs;
the Grand Lamas of Tibet remained silent ; and
the predatory powers, i.e. Germany, with her
insignificant satellite Austria, still observed a
mysterious silence.
Gradually the movement which began so
unaggressively gained irresistible momentum ;
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884 RISE OF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvm
adulatory appeals to the "Emperor" followed
each other in rapid succession ; but at least one
sane document justified in logical and circum-
stantial terms the reversion to monarchy, arguing
the matter out on plain business-like grounds ;
and this remarkable paper was a long apologia
of 4,000 characters (8,000 English words), pub-
lished in the official gazette day after day for
some time, by the Preparation for Parliament
Bureau. On 18th December, after the regula-
tion three refusals, Yuan accepted the imperial
crown in a mandate countersigned by Luh
Chgng-siang, the Secretary of State; the " ques-
tioning" Powers, evidently non-plussed, simply
stated that their attitude would be " expectant."
Two days later Vice-President Li was created a
Prince; further mandates in very good taste
explained and justified the step taken by the
President; but on the 22nd a real "imperial"
tornado fairly burst in a shower of dukedoms,
marquisates, earldoms, viscounties, and baronies,
all with pensions. Whilst it raged, many of the
President's best men quietly slipped away on
various pretexts ; but an attempt to secure at
least their neutrality in some particularly im-
portant cases was made by creating '' Four
Intimates " from three ex-viceroys and a well-
known sterling Hanlin Academician. There were
also distributed some posthumous honours to
persons who had suffered for the State, and the
new Emperor (who, however, never once assumed
that title, or its honorific attributes, himself) took
the opportunity of aboUshing the employ of
eunuchs and the supply of pretty girls for the
menus plaisirs of the palace ; nor was there to
be any kotowing at his audiences.
The fat was now irrevocably in the fire not-
withstanding this personal moderation, and the
unfortunate Yuan, having once mounted the
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A.D.1916] ALL THE FAT IN THE FIRE 885
tiger, had to go on with his John Gilpjn ride.
His very last mandate as President conferred a
princedom upon the hereditary Duke Confucius
the Seventy-sixth, who expressed his thanks a
week later; Li Yiian-hung, by the way, had
declined his princely title three times. On the
1st January a new era was created under the
style 1st year of Hung-hien, which term may
be here translated "Great Constitution"; but
Yuan never at any time abandoned the modest
** mandate " in favour of the old imperial ** de-
cree, respect this.'* However, simultaneously
with these events, which at first appeared to be
proceeding quite smoothly, came the ominous
news from Yiin Nan that the province had de-
clared its independence.* The ^:^'tutvh Ts*ai Ao
(Ch'oi Ngok), who had been " allowed to resign "
and then coaxed to Peking in 1918-1914, and had
later been given a high-sounding sinecure post
there, became diplomatically ill in November
when the monarchy boom was at its highest,
sought ** medical " advice in Japan,' and worked
his way thence, vi& Tonquin, to his former pro-
vince. Japan declined to receive a special
complimentary envoy from China ** at this
juncture,'* which probably meant that the Ameri-
can, German, and Austrian promise of recog-
nition did not find favour in that c][uarter.
The discontent fomented by Ts'ai Ao spread ;
two other southern provinces pronounced ; then
two coast provinces ; and soon the whole of
central and southern China was in such a blaze
of republican enthusiasm that the unhappy
^ 26th December, whioh date has now been declared a national
holiday.
* He again sought Japanese advice, this time quite seriously,
as military governor of 8z Ch'wan, towards the end of last year,
and died there in December 1016, receiving from President Li
tho highest posthumous honours, and, as Hwang Hing, a public
funerid.
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886 RISEJOF CHINESE REPUBLIC [chap, xvm
Yuan had to give way and go through the
humiliation of reverting to the republican era
{Min'kwoh)y of course withdrawing his imperial or
at least monarchical pretensions (March 28rd).
His former Secretary of State (one of the Four
Intimates) tried to save the situation by resum-
ing his old post ; but it was too late, and on
22nd April he resigned in favour of Twan K'i-j wei.
The cry, " Yiian must go," was caught up on all
sides ; his deadly enemy, the fire-eating ex-vice-
roy "Shum'' (Ts'Sn Ch'un-hiian), emerged from
his exile in the Straits Settlements and joined in
the fray as Generalissimo of the South. Both
he and Sun Yat-sen issued angry manifestoes ;
T'ang Shao-i and Wu T'ing-fang published
"open letters" of cynically friendly advice,
and Liang K'i-ch'ao gave to the public press a
lengthy exposS of the fraudulent measures that
had been adopted by Yiian in order to " nobble "
the voters in each province. Yiian, having
squandered his funds, made the situation worse
first by proclaiming a moratorium, and then by
endeavouring to create out of the Parliament
Preparation Committee an Emergency Parlia-
ment, later on a real Parliament {Lih-fah Yiian) to
meet on 1st May instead of on its legal date in
September. Harassed by all this humiliation
and worry, the unhappy man as a last shift took
ill, and finally died of uraemia on 6th June,
leaving behind him a short, dignified, valedic-
tory testament. The next day the Vice-presi-
dent Li Yiian-hung announced his succession by
law, and since then party quarrels seem to have
largely subsided. Meanwhile Twan K'i-jwei as
Premier has formed a responsible Cabinet with
Wu T'ing-fang as Foreign Minister ; and here I
close (15th February, 1917).
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GLOSSARY
Abkhai. Probably a Tartar word
meaning " sky," '* heaven.*'
y Ainos = Aino word Ainu, ** men.* *
The ancient Chinese caU them
" shrimp barbarians," and as
the viilgar word for " shrimp "
is hi€hfin, this is probably the
origin of the Japanese ye-hi,
" shrimp/' and ySi-au, ''shiimp
people/' or Ainos.
-4Jb.#u » Turkish "White Water/'
^i;to^A (Turkish). Apparently the
Chinese Peh^ahan, or " white
hills " north of Harashar.
Altai, The Kin-shan or "Gold
Mountains." The word AUun,
alchu, aitin, appears in many
Tartar forms.
Amoy, Local pronimoiation of
Hiamdn, " geJlery-gate."
Annam = Chinese " pacifier of
the south/' a title ffranted to
the rulers of Kiao-chf, just as
Antung, or "pacifier of the
east/' was granted to the rulers
of Corea.
Ausgleieh » German for " that
which evens out."
Bilga » Turkish " wise/' a com-
mon appellation of rdgning
Khans and other princes.
Binh-thuan » Annamese form of
Chinese PHng-ahun, "run
smooth " ; but, queiy, which
language has precedence, as
the Chinese seem to have " re-
imported " the local pronuncia-
tion in the form Pin-i^ung,
Bogdo Khan. I suppose this is
connected with tne Russian
Bog, **God/' The Chinese
T*ienr-tsz, or " Son of Heaven/'
reappears in the Hiung-nu
Tengri'kudu, the Turkish and
Ouiffonr Tengri-khoffan, the
Arabic " Facfur " (Marco Polo),
the Japanese Tenshi {Soma),
Uiga is called Bogdo Kuren,
" Holy aty."
Bonze — Japanese bo-dz, being
their pronunciation of the
modem Chinese/ou-fu, whidiin
the sixth century spelt Buddh.
Translation of K^Han,
" fist," or to-fc'fton, " to box."
The I'ho K'iktn are the " Patri-
. . otic Harmony Fists."
''Burma =» Burmese " Bamma," or
Miamma, first called Mien in
Mongol times. An eariier
Chinese name was P*iao, the
people called Byu in the early
Burmese records.
Cambaiu » Khanbaligh, " Khan's
dtadd."
Cambodgia. The word Kam^pui-
eh% occurs in medieval Chinese
history for old Fu-nam countiy.
This last dissyllabic word seeni»
to occur in Pnom-{penh), the
present capital. It is curious
to note that the Chinese name
for the ruins of Angkor is
" Temple of the Ts'in Kii^"
which looks as though the vflnt
of Antoninus' envoy had left
some tradition in the land.
Candareen = Malay kondrin ; in
the Chinese ports » 10 cash
(about), or xiv of a silver ounce.
(Copper) Caeh = Portuguese eaixa,
a tin coin used at Malacca
and broc^t from India; cf.
Sanskrit Karahapana, " copper
coina."
ChaganKhan « Mongol " White"
Khan. Chagan Nor (sea),
Chagan Kuren (city).
27
387
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888
GLOSSARY
Oh'anff-sha « " Long Saxuls.**
Ohe/oo a Chi-fou, a very angient
name of no very intelligible
meaning ; — " seaame-net/'
Chemulpo ^ Corean pronmiciation
of Ciftntoneae TsaiffUipo, or
" mandarin" Tsi-wuh^'u^ ** Por-
terage Cove."
Ch'hhg-tu = " Haa become a centre
or metropolis."
Chififfnampo = (Rice) - steamer -
Bouth-coye, (Corea).
Chinkiang » ekSn-kiang, " rule the
river."
ChU (Hindoo CkUihi), a word in
universal use in India and
China for " letter," " memo.,"
" I.O.U.," " notice," etc.
Chow, or ehou, in such words as
Wdnchow, Wu-ohou, is simply
"flat-land" or "plain," fol-
lowed by a place-name, descrip-
tive or original. In accepted
names like FoocAoi^ the popular
form is used throughout this
book.
Ch'ungk'ing = " Double Joy."
ChuMn 1= ehou^ahan, " boat-hill."
Ciampa, The word Cham ymean
in several forms of the Cninese
name. I take pa to mean
" country " in some Hindoo
tongue, for Singpa in Chinese
means " Pftnj&b," or " land of
the Sikhs," or " Singhs."
Compradore = Portuguese ** pur-
chaser." The business facto-
tum in most foreign " houses,"
banks, consulates, etc.
Confucius 3= K'ung fu-tss, " the
philosopher K'ung," as Mdng
fu-tsz is Mencius. In both
cases the fu can be omitted,
and " Conscious " or " Men-
fucius " would do as well. Out
of the sages Tsdng and Chwang
we might create dncius, San-
cius.
Coolie, This is an Indian word,
but in " mandarin " fitted with
Chinese characters to mean
" hard work."
Corea = Corean Ko-ryi (;
nounced exactly like the
lish word), being the local form
. of the Chinese Kao-H, or KtMo-
kou-H, " the Kou-U state of the
Kao cUn." '
Cowloong = Cantonese for Kiu-
lung, " Nine Dragons."
DaimyO « Japanese pronunciation
of ta-ming, or " great name," a
term not used hi«torically or
officially in China.
Dalny « Russian " distant " (Ta-
Uen Wan) ; a name chosen by
the Csar, apparently to "hit
off " Ta4ien (Japanese I>a«ren).
Decima, I suppose Japanese De-
ghima, " go-out island."
Dolonor = Mongol dolon - nor,
" Seven Lakes."
Dungans, a contraction oi turi-
gan or " colonisers," descen-
dants of Arabs, Persians, etc.,
who have married Tibetan and
Mongol women.
Bphihalites. In old Chinese Iptat,
the Corean pronunciation of
which is still Bpial.
Bsmoh, The Burmese have a way
of putting a final h at the end
of Chinese words, just as the
Russians put a tnak tverdi, or
"hard sign." I noticed the
sign-board of a Chinaman named
Liu Ts'ai, at Bhamo, marked
" Lew Ch'aik." " Sz-mao " is
an impossible mouthful for a
Burmese.
Fah-kien = " Law's manifesta-
tion."
Faifo 1= corrupt Chinese hwui-
p*u, or Atoei-an-p'u, " assembly
shops," or " assembly-of-peace-
shop."
Fiador = Portuguese " surety-
man"; in pidgin Engiifllk,
" hab got man can skewer."
Fooehow s= " Happy region," lo-
cally HouJ^ehiu, or, by euphonio^
rule, Uchiu.
Formosa — Portuguese " beauti-
ful," cf. T'aiwan.
Frank appears in various fonns,
Fu^Un, FoK-lang-Jd, P^i-Ung,
etc. (cf. Fertnghi, Frangkihos,
etc.).
Fusan Chinese Fu-shan, " Pot
Hill," in Corean Pusan.
Qayxik = Mongol kuyxik, " dever.**
Oenghdz. The Hiung-nu khana
called themselves «Aefi-y0, which
is retrospectively equivalent to
something like zen^hi, or t^v ;
possibly there may be some
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GLOSSARY
880
etynudogioal connection. The
title appears in the middle-ages
word Jenuye,
OicUbo. The Chinese always write
this Tibetan title t8an-p*u,
Qodown = Mcday godong, " ware-
house."
Hainan = Chinese " sea-south."
Haiphong, The Chinese hai-fang,
or " coast defence."
Han. A proper name; rarely has
any Uterary meaning.
Han Wu Ti = *' Han Militaiy Em-
peror," or Divua Mardalia,
Hankow =" Han (River) Mouth."
Hawn = " River - interior," the
Annamese {ha-noui) form of
Ho-nei, Cantonese Ho-noi,
Hideyoshi, His Chinese name is
P*ing Siu-kih.
Hing-htM = " Start civilisation."
Hinterland = German *' behind-
land." k
Hiung-nu = " Hiung slaves."
Hoang-ho = " YeUow River " :
hxpang is one syllable, and not
ho-{-ang,
Hoihow » Cantonese for J7ai-A;'ou,
" Sea Mouth."
Hong = Cantonese pronunciation
of hang, ** a store " or " shop " ;
but the word is little used except
in reference to foreign " houses,"
and native '* trade-guilds."
Hung^U^ » " Vast Marsh."
Hvfai^kHng » " Cherish joy."
loh'ang = " Should be glorious."
Jli, In the sixth century the
Turkish Khans already used the
style Ui-Khan, which may pos-
sibly be the " Ilkhans " of Wes-
tern writers.
Irrawaddy => in part Arabic wddi,
** a river," but I cannot say
what Irra means. The Chinese
.used to confuse Uie Upper Irra-
waddy with the Upper Yang-
tsze, or Qold-sand River.
laayh KiU = " Hot Sea " in some
Tartar tongues; Dengkiz Nor
in others ; the Chinese also call
it Jihr^hai, or ** Hot Sea."
Japan = Chinese Jih^n, *' sun's
origin."
Java, From ancient times known
as 8he-p*o, or Djaba; later
Chao-ioa, usually misprinted
Rvfa-wa,
Jaxariesm In old-times Chinese
called the Yok-shai.
Junk, Probably shiin, the Can-
tonese form of eh'wan, " a
ship," as seen in the Javanese
iung.
Kachyn = Burmese " wild man."
They call themselves Singp'o, or
" men."
Kalgan = Mongol *' Gate," called
in Chinese Chang-kia K'ou, or
" Chang-family Pass."
Kaltnuck = " remaining ones " ;
those of the Dzun (" right " or
"east") who were "left,"
when Uriankhai abandoned the
"Wala," or "confederacy."
Hence Kalmuck, Dsungar,
Eleuth, Oirat, Wala, Turgut,
are all much the same thing.
The Boron (" left " or " west ^)
tribes fell under the power of
the Kirghis, and were absorbed ;
hence " Borongar."
Kanagawa = (I suppose) Japanese
" Golden Stream."
Karakiians = Turkish for " Black
Cathayans."
Kazaka =" vagabond " ; theKara-
Kirghis call themselves " Kir-
ghis " ; the Eleuths call them
"Buruts"; the Kazaks call
them " Kara-Kirghis." The
Kazaks, or Kirghis-Kazaks,
speak the same language as the
Kara-Kirghis, whom they de-
test. The Russian word Coa-
aack, or Kazak (also meaning
"day labourer"), is evidently
the Turkish Kazdk,
K^wkiang = " Nine Rivers."
Kiao-eht = " Parted toes." I my-
self was struck in Annans with
the extraordinary " apartness "
of the big toe. Possibly our
word " Cochin (China) " comes
from this. Another name is
Kiao-chouy " Mutual Plain."
Kiao Chou (German) = " Glue-
plain."
Kia-yiih Kvfan = " Beautiful Gem
Pass."
Kilung » " Chicken Hamper."
Kirghia = (according to the Chi-
nese) " red-faced " in the Kir-
ghis tongue.
Kob4 a Japanese " Divine - por-
tals."
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890
GLOSSARY
vuually 1
spoodini
KtMai » Mongol hAikn,
embodiment." '■^^ —
Kckand. UntU lianohtt
known by names oonre-
ling to " Feighanft."
JTo^cmor « Mongol " Blue Sea,"
or "Lake"; of. aAofium.
Kangmun = Cantoneee for Kiang-
nUn, '* River Gate."
Koxinga = local Kwoh - 9%ng - ya,
^ State'!
,e.
The re- bom
huiukhtu, or Bainta, are in their
baby stage called ihe hutdikhan
of the said deoeased saints,
lamas, etc., e,g, at Lhassa,
Shigatse, Urga, eio.
Kumohuk « Cantonese Kom-^uk
(JSan-eAuA), ** sweet bamboo."
Kunsan. The Corean form of
K'unshan, " Flook HilL"
Kuren = Mong<4 " city." The
Chinese call Urga K*iUun,
KuOug = Turkidi " happy."
Lama Miao == " priest temple."
The Tibetan wwd lama (mean-
ing " without superior") is now
adopted into northern Chinese.
LaOf xao, Miao, are the T*ang,
Sung, and modem names for
the ill-defined wild tribes (not
Shans, and not Lcdos or Tibe-
tans).
LcKhkai a Chinese for ** Old mar-
ket-street."
LeKhtsz, or Laoeiu9. Usually trans-
lated '*01d Boy," but really
" the PhUosopher Lao," or *« the
Old Philosopher." He might
be oaUed ** Lafudus," if it were
not that (in his case) the fu is
always omitted; cf. Oanfueius,
Lao-wa Tan = " Crow Bapid."
Lappa, Apparently some abori-
ginal wok! which cannot be
written in Chinese; neverthe-
less the two words Taipa and
Lappa (Islands) seem to mean
** rubbish-grounds."
Lari = TibetanMo-ri, "god-moun-
tain." Compare LhasMt.
Lau Vinh^pkue = Annamese for
Liu Yung-fuh (Cantonese Lao
Wingfuk), formerly Black Flag
Rebel chief; died Deo. 1916.
Likin » Chinese " percentage," or
" per mille."
Likin, HkO^n, K$'ou » " petcent-
age."
Loe94 B German Mss, " loo«.**
Lolo - No, the native word for
themselves. Like the Kiigliis,
they have Maok and white
" bones," or castes.
Looohoo, The word first appears
in A.D. 600 under its present
form Liu-Viu, which, if it is
anything more than an imita-
tion of native words, seem s to
' string of beads," f.e.
Jlfoooo » Ma - ao, or Ma- ngao,
" GoddeoB' Bight " ; but it has
many other CMnese names ; the
usual one is, locally, Ou-mun,
'* Bight Door," in '* mandarin "
Nffoomin,
3faose Malay maa, £rom Indian
ma^a; in China ports ^ oi a
tael or ten oandareens.
Malay, I cannot find more than
one tvsa of this word before
the Mulayu of Kubiai's time.
The Chinese never seem to have
conceived the ezistenoe of a
Malay ** state " par txcellenee,
MoH-kha and Nmai-kka are
Kachyn words for *'Littie" and
"Great "JbAa or "rivers." Kka
is perhaps allied to the Chinese
ho, still pronounced ha in Corea
and Annam, and ka in Japan.
Manehu, According to the Em-
peror K'ien-lung, this word is
connected with the ChusMn
tribe of Tunguses. In Con-
fucius' time they were called
Su^iin, ItisjustpossiUethat
the Buddhist word MandfuaWt
may have been adapted or
utilised, as the earlier Turics
and Tunguses often took Bud-
dhist names in comi^iment to
themselves or their country.
Mandarin ^ Portqguese maii-
darim, " a ruler."
Mangu » Mongol mdngge, " per-
severing."
Manila = the local river of that
Manipur, Only known to the
Chinese as Kas6 ; the Burmese
say Kath^ (th as in English
iMn).
JIf ofidri. The Chinese man-'Ut or
" Southern barbarians," a word
I have myself seen in a proda-
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GLOSSARY
891
mation iimed by the Tartar
General of Canton, referring
haughtily to the Cantonese.
Masanpko » " Horee-hiU Cove.*'
Mei-Ung « ** Plum Ridge."
MinffUz »in the Shan tongue,
*'the district Ta^" See also
Mikado » Japanese " Imperial
Gate/' " SubUme Porte."
Ming » Bright.
Mohpo, the Corean form of Mvh-
p'u, " Wood Cove."
M<mg6l »" silver" (perhaps).
The word " mungku " appears
at least 1,000 years ago as a
tribe of Turko-Tungusio origin
near the Shilka River.
Mukden = This seems to be a
Tungusio word for ''glorious
capital." Its ancient name in
Corean times was Shdn-yang.
Nagaaaki ^ Japanese '* Long-
point."
Nanking » '* South Metropolis.'*
NepauL The oldest Chinese word
isNip'cdo; then Parpu (Palpa),
and now Kwo-r-k'a (Goorkha).
^ei0cAiciafi^ » *' Cow-village."
Ningpo = " Calm the Waves."
Novgorod » Russian, "New-
town."
NUehins = a supposed native word
somethinglike" Djurchi," mean-
ing " west of the sea."
Octroi = ." authorised (charge)," or
" giant."
Odon-iaia. I believe this word
means " Thirteen Seas," but I
have forgotten the number.
Ogdai » Mongol ogedei, ** su-
perior."
Ordos, This word first appears
600 years ago. Several Mongol
princes still have their ordo in
this plateau, which possibly
takes its ncone from the fact.
Cf. Urga and Tamin,
Ouigour, Name of one of the
T'ie-le or Tol5s tribes. The
Turkish tablets discovered a
generation ago never use the
word ; only the word T51ds,
or sometimes " Tokuz Ugus,"
which corresponds to the Chi-
nese ** Nine Surnames " of the
Ouigour s.
Oxus. In old C^hinese called the
Wei or Kwei^ the Oech of
Zemarohus.
Pal^oi » Cantonese for Peh-hai,
"North Sea."
PofiHr. This word appears in
Chinese as po-mii in the eighth
century {pa-mir according to
philological rule).
Peeul = a Chinese cwt. of 133}
lbs.
Peh^eeh = " 100 colours," pro-
bably some Shan word.
PekiTig = " North MetropoUs."
Persia. Always called Po-ss ( =
Pas, or Pars) by the Chinese.
Peeeadoree = Portuguese peecador,
"fidier." The Chinese name
is P'^-hu, "Lake Fdng."
Philippines » Spanish Filipinos,
or " (King) Philip's (isles)."
P*ing-jang, Corean Py&ng-yang =
" even soU " ; a very ancient
P'ing-shan = " Flat Mountain."
Pirouz, In Chinese Pi-h^sz,
Port Arthttr (from Captain Arthur)
in Chinese Lti-diun K'ou, or
" Port Agreeable to Travellers "
— ^a hopeful name.
Po-yang = " Spread out."
Pulo Condor, The Malay pulo,
" island," andtheChineseiC'un-
lun; but, query, which lan-
guage has precedence.
Quelpaert (Dutchman's name),
called Tan-lo, or Tamra, by the
Chinese and Coreans,
Samsku « Cantonese sam-shiu
(san-shao), "thrice distilled."
Mentioned by Dampier 220
years ago, but uncertain.
San-tu iAo»'* Three centres
bight " (cf. Macao).
Shamien «= " Sand- surface," pro-
nounced in Cantonese Shamin.
The flat islet constructed from
the rubbish of the " Thirteen
Hongs" after the second war,
much on the principle that
Decima was set apart for the
Dutch in Nagasaki Creek.
Sam-skui » " Three Rivers."
Shanghai Kwan = " Mountain- sea
Pass," or " Barrier."
Shashi = " Sand Market."
Skimonoseki » Japanese shimo-no-
seki, " lower pass, or barrier of
the lower."
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GLOSSARY
Shroff 8 Hindoo §arrdf : the
handler of dollars and other
ooinB in most large foreign con-
cerns. " To shroff " has come
to mean to " test/' or to
" sample," or " taste."
fiff-an Fu = " West-peace City,"
the xaoce modem name of
Ch*ang-an, or ** Lasting Peace."
Sikhim, Known to the Chinese
by an imitation of the native
name " Demajong."
Si-ning « " West Peace."
8(higohin, or Sydng-chin. The
Corean form of Ch*dng-tsin,
" aty Ford."
Soy 8 Japanese «A^yu, the Chi-
nese isiang-yu^ or *' sauce-oil."
Strogonoff, There is a Russian
word Hrogt, " strict," but I
cannot say if it is the origin of
such a word as " strictly ruled
ones " (genitive plural).
Sui, The founder was hereditary
Duke of Sui. Nearly all dyn-
asties were '* territorial " by
name, until the " Iron " (Kitan),
"Golden" (Nuchfin), "Chief"
(Monffol), " Bright " (King),
and *^aear " (Manchus).
SumtUra, This name first ap-
pears in Kublai*s time as one of
many petty states in the island,
which never had a Chinese
name as a whole.
Sung, A proper name; no mean-
ing in literature.
SuxUow, Local form of Shan-
Vou, " end of the Shan (river)."
8z-nya » " Rule the Horses " —
Captain-ffeneral ; (a Chinese
double "surname" or family
name).
TaA, The Chinese liang or
" ounce," said to be the Malay
tatlf which I suppose is allied
to we Siamese tioal (pronounced
tiok-a0). Pdre Richard says it
is the Hindoo tola through the
Malay UiMl\ of. Mac€ and
Oandarten,
Tai'pHng =" Great Peace," or by
extension " Reign of Peace."
2**ai-fMin, or Terrace Bay « For-
mosa.
Tahow sTa-kou (Cantoneee ta-
hao)^ " beat dogs," probably a
corrupted Formoean word.
Tdku " " Great Reach."
!ra-/ien Wan = " Purse Bay."
Often written with other (duur-
acters signifying " Great Unity
Bay." Cf. Dolny.
T*ang, A proper name; no
meaning in literature.
TanguL This word does not
occur often in Chinese. When
it does, it seems to refer to a
common language, inoluduig the
civilised Tibetans and the wan-
dering tribes of that race. So
far, I nave not come acroas any
Chinese use of the word anterior
to the Manchu dynasty. There
were Tang-ch'ang and Tang-
hiang tribes in Kan Suh, but
Marco Polo's Tangut is never
called anything except Hia, or
West Hia, being the whole
Ning-hia region of to-day.
Tartar, From ancient times the
word Taianf iota, taUt-r^ or
ta-i9Zf has been used for loosely-
defined tribes between the Turks
and Tunguses. The word fa-
taz is still used jocularly by the
pure Chinese in the vague sense
of our word " Tartar."
TaMoend. Turkish IcmA," stone";
Persian hand, keni, "city."
The oldest CSiineae name is
Chech or Djedj, in imitation of
the ancient native word Dfadf,
corrupted by the Turks to Tosh,
The Chineae also call it Shih-
ch*ing, or " stone city."
Tashkurgan «= Turkish " stone-
tower." Sir Aurel Stein thinks
Ptolemy's " Stone Tower,"
however, must be at or near
Daraut-Kurgan.
Ta4nen Lu ^**^ Strike arrow
stove," a meaningless imita-
tion of Tarsando (Tib.).
Ta-ts*in = " Great Ts'in," or, in
the older form, Dzun, which is
probably Syr or Syria. The
later Chinese form Sz-U occurs
in reference to the inhabitants
of the Syro-Persian region.
Tea » local pronimdation U. It
is pronounced fa in Foochow,
and t$ha in most parts. The
Russian tchai is simply the
Pekingese cA'a-ye, " tea-leaf."
Tibtt, The Chinese first oaUed
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GLOSSARY
898
the oiviliaed Tibetans i'upo,
usually mispronounoed i*ufan.
The seoond [pliable is hod (what
the Tibetans call themselves)
s Tibetan, sKod-Bod, or sTod
Bod, pronounced T6 Bhdi, and
meaning ** Upper-Bod." Bodgul
or gyid means "Land of
Bod."
2r*f en-«Aon. "Heaven Mountains"
» the Tengri Tagh of the Tar-
^ ^ .tars. See also Bogdo,
Tienisih » *< Heavenly Ford " ; a
modem name.
Ting-hai « " Settle the Sea."
Tdba » " bom in the sheets,"
but the Chinese give other
fanciful meanings for this Tun-
gusic word.
Tcioyd, The Chinese words Tung*
king, ** eastern oapitaL"
TonqiUn. The Chinese words
Tung^hing, " eastern capital."
T9aidam, Said to mean " marsh "
in some local tongue.
TsHng = Clear.
TsHn-wang Too = " Prince of
Ts'in's Island," probably allud-
ing to the conquest of Corea by
the T'ang Emperor li ShI-min,
who passed that way and had
borne that title (seventh cen-
tury).
Tsung - H TanUn = " General-
management Office," short for
the fim title " General-manage-
ment of Different Countries*
AffairsOffice" ;— -ForeignOffice.
After various changes, it is now
called the Wai-hiao Pu or
" Foreign Relations Board."
Tsushima (pronounced almost in
two syllables like TzhiHia) is
written by the ancient Chinese
Tui^ma, or ** Facing Horses."
I cannot say which language
gave the original sounds.
T'umu = ** Earth Tree." I have
twice been there.
Tungkwan » " East Sedge."
Tung-fing = " Cave Court," pro-
bably alluding to the royal
centre of the aboriginal races.
Tunguz, Tunguses, generally sup-
posed to be a term of Russian
orisin derived from Tung-hu or
"Eastem Tartars"; but the
point is not certain.
Turk = Turkish word " «urjk," or
" helmet," from the shape of a
mountain in their earliest habi-
tat.
Tjfcoon or ShOgHn. The first is
the Japanese way of pronounc-
ing the Chinese words Ta-kiin
or T^ai-kiXn, a term, like the
corresponding Corean Tai-wdn-
kun, applied to the second per-
sonage in the state. The second
is simply the Chinese tsiang'
k&n, or " generalissimo," being
the word " Imperator " in its
original miUtaiy significance.
Compare soy.
Uliassutai, This seems to be the
Chinese word i*a%, " post-sta-
tion," added to the Mongdl word
usu ; Ulia-usu, the " River' ' Ulia.
XJrga, said to come from orgo, a
palace ; but see Ordos.
Vriangkha, I do not know if this
is the Eleuth tribe mentioned
under " Kalmuck," but there
are still Eleuth settlements in
Tsltsihar and Kokonor as well
as in Ili. In Kublai's time this
term was applied to Nayen's
appanage of Manchuria, from
the Amur to Corea.
Vladivostock » Russian " rule the
east."
Wangpoo -"Yellow Cove,"
meaning the Shanghai River.
The same sound signifies " Yel-
low Dep6t," or Whampoa near
Canton.
Wei = state or dynasty. A proper
name ; no meaning in literature.
Wei-hai Wei » " Awe-the-sea Gar-
rison."
Wei River of Si-an Fu, not to be
confused with the Wei River of
Wei-hwei Fu (written differ-
ently). The first-named is dubi-
ously mentioned 3,000 years ago
as being either clear or muddy,
and the intetteUuels disputed
for 2,000 years which of the two
it was; until the Manchu Em-
peror K'ien-lung ordered the
learned Viceroy of Kan Suh to
go to the source in the desert,
cmd follow the stream person-
ally all the way down to its
junction with the King, so as
to close the question for ever.
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894
GLOSSARY
Whampoa » Woiigpou, *' Yellow
Qii»yt,* - the CantooMe fofm of
Hwang-p'u.
W&ntan = Chineoe raan-«/kin, or
Ng&an^shan, " Head HiU " ; in
Japanaee Oiman,
Wo-nu a «« Japanaee davea.'* Cf.
Hiung-nu,
Wti-hu B ** Jungle Lake."
Yamin sChineae "gate of the
ya." The ya waa first "a
flag'*; then the entrance to
the oamp-gate where the flag
was pluxtod; then "head-
quarters " ; then " nomad
oonrt," or ** ordo." Yamin
now meana " public residenoe,"
or " oflice." Ct Urga.
Yanff-Uze « the " philosopher
Yang '* : the old name for the
modem salt dep6t of loh^ng
near Chtnkiang, and of the
Great Biver in that vicinity, or
a ford of it. The usual trans-
lation "Son of the Ocean"
seems incorrect.
Yedo s= Japanese " River-door.'*
Yin Shan = " Sombre" or ** hy-
perborean " mountains.
YUan-kung F'u « " Duke Yiian's
Cove."
Zanzibar. This word seems to
occur in the Chinese is^Sng or
Dzftog, " black slaves *' from
^diich place were imported by
the Arabs. As to bar, see the
remarks on CSampa» Lappa,
Singpa, etc.
Zuider Zee = Dutch for " South
Sea."
NoTB — ^In QuiSS* Anglo-Chinese Dieiionary (first edition) I have
given the pronunciation in eight dialects (also in Corean, Japanese,
and Annamese) of every important Chinese word. In the Philological
Essay contributed to the same work, I have explained the etymo-
logical rules involved. I have not yet seen the later edition of Giles*
dictionary. For most of the Mongol wcmls I am indebted to Mr.
Zaoh, of the Foreign Customs in C^ina. Pdre Richard's Geography
is responsible for the Indo-Malay coin words» and Mr. L. C. Waddell
for one or two Tibetan meanings.
Although the paragraphs on Corean and Formosan trade have been
expunged from this edition, the Corean and Formosan place-names
still appear in this Glossary.
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INDEX
AbasQia {see AbyssiniA)
AbbasBidee, 32
Abdeli, 68 (see Ephthalitee)
Abdiofttions, 304, 373
Abkhai, 39, 387
AbariginAl officially 8
Aboriginee, 7, 183 («ee Tribes)
Abu Said, 54, 67
Abyssinia, 75
Aooadian origin, supposed, 4
Aoheen, 57, 80, 83, 92
Aohmac, 241
Actors, 183
Aden, 50, 75, 80, 83
Admiralty, Chinese, 211
Adults, 199
Advance of Chinese, 6
Advisory Committee, 145
— Councils, 377, 380, 382
JEfrarium^ 209
Aeroplanes, 86
Afighanistan, 22, 65, 365
Afranghi, 127 (eee Franks)
Africa, 36, 57, 58, 71
Agricultural implements, 48
A^un, 103, 138, 174
Ainos, 127, 387
Ainseough, M. T., 60
Aintab, 83
Aisie, 106
Aksu, Ak-eu, 64, 83, 387
Aktagh, 66
Akwei, General, 304
Alans, 67, 134
Alashan Mountains, 235
Albasin, 103, 104, 138
" Albasins,'* 306
Albumen trade, 149
Alchuk, 84
Aleppo, 83
Alexander the Great, 21
Alexander III, 104
Alexandria, 48
AUnalik, 72, 77, 78 (see lU)
Alompra of Burma, 139
Altai, 136, 137, 180, 387
Altyn Khan, 137, 138
Alum, 156
Amaral, Governor do, 114
America, HI, 341, 378, 383
— Chinese in, 40, 112
American immigration laws, 112
— paralleLs, 20
— syndicates, 1 1
--trade. 111, 112, 113, 146, 147,
166, 170
Amherst, Lord, 97
Amoy, 74, 79, 90, 96. 98, 156, 387
— emigrants, 91
— trade, 148, 166
Amur, 103, 132, 138
Ananas saHtms, 163
Ancestral Worship, 287, 294, 298,
302, 373
Ancient remains, 4, 31, 66, 76, 77,
131
Andamans, 80
Andijan, 83
Andrab, 64
Andrade, 88
Andrea, 78
An Hwei, 229, 231, 253
Aniseed, 152
An-k'ing Fu, 252
Annals of Confucius, 17, 345
Annam, 21, 24, 29, 31, 32, 35, 37,
40, 60, 107, 197, 387
— annexed, 29, 32
— conquered, 35, 193
— independent or tributary, 32,
33, 37
— French in, 32, 167
Annamese, 21, 49, 85
— language, 360
Ansi, 59, 69
Antimony, 161
Antioch, 52, 83
Antioohia Margiana, 61
9W
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896
INDEX
AiitiqiiitiM(Me Andeat Remoiitf)
Antoniniu, 23, 48, 60, 52, 62, 387
An-tiin, 23, 48, 60
AntUDg, 174
AnYih,240
AphrodiaiaoB, 289
Arab oonqueets, 66
— traders, 32, 64
Arabia, 33, 36, 37, 54, 63, 67, 68.
71.92
Arabs, 33, 49, 63, 68, 88, 300
Archery, 268, 259
Areas of China, 2
— of trade {see Trade)
Argun, River, 86
Ai^, Mr.. 382
Armenia, 40, 73, 136
Armies, Chinese, 42, 80, 210, 266-
270, 370
Arms, trade in, 110 (see Cannon)
Arrian. 62
Arrows, 47
Arsaoides, 60
Arsenals, 211
Art, 132
Artesian weUs, 231
Artillery (see Cannon)
Aru, 80
Aryans, 19, 47, 134
Asbestos, 49
Asiatic Co. (German). 109
Astrakhan. 77
Astrology, 17
Astronomy, 96, 106
Atlas of Yang-tsse. 12
Attila, 21, 128
Anguirtan era, 33
Augustines, 90
An&4-ata, 64
Aurelian, 61
Austin, jurist. 309
Austro-Hungary, 119, 383
Autochthones, 184
Ava. 83
Avars, 128, 130
— the word, 131
Awakening of China, 366
Ayuthia, 140
Ases, 136 (Me Alans)
Asov. 77
Babel. Tower of. 6
Baber, E. C, 8
Babylon, 4, 60, 61
Babylonian theories, 4, 348
" Babylonian *' women, 43, 238
Back River, 160
Baoot. M. Jacques. 9. 82
BfM^tria, 22, 47, 134
Bactrians, 63
Badakshan, 60, 74, 79, 81
Bagdad, 63, 71, 77, 83
Baghdur Khan, 20, 46
Baikal, 31, 131, 132, 138
Baikoff, 103
Balkash, 66, 73, 74, 77. 132, 139
Balkh, 64. 68, 73, 83
BalU, 32
Bamboo, edible, 167
Bamian, 64
Banner system, 103, 196. 208, 266.
272
Bannu, 63
Bantam, 76, 92
Baotu, 82, 84, 169, 236
Barbarians, 7, 9, 70, 118, 183, 184.
212, 234
Barbers, 183
Baroa, 73
Barkul,69
Bashkirs, 136
Basman, 76
Basra, 60. 61, 71
Batavia, 76, 02
Bathang, 13
Batu Khan, 73
Bayen, General, 76. 197
Bayen-Kara, 82
Bean-cake, bean-oil, beans, 148.
166-70
Beer, 46
Beggars, 283
Behar, 66
Belgium, 113,148
BeU of Antermony, 36 "
Benedict XII., 78
Benevolences, 46, 204, 230. 239
Bengal, 80
Beni Asfar, 127
Bentham. Jeremy, 314
Berbera, 71
Beresov, 136
Beyla, 83
Bhamo, 62, 74. 83. 147, 174. 366,
388
— trade, 74
Bharam, 64
Bicycles, 147
Bink-thuan, 70, 79, 387
Bird-Biflhop, Mrs., 9
Birds' nests, 289
Bismarck. 110
Black dwarfs, 62, 67
— Flags, 107,390
— River (Mongolia), HI
(Tonquin), 21
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INDEX
897
Black Salt Wells, 234
Blagoreachtsoheoflk, 103
Boards at Peking, 178, 180, 186,
210, 216, 230, 246, 308, 312,
341, 380, 393
Boeea Tigrt§ {see Bogue)
Book, Mr. Carl, 120
Boehmeria nivea, 163
Bogdo Khan, 126, 387
Bogue, The, 112
Bokhara, 31, 68, 72, 81, 83, 283,
286
— Little, 81
Bombay, 75
Bone insoriptions, 343
Bones, desert, 86
Bonham, Governor, 98
Bonnet, N. de, 78
Bonzes, 66, 76, 304, 387
Book of History, 42
" Books" of bamboo, eto., 344
Books, burning of, 346
Borneo, 32, 36, 67, 71, 77, 92
— oil, 146
Bomidaries, natural, 2
Bouvet, 106
*' Boxer" Indemnity, 112
"Boxers," 37, 40, 99, 103, 106,
109, 117, 118, 164, 167, 169,
212, 236, 266, 266, 303, 304,
340, 369, 387
'* Boxers" (earUest), 36
— (Uter), 37,40, 41, 303
— (midway), 41, 304
"Boys," 277
Branoo 8r., 114, 161
Brava, 80
Bravery, 273
Braves, 263
Bnusil, 120, 148, 207
Bretsohneider, Dr. E., 16, 19, 79,
134
Brick inscriptions, 344, 360
— tea, 163, 169
Brigade generals, 260
British interests, 3 {see English)
Buddhism, 22, 63, 66, 282, 296,
306, 330, 339
Buddhist pilgrims, 61, 62, 66
Budget, 206, 207, 210, 219
Buffaloes, 46
Bukur, 66
Bulgars, 134
Bullion, 66, 67, 164, 216, 248, 283
Burma, 8, 13, 22, 36, 37, 40, 62,
74, 09, 100, 139, 146, 172, 197,
304, 387
— Convention, 109
Burma Expedition, 99, 366
Burmese, 43, 47
— races, 8
Buruts {see Kirghis)
Butter, 234
Button rank, 186, 260
Byu,387
Bysantines, 66 {see Greeks)
Cabinet Coimcil, 246
Cadastral lands, 190, 263
Call^ 76, 80
Cairo, 83
Calatu, 76
Calcutta, 63, 72, 83, 149
Calendar. 73, 373
Calicut, 76, 80
Caliphs, 31, 70
Cambalu, 79, 303, 387
Cambay or Cambaia, 71, 76
Cambodgia, 37, 61, 79, 387
Camels, 46, 84, 169
Camels' wool, 167
Camphor, 64, 66
Campichu, 74 {see Kan-chou Fu)
Camul {see Hami)
Canal, Grand, 11, 208, 239, 246
Canals, 237, 241
Canfu, 32, 66, 72, 76
Cannibalism, 289
Cannon, 88, 89, 96, 268
Cansay, 78 {see Kinsai)
Canton, 6, 10, 23, 48, 49, 64-6,
67, 66, 67, 71, 77, 87, 94, 96,
98, 106,111,120,224,258
— Arabs at, 32, 64, 67
— decline, 56, 71
— dialect, 26, 368
— factories, 94, 106, 109, 141
— mosque, 83 «
— River, 62, 222
— trade, 164
Cantonese, 20, 30, 274, 286
Capitals of China, 4, 10, 27, 34,
37, 52, 66, 70 {see Peking,
Nanking, Hangchow, Si- an Fu,
etc.)
Capita5 do Mar, 88
Carpini, 77
Carthaginians, 48
Carts, 66, 73, 131 («ee Waggons)
" Cash," copper, 66, 206, 213, 291
Caspian, 67
Cassia, 162
Cassini Convention, 106, 161, 366
Caste, 46, 183, 268, 272, 339, 357
CatcluAent areas, 6, 13
Catchpoole, 96
Digitized by
Google
898
INDEX
Cathay, 70
Cathayaiui, 33 (aee Kitans)
Cathedral at Peldiig, 107
" Catherines,*' Chineae, 20, 31, 46,
323
CatUe trade, 66, 84, 170
CatulphuB, 67
Caucasus, 67
Cavalry, 262
Cave-dwellers, 9
Celestial Mountains, 60
Census, 103-204
Central Kingdom, 4, 343
Ceylon, 36, 61, 64, 63, 71, 77, 80,
83, 146 (Me Tea)
Chagan Khan, 126, 387
— Kuren, 82, 387
Chambers of Commerce, 383
Ch'ang-an, 23^ 392 {we 8i-an Fu)
Chang Chl-tung, 104, 186, 187,
241, 266, 268, 360
Chang-ohou Fu, 74, 06, 107 {•ee
Zaitun)
Ch*ang-oh'un, 84
Chang Hiin, 261, 378, 870
Chang Kien, 242
Chang K'ien, 47, 61, 64
Ch'ang-lu salt, 238
Ch'ang-aha (and Fu), 22, 61, 161,
387
Chao Confederation, 32, 60 {see
Nan-chao)
Chao-k'ing (Shiu-heng), 87, 88
Chaosien, 21, 20 («ee Corea)
Chappedelaine, Pdre, 107
Chtfing N<Mr, 10, 60
CharlemajKne, 27
Charles, King of Rumania, 121
Chavannes, ProfessOT, 17, 66, 77,
132
Chefoo, 08, 247« 387
— Convention, 100, 142
— trade, 160, 176
Ch^ Kiang, 10, 66, 197, 248, 264
— salt, 226
Chemulpo, 387
Ch'6n dynasty, 27
CMn-ehou-ehl, 261
ChAng Ho, 68, 70
Ch'6ng-tu (and Fu), 12, 174, 202,
388
Chesterfield, Lord, 206
Chevalier, Pdre, 12
Ch*ih-fgng, 176
ChihLi, 10, 34, 180,230
Childn-talas, 74 {eee Talas)
Children, 286-8
Chili-Peru war, 120
China, 1, 101
— divided, 24, 27, 61, 66, 128,
103, 267, 328, 330
— Early, 4-6, 313
— Inland Mission, 00
— Old, 20, 23, 328 {see Old)
— Proper, 1
— United, 18, 28, 33, 36, 103, 108,
240, 321, 330, 346
China's Sorrow, 11, 236 {see
Yellow Biver)
Chinrcheo, 00 {see Ts'iian-chou)
Chinese abroad, 40, 04, 1 18
— banners, 266
— designations for {see National)
— language, 7, 343-64
— legations, 100, 118
— missions, 00, 118
— shipping, 160, 167, 160
Chinese CharaderisUes, 271
Ching, Commander, B.N., 270
Chingnampo, 388
Chinkiang, 08, 166, 226, 388
— trade, 166
"Chits," 276, 388
Cholin-uye, 86
Choeoi, or Chaosien, 116 {see
Corea)
Chou cities, 16, 388
Chou dynasty. Early, 18, 330
Tungusio, 27
Chou-ts'un, 176
Chu-an Hwei, 382~
Chu, Kiang or River, 14 (see
West River)
Ch'u, Kingdom, 6, 36, 160, 222
Chukchis, 132
Ch'un, Prince, junior, 268, 371
senior, 211
Ch'unffhou, 104
Chungking, 0, 168, 248, 388
Ch'ungming Is., 227
Chusan Is., 06, 388
Chuvashes, 136
Chu Yiian-chang, 36
Ciampa, 32, 37, 76, 77, 388
Cigarettes, 46, 147
Circumcision, 208
City gates, 264 {see Gates)
— waUs, 317
Civil Law, 311
Civilian officers, 261, 318
Clarke, Rev. 8., 10
Classics, 346
Clavijo, 78
Clerks, Law, 338, 341 {see Secre-
taries)
Clippers, 167
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
M6
OloUiing trade, 147
Coal, 86, 167, 168
Coast districts, 6
— trade, 144,160
Cobdo, 81, 137
Cochin, 80
Cochin-China, 23, 67, 107, 318
{see Indo-China)
Codes, ancient, 314, 326, 334, 339
— modem, 336, 337, 341
Coffee, 02
Co-hong i^stem, HI, 141 {see
"Hongs")
CoUon, 76 (tee Qtdlon)
Colleges (Me Schools, Universities)
Cologan, SeC.p 118
Colonies, 21
Comari, 76
Compass, 60, 86
Compradores, 141, 266, 276, 388
Concubines, 284, 300
Condor, 79 (see Kunlun)
Confucian era, 43, 47
Confucius, 17, 111, 29^, 301, 309,
310, 346, 386, 388
Confucius LXXVI., Duke, 386
Confucius' History, 17 [see An-
nals)
Conquests of Han Wu Ti (see
WuTi)
Conservatism, 164, 222, 226, 232
Constantinople, 67
Constitutions, 370, 372, 376, 380
Consular jurisdiction, 99 (see
Extraterritoriality)
Consuls, status, 189
— Chinese, 90
Contract law, 312
Coolie business, 94» 118, 120, 170,
388
Copper, 44, 66, 206, 211, 219
— coins, 43, 291 (see *' Cash ")
— standard, 143
Cordier, Prof. H., 68, 96
Corea, 14, 21-3, 29, 33, 39, 47,
63, 116, 131, 166, 264, 286, 388
— Americans in, 113
— conquests, over-runnings, re-
ductions of, 21, 22, 29, 30, 36,
d9» 63, 192
— language, 26, 360
— Italians in, 119
— "Imperial," 116> 121, 171
— Japanese province, 171
— opening of, 170, 171, 366
— Tripartite, 192
— the word, 388
Corean general, 32
Corean trader 66
— words, places, ete. (pasmtn in
Glossary)
Cormos, 76 (see Hormua)
Cosmas, Alex., 63
Cosmetics, 147
Cossacks, 103, 136, 389
Cotton, 46, 86, 167, 169, 160, 167,
173
— American, 166, 170
— fabrics, 49, 142, 146, 163, 166
— yams, 146, 169, 168 (see Yams)
Courbet, Admiral, 270
Court, the, 177
Courts of Law, 341
Cowloong, 388 (see Kowloong)
Cowries, 43
Crimean War, 104
Cronstadt, 169
Csoma, 134
Cuba, 118
Cultivation, 196, 198
Currency, 43, 47, 66, 143, 213,
261, 266, 291 (see Exchange)
— fixed, 217
Cushing, Mr., 140
Customary Law, 312, 321
Customs (habits), 299, 312
— (Department of State), 264
— duties, 43, 62, 66, 70, 90, 144,
206
— Foreign, 142, 144, 164, 168, 160,
170, 174, 213, 240
— Native, 249
— special, 167, 174
Czars, 136, 137, 166
Csikann, Baron, 119
Dagroian, 76
Daimyd, the word, 388
Dairen, Dalny, or Ta-lien (Wan),
166, 388
Dalai Lama, 371, 383
Damascus, 83
Dane, Sir R., 14, 181, 214, 228,
230, 236, 242, 262, 380
Danish trade, 148
Daraut-Kurgan, 62, 392
Darchendo, Tarsando, or Ta-
tsien-lu, 174, 392
Dargd tribes, 13
Darjiling, 174
Dates (see Era, Calendar)
Daughters, 286
Day, the Chinese, 290
Dedma, 92, 388, 391
Doers' horns, 289
Deli, Delly, 76
Digitized by
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400
INDBX
Demajong, 392
Democracy, 181-2, 368
DemoUo script, 346
Denmark, 117
Derbend, 64, 73
Desert, 80, 86, 235
— routes, 61
Dev^ria, Gabri^ 72, 83
Dialects, 6, 26, 166, 261, 272, 351
364 {tee Language)
Diaz, President Porfirio, 120
Dictionaries, 347
Dir, 63
Dismemberment of China, 371
Divisions, territorial, 6, 187, 222
Dizabul, Khan, 66
Djafar or Dufar, 71, 75
Dogana»,74 {see Tokhara)
DoUars, 213, 220
D*OUone mission,
Dolonor, 82, 84, 388 {see Lama
Miao)
Domiciles, 267
Dominicans, 118, 208
Dowagers, 248, 268, 371, 378 («ee
Empress)
Draco, Chinese, 317
Drainage areas, 13, 168
Drichu, river, 13 {see Yang-tsae)
Drink, 46, 165, 273, 288, 300
Drugs, 49, 82, 150
Dufar {see Djafar)
Dupuis, Jean, 86, 107
Dutch, 36, 89, 91-3, 106 {see
Holland)
— colonies, 94, 142
— engineers, 11, 228
— in Japan, 87
Duties, 67 {see Customs)
Duumvirate, ancient, 17
Dwarfs, 52
Dyes, 49
— aniUne, 147
Dykes, 11, 208
Dynasties, tables of, 18, 24, 27,
38, 392
— two greatest, 30
— Tartar, 26, 27
— Tibetan, 28
Dzaring {see Charing)
Dzungaria, 40, 389 («ee Sungaria)
East India Co., 96, 141
Swedish, 120 {see Asiatic)
" Eating " provinces, 23
Eclipses, 95
Education, 183, 208, 345
— female, 286, 366
Edward I., 45
Egg trade, 149
EJgypt, 56
Eighteen Provinces, 1, 8, 23, 35
Ektagh, Ektel, 66
Electricity, 86, 159, 211, 232
Elgin, Lord, 115
Elizabeth, Queen, 95
El Rum, 126 {see " Ronoania ")
Emigration, 40, 74, 89, 112, 118,
119,120,166
Emil, 73
Emperor, 97, 177, 211, 265, 299,
304, 308, 341, 352
— the First, 18 {see First)
— the word (character), 320
— worship, 301, 310
''Emperor" (of 1916), 384
— (ofCorea), 116, 121
En^^e, 177
Empress-Dowager, 20, 46, 166,
211, 243, 248, 261, 265, 268,
299, 308, 341, 362, 368, 371, 378
{see Dowagers)
Ezigineering trade, 159
Engineers, 11 {see Dutch)
EngUsh, 36, 72, 95, 9&-102, 141-4
{see British)
— earliest, 95
— in Manila, 92
— interests, 3
EphthaUtes, 64, 67, 68, 131, 132,
134, 388 {see Indo-Scythians)
Eptat {see Abdeli and last)
ErtogrtU, s.8., 121
Eschier, 75
Esmok, 62, 83, 101, 109, 173, 388
(see SiB-mao)
Essen, Mongol chief, 36
Et3rmology, 25, 26
Etaina, 74
Eunuchs, 36, 37, 53, 79, 208, 260,
368, 384
Europe, 63, 95 {see Far West)
Europeans, 62, 78
— their aspect of China, 7
of Chinese people, 274
Examinations, military, 250
ExchwDge, 143, 172, 207 (see
Currency)
Excise, 222, 238
Executive powers, 179, 185, 341
Extraterritoriality, 99, 340, 342
Factories, Chinese, 162
— the old, 94, 117, 141 (see
Canton)
Fah-hien, 51, 63, 388
Digitized by
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INDEX
401
Faifo, 48, 61, 76, 79» 173, 388
Fairs, 30, 40
Fak'um&o, 175, 248
Family ooheaion, 302
— law, 311, 341
FamineB, 201
Fans, 157, 344
Fansur, 75
Farming, 61
Far West, 23, 34, 52, 57, 87 (see
Europe)
'* Father and Mother Offloers,*'
257
Feather trade, 149
Feet, squeesed, 299, 377
Females, 48, 141 (eee Women)
FAng-hwang, 84, 175
F6nff-t'ien, 5, 218 {see Mukden)
Fertunand, King, 121
Fereng, Feringhi, 53, 72 («ee
Franks)
Ferghana, 68, 389 (aee Kokand)
Ferlech, 75
Feudal China, 312, 317 {see Vassal)
Fiadors, 141, 388
Filatures, 146, 161, 154, 176
Filial piety, 309
Finance, Chinese, 148, 181, 205-
221, 262-7
Finns, 130, 134
Fires, 162
Firms, foreign, in China, 151
"First" Emperor, 17, 18, 24, 43,
40, 62, 198, 238
Fiso, 205, 209
Fish-skin Tartars^ 133
Five dynasties, 38, 55, 69, 139, 193
— monarchs, 18
— power loan, 221
— punishments^ 309, 330
— races, 375, 377, 383
Flags, 377
Flax, 47
Fleets, Chinese, 108, 211, 366 (see
Navy)
Florentine trade, 77
Flour, 146, 147
"Flowery Flag" country. 111
(see America)
Folang, Folangki, Fulang, 32, 36,
78, 82, 88, 105 (see Fulin and
Franks)
Fooohow, 22, 90, 98, 151, 157,
224, 258, 388
— arsenal, 210, 211
— dialect, 363, 388, 392
— trade, 156
Foot-bixiding (eee Feet)
Foreign clothing, 147
— Custom-house, 142, 154, 158
(see Customs)
— loans, 211 (see Loans)
— Office, British, 249
— population in China, 251, 252
— relations, 16, 42, 46
— tribes, 8
Foreigners, 54, 70 (eee Far West)
Formosa, 1, 30, 37, 40, 80, 90-2,
98, 115, 155, 225, 388
— ceded to Japan, 1
— Dutch in, 37
— French in, 108, 1 14
— ignorance of, 30
— Japanese in, 93, 115, 156, 225,
366
— opened, 98
— salt trade, 225
— trade, 156
Four Cronies or Intimates, 242,
384
Foumier, Admiral, 108
Franci scans, 77, 299
Franco-German War, 110
Frankish Empire, 28, 78
Franks, 28, 33, 36, 58, 72, 78, 87,
88, 90, 93, 127, 388
— (extended signification), 78, 88
(see £1 Rum and ** Romania ")
Frederick the Great, 109
French, 36, 99, 105
— competition, 3, 109, 172-3
— hostihUe^ 114, 211, 265, 365
— parallels, 26
— trade, 151, 173
Friars Minor, 77
Fu cities, 15, 24, 187
Fugitives, 103
Fuh Kien, 5, 56, 57, 90, 93, 156,
224, 225, 285
Fulang (ki), (see FuUnand Folang)
FuUn, 28, 32, 53, 72, 78, 88. 10^
388
Funam, 387
Funerals, 302
Furs, 39, 49, 136
Fusan, Pusan, 116, 388
Fychow, 227 (see Hwei-chou Fu)
Gabelle, 14, 181, 223-44 (see Salt)
Gallina, Sign«, 119
Gambling, 182
Gandhara, 64
Ganges, 63
GaiUon, 262 (see An-k*ing Fu)
Gamier, Francis, 107
Gartok, 174
Digitized by
Google
40^
tNDE3t
Gas, 147
Gas fuel, 222, 231
Gates, city, 258, 264
Gayuk or Kayuk, IChan, 73, 77,
106, 129, 388
Gendarmerie, 186
General of Province, 260
Genghis, Khan, 34, 72, 78, 133,
388
Genzan, or Wonsan, 394
George III., Letters to King, 97
Geoigius, 106
Geougens, 28, 130 (tee Ju-ju)
Gerard, M., 109
German activity, 149, 159, 162,
232, 382
— shipping, 153
— trade, 148, 149, 170
— trained troops, 265, 266
Germany, 63, 99, 109, 212, 366
{see Kiao Chou)
Ghilen-tai, 235, 238, 239
Gialbos of Tibet, 31, 139, 389
Gibbon, historian, 28, 51
Giles, Dr. H. A., 131
Giles, Dr. Lionel, 191, 200
Ginseng, 289
Glassware, 49
Gnatong {eee Yatung)
Goa, 89
Gobi, 59
Goes, Benedict, 79
Gold money, 43
— trade, 42
— values, 143, 207 {see Exchange)
Golden Khan {see Altyn)
Goldi, 133
Gondophares, 47
Goodnow, Professor, 382
Gorges, 231
Goths, 129
Government, 176-90
— Local, 182, 371
Governors, Military and Civil, 179
Gozurat {see Gujerat)
Grain revenue, 206, 240 {see Rice
tribute)
— trade, 44
Grand Canal {see Canal)
Grass-cloth, 153, 163
Graves, 284
Great Northern Telegraph Co., 1 1 7
— River {see Yang-tflEc)
of Canton, 224
— Wall, 14, 84, 239 {see WaU)
Greek history, 21 {see Roman)
Greeks, 47, 64, 66, 78, 296
Grosvenor, Mr., 99
Guilds, 154, 254
Gujerat, 54, 71
Guns (see Cannon)
Halntat of Kitans, 77
— of Ouigours, 63, 70
— of Turks, 54
Haiathala, 64, 67 (see Ephthalitea)
Hailar River, 84
Hainan, 9, 23, 98, 147, 389
— salt, 224
Haiphong, 85, 108, 172, 389
Hair, 168
— human, 147
Hait6ng, 75 («ee Zaitun)
Haithon, 135 (see Armenia)
Hakkas, 278
Hami, 59, 74, 78, 79, 81, 83, 128
Han dynasty. After, 23, 33, 340
Early, 20, 24, 27, 49, 128.
196, 340
Third, 24, 349
— " Men of," 20, 389
— Prince of, 20, 44
-- River, 14, 161, 169, 231, 241
— W6n Ti, 328
— Wu Ti (see Wu Ti)
Han Fei-tSB, 318
Hanlin Academy, 306, 384
Hang, range, 5
Hangchow, 10, 32, 34, 55, 71, 78,
116, 167, 158, 226, 258 (ses
Kinsai)
Hankow, 52, 75, 98, 151, 161, 169,
245, 389
-^ destruction of, 162
— trade, 158
Hanoi, 85, 388
Harashar, 59, 63, 64, 74, 387
Harbin, 105, 174
Hart, Sir Robert, 241, 251, 317
Havr^t, Pdre, 76
Heaven, words signifying, 387
— worshipped by rulers, 381
H6h-lung Kiang, 218 (see Tsitai-
har)
Hemp, 47. 91, 149
Henn of Orleans, Prince, 82
Hephthalites (see EphthaUtes)
Herat, 79
Hermaioe, 47
Hemax, 128
Hia dynasty (Andent). 13
(Hiung-nu), 27
-— state, 34, 392 (see Tanffut)
Hia-kwan, 174 (see Nanlang)
Hiao, 341
Hide trade, 39, 149, 168
Digitized by
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INDEX
40d
Hideyoahi, 36, §88
Hien, city divisions, 15, 184, ^Od,
257
Hien, religious sectarians, 71
Hif6ng K*ou (Great WaU pass), 85
High Carts, 131 (see Carts, Wag-
gons)]
Himalayas, 13, 60, 81 (tee K'un-
lun)
Hindoo colonies, 32, 49
— connections, 4
— missionaries, 22
— words in Chinese use, 387, 394
Hindu Koosh, 64
Hingan Range, 85
Hing-hwa Fu, 224, 389
Hioki, Mr., 382
Hira, 61
Hirado, 92
Hirth, Frederick. 56, 61, 71, 128
Historians {see Sz-ma and Con-
fucius)
History, Book of, 42
— Early, 16, 345
— true, 16, 18, 350
Hiung-nu, 19, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28,
33, 46, 64, 121, 127, 191, 238,
347, 389 {see Huns)
— dynasties, 27
— modem, 121
Hoh-fei city, 185, 187
Hoihow, 98, 389
— trade, 152
Ho-kien Fu, 239
Hokow, 108, 172
Ho Kwei, Viceroy, 247
Holansi, 106
Holland, or Ho-lan, 36, 89, 93, 106
Ho- nan Fu, or dty, 11, 23, 24, 65,
60
Ho Nan province, 19, 34, 231, 239,
246
Hong Kong, 94, 98, 152, 154
— trade, 74, 108, 153, 166, 172
"Hongs," 98, 111, 117, 141, 154,
389
Honolulu, 113, 374
Hooghly, 65
Hoppo of Canton, 56, 154, 249
Hormuz, 75, 77, 80
Horse-back Powers, 6, 18, 129
Horses, foreign, 78, 106
Horse-shoes, 86
Horse trade, 39, 44, 46, 78
Ho-tunff, 240
House duties, 182, 193
Households, 198-203
Hiian Chwang, 63
28
Huo, Abb^, 82
Hu-kUn-8h%, 261
Hu Kwang, 203, 372 {see Hu Nali«
Hu P6h)
Hu lin-yih. Governor, 246
Hu Nan, province, 5, 22, 35, 58,
161
Hunchun, 174
Hundred Families, 314
Hungarians, 34, 134, 297
Hung-hien, era, 384
Hung Siu-ts'iian, 305
Hung-tsfth, lake or marsh, 11, 389
Huns, 21, 63, 128 (#ee Hiung-nu)
Hunters, 24, 138, 181
Hu P6h, province, 6, 232, 233
Hwa-hia, 126
Hwai-k'ing Fu, 11,389
Hwai region, 22
— River, 7, 10, 22, 208, 227
— salt monopoly, 224-7
Hwarma Ch*T, 236
Hwang Ho, 388 (tee Yellow River)
source of, 10
Hwang Ti, era and ruler, 374
Hwei-chou Fu, 227
Hydrogen gas, 231
Hyperboreans, 102, 126
Ibn Batuta, 75
Ice-free ports, 168
Ich*ang, 12, 100, 159, 389
Ichdng, 229, 394
I-chou, or Wi-chou, 84
Ignatieff, 103, 139
Ikotanga, Tartar General or Vice-
roy, 235
lU, 22, 40, 47, 69, 73, 78, 104, 127,
129, 134, 137, 180, 263, 366, 389
— Russians in, 104
Iliang, Viceroy, 246
Impecunious provinces,3,203, 215
Import duties, 144
Indemnities, 113, 264
India, 22, 29, 32, 47, 49, 61, 57,
77, 100, 140, 296, 340
— North and South, 64
— relations with China, 32
Indian Government, 13
— Ocean, 64, 67
— yams, 145 {see Cotton)
Indo-China, 19, 23, 51, 172, 226
(•ee Cochin-China, Annam, Ton-
quin)
Indo-Scythians, 47, 64, 67, 134,
348 (see Ephthalites, Yiieh-
chl)
Indus, 63, 174
Digitized by
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404
INDEX
Infanticide, 285
Infants and crime, 316
Ingkili, 72
Inland Water Navigation Rulee,
163
Inner Lower River, 245
Innocent IV., 77
Inns, 282, 290
InscriptionB, foreign, 31, 68, 77
(•ee Ancient Rmnains)
Inspector-General, 215, 252, 254
Insurance, 291
Intellectuality, 294
Intendants, 189 (tee too divicdons)
Intermarriagee, 27
Invisible exports and imports, 144
Iron currency, 47
— dynasty, 392 («ee Kitans)
— gates, 64, 73 (tee Derbend)
— licences, 238
— trade, 11, 44, 49, 62, 67, 61, 62,
66, 67, 86, 205, 236, 238
— working, 29, 54, 130
Irrawaddy River, 9, 52, 62, 74, 82,
106, 389
sources, 82
Irrigation, 66
Irtish, River, 131, 137
Isaiah, 106
Islam, 65, 302 («ee Mussulmans)
Ispahan, 78
Issibur, 136 {see Sibir, Siberia)
Issyk Kill, 64, 66, 72, 73, 389
Italy, 118, 119,368
— Early, 21, 78, 86, 94
Ito, Count, Marquess, Prince, 367
I-tsing, the bonse, 65
Ivan the Great, 136
— the Terrible, 136
Ivory, 56
Jabgu, Khan, 64
Jade, 81
Jaffa, 83
Jagatai, Khan, 78
Janissaries, 267
Japan, 20, 22, 29, 35, 38, 40, 63,
71, 89, 92, 99, 114, 133, 140,
197, 389
— earliest use of the name, 29,
389
European visit to, 89
— ousts Germany, 170, 175
— takes Formosa, 93
Japanese example, 186, 340, 369
— inCorea, 22, 36, 171
— in Mongolia, 129
— language, 360
Japanese pirates, 36
— revoiution, 115
— shipping, 150, 157, 160, 161,
164, 166
— trade, 50, 71, 143. 148, 151, 166
trained armies, 266
— war with China, 40, 104, 110,
116, 166, 167, 211, 227. 237.
264, 366
with Russia, 105. 117, 307.
370
— writing, 348
Jartoux, S. J., 106
Java, 25, 32, 35, 36, 51. 54, 57. 63.
71, 75, 92, 94, 197, 387
— Dutch in. 92, 94, 142
Jaxartes, 72, 78. 389
Jeddah. 80, 83
J6hol. 97, 175. 180, 184
Jerusalem, 83
Jesuits. 76. 87. 89. 94. 106. 109,
118,298
Jesus of Naxareth, 296
Jeujens (Me Geougens. Ju-ju)
Jews, 23, 45, 70, 274. 298
Joostens. M.. 113
Jubb. 80
JudWa, 95
Judge, Provincial, 179
Judges, new, 180, 341
Judicial and Executive, 179
— i^stem, 251
Ju-ju or Jwan-jwan, 28, 130 («ee
Geougen)
Jungluh, 368, 369
Junks, 35, 70, 91, 22&-6, 389
— river, 60
Junk to U.S. and London, 98
— trade, 51, 56, 57, 91, 152, 153,
159, 247
Justice, 183, 319
Justin, 66, 67
Justinian; 322, 337, 372
Jute, 149
Kabul, 60, 63, 79, 83
Kachyns, 8, 9, 389
Kadesieh, 68
Kadphises, 47, 64
K'ai-fdng Fu, 70
K*ai-Lan, Coal Co., 168. 212
Kaiser (Me WiUielm)
Kalgan, 4, 72, 84, 103. 168, 237, 389
Kalhat, 75
K&Ukut, 76 (eee Calicut)
Kalkhas, 39
Kalmucks, 40, 80, 103, 135. 137.
389 (Me Dzungars, Eleoths)
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
405
Kampot, 79, 387
Kamii tribes, 9
Kan, river, 6
Kanagawa Treaty, 115, 389
Kan-chou Fu, 23, 69, 63, 70, 74
Kandahar, 60, 83
Kandy, 80
K'ang, state, 69
K'ang-hi, Emperor, 80, 95, 199,
244, 299, 336
K'ang Yu-wei, 189, 368, 380
Kan Suh, 10, 23, 83, 132, 139,
235, 246, 298, 302
Kant, 295
Kaoli, 29 {Me Corea)
Kapisa, 64
Kapitan Mo, 88
Karahoto, or -hhoto, 82
Elara-Kirghis or Buruts, 389 {see
Pu-lu-t^6h)
Kara-Kitans, 77, 133, 389
Karakoram city (Mongolia), 60,
72, 74
— Pass (Kashmir region), 59, 63
Karategin, 62
Kas^, or Kath6, 139, 390 {see
Manipur)
Kashgar, 60, 65, 74, 83
Kashgaria, 40, 59, 81
Kashmir, 32, 59, 81
Kattigara, 48
Kawlam, 76 (fee Quilon)
Kazaks, 135, 389 (fee Cossacks,
Kirghis)
Kazan, or K'a-shan, 136
Kelantan, 80
Kelat, 83
Kellet, Captain, R.N., 98
Kem, river, 137
Keng-hung, 74
Kerosene, 46, 146, 162, 168, 290
(9ee Petroleum)
Kerulon, river, 72, 80
Kesoh, 64, 73, 79
Kewkiang, 98, 162-4, 169, 227,
252, 389
Keys, 258 (Me Gates)
Khabarovska, 105
Khansa, 76 {see Kinsai)
Khata, 79 {see Kitans)
Khavanda, 65
Kiachta, 84, 103, 138, 169
Kiai Chou, 240
Kia-k*ing, Emperor, 304
Kiang, the («ee Yang-tsae)
— Nan, 226, 248
— Peh or Pei (=» North Kiang Su),
228, 252
Kiang Si, 5, 60, 163, 224, 227
— Su, 252, 254, 378-9
— Tung (near Esmok), 83
— -tSB (Tibet " port "), 174
Kiao-chl, 25, 389
Kiao Chou (** German sphere*'),
03, 105, 109, 144, 167, 170, 236,
265, 367
Kiao-chou (Tonquin), 25, 389
Kia-yiih Pass, 78, 81, 83, 169,
235, 389
K'ien, kingdom, 5, 222 {see Kwei
Chou)
K'ien-lung, Emperor, 81, 97, 137,
199, 304, 390, 398
Kiev, or Ki-yu, 136
Kikuchi, Baron, 348
Kilung, 80, 92, 389 {eee Formosa)
Kin-ohou Fu, 84, 175
King-ohou Fu, 160
Kinsai, 76, 197 {eee Hangchow)
Kin-sha (or Golden Sand) River,
69 389
Kin Shan, 387 {eee Altai Mts.)
Kin-t*ien, 41 {see Siin-ohou Fu)
Kipchaks, 102, 134, 135
Kipling, R., 183
Kirghis, 66, 102, 127, 132, 137, 389
— -Kazaks, 135,389
Kirin, 84, 174-5
Kissing^ act of, 288
Kitan founder (Apaoki), 69
Kitans, 28, 33, 38, 40, 53, 55, 69,
84, 133, 195, 257, 339 {see
Cathayans)
Kitat, 53, 79
K'iung-ehou Fu («ee Hoihow)
Knife coins, 42
Kokand, 22, 46, 47, 61, 68, 81,
83, 389
Kokonor, or Kukunor, 24, 39, 59,
81, 169, 180, 389
ICo-U-foh, 70 {eee Caliph)
Kongmun, 153, i73, 389
Korla, 59
Kotaiba, 68
Kowloong 101, 153, 367
" Kowtow," the, 384
Koxinga, 91, 93, 96, 389
Ktesiphon, 61
Kublai Khan, 12, 34, 38, 41, 74,
77, 106, 129, 197, 202, 234, 239,
338, 390
Kuohe, 64
K'u-ch'6ng, or KozUm, Khan,
136-7
Ku-chou (in Kwei Chou), 224
Kugiar, 63
Digitized by
Google
406
INDEX
Kukukhoto, 180 (c/. Kokonor and
Karahoto)
Kuting {" cooting " resort), 163
K'ulun, 300 (see Urga)
Kumbuni, monastery, 82
Kumchuk, 153, 389
Kumiss, 46
KUn (army or navy), 269
KUn-chu (monarchical), 373, 376,
383
Kundus, 74
Kung-ho (democracy), 344, 373
Kunldnferry, 62, 74
Kunlun (Condor), 79
K'unlunMts. (Himalayas), 13, 60,
81
Kunsan, 390
Kuren, 390 (tee K'ulun)
Kushan, 64 (see Ephthalites)
Kutiug, Khan, 132, 390
K'wan-ch'dng-tSB, 84, 175 {see
Oh*ang-ch'un)
Kwan Chung, 43, 238, 296, 314,
320
Kwan Hien, 233
Kwan-tsz («ee Kwan Chung)
Kwang-ohou, 25
Fu, 120 {see Canton)
Wan, 109, 110, 173, 368
nan, 25 {see Kwang-chou)
Fu (in Yiin Nan), 224
— Si, 8, 13, 23, 108, 173, 203, 223,
233, 248, 305
trade, 165
sin, 227
su. Emperor, 211, 243, 308,
341, 371
— -teh, 227
— Tung, 13, 87 {see Canton)
Kwei Chou, 5, 8, 9, 13, 23, 60, 83,
184, 203,218,231, 300
trade, 13, 83, 224
Kwei-hwar, 84, 180 {see Kuku-
khoto)
Kwei-lin Fu, 165
Kweisiang, 373
Kwoh-min Tang, 376
Kwok-sing-ya, 93 {see Kozinga)
Lake Qhilen {see Ghiien-tai)
— salt, 222, 240
— shipping, 164
— Victoria, 65
Lakes, 6, 10, 161, 361
Lama-Miao, 84, 390
Lamas, 139, 383
Lambri, 57, 70, 75, 80
Lamps, 147, 102
Lan-chou Fu, 235
Land-tax, 198-9, 202-5, 241,
249
— -trade, 48, 104, 143
Lang, Admiral, 270, 366
Langson, 108, 173
Languages, 7, 19, 25-6, 351-64
Lan-li, 70, 80 {see Lambri)
Lao,*tribe8, 390
Laocius or Lao-tSE, 295, 314, 319,
322, 390
Laos, Laotian, 9
Lao Vinh-phuc, 107, 390
Lao-wa T'an, 233, 390
Lappa, 153, 390
Lar or Lar, 75, 76
Lari, 82, 390
Law, 307-42
Law, English, 308
— reform, 287, 302, 340
Lay, Mr. H. N., 247
Lead, 142
Leasehold ports, 170
Legal Classic, 317, 322
Legations, Chinese, 100
L%ge> 'Dr,, 314, 337
L^slative functions, 186, 341
(Me Judicial)
Lei-chou Peninsula, 23, 56, 173
Lepers, 283
Lesser (or Small) River, 223, 224
Lewis IX, 105
Lewis XIV, 106
Lhassa, 31, 82, 101, 390
Li dynasty, Tonquin, 172
Li Han-chang, 248
Li Hung-chang, 185, 187, 211-2,
248, 365-9
Li Hwei, 245
Li K'wei, 317
Li ShI-min, 30, 333
Li Sz, 318
Li Yang-ts'ai, 107
Li Yttan, 30
Li Yuan-hung, President, 145,
189, 374, 380, 384, 386
Liang dynasty, 27
Liang-chou Fu, 23, 64, 62, 63, 69
Liang K'i-ch'ao, 380, 382, 386
Liao dynasty, 392 {see Iron and
Kitans)
— River, 166
— Tung Convention, 116
Peninsula, 106, 110, 366
Liao-yang, 176, 235
Licences, 182, 205
lih-fah Yiian, 383, 386
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
407
Likin, 56, 144, 148, 160, 163, 227,
245-65, 372, 390
Lingering death, 335
Ling-ting Is., 97
Literary men, 17, 25, 44, 111, 346
Liu, the family, 24
Liu-k'iu {see Loochoo)
Liu K'un-yih, 187, 248, 268, 283,
369 {eee Viceroy a. Three good)
Liu Pang, 20, 44
Liu Ping-chajig, 204
Liu Yen, 240
Liu Yung-fuh {see Lao Vinh-
phuc)
Loans, 211, 216, 227, 239, 253,
366, 369, 372, 377, 380
Lobanoff, Prince, 367
Lob Mor, 59, 63, 74,81
Local Councils, 186, 371
Loohao, 75 {we Siam)
Lookhart, Sir J. S., 171
Loess, or L6m, 11, 390
Loha, river, 85
Lolos, 8, 12, 390
Loochoo, 30, 36, 40, 71, 93, 115,
390
Loop {see Yellow Rivw)
Lord of Heaven, 94
Louis Philippe, 106
Lu, state ox, 17
Luh Ch6ng-8iang, 384
Lii-chou Fu, 187
Lu Shun-k'ou, 391 {eee Port
Arthur)
Luke, Syrian, 106
Lungchingtsun, 174
Lungchow, 108, 168, 173
Lung-k'ou, 174
Luzon, 36, 90 (fee Manila)
Ma'abar, 36, 75
Macao, 87, 89, 96, 106, 114, 118,
153, 390
— trade, 90, 153
Macartn^, Lord, 97, 337
Ma-chOt or Madjars, 134 {see
Hungarians)
Bfaokay, Sir Jas., 251
— treaty, 144,251,372
Madagascar, 75
Madras, 75, 80
Mads the Macedonian, 62
Magadoxa, 75, 80
Magna Chartas, 321, 373
Mahomet, 53, 80, 296, 302, 330
Mahometans, 292, 298 {see Mus-
sulmans)
Mailapur, 77
Maine, Sir H., 309
Malabar, 36, 54, 75, 77, 83
Malacca, 37, 83, 88
Malay, 36, 49, 51, 65, 390
Mali-kha, river, 9, 390
Malwa, 71
Manas, 59, 73
ManchouU, 174
Manchu characteristics, 272
— Empire, 22, 37, 268, 336
— princes, 267, 272, 372-3 (see
£mperors)
— rulers, 177. 181, 198, 244
— the word, 390
Manchuria, 1, 3, 5, 34, 36, 38, 40,
84, 104, 139, 166, 289 (see Klrin,
Tsitsihar)
— agspressions in, 98
— assimilation of, 2, 165, 272
— Japan and Russia in, 3, 161,
165-6
Manchurian salt, 235
— trade, 143, 151, 165
Manohus, 28, 33, 37, 39, 80, 266,
390
— ejected, 181, 257, 375, 381
— in Formosa, 93
Mandaiay, 83
Mandarin, 390
— language or dialects, 26, 363
— " trade," 204
Manffu, Khan, 105, 129, 390
Mamach, 66, 67
Manidueans, 72, 77, 132, 298, 330
Manifest faith bonds, 239 {see
Loans)
Manila, 36, 57, 71, 90, 113, 117,
297, 390
Manipur, 139, 290
Manufactures, Chinese, 145, 163
{see Factories)
Manure, 148
Manzi, or Man-tsz, 157, 197, 268,
390
Maps, 12, 15, 95. 106
— Bretschneider's, 15, 19, and
end of book
Marco Polo, 33-5, 55, 67, 71, 73-4,
168, 197, 241
" Marcus AureLius," the Chinese,
323, 336
Margarine, 148
Margary, B., 99
Margiana, 61, 64
Marp^lan, 61
Mangnoli, 78
Biarine activity, 35
Marinos of Tyre, 62
Digitized by
Google
408
INDEX
Marriage, 284
— allianoea, 70, 272
Marflhea, Salt, 241
Martyrdoms, 106
Maaaaore at Canton, 67
— at Tientoin, 99
Maaulipatam, 75
Mathematics, 54
BCats and matting, 149, 157
Maulmein, 74
Mayers, W. F., 19
Maxims, legal, 319, 324
Masdeans, 72, 76, 298, 330
Meooa, 83
Medical missions, 299
Mehteh, Khan, 20, 46 («ee Bagh-
dur)
Mei'ling, range, 14, 391
Mekong, river, 62, 74
MeUbar, 75 {see MaUbar)
MeneittS, or Mdng-tsa, 320
Blendes Pinto, 89. 102
MtogtSE, '*port," 108, 168, 172,
391
Mercantile honour, 283
Merchant guilds, Russian, 136
Chinese, 154, 254
Merchants, early, 44, 53
Merv, 63, 68
Mesopotamia, 22, 47, 52, 76
Mesdco, 90, 91, 120, 378
Mezsobarba, 118
Miao tribes, 7, 8, 22, 24, 390
— officials, 8, 183
Mien, 387 {see Burma)
Mien-chu, city, 234
Migrations, 6, 9, 13, 22, 34, 49,
85,203
Mikado, resuscitated, 115
— the word, 391
Milan, King, 121
Military instructors, 110, 265, 266
Milk, preserved, 147
MiUs, 145, 176, 211 {see Manu-
factures)
Min-kwoh (Republic), 374, 386
Min-Yiieh, 22
Ming dynasty, 35, 38, 58, 135, 198,
304, 338, 391
— history, 79
Mining, 161
Ministries {see Boards)
Mints, 211, 224
Mirrors, 147
Missionaries, early, 87, 95, 106,
151, 163
— German, 367
— Hindoo, 22
MisBioDaries, modem, 99, 151,
305
Missions to Peking, 77, 88, 93,
95
Mixed courts for Bianchus, 273
Mocha, 83, 92
Mokhoi, 85
Momdn, 74, 101, 174, 234 {see
T'6ng.yueh)
Mongofia, 34, 39, 40, 133, 221
— Outer, 180, 235, 377
Mongol Empire, 35, 237
— history, 74
— Khans, 40, 72, 73, 75, 102, 105,
129
— race, 28, 180
— trade in oranges, 157
— wars with ICmg .dynasty, 36
— word, the, 391
Mongols, 28, 33, 35, 39, 66, 133,
135, 266, 282
— conquer China, 65, 102, 134,
197
— Mussulman branch of, 73
Monopolies, 182
Monosyllabic languages, 8, 19, 354
Monsoons, 57, 71
Monte-Corvino, 77, 78, 303
Monuments, 31 {see Ancient r^
mains)
Morse, Mr. H. B., 113
Moscow, or Moskwa, 136
Moso tribes, 9
Mosques, 68, 83
Motor-boats, 155
Motors, 147
Mountain ranges, 14
''Mouths," 194-6 {see "House-
holds*')
Muang-u, 234
Mukden, 29, 53, 84, 248, 306, 391
Mul J&va, 76
Muletoafflc, 74, 147
Munitions of war, 168 {su Arms)
Muravieff, 138
MOru, or Mulu, 61
Murui-usu, 69, 82 (see Yang-tsae)
Musical boxes, 147
Musk, 79, 159
Mussulman revolts, 104, 107, 202,
250
Mussulmans, 11, 32, 67, 83 (see
Mahometans)
-- Chinese, 68, 83, 234, 298
— KanSuh, 83,298
— Yun Nan, 83, 298 (see Pan-
thays)
Mythioad times, 18
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
409
Nagasaki, 92, 391
NaixnaDB, 77
Names, ancient provincial, 6
— national, 31 {see National)
Nan-ohao, 32, 69, 139 {tee Early
Siamese, and Chao)
— annals, 140
Nanking, 34, 37, 164, 226, 265,
306, 391
— dynasties, 27, 61, 62
— republic, 242, 374
— sacked, 378
— treaty, 106, 142, 246, 299
Nan-ning Fa, 83, 166, 173
Nan Slum, 14
Nan-yiieh, or South Yiieh, 22, 23,
26, 48, 60, 101, 223
Napoleon I, 44
Napoleon III, 106
" Narses," a Chinese, 79
National Assembly, 377 («ee Par-
liament)
— designations, 4, 20, 30, 31, 63,
68, 116 (Me Names)
Naturalisation, 114
Naval bases, 101, 167
Navy, Chinese, 108, 167, 210, 211,
270, 366 {aee Fleets)
Nayen, Prince, 38, 393
Nayenoh'dng, 304
Neouveran, 76 {eu Nicobars)
Negroes, 62, 67
Nemati, K61nUai, 134
Nepaul, 32, 40, 69, 80, 97, 139,
234, 391
Nepaulese war, 69, 72
Nerchinsk, 103, 106, 138
Nestorians, 32, 63, 66, 66, 70, 72,
76. 298
Nestorian Stone, 32, 66, 76
Newohwang, 98, 166, 166, 391
— trade, 166-6
New Territory, or Sin Kiang, 1, 2,
22
assimilAtion of, 2
mchoias n, Ckar, 366
Nicholas 111, Pope, 77
Nicholas de Bonnet, 78
— (Kozinga), 92
Nicobctrs, 66, 76 («ee Necuveran)
Ni^kulun, 78
Nien-po, 82
Nine Chapters (law), 322, 338
Ning-hia Fu, 168, 392
Ningpo, 24, 66, 71, 89, 96, 98, 391
— trade, 167
Ninguta, 176
Niuru, 267
Nomad states, 69
Nomads, 6, 18, 19, 26, 41, 43, 69,
129, 191
Non-Chinese, 180 («ee Barbarians)
Nonni, river, 86
Nordenskjold, Professor, 134
" North" River, 224 {eee " SmaU ")
North and South Empires, 26
Novgorod, 136, 136, 391
Nuch^ns, 28, 33-4, 38, 40, 67, 69,
84, 133, 195, 228, 236, 241, 257,
339, 391
Nudjkend, 64
Nurhaohi, 39
Oak- worm silk, 170
Obata, Mr., 383
Obi, river, 135
Ocho (Uchiu or Fooohow), 90, 388
Octroi, 373, 391
Odessa, 161, 169
Odon-tala, 10, 391
Odoric, Friar, 77
Oech, 391 {see Oxus)
Office, Sale of, 186, 207, 247, 250
Ogdai, Khan, 73, 129, 391
Oil {see Bean, Kerosene)
Oirat, 389 {see Eleuths)
Okhotsk, 138
Old China, 4, 20, 23, 34, 196-6,
223, 234
— maids, 286
Olopen, 76
On<fti, river, 72
Opium, 46, 86, 86, 96, 247, 252,
290, 337
— abolition, 146, 167, 159, 161,
166, 252, 300, 377
— Convention, 100, 114, 153
— native, 159, 247
— smuggling, 204, 291
— trade, 86, 98-100, 142, 146, 159
— war, 96, 99
Oranges, bitter, 167
Ordos, 10, 14, 23, 34, 82, 238, 391
Orip^etorix, 44
Orudn of Chinese, 4
OrUion, River, 69, 77, 131
Orleans^ Prince U. of, 82
Osmanli, 31
Ostiaks, 132, 135, 136
Otrar, 72, 79, 135
Ouigour capitals, 63, 77, 79
Ouigours, 31, 34, 63, 69, 74, 131,
132, 241, 391
— become Mussulmans, 69
Oxus, river, 47, 61, 64, 66, 73,
79, 391
Digitized by
Google
410
INDEX
Paoiflo Ocean, 10, 133
Pagoda Anchorage, 108, 121, 270
— at Canton, 68
Pahang, 80
Pakhoi, 83, 100, 391
-— trade, 83, 152
Palace expenditure, 208, 211, 214,
384
— favour, 240
Palembang, 57, 80
Pali, 76
PaUaade, 248
Pamirs, 22, 37, 47, 51, 60, 65, 81,
128, 391
PftnjAb, 72, 134, 388
Pana, iron, 45
Panfchays, 83, 234, 264
Pantoja, 95
Pao Ch*ao, General, 204
Pao-ting Fu, 239
Paper, 347
Parkee, Sir Harry, 365
Parliaments, 181, 186. 341, 371,
373, 378, 383, 386
Parthia, 21, 49
Parthiana, 47. 50, 51, 61
Pascal, 78
Pasio, 8.J., 87
Pasture, 66
Peacocks, 48
Peace-promoting Association, 382
Pearl River, 14 {see Great, West,
Canton)
Pearls, 46, 56
Pecul (Chinese ewi.), 391
Pegoletti, 78
p£-hai, 391 (see Pakhoi)
Peh-ngai, 155
Peh-s3i, 83, 224, 391
Pei-kwan suburb, 306
Pei-tai Ho, 168
Peking, 33, 37, 84, 88, 95, 208, 230,
251, 285, 373, 377
— Contingent, 182
— dialect, 352
— Government, 3, 177, 206, 249,
372
— occupied by Kanohus, 95
by Allies, 94
— opened, 98, 261
— Syndicate, 119
— the word, 391
PeUiot, Paul, M., 77, 132
Penang, 83
Pencil, hair, 347
Pendjeh incident, 365
P'dn^-hu, 391 (eee Pescadores)
Pensioned Manchus, 181-2
Peatam, 75 (see Bantam)
Peres de Andrado, 88
Perovsky, Fort, 72
Persecutions, 95
Persia, 30, 32, 34, 40, 51, 53, 66,
67, 68, 105, 131-2, 134,340,391
Persian appeal to China, 30, 53
(eeePirouz)
— Gulf, 50, 71, 80
•— priests, 72, 77, 330
— traders, 54, 67, 79
— works, 79
Peru, 119
Pescadores, 92, 108, 391
Peshawur, 63
Petra, 52
Petroleum, 86 (see Kerosene)
PhiUp II, 90
Philip the Fair, 105
Philippines, 91, 118, 156, 391 (see
Manila)
Philology, 25, 53, 343-64
Philosophers, 308, 317, 346
Phodnicians, 48
P'i-shd-ja (eee Formosa)
P'iao, 387
"Pidgin" (=" business") Eng-
U8h,90
Piebald-horse Pond, 235 {see
Hwa-ma)
Piece-goods (eee Cotton, Textile)
Pigs, 152 .
Pigtails, 147, 262, 267, 274, 275,
292, 373, 378
Pilgrims, 51, 62, 83
— to Mecca, 83
— to Sanoiano, 87
Pilots, river, 13
Pineapple {Ancnuu sativa) cloth,
153
P'ing-shan, 12, 391
P'ing Siu-kih, 389 {see Hideyoflhi)
P'ing-yang, 84, 391
Pinto, Mendez, 89, 102
Pin-t'ung (eee Binh-thuan)
Pirates, 36, 37, 56, 85, 89, 90, 109
Pirouz, 68, 391 (eee Persian)
Plague, 166
Pliny, 48, 49, 62
Plum Range (eee Mei-Unff)
PoUce, 183, 209 (eee Gendarmerie)
Polo (eee Marco)
Polygamy, 284
Pond-salt, 222, 236, 241 (eee
Hwa-ma)
Pongee silk, 170 (=p^K, *' our
own loom")
Poppy, 97 (eee Opium)
Digitized by
Google
INDEX
411
Popular party, 376, 378-9 (see
Kwoh-tnin Tang)
Population, 12, 191-204 (see map)
— distribution of, 2, 7 («ee map)
— foreign, 161-2
Porcelain, 57, 163 (aee Potteries)
Pork, 298
Po-SK, 391 (see Persia)
Port Arthur, 105, 110, 166, 366-7,
391 {eee Lii-shun K'ou)
— Hamilton, 365-6
Ports, ancient, 49
" Ports," inland, 108, 168, 171
Ports, special, 174
— treaty, 142
forty- seven, 176
Portugal, one with Spain, 90
Portuguese, 36, 87, 90, 113
— religious intrigues, 96
— trade, 88
Postal conference, 119
Posts, 86, 176, 208
Potocki, Food Dictator, 45
*'PotuH" man, 88
Potteries, 103
Poutiatin, Count, 103
Poyang Lake, 10, 163, 227, 391
PrcBioHum, 187 (see Yamhi)
Prefects, 188
Preparation for Parliament Bu-
reau, 384, 386
Presidents, Chinese, 145-6, 178,
181, 189, 219, 252, 299, 374
(see Yiian and Li)
Press, the, 370
Pride's Purge, 379
Princes, Manchu, 211, 272, 373
Prints, 57
Prisons, 282
Privileges, 258, 272, 336, 339
Proooimuls, Military, 180
Progress, 86, 102, 212 (see Re-
forms)
Provinces, Eighteen, 1, 2, 5, 15,
19, 23, 180, 184, 222
— Pauper, 203 (see Impecunious)
Provincial Councils {see Local)
— expenditure, 208, 217
— generals, 260
Prussia, 99, 109
Ptolemy, 48, 62
P'u-chou Fu, 241
Puh-hai, state, 33, 133, 257
P'u-k'ou, 165, 174, 253
Pulo Condor, 79, 391 (see Kunlun)
P'ulun, Prince, 383
P'u-lu-t'dh, or Buruts, 389 (see
Kirghis)
Punishments, 307 (see Nine Chap-
tears)
Purun-ki River, 23, 69, 69, 81
Purveyors, Army, 44
Pusan (see Fusan)
Putao (North Burma), 13
Quelpaert, 38, 391
Queue (see Pigtail)
Quilon, 76-7 (see Collon, Kawlam)
Raggi, Sign. S., 119
Railways, 84, 98, 104, 113, 164,
211, 267, 370
— Bhamo to Momein, 1 74
— Canton to Macao, 114
— Ch'ang-sha to Nan-ch*ang, 164
— Hankow to Sb Ch*wan, 160, 268
— Kiang Si (Kewkiang to Nan-
ch'ang, etc.), 163
•— Peking to Hankow, 253
to Kalgan, 168
to Mukden, 84
— Shanghai to Nanking, 176,
253
to Ningpo, 168, 212, 267
— ShashI to Hingi, 160
— Siberian, 104, '366
— Tientsin to P*u-k'ou (Nanking),
253
— Tsinan to Kiao Chou, 171
— Tonquin, 74, 108, 173
Rain, prayers for, 301
Ramie fibre, 149
Rangoon, 48, 62, 83
Rapids, 159
Rates, local, 209, 301
R<Uio decidendi, 332, 342
RebdUons (see Mussulmans, Tai-
pings)
Red Cross, 119
— Earth State, 29 (see Siam)
hairs, 36, 93
— River, 21, 86, 172
— salt, 241
— Sea, 36, 48, 52, 67, 80
Reed flats, 222, 228, 238 (see
Rushes)
Reforms, 209, 242, 261, 265, 287,
307, 368
Regent (see Prince Ch'un, Jun.)
Regis, S.J., 106
Religion, 41, 132, 293-306
— natural, 302
— political, 309
— privil^es for, 339
Republic, 344, 366-86 (see Min
kwoh, Kung-hoh)
Digitized by
Google
(
412
INDEX
Repnblk^ chaogee under, 16, IM,
188, 100, 281, 288, 292, 206,
207, 908
Republican ChinA, 177
Revenue, 2, 45, 167, 101, 193,
108, 205-21 (aee Grain)
— salt, 222-44
Revolts (Me Mueenlmana, Toi-
pings, "Boxers")
Rev<dution in letters, 16, 344
— of A.D. 1011, causes, 268
— of 220 B.C. (unifying), 318, 320
Rhinoceros, 48
Rho, Jacques, 8.J., 05
Rhubarb, 57, 70
Ricci, Matthew, 8.J., 28, 86, 87,
00, 04, 100
Rice salaries, 205
— trade, 144, 164 (Me Grain)
— tribute, 1 97 (tee Grain Revenue)
Richthofen's theory, 11 ,
Rival states period, 43 (Me Feudal,
Vassal)
River steamers, 13, 163
— flvstems, 10-13 (see Drainage)
Rividre, Henri, 107
Roads, definition of, 86 (Me Trade
Routes)
— Great, 50, 60, 73, 81, 83-5, 127
— inland, 74, 78
— to Manchuria, 84
— to Tibet, 82
Robertson, Sir Brooke, 153, 240
RockhiU, Hon. W. W., 56, 71, 201
Rodn^ Gilbert^ 11, 69, 84, 302
Roman parallels, 16, 10, 21, 25,
26, 126, 206, 315, 317, 320, 337
(Me Greek)
— trade, 40, 52, 62
" Romania," 78 (Me El Rum)
Rubruquis, 67, 73, 77, 105, 135
Ruggieri, 8.J., 87
Rumania, 121
Russia, Early, 34, 102, 126, 136
— missions to and from, 103
— Moogcd conquest of, 34
— the name, 31
Russian acquisitions, 102-5
— church, 103, 303 (eee Orthodox)
— CoUege, 306
— competition, 3
— guards at Peking, 102
— shipping, 160
— teas, 146, 162-3
— trade, 146, 151, 161, 163, 160
Russians, 34, 40, 84, 08, 101-4,
126, 134, 138, 161, 200
RuHia's *' free resources," 207
RussonTa]
Ru:
War. 115, 117,307
105 (Me Rubruquis)
Sables, 46, 136
Sacharoff, 200
Sadi Wakas, 68
Saigon, 107
Saints, Buddhist, 180, 300
Sairam, 73, 70
Sakh, 60 (Me Tea)
Salaries, 205, 200, 255
Salt barter, 45, 232
Salt flats, 228, 235
— revenue, 181, 205, 222-44
— trade, 11, 14, 44, 152, 181, 206,
220, 251
— weUs and ponds (Me Wells,
Ponds)
" Sam CoUinson," 247
Samoyedes, 132
Samsah Inlet, 156 (Me San-tu Ao)
Samshu, 46, 301
Sam-shui, 101, 301
— trade, 153, 173
Sanoiano, 87 (Me Shang-ch'wan)
Sandwich Is. {see Honolulu)
Sanff Hung-yang, 222, 238
Samtation, 183
Sansing, 175
Sanaknt, 31
San-tu Ao, 156, 168, 301
Saracens, 241
Sarbasa, 56
Sarikol, 81
Sartak, Khan, 73
Sassanides, 68
Satraps, 23, 30, 44, 05, 325
Savages, 9 («ee Aborigines, Tribes,
Non-Chinese)
Saycmg, 82
Schaal, or Schall, Adam, S.J., 05
Schiltberger, 136
Schools, 208, 272 (eee Universities)
Science, 05, 132, 204
Soot and lot, 103
Scotra, 75 (Me Soootra)
Scythians, 21, 127 (eee Hiung-nu,
Huns)
Sea routes, 85
Sea-salt, 223, 236
Sea-slugs, 280
Sea trade, 25, 32, 33, 40, 47-52,
56, 63, 67, 70, 71
Secretaries, 200, 338, 341, 356
(Me Clerks)
Secret Societies, 303-4 (eee
** Boxers»" Shang-tiHwei, White
my)
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INDEX
418
Sedans, 163, 261
SeOan, 75 {see Ceylon)
Semedo, Pdre, 76
Semmiat, 76
Smiate, 373
Seraglio, 249 (see Palace)
Serbia, 121
4eree» Serica, 62, 87
Serfs, 44, 194
Settled states, 59
Sha-chou, 74 («ee Tnn-hwang)
Shaher, or Shehr, 75
Shahidula, 63
Shakyamuni, 296, 297
Shamanism, 302
Shamien, 141, 391
Shan, origin of word, 29 {aee
Siam, Ohao)
— Empire, 13, 69, 234
— States, 37, 74, 101, 107, 109,
145, 173 (see Laos, Muang-u,
Momein)
Shan-hai Kwan, 84, 168, 248
Shans, 7-9, 22, 29, 35, 140, 183
(aee Siam)
Shan Si, 5, 34, 102, 201, 222, 240
Shan Tung, 5, 33, 57, 231, 236, 238
Promontory, 4, 175
trade, 57
" Shantungs," 170
Shang-ch'wan, 87 (#ee Sanoiano)
Shang dynasty, 18
bone inscriptions, 343 (see
Bone)
Shanghai, 23, 79, 96, 98, 165,
171-2, 197, 246
— opened, 98
— trade, 171-2
Shans-ti Hwei, 305 (eee Secret
Societies)
Shara Muren, 85
ShashI, 160, 391
Shehr (see Shaher)
Shdn Kia-pdn, 341
Shdn Puh-hai, 317
Shen Si, 5, 19,62,262
Sh6n-yang, 391 (see Mukden)
Shinff^hang, 179, 253 (see Gover-
nors)
Sh6ng-king (city), (see Mukden)
Shdng Eling (province), 5, 165
ShigatSE, 82
Shignan, 65, 74, 81
Sh^ki, 18 (see Sz-ma Ts*ien,
Histories)
Shilka River, 133, 138, 391
Shimonoseki Treaty, 116, 391
Shipping, 150, 157, 165, 166
Shipping Chinese, 150, 157, 160
— German, 153
— Japanese, 150, 157, 160, 161,
164, 166
ShiraK, 78
Shiu-heng, 87 (see Chao-k'ing)
Shogun, 115, 393
Shroffs, 255, 391
Shuga, 82
Shuh, Empire, 24 (see Sz Ch'wan)
Shuh, Kingdom, 5, 222 (see
Sz Ch'wan)
"Shum," the Viceroy, 386 (see
Ts'§n Ch*un-hiian)
Si-an Fu, 4, 23, 24, 33, 52, 55, 59,
63, 64, 69, 391
Si Kiang, 13, 21, 60, 101 (see
West and Canton rivers)
Si-ning Fu, 69, 82, 392
Siam, 31, 36, 37, 40, 53, 74, 140
(see Shans)
— modem, 140
— trade with, 172
Siamese, 8, 49 (see Shans and Chao)
— Early, 29, 62, 69, 140
— Modem, 9
Siang, river, 6, 61
Siberia, 28, 54, 104, 127-40, 191
-^ Railway, 366 (see Railways)
Sibir, 135 (see Issibur)
Sicily, 57
Siklam, 392
— Convention, 100
Silk fabrics, 154, 159
— revenue, 45, 191
— trade, 45, 49, 50, 54, 57, 62, 67.
79/146, 154, 159
— wUd, 170 (see Oak)
Silver, 42, 67, 91, 207, 216, 283
(see Bullion)
— drain of, 97
— Exchange, 142, 172, 207 (see
Exchange)
— export, 57
«* Sin," external, 281
Sina, 62 (see Thin, Ts*in, Seres,
Tzinistan)
Singapore, 48, 83, 94, 298
Sin Kiang (see New Territory)
Sin-minT'un, 175
Skins (see Hides)
Slaves, 52, 195, 300, 337
Slavs, 134
" SmaU *' River, 223-4 (see Lesser )
Smith, Rev. A., 271
Smuggling, 204, 290
Snobbery, absence of, 183, 260,
281 (see Democracy)
Digitized by
Google
414
INDEX
Soap, 46, 147
Social tabu, 44, 183, 300
Socotra, 75, 83
Sogd, 65-8, 128
Soldier, the Chinese, 263, 270
Sou, 76
SoloxM, 133, 262
Songchin, 302
Sons, 287, 302
Soochow, 116, 176, 187
Soul, 84
South Seas, 32, 36, 40, 51, 55, 67,
71, 94 {gee Indian Ocean)
South Yueh, 48 {see Nan-yueh)
Southern China, 19, 23
Soy, 392
Soya hiapida, 148, 166 {see Soy,
Beana)
Spain one with Portugal, 90
Spaniards, 36, 89, 117
— Early, 78, 85
— in Annam, 107
Spheres of influence, 101
Spice Islands, 92
Spirits (liquor), 46, 182, 298 (see
Drink)
Spread of Chinese {see Expan-
sion)
Spring and autumn annals, 17
{see History)
Squeezed feet {see Foot-binding)
"Squeeees," 206, 216, 220, 221,
250, 290
Srinagar, 63
Stamp duties, 182
Standards of currency, 143 {see
Currency, Exchange)
Staunton, Sir Geo., 337
Steam, 86
Steamers, 13, 162
Steam-launches, 163
Stein, Sir Aurel, 18, 32, 60, 62,
63, 77, 191, 347, 392
StepanhofF, 138
Stephen, Sir Jas. F., 308, 318
St. John's Island, 87, 89 {see
Sandano, Shang-ch'wan)
Stone city or tower, 62 {see
Daraut, Taahkend)
" Straits," the, 142, 386
Straw braid, 148, 167, 170
— hats, 157
Strogonoff, 136, 392
Sii-chou Fu, 262, 378
Stian-hwa Fu, 235
Siian-t'ung, Emperor, 372-73
Submarines, 86
Sugar, 57, 91, 147-8, 153-6
Sugar ** rigging," 148
Suh-chou (An Hwei), 231
(Kan Suh), 23, 59, 74, 79
Sui, dynasty, 28-9, 38, 53, 192,
392,
Suicide, 273, 331
Suifdnho, 174
Sukchur {see Suh-chou of Kan
Suh)
Suleiman the Arab, 54
Suliman the Panthay, 264
Sultan of Turkey, 120
Sulu, 32, 36, 40
Sumatra, 32, 36, 54, 57, 65, 75-8,
94, 96, 392
— coolies, 94
— Dutch in, 94
— oil, 146, 149
Summer Palace, 98
Sumptuary laws, 44
Sun, family, 24
Siin-chou Fu, 41
Sihi-tsz, philosopher, 313
Sun Yalrsen, 372, 374, 376, 378,
386
Sung, dynasty of Liu, 27, 392
(the great), 33, 34, 38, 56,
71, 139, 157, 197, 228, 237, 241,
335 {see Manzi)
— the word, 392
— Kiao-j6n, 378
Suomi, 130 («ee Finns)
Suzerainty, 116
Swatow, 56, 98, 110, 223, 392
— river, 223, 224
— trade, 148
Sweden, 117
Switzerland, 119
Swords, 57
— as coins, 43 {see Knife coins)
Sycee, 213
Syndicates, 167, 211, 381
Syr, 23, 292 {see Ts'in, Sina, etc.)
Syria, 22; 23, 55
Syriao, 32, 55, 72
Syrians, 22, 23, 48-9, 77, 106, .
132, 348
System of government, 23, 177-
90
Sz Ch'wan, 3, 9, 23, 60, 197, 202,
229, 248
cotton, 145
East and West differences, 3
opened, 100
salt, 229-31
tribes, 8, 9
Sz-li, 892 {see Syr, Ta-t8*in, eto.)
Sz-nia,^dyna8ty, 25, 392
Digitized by
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INDEX
415
Sz-ma, family, 25
— Ts'ien, historian, 18, 25, 205
Sz-mao, 101, 109, 173 (see Esmok)
Tabriz, 73
Tabu, 183 (eee Social)
Tachibana, M., 77
Tael, 142, 172, 207, 392 {see
Exchange, Currency)
Tagarma, 74
Tai, the race, 29, 140 (see Shan)
Taipings, 41, 106, 200, 203, 225,
227, 228, 245, 248, 260, 305, 392
T'ai-wan, 92, 392
— Fu, 98
T»ai-yuan Fu, 241
Tajiks, 53 (Me Arabs)
Takakusu, M., 76
Takow, 392 {tee T'ai-wan Fu)
Taku, 112, 168, 247, 392
Talas, 64, 66, 67, 73
Tdta9, the, 74
Taleoan, 74
Ta-lien Wan, 105, 110, 167, 392
(Me Dairen, Dalny)
Tamerlane, 78, 135
Tamra («ee Tan-lo)
Tamsui, 80, 98
Tan, 22 (eee Burma)
T'an Yen-k'ai, 262
Tana, 75, 77
T*ang, dsnoasty, 30, 33, 38, 67,
194 339
— " men of," 30, 340, 392
Tang-ch'ang, 392
Tang-hiang, 392
Tangla range, 13
Tangut, 34, 55, 168, 392 (eee Hia
state)
Tan-lo, 391 (eee Quelpaert)
Too, division, 189
TcM, principle, 314
Taoism, 72, 295, 297, 303, 317
Tao-kwang, Emperor, 304
TarbagatJ, 73, 103, 137-8
Tarim River, 55, 59, 128-9, 377
Tarsando, 392 (eee Darohendo, Ta-
tsien-lu)
Tartar, the word, 392
— '* Emperors," 128
— garrisons, 160
— generals, 258, 260
Tartars, 19, 24, 27, 30, 35, 41, 46,
129, 130, 195, 327, 339, 361
(see Mongols, Tobols, Turks,
Tunguses)
Tartary routes, 23
Tashkend, 62, 64, 79, 127, 366, 392
Tashkurgan, 62, 63, 74, 392 (eee
Stone City)
Tata, 136, 197, 392 (see Tartar)
Ta-tsien-lu, 82, 233, 392 («ee
Darchendo)
Ta-Ts'in, 23, 28, 32, 49, 50, 62, 87,
95, 102, 392 (see Syr, Thin,
Romans, Frankis, etc.)
— envoy, 52
— means " Franks," 28
— monastery, 72 (eet Nestorians)
— trade, 49, 62
Ta-tsz, 35, 197, 392 (see Tata,
Man-tst)
Tatungkow, 174
Taugas, or Tau^huxi-sh, 68
Tax-collectors, 209
Taxes, 57, 182 (see Duties, Ltbin,
Revenue)
Taxila, 64
Tazi, or Ta-shih (see Tajiks)
Tchimkend, 64
Tchin, 79 (eee Thin, Sina, Chl-na,
Tzinistan)
Tea, 55, 57, 69, 82, 85, 138, 163,
392
— and Tibet, 3, 57, 159, 233
— •* boihng," 81
— Ceylon, 146, 162
— Indian, 143,146, 162
— Java, 162
— smuggling, 117, 142
— trade, 57, 103, 138, 142-3, 157,
227
Tehran, 73
TS^i-cht (Deutsoh), 99
Telegraphs, 117, 211
Telephonee, 211
Temperance, 288
Temple feasts, 301
Tenduo, 84 (see Kukukhoto,
Kwei-hwa)
Tengri Tagh, 392 (see T'ien-shan)
T'dng-3rueh (see Momein)
Termed, 79
Terranuova, 112
Teutonic tongues, 7
Textile Commission, 145
Thai (see Tai, Shan)
Theodore, Czar, 136
" Thin," State (see Sina, Tzini-
stan, etc.)
" Thirteen Hongs," 98, 141
** Thousand Buddha Grotto," 77
" Thousand Springs," 64
Three Boy Emperors, 248
Tibet, 3, 34, 37, 39, 80, 81, 100, 377
— the word, 393
Digitized by
Google
416
INDEX
Tibetan dynasties, 27, 28
— Expedition of 1904, 82, 101,
370
— highlands, 6 ^'
— inscriptions, 1 1 («ee Ancient)
— language, 31
— trade, 67, 100, 169, 168, 174,
233, 366
— tribes, 8, 9, 14, 19,22
Tibetans, 26, 180
— and Siamese, 69, 139
— Early, 13,21, 139
— first aggression, 31, 32
— in Turkestan, 32, 66
T'ieh-ling, 176
Tien, Kingdom, 6, 222 («ee Yiin
Kan)
Tiennli, faith, 304
Tien-peh, or Tfn-p4k, 89
T'ien-shan, 69, 393 (Me Tengri
Tagh)
Tientsin, 4, 34, 98, 167, 187, 237,
247, 369, 393
— massacre, 99
— river, 247
— trade, 84, 148, 161, 167
area, 4, 84, 168 {see Trade)
— treaty, 98, 142, 247, 299
Tih-hwa Fu (capital of Sin Kiang,
see Urumtsi)
Timber, 167
Ting, Admiral, 270
T*ing-chou Fu, 224
Ting-hai, 227, 393
Titles, changed, 179
— Sale of {see Office)
Titsingh, 93
Toba, dynasty, 24, 26, 28, 34, 61,
62, 129, 133, 393 (Me Wd)
— family, 34
Tobacco, 91, 147, 182, 246 {see
Cigarettes)
Tobar, Pdre, 70
Tobolsk, 103, 136, 136
Tobol-Tartars, 136
Toctamish 136
Tokhara, 64, 68-9, 77
Tokmak, 64
Tokto, 236
Tokyo, 393
Tola, river, 73, 80, 131
Tomsk, 136
Tonic languages, 19, 363, 360
Tonquin, 8, 21, 23, 67, 86, 107,
172, 266, 366, 393
Tore, river, 86
Tortoise-shell, 42
— inscriptions, 343 {see Bone)
Torture, 283, 317, 318, 326
Touch,of silver, 213
Tourane, 67, 173
Toumon, Mgr., 118
Toys, 147
Trade areas, 3, 12, 34, 168
— border, 128
— early, 23, 42, 128
— modern, 141-76
— prohibitions, 89
— routes, 32, 67-86, 161
— Transhipment, 166, 160, 162,
172
Traders, Chinese as, 291
— disqualifications of, 63
Trading missions^ 139
Transfer fees, 182
Transit-passes, 163, 249 {see LiHn)
Treason, 336
Treasurer, Provincial, 179
Treasmy, 207 {see Fisc, Alrwitim)
Treaties {see Table, pp. 122-6)
— with Austria, 119
Belgium, 113
Brazil, 120
Congo State, 120
Corea, 116
Denmark, 11.7
EngUnd, 98, 100, 101, 106,
100, 114, 142, 144, 247, 299
France, 98, 106-8
Qermany, 110, 381
Holland, 94
Italy, 119
Japan, 116, 116, 261
Mexico, 120
Norway, 120
Peru, 119
PcMTtugal, 89, 114
Prussia, 109
Russia, 98, 103, 106, 138,
366
Spain, 117
Sweden, 120
United States, 112, 161
Treaty-ports, 100, 142, 189
— forty-seven, 176
TrebiKond, 67, 77
Tribes, distribution of, 7, 24, 183;
203
Tribute, 26, 29, 36, 42, 46, 66^
100, 136-6, 139-40
** Tribute" from Europeano, 93,
100, 118
Tripartite China, 24
Triumvirate, andent, 17 (see
Duumvirate)
Ts'ai Ao, 386
Digitized by
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INDEX
417
Taaidam, 81» $93
Ts'an^hing Yiian, 380 {see Par-
liament)
Ta'an-i TOan, 374, 377 («ee Par-
liament)
Ta^ang Chou, 239
TB*ao family and dynasty, 24 («ee
Wei)
Ts'dn Ch'un-huan, 386 («ee
"Shum")
Tsdng Kwoh-fan, 246, 305
Ta§ng, Marque68» 246, 805, 365-6
Ts'i dynasty (Chinese), 27
(Tartar), 27
— kingdom, 5, 43, 238
Tsi-nan Fu, 170, 175
THang-hUn, 180, 257
Tsin dynasty, 24, 33
Ts'in dynasty, 18, 19, 24, 43
Ts'in *' Great," 23, 392 (aee Ta-
tp'in)
Ts*in people, 23 (see Sjrr, Syrians)
Ts'in- wang Tao, 168, 393
Ts'ing-tao, 170, 381 (aee Kiau
Chou)
Tsitsihar, 85, 127, 175 (see Hdh-
lung E^iang)
Taoling, 258 (see Niuru)
Tso Tsung-t'ang, 81
Ts*iian-chou Pu, 32, 55, 70, 71,
74, 88, 89 {see Zaitun)
Tsung-li Yamdn, 393 {see Boards)
Tsung-shih, 273
Tsuruhaitu, 84
Tsushima, or Tui-ma, 393
TsZ'cMng YUan, 373
TuhkUn, 179, 251
TuUshdn, 103
T'umu, 36, 393
Tunguses, 30, 39, 47, 128, 165, 181
Tungosio dynasties, 24-9, 240
— races, 23, 128-30, 165
Timguz, the word, 393
Tmi-hwang, 23, 63, 73, 77, 191
T*ung-kiang-taE, 175
Tung-kwan dty, 223, 393
T'ung-kwan Pass, 10
Tung-ming Hwei, 376 {see Kwoh-
min Tang)
Tung-t*ing Lake, 10, 19, 163, 393
Turanians, 19, 136
Turfan, 59, 64, 78, 79, 83
Tiirg&s, 64, 132
Turguts, 103, 389 (see Kalmucks)
Tiirk, the word, 29, 130, 393
Turkestan, 1, 2, 21, 32, 34, 37, 51,
129, 139, 269, 365, 377 {see
Sin Kiang)
Turkestan becomes Tibetan, 32,
55
Turki, 180
Turkish dynasties, 38, 193, 240
— language, 29, 31 {see Ancient)
— monuments, 31
Turko-Tartars, 14
Turks, 21, 29, 54, 64, 120, 128
— •! Turkey, 121
— Central, Eastern, or Northern,
04, 132
— subdued, 30
— Western, 30, 53, 64, 67, 68,
132 {see Dizabul)
Tutuh, 251, 253, 268 (see Ifilitary
Qovemors)
Tui^ung, 180, 257
Twan K*i-jwei, 386
Twelve Tables, 315 {see Roman
parallels)
Two Ch6h, 197, 226
Two Hu, 229 {see Hu Kwang)
— Hwai, 227
— Kiang, 229
— Kwang, 13, 108,228
Tycoon, 393 {see ShSgnn)
Tzinistan, 63, 79 {see Tohin,
Thin, etc.)
Uliassutai, 70, 81, 84, 127, 137,
235, 393
UmbreUas, 147
United League, 376-7 {see T*ung-
tning)
United States {see America)
Universities, 164, 176, 383
Upper Burma, taken, 100 {see
Burma)
Urga, 84, 127, 132, 180, 387, 390,
393 {see K'ulnn)
Uriangkha, 38, 393
— dai, 38
Uriankhai, 389, 393
Uruguay, 121
Urumtsi, 59, 73
Usbegs, 82
Ush, 83
Ussuri, 98, 103, 138
[tne, 6
Valle
Van Braam, 94
Van Hoorn, 93
Vandals, 129
Vasco de Gama, 75
Vassal China, 314 {see Feudal)
Vasudeva, 47 {see Indo-Soythians)
Verbiest, S.J., 95
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418
INDEX
Vial, Pdre, 8
Viceroys, 178
— " Three Good," 187, 211, 242,
255, 206, 268, 369
Vissidre, Prof. A., 269
Vladivostook, 105, 170. 393
Voguls, 136
Volga. 73, 103
Voluntary ports, 150. 168, 171,
174
Wa (see Wo)
Wade, Sir T., 117, 175, 247, 249,
256
Waggons, 61. 66, 73 {see Carts,
High Carts)
Wahab, the Arab, 67
Wakhan, 60
WaU, 103, 136. 389 {tee Eleuth)
WaU. the Great, 14, 84, 180.
236
Walled cities. 15. 184, 317
Wallenberg. Count, 120
Wan Men, 159
Wang-hia Treaty. 1 1 2
Wangpoo River (Shanghai), 393
War («ee Japan, Russia, " Boxers,"
France)
War, Our First, 96. 112
Second, 94. 98. 103. 106-7,
109. 112. 141, 146
Ward, Artemus. 183
Warrants. 187
— salt. 231, 237
Washington Treaty, 112
Wassili. 134
Waterways. 233 {see Routes)
Wax. 159
Wealth. 6. 45. 282
Wei, Chinese dynasty, 24, 393
{see Ts*ao)
— Tartar dynasty, 27, 393 {see
Toba)
— River, 391 {see Oeoh, Oxus)
(Ho Nan and Chih Li), 236,
393
(in Shen Si), 4, 10, 14, 76,
230, 241, 393
Wei-hai Wei, 101, 110, 111, 171,
366. 393
Wei-hwei Fu, 236
Wei Kwang-t*ao. 241
Wei Yang. 317
Weights and Measures. 251, 346
Wells, salt, 222. 228. 231. 238
Wfinchow. 22, 42, 157, 197, 225
West. Far. 23. 59 {see Europeans)
Western Ocean Men. 90, 94, 102
{see Portugal)
West River, 13, 21, 61, 83, 100
{see Canton, Si Kiang. Pearl,
etc.)
Valley, 222 {se^ Drainage)
Whampoa, 106. 112. 141. 393-4
White Czar, 126
— Lily Sect, 300 {see Secret
Societies)
— Ocean Faith, 305
— races, 126
William or Wilhelm H, 104, 367,
381 {see Kaiser)
WilHams, Dr. S. W., 131, 141
Wine {see Spirits)
Wireless, 86
Wirth, Albert, 135
Witte, Count, 207
Wives, Chinese, 284
— Tartar, 46
Wisardnr, 328
Wo or Wa tribes, 20, 394
Women, 44, 46, 141, 285-6,
29^7, 327. 335. 336. 377, 384
Women's dress, 147, 286
Wonsan, 394 {see Genzan, Yiian-
shan)
Wood, Lieut., 79
Wool, 167, 169
Woollens, 142
Worship of Heaven, 381
Writing, Ancient, 344
— ignorance of, 328
Written systems, 8, 10
Wu, Empire of, 24, 52
— Kingdom of, 222
Wu-ch'ang Fu, 52, 229, 865, 372
{see Hankow)
Wu-chou Fu, 13, 100, 155, 173
Wuhu, 100, 164. 394
Wu San-kwei, 39, 234
Wusun, tribe, 134
WuTi, 21, 22, 44, 69, 82, 223, 325,
389
— his conquests, 23 {see Han
WuTi)
Wu T'ing-fang (Ng Choy), 341,
386
WyUe, Alex., 76
Xavier, St. Francis, 87
Ya-chouFu, 57. 159.233
Yaksa. 103, 138
Yakub Beg, 81, 104, 264
YaU River, 85
YamAns, 187, 189, 219, 260, 394
Yangohow, 229, 246
' YangKien, 28
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INDEX
419
Yang Ti, 28, 53
Yang-tsze River, course of, 161,
226
defences, 379
— gorges, 169, 231
— navigation, 12
—.sources, 12, 161
— Upper, 24, 69, 390 {see Kin-sha)
— Valley, 3, 6, 12,231
— word, the, 394
Yao taoiai, 245
— tribes, 7
Yards, salt, 230
Yarkand, 59. 62, 74, 79
Yarmak, 136
Yam, Chinese, 159 {see Cotton)
— Indian, 146
— Japanese, 145, 168
Yatung, or Gnatong, 174
Year, Chinese, 374
Yeddo, or Yedo, Treaty, 116, 394
{aee Lord Elgin)
Yeh, Viceroy, 98
Yellow Czar, 137
— races, 126, 236
— River, 4, 161, 195, 208, 211, 236
Bend or Loop, 19, 34, 84, 127
cradle of Chinese race, 4, 236
mouths, 4, 10
navigation, 1 1
sources, 10, 69, 82, 161
vagaries, 237, 250
YeliiHiUang, 73
Yenissei River, 136
Yezdedgerd, 68
Yin Shan, 14, 394
Ting (camp), 269
Yodjana, 61
Yoh-fah (of 200 B.C. and a.d.
1912), 321, 376
Yii, Emperor, 16
Yiian, dynasty, 38 (see Kublai)
— River, 6
— K'6h-ting, 382
Yiian-Kung P'u, 394
Yuan-shan, 394 {»ee Wonsan,
Genzan)
Yiian Shi-k'ai, 146, 167, 181, 186,
187, 219, 244. 257, 265, 268, 292
{see " Three Good Viceroys ")
dismissed, 268, 371
Emergency President, 374
" Emperor," 384
involved with Emperor, 368
Permanent President, 374
recalled, 372
Yiieban, 131, 134
Yiieh, 19, 21-3, 42. 101, 222
— the Two, 5. 21. 22 {see South)
Yiieh-chi, 64, 134
— Fu, 66
Yugurs, 136
Yule, Colonel, 68
Yun Nan, 3, 8, 12, 22-4, 34, 48,
60, 83, 99, 107, 172, 174, 196,
203, 224, 233, 298 {see Tien)
conquered, 34
explored, 107
independent, 386
Yiin-nan Fu, 86, 108, 109, 174
— opium, 247
— trade. 166, 172-3
— tribes, 8
Yung-ch*ang Fu, 62
Zafar, 76 {see Djafar)
Zagros, Mts., 61
Zaitun. 32, 56, 71, 74, 77, 96, 156,
197 {see Chang-chou andTs*iian-
ohou)
Zanuj, 76
Zanzibar, 67. 71. 76, 394
Zemarchus, 64, 66, 67
Zend-Avesta, 61
Zi, Paul {see Frontispiece)
Zoroastrians, 67 («e6 Persians)
Zuider Zee, 11, 228, 394
29
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