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THE FOLLOWING WORKS HAVE ALREADY APPEARED:
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ESSAYS ON THE SACRED LANGUAGE, WRITINGS,
AND RELIGION OF THE PARSIS.
BY MARTIN HAUG, PH.D.,
Late of the Universities of Tiibingen, Gottingen, and Bonn ; Superintendent
of Sanskrit Studies, and Professor of Sanskrit in the Poona College.
EDITED AND ENLAKGED BY DR. E. W. WEST.
To which is added a Biographical Memoir of the late Dr. HAUG
by Prof. E. P. EVANS.
I. History of the Researches into the Sacred Writings and Religion of the
Parsis, from the Earliest Times down to the Present.
II. Languages of the Parsi Scriptures.
III. The Zend-Avesta, or the Scripture of the Par#is.
IV. The Zoroastrian Religion, as to its Origin and Development.
" Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings, and Religion of the Parsis, by the
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TEXTS FROM THE BUDDHIST CANON
COMMONLY KNOWN AS " DHAMMAPADA."
With Accompanying Narratives.
Translated from the Chinese by S. BEAL, B.A., Professor of Chinese,
University College, London.
The Dhammapada, as hitherto known by the Pali Text Edition, as edited
by Fausboll, by Max Miiller s English, and Albrecht Weber s German
translations, consists only of twenty-six chapters or sections, whilst the
Chinese version, or rather recension, as now translated by Mr. Beal, con
sists of thirty-nine sections. The students of Pali who possess Fausboll s
text, or either of the above-named translations, will therefore needs want
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named additional sections not being accessible to them in any other form ;
for, even if they understand Chinese, the Chinese original would be un
obtainable by them.
"Mr. Beal s i-endering of the Chinese translation is a most valuable aid to the
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Buddha. Their great interest, however, consists in the light which they throw upon
everyday life in India at the remote period at which they were written, and upon
the method of teaching adopted by the founder of the religion. The method
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the minds of millions of people, make them a very remarkable study." Times.
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professed by 145 millions, who have overlaid its austere simplicity with innumerable
ceremonies, forgotten its maxims, perverted its teaching, and so inverted its leading
principle that a religion whose founder denied a God, now worships that founder as
a god himself." Scotsman.
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THE INDIAN EMPIEE :
ITS PEOPLE, HISTORY, AND PRODUCTS.
By the HON. SIR W. W. HUNTER, K.C.S.I., C.S.I., C.I.E., LL.D.,
Member of the Viceroy s Legislative Council,
Director-General of Statistics to the Government of India.
Being a Kevised Edition, brought up to date, and incorporating the general
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THE HISTORY OF INDIAN LITERATURE.
BY ALBRECHT WEBER.
Translated from the Second German Edition by JOHN MANN, M.A., and
THEODOR ZACHARIAE, Ph.D., with the sanction of the Author.
Dr. BUHLER, Inspector of Schools in India, writes: " When I was Pro
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A SKETCH OF
THE MODERN LANGUAGES OF THE EAST INDIES.
BY ROBERT N. COST.
The Author has attempted to fill up a vacuum, the inconvenience of
which pressed itself on his notice. Much had been written about the
languages of the East Indies, but the extent of our present knowledge had
iiot even been brought to a focus. It occurred to him that it might be of
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for his own edification.
" Supplies a deficiency which has long been felt." Times.
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Second Corrected Edition, post 8vo, pp. xii. 116, cloth, price 53.
THE BIRTH OF THE WAR-GOD.
A Poem. BY KALIDASA.
Translated from the Sanskrit into English Verse by
RALPH T. H. GRIFFITH, M.A.
" A very spirited rendei ing of the Kumdrasambhava, which was first published
twenty-six years ago, and which we are glad to see made once more accessible."
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A CLASSICAL DICTIONARY OF HINDU MYTHOLOGY
AND RELIGION, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, AND
LITERATURE.
BY JOHN DOWSON, M.R.A.S.,
Late Professor of Hindustani, Staff College.
" This not only forms an indispensable book of reference to students of Indian
literature, but is also of great general interest, as it gives in a concise and easily
accessible form all that need be known about the personages of Hindu mythology
whose names are so familiar, but of whom so little is known outside the limited
circle of savants." Times.
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n new editions detract but little from the general excellence of Mr. Dowson s work."
Saturday Review. _
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SELECTIONS FROM THE KORAN.
BY EDWARD WILLIAM LANE,
Translator of " The Thousand and One Nights ; " &c., &c.
A New Edition, Revised and Enlarged, with an Introduction by
STANLEY LANE POOLE.
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man, Calcutta. __
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MODERN INDIA AND THE INDIANS,
BEING A SERIES OF IMPRESSIONS, NOTES, AND ESSAYS.
BY MONIER WILLIAMS, D.C.L.,
Hon. LL.D. of the University of Calcutta, Hon. Member of the Bombay Asiatic
Society, Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford.
Third Edition, revised and augmented by considerable Additions,
with Illustrations and a Map.
" In this volume we have the thoughtful impressions of a thoughtful man on some
of the most important questions connected witli our Indian Empire. . . . An en
lightened observant man, travelling among an enlightened observant people, Professor
Monier Williams has brought before the public in a pleasant form more of the manners
and customs of the Queen s Indian subjects than we ever remember to have seen in
any one work. He not only deserves the thanks of every Englishman for this able
contribution to the study of Modern India a subject with which we should be
specially familiar but he deserves the thanks of every Indian, Parsee or Hindu.
Buddhist and Moslem, for his clear exposition of their manners, their creeds, and
their necessities." Times.
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METRICAL TRANSLATIONS FROM SANSKRIT
WRITERS.
With an Introduction, many Prose Versions, and Parallel Passages from
Classical Authors.
BY J. MUIR, C.I.E., D.C.L., LL.D., Ph.D.
"... An agreeable introduction to Hindu poetry." Times.
"... A volume which may be taken as a fair illustration alike of the religious
at id moral sentiments and of the legendary lore of the best Sanskrit writers."
Edinburgh Daily Review.
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THE GULISTAN;
OB, ROSE GARDEN OF SHEKH MUSHLIU D-DIN SADI OF SHIRAZ.
Translated for the First Time into Prose and Verse, with an Introductory
Preface, and a Life of the Author, from the Atish Kadah,
BY EDWARD B. EASTWICK, C.B., M.A., F.R.S., M.R.A.S.
" It is a very fair rendering of the original." Times.
" The new edition has long been desired, and will be welcomed by all who take
any interest in Oriental poetry. The Gulistan is a typical Persian verse-book of the
highest order. Mr. Eastwick s rhymed translation . . . has long established itself in
u secure position as the best version of Sadi s finest work." Academy.
" It is both faithfully and gracefully executed." Tablet.
In Two Volumes, post 8vo, pp. viii. 408 and viii. 348, cloth, price 283.
MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS RELATING TO INDIAN
SUBJECTS.
Br BRIAN HOUGHTON HODGSON, ESQ., F.R.S.,
Late of the Bengal Civil Service ; Corresponding Member of the Institute ; Chevalier
of the Legion of Honour ; late British Minister at the Court of Nepal, &c., &c.
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
SECTION I. On the Kocch, Bodo, and Dhimal Tribes. Part I. Vocabulary.
Part II. Grammar. Part III. Their Origin, Location, Numbers, Creed, Customs,
Character, and Condition, with a General Description of the Climate they dwell in
Appendix.
SECTION II. On Himalayan Ethnology. I. Comparative Vocabulary of the Lan
guages of the Broken Tribes of Ne pal. II. Vocabulary of the Dialects of the Kirant
Language. III. Grammatical Analysis of the Vayu Language. The Vayu Grammar.
IV. Analysis of the Bahing Dialect of the Kiranti language. The Balling Gram
mar. V. On the Vayu or Hayu Tribe of the Central Himalaya. VI. On tne Kiranti
Tribe of the Central Himalaya.
CONTENTS OF VOL. II.
SECTION III. On the Aborigines of North-Eastern India. Comparative Vocabulary
of the Tibetan, Bodo, and Garo Tongues.
SECTION IV. Aborigines of the North-Eastern Frontier.
SECTION V. Aborigines of the Eastern Frontier.
SECTION VI. The Indo-Chinese Borderers, and their connection with the Hima-
layans and Tibetans. Comparative Vocabulary of Indo-Chinese Borderers in Arakan.
Comparative Vocabulary of Indo-Chinese Borderers in Tenasserim.
SECTION VII. The Mongolian Affinities of the Caucasians. Comparison and Ana
lysis of Caucasian and Mongolian Words.
SECTION VIII. Physical Type of Tibetans.
SECTION IX. The Aborigines of Central India. Comparative Vocabulary of the
Aboriginal Languages of Central India. Aborigines of the Eastern Ghats. Vocabu
lary of some of the Dialects of the Hill and Wandering Tribes in the Northern Sircars.
Aborigines of the Nilgiris, with Remarks on their Affinities. Supplement to the
Nilgirian Vocabularies. The Aborigines of Southern India and Ceylon.
SECTION X. Route of Nepalese Mission to Pekin, with Remarks on the Water-
Shed and Plateau of Tibet.
SECTION XL Route from Kathmandu, the Capital of Nepal, to Darjeeling in
Sikim. Memorandum relative to the Seven Cosis of Nepal.
SECTION XII. Some Accounts of the Systems of Law and Police as recognised in
the State of Nepal.
SECTION XIII. The Native Method of making the Paper denominated Hindustan,
Nepalese.
SECTION XIV. Pre-eminence of the Vernaculars ; or, the Anglicists Answered ;
Being Letters on the Education of the People of India.
" For the study of the less-known races of India Mr. Brian Hodgson s Miscellane
ous Essays will be found very valuable both to the philologist and the ethnologist."
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THE LIFE OR LEGEND OF GAUDAMA,
THE BUDDHA OF THE BURMESE. With Annotations.
The Ways to Neibban, and Notice on the Phongyies or Burmese Monks.
BY THE RIGHT REV. P. BIGANDET,
Bishop of Ramatha, Vicar- Apostolic of Ava and Pegu.
"The work is furnished with copious notes, wnich not only illustrate the subject-
matter, but form a perfect encyclopaedia of Buddhist lore." Times.
"A work which will furnish European students of Buddhism with a most valuable
help in the prosecution of their investigations." Edinburgh Daily Review.
" Bishop Bigandet s invaluable work." Indian Antiquary.
" Viewed in this light, its importance is sufficient to place students of the subject
under a deep obligation to its author." Calcutta Review.
"This work is one of the greatest authorities upon Buddhism." Dublin Review.
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CHINESE BUDDHISM.
A VOLUME OF SKETCHES, HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL.
BY J. EDKINS, D.D.
Author of "China s Place in Philology," "Religion in China," &c., &c.
"It contains a vast deal of important information on the subject, such as is only
to be gained by long-continued study on the spot." Athenceum.
" Upon the whole, we know of no work comparable to it for the extent of its
original research, and the simplicity with which this complicated system of philo
sophy, religion, literature, and ritual is set forth." British Quarterly Review.
" The whole volume is replete with learning. ... It deserves most careful study
from all interested in the history of the religions of the world, and expressly of those
who are concerned in the propagation of Christianity. Dr. Edkins notices in terms
of just condemnation the exaggerated praise bestowed upon Buddhism by recent
English writers." Record.
Post 8vo, pp. 496, cloth, price xos. 6d.
LINGUISTIC AND ORIENTAL ESSAYS.
WRITTEN FROM THE YEAR 1846 TO 1878.
BY ROBERT NEEDHAM GUST,
Late Member of Her Majesty s Indian Civil Service ; Hon. Secretary to
the Royal Asiatic Society;
and Author of " The Modern Languages of the East Indies."
"We know none who has described Indian life, especially the life of the natives,
with so much learning, sympathy, and literary talent." Academy.
" They seem to us to be full of suggestive and original remarks." --Si. James s Gazette.
" His book contains a vast amount of information. The result of thirty-five years
of inquiry, reflection, and speculation, and that on subjects as full of fascination as
of food for thought." Tablet.
" Exhibit such a thorough acquaintance with the history and antiquities of India
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BUDDHIST BIRTH STORIES; or, Jataka Tales.
The Oldest Collection of Folk-lore Extant :
BEING THE JATAKATTHAVANNANA,
For the first time Edited in the original Pali.
BY V. FAUSBOLL ;
And Translated by T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.
Translation. Volume I.
"These are tales supposed to have been told by the Buddha of what he had seen
and heard in his previous births. They are probably the nearest representatives
of the original Aryan stories from which sprang the folk-lore of Europe as well as
India. The introduction contains a most interesting disquisition on the migrations
of these fables, tracing their reappearance in the various groups of folk-lore legends.
Among other old friends, we meet with a version of the Judgment of Solomon. " Times.
" It is now some years since Mr. Rhys Davids asserted his right to be heard on
this subject by his able article on Buddhism in the new edition of the Encyclopasdia
Britannica. " Leeds Mercury.
"All who are interested in Buddhist literature ought to feel deeply indebted to
Mr. Rhys Davids. His well-established reputation as a Pali scholar is a sufficient
guarantee for the fidelity of his version, and the styio of his translations is deserving
of high praise." Academy.
" No more competent expositor of Buddhism could be found than Mr. Rhys Davids.
In the Jfitaka book we have, then, a priceless record of the earliest imaginative
literature of our race ; and ... it presents to us a nearly complete picture of the
social life and customs and popular beliefs of the common people of Aryan tribes,
closely related to ourselves, just as they were passing through the first stages of
civilisation. "St. James s Gazette.
Post 8vo, pp. xxviii. -362, cloth, price 143.
A TALMUDIC MISCELLANY;
OR, A THOUSAND AND ONE EXTRACTS FKOM THE TALMUD,
THE MIDRASHIM, AND THE KABBALAH.
Compiled and Translated by PAUL ISAAC HERSHON,
Author of " Genesis According to the Talmud," &c.
With Notes and Copious Indexes.
" To obtain in so concise and handy a form as this volume a general idea of the
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and indifferent, and especially extracts that throw light upon the Scriptures."
British Quarterly Review.
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Talmud than any other work that has yet appeared." Daily News.
" Without overlooking in the slightest the several attractions of the previous
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them all in interest." Edinburgh Daily Review.
" Mr. Hershon has . . . thus given English readers what is, we believe, a fair set
of specimens which they can test for themselves." The Record.
" This book is by far the best fitted in the present state of knowledge to enable the
general reader to gain a fair and unbiassed conception of the multifarious contents
of the wonderful miscellany which can only be truly understood so Jewish pride
asserts by the life-long devotion of scholars of the Chosen People." Inquirer.
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extract is given in its pages but throws some light, direct or refracted, upon thoso
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THE CLASSICAL POETRY OF THE JAPANESE.
BY BASIL HALL CHAMBERLAIN,
Author of " Yeigo Henkaku Shiran."
" A very curious volume. The author has manifestly devoted much labour to the
task of studying the poetical literature of the Japanese, and rendering characteristic
specimens into English verse. " Daily News.
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the classical poetry of Old Japan that we must turn for indigenous Japanese thought,
and in the volume before us we have a selection from that poetry rendered into
graceful English verse." Tablet.
"It is undoubtedly one of the best translations of lyric literature which has
appeared during the close of the last year." Celestial Empire.
"Mr. Chamberlain set himself a difficult task when he undertook to reproduce
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his efforts are successful to a degree." London and China Express.
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THE HISTORY OF ESARHADDON (Son of Sennacherib),
KING OF ASSYRIA, B.C. 681-668.
Translated from the Cuneiform Inscriptions upon Cylinders and Tablets in
the British Museum Collection ; together with a Grammatical Analysis
of each Word, Explanations of the Ideographs by Extracts from the
Bi-Lingual Syllabaries, and List of Eponyms, &c.
Br ERNEST A. BUDGE, B.A., M.R.A.S.,
Assyrian Exhibitioner, Christ s College, Cambridge.
11 Students of scriptural archaeology will also appreciate the History of Esar-
haddon. " Times.
" There is much to attract the scholar in this volume. It does not pretend to
popularise studies which are yet in their infancy. Its primary object is to translate,
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controlling its results." Academy.
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THE MESNEVI
(Usually known as THE MESNEVIYI SHERIF, or HOLY MESNEVI)
OF
MEVLANA (OUR LORD) JELALU D-DIN MUHAMMED ER-RUMI.
Book the First.
Together with some Account of the Life and Acts of the Author,
of his Ancestors, and of his Descendants.
Illustrated by a Selection of Characteristic Anecdotes, as Collected
by their Historian,
MEVLANA SHEMSU- D-DIN AHMED, EL EFLAKI, EL ARIFI.
Translated, and the Poetry Versified, in English,
BY JAMES W. REDHOUSE, M.R.A.S., &c.
" A complete treasury of occult Oriental lore." Saturday Review.
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desirous of obtaining an insight into a very important department of the literature
extant in that language." Tablet.
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EASTERN PROVERBS AND EMBLEMS
ILLUSTRATING OLD TRUTHS.
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INDIAN POETRY;
Containing a New Edition of the "Indian Song of Songs," from the Sanscrit
of the "Gita Goviuda" of Jayadeva ; Two Books from "The Iliad of
India" (Mahabharata), "Proverbial Wisdom " from the Shlokas of the
Hitopadesa, and other Oriental Poems.
BY EDWIN ARNOLD, C.S.I., Author of "The Light of Asia."
" In this new volume of Messrs. Triibiier s Oriental Series, Mr. Edwin Arnold does
good service by illustrating, through the medium of his musical English melodies,
the power of Indian poetry to stir European emotions. The Indian Song of Songs
is not unknown to scholars. Mr. Arnold will have introduced it among popular
English poems. Nothing could be more graceful and delicate than the shades by
which Krishna is portrayed in the gradual process of being weaned by the love of
Beautiful Radha, jasmine-bosomed Hadha,
from the allurements of the forest nymphs, in whom the five senses are typified."
Times.
" No other English poet lias ever thrown his genius and his art so thoroughly into
the work of translating Eastern ideas as Mr. Arnold has done in his splendid para
phrases of language contained in these mighty epics." Daily Telegraph.
" The poem abounds with imagery of Eastern luxuriousness and sensuousnt ss ; the
air seems laden with the spicy odours of the tropics, and the verse has a richness and
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" The translator, while producing a very enjoyable poem, has adhered with toler
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"We certainly wish Mr. Arnold success in his attempt to popularise Indian
classics, that being, as his preface tells us, the goal towards which he bends his
efforts." Allen s Indian Mail.
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THE MIND OF MENCIUS ;
OR, POLITICAL ECONOMY FOUNDED UPON MORAL
PHILOSOPHY.
A SYSTEMATIC DIGEST OF THE DOCTRINES OP THE CHINESE PHILOSOPHER
MENCIUS.
Translated from the Original Text and Classified, with
Comments and Explanations,
By the REV. ERNST FABER, Rhenish Mission Society.
Translated from the German, with Additional Notes,
By the REV. A. B. HUTCHINSON, C. M.S., Church Mission, Hong Kong.
" Mr. Paber is already well known in the field of Chinese studies by his digest of
the doctrines of Confucius. The value of this work will be perceived when it is
remembered that at no time since relations commenced between China and the
West has the former been so powerful we had almost said aggressive as now.
For those who will give it careful study, Mr. Faber s work is one of the most
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A 2
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THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA.
BY A. EARTH.
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HINDU PHILOSOPHY.
THE SANKHYA KARIKA OF IS WARA KRISHNA.
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A MANUAL OF HINDU PANTHEISM. VEDANTASARA,
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A COMPARATIVE HISTORY OF THE EGYPTIAN AND
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THE SARVA-DARSANA-SAMGRAHA;
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TIBETAN TALES DERIVED FROM INDIAN SOURCES.
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UDANAVARGA.
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BEING THE NOETHEEN BUDDHIST VEESION OF DHAMMAPADA.
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OUTLINES OF THE HISTORY OF RELIGION TO THE
SPREAD OF THE UNIVERSAL RELIGIONS.
BY C. P. TIELE,
Doctor of Theology, Professor of the History of Eeligions in the
University of Leyden.
Translated from the Dutch by J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, M.A.
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A HISTORY OF BURMA.
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BY LIEUT. -GEN. SIR ARTHUR P. PHAYRE, G.C.M.G., K. C.S.I., and C.B.,
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de France.
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RELIGION IN CHINA.
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People.
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THE LIFE OF THE BUDDHA AND THE EARLY
HISTORY OF HIS ORDER.
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Followed by notices on the Early History of Tibet and Khoten.
Translated by W. W. ROCKHILL, Second Secretary U. S. Legation in China.
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rities." Daily News.
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THE SANKHYA APHORISMS OF KAPILA,
With Illustrative Extracts from the Commentaries.
Translated by J. R. BALLANTYNE, LL.D., late Principal of the Benares
College.
Edited by FITZEDWARD HALL.
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BUDDHIST RECORDS OF THE WESTERN WORLD,
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BY SAMUEL BEAL, B.A.,
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THE ORDINANCES OF MANU.
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Completed and Edited by E. W. HOPKINS, Ph.D.,
of Columbia College, N.Y.
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THE LIFE AND WORKS OF ALEXANDER
CSOMA DE KOROS,
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MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS RELATING TO
INDO-CHINA.
Reprinted from " Dalrymple s Oriental Repertory," "Asiatic Researches,"
and the "Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal."
CONTENTS OF VOL. I.
I. Some Accounts of Quedah. By Michael Topping.
II. Report made to the Chief and Council of Balambangan, by Lieut. James
Barton, of his several Surveys.
III. Substance of a Letter to the Court of Directors from Mr. John Jesse, dated
July 20, 1775, at Borneo Proper.
IV. Formation of the Establishment of Poolo Peenang.
V. The Gold of Limong. By John Macdonald.
VI. On Three Natural Productions of Sumatra. By John Macdonald.
VII On the Traces of the Hindu Language and Literature extant amongst the
Malays. By William Marsden.
VIII. Some Account of the Elastic Gum Vine of Prince-Wales Island. By James
Howison.
IX. A Botanical Description of Urceola Elastica, or Caoutchouc Vine of Sumatra
and Pulo-Pinang. By William Roxburgh, M.D.
X. An Account of the Inhabitants of the Foggy, or Nassau Islands, lying off
Sumatra. By John Crisp.
XI. Remarks on the Species of Pepper which are found on Prince- Wales Island.
By William Hunter, M.D.
XII. On the Languages and Literature of the Indo-Chinese Nations. By J.
Leyden, M.D.
XIII. Some Account of an Orang-Outang of remarkable height found on the Island
of Sumatra. By Clarke Abel, M.D.
XIV. Observations on the Geological Appearances and General Features of Por
tions of the Malayan Peninsula. By Captain James Low.
XV. Short Sketch of the Geology of Pulo-Pinang and the Neighbouring Islands.
By T. Ware.
XVI. Climate of Singapore.
XVII. Inscription on the Jetty at Singapore.
XVIII. Extract of a Letter from Colonel J. Low.
XIX. Inscription at Singapore.
XX. An Account of Several Inscriptions found in Province Wellesley. By Lieut .-
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XXI. Note on the Inscriptions from Singapore and Province Wellesley. By J. W.
Laidlay.
XXII. On an Inscription from Keddah. By Lieut.-Col. Low.
XXIII. A Notice of the Alphabets of the Philippine Islands.
XXIV. Succinct Review of the Observations of the Tides in the Indian Archipelago.
XXV. Report on the Tin of the Province of Mergui. By Capt. G. B. Tremenheere.
XXVI. Report on the Manganese of Mergui Province. By Capt. G. B. Tremeuheere.
XXVII. Paragraphs to be added to Capt. G. B. Tremenheere s Report.
XXVIII. Second Report on the Tin of Mergui. By Capt. G. B. Tremenheere.
XXIX. Analysis of Iron Ores from Tavoy and Mergui, and of Limestone from
Mergui. By Dr. A. Ure.
XXX. Report of a Visit to the Pakchan River, and of some Tin Localities in tho
Southern Portion of the Tenasserim Provinces. By Capt. G. B. Tremenheere.
XXXI Report on a Route from the Mouth of the Pakchan to Krau, and thence
across the Isthmus of Krau to the Gulf of Siam. By Capt. Al. Fraser and Capt. J. G.
Forlong.
XXXII. Report, &c. , from Capt. G. B. Tremenheere on the Price of Mergui Tin Ore.
XXXIII. Remarks on the Different Species of Orang-utan. By E. Blyth.
XXXIV. Further Remarks. By E. Blyth.
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XXXV. Catalogue of Mammalia inhabiting the Malayan Peninsula and Islands.
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XXXVI. On the Local and Relative Geology of Singapore. By J. R. Logan.
XXXVII. Catalogue of Reptiles inhabiting the Malayan Peninsula and Islands.
By Theodore Cantor, M.D.
XXXVIII. Some Account of the Botanical Collection brought from the Eastward,
in 1841, by Dr. Cantor. By the late W. Griffith.
XXXIX. On the Flat-Horned Taurine Cattle of S.E. Asia. By E. Blyth.
XL. Note, by Major-General G. B. Tremenheere.
General Index.
Index of Vernacular Terms.
Index of Zoological Genera and Sub-Genera occurring in Vol. II.
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THE SATAKAS OF BHARTRIHARI.
Translated from the Sanskrit
By the REV. B. HALE WORTHAM, M.R.A.S.,
Rector of Eggesford, North Devon.
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ANCIENT PROVERBS AND MAXIMS FROM BURMESE
SOURCES ;
OR, THE NITI LITERATURE OF BURMA.
BY JAMES GRAY,
Author of "Elements of Pali Grammar," "Translation of the
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MASNAVI I MA NAVI:
THE SPIRITUAL COUPLETS OP MAULANA JALALU- D-DIN
MUHAMMAD I RUMI.
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MANAVA-DHARMA-CASTRA:
THE CODE OF MANU.
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BY J. JOLLY, Ph.D.,
Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Wurzburg ; late Tagore Professor
of Law in the University of Calcutta.
The date assigned by Sir William Jones to this Code the well-known
Great Law Book of the Hindus is 1250-500 B.C., although the rules and
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many years past, and it is believed, therefore, that Prof. Jolly s work will
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LEAVES FROM MY CHINESE SCRAP-BOOK.
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LINGUISTIC AND ORIENTAL ESSAYS.
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FOLK-TALES OF KASHMIR.
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THE LIFE OF HIUEN TSIANG.
BY THE SHAMANS HWUI LI AND YEN-TSUNG.
With a Preface containing an account of the Works of I-TsiNG.
BY SAMUEL BEAL, B.A.
(Triu. Coll., Camb.); Professor of Chinese, University College, London;
Rector of Wark, Northumberland, &c.
Author of " Buddhist Records of the Western World," " The Romantic
Legend of Sakya Budda," &c.
When the Pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang returned from his travels in India, he
took up his abode in the Temple of "Great Benevolence ; " this convent had
been constructed by the Emperor in honour of the Empress, Wen-te-hau.
After Hiuen Tsiang s death, his disciple, Hwui Li, composed a work which
gave an account of his illustrious Master s travels ; this work when he com
pleted he buried, and refused to discover its place of concealment. But
previous to his death he revealed its whereabouts to Yen-tsung, by whom it
was finally revised and published. This is "The Life of Hiuen Tsiang." It
is a valuable sequel to the Si-yu-ki, correcting and illustrating it in many
particulars.
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CHINESE BUDDHISM
Foiume of
HISTORICAL, DESCRIPTIVE, AND CRITICAL,
REV. JOSEPH EDKINS, D.D.,
AUTHOR OF
RELIGION IN CHINA," " INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE CHINESE CHARACTERS,
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ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Publishers have to acknowledge the efficient and
disinterested aid they have received from Mr. A. Wylie,
late Agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society in
China, who, owing to the absence of the author from
England, has revised the proof sheets of this work in
their passage through the press; and they are also in
debted to him for the preparation of the copious and valu
able index appended to it.
PREFACE.
WHEN the first Hindoo missionaries arrived at the capital
of China and were admitted to see the emperor, it was,
the Buddhists tell us, in the last month of the year A.D.
68, and the 3Oth day of that month. By imperial com
mand they were entertained in a building called Pe-ma
sn,, "Office of the white horses;" so named because they
had ridden on white horses on their way from Cabul.
The two Brahmans enjoyed the imperial favour, and one
of the books they translated has remained popular to the
present time.
Thirteen years before these men reached China, the first
missionaries of Christianity crossed the ^Egean Sea and
entered Europe. Instead of being received, however, with
the smiles of those in power and enjoying imperial hospi
tality, they were publicly whipped and imprisoned by
the magistrates of a Eoman colony, and ignominiously
dismissed.
Buddhism covered China with monasteries and images ;
Christianity covered Europe with churches and charitable
institutions. A hundred authors have written on the his
tory of the spread of Christianity in the various countries
of Europe. Very few have ever studied the history of
Buddhism as it has spread through China, and taught its
viii PREFACE.
doctrines in every part of that empire. There is room for
new information on the entrance, progress, and charac
teristics of Chinese belief in the religion founded by
Shaky amuni.
Especially is there a need for facts on the history of
Buddhism, because it is that one among the world s
religions which has acquired the greatest multitude of
adherents, and has also above any other carried out most
systematically the monastic institute.
Isaac Taylor drew attention in his Ancient Christianity
to the knowledge of Hindoo monasticism possessed by
Clement of Alexandria, and traced the origin of the
monasticism of Christianity to that of India.
Buddhism never became the State religion of China. It
has grown side by side with the State religion, and obtained
only the partial faith of the people. In this it differed
from Christianity, which in Europe took the place of the
old State religions of the various countries, after first
vanquishing them all.
One of the titles of Buddha is "the Lion;" another
is " the Great hero ; " another is " Honoured one of the
world ; " another is " King of the Law." His followers love
to represent him as completely victorious over metaphy
sical opponents by argument, and as gaining a thorough and
final conquest over temptation impersonated by demons.
He is also spoken of as victorious in saving from their
unbelief all sorts of heretics, of men sunk in pleasure, and
every class of adversaries. He has infinite pity, as well as
infinite wisdom.
Such is the ideal of Buddha. Let it be compared with
that of the Christian Saviour. Let the result of the
teaching of Shakyamuni on the Chinese be compared with
that of the teaching of Christ on Europe. Is China as
PREFACE. ix
much better for Buddhism as Europe is for Christianity ?
If the beginnings of the world s religions are very interest
ing and important subjects of inquiry, their progress and
development are not less so. The various causes which
operated to aid the spread of Buddhism, if carefully inves
tigated, will be a valuable contribution to the history of
humanity. Koeppen has said that, at the time of Alex
ander s conquests, while there was a tendency imparted by
him to the races he conquered, which led to the breaking
up of a restrictive nationalism, and to the welding of
various peoples, formerly separated by blood, customs,
religions, and culture, into a higher unity in the conscious
ness of a common humanity, so also India was, by the
propagators of Buddhism, putting forth vigorous efforts in
the same cause. Alexander sought to make all mankind
one. So did Buddhism. The Greek spirit and the spirit of
Buddhism sympathised with each other and helped each
other. In this way he finds an explanation of the rapid
spread of the Buddhist religion in the Punjab, Afghan
istan, Bactria, and the countries near. He then proceeds
to compare Buddhism with Christianity, which he speaks
of as cosmopolitan Judaism to which had been added
Alexandrian and Essene elements. Just as Christianity
conquered the Western world, so Buddhism the Eastern ;
and this it was able to do because it rejected caste and
taught the brotherhood of humanity.
It must ever be regarded as a noble instinct of the
Hindoo race, which prompted them to throw off the yoke
of caste. But it should not be supposed that the yoke of
caste was so strong then as it now is. It was easier then
than now for a Hindoo to visit foreign countries. The
social tyranny of caste was then less powerful.
What gave the first Buddhists their popularity ? In
x PREFACE.
part, doubtless, the doctrine of the common brotherhood
of men; but there were several other principles in their
teaching which rapidly won adherents, and must also be
taken into account.
They taught the universal misery of man, and offered
a remedy. They met the yearning of humanity for a
redemption by giving instruction, which they said came
from the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas, each of whom was a
powerful saviour to the devotee.
These saviours, instead of being members of the Hindoo
hierarchy of popular gods, like those of Olympus, were
either human beings or incarnations of ideas, and combin
ing wisdom with mercy in their acts and teaching.
The early Buddhists surrounded death with a halo of
lofty spiritual glory, and called it the Nirvana. Death
became synonymous with absolute peace, and so was
looked on with less dread and dislike.
When the Buddhists began to teach races to whom the
subtle Hindoo metaphysics were a riddle beyond their
comprehension, they taught, for the Nirvana, a Western
. Heaven ruled by a newly-invented Buddha, and additional
to the paradises of the Devas. This is a new doctrine of a
future life which is commonly accepted by the Northern
Buddhists, from the Himalayas to the Altai mountains,
and from Thibet to Japan.
Another popular element was communism joined with
the monastic institute. The monastery is a refuge for the
unhappy, for those who have not succeeded in trade, for
sickly children, for all who feel a call to enter on a monastic
life. In the monastery they subsist on the common fund
supplied by the gifts of the charitable. A home, a quiet life,
and very little to do, was the prospect held out to those whom
society can very well spare, and is not unwilling to part with.
PREFACE. xi
Another popular element was the charm of nobleness
attached to the monastic life. Self-denial becomes attrac
tive, and not at all difficult to those who are sensible of
this charm. The renunciation of the world, and the absorb
ing occupation of a religious life, seem to many who enter
the gates of the monastery a pleasant dream, and very
desirable.
Another attractive element in Buddhism has been the
social character of the worship. The monks meet for
morning and evening prayers in the presence of the images.
To this should be added the agree ableuess to the eye of
dressed altars, lofty gilt images, and the encouraged belief
that they are representative of powerful beings, who will
afford substantial protection to the devotee who faithfully
discharges his duty as a disciple.
Then there is the doctrine of the Karma. Every act
of worship, every Buddhist ceremony, every book of devo
tion read, every gift to a monastery or a begging priest,
every mass for the dead, every invocation of a Buddha
or Bodhisattwa, every wish for the good of others, infal
libly causes great good, through the necessary operation
of the law of cause and effect in the moral sphere.
How far these and other causes have helped to spread
Buddhism through the many countries where it now pre
vails deserves the careful thought of the European student
of the history of religions. Next to India itself, China
has done more for the development of Buddhist thought
than any other Buddhist country. This is a remarkable
fact and very useful ; showing, as it does, that, judging
from the past, the Chinese are susceptible to a very con
siderable degree of a foreign religion. They will also use
intellectual energy in teaching and expanding it. Let
any one who doubts this look over Kaempfer s account of
xii PREFACE.
Japanese Buddhism. He will there find nearly all the
Chinese sects described in this volume occurring again.
They have been transplanted entire with their books and
discipline into that island empire, a striking proof of the
vigour of Chinese Buddhism.
Why should they not accept Christianity with the
same zeal, and apply to the task of teaching it as much
mental force ?
Dr. Draper says, 1 " From this we may also infer how
unphilosophical and vain is the expectation of those who
would attempt to restore the aged populations of Asia
to our state. Their intellectual condition has passed
onward never more to return."
My own conviction is, that so far as this theory of
despair affects China, it is not warranted. The eras of
intellectual expansion in that country may be briefly enu
merated in the following way : After the Chow period,
the most famous of all, came that of Han, when classical
studies, history, and Tauist philosophy flourished together.
Then followed a Buddhist age. Then came an age of
poetry and elegant literature, that of the T ang dynasty.
After this came the time of the Sung philosophers, who
were most prolific in moral and critical writings tinctured
with a peculiarly bad philosophy of nature. The present
is an age of classical criticism, a reaction from that of the
Sung writers.
We have six distinct periods of intellectual vigour,
covering nearly three thousand years, and what do we now
see? The intellectual vigour connected with Buddhism
and Tauism dead, past any hope of a resurrection. Con
fucianism is still living, but it is not very strong. The
people have an excellent physique,- adapting them for
1 Draper s Intellectual Development of Europe, vol. i. p. 57.
PREFACE. xiii
various climates. They emigrate extensively. They have
at home an autonomous empire of immense dimensions,
administered by printed codes of laws, and such a mode
of governing as to enable them to keep that empire from
falling to pieces in a time of foreign wars and rebellions.
They are not then to be despaired of intellectually.
What they need is to be educated in the mass, to be ele
vated by the diffusion of a living Christianity, to have
improvements in the physical condition of the poor, with
a system of scientific instruction in every province, and
a development of the mineral and manufacturing resources
of the country.
No one need despair of the intellectual progress of the
people, or of their susceptibility of spiritual development.
Christianity fosters mental growth, and the science of the
West is eminently stimulating to thought. The descen
dants of the men whose mariners sailed with the compass
seven hundred years ago, and whose schoolmasters were at
the same time making use of printed books in education,
will not fail to respond to these powerful influences.
That Buddhism has affected Chinese literature and
thought to a considerable extent, is shown in the follow
ing pages. It taught them charity, but it did not impart
a healthy stimulus to the national mind. It made them
indeed more sceptical and materialistic than, they were
before, and weakened their morality.
But since Buddhism has had among the Chinese its
age of faith, prompting them to metaphysical authorship,
and the formation of schools of religious thought, and
also impelling them to undertake distant and perilous
journeys, to visit the spots where Shaky amuni passed his
life, it must be admitted that there is a very promising
prospect for Christianity, and that the beneficial effect on
xiv PREFACE.
the people must be in proportion to the excellence of the
Christian religion.
Perhaps Dr. Draper, in view of the facts contained in
this book, would not be unwilling to modify his theory of
the necessary decline of nations so far as it appertains to
China, or at least allow the people of that country a
further tenure of national life, till Christianity and educa
tion have had a trial.
The present volume is the fruit of many years studies.
Some parts of it were written nearly twenty-five years
ago ; nearly all is the fruit of Chinese reading.
Dr. Eitel of Hongkong and Mr. Thomas Watters have
since written ably and extensively on the same subject.
But my mode of treatment differs from theirs, and in my
revision it has been an advantage to have the results of
their researches before me. My own collection of native
books on Buddhism has increased, while my acquaintance
with the actual form of this religion in its popular
development at the present time has been considerably
enlarged.
The facts here collected on the esoteric sects are adapted
to throw light on the history of Buddhism in India,
and will help, it may be, to define the position of the
Jains.
In the section on Feng-shui, I ask attention to the view
there given on the influence of Buddhism in producing
the modern Chinese doctrine of the physical influences of
nature, and the part that, through the Buddhists, India
and Greece have both had in producing the superstitious
materialism of the Chinese in its modern shape.
PEKING, October 1879.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
PAfJK
Buddhism deserves examination Researches of Remusat, Burnouf,
Koeppen, and St. Hilaire Sanscrit manuscripts from Nepaul
Buddhist books reveal to view the ancient Hindoo world The
opening scene of the Kin-kang-king, *-9
A LIFE OF B UDDHA,
IN FOUR CHAPTERS.
CHAPTER I.
LIFE OF SHAKYAMUNI TILL HIS APPEARANCE AT BENARES
AS A TEACHER.
Previous lives Chronology The seventh Buddha Birth Early life
Becomes a hermit Becomes Buddha Legendary stories
his early preaching Hwa-y en-king Extramundane teaching^
Appearance at Benares, ..... . . / 11-26
CHAPTER II.
LIFE OF BUDDHA FROM HIS APPEARANCE AS A TEACHER AT
BENARES TO THE CONVERSION OF RAHULA.
The four truths- Godinia and his four companions The first monas
tic community The first lay brother Conversion of five hundred
fire-worshippers in the kingdom of Magadha Buddha at Raja-
griha At Shravasti, in Jeta s garden Appoints punishments for
crimes of monks Goes to see his father after twelve years absence
Story of his son Rahula 27-33
xvi CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF RAHULA s RELIGIOUS LIFE TILL
THE NEAR APPROACH OF THE NIRVANA.
PAGE
Buddha sends for Rahula Arrangements for instructing Rahula
and other boys Tutors Boys admitted to the vows Nuns
Rapid spread of monasticism Disciplinary rules Education in
metaphysics Ananda and the Leng-yen-king Buddha in these
works like Socrates in Plato Buddha said to have gone to Cey
lon Also to the paradise of desire Offer of Devas to protect
Buddhism Protectors of China Relation of Buddhism to Hin
doo polytheism Prajna-paramita King Prasenajit Sutra of
the Benevolent King Daily liturgy Ananda becomes Buddha s
attendant disciple Intrusted with the Sutras in twelve divisions
Buddha teaches his esoteric system Virtually contained in the
"Lotus Sutra" In this the sun of Buddha culminated His
father s approaching death announced Buddha reaches the
forty-ninth year of his public preaching, 34~45
CHAPTER IV.
LAST DISCOURSES AND DEATH OF BUDDHA.
Buddha s immortality in his teaching Death real and final Object of
Nirvana teaching Buddha visits the Tau-li heaven Descends
again by Indra s staircase The first images Death of Buddha s
aunt Death of Shariputra Buddha at Kushinagara Between
the Sala trees Last instructions Kashiapa made patriarch
Flesh prohibited Relieves the king of Magadha Sends for
Ananda Answers to four questions Brahma comes Buddha s
last words Death Gold coffin Maya comes Cremation His
relics Pagodas, .......... 4^-59
CHAPTER V.
THE PATRIARCHS OF THE NORTHERN BUDDHISTS.
Features of Asiatic life in the time of the patriarchs Character,
powers, and intellectual qualities of the patriarchs Series of
thirty-three patriarchs Appointment of Kashiapa by Shakya-
muni The Svastika Council of Rajagriha, for writing out the
books of Buddha, and settling what should be received as canonical
The part taken by Ananda in the authorship of the Buddhist
books Ananda, second patriarch The third was Shangnavasu
Remarks on samadhi and reverie Fourth, Upagupta Conversion
of a wicked woman when dying Fifth, sixth, and seventh patri
archsBuddha s prophecy regarding Buddhanandi, the seventh
Struggle between filial love and Buddhist conviction in Buddha-
CONTENTS. xv ii
PAGE
mitra The way in which he subdued an unbelieving king Ma
nning given to the king of the Getse to induce him to raise the siege
of Pataliputra Kapimara, the thirteenth Nagarjuna, the four
teenthConverts ten thousand Brahmans Writes the Ta-chl-tu-
lun Vigorous defence of Buddhism by Kanadeva Assassination
of Kanadeva Sanghanandi, precocious as a boy Prophecy re
specting him llahulata ascends to heaven Sangkayasheta s dis
cussion on the nature of sound Converts five hundred hermits
Kumarada s views on the inequality of present retribution Diffi
culties met with by Manura in teaching Buddhism in Southern
and Western India A patriarch s power over birds Haklena
converts Singhalaputra, who succeeded him as patriarch (the
twenty-fourth), but was killed by the king of Candahar The
orthodox school has only twenty-four patriarchs The contempla
tive school has twenty-eight Pradjnyatara, the twenty-seventh,
converts Bodhidharma, the twenty-eighth, who proceeds to China
Hindoo knowledge of the Roman empire, .... 60-86
CHAPTER VI,
A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BUDDHISM IN CHINA.
The emperor Ming-ti sends an embassy to India for images, A.D. 61
Kashiapmadanga arrives in China Spread of Buddhism, A.D. 335
Buddojanga A pagoda at Nanking, A.D. 381 The translator
Kumarajiva, A.D. 405 The Chinese traveller, Fa-hien, visits India
His book Persecution, A.D. 426 Buddhism prosperous, 451
Indian embassies to China in the Sung dynasty Opposition of the
Confucianists to Buddhism Discussions on doctrine Buddhist
prosperity in the Northern Wei kingdom and the Liang kingdom
Bodhidharma Sung-yun sent to India Bodhidharma leaves Liang
Wu-ti and goes to Northern China His latter years and death-
Embassies from Buddhist countries in the south Relics The
Liang emperor Wu-ti becomes a monk Embassies from India and
Ceylon Influence of Sanscrit writing in giving the Chinese the
knowledge of an alphabet Syllabic spelling Confucian opposition
to Buddhism in the T ang dynasty The five successors of Bodhi
dharma Hiuen-tsang s travels in India Work as a translator
Persecution, A.D. 714 Hindoo calendar in China Amoghaintro-
duces the festival for hungry ghosts- Opposition of Han Yii to
Buddhism Persecution of 845 Teaching of Ma-tsu Triumph of
the Mahayana Bodhiruchi Persecution by the Cheu dynasty
Extensive erection of pagodas in the Sung dynasty Encouragement
of Sanscrit studies Places of pilgrimage P u-to Regulations
for receiving the vows Hindoo Buddhists in China in the Sung
dynasty The Mongol dynasty favoured Buddhism The last
Chinese Buddhist who visited India The Ming dynasty limits the
right of accumulating land Roman Catholic controversy witli
Buddhists Kang-hi of the Manchu dynasty opposes Buddhism
The literati still condemn Buddhism, ..... 87-154
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VII.
THE SCHOOLS OF CHINESE BUDDHISM.
PAGE
The growth of esoteric sects in India The Jains Their series of
twenty-four patriarchs Bodhidharma headed a new school in
Southern India, and was heretical as viewed from the Jains stand
pointHe founded the contemplative school in China Nagarjuna,
the author of the most revered books of this school Tsung-men
Kiau-men Divisions of Tsung-men The Tsung-men sects are
heretical in the view of the old orthodoxy Specimen of the teach
ing of the Tsung-men Lin-tsi school Professes strict discipline
Its founder died A.D. 868 His monument on the bank of the
Hu-to river in Chi-li Resemblance to European speculation on
the absolute Is Buddhism pantheistic? Exoteric sects Lu-men
( Vinaya) Yogachara Fa-siang Madhyamika Fa-sing Tsing-
tu, or sect of the " Pure land " or "Western heaven " T ien-t ai
Poetry of the Tsing-tu school, --. 155-174
CHAPTER VIII.
ON CHI-K AI AND THE T IEN-T AI SCHOOL OF BUDDHISM.
T ien-t ai, a place of great note in Chinese Buddhism Chi-k ai resided
there in the sixth century His cloak and rice bowl Fu-lung feng
Fang-kwang s i and the rock bridge Legend of the Lo-hans
Twelve monasteries founded He taught the Fa-hwa-king
System of threefold contemplation Six connectives Eight
modes of characterising Buddhism Ten steps in progress-
Derived much from Nagarjuna T ien-t ai, a middle system
Regulations, 175-187
- CHAPTER IX.
THE BUDDHIST MORAL SYSTEM.
The Ten virtues and Ten vices The cause of human stupidity is in
the passions The Five prohibitions The Ten prohibitions Klap-
roth s praise of Buddhism But it is atheistic, and therefore this
praise should be qualified Kindness to animals based on the
fiction of transmigration Buddhism teaches compassion for suffer
ing without inculcating obedience to Divine law Story of Shak-
yamuni Sin not distinguished from misery Buddhists teach that
the moral sense is innate They assign a moral nature to animals
The Six paths of the metempsychosis Hindoo notions of heaven
and hell Countless ages of joy and suffering Examples Exemp
tion from punishment gained by meritorious actions Ten kings
of future judgment Fate or Karma Buddhism depreciates
CONTENTS. xix
PAGB
heaven and the gods Buddha not God, but a Saviour Moral
influence of the Paradise of the Western heaven Figurative inter
pretation of this legend The contemplative school identifies good
and evil No moral distinctions in the Nirvana Buddhism has
failed to produce high morality The Confucianist condemnation
of the Buddhists Mr. P. Hordern s praise of Buddhism in Birmah
The Birmese intellectually inferior to the Chinese Kindness to
animals known to the Chinese before they received Buddhism
Buddha s reasons for not eating flesh, 188-204
CHAPTER X.
THE BUDDHIST CALENDAR.
National festivals Festivals in honour of celestial beings In honour
of the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas In honour of characters in
Chinese Buddhist history Supplemental anniversaries Sin
ghalese Buddhists keep a different day for Buddha s birthday
In the T ang dynasty Hindoo astronomers reformed the calendar
Gaudamsiddha The -week of India and Babylon known to the
Chinese Word mil for Sunday Peacock Sutra The Hindoo
Rahu and Ketu, 205-212
CHAPTER XL
RELATION OF BUDDHISM TO THE OLDER HINDOO MYTHOLOGY.
Buddhism accepted the Hindoo mythology, with the sacred books of
the Brahmans, so far as it agreed with its own dogmas The gods
Indra, Brahma, and Ishwara listen as disciples to Buddha Eight
classes of Devas Four kings of Devas Yakshas Mahoragas
Pretas Maras Yama, king of the dead Creation is denied to
the Hindoo gods in the Chung-lun and other works, . . 213-220
CHAPTER XII.
THE BUDDHIST UNIVERSE.
The universe passes through incessant changes Kalpas of various
lengths Kalpas of establishment, of destruction, &c. Saha world
Sumeru mountain The Southern continent is Jambudvipa
Heaven of the thirty-three Tushita paradise Upper tier of para
disesHeavens of form and of desire Heavens without form-
Brahma s paradise No wise man is born there, because Brahma
says he created the universe The hells Story from the "Ti-tsang
Sutra," 221-227
xx CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE EXTENDED UNIVERSE OF THE NORTHERN BUDDHISTS.
PAGE
Primitive Buddhism aimed at moral improvement and the Nirvana
Its mythology was of popular growth The Mahayana mythology
was introduced by the metaphysicians of Buddhism itself Nagar-
juna the chief inventor Hica-y en-king An extended universe
invented to illustrate dogma Ten worlds beyond the Saha world
in ten different directions New divinities to worship Amitabha
His world in the West Kwan-yin and Ta-shi-chi The world
of Ach obhya Buddha in the East World of Yo-sh i Fo, the heal
ing teacher Mercy, wisdom, &c., are symbolised in the Bodhi-
sattwas Wu-t ai shan iu China is introduced in the Hwa-yen-
king, 228-238
CHAPTER XIV.
BUDDHIST IMAGES AND IMAGE-WORSHIP.
Temples Entering hall, Si-ta-t ien-wang These four kings described
The laughing Buddha, Mi-li Fo Behind him, Wei-to Chief
hall, Ta-hiung-pau-tien Shakyamuni Ananda Kashiapa
Kwan-yin, Wen-shu, and other Bodhisattwas Buddha repre
sented as teaching Buddha of the past, present, and future
Chapels to O-mi-to Fo, Ti-tsang, and the Ten kings Representa
tion of the eight miseries from which Kwan-yin delivers Temples
in Ceylon Images in temples near Peking Tan-cho s i snake
Pi-yiin s i Hall of Lo-hans Diamond throne of Buddha Colossal
images of Maitreya Musical instruments Reflections, . . 239-258
CHAPTER XV.
MONASTERIES AT P U-TO.
This establishment more modern than T ien-t ai and Wu-t ai Many
Thibetan inscriptions Frequent visits of Peking lamas Dedi
cated to Kwan-yin Gifts by Kang-hi Images Caves Pagodas
Inscriptions Resident defenders of Buddhism The Potala of
Jehol in Mongolia It is also the name of the palace Temple of
the Dalai Lama In China an island was preferred to be the tau-
ch ang of Kwan-yin, 259-267
CHAPTER XVI.
BUDDHIST PROCESSIONS, ASSOCIATIONS, PILGRIMAGES, AND
CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD.
Yii-lan-hwei, "Association forgiving food to the dead" Worship of
ancestors Liturgical services in the houses of the rich, for the
liberation of the souls of the dead from hell Village processions
CONTENTS. xx i
PAGK
Based on the old rural processions of classical times Masquerades
Plays Pilgrimages to Miau-feng sban Pilgrims wearing iron
chains Supposed efficacy of the prayers of the priests Zeal of
the laity in promoting pilgrimages to celebrated shrines, . 268-272
CHAPTER XVII.
BUDDHIST LITERATURE.
Buddhist libraries presented to monasteries by emperors Ch eng-tsu,
of the Ming dynasty, was the first to print the entire series of the
Buddhist accepted books Prajna-paramita, eighty times as large
as our New Testament The Pei-tsang, or second printed edition,
dates from the sixteenth century The Kia-hing edition of the
Pei-tsang Division into King, Lu, Lun First Council Work of
Ananda The Mahayana of Northern Buddhism - Council of Cash
mereAuthors of the Mahayana Lung-shu wrote the Hwa-yen-
king Contrasts between the primitive and Mahayana books List
of translators, A.D. 70 to A.D. 705 Sixteen hundred works are
classified, inclusive of those by Chinese authors On the councils
for settling the canon Translations by Burnouf and others
Lotus Book of Forty-two Sections Character of this and other
early works Stories illustrative of ancient life Fan-wang-king
Chan-tsi-king translated by Beal Pratimoksha, . . . 273-288
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE LENG-YEN-KING FIRST CHAPTER.
The Sutra of firm establishment in all doctrine, describing clearly the
secret merit and attainments in the religious life of Tathagata, who
appears as Buddha in his great and unsurpassed stature ; also the
many acts of the Bodhisatt was, ...... 289-301
CHAPTER XIX.
THE EKASHLOKA SH ASTRA.
The " Ekashloka Shastra," translated from the Chinese, with an
analysis and notes, ......... 3 02 ~3 r 7
CHAPTER XX.
EFFECT OF BUDDHISM ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE SUNG DYNASTY.
The Sung philosophers differ from Confucius Five periods of Chinese
intellectual development The Sung writers changed the old cos
mogony The Han writers had already done so Diagram of the
Great Extreme Other pictorial illustrations Avoidance of the
doctrine of a personal God Materialistic philosophy of nature
New view of divination, 3 l ^ 3 2 ^
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXI.
^ FENG-SHUI, OR THE WIND AND WATER SUPERSTITION
OF THE CHINESE.
PACK
An obstacle to civilisation Meaning of Feng, ""Wind" Of Shui,
"Water "Use of cyclic characters Meaning of Lung, "Dragon "
Names of the geomancers Hindoo nomenclature Sha-ch i,
"Destructive vapour" Dark arrow C/ien-wu, or "Protecting
shield" Feng-shui professedly based on the "Book of Changes"
Modern Feng-shui is based on the Han-lung -king Buddhist
element in Feng-shui The four elements of the Greeks The
Hindoo "Air and water" is Feng-shui Earth, water, fire, and
air are creative forces, existing in successive kalpas, and forming
successive worlds Resemblance to the theories of the Ionian
philosophers Geomancy in the T ang dynasty Rahu and^eto
The Feng-shui system grew out of Buddhism Native element in
Feng-shui Nine fancied stars Causes of the contour of hills and
plains Stars of the six houses Feng-shui inconsistent with
genuine Confucianism, 327-352
CHAPTER XXII.
BDDDHIST PHRASEOLOGY IN RELATION TO CHRISTIAN
TEACHING.
Use of Buddhist terms in the Nestorian inscription, A.D. 781 Mo,
"demon;" in Sanscrit, mara Ti-yii, "hell," is naraka Ten
judges of hell Among them Pau Cheng, the famous judge of the
Sung dynasty The Sung philosophers encouraged the popular
belief in future retribution This prepares for Christianity T ( ien-
f ang, " heaven" Defects of this term Ming-kung, &c., as names
for "heaven" Buddhist paradises possibly borrowed from West
ern Asia or some other country farther west Redemption Ti-
tsang and Kwan-yin Pity Instruction Effect of sin Decreed
forgiveness to penitents Secret merit Happiness and merit
confounded Sin and misery confounded Illustration from the
narrative of a Christian convert, ...... 353-370
CHAPTER XXIII.
NOTICE OF THE WU-WEI-KIAU, A REFORMED BUDDHIST
SECT.
Originated two hundred and seventy years ago by a native of Shan
tungNo showy ceremonial No images Sacred books six in
number Interview of the founder with the emperor of the
period, Cheng-te Discussion with opponents Victory One of
their leaders was crucified, 37^-379
CONTENTS. xxiii
CHAPTER XXIV.
BUDDHISM AND TAUISM IN THEIR POPULAR ASPECTS.
The popularity of Buddhism rests on its doctrine of retribution, and
not on its ethics Magical claims of the Tauists Kwan-yin, since
the twelfth century, usually a female Powers and claims of
Kwan-yin Popular Buddhism loves to have prayers said for the
dead Hopes for paradise hereafter Popular Tauism believes in
haunted houses, in charms, and in the efficacy of the wizard in control
ling demons The present head of the Tauists and chief magician
Went from Western China to Kiang-si, where he has ever since
resided as hereditary Pope The Tauist divinity Yii-hwang shang-
ti has incarnations assigned to him Chang Sien the bowman, a
physician Tail-cutting delusion Tauist prayers for the dead
The Buddhist Yen-lo-wang, " God of death " The eight genii
The eighteen Lo-haus The Tauist delusions dangerous politically
T ien-tsin massacre Need of the light of education The effect
of the assault of Christianity on these religions, . . . 380-397
CHAPTER XXV.
ON THE USE OF SANSCRIT BY THE CHINESE BUDDHISTS.
Changes in Chinese sounds since the time of the Buddhist translitera
tion of Indian words Examples of Sanscrit words in old and new
Chinese The importance of translations made in A.D. 60 to A.D.
76 for reading the Four Books The Hindoo translators did not
speak pure Sanscrit Sanscrit was the language of the books No
Pali books in China The translators spoke Pracrit The term po-
li, "glass" Use of Sanscrit words in magic Dharani Inscrip
tion in six languages at Kii-yung kwan, 398-407
CHAPTER XXVI.
BOOKS AND PAPERS THAT MAT BE CONSULTED FOR THE
STUDY OF CHINESE BUDDHISM.
FoS koue ki by Eemusat Works of Julien Interesting passage from
Fa-hien Translations by Beal Schott, Ueber den Buddhaismus in
Hoch Asien und in China Writings of Palladius Eitel s Handbook
for the Student of Chinese Buddhism Watters account of Chinese
Buddhism Eitel s Three Lectures, and article on Nirv&na, . 408-419
ALPHABETICAL INDEX OP PROPER NAMES AND SUBJECTS, . . 422-443
ALPHABETICAL INDEX OF TITLES OF BOOKS MENTIONED, . . 445-453
E E E A T A.
Page
3, note, line i,forMeau-fa-lien-hwa-
king, ;
? ? ead Miau-fa-lien-hwa-king.
4, ,, ,, 8, K ang-he,
K ang-hi.
14, Hue 6, for Shichi,
Shi-chi.
J 5, 5 , 37, Fu-tsu-t ung-ki,
,, Fo-tsu-t ung-ki.
16, ,, 19, ,, Tai-tsung,
,, T ai-tsung.
19, ,, ii, ,, Pradjna,
,, Prajna.
20, ,, 10, ,, Pradjna paramita,
, , Prajna paramita.
20, ,, 27, ,, Pu-hien,
,, P u-hien.
21, 15, King-kang-king,
, , Kin-kang-king.
2I 34> j> Pu-hien,
P u-hien.
32, 2, Ft,
,, Fo-tsu-t ung-ki.
40, ,, 5, ,, Tien,
Tien.
40, ,, 29, ,, Kumaradjiva,
,, Kumarajiva.
4, ,, 34, ,, Nagardjuna,
,, Nagarjuna.
43, 6, Do.
Do.
51, 2, Pradjna,
,, Prajna.
58, 13, Che-p an,
,, Ch i-p an.
68, ,, 27, ,, Sil-to-hwan,
,, Sii-t o-hwan.
72, ,, 31, ,, Chi-p an,
,, Chi-p an.
73, 6, ,, Do.
Do.
74. )> 33> >, Ashvagosha,
,, Ashwagosha.
77, ,, 20, ,, Ta-chi-tu-lun,
,, Ta-chi-tu-lun.
83, ,, 23, ,, Hiung-noo,
Hiung-nu.
83, ,, 24, ,, Puenjab,
,, Punjab.
86, 35, ,, Ta-t sin,
Ta-ts in.
88, ,, 15, Foe-koue-ki,
Follkoueki.
9, 3> ?, Pei-chi-li,
Pe-chi-li.
90, ,, 14, ,, K u-tsi,
,, Kui-tsi.
91, ,, 12, ,, Chang-an,
,, Ch aug-an.
91, note, line i, for Foe-kou8-ki,
Fo8 kouS ki.
too, line 9, for T ung-kien-kang-mu,
,, T l ung-kien-kang-muh.
105, ,, 22, ,, Do.
Do.
108, ,, 2, ,, An-sih,
,, An-si.
109, 4, Seng-ki-lii,
,, Seng-ki-lii
1 10, note, line 3, for Shih-sung-lu,
,, Skih-sung-lii.
124, line 31, for Tae-tsung,
,, T ai-tsung.
126, ,, 24, ,, Fu-kuh-piau,
,, Fo-ku-piau.
128, ,, 24, ,, S i-ch uen,
,, Si-ch wen.
132, note, line 2, for Asangha,
,, Asengha.
137, line 16, for Kwo-t sing,
,, Kwo-ts ing.
X 39, i4 j, Si -ch uen,
Si-ch wen.
Pago
i39 ? li ne J 5> f r Ti-t sang, read Ti-tsang.
139, ,, 19, Wcn-chu,
Wen-shu.
143, ,, 29, ,, Hang-chow, ,,
Hang-cheu.
146, 27, ,, Si-ngan, ,,
Si-an.
146, note, line i, for Yu-p ian, ,,
Yii-p ien.
147, line 13, for Mongul, ,,
Mongol.
I 55 55 3 2 5 55 Kwan-shi-yiu, ,,
Kwan-shi-yin.
162, ,, 6, ,, Shen-sieu, ,,
Shin-sieu.
168, ,, 18, ,, Sangharama, ,,
Sangarama.
168, ,, 19, ,, Chu Fa-Ian, ,,
Chu-fa-lan.
168, ,, 22, ,, Kieu-mo-lo-shi, ,,
Kieu-mo-lo-shl.
169, n, Tai-ping,
T ai-ping.
169, note, line i, for Asanga, ,,
Asengha.
171, line n, for Tai-tsung, ,,
T ai-tsung.
J 7 8 5 55 35 55 Cheh-kiang, ,,
Che-kiang.
181, ,, 26, ,, Prajna, ,,
Prajna.
189, 4, Senga,
Sanga.
198, ,, 8, ,, Yiin-tsi, ,,
Yiin-ts i.
2 75 55 X 35 55 Fo2-kou8-ki, ,,
FoZ koue ki.
207, ,, 1 6, ,, Naga-rajah, ,,
Naga-raja.
210, ,, 28, ,, Dtpamkara, ,,
Dipankara.
215, ,, 28, ,, Fa-yuan-chu-lin, ,,
Fa-yuen-chu-lin.
216, ,, 28, ,, Vaishravana,
Vaishramana.
227, ,, n, ,, Ts ai-sheu, ,,
Tsai-sheu.
2 35 55 2 7s 55 San-t l sang, ,,
San-tsang.
2 3 T 5 55 X 35 55 Fa-hwa-hwei yi, ,,
Fa-hiva-hivei-i.
2 345 55 6 5 55 Kwan-shi-yin, ,,
Kwan-shi-yin.
239, ,, 10, ,, S : i-ta-tien-wang, ,,
S i-ta-t ien-wang.
242, ,, 6, ,, Shan-tsai, ,,
Shan-ts ai.
245, ,, 22, ,, Sangharama, ,,
Sangarama.
2 54, 55 l6 5 55 Pi-y un-si, ,,
Pe-yiin si.
2 55j 55 6, ,, Pu-hien,
P u-hien.
2 S7, 9, Kceppen,
Koeppen.
264, 32, Yu-hwapg,
Yli-hwang.
266, ,, 32, AvalokiteshVara, ,,
Avalokiteshwara.
271, ,, 16, ,, Tanist, ,,
Tauist.
275, ,, 22, T ai-p ing,
T ai-ping.
2 75 5 55 2 35 55 Che-keang, ,,
Che-kiang.
279, ,, 4, ,, Ch l enr/-wei-shih-lun, ,^
Ch eng-ivei-shi-lun.
284, ,, 5, ,, Wei-mo Sutra, ,,
Wei-ma Sutra.
284, ,, 6, ,, Vaishali, ,,
Vaishali.
293, ii, Teh-ts ing, ,,
Te-ts ing.
306, 29, Yuen-kio,
Yuen-kioh.
322, 25, Ts an-t ung-k i,
Ts an-t ung-ki.
347, 6, Yau- ki, ,,
Yau-k i.
353, ,, 13, ,, Ts l i-hang,
Ts i-hang.
399, ,, 22, ,, Sanghadeva,
Sangadeva.
CHINESE BUDDHISM.
INTRODUCTION.
Buddhism deserves examination Researches of Remusat, Burnouf,
Koeppen, and St. Hilaire Sanscrit manuscripts from Nepaul
Buddhist books reveal to view the ancient Hindoo world
The opening scene of the Kin-Jcang-king.
AT the present time, when foreign intercourse with China
is increasing every year, and our knowledge of that country
is extending in proportion, an account of the history and
literature of Buddhism in that land will perhaps find more
readers than at any former period. The traveller will not
fail to inquire why this Indian religion has sunk into
such helplessness and decay as he observes. The philo
sophical historian naturally will wish to know the causes
of the vast extension of Buddhism, and of its present
decline. The Christian missionary would willingly learn
the amount and nature of the religious feeling possessed
by the monks, and the strength of the opposition which
the religion of Christ has to expect during its propagation,
from them and from the Buddhist laity. Especially the
statesman needs to be informed how far the Chinese
people are likely to be offended by the introduction of
Christianity, and whether the opposition to idolatry
which it excites will strike at any of their most dearly-
cherished prejudices and beliefs.
A religion that has extended its sway over so many
Eastern nations, and whose converts far outnumber those
A
2 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of any other sect in the world, deserves minute investiga
tion. The present sketch will be necessarily too brief to do
justice to the subject, but it is hoped some results will
be brought forward that may assist the foreign observer
to explain the great and long-continued success of the
Buddhistic system, the causes of its growing weakness,
and the many indications of its hopeless decay.
Among European scholars Eemusat and his successors in
the study of Chinese literature have bestowed considerable
attention on Buddhism, and their labours have been re
warded with many interesting and valuable results. Espe
cially is the world indebted to Burnouf and St. Hilaire for
their work in this field of Buddhist inquiry, and lucid
exposition of their results. The aid to be derived from
their investigations has not been neglected in the account
now given to the reader. Further, the most direct means of
gaining information is to study some parts of the volu
minous works extant in Chinese on this subject. The
numerous Indian priests who came to China early in the
Christian era were indefatigable translators, as is shown
by what they have bequeathed to their disciples. These
monuments of the highly civilised race that spoke the
Sanscrit language, give to the inquiry a special literary
interest. They were till lately inaccessible in their
original form. The European students of Sanscrit for
a long period sought in vain for an account of Buddhist
doctrines and traditions, except in the writings of their
adversaries. The orthodox Indians destroyed the sacred
books of their heretical brethren with assiduous care. The
representations they give of the views of their opponents
are necessarily partial, and it may be expected that what
Colebrooke and others have done in elucidating Buddhism
from the polemical writings of the Brahmans, would receive
useful corrections and additions as well from Chinese
sources as from the Sanscrit manuscripts of Buddhist
books obtained by Hodgson. 1
1 During his residence in Nepaul. Of these works, the Lotus of the Good
INTRODUCTION. 3
An extended critique of the Buddhist literature of
China and the other countries professing Buddhism, such as
Burnouf planned and partly accomplished for India, would
be a valuable contribution to the history of the Hindoo
race. The power of this religion to chain the human
mind, the peculiar principles of its philosophy, its mytho
logical characteristics, its mode of viewing human life, its
monastic and ascetic usages, all result from the early intel
lectual development of the nation whose home is south of
the Himalayas. In the Buddhist classics it is not the life
of China that is depicted, but that of Hindostan, and that
not as it is now, but as it was two thousand years ago.
The words and grammatical forms that occur in their
perusal, when deciphered from the hieroglyphic Chinese
form that they have been made to assume, remind the
reader that they spring from the same stem of which
the classical languages of Europe are branches. Much
of their native literature the Buddhist missionaries left
untouched for example, the highly -wrought epic poems
and dramas that have recently attracted the admiring
notice of Europeans; but a large number of fables and
tales with a moral are found in Chinese Buddhist books.
Many specimens of this peculiar mode of composition,
which, originating in Greece, was adopted by the Hindoos,
and spread into the various literatures of modern Europe
and Asia, have long since been made to wear a Chinese
garb. 1 Further, the elements of grammar and the know
ledge of the alphabet, with some important contributions
from mathematical science, have reached China through
the same medium. Several openings are thus presented
into the old Hindoo world. The country where specula
tive philosophy, with grammatical and arithmetical science,
Law, in Chinese Meau-fa-lien-hwa- tures, and The Romantic Legend of
king, has been translated by Bur- Sdkya Buddha.
nouf, Paris, 1852. The Eev. S. Beal, 1 Of these works Stanislas Julieu
Professor of Chinese in University has translated Les Avadanas, con-
College, London, has translated from sisting of tales and apologues. 1859.
Chinese A Catena of Buddhist Swip-
4 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
attained greater perfection than anywhere else in ancient
times, is seen spreading its civilisation into the neighbour
ing countries, and producing remarkable and permanent
changes in the national life of China. To witness this, as
may be done in the Buddhist books, cannot be regarded
as devoid of attraction. The very existence of Buddhism
is sufficient evidence of the energy of the Indian race as
it was long ago. The Mongols, Thibetans, and Singhalese,
with the inhabitants of the Indo-Chinese peninsula, com
bine with the Chinese and Japanese to prove by the faith
they still maintain in Buddhism the enthusiasm of its
first missionaries, and their power to influence mankind.
Buddhism was not always that decrepit and worn-out
superstition that it now appears.
Having said thus much by way of preface, it is time to
introduce to the reader s attention the founder of the re
ligion. No way of doing this suggests itself as more suit
able than to translate from the opening scene of a popular
Buddhist work called the "Diamond Classic" afew passages,
where he appears in the midst of his disciples, instructing
them in some of the principles of his system. The time,
according to the Singhalese chronology, was in the sixth
century before Christ. The place is Sha-wei, 1 a city in
Central India. The hero is Shakyamuni himself, i.e., Bud
dha or Julai. The subordinate characters are the Bikshu 2 or
religious mendicants, who are so denominated because they
beg instruction for the mind and food for the body. They
consist of two classes, says the editor of the Diamond
Classic. Those who have abandoned vice and are aiming
at virtue are the small Bikshu. Those who are released
from both alike are qreat Bikshu. Among the latter, who
1 Sha-wei was on the north of the according to K ang-he Bi-Jc u. The
Ganges, about 200 miles above Ben- orthography here adopted for Chinese
ares. It is also written Shravasti. and Sanscrit words, agrees nearly with
All the upper part of the valley of that of Sir T. Wade and of the
the Ganges was embraced in what French writers on kindred subjects,
was known as Central India. For ou, the oo of Morrison, u is here
" This Sanscrit word is pronounced written.
INTRODUCTION, 5
have gone deeper than the others into the profundities of
Buddhist doctrine, are included those called Bosat and
Lahan, or, as these characters are now pronounced by the
Chinese, P usa and Lohan.
The chief minister of the king having at Eajagriha heard
Buddha s instructions, and been deeply impressed by them,
wished to invite him to some suitable dwelling. Jeta,
the king s son, had a garden. The minister offered to buy
it. The prince said by way of jest that he was willing if
he would cover it with gold. The minister, who was child
less, obtained gold-leaf and spread it over the garden.
The prince then gave it him free of cost. According to
another account the minister ordered eighty elephants
loaded with gold to come immediately. The prince, admir
ing the doctrine which had so affected the minister as to
make him willing to give all this gold for a hall to teach it,
gave it for nothing. In a house " in this garden, which lay
outside the city Sha-wei, Buddha with his disciples, 1250
in number, assembled. It was the time of taking food.
Buddha put on the robe " called seng-gha-li, and with his
pat l or " mendicant s rice bowl " in his hand, entered the
city to beg for food. When having gone from door to
door he had finished his task, he returned to his lodging-
place. " His meal being ended, he put his robe and
rice vessel aside, and washed his feet," for it was the
practice of this religious reformer to walk with naked
feet. "He then sat cross-legged on a raised platform,"
remaining some time in meditation before he began to
teach.
" At that time the aged Subhuti, who was sitting among
the crowd of disciples, arose. With his right shoulder un
covered, and kneeling on his right knee, he raised his
joined hands respectfully, and addressed Buddha in the
following words :" Eare is it to meet with the world s
o
1 In modern Chinese the t is dropped and the a (a in father) changed to &.
In Sanscrit the word is pdtra.
6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
honoured one, 1 Julai, 2 who in the best manner protects
his disciples (Bosat), keeps them in his thoughts, and gives
them his instructions. World-honoured sage ! (Shl-tsuri)
if good men and good women exhibit the unsurpassed just
and enlightened heart, how should they place it firmly,
and how should the evil risings of the heart be suppressed
and subdued ? " The words in italics, corresponding to
the Sanscrit anutara samyaksambuddhi? are written with
Chinese characters in the text, and are explained by the
commentator as consisting of an, " not," utara, " superior,"
samya, " right and equal," sambodi, " rightly knowing."
Buddha replied, " The question is a good one, and you have
truly described my disposition. It is thus that a resting-
place can be found and the heart controlled." The words
ju-sfci, " thus," says the commentator, refer not to what
precedes, as in Chinese syntax, but to what follows, ac
cording to the usage of Sanscrit grammar. Subhuti
then expresses his anxious desire to hear the instructions
of the sage, who consequently addresses his disciples
called Bosat and Great Bosat (Ma-ha-sat). "All men,
whether they resemble in their nature oviparous animals,"
that are light and fly, or imitate the moral dispositions
and reflecting habits of " the mammalia, or are like the
fish," sprung from spawn, instinctively following the mul
titude in the path of evil, " or are of the same class with
animals born by transformation," and pass through re
markable changes, should enter that state which is final
and unchangeable 4 the Nirvana, 5 " Whether they still
1 A title of Buddha Shi-tsun; 3 These words are pronounced in
in Sanscrit, Lokes varardja (Eitel s old Chinese a nu-ta-la sam-mia sam-
Handbook of Chinese Buddhism), or bo-di, and in Mandarin a neu-to-lo
Lokadjyesht a, v. Remusat s Melanges san-miau san-p u-t i.
Asiatiques, vol. i. p. 164. 4 Without remainder, Wu-yu.
2 Julai is the Chinese translation 5 Nit is translated by the commen-
of Tathagata. It means literally tator "go out if," and ban, "harass-
"thus come, "and is explained, "bring- ment." By the French Sinologues
ing human nature as it truly is, with it is identified with Nirvana, the
perfect knowledge and high intelli- happy condition of perfect rest at
gence, he comes and manifests him- which the Hindoos aim. The diction-
self." ary Ching-tsz-t ung, says, that "the
INTRODUCTION. 7
think " on the phenomena of the sensuous world " or have
ceased to think," i.e., become so far enlightened as to pay
no attention to passing scenes, " or are neither with thought
nor without thought," that is, have become entirely indiffer
ent to life or death, appetite or aversion, love or hatred,
" they should thus seek salvation in destruction." Why
do not all living men obtain this immeasurably great re
lease? "If the Bodhisattwa (Bosat, he who knows and
feels) has for his aim self, or man, or the world of living
things, or old age, he is not a true Bodhisattwa." Buddha
now bade Subhuti resume his seat, and went on to in
form him concerning the fixed place of rest for which he
had inquired. "The Bodhisattwa in action should have
no fixed resting-place for his thoughts. In what he does
he should not rest on colour, sound, smell, taste, collision,
or any particular action. He should not rest in forms of
things, that is, allow himself to attend to any special
sensational phenomena. If he thus acts, his happiness
and virtue will be boundless." Buddha is asked by his
disciple for a further explanation of this doctrine. He
replies by inquiring if the four quarters of space can be
measured by thought. Receiving a negative answer, he
says that the same is true of the doctrine that the Bodhi
sattwa in acting without regard to particular objects
obtains great happiness and virtue. He then asks if with
the material body and its senses Julai or Buddha can be
truly perceived. No, says the disciple, for body and form
are not truly body and form. Buddha himself replies by
denying the existence of all matter in the words " what
ever has form is an empty delusion. If any one sees that
all things having forms are not forms, i.e., nothing, he then
Chinese equivalent of this Sanscrit may be, by a Hindoo who pronounced
term is, to announce that he is at the word Nirbana. It is called in
rest, and that it is applied to describe some translations Nif wan. The Hin-
the death of Buddha, because his is doo translator would pronounce Nir-
not a true death like that of other wana. The Chinese character used
men, whose tsing-shin (soul) does not for ni was called nit in some parts
die." The sound 6an was selected, it of China, and nir in others.
8 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
truly perceives Julai" in his formless and matterless
reality ; that is, has attained to a profound understanding
of Buddhist doctrines.
In these few passages from the Kin-kang-king or
" Diamond Sutra," some of the most prominent doctrines of
Buddhism are brought to view, viz. : (i.) The happiness of
the Nirvana or state of unconsciousness which frees him
who attains it from the miseries of existence. (2.) The
mischievous influence of human life, with its struggles
after particular forms of happiness, and of the sensuous
world with its deceptive phenomena. (3.) The non-exist
ence of matter, to be convinced of which is to take the
first grand step on the road to enlightenment.
This introduction into the Buddhist sphere of thought
makes the system appear to be based rather on philosophy
than on any religious principle. More will subsequently
occur to confirm the correctness of this opinion. With
regard to the real character of Buddhism, piety towards
the Euler of the world does not form either its foundation
or the result to which it aims to elevate its votaries. It
will be seen that, while striving to escape from the evils
incident to life, and from every selfish aim, it is nothing
but selfishness in an abstract philosophical form, stripped
of the grosser qualities which are manifested in the com
mon course of human history.
In enumerating the various kinds of sensations conveyed
to our minds by the senses, a verb "to strike or pierce," ctiu,
is employed in place of "touch," the familiar term of our own
popular philosophy. All these sensations are said by the
Buddhists to be produced by the respective organs with
which they are connected. They are called the six kinds
of " dust " or " worldly things " the unwelcome accretions
that attach themselves to our garments as we walk througli
the world. " Action," fa, said to emanate from the "will,"
yi, is classed with them as the sixth mode assumed by
worldly phenomena.
The preceding specimen of Buddha s teaching, sur-
INTRODUCTION. 9
rounded by his disciples in a city of ancient India, is
sufficient to introduce the subject. The principal facts in
the life of that sage will now be detailed. Buddha will be
here represented as he appears in the Chinese biographies.
They describe him as a sort of divine man, possessed of
unbounded magical power, and visiting the most distant
spots, as, for example, the paradises of the gods, in an
instant of time.
In giving an account of Chinese Buddhism, I feel the
importance of exhibiting Shakyamuni in the form which
is familiar to the Chinese devotee. It is well, in our pic
ture, to retain the details of a marvellous nature which
have been so abundantly added by the Northern Bud
dhists to the simplicity of the first narrative. Man cannot
live without God. This was an effort to recover the divine.
When God, through the absurdities of polytheism, was
pushed out of view, the substitute was Buddha, the perfect
sage, the model ascetic, the patient and loving teacher, the
wonder-working magician, the acknowledged superior of
gods and men. Such was the conception worked out by
the Hindoo mind to take the place of the old polytheism
of India, and accepted by all the Buddhist nations north
of Shakyamuni s birthplace. In the history of religions
it is of extreme importance that this fact should be
recognised and appreciated.
A LIFE OF BUDDHA
IN FOUR CHAPTERS.
CHAPTER I.
LIFE OF SHAKYAMUNI TILL HIS APPEAKANCE AT BENARES
AS A TEACHER.
Previous lives Chronology The seventh Buddha Birth
Early life Becomes a hermit Becomes Buddha Legendary
stories of his early preaching Hwa-yen-king Extramundane
teaching Appearance at Benares.
IN examining the Buddhist writings, the reader is at once
reminded that he has entered a field where he is deprived
of the trustworthy guidance and careful adherence to facts
and dates of native Chinese authors. Not only is this true
of works that contain the wilder extravagances of Indian
mythology, and introduce the wondering disciple to the
scenery and inhabitants of numberless other worlds, even
those that wear an historical look, and yield the most in
formation, do not fail thus to betray their foreign origin.
The doctrine of transmigrations, and an eternal succession
of kalpas past and future, is tempting to the biographer
who wishes for variety of incident. He can place his hero
wherever he pleases, in the universe boundless in space and
time of the Indian imagination. The founder of Buddhism,
Shakyamuni, or the " Sage of the house of Shakya," is a
case in point. It is said of him that before his birth more
than two thousand years since in the present Jcalpa, he
had during many previous ones taken religious vows,
12 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and honoured the Buddhas who then instructed the
world. His name is associated particularly with Dipan-
kara, in Chinese, Janteng, a fictitious Buddha, who re
ceived him as his disciple, and foretold that he would in
a subsequent kalpa become Buddha, and bear the name
by which he is now known. The time when this hap
pened was too long ago to be expressed by common
Chinese numerals. It was at a distance of numberless
Jcalpas. 1 In modern Chinese temples, an image behind
that of Julai sometimes represents Janteng. In the
kalpa immediately preceding the present, Shakya is
said to have risen to the rank of Bodhisattwa. He
was then born in the heaven called Tushita, 2 and when
the time was come his soul descended to our world. He
came on a white elephant having six tusks. The date of
Shakya s birth is very variously given. The Siamese,
Peguans, and Singhalese, all using the Pali versions of
the Buddhist classics, differ among themselves. The
numbers as stated by them are B.C. 744, 638, and 624?
The Chinese historian, Ma Twan-lin, mentions two dates
as assigned by various authorities to this event, viz.,
1027 and 668. The former is what is commonly given
in Chinese books. Burnouf rightly prefers the chrono
logy of the Southern Buddhists. Their discrepancies
between themselves form an objection, but not at all a
fatal one, to such a conclusion. The uncertainty that
involves this question is an instance of the difficulty
attending researches in Indian chronology and history,
as contrasted with the fulness and accuracy of Chinese
writers. What was the original language of Buddhism
is another point not yet fully determined. The settle
ment of it would throw light on the chronology. Only
one of the dates can be right, for there is no doubt as
1 A-seng-gi-kap. The Sanscrit word 2 Tushita now pronounced Tushito.
Asankhyd means "innumerable." s See Klaproth s Life of Buddha,
%alpa is applied to periods of time and Tumour s Examination of the
varying from a few hundreds to many Pali JBuddhistical Annals.
thousand years.
CHRONOLOGY. 13
to Buddha s identity. If Sanscrit was the language in
which he taught his disciples, it must have "been just
dying out at the time, for the old Buddhist inscriptions,
in the countries watered by the Ganges, are in a dialect
derived from the Sanscrit and differing little from Pali.
The mother- tongue of the Hindoos must then have been
already supplanted by a derived dialect in the time of
Ashoka, king of Central India, who reigned near Patna,
as both the Northern and Southern Buddhists inform us,
about 150 or 200 years after Buddha s death. It is to
his age that those monuments are ascribed. Perhaps a
discussion as to whether the Sanscrit or Pali versions of
the sacred books were the earlier, may have led to a
designed altering of dates by the Northern or Southern
school of Buddhism. The deception was an elaborate
one, by whichever party it was practised, for the interval
from the death of Buddha until modern times is in the
writings of both schools filled up by a series of events
and dates. 1 The lives of some of the patriarchs, as given
in Chinese books, appear too long. Ananda, a favourite
disciple of Buddha, is made to die eighty-three years after
him. Of his successors in the office of patriarch, the first
two held it for sixty-two and sixty-six years respec
tively. The average of the first fourteen patriarchs is
more than fifty-two years to each. Without forgetting
the simple and abstemious habits of these ancient ascetics,
their lives must be regarded as prolonged beyond proba
bility. Perhaps the most convincing argument for the
claim of the Pali to be that which was spoken by Buddha
himself, is that the ascertained interval between him and
Ashoka is too short for the formation of a new language.
The work called San- kiau-yi-su 2 places the Buddha
called Shaky amuni in the seventh place among those whom
1 The suggestion of Tumour to This throws light on the design of
account for the sixty-five years dis- the Northern Buddhists in antedating
crepancy of the Singhalese and Greek Buddha s birth by 447 years,
dates is, that dates were altered to re- a San-kiau-yi-su, "Supplementary
concileBuddha sprophecieswithfacts. account of the three religions."
14 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
it commemorates as having, on account of their perfect
enlightenment, received that title. The list begins with the
ninety-eighth Buddha of a preceding kalpa. He is called
the Biba Buddha. The two next, who are supposed to live
toward the close of the same vast period of time, are called
Shichi and Baishevu. The three first Buddhas of the pre
sent Jcalpa are said to have been named Kulusan, Kuna-
shemuni, and Kashiapa. In Ward s Mythology of the
Hindoos, it is said, " The Buddhists assign to their hero
ten incarnations, and designate the histories of these in
carnations by the names of ten Hindoo sages." But the
true history of the religion begins with Shakyamuni.
Where all is fictitious, it matters not very much whether
the preceding six Buddhas were incarnations of Shakya
muni Buddha, or were separate in their personality. There
appears to be no ground for believing in any Buddhism
before Buddha. Given a hero, it is easy to invent for him
six preliminary lives, or six predecessors in the same dig
nity. One would like to know whether the Mohammedan
series of seven sages, selected out of the Jewish and Chris
tian Scriptures, from Adam to Christ, is imitated from this
Hindoo series of seven sages.
The effects of the teaching of each of the past Buddhas
are recorded. The most ancient of the seven is said to
have saved 34,800 men. The figures diminish, step by
step, to 20,000, the number attributed to the immediate
predecessor of the historical Buddha.
The names of the most faithful, and also the two pro
ficient disciples, are given in the case of each Buddha.
The city in which they lived is also mentioned, and the
tree under which they were fond of delivering instruction.
The favourite city of Shakyamuni was Shravasti, and his
tree, the Bodhi tree. His disciples were too many to
number. His faithful disciple was Eahula, his son, and
his two most proficient pupils were Shariputra and Maud-
galyayana.
The true history of the Buddhist religion begins with
BIRTH. 15
Shakyamuni. He was the son of Suddhodana, king of the
city Kapilavastu, near the boundary of Nepaul. The king
of Kapilavastu was subject to the king of Magadha, a
country in Southern Bahar, to which the Ganges provinces
were then tributary. Suddhodana is called in Chinese
Tsing-/<m " He who eats food freed from impurities."
Buddha was born B.C. 623, and attained the rank of
Buddha at thirty- five years of age, in B.C. 588, the sixteenth
year of the reign of Bimbisara. He died at seventy-nine,
in the eighth year of the reign of Ajatashatru, B.C. 543.
These are Ceylonese dates, and are, says Tumour, too late
by sixty-five years. According to the Siamese and Birmese
chronology, the birth and death of Buddha are assigned to
the years B.C. 653 and B.C. 628. Koeppen prefers the
former dates, on the ground that they are usually accepted
by the Southern Buddhists, and the date of the Nirvana is
sanctioned by a very extended official use. He suggests
that the Buddhists of China and other northern countries
were influenced by the prophecy uttered by Shakyamuni,
which stated that his doctrines would spread in China a
thousand years after his death. It was in A.D. 64 that
Buddhism entered China. The Nirvana, therefore, should
have its date a thousand years earlier. From this we may
understand why the Chinese Buddhists place the life of
Buddha so much earlier than do their brother believers in
the south. Koeppen also remarks that Ceylon was con
verted to Buddhism much earlier than countries north of
India, and that historical events are, therefore, more likely
to be correctly recorded in Ceylon. The events in Buddha s
life were fresher in remembrance when the early Buddhist
literature of Ceylon was compiled, than when Buddhism
spread in China and other northern countries.
The accepted date in China for Buddha s birth is B.C.
1027. His name was Siddharta, and that of his mother
was Maya. She died ten days after his birth. The ques
tion in regard to this date is thus treated by the author of
Fu-tsu-t ung-ki. He first gives six grounds for accepting
16 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the older chronology, i. A portent in the year B.C. 1027.
According to a work called Cheu-shu-yi-ld, a bright light
of five colours was seen to pierce the constellation Tai-wei,
and pass over the whole west. On seeing it, the historian
Su Yen remarked that a great sage was born in the west.
Seventy- nine years later, a white rainbow was seen, having
twelve stripes stretching from south to north. The his
torian Hu To, seeing it, said, " It is the sign of the death of
a great sage in the west." 2. Kashiapmadanga said to
the Han emperor, Ming-ti, who introduced Buddhism into
China, that it was in the year B.C. 1027, on the eighth day
of -the fourth month, that Buddha was born. 3. The
statement of the third Chinese patriarch in the sixth
century, that it was in the fifty-first year of the cycle, on
the fourth month and eighth day. 4. Another early work
of a Chinese Buddhist gives the year B.C. 1027, the
month and day agreeing. 5. The same is true of a state
ment by a Buddhist in the History of the Wei, an imperial
work. 6. Early in the seventh century, the emperor Tai-
tsung ordered an investigation into the date of Buddha s
birth. Lieu Te-wei, a minister of State, inquired of a
famous Buddhist named Fa-lin the reason of the dis
crepancy in the current accounts. The consequence was
that Fa-lin settled it to be B.C. 1027.
The same author proceeds to give several other epochs,
believed in by as many authorities. I. Inscription on a
stone pillar. This gives B.C. 718. 2. The statement of
the pilgrim Fa-hien, B.C. 1197. 3. The statement of the
work Siang-cheng-ki, B.C. 75 3. 4. Another statement places
it in the time of Hia-kie, B.C. 1800. The fifth authority,
Chung-sheng-tien-U, gives the date B.C. 457. The sixth
states that B.C. 687 was the year in question, and that
then, according to the Tso-cliwen, there was a shower of
falling stars. This phenomenon is supposed to indicate
Buddha s birth. A learned Buddhist, Ku-shan, argues
that the birth must have taken place in the second month
of the modern Chinese calendar, because in the Cheu
EARLY LIFE. 17
dynasty the year began two months later. To this the
defenders of the orthodox Chinese view say in reply, that
in three Sutras the birth of Buddha is said to have taken
place in the fourth month, and as they were all translated
since the modern calendar was adopted, a century before
the Christian era, it is not open to us to say that it took
place in the second month.
At fifteen years of age he was, in an assembly of nobles
and Brahmans, formally invested with the rank of heir-
apparent. The nobles presented to his royal father basins
filled with water from the four seas, and ornamented with
the seven precious things. They also sprinkled water on
the prince s head, and gave him the seal of the seven
precious things.
At seventeen he was married to a Brahman maiden
of the Shakya family called Yashodara. He was taught in
his youth every possible accomplishment, and was supplied
with all the delights that high position and riches could
afford, but he soon learned to despise them.
At eighteen years of age he left the palace to visit cer
tain pleasure gardens and groves. Passing the east gate
of the city he saw there a Deva who had assumed "the
form of an old man, with white hairs and crooked back.
He thought sadly on the rapidity with which men grow
old. They become aged like lightning, and yet are not
afraid. Going out again, the same divinity presented him
self at the south gate in the disguise of a sick man, witli
languid features and swelled paunch. At the west gate
he saw a dead man, and the members of his family laugh
ing as they followed him to the grave. He went out once
more, and saw at the north gate a begging priest, a Biksliu
in fact. He wore the garb of an ascetic, and carried a
bowl. A staff was in his hand. The prince asked him
who he was. He replied, " I am a Biksliu, practising
sacred duties, and always obtaining the reward of freedom
from action." As he finished these words he rose into the
air, and was soon out of sight. The prince thought, " I fear
B
!8 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
lest I may be pressed down by old age, sickness, death,
the miseries I have witnessed. This Bikshu has arrived
at the perception of my feelings. He shows me the path
of deliverance." From this time the prince began to desire
the ascetic life.
At twenty-five years old he sought an interview with
his father, and said, "Kindness and affection, multiplied as
they may be, lead but to partings. Allow me to enter
on the ascetic life, that I may learn what wisdom is." His
father tried in vain to detain him. On the seventh day
of the second month the prince, while reflecting on the
life of the recluse, emitted from his body a light which
shone to all the palaces of the Devas. These beings then
knew that Siddharta had become a recluse, and came to
congratulate him. He asked their aid, and left his father s
palace in the night-time under their escort, resolved to be
a hermit, and saying, "If the eight miseries "viz., birth,
death, sickness, love, hatred, &c. " be not abandoned, wis
dom cannot be attained." He refused to return to his
father s palace, and lived on the Himalaya Mountains in
solitary spots, trying various methods to attain mental
satisfaction, but in vain. He lived on hemp and barley,
and assuaged his thirst with snow, till at thirty years of
age he came to the perception of the true condition and
wants of mankind. "He sighed, and said, It is strange
that all men while they have within them Julai (the capa
city of perceiving the true nature of life and worldly
phenomena), and possess knowledge and virtue as the
original property of their nature, should be entangled by
deceptive thoughts and remain in ignorance of these
things/ After this he lived forty-nine years, and delivered
thirty-five discourses of special importance."
There were, during Buddha s life, five principal periods
of instruction.
I. The time of delivering the Hwa-yen-Ung. The
scene was mostly in the paradises of the Devas, and the
audience was composed of mythological personages. This
EARL Y PREA CHING. 19
was the first grand outburst of Buddhist thought, and it
belongs to the " Greater development."
II. The deer garden period. Buddha now becomes
historical. His teaching and his audience are human.
This is the period of instruction in the four miseries,
examples of which we have in the Sutra of Forty-two Sec
tions, and other works.
III. The teaching of squareness and equality ; where
all the principles of Shakyamurii s philosophy appear in
symmetry, as in the Leng-yen-king.
IV. The period of the Pradjna. Here Shakyamuni
becomes most coldly metaphysical, and expounds the
doctrine of salvation for man and all living beings in the
triumphant tone of an icy logic. The miseries of society
are to be terminated by minute hair-splitting and belief
in certain profound abstractions, which, after all that may
be said for them, are simply impossibilities.
Y. The closing period of Buddha s public life included
the announcement of the Lotus of the Good Law, and the
doctrine of Nirvana. Here, in prospect of death, the
warmth of human feeling returns. Shakyamuni becomes
sympathetic and touching, as in the days of youth when
he founded the Hindoo monastic societies, and when, as
an enthusiastic preacher, he visited one after another the
great cities of Oude and Bahar.
At first Buddha appeared like the sun in the east
illuminating the tops of the western hills. Bodhisattwas
from immense distances were attracted, and came to re
cognise him as the teacher whose instructions would guide
mankind to the highest truth. This was the Hwa-yen
period. Next the sun shone on the valleys, and then
upon the wide plains. After the Bodhisattwas had been
taught, the first disciples of the human race, the SJira-
manas, or " listeners," were instructed in the valleys, and
then all mankind in the plains. The changes of milk are
referred to in illustration. The first teaching was like
milk fresh from the cow. There are four subsequent
20 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
stages, cream, ordinary butter, rich butter, and the oil
which appears on the surface in the last boiling process.
In Mongolia and North China milk is boiled to make
butter.
The Hwa-yen doctrine is described also as tun, "an
abrupt outburst." The teaching of the Bikshus is
"gradual and elementary" (tsieri), proceeding step by
step from the Book of the Forty -two Sections to the
Leng-yen, or "Square and equal," and from thence to the
Pradjna paramita. Beyond that, in the later years of
his life, Buddha unfolded the " secret " (pi-mi) and " un
fixed " (pu-ting] aspects of his doctrine.
The scene of the delivery of the Hwa-yen Sutra was
laid in nine places. The first was under the Bodhi tree
of Aranya in the kingdom of Magadha. This is different
from the Bodhi tree of the Agama Sutras of the Small
Development school. Aranya is " wild," " a quiet place,"
" belonging to the woods ; " and Aranyakah " a forester,"
" a hermit," " living in seclusion " (see Eitel). The addition
of ka marks an agent. Before Buddha s time, and during
his youth, the hermit life had already become a fashion
in India. He would, when a young and enthusiastic
hermit, find himself more at home with men of this class
than any other. In some green glade of the forests that
skirt the mighty Himalayas, Shakyamuni is pictured by
his northern followers with numberless mythological per
sonages assembled before him. Pu-hien, or, as he is called
in Sanscrit, Samantabhadra, is the principal speaker. He
is one of the fabulous Bodhisattwas. Manjusiri, another,
follows him.
The scene is then suddenly changed to the paradises
of the Devas. Indra receives Buddha in one of his palaces l
1 The Tau-li-t ien, or " Heaven of ble su, likeeZ, is a prefix. If this sup-
the number 33 ; " in Sanscrit, Triyas- position be correct, the Hindoo race,
trimsas. Sumeru is probably Elburz, when forming its legends of the Deva
an isolated mountain of the Caucasus worlds in their first form, must have
range, 18,000 feet in height, and sur- lived in the vicinity of the Caucasus.
rounded by low ground. The sylla- Su = El; Me = Bu ; Ru = r.
HWA-YEN-KING. 21
on the Sumeru Mountain, and utters an encomium upon
him in a speech in which he states that Kashiapa Buddha
had discoursed on the same spot. He is followed by
ten Bodhisattwas, who all speak in praise of Buddha s
wisdom.
Buddha is next found in the heaven of Yama, the
Indian Pluto, and after this in that called Tushita, liter
ally " the happy," where his mother Maya resides. After
this, the scene of the instructions and encomiums of the
Bodhisattwas in the presence of Buddha is transferred to
other Deva paradises, where Indra and other gods of the
Brahmanical mythology hold conference with them.
Last of all, at the close of this long Sutra, the scene is laid
in the garden of Jeta as in the " Sutra of the Diamond,"
King -kang -king. Shariputra and other disciples are there
by anticipation, but do not see Buddha, nor the magnifi
cent assemblage of Bodhisattwas. Before the assembly
breaks up, Manjusiri takes his farewell of Buddha, and
sets forth on a southward journey among mankind.
Shariputra and 6000 Bikshus went to him for instruction.
He exhorted them to practise the duties of the Bodhisatt
was, that they might obtain the samadhi of faultless vision,
and see the Buddha regions and all the Buddhas. Man
jusiri then proceeded to the " city of happiness," on the
east of which he met the youth familiarly known among
the Northern Buddhists as Shan-ts ai-t f ung-tsi, who be
came his disciple and learned from him the knowledge
of Bodhi. He also traversed Southern India, where he
taught in no cities.
Shaky amuni himself says very little in the course of
.this Sutra. It is intended rather for developing the my
thology of the great Bodhisattwas. As such, it is highly
valued in China, where the images of Wen-shu (Manjusiri)
and Pu-hien are common in the temples. Pu-hien in one
speech mentions China under the name Chen-tan, 1 as a
1 Hiva-y en-king, chap. xxvi. Tan means "country," as in Hiudostan,
Afghanistan.
22 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
region where many Bodhisattwas have been engaged in
past times in instructing the people.
But the time had arrived when Shakyamuni must be
come a teacher of mankind, and we now find him suddenly
making his appearance at Benares.
Legend having resolved to exalt Shakyamuni to the
utmost extent of her resources, busied herself particularly
with the year when he attained that perfect vision of truth
which is called the state of Buddha.
He had passed six years in the exercises of severe absti
nence and meditation. One day he thought, " I had better
eat, lest the heretics should say that Nirvana is attained
in famishing the body. Let me eat, and then attain to
perfect knowledge." He went to the Nairanjana river to
bathe. Here a shepherdess gave him food which suddenly
grew on a lotus-flower at her feet. He took it, and felt
his strength return. He went to sit under a banyan tree
(Pippala), or tree of Bodhi. The god Indra brought him
a straw seat. He sat here, resolved not to move till the
transformation he was about to undergo should be com
pleted.
The king of the Maras, perceiving that the walls and
foundations of his palace were shaking, thought in him
self, " Gautama is now attaining perfect knowledge. Before
he has reached the height of wisdom, I will go and trouble
him." He went with bow and arrows, and attendant
demons, to the tree where the object of his attack was
sitting. He then addressed him " Bodhisattwa ! give up
the monastic principle (c hu-kia fa), and become a wheel
king/ l If you rise not, I will shoot my darts at you."
The Bodhisattwa was unmoved. The darts, as they fell,
became lotus flowers. The king of the Maras then offered
him his three daughters to attend on him. Shakyamuni
said, "You attained, by a small act of virtue, the body
1 A king who rales the world, and ChaJcravarti in Sanscrit, from Ckakra,
causes the wheel of doctrine every- "wheel," the symbol of activity,
where to revolve. The great Ashoka whether of Buddha in preaching, or
was a wheel king. The word is of kings like Ashoka in ruling.
RANK OF BUDDHA ATTAINED. 23
of a Deva. You think not on the perishing, but seek to
tempt me. You may leave me ; I need you not." The
king of the Maras again said, " I will resign to you my
throne as a Deva, with the instruments of all the five
pleasures." "No," replied the Bodhisattwa, "you attained
the rank of Ishwara by some charitable deed. But this
happiness has an end. I wish it not."
An army of spirits now issued from the ground and
rebuked the tempter, who, as his last device, summoned a
host of demons to assault the unconquerable youth. The
air was filled with grim faces, gnashing teeth, and bristling
spears. The Bodhisattwa looked on this scene as if it
were child s play. A spirit in the air was now suddenly
heard to say, " The Bodhisattwa attains this day, under
the Bodhi tree, the perfection of knowledge. Here stands
the diamond throne of many past Buddhas. It is not for
you to disturb him. Cease your hostility, and wait upon
him with respect." The king of the Maras then returned
to his palace.
It was on the seventh day of the second month that
Shakyamuni, after this victory, attained the rank of
Buddha. This is described as entering into a state of
reverie, emitting a bright light, and reflecting on the four
modes of truth. 1 It is added, that he comes to the com
plete knowledge of the unreality of all- he once knew as
good and evil acting, long and short life, and the five paths
of the metempsychosis, leading all living beings into a
perpetual interchange of sorrow and joy. As the morning
star of the eighth day of the month appeared, he suddenly
awoke to this consciousness, and attained the perfect view
of the highest truth.
As soon as Shakyamuni had risen from the state of
1 These are, Ku, "misery," Tsi, separation from the ties of passion,
"assembling," Mie, "destruction," the possibility of destroying the de-
:vnd Tau, "the path," consisting in sires, and the path of salvation as
knowledge of misery, truth, and regards the practical Buddhist life,
oppressive restraints, the need of
24 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
P usa to that of Fo, the assembly of the forty-one great
teachers embodying the law, and of innumerable Devas,
Nagas, and other supernatural beings, gathered round him,
as the clouds gather round the moon.
To them he discoursed, as already described, in the Hwa-
yen-ldng.
While he was meditating on the hopelessness of attempt
ing the instruction of mankind, none but a Buddha being
able to comprehend what Buddha knew, it first appeared
better that he should enter at once into the Nirvana. But
from this wish he was dissuaded by Brahma and Indra,
who came to intercede for mortals, and induce Buddha to
become a public teacher. During seven days he received
in silence Brahma s entreaties. In the second week he
reflected on the sufferings and sorrows of man. In the
third week, he said, " I ought to open the gate of the sweet
law. Who should first hear it ? The hermit Arara, who
desired the perfect knowledge of truth ? Let me first save
him." A voice in the air said, " He died yesterday." Again
he thought, " Then let the hermit Nalana be the first." The
voice again said, " He died last night." He thought once
more, " The five messengers sent by the minister of state
had a like wish. Let them first hear the law." Buddha
accordingly set out for Benares.
On the way, he sat by a pool in a state of samadhi for
seven days. A blind Naga (snake or dragon) that lay in
the pool felt the light that shone from Buddha restore his
vision. He came out of the water, was transformed into
a youth, and received the vows as a disciple.
On the seventh day of the third month, the spirit of the
tree under which Buddha had for seven days been in a
state of samadhi, took notice of Buddha s long abstinence
from food. Five hundred travelling merchants passed at
the moment, and the oxen that drew their waggons proved
unable to pull the vehicles over the obstacles that lay in
the road. Two of the merchants came to the tree to ask
APPEARANCE A T BENARES. 2 5
the spirit s aid. The spirit advised them of the presence
of Buddha near the pool, and said they should offer him
food. They gave him barley mixed with honey. The
four kings of the Devas (who are seen in the front hall of
Buddhist temples) took from the mountain stones four
sweet-smelling bowls, which they found there by a happy
chance. In these they offered the food. Buddha took all
the bowls, for fear of giving offence to any of the kings.
He then piled them up on his left hand, and, with his
right (by magical manipulation), formed them into one,
holding it so that all present might see it. Then, after
uttering a charm, he ate the food, and proceeded at once
to administer the vows to the two merchants, who, with
their companions, all attained high grades in Buddhist
knowledge.
Buddha, in this instance, imposed on the neophytes the
ordinary five prohibitions suited for men and Devas. This
must be regarded, therefore, as exoteric teaching. But as
the grade attained was high in proportion to the amount
of training, it belongs so far to the unfixed or arbitrary
division of the exoteric doctrine Hien-lu-cln-pu-ting-ltiau,
"manifested, and not fixed teaching."
It is at this point in Shakya s biography that a new
section begins.
Mankind were not at this time in a state to receive the
doctrine of the Greater development, and Buddha must
be content to leave the brilliantly-illuminated regions of
the great Bodhisattwas and shine upon the retired valleys,
where he will, by a gradual process of teaching, reform
and make happy such groups as he may meet of ordinary
mortals in their wretchedness and desolation. He will,
for the time, postpone his more elevated discourses, and
proceed to Benares to teach the rudiments of his system.
The shining robes of the recognised Buddha must be
exchanged for the tattered garb of the ascetic. This is to
him a temporary disguise.
26
CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The Northern school, with all the looseness of its chrono
logy, professes great exactness in dates.
Month.
Day.
Event.
r>
8
Shakyamuni becomes Buddha.
29
Teaches the Hwa-yen doctrine.
7
6
In reverie bv the pool.
7
Receives food from the merchants.
3)
8
In the garden at Benares.
In these dates, says the biographer, intervals of three,
four, and five weeks may be observed.
CHAPTEE II.
LIFE OF BUDDHA FROM HIS APPEARANCE AS A TEACHER AT
BENARES TO THE CONVERSION OF RAHULA.
The four truths Godinia aud his four companions The first
monastic community The first lay brother Conversion of five
hundred fire-worshippers in the kingdom of Magadha Buddha
at Kajagriha At Shravasti, in Jeta s garden Appoints punish
ments for crimes of monks Goes to see his father after twelve
years absence Story of his son Rahula.
IT was exactly thirty-five days after his arriving at perfect
wisdom that Buddha opened his public life at Benares, by
discoursing to Godinia and others on the four truths.
"You should know," he said to his auditors, "the fact
of misery (DUK A), and the need of becoming separated from
the accumulation of entanglements caused by the passions
(SAMUDAYA). These two truths belong to the world from
which you are now exhorted to take your departure. You
should also experience the extinction of these miseries
and entanglements (NiRODA), and the path of reformation
(MARGA). These two truths belong to the monastic life on
which you should now enter."
Having these subjects to discourse on, Buddha went
forth to appeal to the youth of India, the hermits, the
followers of the Zoroastrian fire -worship, the Brahman
who studied the Vedas, and to men of every class.
The wheel of doctrine revolved thrice. There was first
didactic statement, then exhortation, and lastly appeal to
evidence and personal experience. The image is that
of grinding. The chaff and refuse are forced from the
28 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
good flour by repeated revolutions of the wheel. The
statement of facts, the urgent appeal, and the proof are
repeated in the inculcation of each of the " four truths."
The wheel of Buddhist preaching was thus made to per
form twelve revolutions. 1
Having once launched the subject under these four
heads, it was natural that the Hindoo minds of the time,
fond as they were of dialectical hair-splitting, should ramify
them into numberless subdivisions. They talked of the
eighty-one states of misery, the eighty-eight varieties of
deception, the thirty-seven methods of reformation, &c.
One of Buddha s earliest converts was Godinia, who
was attracted by his teaching upon the four truths, and
attained the first grade of clear vision. It was at Benares,
the ancient Varanasi, in the Mrigadava garden (Lu-ye-yueri),
that this conversion and that of four others took place.
Thus began the revolving of the wheel of the Buddhist
law, which was destined to spread the new doctrine over
so wide a portion of Asia, and to continue for so many
centuries. These new disciples asked to be permitted to
commence the monkish life. This Shakya allowed, say
ing, " Bikshus ! it is for you to take off your hair, wear
the kasha, and become Shramanas." He discoursed of the
non-permanence of human actions, of the emptiness of the
external world, the non-existence of the Ego, the deliver
ance of the mind from thraldom by the cessation of faults,
and the consequent attainment of the moral and intellec
tual rank of Arhan.
"Thus," adds the delighted Buddhist historian, "the
world for the first time had six Arhaus, and (including
the new doctrine) the Three Precious Ones (San Pau). The
first was Buddha, the second was the revolving of the
wheel of the doctrine of the four truths (DJiarma), and
the third was the company of the five Arhans (Sanga).
Well might that garden be regarded as the happy land of
men and Devas (Tien}"
1 Sh%-er-Mng-fa-lun.
THE FIRST LA Y BROTHER. 29
This was the foundation of the spiritual communities of
Buddhism. The Sanga, or assembly of believers, distin
guished by common vows of abstinence from marriage,
from animal food, and the occupations of social life, now
commenced. The Sangarama and Vihara, 1 or monastery,
was soon rendered necessary for the residence of the
voluntary coenobites, who daily grew in numbers, and the
greatest social revolution that ever took place in India
was fairly begun.
Soon afterwards, a youth of great intelligence saw in
the night-time a light. He opened the door of the house,
and went out in search of the light. He soon reached
Buddha s garden, was taught, became an Arhan, and re
quested permission to take the vows, to which Buddha at
once consented. The father of this youth came in search
of him, and was also taught by Buddha. He became a
convert ; with purged vision took the vows of adherence
to the Three Precious Ones, and returned home to become
the first Upasaka, or lay brother, keeping the rules, but
living at his own house. It was permitted to the neophyte,
if he preferred it, to continue in the position which he held
in social life, and not to join the monastic community.
As soon as the number had increased to fifty-six, another
great step was taken by Shakyamuni. He broke up the
community, and dismissed all its members to travel every
where, giving instruction in the doctrine of the four
miseries to all persons with whom they met. This occu
pation was connected with begging for food. At this
time the Buddhist community had no property. It was
supported by the liberality of the new members, or by the
gifts of rich persons. Whether the monks were in the
monastery or upon their travels, the normal mode of gain
ing support was by the charity of neighbours, of passers-
by, of kings and nobles, and all the kindly disposed. The
system was thus gradually, in the early years of Shakya-
1 Sanga, "assembly;" ardma, "garden;" Vihura, " a place for walking
about in."
30 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
muni s teaching, assuming the form it has taken in all
Buddhist countries. Monastic vows, living in spiritual
communities, voluntary poverty, and universal preaching
these formed the basis on which the great Buddhist
structure was erected. We cannot but admire the won
derful practical genius of the man who conceived the
system, and carried it out with such triumphant success.
In a few years India was covered, through the labours
of the Buddhist preachers, with flourishing communities
of monks, and in the cool season of the year the Bik-
shus, or religious mendicants, were everywhere seen on
the roads and in the cities teaching the true path to the
Nirvana.
As Shakyamuni was the first in time of the founders of
monastic communities, so he surpassed them all in the
originality of his conceptions, in the success of his system,
and in the force of his influence.
The Buddhist preachers left their master, who proceeded
from Benares to Magadha. At evening he slept in the
house of Uluvilva Kashiapa. He there subdued a fiery
snake, and administered to him the vows of adherence to
Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood. To produce an
impression on Kashiapa s mind, he enclosed the snake in
a rice bowl. Kashiapa was still deficient in knowledge,
but from this time he ripened and progressed visibly.
On the banks of the Nairanjana river, Shakyamuni had
an interview, says the legend, with his old enemy, the king of
the Maras (the Chinese mo in mo-Jewei, " devil "), who wished
to enter the Nirvana. But Buddha refused his thrice re
peated request, on the ground that he was not mentally pre
pared for the change. Thus, legend which was never more
active in inventing wonderful stories about any one than
about Shakyamuni makes him sovereign over the most
powerful supernatural beings. He did not, however,
always refuse applicants for salvation from other worlds.
He is said to have gone up to the Tushita paradise to
instruct his mother Maya in the new law.
JE TA S GA RDEN A T SHRA VAST I. 31
On the banks of the same river, five hundred fire-wor
shippers, after hearing his discourse on the four miseries,
became Arhans, and threw their implements of worship
into the river. This religion frequently mentioned in
early Buddhist history was, as it would appear, propa
gated from India to Persia not long before the time of
Cyrus, and there succeeded in destroying the old Magian
worship of the heavenly bodies. But while fire-worship
triumphed in Persia, it was destined to be expelled from
India by Buddhism. With these new converts, Buddha
went to the city of Eajagriha, and was received there with
perfect confidence and admiration. The king Vimbasara,
Ajatashatru s father, 1 and all the principal persons in the
city, Brahmans, officers, and people, became his disciples.
The ruins of this city are still visited by the Jains, at a
spot sixteen miles south-west of Bahar. 2 It was the metro
polis of the Magadha princes till the era of Ashoka, the
Buddhist monarch who ruled all India about two hundred
years after the time of Shakyamuni. Here Buddha taught
for many years, and received some of his most celebrated
disciples, such as Shariputra, Maudgalyayana, and Ka-
shiapa. At this time Buddha began to appoint the wear
ing of the shangati, or upper robe, reaching to the knees.
It is worn outside the kasha, or long robe, which was in
use from the commencement of the monastic institute.
Three years later, Shakya was invited to Shravasti, to
occupy a house and garden expressly provided for him by
the king s eldest son and a rich noble, as already described.
It was the Jetavana Vihara, or Monastery of Jeta s Garden.
Here he was in the kingdom of Kosala, then ruled by Pra-
senajit, who, with the chief persons of influence, were all
in favour of the new doctrine.
Buddha was obliged to become a legislator. As thefts,
assassination, and evil-speaking occurred in his community,
1 From Vimba, "shadow;" sara, 2 Eitel s Handbook of Chinese
"strength." In old Chinese, Bimba- Buddhism,
sala.
32 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
he made special rules for the punishment of such crimes
(Ft. iii. 30).
His father sent a messenger to him, after he had been
absent from home for twelve years, to inform him that he
wished to see him, and to invite him to come for a visit.
The messenger was a Brahmachari (a religious student
or observer of Brahmanical rules of purity), named Udaya.
On hearing Buddha discourse, Udaya at once attained to
the state of Arhan (Lohan). Buddha now resolved to go
to see his father, and attempt, by teaching, to save both
him and his mother. He sent forward Udaya to inform
the king, and perform before him the eighteen changes
a series of magical effects. The king was delighted, and
went out of the city thirteen miles, accompanied with an
escort of ten thousand persons, to welcome Shakyamuni,
who was conspicuous for his stature being sixteen feet in
height and his brilliant golden colour. He appeared like
the moon among the clouds. Around him were many
Brahmachari who had long been in the woods and moun
tains, and whose bodies were black. They seemed like
those black- winged birds that fly round the purple-golden
mountain. The king then ordered five hundred youths
of distinguished families to become monks and attend
on Buddha, like phoenixes round Mount Sumeru.
The hermit life in India preceded the monastic life.
Buddha himself was at first a hermit, like the Brahmachari
of the time. But while they aimed at the old Brahmanical
purity, his mind swelled with new thoughts and aims.
They were content to avoid the stains of a secular life.
He was bent on saving multitudes by teaching.
When Buddha was come to see his father after twelve
years absence, his wife brought his little son, Eahula,
to see him. The boy was just six years old, and the
courtiers doubted if Buddha was his father. Buddha said
to the doubters, " Yashodara has been true to her duty.
I will give proof of it." He then, by his magical power,
caused the monks present all to become Buddhas in
STORY OF RAHULA.
33
appearance. Yashodara then took a signet ring and gave
it to the boy, saying to him, This is your father s ; ai ve
it to him." Eahula took it and gave it at once to Buddha
The king and all the courtiers said, " Good ! this bov is
truly the son of Buddha." l
( 34 )
CHAPTEE III.
FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF RAHULA s RELIGIOUS LIFE TILL
THE NEAR APPROACH OF THE NIRVANA.
Buddha sends for Rahula Arrangements for instructing Rahula and
other boys Tutors Boys admitted to the vows Nuns Rapid
spread of monasticism Disciplinary rules Education in meta
physics Ananda and the Leng-y en-king Buddha in these
works like Socrates in Plato Buddha said to have gone to
Ceylon Also to the paradise of desire Offer of Devas to pro
tect Buddhism Protectors of China Relation of Buddhism to
Hindoo polytheism Pradjna Paramita King Prasenajit
Sutra of the Benevolent King Daily liturgy Ananda becomes
Buddha s attendant disciple Intrusted with the Sutras in
twelve divisions Buddha teaches his esoteric system Virtually
contained in the " Lotus Sutra " In this the sun of Buddha
culminated His father s approaching death announced
Buddha reaches the forty-ninth year of his public preaching.
WHEN Buddha was forty-four years old lie sent a messen
ger to his father and wife to say that his son Rahula was
now nine years of age, and ought to commence the reli
gious life. Maudgalyayana was the messenger. The
mother replied, "When Julai (TatMgata) was a prince
he married me, and before we had been married three
years he went away to lead a mountain life. Having
after six years become Buddha, and returned to visit his
country, he now wishes me to give him my son. What
misery can be so great as this?" She was, however,
persuaded to consent to this sacrifice, and committed
him to the care of the messenger. With him the king
BOYS AND NUNS ADMITTED. 35
sent fifty sons of noble families to be his companions
in taking the vows and receiving instruction.
They were placed, says the legend, under the care of
Shariputra and Maudgalyayana as their tutors Ho-shang
(Ujpdsaka), and A-che-li (Acharya). 1 The original meaning
of the ordinary Chinese term for Buddhist priest thus
appears to be " tutor." The primary duty of the Ho-shany
was to be the guide of young monks. The term was
afterwards extended in Eastern Turkestan to all rnonks.
From that country it was introduced into China, where
it is still used in the wider sense, all monks being called
Ho-shang.
It was now arranged by Buddha that while boys might
be received into the community, if the parents were will
ing, when still of tender years, as from twelve to seventeen,
they should not receive the full vows till they were twenty.
He also ordered the erection of an altar for administer
ing the vows. It is called Kiai-t an, " Vow altar." It is
ascended by three nights of steps. On the top sit the
officiating priest and his assessors. The flights of steps
are so arranged that the neophyte passes three times
round the altar on his way up, to indicate his triple sub
mission to Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood.
Women began to ask and received permission to take
the vows. They were called in India Bikshuni, and in
China Niku. Ni is the Sanscrit feminine termination
of Bikshu, and Jcu is a common respectful term used of
aunts, young girls, &c.
In twelve years from the commencement of his public
teaching Buddha s doctrines had spread over sixteen Indian
kingdoms, the monastic system was founded, and the out
line of the regulations for the monks and nuns was already
drawn.
Shakyamuni taught morality by rules. He hedged
1 Eitel s Handbook. The -word From Turkestan it was introduced
Ho-shang is translated from Updsaka into China. (Fan-yi-ming-i).
into the former language of Khoten.
3 6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
round his community with the strictest regulations, but
he made metaphysics the staple article of his oral instruc
tions. He tried first to bring his disciples out of danger
from the world s temptations by introducing them to the
spiritual association of the Bikshus. Here there was
community of goods, brotherhood, the absence of secular
cares, strict moral discipline, and regular instruction. The
only respite was when the whole community went out
into the streets of the city to receive the alms of the
householders in the form of money or food. The instruc
tion consisted of high metaphysics and a morality which
speaks chiefly of mercy, and only looks at duty on its
human side. Obedience to the law of God is in Shakya-
muni s morality kept assiduously out of view. Instead
of theology he taught metaphysics, and instead of a his
tory of God s dealings with mankind, such as the Bible is
to the Christian, he supplied them with an unlimited
series of the benevolent actions of the Buddhas and Bodhi-
sattwas.
This is true of Northern and Southern Buddhism, but
the system prevailing in Ceylon and Siam has perhaps
somewhat less of the metaphysical and more of the moral
element than that found in China and Mongolia.
One of the most striking examples of the use of meta
physics as a cure for moral weakness, is found in the
Leng-y en-king. The incident, which is of course legendary,
is placed by Buddha s biographers in the forty-fifth year
of his age and in the city Shravasti. Ananda, the fa
vourite disciple, lingered one evening in the streets, where
he proceeded alone from door to door begging. He acci
dentally met a wicked woman named Matenga. The god
Brahma had already resolved to injure Ananda, and now
drew him by a spell into the house of Matenga. Buddha,
knowing of the spell, after the evening meal returned
from the house of the rich man who entertained him,
sent forth a bright lotus light from his head and received
a charm. He then directed Manjusiri to take the charm
AN AND A AND THE LENG-YEN-KING. 37
with which he had thus been miraculously furnished, and
go to save Ananda. By means of it he was told to bring
Ananda and Matenga for instruction. Ananda on arriving
made his bow and wept, blaming himself that he had not
come before, and that after much teaching his " strength "
(tau-li) was so far from perfect. Earnestly he asked the
aid of the Buddhas of the ten regions that he might obtain
the first benefits of knowledge (Bodhi). Buddha in agree
ing to his desire announced to him the doctrine of the
Leng-y en-king. The attempt is made to strengthen the
disciple against temptation by a grand display of meta
physical skill. The man who founded the monastic in
stitute as a cure for worldliness, might consistently teach
philosophical negations as a remedy against bad morality.
But it is for ever to be regretted that Shakyamuni failed
to see the true foundations of morality. Confucius was
able to uncover the secret of the origin of virtue and
duty so far as to trace it to conscience and natural light.
Judaism found it in the revealed law of God. Christian
ity combined the law written on the heart with the re
vealed law of the Divine Euler. But Shakyamuni failed
to express rightly the relation of morality to God or to
human nature. Here is the most grievous failure of his
system. He knew the longing of humanity for deliver
ance from misery, and the struggle which takes place
perpetually in the heart of mankind between good and
evil ; but he misunderstood them because he was destitute
not only of Christian and Jewish, but even of Confucian
light. Fortunately, however, all the imperfect teaching
in the world cannot destroy the witness which conscience
in every land bears to the distinctions of eternal and
immutable morality, or Buddha s teaching would have
been still more harmful.
The occurrence of the Leng-yen-king early in Buddha s
public life constitutes a difficulty to the Buddhist com
mentators. Buddha is perfect. He commences with the
superficial, and finishes with the profound. How was it
3 3 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
that this most polished specimen of his acumen, acknow
ledged to be so by noted Chinese Confucianists like Chu-
fu-tsi, should equal the Sutras which were delivered at
the end of his life ? They therefore deny its equality
with the Fa-liwa-king, "The Lotus of the Good Law,"
delivered, so they say, when Shakyamuni was an old
man.
It has cost much labour to reduce the Sutras into a
self-consistent chronological order. The Northern Bud
dhists when they added the literature of the Mahayana
to that which was composed by Shakyamuni s immediate
disciples, felt obliged to show in a harmonious scheme of
his long life, to what years the various Sutras of the Hina-
yana and Maliayana, or " Smaller " and " Greater Develop
ment," should be assigned.
Imagine a life of Socrates composed by a modern author
on the hypothesis that he really spoke all that Xenophon
and Plato said in his name. Each of these authors im
parted his own colouring to his account, and introduced
his own thoughts in various proportion ; and Plato s works
certainly constitute the record of his own intellectual life
rather than that of Socrates. His rambles in the world
of thought have ever since his time been regarded as his
own much more than they were those of his revered
teacher. How foolish and useless would be the endeavour
to construct a biography of Socrates on the principle that
he wrote Plato, that the Platonic dialogues were all the
products of his mind, that the incidents real or fictitious
they record were all capable of arrangement in a self-
consistent scheme, and that the philosophical principles
they contain were all developed in a symmetrical succes
sion, and at definite epochs in the life of Socrates ! Such
is the hopeless task undertaken by Buddha s Northern
biographers.
Buddha, in the eighteenth year of his public teaching,
is said to have gone to Ceylon, called in the Sutras Lenga
Island. He went to the top of Adam s Peak, and here
THE PARADISE OF DESIRE. 39
delivered the Lenga Sutra. A Bodhisattwa said to him,
" Heretics prohibit the eating of flesh. How much more
should Buddha enforce abstinence from flesh ! " Buddha
assented, and gave several reasons why Bodhisattwas and
others should conform to this rule. Lenga Island is de
scribed as inhabited by Yakshas, and as unapproachable
by men except by those who are endowed with magical
power.
During the next year Buddha is said to have visited
one of the heavenly paradises, in the middle of the second
range of the heaven of colour and desire, where an assem
blage of Buddhas and Bodhisattwas from the ten regions
gathered before him. Here he delivered the Ta-t si-king.
Each P usa appeared in the form of the element he governed,
whether it were " air " (k ung), water, or any other. The
Devas and Nagas now came forward, and said, "We will
henceforth protect correct doctrine. If any kings scourge
members of the monkish community, we will not protect
their kingdoms. The disciples of Buddha will abandon
their inhospitable territories, which will then remain un
blessed. Not having the religious establishments which
bring happiness on a country, pestilence, famine, and war
will commence, while wind, and rain, and drought will
bring ruin on the agriculture."
After the gods and dragons had finished this speech,
Buddha addressed himself to a son of a Deva called
Vishvakarma, the patron of artisans, 1 the Yaksha Kapila,
and fifteen daughters of Devas, having eyes with two
pupils, and directed them to become the patrons of
China. Each of them was told to take 5000 followers
and wherever there was strife, litigation, war, or pestil
ence, to put a stop to those evils, so that the eye of
Buddha s law might long remain in that land.
The mythology of India appears in this description in
its true light. The aboriginal inhabitants of a distant
1 Eitel s Handbook.
40 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
island like Ceylon were thought of as a race of demons.
The beings called Devas, the Theoi of Greece, and the
Dei .of the Latins, were a class subordinate to Buddha,
the self-elevated sage. For want of a better word, the
Chinese term for Heaven," Tien, is applied to them. The
" dragons," or nagas, with which the Hebrew nahash * and
English snake may be compared, are here viewed as a
class of celestial beings.
All these beings, however exalted, are regarded by the
Buddhists as subject to the commands of their sage. Con
tinuing to rule the world, they do so in the interest of the
new law which Shakyamuni has introduced. Hence in
Buddhist temples they are placed at the door, and are
worshipped as invisible protectors of all faithful Bud
dhists.
When the legend says that "gods" (Devas) and "drains"
(Nagas) agreed to protect Buddhism, the meanin^ isthat
at this period in Buddha s life the Indian kings be4n to
favour his religion in a more public and extended nTanner
than before.
Shakyamuni next delivered according to the Chinese
account of him the Prajna Paramita (Pat-no-pa-la-mit-
ta). Prajna is "wisdom." Para is "the farther side" of
a river. Mita is "known," "measured," "arrived at." There
are six means of arriving at the farther shore of the sea of
misery. They constitute the six Paramitas. Of these that
called the Prajna is the highest. The original works con
taining this system were thought too voluminous to be
translated in full by Kumaradjiva. It was not till the
seventh century that Hiuen-tsang the traveller, after his
return from India, undertook the laborious task of trans
lating one of these works, which extended to six hundred
chapters, and one hundred and twenty volumes. Nagar-
djuna, the most noted writer among the twenty-eight
patriarchs, founded on some of these works the Shastra
T ." na d from the hissing sound of the
To utter incantations, " is nahash or la/iash.
KING PRASENAJ1T. 41
of the "Measure of Wisdom." 1 The Chinese Clvirttai,
the sage of T ien-t ai, made much use of the Prajna
in constructing his system. He had only Kumara-
jiva s fragmentary translations, such as the "Diamond
Classic."
The " Benevolent King " (Jen-wang), here takes his place
in the Chinese narrative of Shakyamuni s life. This oft-
mentioned personage was Prasenajit, king of Shravasti.
It was to him that Buddha is said to have delivered one
of the Prajna discourses, and to have given the advice
that he should, for the avoidance of national calamities,
invite a hundred priests to recite this Sutra upon a hundred
elevated seats twice in one day. Thus he would be able
to prevent rebellion, the invasion of hostile armies, portents
in the sun, moon, and stars, great fires, inundations, dearth,
destructive winds, and drought. The king, when travel
ling, should have the Sutra placed upon a table ornamented
with the Seven Precious Things, viz., articles of gold, silver,
crystal, glass, cornelian, coral, and pearls, and it should be
fully a hundred paces in advance of himself. When at
home, it should be kept on an elevated throne, over which
hang curtains ornamented with the same precious things.
It should be honoured daily with reverential bows, as a
man would honour his father and mother.
Here is the first mention of the daily service, and of
the superstitious reverence for the sacred books called
Sutras common among the Buddhists of all countries.
The possession of a "Sutra" or nom among the Mongols, and
a king among the Chinese, is believed to bring good luck
to the family and the state. They are often written in
gilt letters, and occupy an honourable position near the
domestic idol. The rulers of nature will protect those
who honour Buddha s true words. Such is the Asiatic
fetishism. Buddha himself, and the books containing his
teaching, become worshipped objects ; and the grand litur
gical services performed by large companies of priests at
1 Ch i-tu-lun. See Fo-tsu-f ung-ki, xxx. 13.
42 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the call of emperors and rich men in times of drought,
sickness, death, and other calamities, are believed by the
people to be beneficial on the ground of such passages as
that just given.
When the same Sutra tTzePrajna Paramita was heard
by the kings of sixteen Indian States, they were, says the
enthusiastic but evidently not truthful narrator, so de
lighted, that they gave over the affairs of their govern
ments to their brothers, adopted the monastic life, and
became devoted seekers after Buddhist perfection. The
names of the countries or cities they ruled were Shra-
vasti, Magadha, Paranai or Benares, Vaishali the seat of
the second synod, Kapilavastu Buddha s birthplace, Kushi-
nara the city where he died, Kosala the modern Oude and
Berar, Cophen the modern Cabul, Kulu, Gatakana, Kucha,
&c. (Fo-tsu-t ung-ki).
In the sixtieth year of his age, Ananda was selected to
be the personal attendant of Shakyamuni, and in his care
were deposited the Sutras in twelve great divisions. This
statement means that Ananda was the most active of the
disciples in preserving the sayings of his teacher, and
perhaps in composing the older Sutras. Godinia s offer
of service was declined on account of his age. Maudgal-
yayana, in a state of reverie, saw that Shakyamuni s
thoughts were on Ananda. He told Godinia, who per
suaded Ananda to accept the duty.
In temples Ananda is placed on the right hand of
Buddha, for, says the legend, Shakyamuni set his heart
upon him, as the sun at his rising sheds his light straight
on the western wall. In Singhalese temples Ananda s
image is not placed in that close proximity to Buddha
which is common in China. 1 This circumstance suggests
that he does not, among the Southern Buddhists, occupy
so prominent a position as keeper of the Sutras and per
sonal attendant on Shakyamuni as he is entitled to in the
opinion of their Northern brethren. In the sentence "Thus
1 When at Galle in 1858 I noticed this.
ESOTERIC SYSTEM. 43
have I heard," which opens all the Sutras, the person who
speaks is Ananda.
At seventy-one years of age, Buddha gave instruction
in his esoteric or mystic doctrine. It was in answer to
thirty-six questions propounded to him by Kashiapa.
Nagardjuna lays it down as a rule that "every Buddha
has both a revealed and a mystic doctrine." The exoteric
is for the multitude of new disciples. The esoteric is for
the Bodhisattwas and advanced pupils, such as Kashiapa.
It is not communicated in the form of definite language,
and could not, therefore, be transmitted by Ananda as
definite doctrine among the Sutras. Yet it is virtually
contained in the Sutras. Tor example, the Fa-hwa-king, or
" Sutra of the Lotus of the Good Law," which is regarded
as containing the cream of the revealed doctrine, is to
be viewed as a sort of original document of the esoteric
teaching, while it is in form exoteric.
This work, the Saddharma Pundarika, or " Great Lotus
of the Good Law," takes its name from the illustrations
employed in it. The good law is made plain by flowers
of rhetoric. For example, in the fifth chapter, Maitreya
rises in the assembly and addresses Buddha, reminding
him of the time, forty and more years before, when he
became an ascetic, left the palace of the Shakya clan, and
lived near the city of Gaya as a hermit. He then points
to the multitude of immeasurably exalted Bodhisattwas,
the fruit of his teaching. " The wonderful result is," he
says, " to men incredible. It is as if a man of beautiful
countenance and black hair, about twenty-five years of
age, should say, pointing to an old man of a hundred,
This is my son ; and the old man should point to the
young man and say, This is my father. Their words
would be hard to believe, but it is not less so to credit
the fact of the marvellous results of Buddha s exertions in
so short a space of time. How is it, too," he asks, " that
these innumerable disciples have, during past periods of
boundless time, been practising Buddha s law, exercising
magical powers, studying the doctrines of the Bodhisattwas,
44 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
escaping the stains of the world, emerging, like the lotus
from its miry bed, and now appear here with reverence in
the presence of the World s Honoured one ? "
This Sutra marks the time when, say the biographers,
Buddha s sun reached the zenith and cast no shadow.
They take the opportunity to remark here that Central
India, where Buddha lived, is in fact the Middle kingdom,
as shown by the gnomon, which, at the summer solstice,
in that latitude casts no shadow. China, they say, cannot
so well be called the Central kingdom, because there is a
shadow there on the day mentioned.
When Buddha s fatherwas an old man, and was seized with
a threatening sickness, the son sent him a comforting mes
sage by Ananda. Having, by attending to the prohibitions
of purity, caused the removal of pollution from his heart, he
should rejoice and meditate on the doctrine of the Sutras.
The messenger was directed first to leap in the air, so as
to produce a supernatural light, which should shine upon
the sick king, causing relief from pain. Then he was to
put his hand upon his forehead, and state the message.
Immediately afterwards, the king, placing his hand on his
heart in an attitude of worship, suddenly took his de
parture preparatory to his next transmigration. Members
of the Shakya clan placed him in his coffin, and set him
upon the throne ornamented with lions. At the .funeral,
the four kings of the Devas, at their own request, officiated
as coffin-bearers, having for this purpose assumed the
human form. Buddha himself went in front carrying an
incense-holder. The coffin was burnt, with sandal-wood
for fuel, and the bones were collected in gold caskets by
various kings, who afterwards erected Dagobas and Stupas
over them. Buddha informed his followers that the de
ceased, on account of his purity of life, had been born into
one of the higher paradises above the Sumeru mountain.
Early Buddhism favoured no castes. Persons of all
castes were equal in the eyes of Buddha. This circum
stance made the new religion very popular with men of
humble origin. This, perhaps, was the cause of the pre-
APPROACHING END. 45
servation of Buddha and Ananda when the clan of Shakya,
to which they belonged, was massacred. Prasenajit had a
son by a woman of low caste. This boy, when eight years
old, had been insulted by the Shakya clan. He was learn
ing archery in the house of a tutor. A new house for
Buddha to discourse in had just been completed, and the
sage had been invited with his followers. Euli, the young
prince, mounted the lion throne, when he was sarcastically
reviled by members of the Shakya clan for presuming to
sit on the throne, he being of ignoble birth. On succeeding
to the kingdom, he went to make war on the Shaky as, and
had an immense number of them trodden to death by
elephants in pits. His brother, Jeta, giver of the garden
of that name, was also killed by him for refusing to take
part in this cruel act.
Buddha told his followers that Jeta was born anew in
the Paradise of Indra, usually called in Chinese "The
thirty-three heavens." He also foretold the early destruc
tion of Euli and his soldiers in a thunder-storm, which took
place, it is said, according to the prediction, when they all
went to the hell called Avichi. Buddha also said that the
unhappy fate of the Shaky as was due to their mode of life.
They were fishermen, and, as they had been destroyers of
life, so were they destroyed.
In the view of Shakyamuni, a moral fate rules the
world. Innumerable causes are constantly working out
their retributive effects. These are the yin-yuen of which
we hear the Chinese Buddhists say so much. This moral
fate is impersonal, but it operates with rigid justice. Every
good action is a good yin-yuen, securing at some future
time an infallible reward. All virtuous and wise persons
are supposed to be so, as the result of good actions accumu
lated in former lives.
Buddha was now approaching the last year of his
life. In the eleventh month he said to the Bikshus
gathered round him in the city Vaishali, " I shall enter
the Mirvana in the third month of next year."
CHAPTER IV.
LAST DISCOURSES AND DEATH OF BUDDHA.
Buddha s immortality in his teaching Death real and final Object
of Nirvana teaching Buddha visits the Tau-li heaven Descends
again by Indra s staircase The first images Death of Buddha s
aunt Death of Shariputra Buddha at Kushinagara Between
the Sala trees Last instructions Kashiapa made patriarch
Flesh prohibited Relieves the king of Magadha Sends for
Ananda Answers to four questions Brahma conies Buddha s
last words Death Gold coffin Maya comes Cremation His
relics Pagodas.
THE fifth period of development in the discourses of Buddha
embraces those books which belong to the "Lotus of the Good
Law," and the " Nirvana." They close his public life as a
teacher, and are regarded as the mellowest and richest of his
productions. They were adapted to excite the longing of his
disciples for higher attainments. This was his meaning when
he said, " I am not to be destroyed, but shall be constantly
on the mountain of instruction (ling-slian, efficacious
mountain )." This, says the writer, is what is intended by
Buddha entering the Nirvana, where there is neither life
nor death. He is not dead, because he lives in his teaching.
Thus interpreted, the claim of the Northern Buddhists
on behalf of their sage amounts to an immortality in the
results of his instructions. This is the Buddhist non
omnis moriar. It is consistent with much scepticism,
and may amount by implication to a denial of the future
life, and the continued existence of the soul in any form.
We must not forget that the enthusiastic Buddhists
BUDDHA S IMMORTALITY. 47
who wrote the treatises we are now examining belonged
to the same actual waking, moving world with ourselves.
They fell back, not seldom, from a state of metaphysical
reverie into the condition of common men under the do
minion of the senses. Then they took a firm grasp of the
world. Metaphysics vanished. Death they looked on as
a real death. The destruction of the material organisation
is real. As for the soul, it lives in its actions. A great
hero like Buddha lives only in the results of his life work.
Perhaps our Sung dynasty author of six centuries ago felt
satisfaction occasionally in resting the truth of his philo
sophy, as an expounder of the Mahayana, on the reality
of visible things. In this case he finds the Nirvana of
Shakyamuni in the unbroken continuance of the results
of his teaching.
The same tendency to look out on the actual world
accounts for the view here taken of the Nirvana as a
system of ultimate doctrine adapted to correct the faults
of negligent and misguided monks and others. After the
earlier instructions had been delivered, down to the period
of the " Lotus of the Good Law," there were still some men
who failed to comprehend the full sense of Buddha s teach
ing. To them it was necessary still to discourse on the
true nature of Buddha, that they might learn what is
" really permanent " (chcn-Jhang), and so enter the Nirvana,
As the farmer has the early and the late harvest, so
Buddha, when the first sowing of instruction had been
followed by the ripening and the harvest, proceeded to a
later sowing and harvest. It was then that a multitude of
disciples, high and low in attainment, came to see, as never
before, the true nature of Tathagata, and to bear the fruit
of a ripe experience. After their autumn harvesting and
winter garnering, there was no more for them to do. Among
them were those who advanced from the Prajna Paramita
to the Fa-liwa (lotus), and others who, their perceptions
still blunted, found the Fa-Jiwa beyond their reach, and
were only capable of being reduced to a state of mental
48 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and moral submission by the Nirvana. They find in the
Nirvana doctrine that which enables them to see Buddha s
nature.
The historian has his eye upon those monks of later
times who like to read other books than those of Buddha
himself, and cease to use the books of Buddha for their
instruction. They learn to encourage injurious and de
structive thoughts, even when under the control of
Buddha s law. They shorten wisdom s life, and let go
completely from their possession the " embodiment of the
law" (fa-shen). It is for such backsliders that the doc
trine of permanence was introduced. Its fulness and
reality were to furnish them with a firm support. This
was why, near the close of his life, Shakyamuni dis
coursed specially on the Nirvana before himself enter
ing into that state of blissful extinction. By this means
he is stated to have strengthened the authority of the
monkish system of rules, and with it that of the three
divisions of the Buddhist library.
We see the teaching of the Nirvana to be the doctrine
of Buddha in his old age, when his experience was ripe.
It was the result of his observation of the needs of the
Buddhist community. It was the completing process in
the development of doctrine, and was adapted to affect
minds which remained unmoved under earlier and simpler
forms of teaching.
In the year 947 B.C., according to the chronology of the
Northern school, Buddha went to the Tau-li heaven, and re
mained three months. He sent Manjusiri to his mother to
ask her for a time to bend before the Three Precious Things.
She came. Immediately milk flowed from her and reached
Buddha s mouth. She came with Manjusiri to the place
where Buddha was, who instructed her. She attained the
Su-da-wan fruit. In the third month, when Buddha was
about to enter Nirvana, Indra made three flights of steps.
By these Buddha, after saying farewell to his mother,
descended to the world, led by a multitude of disciples,
DEA TH OF BUDDHA S A UNT. 49
and went to the Jetavana garden in the city of Shravasti.
The king Udayana, of Kaushambi, felt for Buddha a lov
ing admiration, and made a golden image. Hearing that
Buddha was about to descend by the steps Indra had made,
he came with the image and bowed before Buddha. The
image was of " sandal- wood " (chan-tan), and five feet high.
When the king Prasenajit heard of it, he also caused an
image to be made of purple gold. It was five feet high.
These were the first two images of Buddha known to have
been made in the world of Jambudvipa. These images
radiated light while the sky rained flowers.
Buddha joined his hands, and said to the image, " After
my entrance into the state of extinction and salvation, I
give into your charge my disciples."
Buddha s aunt, Mahaprajapati, could not bear the thought
of seeing Buddha s entering the state of extinction and sal
vation that would hide him from mortal view for ever. She
took with her five hundred women and girls under vows of
fasting, and made obeisance to Buddha. They then re
turned to the house, where they resided according to their
rules, and each then exhibited the eighteen movements,
attitudes, and marvellous performances. Some walked on
the water as on dry land; others, leaving the ground,
walked in the air, or sat, or lay down, or stood still, all in
the same element. Fire and water were seen flowing from
the right side of some, and from the left side of others. In
others it was seen issuing from their mouths. They then
all together entered the Nirvana.
Buddha now ordered Ananda to go into the city, and
announce to all the resident Buddhist householders, that
it would be proper for them to make five hundred coffins.
When the burning of the bodies with the coffins was com
pleted, the relics were gathered and placed in temples
erected for the purpose, where they might be continually
honoured with worship.
Shariputra and Maudgalyayana were also grieved at the
prospect of witnessing the entrance of their master into
D
50 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the Nirvana, and themselves died first. At the same time
70,000 Lohans also entered the state of extinction. Buddha,
seeing that his disciples of all four classes were also exceed
ingly disturbed in mind, made use of his magical power,
and changed the two proficient ones into the form of two
attendant disciples, one on his right and the other on his
left. All living beings rejoiced when they saw this, and
were at once liberated from every anxiety and vexation.
On the fifteenth day of the second month, Buddha was
at the city Kushinagara. He went to a spot between two
Sala trees, and here in a short time entered Nirvana. A
great voice was heard proclaiming to all the assembly,
" To-day the World s Honoured One is about to enter the
Nirvana. Whoever has any doubts, now let him come
forward and ask for a solution of them. It is the last
opportunity of asking Buddha for instruction."
At this time the great Bodhisattwas, the various kings
of the Jambudvipa continent, the kings of the Devas, the
kings of the mountains and rivers, and of the birds and
beasts, with the personal disciples of Buddha, all arrived
with offerings, wishing to administer to the wants of the
World s Honoured One. In silence he firmly declined to
receive anything. Chunda, a "lay disciple" (UpdsaJca),
addressed him in the words, " We look to Julai for food
in the future. Now we desire to receive sorrowfully the
vows of the obedient, and to make our small offering."
Buddha replied, " I accept your offering, for it is the last
offering you will present to me."
Chunda said in reply, " Though I know the benefit that
is derived to mankind from Buddha entering the Nirvana
in a public manner, yet I cannot but grieve." For this
Buddha commended him.
At this time the kings of the Devas and Nagas urged
Shakyamuni, but in vain, not to enter the Nirvana at
present. In reply, the World s Honoured One discoursed
on the symbol " I," written with three dots (/.), arranged as
a triangle resting on its base. This he used as a symbol
KASHIAPA MADE PATRIARCH. 51
of the embodied form of Tathagata when released from
the three methods of the Pradjna. All the assembly of
Bikshus then invited him to discourse on the cessation of
permanence, on misery, on emptiness, and on the negation
of self. Buddha, in consequence, gave them instruction
in the four antitheses, viz., the permanence which is not
permanent, the joy that involves sorrow, the I that is not
I, and the purity that contains impurity.
The vast audience of Bikshus said, " Julai being with
out these four contradictions, why will he not remain with
us for a kalpa or half a kalpa, that we may be informed
how to escape from the four contradictions ? "
Buddha said in answer, " I have already committed to
Maha Kashiapa the complete and unsurpassed doctrine,
to keep in trust, that you may all have a form of teaching
on which you can rely. It will be the same as if you had
Buddha himself." He then added, " I also intrust to you,
kings of countries and leaders of supernatural armies, the
deposit of sound doctrine that you may defend it by punish
ments and lawful force, in case of want of diligence, negli
gence, or wilful breaking of monkish rules."
The prohibition of animal food is referred by the Great
Development school to this period. The compiler takes
the opportunity here to throw blame on the Lesser
Development school, because it allows fish and flesh to
be eaten on certain occasions. This refers to the teaching
of Shakyamuni in the Deer garden at Benares, where the
Agama Sutras of the Lesser Development school were
delivered.
In the first Sutras, those of the Hwa-yen and Fan-wang
class, the Bodhisattwas could not eat animal food. This
was the state of the question also at the time of the teach
ing in Benares. It occurs again in the Lenga Sutra, as a
restriction on the Bodhisattwa. In the work called Shih
tsien, " Tallies of the Shakya communities," it is said, that
the restriction on the entire Buddhist community began
subsequent to the Agama period. In the Nirvana teach-
52 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
ing of Buddha it was that the law was first made binding
on all disciples of the Buddhist religion. Thus the
Nirvana teaching made an important addition to the
Buddhist code of discipline.
Ajatashatru, king of Magadha, had killed his father, and
in consequence, by natural retribution, suffered from a
painful ulcer. He had six ministers of depraved minds
who counselled him, in their deceptive way, to apply for
relief to the six heretical teachers, Purana Kashiapa, &c.,
who taught that there is no need to honour prince or
parents, and that happiness and misery do not depend on
the moral character of actions, but come by chance.
Another adviser informed the king that Buddha could
cure him. While the king was lamenting that Buddha
was about to enter the Nirvana, Shakyamuni himself
went into a remarkable state of samadhi, by which he
was enabled to radiate pure and cool light as far as to
the body of the king, whose ulcer was at once healed.
The king, with the queen and 580,000 of his subjects, then
proceeded to Kushinagara to see the sage, who there taught
them. In consequence, the heavy crime of Ajatashatru
became much lightened. He, his wife and daughters, made
high attainments in the Bodhi wisdom, and then bade
farewell to the sage, and returned to their palace.
Buddha now said to Godinia, " Where is Ananda ? "
Godinia replied, that he was beyond Salaribhu, involved
in the delusions of sixty-four thousand millions of de
mons. These demons had transformed themselves into
so many Buddhas, discoursing on the law and displaying
marvellous powers. Ananda was led to think himself
receiving instruction from true Buddhas, while he was at
the same time entangled in a demon thrall. Consequently
he did not come, and remained in this state of great
unhappiness. Buddha then addressed Manjusiri in the
words, " Ananda has been my disciple and has served me
for more than twenty years. My teaching of the law has
been heard by him in its entireness. As water flows into
BUDDHA SENDS FOR ANANDA. 53
a vessel, so he received my instructions. Therefore, I ask,
Where is he ? I wish him to hear from me the Nirvdna
Sutra. He is now vexed with demons. Take in your
hand this charm (dharani) of mighty power, and go and
save him." Manjusiri took it and went. The kings of
the Maras, on hearing the charm recited, at once began
to feel "wise thoughts" (Bodhi) stirring within them. They
immediately abandoned the devices of Maras, and released
Ananda, who returned to Buddha.
Buddha now informed Ananda that Subhadra, an " as
cetic " (Brahmachdri) of a hundred and twenty years old,
who lived beyond the Salaribhu kingdom, although he
had acquired the eyesight and hearing of a Deva, and the
power to search into other persons minds and purposes,
had not been able to put away his pride. He directed
Ananda to go to him and say that Buddha, who came into
the world like the "Udumbara tree" (Finis glomerata)?-
would to-night enter the Mrvana. If he would do any
thing he should do it quickly.
Ananda went as commanded. Subhadra came with
him to see Buddha, who discoursed to him so effectively
that he attained the rank of Arhan, and immediately used
his endeavours to induce Buddha to delay entering the
Nirvana. The sage made silent signs that his resolution
was unchanged, and Subhadra, not able to bear the pain
of witnessing the entrance into the Mrvana, himself first
entered the state of destruction. On this, Buddha said to
the assembled multitude, " From the time that I attained
wisdom I have been engaged in saving men. The first
was Godinia, the last was Subhadra. I have now nothing
more to do."
Ananda, at the instance of Anuruddha, asked him four
questions : " With whom should we live ? Whom shall
we take as our teacher? Where shall we live? What
words shall we use as a sign ? "
1 This tree, a fig-bearing fruit without distinct flowers, is said to bloom
once in three thousand years.
54 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Buddha replied, " In regard to your first question, my
judgment is that, after my death (entrance into the Nir
vana), such men as Chandaka, belonging to the six classes
of unreformed Bikshus, must come under the yoke, and
put away their evil dispositions.
" As to the question, "Whom after Buddha s death you
should take as your teacher ? I reply that your teacher
will be the Skipara system of discipline.
" As to the question, Where shall you reside ? I reply,
In the four places of meditation, i. Meditation on the
body. The body and the moral nature are identical in
vacancy. 2. Meditation on receptiveness. Reception is
not inside ; nor is it outside ; nor is it in the middle.
3. Meditation on the heart. It is only a name. The
name differs from the nature. 4. Meditation on the
Law (Dharma). The good Dharma cannot be attained;
nor can the evil Dharma be attained.
" As to the words you should regard as a sign, there
should be in all Sutras, at the beginning, the sentence
Ju-shi-wo-wen Thus have I heard. This should be
followed by an announcement of the place where Buddha
was teaching, and of whom his audience was composed."
Ananda again asked, "After Julai has entered the Nir
vana, how should the burial be conducted?" Answer,
"Like that of the wheel kings. The body should be
wrapped in fine white hair-cloth, 1 and coated with a pulp
of odoriferous dust. The inner coffin should be of gold,
the outer of iron. When the body of the king is placed
in it, it should be sprinkled with melted butter and burned
with fragrant wood. When the burning is completed, let
the remaining fragments of bone be taken up and placed
under a pagoda, tower, or other monumental building.
Those who see it will both rejoice and grieve as they think
of the king who ruled his country justly. In this our
land the multitudes of men still to live will continue
to bury with washing, and with burning, and construct
1 Tie, 8, dip, "Fine hair-cloth," cf. tapis, tapestry.
BRAHMA COMES. 55
tombs and pagodas with a great variety of customary
practices."
" Within the Jambu continent is the kingdom of China.
I will send three sages to renovate and instruct the people
there, so that in pity and sympathy, and in the institution
of all needful ceremonies, there may be completeness."
This passage is founded on statements in the Sutra
Tsung-mu-yin-yuen-king, " Sutra of Tombs in connection
with sympathetically operating causes." The three sages
are Confucius, Laou-tsi, and Yen Hwei. They are called
the Bodhisattwa of light and purity, the Kashiapa Bodhi-
sattwa and the Bodhisattwa of moonlight.
Northern Buddhism gives its approval to the morality
of Confucius, the ascetic philosophy of Li Laou-tan, and
the high purpose of Yen Hwei. It also looks benevolently
on the funeral customs of the Chinese.
Brahma not appearing in the assembly when Buddha
was about to enter the Nirvana, was sent for by the angry
multitude, who appointed the immortal man of a hundred
thousand charms to go on this mission. Brahma s city
was found to be in a filthy condition. Filthy things filled
the moat, and the hermit died.
Buddha created a diamond king by the exercise of his
magical power, who went to Brahma s abode, and pointing
to the filth, transformed the moat into good land. He
then pointed to Brahma, and made use of a small portion
of his adamantine and indestructible strength. This had
its effect in inducing Brahma to come to the place where
Buddha was.
Buddha then proceeded to tell his disciples that they
must follow the instructions of the book of discipline
called Pratimoksha Sutra. This work details the laws
by which the priests are to conduct their lives. They
must not trade, or tell fortunes, or make profit by land,
or train slaves and serving girls for families. They must
not cultivate plantations for gain, or concoct medicines, or
study astrology. The rules he ordered them to maintain
56 CHINESE BUDDHISM
were of this kind. This treatise was to be their teacher
in place of himself.
The last words ascribed to Buddha by the author of
Fo-tsu-Vung-ld (iv. 12) are, "While I have been in this
continent of Jambudvipa, I have appeared several times ;
and though I have entered the Nirvana, it has not been a
complete Nirvana. Therefore you ought to know the Law
(Dharma) that constantly remains, the unchanging law."
Buddha then, as he lay on the couch of the Seven
Precious Things, reclined on his right side, with his head
to the north, his feet to the south, his face to the west,
and his back to the east. At midnight, without a sound,
he entered the Paranirvdna. He lay between eight Sala
trees, arranged in four pairs. When he had entered the
Nirvana, the two pairs that lay east and west became
one tree, as did also the two pairs that lay north and
south. They united to spread their shade over Buddha,
and through extreme grief changed to a .storklike
whiteness.
The grief of the multitude, manifested in loud cries,
now filled the universe with sadness. A large number
going into the city made a gold coffin, ornamented with
the Seven Precious Things. They also prepared banners
and canopies of sandal-wood, aloes, and other fragrant
substances. They came to where Buddha was, and pre
sented them respectfully. With sincere grief the multi
tude raised Buddha and placed him in the coffin of gold.
Four strong men were appointed to invite the coffin to
enter the city. They could not raise it. Then sixteen
strong men tried to lift it, but failed.
Anuruddha now said, "If all the people in the city
were to try to lift it, they would be unable. The Devas
must be appealed to, for they can do it." Before he had
finished speaking, Indra Shakra appeared in the air carry
ing a magnificent canopy. A host of Devas of the visible
heavens came with Shakra offering service. Buddha was
moved with pity. He himself lifted the coffin into the
MAYA COMES. 57
air to the height of a Sala tree. The coffin of itself entered
the west gate, and came out by the east. It then entered
the south gate, and came out by the north. In this way
Buddha went the round of the city gates seven times, and
arrived at last slowly at the place of cremation.
When the coffin reached the grove of the Seven Pre
cious Things, the four kings of the Devas arrived carrying
branches of sandal-wood and aloes.
On the twenty-second of the second month, Buddha, hav
ing entered the Nirvana seven days, wished to leave his
coffin. His disciples carried him weeping to the grove of
the Seven Precious Things. They then took odoriferous
waters and sprinkled him with it, and wrapped him from
head to foot in silk and fine hair-cloth. After this they
lifted him into the coffin, and placed him as he lay in
the coffin upon a high framework constructed of fragrant
wood. Each of them then took a torch of fragrant wood,
proceeded to the wooden structure, and all was consumed.
Anuruddha went up to the Tushita heaven to announce
these events to Maya, the mother of Buddha. Maya at
once came down, and the coffin opened of itself. The
Honoured One of the world rose up, joined his hands, and
said, "You have condescended to come down here from
your abode far away." Then he said to Auanda, " You
should know that it is for an example to the unfilial
of after ages that I have risen from my coffin to address
inquiries to my mother."
Kashiapa was instructing five hundred disciples at the
Gridhrakuta mountain when an earthquake occurred, from
which he knew that Buddha had entered the Nirvana.
At once he set out with his disciples to go to the spot
where the coffin was. Buddha compassionated him. The
coffin opened of itself, and presented to view the golden
and purple body of Buddha, strong and beautiful. Ka
shiapa, weeping, sprinkled it with fragrant water, and
wrapped it again with the hair-cloth.
The coffin again closed, and a Gallia was chanted by
58 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Kashiapa, when the feet of Buddha became again visible,
and the representations of the wheel of a thousand spokes
(on which Buddha sits) appeared outside of the coffin.
Kashiapa performed reverent salutations to the feet indes
tructible as the diamond, and saw them return within the
coffin. Another wonder was added. Flame from the
heart and bones of Buddha was seen extending out of the
coffin. The process of cremation went gradually on till
the seventli day, when the entire frame of fragrant wood
on which the coffin rested was consumed.
According to another account, Kashiapa took fire and
lit the pile of fragrant wood. The Sung dynasty author,
Che-p an, prefers the statement that the cremation was
caused by a flame issuing from Buddha s own body.
Seven days had passed after the death (literally de
struction and extrication) of Buddha, when Kashiapa
announced to 500 Arhans that they should go to all
worlds and gather Arhans who possess the six powers of
penetration. 1 No fewer than 808,000 came and received
instruction in Dharma near the two trees.
On the twenty-ninth of the second month, seven days
after the cremation of Buddha, Indra Shakra opened the
coffin and took out a right tooth of Buddha. He caused
two pagodas to be erected in his paradise. A Kaksha also
took two teeth. The people of the city came and filled eight
golden pots with relics. They took them into the city, and
made offerings to them for seven days in succession.
There was much contention among those who desired
a share in the relics. Those who struggled were the
kings of the Devas, the kings of the Nagas, and eight kings
of India. To end the strife, Upakutta proposed a division
into three parts for the Devas, the dragon kings, and the
Indian kings respectively. His advice was followed.
King Ashoka obtained 84,000 relics, and also the mous-
1 These are such as the power of ties of form, life, death, and retribu-
distinguishing all sounds, the feel- tion, &c.
iu^s and aims of all persons, varie-
PAGODAS. 59
taches of Buddha. On his way home he met Nanda, a
king of the ISTagas, who begged relics from him, threaten
ing to destroy his kingdom if he refused. Ashoka gave
him a hair of Buddha s moustaches, which he took to the
Sumeru mountain. He there erected a pagoda of rock-
crystal for its safe keeping. In various parts of the
Jambudvipa continent ten pagodas were soon erected
with a similar object in view.
60
CHAPTER V.
THE PATRIARCHS OF THE NORTHERN BUDDHISTS.
Features of Asiatic life in the time of the patriarchs Character,
powers, and intellectual qualities of the patriarchs Series of
thirty-three patriarchs Appointment of Kashiapa by Shakya-
muni The Svastika council of Eajagriha, for writing out the
books of Buddha, and settling what should be received as
canonical The part taken by Ananda in the authorship of the
Buddhist books Ananda, second patriarch The third was
Shangnavasu Remarks on samadhi and reverie Fourth,
Upagupta Conversion of a wicked woman when dying Fifth,
sixth, and seventh patriarchs Buddha s prophecy regarding
Buddhanandi, the seventh Struggle between filial love and
Buddhist conviction in Buddhamitra The way in which he
subdued an unbelieving king Maming given to the king of the
GetsD to induce him to raise the siege of Pataliputra Kapiniara,
the thirteenth Nagarjuna, the fourteenth Converts ten thou
sand Brahmans Writes the Ta-chi-tu-lun Vigorous defence of
Buddhism by Kanadeva Assassination of Kanadeva Sangha-
nandi, precocious as a boy Prophecy respecting him Rahulata
ascends to heaven Sangkayasheta s discussion on the nature of
sound Converts fifre hundred hermits Kumarada s views on
the inequality of present retribution Difficulties met with by
Manura in teaching Buddhism in Southern and Western India
A patriarch s power over birds Haklena converts Singhala-
putra, who succeeded him as patriarch (the twenty-fourth), but
was killed by the king of Candahar The orthodox school has
only twenty-four patriarchs The contemplative school has
twenty-eight Pradjnyatara, the twenty-seventh converts Bodhi-
dharma, the twenty-eighth, who proceeds to China Hindoo
knowledge of the Roman empire.
WE are now in the midst of the Asiatic world of two thousand
and sixteen hundred years ago. In India, in Afghanistan, and
FEA TURES OF A SI A TIC LIFE. 6 1
in Turkestan, Buddhist priests had entered actively on that
pilgrim life to which monasticism inevitably gives origin.
With the object either of instructing, or of worshipping at
some celebrated shrine, travellers were constantly seen on
each foot- worn mountain path proceeding to some distant
monastery. Such scenes as the following, illustrating the
beliefs of the time and locality, would not seldom occur.
A wayfarer in the country of the Geta3 (Afghanistan)
knocks at the door of a Brahman family. A young man
within answers, "There is no one in this house." The
traveller was too well taught in Buddhism not to know
the meaning of this philosophical nihilism, and at once
answered, " Who is no one ? " The young man, when he
heard this, felt that he was understood. A kindred spirit
was outside. Hurriedly he opened the door, and invited
the stranger to enter. The visitor was the patriarch of
the time (seventeenth), with staff and rice bowl, travelling
to teach and make new disciples. On his entrance, he at
once proceeded to utter a statement that this young man
was the object of a long foretold destiny. A thousand
years after Buddha s death, a distinguished teacher would
appear in the country of the Getoe, who would reform his
contemporaries, and follow up the work of illustrious pre
decessors. This meant that he was to become patriarch.
He is eighteenth in the series.
A patriarch is represented as one who does not look at
evil and dislike it ; nor does he, when he sees that which
is good, make a strong effort to attain it. He does not
put wisdom aside and approach folly ; nor does he fling
away delusion and aim at comprehending truth. Yet he
has an acquaintance with great truths which is beyond
being measured, and he penetrates into Buddha s mind to
a depth that cannot be fathomed. His lodging is not
with the sage, nor with the common class. Because he
is above every one else in his attainments, he is called
a patriarch.
A patriarch has magical powers. He can fly through
62 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the air, cross rivers on a boat of leaves, rain inilk l at will
from the air, and enter into a very great variety of trances
or samadhi.
A patriarch has the keenest intellectual perception. He
can dive into men s thoughts, and explain the meaning of
the longest and most obscure compositions. The superiority
of his mental faculties to those of common men is most
marked. He can accomplish intellectual feats where
others fail.
A patriarch is the chief defender of Buddhism against
the heretics and opposers of his time. Selected by the
last patriarch from the crowd of common disciples, he
takes the chief place ever after as champion of the Bud
dhist law and discipline.
He lives poorly, is meanly clad, and keeps up the dignity
of his position by the influence of mind, of character, and
of supernatural acts.
The succession was broken at the fifth Chinese patriarch,
and has never been restored.
The rank of patriarch could be the more easily dis
continued because he had no ruling power. He was simply
a defender, teacher, and example of the Buddhist doctrine
and life.
The following paragraphs are taken from papers I wrote
many years ago.
After the death of Shakyamuni, or, to speak honorifi-
cally, his entrance into the Nirvana at Kushinagara, a
series of thirty-three patriarchs, if we include five Chinese
holders of the dignity, superintended in succession the affairs
of the religious community he had founded. Eemusat has
given an abstract of the biography of the patriarchs taken
from a Japanese encyclopaedia. He says, Buddha, before
his death, committed the secret of his mysteries to his
disciple, Maha Kashiapa. He was a Brahman, born in the
1 This is stated in the life of grant milk." This is the name of a
Shangnavasu, the third patriarch, milky plant, Esch^choltzia cristata,
The word used is hiang-ju, "fra- allied to the vervain. Williams.
APPOINTMENT OF KASHIAPA. 63
kingdom Magadha, in Central India. To him was intrusted
the deposit of esoteric doctrine, called Cheng-fa-yen-tsang,
" the pure secret of the eye of right doctrine," The symbol
of this esoteric principle, communicated orally without
books, is ^man or wan. This, in Chinese, means " 10,000,"
and implies the possession of 10,000 perfections. It is
usually placed on the heart of Buddha in images and
pictures of that divinity. It 13 sometimes called sin-yin,
" heart s seal." It contains within it the whole mind of
Buddha. In Sanscrit it is called svastilca. It was tho
monogram of Vishnu and Shiva, the battle-axe of Thor in
Scandinavian inscriptions, an ornament on the crowns of
the Bonpa deities in Thibet, and a favourite symbol with
the Peruvians.
The appointment of Kashiapa to be successor of Buddha
and patriarch is described in the following manner : " The
World-honoured teacher ascended the platform from which
he gave his instructions, holding in his hand a flower, the
gift of a king. His disciples were all regardless of his
teaching. Only Kashiapa showed attention and pleasure
in his countenance. Buddha understood what was passing
in his mind, and gave him the pure mystery of right doc
trine, the secret heart of the Nirvana, that true know
ledge of existing things which consists in knowing them
not to exist, and the method of enlightenment and refor
mation."
Kashiapa distinguished himself by severely ascetic prac
tices. Buddha knew his excellence, and wished him to
F it on the same seat with himself, as being not inferior in
merit. But to this he would not consent. He also easily
comprehended the ideas of Buddha. Buddha, on one
occasion, used the following illustration: "A notable
man s house took fire. He brought goat-carts, drawn by
goats, deer, and bullocks, to rescue his sons. He after
wards gave them a lofty, broad waggon, drawn by white
bullocks. The first are the methods of Hinayana. The
last is that of Mahayana." Kashiapa understood that
64 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Buddha, when lie thus alluded to the various modes of
teaching employed by him to save men, wished to point
out that the Mahayana is superior to the others in capacity,
adaptability, and utility.
He taught at Eajagriha after the Nirvana. The king,
Ajatashatru, supplied daily with food for a whole summer
a thousand Arhans, who were engaged under Kashiapa in
collecting the boots containing the sayings of Buddha, i.e.,
the Tripitaka. This is what is called by Koeppen the First
Buddhist council.
Kashiapa taught after this for twenty years, and then
intrusted to Ananda the secret of pure doctrine. After
this we hear of his proceeding to the four places of pil
grimage to worship. These were the place of Shakya-
muni leaving his home to become a recluse, the place of
his becoming Buddha, of first preaching, and of entering
the Nirvana.
The second patriarch, Ananda, figures in many narra
tives as the constant attendant and disciple of Buddha.
In temples he is represented as the corresponding figure
to the old man Kashiapa, where he stands on Buddha s
right hand. He was the second son of Shakyamuni s
uncle, and was therefore first cousin of the sage. His
name means " joy." His face was like the full moon, and
his eyes like the lotus flower. He became a disciple at
eight years old.
At the assembly of the Lotus of the Good Law, Buddha
foretold of Ananda that he would ultimately become
Buddha. This was to be a reward for his joy at hearing
the law, and his diligent listening to it. Buddha obtained
knowledge and taught the law. The Bodhi was perceived ;
and the Dharma became its embodiment. The part of
Ananda was to grasp, hold firmly, and save from destruc
tion the Dharma as uttered by Buddha. In so doing
he also saved from oblivion the Dharma which will be
uttered by coming Buddhas, as foretold by Shaky amuni.
Kashiapa appointed that Ananda should sit on the lion
AN AND A, SECOND PATRIARCH. 65
throne, with a thousand secretaries before him. They
took down his words while he repeated the Dharma as he
had heard it from Buddha. Evidently he had a good
memory. Kashiapa was an old man, and Ananda was
comparatively young. Both were alike anxious to pre
serve the teaching of Buddha ; and the thousand Arhans,
who received the sacred Dharma, were selected from a vast
multitude of those who had accepted Buddha as the lion of
the law, the mighty hero of the new and popular religion.
It is not said that they wrote. They may have com
mitted to memory the sacred Dharma as Ananda gave
it, but writing became the common mode of preserving
Buddhist teaching so soon after, that this narrative may
describe actual dictation and the work of a diligent secre
tariat, or company of disciples, who acted as scribes.
The aged patriarch, Kashiapa, when he died, intrusted
to Ananda the very victorious law, and told him the
following story, which throws light on ancient Buddhism
as represented by the Northern school. " Anciently,
when Ting-kwang Fo was a Shamen (Shramana), he
had under his protection a Shami (Shramanera) whom
he required to recite prayers and meditations constantly,
reproving him severely if he failed in reading the whole
of his tasks. The Shami sometimes went out to beg for
his instructor; but if he delayed beyond the due time,
and did not complete his daily readings, he had to bear
heavy blame from that very instructor for whom he
begged. This led him to feel unhappy, and he com
menced reciting on the road as he went his rounds. A
kind and friendly man asked him the reason, and finding
how matters stood, addressed him as follows : Do not
be sad. In future I will provide for your wants. The
Shami ceased to beg, and gave his whole attention to
recitations of the sacred books, and was never deficient
in the number of pages read. This Shami afterwards
became Shaky amuni Buddha. His kind friend became
Ananda in a later birth, and his sagacity, his power of
E
66 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
retention, and diligence in learning resulted from his
meritorious treatment of the Shanii."
The third patriarch was Shangnavasu of Eajagriha.
In a former life he had been a merchant. On the road,
as he travelled, he had met a Pratyeka Buddha, very sick,
and poorly clad. He gave him medicine, and clothing of
a beautiful grass-cloth. 1
This is what, by Buddhists, is called sowing the " field
of happiness " (fu-t ( ieri). Other ways of acting so as to reap
happiness are improving roads, building bridges, respect
to parents, care of the poor, and opening common wells.
The Pratyeka Buddha said, " This is called the Shangna
robe. With it the acquirement of wisdom can be made,
and with it the Nirvana of destruction should be entered."
He then took wing, performed the eighteen movements
in the air, and entered the Nirvana,
Shangnavasu collected fragrant wood, burned the body,
and raised a dagoba over the relics. He also, as he wept,
uttered a wish that in five hundred future births he might
always wear a robe of ,this kind, and have a merit equal
to that of his present life.
He went to sea, obtained valuable pearls, and became
a rich man. He then invited large numbers to a free
feasting assembly in a forest, such as was held once in
three years. He built a tower at the entrance of the
place of meeting. Ananda said to him, " You should learn
our doctrine, and live to benefit mankind." To this he
consented. He took the vows and became an Arhan.
Going away to the Manda mountain, he there by means
of the samadhi of mercy, changed two poisonous young
Nagas into beings having a good disposition.
Samadhi means ecstatic reverie, and as there is some
uncertainty as to its nature in some writers on Buddhism,
1 This cloth was brought to China plant of which it was made had nine
from Thibet and other western coun- stalks. When an Arhan is born this
tries in the T ang dynasty. It was plant is found growing in some clean
white, fine, thick, and strong. The spot.
REMARKS ON SAMADHI AND REVERIE. 67
it may be well to draw attention to this instance of snake-
charming. It means a mesmerising power, a fixing O f the
mind and eye which has an effect on the snake. To fix
the faculties in Buddhist contemplation is to enter into
san-mei or samadki. Those phenomena which we call
trance, brown study, reverie, are examples of an inactive
samadki. The addition of an effort of will makes an
active samadki, as that used in snake charming by Bud
dhists, and as that of mesmerists.
He founded a house to be used by monks as a con
templation hall at the spot, and perhaps the snakes he
tamed may have been kept there in a box, as is sometimes
done now in China. But the account does not say.
He went thence to Candahar, at that time called Kipin,
and there propagated the doctrines of Buddhism about
eighty years before the conquests of Alexander. He lived
in the Siang- (elephant) pe (white) mountain, sat on his
chair, and entered into a trance. While this was happen
ing, Upagupta, his successor, was being much troubled with
five hundred pupils, who were self-opinionated and proud.
He felt that they were beyond his power to guide and
elevate. There was not existing between him and them the
" secret link of influence " (yuen, " cause." Sansc. nidana)
that would have overcome this difficulty. This conviction
he acquired in a samadki, and learned or rather thought
at the same time, while still in the ecstatic state, that
only Shangnavasu could reform them. The samadki here
appears to be an elevated state of inspiration. But it has
also a magical power. The next point in the narrative
is the arrival of Shangnavasu himself flying through the
air. He was habited most shabbily, and when he sat
down on Upagupta s chair, the pupils stared angrily at him
for daring to do this. But Upagupta came before him and
bowed to him most respectfully. Shangnavasu pointed
to the air, and fragrant milk fell as if from a spring on the
side of a high mountain.
This was the result of a samadki, which the patriarch
said was the samadki of a Naga rushing eagerly forward.
68 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
He then exhibited five hundred different kinds of samadhi.
At the same time he observed to Upagupta, that when
Buddha performed any magical act by samadhi, his pupil
Maudgalyayana did not know what samadhi it was. Nor
did inferior disciples know the name of any samadhi by
help of which Maudgalyayana might do anything won
derful. " Nor do I," he said, " understand that of Ananda.
Nor do you understand mine."
When I enter the Nirvana," he continued, "77,000
Sutras will perish with me; also 10,000 Shastras and
8D,ooo works of the class of discipline."
After this the five hundred pupils bitterly repented,
received the patriarch s instructions, and became Arhans.
Upon this the patriarch entered into the Nirvana.
Upagupta, the fourth patriarch, was a native of the Ma
dura country. He had a noble countenance which indi
cated his integrity, and was highly intelligent and eloquent.
His instructor, Shangnavasu, the third patriarch, told him
to keep black and white pebbles. When he had a bad
thought he was to throw down into a basket a black pebble ;
when he had a good thought he was to throw down a
white pebble. Upagupta did as he was told. At first bad
thoughts abounded, and black pebbles were very nume
rous. Then the white and black were about equal. On
the seventh day there were only white pebbles. Shang
navasu then undertook to expound to him the four truths.
He at once attained the fruit " Srotapanna " (Sii-to-hwari).
At that time a woman of wicked life in the same city
with Upagupta, hearing of his upright conduct, sent mes
sengers to invite him to go and see her. He refused. The
son of a citizen in good repute at about the same time
went to stay with her. This youth she slew, because a
rich traveller came witli presents of valuable precious
stones and pearls, which he offered for her acceptance.
She buried the youth in a court of her house. His rela
tions came to seek him and dug up the body. The king,
informed of what had occurred, ordered the woman to have
her arms and legs cut off, and also her nose and ears. She
CONVERSION OF A WICKED WOMAN. 69
was then thrown out among graves in the open ground
beyond the city. When Upagupta went out on his begging
round he arrived at the spot. She said to him, " When I
invited you to come and see me I had a beautiful face,
but you refused. Now that I am maimed, my beauty
gone, and my death near, you have come to see me. Why
is this ? " He replied, " I have come to see you from a
wish to know what you truly are, and not through evil
desire. You have by your beauty corrupted and ruined
many. You were like a painted vase always giving out
evil odours. It was no pleasure to the truly enlightened
to approach you. They knew that this beauty would not
be permanent. Now all miseries have gathered on you
like numberless boils and ulcers. You ought diligently to
seek liberation by means which are in your power." The
woman as she listened opened the eye of Dharma, and
obtained the purification of her heart. At death she was
born anew in paradise.
Upagupta, when still a youth, saw that all the common
methods of redemption were marked by bitterness, empti
ness, and non-permanence, and at once attained the fruit
Anagamin, the third degree of saintship, or that from
which there is "no" (ana) "return" (gamin). He was then
seventeen. Shangnavasu at once received him to the
vows on his application, and he became an Arhan.
He was contemporary during the later years of his patri
archate with king Ashoka, who, hearing that he was on
Mount Uda discoursing to a large audience of believers,
sent messengers to him, inviting him to come to the city
where the king was, and bless him, by touching him on the
crown of the head. The king much desired to learn at
what spots he should erect pagodas in honour of Buddha.
To this the patriarch responded, by pointing out to him all
the places where Buddha had done anything remarkable
during his life.
The number of converts was immense. Each of them
threw down a tally four inches long. The tallies filled a
storehouse which was sixteen feet high. Upagupta became ;
70 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
in virtue and wisdom, almost a Buddha, lacking, however,
the thirty-two points of characteristic beauty. When he
had finished his journeys for reforming others, and the
accomplishment of destiny in meetings with them " (hwa-
yuen-yi-pi, " renovating destiny already ended "), he per
formed the eighteen metamorphoses, and seized on the sal
vation that consists in destruction, i.e., he died. The tallies
in the house were used as offerings, ya-zun (yadjna), to
burn. The people all wept aloud, collected the " relics "
(sharira), erected a t a (stupa), and performed regular wor
ship before it.
In this example of the saint worship of Buddhism may
be observed the upgrowth of superstitious practices. It
aptly illustrates the way in which the religious principle
in man works outward. Buddha, a sort of human god,
was first worshipped. Other highly venerated men of a
secondary type were in succession added, and became the
inferior gods of a new pantheon.
Drikata, the fifth patriarch, was given by his father to
Upagupta as a disciple, to be in constant attendance on
him as Ananda was upon Shakyamuni. Upagupta received
him to the vows at twenty years old. It was in this way.
Upagupta was on a religious journey. He came to the
door of an elderly man, who asked him, " Why do you, a
holy sage, travel unattended ? " He replied, " I have left the
world, and am without family ties. No one has given me
an attendant disciple. It may be you who will bestow
this kindness." The elderly man replied, " If I have a son
I will respectfully offer him to you." He afterwards had
a son whom he named Drikata, who devoted himself in
youth to the study of the Sutras and other books, and
then went in search of Upagupta.
When Upagupta was old, he said to Drikata, " My time
for entering the Nirvana is come. The Dharma which I
have taught I intrust to you. It will be your duty to
teach it in regions far and near." This he did in Central
India, and when he died (seized on the Nirvana) Devas
and men were sad.
SE VENTH PA TRIARCH. 7 1
Michaka was the sixth patriarch. When he met first
with Drikata, he said to him, " I was formerly born with
you in the heaven of Brahma. I met with Asita, 1 who taught
me the doctrine of the Eishis. You met with good and wise
teachers who instructed you in the principles of Buddhism.
So your path differed from mine for a period of six kalpas.
The record of the Eishis said, After six Tcalpas you shall
meet with a fellow learner. Through him you shall
obtain the holy fruit. To-day, in meeting with you, is it
not the fulfilment of destiny ? "
Drikata then instructed him in Dharma, and he made
eminent attainments. The Eishis, his companions, did
not believe, until Drikata performed before them various
magical transformations, when they all believed and ob
tained the fruit of doctrine. When Drikata died, Michaka
took his place in renovating mankind by teaching the
Nirvana.
The seventh (should be eighth) patriarch was Buddha-
nandi, a native of Northern India. When Michaka came
to his country, Buddhanandi saw on the city battlements
a golden-coloured cloud. He thought that there must be a
sage beneath the cloud, who would transmit the Dharma.
He went to search, and found Buddhanandi in the street
leading to the market-place. Michaka said, " Formerly
Buddha, when travelling in Northern India, said to An-
anda, Three hundred years after my death there will be a
sage named Buddhanandi. He will make the Dharma
great in this region/ " Buddhanandi replied, " I remember
that in a former kalpa I presented to Buddha a throne.
It was on this account that he made reference to me, and
foretold that I should in the kalpa of the sages (Bhadra-
kalpa) spread the Dharma far and wide. Since this agrees
exactly with what you have said, I wish to become a disciple."
He at once obtained the four fruits of enlightenment.
The ninth patriarch, Buddhamitra, was found by his
1 A Eishi who was able to detect the marks of Buddha on a child.
Shakyamuni was his slave in a former birth. Eitel.
72 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
predecessor in the patriarchate in the following manner.
Buddhanandi came to his country to teach. Seeing a
white light over a house, he said to his disciples, " There is
a sage here, who has a mouth, but does not speak, and has
feet, but does not walk." He went to the door, and was
asked by an old man why he came. The answer was, " In
search of a disciple." The old man replied, " I have a son
just fifty. He neither speaks nor walks." " That," said
Buddhanandi, " is my disciple."
Buddhamitra rose, made obeisance, walked seven steps,
and then pronounced the following Gatlia : " If my father
and mother are not my nearest of kin, who is so ? If the
Buddhas are not my teachers, who are my teachers ? "
Buddhanandi replied, " You speak of your nearest relative
being the heart. To this your love for your parents is not
comparable. Your acting in accordance with doctrine
(tau) is the mind of the Buddhas. The Buddha of the
wai tau (heretical teachers) belongs to the world of forms.
Their Buddha and you are not alike. You should know
that your real mind is neither closely attached nor sepa
rated." He further said to the father: " Your son formerly
met with Buddha, and, stimulated by compassion, had
great longings to benefit others. But because he has
thought too much of his father s and mother s love, who
could not let him go, he has not spoken nor walked."
The aged father hearing this, at once let him leave the
family to become a monk.
When Michaka (in Eitel, Mikkaka ; in San-kiau-yi-su,
Misuchaka) was about to die, he intrusted to Buddhanandi
the correct Dharma to teach to mankind.
Such is the statement of Chi-p an of the Kiau-men in
Fo-tsu-t ung-ki, He rejects Vasumitra, the seventh patri
arch of the contemplatist school. He does not even men
tion Vasumitra, who yet was very distinguished. He
took a chief part in the last revision of the canon, as pre
sident of the third or fourth synod, under Kanishka, Eajah
of Cashmere, B.C. 153. See in Eitel, who adds, that he
SUBMISSION OF AN UNBELIEVING KING. 73
must have died soon after, though Chinese chronology
places his death in B.C. 590.
The Kiau-men writers apparently say little about the
synods or councils, perhaps because they were presided
over by the patriarchs, who favoured the contempla-
tist school. Can this be the reason that Chi-p an has
neglected the seventh patriarch and caused Michaka to
nominate Buddhanandi (the eighth) as his successor,
making him the seventh ?
From this point I prefer to follow San-kiau-yi-su and
Eitel in numbering the patriarchs, while continuing to
take the story of their lives from the interesting pages of
Fo-tsu-t ung-ki, because the author is full of anecdote.
Chi-p f an, to fill the vacancy caused by the omission of
Vasumitra, mentions Madhyantika, a disciple of Aiianda,
who converted Cashmere. He was contemporary with
Shangnavasu. Buddhamitra passed at once through the
steps of enlightenment, and began to teach the correct
Dharma.
There was a king then reigning who followed another
school, and wished to destroy the influence of Buddhism,
a religion which he despised. Buddhamitra, wishing to
bring this king to submission, took a red flag in his hand,
and carried it before the king for twelve years. The king
at last asked who this man was. Buddhamitra replied,
"I am a man of knowledge, who can discuss religion."
The king ordered an assembly of Brahmans to meet him
in a large hall, and discuss religion with him. Buddha
mitra took his seat, and delivered a discourse. A man
weak in knowledge was pitted against him, whose reason
ings he at once subverted. The rest declined to argue.
The king then entered himself into argument with him,
but soon gave way, and announced his intention to follow
the Buddhist religion.
In the same kingdom was a " ISTirgrantha " (Nikan}, who
reviled Buddhism, and was an expert calculator. Nirgrantlia
means a devotee who has cut the ties of food and clothing,
74 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and can live without feeling hungry or cold. It is from
grantha, " tie." Buddhamitra went to him and received
information in regard to his calculations. The Nirgrantha
spared no abuse in speaking of Buddha. The Buddhist
then said, "You are now working 1 out punishment to
yourself, and will fall into hell. If you do not believe
what I say, try your calculations, and you will find
whether it is so or not." The heretic calculated, and found
that it was so. He then said to the Buddhist teacher,
" How can I avoid this calamity ? "
The reply was, "You should become a believer in
Buddha. You may then have this demerit annulled."
Nirgrantha (or the Nirgrantha) upon this, pronounced five
hundred sentences in praise of Buddha, and repented of
his former faults.
Buddhamitra then said, " Having performed these meri
torious actions, you will certainly be born in one of the
heavenly paradises. If you doubt this, make the calcula
tions, that you may know it to be so." He did this, and
found that his demerit was gone, and that he would be
born in heaven. He and five hundred of his followers
joyfully enrolled themselves as Buddhist monks, shaved
their locks, and placed themselves under the protection of
the Three Precious Things.
The tenth patriarch was Parshva, and the eleventh
Punayaja. Parshva came to the city of " Pataliputra "
(Chinese, Hwa-shti), and rested under a tree. He pointed to
the ground and said, " If this earth should change to a
golden colour, a sage must be here." As soon as he had
said this, the ground changed its colour, and immediately
Punayaja arrived. He was received to the vows by
Parshva, and became his successor.
The twelfth patriarch was Ashvagosha, or Maming, " a
horse neighing." In the city of Pataliputra, five hundred
youths of princely families became at one time converts
1 Tsau-tsui, "creating sin," i.e., the punishment of sin. Sin and its
punishment are confused and loosely identified.
MAMIXG GIVEN TO THE KING OF THE GET^E. 75
to his doctrine, and took the tonsure. The king feared
that his kingdom would become depopulated, and issued
an order that there should be no more chanting. This
decree was levelled against the use of some very popular
and sweet music introduced by Maming. The music
must have excited great attention, and must have had its
effect in leading many persons to resolve on leading the
Buddhist life. This would lead to diminution in popula
tion. The country would become poorer. There would
be fewer workers, fewer tax-payers, fewer soldiers, and
fewer traders.
At this juncture the king of the Getse led his army tc
besiege Pataliputra. There were 900,000 men in the city,
and the besieging king required 900,000 pieces of gold as
a ransom. The king of Pataliputra gave him Maming, a
Buddha s rice bowl, and a cock, observing that each of
these gifts was worth 300,000 gold pieces. Maming s
wisdom was unrivalled. Buddha had boundless virtue,
and a merciful heart. The cock would not drink water
that had insects in it. All three would be able to drive
away enemies.
The king of the Getse was delighted, drew back his
troops, and returned to his country. After a time, the
Parthians attacked him. He gained a victory, and killed
900,000 of the enemy.
Maming was born at Benares, but taught chiefly at
Pataliputra. One day, while he was causing the wheel of
the wonderful law to revolve, an old man suddenly fell
on the ground just before him. The patriarch said, " This
is no ordinary person. There will be some remarkable
appearance." No sooner was this said than he vanished.
Then, in a trice, a man with a golden skin rose out of the
ground. He soon became changed into a young woman,
who pointed with her right hand at Maming and said, " I
bow to the aged and honoured patriarch. Let me receive
the mark of Julai." She disappeared. The patriarch
said, "A demon must be coming to struggle with me."
76 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
There was a violent wind and heavy rain. The sky
became dark. The patriarch remarked, "The demon is
indeed come. I must expel him."
When he pointed into the air, a golden dragon appeared,
who showed marvellous power, and shook the mountains.
The patriarch sat calmly, and the demon s agency came to
an end.
After seven days, a small insect appeared, which hid
itself under the chair of the patriarch, who took it up and
said to the assembly, "This is the demon in an assumed
shape come stealthily to hear my teaching."
He set the insect free, and told it to go, but the demon
in it could not move. The patriarch then said to the
demon, " If you only place yourself under the direction of
the Three Precious Things, you may at once obtain mar
vellous powers." The demon at once returned to his ori
ginal shape, made a prostration and a penitent confession.
The patriarch, asking him his name, he replied, " Kapi-
mara." When the inquiry, what was the extent of his
powers, was addressed to him, he replied that to transform
the sea was easy to him. " Can you," asked the patriarch,
" transform the sea of the moral nature (sing-hai) ? " He
answered that he did not know what was meant. Maming
explained that the physical world rests on this moral
nature for its existence. So also the powers of samadhi,
and of far-reaching perception on the part of Buddhist
proficients, also depend on this for all their value.
Kapimara became a believer, and three thousand of his
adherents all entered the ranks of the shaven monks.
The patriarch called in five thousand Arhans to aid in
administering the vows to this large crowd of applicants.
Kapimara became the thirteenth patriarch. His nume
rous followers spread the Buddhist religion in Southern
India. He compiled a Shastra (Luri), called the " Shastra
of the Non-ego." It extended to the length of 100 G-athas
(Kie). Wherever this Shastra came, the demons and
heretics were pitiably discomfited.
NAGARJUNA, THE FOURTEENTH PATRIARCH. 77
Lung-shu, or "Nagarjuna," was the fourteenth patriarch.
He belonged to Southern India. A king there was very
much opposed to Buddhism, and influenced by what that
religion calls "depraved views" (sie-Jcien). Lung shu wished
to convert him, and for seven years carried a red banner
before him when travelling. The Eajah asked, " Who is
this man ? " He replied for himself, " I am a man pos
sessing all kinds of knowledge." The Eajah asked,
" What are the Devas now doing ? " He replied, " Just
now the Devas are fighting with the Asuras." In a
moment they became aware of the conflict of swords in
the sky, and, to the Eajah s astonishment, some ears and
noses of the giants fell on the ground. The Eajah reve
rentially performed a prostration before Lung-shu. Ten
thousand Brahmans who were at the time in the hall of
audience all joined in praising the marvellous virtue of
the patriarch, and at once submitted themselves to the
tonsure, and entered on the monkish life.
Lung-shu wrote several important Shastras. Among
them was that one called Ta-chi-tu-lun, " Shastra of the
Method of Great Wisdom." He was one of the most prolific
authors of the Mahayana school. On this account he be
came the object of the jealous dislike of the older school
of the Lesser Conveyance.
When drawing near the end of his life, he unexpectedly
fell one day into the trance called the samadhi of the
moon s wheel, in which he only heard words of the
Dharma, but saw no forms. His pupil, Deva, compre
hended him, and said, " The Buddha nature which you.
my teacher, make known to us, does not consist in sights
and sounds." Lung-shu intrusted to him the care of the
Dharma, and entered a vacant room. As he did not come
out for a day, the pupils broke open the door. He had
gone into a state of samadhi, and died. In all the king
doms of India, temples were erected for him, and he was
honoured as if he were Buddha.
The fifteenth patriarch was Kanadeva, a native of South
78 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
India. Tlie king of his country followed a form of depraved
doctrine. When men were invited to act as guards, Kana-
deva responded to the call, and took his place, spear in
hand, in the front rank, discharging his duties in so regular
and exemplary a manner that the king s attention was
attracted. In reply to the king s inquiries, he said he was
a man who studied wisdom and practised argumentative
oratory. The king opened for him a discussion hall. Here
Kanadeva proposed three theses : (i.) Buddha is the most
excellent of sages ; (2.) No law can compare with the law
of Buddha ; (3.) There is no happiness (or merit) on earth
equal to that of the Buddhist monk. "If any one can
vanquish me in regard to these three theses, I consent to
have my head taken off." In the discussion that ensued,
all the heretics were worsted, and asked permission to
become monks.
A follower of one of the scholars who were vanquished
in argument felt ashamed for his master, was much enraged,
and resolved to kill Kanadeva. He attacked him while
engaged in writing a controversial work, and with his
sword pierced him through. Before life was extinct, the
patriarch said, " You can take my robe and rice bowl, and
go quickly to my disciples and inform them, that if any
among them have not made progress, they should keep
firmly to their purpose without despairing." The pupils
came to see their master with loud lamentation. He
said to them, " All methods and systems are empty. I do
not exist, and cannot be injured. I do not receive love or
hatred from any. What that man has injured is the form
of retribution for my past. It is not I myself." He then
cast off the body, as a cicada does its outer covering.
His disciples collected the relics after his cremation,
erected a dagoba, and paid him the regular honours of
worship.
The sixteenth patriarch was Eahulata, a native of Ka-
pila. When a certain Brahman wrote a work of ico,ooo
Gathas, extremely difficult to explain, Nagarjuna was able
SANGHANANDI PRECOCIOUS AS A BOY. 79
to understand the whole at first hearing, and Kanadeva
at the second hearing. Rahulata was able to comprehend
the whole when he had heard Kanadeva s explanation.
On this, the Brahman said, under the influence of great
astonishment, " The Shramana knows it as clearly as if
he had known it all of old." He then became a believer.
After his destined work of reformation and instruction
was done, Rahulata entered (the word is " took," c: seized
on ") the Nirvana.
The seventeenth patriarch, Sanglianandi, of the city
Shravasti, was the son of the king. He could speak as
soon as he was born, and read the books of Buddha when
an infant. At seven years old he formed a dislike to a
worldly life. His parents tried in vain to check him in
resolving to be a monk. Two years later, Rahulata came
to the banks of the Golden-water river and said, pointing
with his finger, " At a distance of five hundred li from this
spot, there is a holy person, named Sanghanandi, who will,
a thousand years after Buddha, succeed him on the throne
of purity." Rahulata led his disciples to see him. He
had just awaked from a trance of twenty-one days, and at
once desired to take the monastic vows. He very soon
understood the principles of Buddha s teaching, and be
came himself an instructor.
One day Rahulata ascended to the heaven of Brahma
with a golden rice bowl in his hand to obtain rice for a
multitude of believing Buddhists. On a sudden they dis
liked its taste. Rahulata said, " The fault is not in me.
It is in yourselves." He then desired Sanghanandi to dis
tribute the food and eat with the others. All wondered.
Rahulata then said, " He is a Buddha of bygone times,
and you also were disciples of the law of Buddha in ages
long past. However, you had not attained to the rank of
Arhan, but only realised the first three fruits of the monastic
life." They replied, " The marvellous power of our teacher
can lead to faith. This Buddha of the past has still secret
doubts." Sanghanandi observed that when Buddha was
8o CHINESE BUDDHISM.
living, the earth was at peace and the waters made every
thing beautiful ; but after his death, when eight hundred
years had passed, men had lost faith. They did not believe
the true form of beauty. They only loved marvellous
powers and deeds that astonish.
He had no sooner ended, than he seized a crystal jar,
and slowly entered the earth. He went with it to the
boundary of the diamond wheel region, and filled it with
the "drink of the immortals" (kan-lu). This he brought
back to the assembly, and placed it before them. They
all repented of their thought, and thanked him.
An Arhan, full of all virtue and merit, came there.
Sanghanandi tried his powers by a question. " One born
of the race of the wheel kings was neither Buddha nor
an Arhan. He was not received by after ages as real,
nor was he a Pratyeka Buddha." The Arhan, unable to
solve this problem, went to the paradises of the Devas,
and asked Maitreya, who replied, " The custom of the
world is to form a lump of clay, and with a wheel make
it into a porcelain image. How can this image compare
with the sages or be continued to later generations ? "
The Arhan came back with this answer. Sanghanandi
replied, " It must have been Maitreya that told you this."
When his destined course was finished, he grasped a
tree with his right hand, and entered the state of destruc
tion and salvation. The corpse could not be removed by
his disciples on account of its great weight. A large ele
phant also came to try his strength, but was unable to
move it. The disciples then piled up fragrant wood
against the tree, and performed the process of cremation.
The tree became still more luxuriantly beautiful. A
dagoba was erected, and the relics were worshipped.
The eighteenth patriarch was named Sangkayasheta.
When he heard the bells of a temple ringing on account
of the wind blowing, his teacher asked him, " Is it the
bells that make the sound, or the wind?" The youth
replied, " It is neither the bells nor the wind, it is my
CONVERSION OF FIVE HUNDRED HERMITS. Si
mind." "Walking on the sea-side, lie came to a temple and
went into it to beg food, saying, " Hunger is the greatest
eviL Action is the greatest suffering. He who knows the
reality of Dharma that there is in this statement, may
enter the path of Nirvana." He was invited to enter and
supplied with food.
Sangkayasheta saw in the house two hungry ghosts,
naked and chained. :< What is the meaning of this ? " he
asked. His host said, " These ghosts were in a former
life my son-in-law and daughter-in-law. They were angry
because I gave away food in charity, and when I instructed
them they refused to listen. I then took an oath and
said, ( When you suffer the penalty of your sin T will cer
tainly come and see you. Accordingly, at the time of
their suffering their retribution, I arrived at a certain
place where monks, at the sound of the bell, had assembled
for food. When the food was nearly all eaten, it changed
to blood, and the monks began to use their bowls and
other utensils employed at meals, in fighting with one
another, and said, Why are you saving of food ? The
misery we bear now is a recompense for the past/ I asked
them to tell me what they had done. They replied, that
in the time of Kashiapa Buddha, they had been guilty on
one occasion, when Bikshus came asking food, of conceal
ing their store and angrily refusing to share it with them.
This was the cause of their present retribution."
Sangkayasheta went on the sea and saw all the five hun
dred hells. This taught him fear, and the desire to avoid, by
some means, such a fate as to be condemned to live there.
He attained the rank of Arhan, and finding in a wood
five hundred " hermits " (sieri) who were practising ascetic
rules, he converted them to Buddhism by praising Buddha,
the Law, and the Priesthood. When his destined course
was run, he entered the Nirvana, B.C. 13.
In the account of Kumarada, the nineteenth patriarch,
is included an answer he gave to a youth who was puzzled
at the inequality of rewards and punishments in the pre-
F
82 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sent life. The youth s parents were devout Buddhists,
but in very feeble health. Their neighbour was a butcher,
and enjoyed an immunity from all sickness and pain.
Why should a man whose business it was to take animal
life escape retribution from this sin ?
Kumarada told him that the inequality of men s con
dition in the present life is mainly on account of sins and
virtuous acts in a former life. Virtue and vice belong to
the present. Happiness and misery are the recompense
of the virtue and vice of the past. The virtue and vice of
the present will be rewarded in the future life. Jayata
was charmed with this conversation. His doubts were dissi
pated. He subsequently became the twentieth patriarch.
Kumarada also said to him, " Activity, in which you have
hitherto believed, comes from doubt, doubt from knowledge,
knowledge from a man s not possessing the perceptive power,
and the absence of perception from the mind s being in a
morbid state. Let your mind be pure and at rest, and with
out life or death, victory or defeat, action or retribution, and
you will then have attained the same eminence as the Bud-
dhas of the past. All vice and virtue, action and inaction,
are a dream and a delusion." Kumarada died A.D. 23.
The work of the patriarchs was to engage in a perpetual
argument against unbelief. There were differences in loca
lities. Some parts of India were more favourable to Budd
hism than others. In the account of the life of Manura,
the "twenty-first" patriarch, in Fo-tsu-t ung-ki (but
really the twenty-second), it is said that in the two Indias
south of the Ganges, "Western and Southern India, there
was great perversity of view. Manura was well skilled
in the analysis of alphabetic sounds, and was recommended
by a learned Buddhist named Yaja, to proceed to Western
and Southern India to teach Buddhism. Evidently he
would aid in giving alphabets to the Tamil and other lan
guages, which at that time were first committed to writing.
On the other hand, in Northern, Central, and Eastern
India, all stated to be to the north of the Ganges, the work
DIFFICULTIES MET WITH BY MANURA. 83
of Buddhist teaching is said to be easy. Yaja undertook
to teach in this part of India.
The campaign of Manura is described as a long struggle
with errors and heresies. He specially made use of a book
by the twelfth patriarch called the Sutra of the Not-mc.
He found Western India under the control of king Teda,
who one day when travelling passed a small pagoda. His
attendants could not say what was the occasion of its
being erected. He asked the " Brahmans of pure life " (Fan-
liing\ the " contemplatists " (ch un-kwan), and the "utterers
of charms " (cheu-shii), who formed three classes of the
community of that day. They did not know.
Manura was then asked; who said it was a pagoda
erected by king Ashoka, and which had now come to
light through the good fortune of the king. 1 The king was
much impressed with Manura s teaching, and became a
disciple. He gave over his royal authority to his son, and
himself took vows as a monk. In seven days he advanced to
the fourth grade of the understanding of Buddhist doctrine.
Manura gave the work of reforming the kingdom by
Buddhist teaching into the hands of the king, and went
himself to the kingdom of the Indian Getse, who retreat
ing westward before the Hiung-noo, B.C. 180 conquered
the Puenjab and Cashmere in A.D. 126. Manura taught in
Western India and in Ferghana in the third Christian
century. He is author of the ViWiaslia Shastra.
The twenty-third patriarch was Haklena. He was of
the country of the Getaj (Candahar). At seven years old
he began to rebuke those people who visited temples to
sacrifice to the gods. He said they were deceivers of the
people, by wrong statements of the causes of calamities
and of happiness. " Besides, you are," he said, " wasting
the lives of innocent cattle, which is a very great evil."
On a sudden the temple and images fell down in ruins.
At thirty-eight years of age he met with Manura, and was
1 "Good fortune," fu-li, "power fortune is always deserved by some
of the king s merit." jFu, "happi- good action done, either in the present
ness," is in a Buddhist sense "merit." or in some former life.
By the law of hidden causation, good
84 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
instructed. Manura told him that formerly five hundred
of his disciples had, on account of small merit, been born
as storks. " These are the flock that are now following
you, wishing to delude you into showing them favour."
Haklena asked him, " How can they be removed ? "
Manura spoke some sentences in the form of Gathas.
" The mind follows the ten thousand forms in their revo
lutions. At the turning-points of revolution, there really
must be darkness. By following the stream and recog
nising the true nature, you attain a position where there
is no joy or sorrow."
The birds hearing these words, flew away with loud cries.
This is inserted by the Chinese biographer as an example
of a patriarch s power over the animal creation.
Haklena \vent to Central India. While he was teaching
in the presence of a Bajah, two men appeared dressed in
dark red mantles and white togas. They came to worship,
and stayed a long time. Suddenly they went away. The
Eajah asked, " Who are they ? " Haklena replied, " They
are the sons of the Devas of the sun and moon."
His most promising disciple was Singhalaputra (Lion
son ; in Chinese, Sh i-ts i\ who had formerly believed in
Brahmanism, and abandoned it in favour of the Buddhist
faith. He asked Haklena, " To what must I give my chief
attention if I would attain the true knowledge of things ?"
" Do nothing," was the reply. " If you do anything there
is no merit in it. By doing nothing, you will comply with
the system of Buddha." Haklena died A.D. 209 (Chinese
chronology).
The twenty-fourth patriarch was Singhalaputra, a
native of Central India. He went to Candahar (Ki-pin),
and there brought over very many persons to Buddhism.
Some heretics were guilty of gross crimes, and took the
name of Buddhists. The king became angry against
Buddhism, and cut off the head of the patriarch.
On account of this unhappy fate of the patriarch, the
succession, according to some authors, was broken off at
this point. Another reason for terminating the list of
THE CONTEMPLATIVE SCHOOL. 85
patriarchs here, is said, by the author of Fo-tsu-Vung-ki,
to have been that the remaining patriarchs were not fore
told by Buddha by name, and did not equal in gifts
and honour those that preceded.
The contemplative school, or school of Bodhidharma,
however, have retained the twenty-eight names, and re
cognise no superiority in the twenty-four universally
acknowledged patriarchs over the remaining four. For
many centuries there was an active discussion on the
claims of the last four and the Chinese patriarchs to the
honour of the name. Chi-p an, writing in A.D. 1269, at
Ningpo, decides against them. Some of the friends who
reviewed his work, and whose names are given, belonged
to the contemplative school. The difference of views
would not therefore be an unfriendly one.
The twenty-fifth patriarch, according to the contem
plative school, was Basiasita. He was a Brahman, and
a native of Candahar. He travelled into Central and
Southern India, and died A.D. 328.
Putnomita was the next (twenty-sixth) that received the
cloak and secret symbols of the patriarchs. He was a
Kshatrya of Southern India. He visited Eastern India,
where he found the king under the influence of heretical
doctrine, and converted him. He died in A.D. 388.
His successor, the twenty-seventh patriarch, was Pradj-
natara, a native of Central India, who travelled to the
southern part of the peninsula, and there took under his
instructions Bodhidharma, the second son of the king.
He died A.D. 457, and left as his successor the pupil just
mentioned, who, he foretold, would visit China sixty-nine
years afterwards. Bodhidharma asked him, when under
instruction, what he had to say about precious things,
pearls, and doctrines, which are round and bright. The
patriarch answered, " Among all precious things the
Buddhist Dharma is the most precious. Among all bright
things, knowledge is the brightest. Among all clear
things, a clear mind is the clearest. Among all things,
86 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
other men and I are the highest. Among all things, the
" essential nature " (sing) of Dharma is the greatest."
Bodhidharma was the twenty-eighth patriarch. He
represents a school that despises books and reduces Bud
dhist teaching to the simplest possible principles. He
was an ascetic of the first water.
In A.D. 526, Bodhidharma left Southern India for China
by sea. The sixty-nine years that passed between the
death of his predecessor and his departure from India
formed the basis of the prediction above mentioned, con
structed we must suppose after the event. The cause of
his departure was probably persecution and disaster. He
was a sectarian even in Buddhism, and possibly his ene
mies were not only the Brahmans, but also fellow-
Buddhists. The reading of books was the life arid soul
of many monasteries. Bodhidharma decried book reading.
His system made the monasteries much less educational
and much more mystical and meditative than before.
Lovers of knowledge among the Buddhists would dislike
his system. This would be the case in China and in India.
In China the dogmatic reason given for not acknowledg
ing the last four patriarchs was that, in the " Dharmapitaka
Sutra," Buddha had said, " After my entering the Nirvana,
there will be twenty-four honourable teachers, who will ap
pear in the world and teach my law " (Fo-tsu-t ung-ki, v. i).
After this what could be done but take the statement
as a final answer to the inquiry, How many patriarchs
could there be ?
Bodhidharma wished to return to India, but died in
China before accomplishing this purpose.
The " Getse " mentioned in the account of Haklena are
called Tue-ti by the Chinese. In the Cyclopaedia Fa-
yuen-chu-lin, it is said that the great kingdoms to the east,
north, and west of India, are China, the Getse, and the
" Eoman empire," Ta-t sin. By the kingdom of the Getse
seems to be meant some great empire between Home and
China. This is an Indian statement.
CHAPTEE VI.
SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BUDDHISM IN CHINA.
The emperor Ming-ti sends an embassy to India for images, A.D. 61
Kashiapmadanga arrives in China Spread of Buddhism in
A.D. 335 Buddojanga A pagoda at Nanking, A.D. 381 The
translator Kumarajiva, A.D. 405 The Chinese traveller, Fa-
hien visits India His book Persecution, A.D. 426 Buddhism
prosperous, 451 Indian embassies to China in the Sung dynasty
Opposition of the Confucianists to Buddhism Discussions on
doctrine Buddhist prosperity in the Northern Wei kingdom
and the Liang kingdom Bodhidharma Sung - yiin sent to
India Bodhidharma leaves Liang Wu-ti and goes to Northern
China His latter years and death Embassies from Buddhist
countries in the south Relics The Liang emperor Wu-ti
becomes a monk Embassies from India and Ceylon Influence
of Sanscrit writing in giving the Chinese the knowledge of an
alphabet Syllabic spelling Confucian opposition to Buddhism
in the T ang dynasty The five successors of Bodhidharma
Hiuen-tsang s travels in India Work as a translator Persecu
tion, A.D. 714 Hindoo calendar in China Amogha introduces
the festival for hungry ghosts Opposition of Han Yii to Bud
dhism Persecution of 845 Teaching of Matsu Triumph of
the Mahayana Budhiruchi Persecution by the Cheu dynasty
Extensive erection of pagodas in the Sung dynasty Encourage
ment of Sanscrit studies Places of pilgrimage P uto Regula
tions for receiving the vows Hindoo Buddhists in China in
the Sung dynasty The Mongol dynasty favoured Buddhism
The last Chinese Buddhist who visited India The Ming dynasty
limits the right of accumulating land Roman Catholic contro
versy with Buddhists Kang-hi of the Manchu dynasty opposes
Buddhism The literati still condemn Buddhism.
IT was in the year A.D. 61, that the Chinese emperor
Ming-ti, in consequence of a dream, in which he saw the
image of a foreign god, sent messengers to India to ask for
83 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
country several thousand miles to the south-east of the
Buddhist books and teachers. 1 A native of Central India
named Kashiapmadanga, with others, accompanied them
back. He translated a small but important Sutra, called
the Sutra of Forty-two Sections, and died at Lo-yang. The
religion had now long been established in Nepaul and
Independent Tartary, as the travels of the patriarchs
indicate. It had also extended itself throughout India
and Ceylon, and the persecution of the Brahmans insti
gated partly by controversial feeling, and more by a desire
to increase their caste influence, had not yet commenced.
Long before this, it is stated that in B.C. 217, Indians had
arrived at the capital of China in Shen-si, in order to
propagate their religion. Eemusat, after mentioning this
in ihe Foe-koue-Jci, adds that, towards the year B.C. 122, a
warlike expedition of the Chinese led them to Hieou-thou,
a country beyond Yarkand. Here a golden statue was
taken, and brought to the emperor. The Chinese author
states that this was the origin of the statues of Buddha
that were afterwards in use.
At this period the geographical knowledge of the Chinese
rapidly increased. The name of India now occurs for the
first time in their annals. In the year B.C. 122 Chang
K ien, a Chinese ambassador, returned from the country
of the Getse, and informed the Han emperor Wu-ti, of the
kingdoms and customs existing in the west. Among other
things, he said, "When I was in the country of the Dahas, 2
12,000 Chinese miles distant to the south-west, I saw
bamboo staves from K iung and cloth from Si-ch uen. On
asking whence they came, I was told that they were
articles of traffic at Shin-do ( Scinde/ taken for India), a
i He had the dream in A.D. 61. the twelfth month they saw the em-
Eighteen men were sent. They went peror.
to the country of the Getse, bor- 2 Ta-hia, in old Chinese Dai-he. It
dering on India, and there they met was 207 years earlier that the : Dahse
the two Brahmans. They came rid- and Getse were defeated m battle by
in- on white horses, with pictures, Alexander. Dahistan borders on the
images, and books ; and arrived Caspian, forming the south-east coast
in A.D. 67. On the thirtieth day of of that sea.
BUDDOJANCA, 89
Dahae." It is added in the commentary to the T ung-lden-
kang-muli, from which this account is taken, that the name
is also pronounced, Kan-do and Tin-do, and that it is the
country of the barbarians called Buddha.
Early in the fourth century, native Chinese began to take
the Buddhist monastic vows. Their history says, under
the year 335, that the prince of the Ch au kingdom in the
time of the Eastern Ts in dynasty, permitted his subjects
to do so. He was influenced by an Indian named Buddo-
janga, 1 who pretended to magical powers. Before this,
natives of India had been allowed to build temples in
the large cities, but it was now for the first time that the
people of the country were suffered to become " Shamen " :
(Shramanas), or disciples of Buddha. The first translations
of the Buddhist books had been already made, for we
read that at the close of the second century, an Indian
residing at Ch ang-an, the modern Si-an fu, produced the
first version of the " Lotus of the Good Law." The emperor
Hiau Wu, of the Ts in dynasty, in the year A.D. 381, erected
a pagoda in his palace at Nanking.
At this period, large monasteries began to be established
in North China, and nine-tenths of the common people,
says the historian, followed the faith of the great Indian
sage.
Under the year A.D. 405, the Chinese chronicles record
that the king of the Ts in country gave a high office to
Kumarajiva, an Indian Buddhist. This is an important
epoch for the history of Chinese Buddhist literature. Kuma
rajiva was commanded by the emperor to translate the
sacred books of India, and to the present day his name may
be seen on the first page of the principal Buddhist classics.
The seat of the ancient kingdom of Ts in was in the southern
1 He foretold future events by 2 The syllables Sang-mun are also
interpreting the sound of pagoda employed. Shramana means the
bells as they were blown by the "quieting of the passions." Sih-siti,
wind. On one occasion he placed "to put the mind at rest," is the
water in an empty flower-pot, and Chinese translation of it.
burned incense, when a blue lotus
sprang into view in full bloom.
90 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
part of the provinces Slien-si and Kan-su. Ch au, another
kingdom where, a few years previously Buddhism was in
favour at court, was in the modern Pei-chi-li and Shan-si.
That this religion was then flourishing in the most
northerly provinces of the empire, and that the date, place
(Ch ang-an), and other circumstances of the translations
are preserved, are facts that should be remembered in con
nection with the history of the Chinese language. The
numerous proper names and other words transferred from
Sanscrit, and written with the Chinese characters, are of
great assistance in ascertaining what sounds were then
given to those characters in the region where Mandarin is
now spoken.
Kumarajiva was brought to China from K u-tsi, a
kingdom in Thibet, east of the Ts ung-ling mountains.
The king of Ts in had sent an army to invade that country,
with directions not to return without the Indian whose
fame had spread among all the neighbouring nations.
The former translations of the Buddhist sacred books
were to a great extent erroneous. To produce them in a
form more accurate and complete was the task under
taken by the learned Buddhist just mentioned, at the
desire of the king. More than eight hundred priests
were called to assist, and the king himself, an ardent
disciple of the new faith, was present at the conference,
holding the old copies in his hand as the work of correc
tion proceeded. More than three hundred volumes were
thus prepared. 1
While this work, so favourable to the progress of Bud
dhism, was proceeding, a Chinese traveller, Fa-hien, was
exploring India and collecting books. The extension of
the religion that was then propagated with such zeal and
fervour very much promoted the mutual intercourse of
Asiatic countries. The road between Eastern Persia and
China was frequently traversed, and a succession of
Chinese Buddhists thus found their way to the parent
1 See the Ts in history.
FA- HI EN S BOOK. 91
land of the legends and superstitions in which they be
lieved. Several of them on their return wrote narratives
of what they had seen. Among those that have been
preserved, the oldest of them, the Account of Buddhist
Kingdoms, l by Fa-hien, is perhaps the most interesting
and valuable. He describes the flourishing condition of
Buddhism in the steppes of Tartary, among the Ouighours
and the tribes residing west of the Caspian Sea, in Afghan
istan where the language and customs of Central India
then prevailed, and the other lands watered by the Indus
and its tributary rivers, in Central India and in Ceylon.
Going back by sea from Ceylon, he reached Chang-an in the
year 414, after fifteen years absence. He then undertook
with the help of Palats anga, a native of India, the task of
editing the works he had brought with him, and it was
not till several years had elapsed that at the request of
Kumarajiva, his religious instructor, he published his
travels. The earnestness and vigour of the Chinese
Buddhists at that early period, is shown sufficiently by the
repeated journeys that they made along the tedious and
dangerous route by Central Asia to India. Neither re
ligion nor the love of seeing foreign lands, are now enough,
unless the emperor commands it, to induce any of the
educated class among them to leave their homes. Fa-
hien had several companions, but death and other causes
gradually deprived him of them all.
The Ts in dynasty now fell (A.D. 420), and with it in
quick succession the petty kingdoms into which China
was at that time divided. The northern provinces became
the possession of a powerful Tartar family, known in
history as the Wei dynasty. A native dynasty, the first
of the name Sung, ruled in the southern provinces. The
princes of these kingdoms were at first hostile to Buddhism.
1 V. Fo8-kou2-ki, translated by Re- nated Shwo-fu, a Ts ung-shu (selec-
musat ; from the preface to which, tion of extracts and books old and
some of the facts given above are new) of the reign of Shtin-ch i. Also
taken. The original work, Fo-kwo-ki, in the Han-wei-ts ung-shu.
is contained in the collection denomi-
92 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
linage making and the building of temples were forbidden,
and in the north professors of the prohibited religion were
subjected to severe persecution. The people were warned
against giving them shelter, and in the year 426 an edict
was issued against them, in accordance with which the
books and images of Buddha were destroyed, and many
priests put to death. To worship foreign divinities, or
construct images of earth or brass, was made a capital
crime. The eldest son of the Tartar chief of the Wei
kingdom made many attempts to induce his father to deal
less harshly towards a religion to which he himself was
strongly attached, but in vain.
The work of this king was undone by his successor who ?
in the year A.D. 451, issued an edict permitting a Buddhist
temple to be erected in each city, and forty or fifty of the
inhabitants to become priests. The emperor himself
performed the tonsure for some who took the monastic
vows.
The rapid advancement of Buddhism in China was not
unnoticed in neighbouring kingdoms. The same prosperity
that awoke the jealousy of the civil government in the
country itself, occasioned sympathy elsewhere. Many
embassies came from the countries lying between India
and China during the time of Sung Wen-ti, whose reign of
more than thirty years closed in 453. Their chief object
was to congratulate the ruling emperor on the prosperity
of Buddhism in his dominions, and to pave the way for
frequent intercourse on the ground of identity in religion.
Two letters of Pishabarma, king of Aratan, to this emperor
are preserved in the history of this dynasty. He describes
his kingdom as lying in the shadow of the Himalayas,
whose snows fed the streams that watered it. He praises
China 1 as the most prosperous of kingdoms, and its rulers
1 The common Indian name of these characters, that the Indians
"China," written in Chinese Chen- who translated into Chinese at that
tan, is here employed. Another or- early period, did not rrgard the word
thography found in Buddhist books "China" as the name of a dynasty, but
is Chi-na. It is clear from the use of as the proper name of the country to
INDIAN EMBASSIES TO CHINA. 93
as the benefactors and civilisers of the world. The letter
of the king of Jebabada, another Indian monarch, ex
presses his admiration of the same emperor in glowing
language. He had given rest to the inhabitants of heaven
and earth, subjected the four demons, attained the state of
perfect perception, caused the wheel of the honoured law
to revolve, saved multitudes of living beings, and by the
renovating power of the Buddhist religion brought them
into the happiness of the Nirvana. Eelics of Buddha were
widely spread numberless pagodas erected. All the trea
sures of the religion (Buddha, the Law, and the Priesthood)
were as beautiful in appearance, and firm in their founda
tions as the Sumeru mountain. The diffusion of the sacred
books and the law of Buddha was like the bright shining
of the sun, and the assembly of priests, pure in their lives,
was like the marshalled constellations of heaven. The
royal palaces and walls were like those of the Tauli heaven.
In the whole Jambu continent, there were no kingdoms
from which embassies did not come with tribute to the
great Sung emperor of the Yang-cheu 1 kingdom. He
adds, that though separated by a wide sea, it was his wish
which it was applied. This leaves in traders coming from Kashgar, Samar-
great uncertainty the usual derivation cand, and Persia. Chen-tan, the
of the term "China " from the Dzin other Hindoo name of " China " used
dynasty, B.C. 250, or that of IV in, A.I), in the Buddhist books, may be the
300. The occurrence of the word as Thince of Ptolemy. When the first
the name of a nation in the " Laws of Buddhists reached China, the charac-
Manu," supposed to date from some ter used for writing the first of these
time between B.C. 1000 and B.C. 500, two syllables would be called Tin, and
with the use of the term. " Sinim " in soon afterwards Ckin. In Julien s
the "Prophecies of Isaiah," indicate a Methode, &c., its Sanscrit equiva-
greater antiquity than either of these lent is Chin. This would be some-
dynasties extends to. Some have what late. Would it not be better,
supposed that the powerful feudatory having traced the term to India, to
kingdom, Dzin, that afterwards grew make that country responsible for its
into the dynasty of that name, may etymology?
have originated the appellation by x At that time the territory of
which the whole country subject to Yang-cheu embraced Kiang-nan, with
the Cheu emperors was known to parts of Ho-nan and Kiang-si. Jam-
the Hindoos. Dzin occupied the bu, the southern continent, is one of
north-western tract now called Shen- the four Indian divisions of the
si and Kan-su. It was that part of world. India is in its centre.
China that would be first reached by
94. CHINESE BUDDHISM,
to have embassies passing and repassing between the two
countries.
The extensive intercourse that then began to exist be
tween China, and India may be gathered from the fact that
Ceylon 1 also sent an embassy and a letter to Sung Wen-ti.
In this letter it is said, that though the countries are dis
tant three years journey by sea and land, there are constant
communications between them. The king also mentions
the attachment of his ancestors to the worship of Buddha.
The next of these curious memorials from Buddhist
kings preserved in the annals of the same Chinese emperor,
is that from "Kapili" (Kapilavastu), the birthplace of
Shakyamuni, situated to the north-west of Benares.
The compiler of the Sung annals, after inserting this
document, alludes to the nourishing state of Buddhism in
the countries from which these embassies came, and in
China itself. He then introduces a memorial from a
magistrate representing the disorders that had sprung from
the wide-spread influence of this religion, and recom
mending imperial interference. That document says that
" Buddhism had during four dynasties been multiplying its
images and sacred edifices. Pagodas and temples were
upwards of a thousand in number. On entering them the
visitor s heart was affected, and when he departed he felt
desirous to invite others to the practices of piety. Lately,
however, these sentiments of reverence had given place to
frivolity. Instead of aiming at sincerity and purity of
life, gaudy finery and mutual jealousies prevailed. While
many new temples were erected for the sake of display, in
the most splendid manner, no one thought of rebuilding
the old ones. Official inquiries should be instituted to
prevent further evils, and whoever wished to cast brazen
statues should first obtain permission from the authorities."
A few years afterwards (A.D. 458) a conspiracy was
detected in which a chief party was a Buddhist priest.
1 Shi ts i-kwo, the "Lion kingdom," translated from the Sanscrit name
Sinhala, whence " Singhalese."
CQNFUCIAKIST OPPOSITION TO BUDDHISM. 95
An edict issued on the occasion by the emperor says, that
among the priests many were men who had fled from
justice and took the monastic vows for safety. They took
advantage of their assumed character to contrive new
modes of doing mischief. The fresh troubles thus con
stantly occurring excite the indignation of gods and men.
The constituted authorities, it is added, must examine
narrowly into the conduct of the monks. Those who are
guilty must be put to death. It was afterwards enacted
that such monks as would not keep their vows of absti
nence and self-denial should return to their families and
previous occupations. Nuns were also forbidden to enter
the palace and converse with the emperor s wives.
The advances of Buddhism later in the fifth century
were too rapid not to excite much opposition from the
literati of the time, and a religious controversy was the
result.
In the biography of Tsi Liang, a minister of state under
the emperor Ts i Wu-ti (A.D. 483), there are some fragments
of a discussion he maintained in favour of Buddhism. He
says, " If you do not believe in retribution of moral actions
(yin-Jcwo) } ihQii how can you account for the difference in the
condition of the rich and the poor ? " His opponent says,
" Men are like flowers on trees, growing together and bent
and scattered by the same breeze. Some fall upon curtains
and carpets, like those whose lot is cast in palaces, while
others drop among heaps of filth, representing men who
are born in humble life. Eiches and poverty, then, can be
accounted for without the doctrine of retribution." To this
the advocate of Buddhism is said to have been unable to reply.
He also wrote on the destruction of the soul. Personating the
Confucianists, he says that, " The soul (shin) is to the body
(king) as sharpness to the knife. The soul cannot continue
to exist after the destruction of the body, more than sharp
ness can remain when the knife is no more." These ex
tracts show that some of the Confucianists of that age
denied any providential retribution in the present or a
96 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
future life. Whatever may be thought of notions con
nected with ancestral worship, and the passages in the
classical books that seem to indicate the knowledge of a
separate life for the soul after death, they were too imper
fect and indistinct to restrain the literati from the most
direct antagonism on this subject with the early Buddhists.
Holding such cheerless views as they did of the destiny of
man, it is not to be wondered at that the common people
should desert their standard, and adopt a more congenial
system. The language of daily life is now thoroughly
impregnated with the phraseology of retribution and a
separate state. All classes make use of very many ex
pressions in common intercourse which have been origi
nated by Buddhism, thus attesting the extent of its influ
ence on the nation at large. And, as the Buddhist
immortality embraces the past as well as the future, the
popular notions and language of China extend to a pre
ceding life as much as to a coming one.
A distinct conception of the controversy as it then
existed may be obtained from the following extracts from
an account of a native Buddhist, contained in the biogra
phical section of the History of the, Sung dynasty : " The
instructions of Confucius include only a single life ; they
do not reach to a future state of existence, with its inter
minable results. His disciple, in multiplying virtuous
actions, only brings happiness to his posterity. Vices do
but entail greater present sufferings as their punishment.
The rewards of the good do not, according to this system,
go beyond worldly honour, nor does the recompense of
guilt include anything worse than obscurity and poverty.
Beyond the ken of the senses nothing is known; such
ignorance is melancholy. The aims of the doctrine of
Shakya, on the other hand, are illimitable. It saves from
the greatest dangers, and removes every care from the
heart. Heaven and earth are not sufficient to bound its
knowledge. Having as its one sentiment, mercy seeking
to save, the renovation of all living beings cannot satisfy
DISCUSSIONS ON DOCTRINE, 97
it. It speaks of hell ; and the people fear to sin ; of heaven,
and they all desire its happiness. It points to the Nirvana
as the spirit s final home (ch ang-Jcwei, lit. long return ),
and tells him of the bodily form of the law (fa-sken), 1
as that last, best spectacle, on which the eye can^ gaze.
There is no region to which its influence does not reach.
It soars in thought into the upper world. Beginning from
a space no larger than the well s mouth in a courtyard, it
extends its knowledge to the whole adjacent mansion."
These sentiments are replied to, in the imaginary dialogue
in which they occur, by a Confucian, who says, " To be
urged by the desire of heaven to the performance of virtue,
cannot bear comparison with doing what is right for its
own sake. To keep the body under restraint from the fear
of hell, is not so good as to govern the heart from a feeling
of duty. Acts of worship, performed for the sake of ob
taining forgiveness of sins, do not spring from piety. A
gift, made to secure a hundredfold recompense to the
giver, cannot come from pure inward sincerity. To praise
the happiness of the Nirvana promotes a lazy inactivity.
To speak highly of the beauty of the embodied ideal re
presentation of Buddhist doctrine, seen by the advanced
disciple, tends to produce in men a love of the marvellous.
By your system, distant good is looked for, while the
desires of the animal nature, which are close at hand, are
unchecked. Though you say that the Bodhisattwa is freed
from these desires, yet all beings, without exception, have
them." To these arguments for the older Chinese system,
the Buddhist comes forward with a rejoinder: "Your
conclusions are wrong. Motives derived from a future
state are necessary to lead men to virtue. Otherwise how
could the evil tendencies of the present life be adjusted ?
Men will not act spontaneously and immediately without
1 When the Buddhist has become as in the " Diamond Sutra," it is
sufficiently enlightened, an ideal spoken of as a state that can be ar-
picture of Buddhistic doctrine pre- rived at, but here it seems rather to
sents itself to his mind. It is called mean an object of mental vision.
Fa-shen or Fa-siany, Elsewhere,
98 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
something to hope for. The countryman is diligent in
ploughing his land, because he expects a harvest. If he
had no such hope, he would sit idle at home, and soon go
down for ever below the nine fountains. " * The Confucian
answers that "religion" (tau) consisting in the repression of
all desires, it is inconsistent to use the desire of heaven as
a motive to virtue.
The discussion is continued with great spirit through
several pages, turning entirely on the advantage to be
derived from the doctrine of the future state for the in
culcation of virtue. The Buddhist champion is called the
teacher of the " black doctrine," and his opponent that of
" the white." The author, a Buddhist, has given its full
force to the Confucian reasoning, while he condemns with
out flinching the difficulties that he sees in the system he
opposes. The whole is preserved in a beautifully finished
style of composition, and is a specimen of the valuable
materials contained in the Chinese dynastic histories for
special inquiries on many subjects not concerned with the
general history of the country. It was with fair words
like these, the darker shades of Buddhism being kept out
of view, that the contest was maintained in those days by
such as would introduce a foreign form of worship, against
the adherents to the maxims of Confucius. The author
of the piece was rewarded for it by the reigning emperor.
In the northern provinces Buddhism was now flourish
ing. The prince of the Wei kingdom spared no expense in
promoting it. History says, that in the year 467 he caused
an image to be constructed " forty-three feet " in height
(fifty English feet). A hundred peculs of brass, or more
than five tons, were used, and six peculs of gold. Four years
after, he resigned his throne to his son, and became a monk.
When, about the same time, the Sung emperor erected a
magnificent Buddhist temple, he was severely rebuked by
some of his mandarins.
The time of Wu-ti, the first emperor of the Liang
1 Kiew-ts euen-chl-hia, a common phrase for " death."
BUDDHIST PROSPERITY IN WEI AND LIANG. 99
dynasty, forms an era in the history of Chinese Buddhism,
marked as it was by the arrival in China of Ta-mo (Bodhi-
dharma), the twenty-eighth of the patriarchs, and by the
extraordinary prosperity of the Buddhist religion under
the imperial favour.
At the beginning of the sixth century, the number of
Indians in China was upwards of three thousand. The
prince of the Wei kingdom exerted himself greatly to pro
vide maintenance for them in monasteries, erected on the
most beautiful sites. Many of them resided at Lo-yang,
the modern Ho-nan fu. The temples had multiplied to
thirteen thousand. The decline of Buddhism in its
motherland drove many of the Hindoos to the north of the
Himalayas. They came as refugees from the Brahmanical
persecution, and their great number will assist materially
in accounting for the growth of the religion they propagated
in China. The prince of the Wei country is recorded to
have discoursed publicly on the Buddhist classics. At the
same time, he refused to treat for peace with the ambas
sadors of his southern neighbour, the Liang kingdom. Of
this the Confucian historian takes advantage, charging him
with inconsistency in being attached to a religion that for
bids cruelty and bloodshed, while he showed such fondness
for war.
Soon after this, several priests were put to death (A.D.
5 1 5) for practising magical arts. This is an offence attri
buted more than once by the Chinese historians to the
early Buddhists. The use of charms, and the claim to
magical powers, do not appear to have belonged to the
system as it was left by Shakyamuni. His teaching, as
Burnouf has shown, was occupied simply with morals and
his peculiar philosophy. After a few centuries, however,
among the additions made by the Northern Buddhists to
popularise the religion, and give greater power to the
priests, were many narratives full of marvels and impossi
bilities, falsely attributed to primitive Buddhism. These
wcrks are called the Ta-cJieng, or " Great Development "
joo CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Sutras. Another novelty was the pretence of working
enchantments by means of unintelligible formulae, which
a.re preserved in the books of the Chinese Buddhists, as in
those of Nepaul, without attempt at explanation. These
charms are called Dharani. They occur in the Great
Development classics, such as the "Lotus of the Good
Law," Miau-fa-lien-hwa-king (Fa-liwa-ldng), and in various
Buddhist works. The account given in the T ung-kien-
kang-mu of the professed magician who led the priests
referred to above, says that he styled himself Ta-cJieng, used
wild music to win followers, taught them to dissolve all the
ties of kindred, and aimed only at murder and disturbance.
The native annotator says that Ta-ch eng is the highest
of three states of intelligence to which a disciple of Buddha
can attain, and that the corresponding Sanscrit word, Maha-
yana, means " Boundless revolution and unsurpassed know-
led<re." It is here that the resemblance is most striking
O O
between the Buddhism of China and that of other countries
where it is professed in the north. These countries having
the same additions to the creed of Shakya, the division of
Buddhism by Burnouf into a Northern and Southern school
has been rightly made. The superadded mythology and
claim to magical powers of the Buddhists, who revere the
Sanscrit as their sacred language, distinguish them from
their co-religionists who preserve their traditions in the
Pali tongue.
In the year A.D. 5 1 8, Sung-yiin was sent to India by the
prince of the Wei country for Buddhist books. He was
accompanied by Hwei-slieng, a priest. He travelled to
Candahar, stayed two years in Udyana, and returned with
175 Buddhist works. His narrative has been translated
by Professor Neumann into German.
In A.D. 526, Bodhidharma, after having grown old in
Southern India, reached Canton by sea. The propagation
of Buddhism in his native country he gave in charge to one
of his disciples during his absence. He was received with
the honour due to his age and character, and immediately
BODHIDHARMA. i or
invited to Nanking, where the emperor of Southern China,
Liang Wu-ti, held his court. The emperor said to him
"From my accession to the throne, I have been incessantly
building temples, transcribing sacred books, and admitting
new monks to take the vows. How much merit may I be
supposed to have accumulated?" The reply was, "None."
The emperor : " And why no merit ? " The patriarch : "All
this is but the insignificant effect of an imperfect cause not
complete in itself. It is the shadow that follows the sub
stance, and is without real existence." The emperor: "Then
what is true merit?" The patriarch: "It consists in purity
and enlightenment, depth and completeness, and in being
wrapped in thought while surrounded by vacancy and
stillness. Merit such as this cannot be sought by worldly
means." The emperor: "Which is the most important of
the holy doctrines ? " The patriarch: " Where all is empti
ness, nothing can be called holy (shcng)." The emperor :
" Who is he that thus replies to me ? " The patriarch : " I
do not know." The emperor says the Buddhist narrator-
still remained unenlightened. This extract exhibits Bud
dhism very distinctly in its mystic phase. Mysticism can
attach itself to the most abstract philosophical dogmas,
just as well as to those of a properly religious kind. This
state of mind, allying itself indifferently to error and to
truth, is thus shown to be of purely subjective origin. The
objective doctrines that call it into existence may be of the
most opposite kind. It grows, therefore, out of the mind
itself. Its appearance may be more naturally expected in
the history of a religion like Christianity, which awakens
the human emotions to their intensest exercise, while, in
many ways, it favours the extended use of the contem
plative faculties, and hence the numerous mystic sects of
Church history. Its occurrence in Buddhism, and its kin
dred systems, might with more reason occasion surprise,
founded as they are on philosophical meditations eminently
abstract. It was reserved for the fantastic genius of India
to construct a religion out of three such elements as
102 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
atheism, annihilation, and the non-reality of the material
world ; and, by the encouragement of mysticism and the
monastic life, to make these most ultimate of negations
palatable and popular. The subsequent addition of a
mythology suited to the taste of the common people was,
it should be remembered, another powerful cause, contri
buting, in conjunction with these quietist and ascetic ten
dencies, to spread Buddhism through so great a mass of
humankind. In carrying out his mystic views, Ta-mo
discouraged the use of the sacred books. He represented
the attainment of the Buddhist s aim as being entirely the
work of the heart. Though he professed not to make use
of books, his followers preserved his apophthegms in writ
ing, and, by the wide diffusion of them, a numerous school
of contemplatists was originated, under the name of Ch an-
hio and Ch an-men.
Bodhidharma, not being satisfied with the result of his
interview with royalty, crossed the Yang-tsze keang into
the "Wei kingdom and remained at Lo-yang. Here, the
narrative says, he sat with his face to a wall for nine years.
The people called him the "Wall -gazing Brahman." 1
When it was represented to the Liang emperor, that the
great teacher, who possessed the precious heirloom of
Shaky a, the symbol of the hidden law of Buddha, was lost
to his kingdom, he repented and sent messengers to invite
him to return. They failed in their errand. The pre
sence of the Indian sage excited the more ardent Chinese
Buddhists to make great efforts to conquer the sensations.
Thus one of them, we are told, said to himself, " Formerly,
for the sake of religion, men broke open their bones and
extracted the marrow, took blood from their arms to give
to the hungry, rolled their hair in the mud, or threw them
selves down a precipice to feed a famishing tiger. What
can I do ? " Accordingly, while snow was falling, he ex
posed himself to it till it had risen above his knees, when
the patriarch observing him, asked him what he hoped to
1 Pi-kwan "p o-lo-men" (in old Chinese. JBa-la-men).
BODHIDHARMA S LA TTER YEARS AND DEA TH. 103
gain by it. The young aspirant to the victory over self
wept at the question, and said, " I only desire that mercy
may open a path to save the whole race of mankind."
The patriarch replied, that such an act was not worthy of
comparison with the acts of the Buddhas. It required, he
told him, very little virtue or resolution. His disciple,
stung with the answer, says the legend, took a sharp knife,
severed his arm, and placed it before the patriarch. The
latter expressed his high approval of the deed, and when,
after nine years absence, he determined to return to India,
he appointed the disciple who had performed it to succeed
him as patriarch in China. He said to him on this occasion,
" I give you the seal of the law as the sign of your adherence
to the true doctrine inwardly, and the kasha (robe worn by
Buddhists) as the symbol of your outward teaching. These
symbols must be delivered down from one to another for two
hundred years after my death, and then, the law of Buddha
having spread through the whole nation, the succession of
patriarchs will cease." He further said, " I also consign to
you the Lenga Sutra in four sections, which opens the door
to the heart of Buddha, and is fitted to enlighten all living
men." Ta-mo s further instructions to his successor as to
the nature and duties of the patriarchate are fully detailed
in the CJii-yue-luh. He died of old age after five attempts
to poison him, and was buried at the Hiuug-er mountains
between Ho-nan and Shen-si. At this juncture Sung-yiin,
who had been sent to India a few years previously for
Buddhist books, returned, and inspected the remains of
Bodhidharma. As he lay in his coffin he held one shoe
in his hand. Sung-yiin asked him whither he was going.
" To the Western heaven," was the reply. Sung-yiin then
returned home. The coffin was afterwards opened and
found empty, excepting that one of the patriarch s shoes
was lying there. By imperial command, the shoe was
preserved as a sacred relic in the monastery. Afterwards
in the T ang dynasty it was stolen, and now no one knows
where it is.
104 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The embassies from Buddhist kingdoms in the time of
Liang Wu-ti afford other illustrations of the passion for
relics and mementoes of venerated personages, encouraged
by the Buddhist priests. The king of Bunam, the ancient
Siam, wrote to the emperor that he had a hair of Buddha,
twelve feet in length, to give him. Priests were sent from
the Chinese court to meet it, and bring it home. Three
years before this, as the History of the Liang dynasty in
forms us, in building, by imperial command, a monastery
and pagoda to king A-yo (Ashoka), a skarira, or " relic of
Buddha," had been found under the old pagoda, with a hair
of a blue lavender colour. This hair was so elastic that
when the priests pulled it, it lengthened ad libitum, and
when let alone curled into a spiral form. The historian
quotes two Buddhist works in illustration. The " Seng-ga
Sutra" (king) says, that Buddha s hair was blue and fine.
In the San-mei-king, Shakya himself says, " When I was
formerly in my father s palace, I combed my hair, and
measuring it, found that it was twelve feet in length.
When let go, it curled into a spiral form." This descrip
tion agrees, it is added, with that of the hair found by
the emperor.
In A.D. 523, the king of Lanban sent as his tributary
offering, a true " sharira " (she-li) with pictures and minia
ture pagodas ; also leaves of the Bodhi, Buddha s favourite
tree. The king of another country in the Birmese penin
sula had a dream, in which a priest appeared to him and
foretold to him that the new prince of the Liang dynasty
would soon raise Buddhism to the summit of prosperity,
and that he would do wisely if he sent him an embassy.
The king paying no attention to the warning, the priest
appeared again in a second dream, and conducted the
monarch to the court of Liang Wu-ti. On awaking, the
king, who was himself an accomplished painter, drew the
likeness of the emperor as he had seen him in his dream.
He now sent ambassadors and an artist with instructions
to paint a likeness of the Chinese monarch from life. On
RELICS. 105
comparing it with his own picture, the similarity was
found to be perfect.
This emperor, so zealous a promoter of Buddhism, in
the year A.D. 527, the twenty-sixth of his reign, became a
monk and entered the T ung-tai monastery in Nanking.
The same record is made in the history two years after
wards. As might be expected, this event calls forth a
long and severe critique from the Confucian historian.
The preface to the history of the dynasty established by
this prince, consists solely of a lament over the sad neces
sity of adverting to Buddhism in the imperial annals of
the nation, with an argument for the old national system,
which is so clearly right, that the wish to deviate from it
shows a man to be wrong. In reference to the emperor s
becoming a priest, the critic says, " that not only would
the man of common intelligence condemn such conduct
in the ruler of a commonwealth, but even men like Bodhi-
dharma would withhold their approval."
A few years afterwards, the same emperor rebuilt the
Ch ang-ts ien monastery five le to the south of " Nanking,"
in which was the tope (shrine for relics) of A-yo or Ashoka.
The writer in the T ung-kien-kang-mu adds, that a true
relic of Buddha s body is preserved near " Ming-cheu" (now
Ningpo). Ashoka erected 80,000 topes, of which one-
nineteenth were assigned to China. The tope and relic
here alluded to are those of the hill Yo-wang slian, well
known to foreign visitors, and situated fifty- two li east
ward of Ningpo. To Buddhist pilgrims coming from far
and near to this sacred spot, the she-li is an object of
reverential worship, but to unbelieving eyes it presents a
rather insignificant appearance. The small, reddish, bead-
like substance that constitutes the relic, is so placed in
its lantern-shaped receptacle, that it does not admit of
much light being thrown upon it. The colour is said to
x vary with the state of mind of the visitor. Yellow is
that of happiest omen. The theory is a safe one, for
there is just obscurity enough to render the tint of the
106 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
precious remains of Shakya s burnt body somewhat un
certain.
King Ashoka, to whom this temple is dedicated, was
one of the most celebrated of the Buddhist kings of India.
Burnouf in his Introduction a I Histoire du Buddliisme
Indien, has translated a long legend of which Ashoka is
the hero, and which is also contained in the Chinese work,
Fa-yuen-chu-lin. The commencement in the latter differs
a little from that given by Burnouf. Buddha says to
Ananda, " You should know that in the city Palinput
(Pataliputra), there will be a king named The moon pro
tected (Yue-hu; in Sanscrit, Chandragupta). He will have
a son named Bindupala, and he again will have a son
Susima." Ashoka was the son of Bindupala by another
wife, and succeeded his father as king. The Indian king
Sandracottus, who concluded a treaty with Seleucus Nica-
tor, the Greek king of Syria, B.C. 305, was identified with
Chandragupta by Schlegel and Wilson. According to
the Mahavanso, the Pali history of the Buddhist patriarchs,
there was an interval of 154 years from Buddha s death
to the accession of Chandragupta, making that event to be
in B.C. 389, which is more than half a century too soon.
Tumour thinks the discrepancy cannot be accounted for
but by supposing a wilful perversion of the chronology.
These statements are quoted in Hardy s Eastern Monachism,
from Wilson s Vishnu Purana. By this synchronism of
Greek and Indian literature, it is satisfactorily shown that
Ashoka lived in the second century before Christ, and Bud
dha in the fourth and fifth. The commonly received chrono
logy of the Chinese Buddhists is too long, therefore, by more
than five hundred years. 1 Probably this fraud was effected
to verify predictions found in certain Sutras, in which
Buddha is made to say that in a definite number of years
after his death, such and such things would happen. The
1 The Northern Wei History gives common date, to the time required by
the date of Shakyamuni s birth, B.C. the evidence.
688, which is much nearer than the
THE EMPEROR WU-TI A MONK. 107
Northern Buddhists wrote in Sanscrit, made use of Sanscrit
Sutras, and were anxious to vindicate the correctness of
all predictions found in them. Burnouf supposes that the
disciples of Buddha, would naturally publish their sacred
books in more than one language ; Sanscrit being then,
and long afterwards, spoken by the literati, while derived
dialects were used by the common people. By Fa-hien
Ashoka is called A-yo Wang, as at the monastery near
Ningpo. In Hiuen-tsang s narrative, the name Wu-yeu
wang, the " Sorrowless king," a translation of the Sanscrit
word, is applied to him.
The Liang emperor Wu-ti, after three times assuming
the Buddhist VOW T S and expounding the Sutras to his
assembled courtiers, was succeeded by a son who favoured
Tauism. A few years after, the sovereign of the Ts i king
dom endeavoured to combine these two religions. He
put to death four Tauist priests for refusing to submit to
the tonsure and become worshippers of Buddha. After
this there was no more resistance. In A.D. 558 it is re
lated that Wu-ti, an emperor of the Ch in dynasty, became
a monk. Some years afterwards, the prince of the Cheu
kingdom issued an edict prohibiting both Buddhism and
Tauism. Books and images were destroyed, and all pro
fessors of these religions compelled to abandon them.
The History of the Northern Wei dynasty contains some
details on the early Sanscrit translations in addition to
what has been already inserted in this narrative. 1 The
pioneers in the work of translation were Kashiapmadanga
and Chu-fa-lan, who worked conjointly in the time of
1 Of the interest felt by Sanscrit by that traveller to his native
scholars in this subject, the letter land.
of Professor Wilson, formerly San- Of the Chinese translations I col-
scrit Professor at Oxford, to Sir lected more than fifty while residing
John Bowring is evidence. He in- at Shanghai, for the library of the
vited the attention of the "China India House. Recently Rev. S. Beal
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society " has published an interesting account
to the translations made by Hiuen- of these translations in the Transac
ting in the T ang dynasty, and tions of the Oriental Congress, held in
the Sanscrit original works brought London, 1874.
loS CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Ming-ti. The latter also translated the " Sutra of the ten
points of rest." In A.D. 150, a priest of the "An-sih"
(Arsse ?) country in Eastern Persia is noticed as an excellent
translator. About A.D. 170, Chitsin, a priest of the Getse
nation, produced a version of the Nirvana Sutra. Sun
K iuen, prince of the Wu state, one of the Three Kingdoms,
who, some time after the embassy of Marcus Aurelius
Antoninus, the Eoman emperor, to China, received with
great respect a Eoman merchant at his court, 1 treated with
equal regard an Indian priest who translated for him some
of the books of Buddha. The next Indian mentioned is
Dharmakakala, who translated the "Vinaya" or Kiai-lu
(Discipline) at Lo-yang. About A.D. 300, Chi-kung-ming,
a foreign priest, translated the Wei-ma and Fa-hwa?
"Lotus of the Good Law Sutras," but the work was im
perfectly done. Tau-an, a Chinese Buddhist, finding the
sacred books disfigured by errors, applied himself to cor
rect them. He derived instruction from Buddojanga and
wished much to converse with Kumarajiva, noticed in a
previous page. The latter, himself a man of high intelli
gence, had conceived an extraordinary regard for him, and
lamented much when he came to Ch ang-an from Liang-
cheu at the north-western corner of China where he had long
resided, that Tau-an was dead. Kumarajiva found that
in the corrections he proposed to make in the sacred books,
he had been completely anticipated by his Chinese fellow-
religionist. Kumarajiva is commended for his accurate
knowledge of the Chinese language as well as of his own.
With his assistants he made clear the sense of many pro
found and extensive " Sutras " (King] and " Shastras "
(Lun), twelve works in all. The divisions into sections and
sentences were formed with care. The finishing touch to
the Chinese composition of these translations was given
1 In A.D. 226. This Roman was translated. See the " Liang History "
named Dzinlon. After describing India.
his country to the Chinese prince, he 2 In Sanscrit, Saddharma Pundn-
was sent back honourably. His name rika Sutra.
looks in its Chinese form as if it were
BUDDHIST WORKS TRANSLATED. 109
by Seng-cliau. Fa-bien in his travels did his utmost to
procure copies of the Discipline and the other sacred
books. On his return, with the aid of an Indian named
Bhadra, he translated the Seng-ki -lu (Asangkhyea
Vinaya), which has since been regarded as a standard
work.
Before Fa-hien s time, about A.D. 290, a Chinese named
Chu Si-hing went to Northern India for Buddhist books.
He reached Udin or Khodin, identified by Eernusat with
Khoten, and obtained a Sutra of ninety sections. He
translated it in Ho-nan, with the title Fang-kwang-pat-
nia-king (Light-emitting Prajna Sutra). Many of these
books at that time so coveted, were brought to Lo-yang,
and translated there by Chufahu, a priest of the Getse
nation, who had travelled to India, and was a contem
porary of the Chinese just mentioned. Fa -ling was an
other Chinese who proceeded from " Yang-cheu " (Kiang-
nan) to Northern India and brought back the Sutra
llvia-y en-king and the Pen-tin g-lil, a work on discipline.
Versions of the " Nirvana Sutra " (Ni-wan-king\ and the
Seng-ki-lu were made by Chi-meng in the country Kau-
ctiang, or what is now " Eastern Thibet." The translator
had obtained them at Hwa-slti or " Pataliputra," a city
to the westward. The Indian Dharmaraksha brought to
China a new Sanscrit copy of the Nirvana Sutra and
going to Kau-ch ang, compared it with Chi-meng s copy
for critical purposes. The latter was afterwards brought
to Ch ang-an and published in thirty chapters. The Indian
here mentioned, professed to foretell political events by the
use of charms. He also translated the Kin-kwang-king,
or " Golden Light Sutra," and the Ming-king, " Bright
Sutra." At this time there were several tens of foreign
priests at Ch ang-an, but the most distinguished among
them for ability was Kumarajiva. His translations of
the Wei-ma, Fa-hwa, and C lieng-shili (complete) Sutras,
\vith the three just mentioned, by Dharmaraksha and
some others, together form the Great Development course of
i io CHINESE BUDDHISM.
instruction. The "Longer Agama Sutra 5>1 and the " Discip
line of the Four Divisions " 2 were translated by Buddha-
yasha, a native of India, the " Discipline of the Ten
Chants " 3 by Kumarajiva, the " Additional Agama Sutra "
by Dharmanandi, and the " Shastra of Metaphysics " (Ab-
hidharma-lun) by Dharmayagama. These together formed
the Smaller Development course. In some monasteries the
former works were studied by the recluses ; in others the
latter. Thus a metaphysical theology, subdivided into
schools, formed the subject of study in the Asiatic monkish
establishments, as in the days of the European school
men. The Chinese travellers in India, and in the chain
of Buddhist kingdoms extending before the inroads of
Mohammedanism from their native land into Persia,
give us the opportunity of knowing how widely there
as well as in China the monastic life and study of these
books was spread. About A.D. 400, Sangadeva, a native of
" Cophen " (Kipin), translated two of the Agama Sutras.
The " Hwa-yen Sutra " was soon afterwards brought from
Udin by Chi Fa-ling, a Chinese Buddhist, and a version of
it made at Nanking. He also procured the Pen-ting-lu,
a work in the Vinaya or " Discipline " branch of Buddhist
books. Ma Twan-lin also mentions a Hindoo who, about
A.D. 502, translated some Shastras of the Great Develop
ment (Ta-ch eng) school, called Ti-ch irlun (fixed position),
and Shi-ti-lun (the ten positions).
The Hindoo Buddhists in China, whose literary labours
down to the middle of the sixth century are here recorded,
while they sometimes enjoyed the imperial favour, had
to bear their part in the reverses to which their religion
was exposed. Dharmaraksha was put to death for refus
ing to come to court on the requisition of one of the Wei
emperors. Sihien, a priest of the royal family of the
Kipin kingdom in Northern India, in times of persecution
assumed the disguise of a physician, and when the very
severe penal laws then enacted against Buddhism weie
1 Ch ang-a-han-king. 2 Si-/un-lu. 3 Shih-sung-lZ.
BUDDHISTS ARRIVE FROM CEYLON. 1 1 1
remitted, returned to his former mode of life as a monk.
Some other names might be added to the list of Hindoo
translators, were it not already sufficiently long.
About the year 460 it appears from the history that
five Buddhists from Ceylon arrived in China by the
Thibetan route. Two of them were Yashaita and Buda-
nandi. They brought images. Those constructed by the
latter had the property of diminishing in apparent size
as the visitor drew nearer, and looking brighter as he
went farther away. Though a literary character is not
attributed to them, the Southern Buddhist traditions
might, through their means, have been communicated
at this time to the Chinese. This may account for the
d a te nearly correct assigned to the birth of Buddha in
the History of the Wei dynasty, from which these facts
are taken, and in that of the Sui dynasty which soon
followed.
According to the same history there were then in China
two millions of priests and thirty thousand temples. This
account must be exaggerated ; for if we allow a thousand
to each district, which is probably over the mark, there
will be but that number at the present time, although the
population has increased very greatly in the interval. 1
Buddhism received no check from the Sui emperors,
who ruled China for the short period of thirty-seven
years. The first of them, on assuming the title of emperor
in 581, issued an edict giving full toleration to this sect.
Towards the close of his reign he prohibited the destruc
tion or maltreatment of any of the images of the Buddhist
or Tauist sects. It was the weakness of age, says the
Confucian historian, giving way to superstitions that led
him to such an act as this. The same commentator on
the history of the period says, that the Buddhist books
were at this time ten times more numerous than the Con-
1 Mr. "VVatters, citing the "Mirror those -who had taken the vows was
of History," Tung-kien, chap, cccxvi., so great that the labours of the field
says, "Every household almost had were frequently neglected for lack of
been converted, and the number of workmen."
112 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
fucian classics. The Sui History in the digest it gives
of all the books of the time, states those of the Buddhist
sect to be 1950 distinct works. Many of the titles are
given, and among them are not a few treating of the mode
of writing by alphabetic symbols used in the kingdoms
from whence Buddhism came. The first alphabet that was
thus introduced appears to have been one of fourteen sym
bols. It is called Si-yo Jm-slm or " Foreign Writing of the
Western countries," and also Ba-la-men-shu, " Brahmanical
writing." The tables of initials and finals found in the
Chinese native dictionaries were first formed in the third
century, but more fully early in the sixth century, in the
Liang dynasty. It was then that the Hindoos, who had
come to China, assisted in forming, according to the model of
the Sanscrit alphabet, a system of thirty-six initial letters,
and described the vocal organs by which they are formed.
They also constructed tables, in which, by means of two
sets of representative characters, one for the initials and
another for the finals, a mode of spelling words was
exhibited. The Chinese were now taught for the first time
that monosyllabic sounds are divisible into parts, but
alphabetic symbols were not adopted to write the sepa
rated elements. It was thought better to use characters
already known to the people. A serious defect attended
this method. The analysis was not carried far enough.
Intelligent Chinese understand that a sound, such as man,
can be divided into two parts, m and an ; for they have
been long accustomed to the system of phonetic bisection
here alluded to, but they usually refuse to believe that a
trisection of the sound is practicable. At the same time
the system was much easier to learn than if foreign sym
bols had been employed, and it was very soon universally
adopted. Shen-kung, a priest, is said to have been the
author of the system, and the dictionary Yu-p ien was one
of the first extensive works in which it was employed. 1
That the Hindoo Buddhists should have taught the Chinese
1 See my Introduction to the Study of the Chinese characters.
S YLLABIC SPELLING. 1 1 3
how to write the sounds of this language by an artifice
which required nothing but their own hieroglyphics, and
rendered unnecessary the introduction of new symbols, is
sufficient evidence of their ingenuity, and is not the least
of the services they have done to the sons of Han. It
answered well for several centuries, and was made use of
in all dictionaries and educational works. But the lan
guage changed, the old sounds were broken up, and now
the words thus spelt are read correctly only by those
natives who happen to speak the dialects that most nearly
resemble in sound the old pronunciation.
To Shen Yo, the historian of two dynasties, and author
of several detached historical pieces, is attributed the dis
covery of the four tones. His biographer says of him in
the "Liang History:" " He wrote his Treatise on the Four
Tones, to make known what men for thousands of years
had not understood the wonderful fact which he alone
in the silence of his breast came to perceive." It may be
well doubted if the credit of arriving unassisted at the
knowledge of this fact is due to him. He resided at
the court of Liang Wu-ti, the great patron of the Indian
strangers. They, accustomed to the unrivalled accuracy
in phonetic analysis of the Sanscrit alphabet, would
readily distinguish a new phenomenon like this, while to
a native speaker, who had never known articulate sounds
to be without it, it would almost necessarily be undetected.
In the syllabic spelling that they formed, the tones are
duly represented, by being embraced in every instance in
the final.
The extent of influence which this nomenclature for
sounds has attained in the native literature is known to
all who are familiar with its dictionaries, and the common
editions of the classical books. In this way it is that the
traditions of old sounds needed to explain the rhymes and
metre of the ancient national poetry are preserved. By
the same method the sounds of modern dialects that have
deviated extensively from the old type have been com-
H
ii4 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
mitted to writing. The dialects of the Mandarin provinces,
of Northern and Southern Fu-kien, and Canton have been
written down by native authors each with its one system
of tones and alphabetic elements, and they have all taken
the method introduced by the Buddhists as their guide.
The Chinese have since become acquainted with several
alphabets with foreign symbols, but when they need to
write phonetically they prefer the system, imperfect as it
is, that does not oblige them to abandon the hieroglyphic
signs transmitted by their ancestors. Never, perhaps,
since the days of Cadmus, was a philological impulse more
successful than that thus communicated from India to the
Chinese, if the extent of its adoption be the criterion.
They have not only by the use of the syllabic spelling
thus taught them, collected the materials for philological
research afforded by the modern dialects, but, by patient
industry, have discovered the early history of the language,
showing how the number of tones increased from two to
three by the time of Confucius, to four in the sixth cen
tury of our era, and so on to their present state. Few
foreign investigators have yet entered on this field of re
search, but it may be suggested that the philology of the
Eastern languages must without it be necessarily incom
plete, and that the Chinese, by patience and a true scien
tific instinct, have placed the materials in such a form
that little labour is needed to gather from them the facts
that they contain.
The Thibetans, and, probably, the Coreans also, owe
their alphabets, which are both arranged in the Sanscrit
mode, to the Buddhists. Corean ambassadors came in the
reign of Liang Wu-ti to ask for the " Mrvana " and other
Buddhistic classics. It may then have been as early as
this that they had an alphabet, but we cannot say yet to
what century their writing belongs. 1
1 Remusat supposed that this al- had invented a writing of their own,
phabet was borrowed by the Coreans and ruled in Corea in the eleventh and
from the Nu-chih and Kie-tan, who twelfth centuries ; but such an hypo-
CONFUCIAN OPPOSITION TO BUDDHISM. 115
The first emperor of the T ang dynasty was induced by
the representations of Fu Yi, one of his ministers, to call a
council for deliberation on the mode of action to be adopted
in regard to Buddhism. Fu Yi, a stern enemy of the new
religion, proposed that the monks and nuns should be com
pelled to marry and bring up families. The reason that
they adopted the ascetic life, he said, was to avoid con
tributing to the revenue. What they held about the fate of
mankind depending on the will of Buddha was false. Life
and death were regulated by a " natural necessity " with
which man had nothing to do (yeu-u-ts i-jan). The retri
bution of vice and virtue was the province of the prince,
while riches and poverty were the recompense provoked
by our own actions. The public manners had degenerated
lamentably through the influence of Buddhism. The " six
states of being " 1 into which the souls of men might be
born were entirely fictitious. The monks lived an idle
life, and were unprofitable members of the commonwealth.
To this it was replied in the council, by Siau U, a friend of
the Buddhists, that Buddha was a " sage " (sliing-jeri), and
that Fu Yi having spoken ill of a sage, was guilty of a great
crime. To this Fu Yi answered, that the highest of the
virtues were loyalty and filial piety, and the monks, cast
ing off as they did their prince and their parents, dis
regarded them both. As for Siau U, he added, he was
beino- the advocate of such a system as destitute as they
thesis is incompatible with the fact
that the Corean letters are more like
the Thibetan and Sanscrit letters.
1 The lu-tau here alluded to are the
modes of existence into which, in the
revolutions of the metempsychosis, all
will be born who have not been saved
by the teaching of Buddha. They
are : (i.) T ien, the Devas of the Hin
doos (Lat. dcus) ; (2.) Man ; (3.) Asurct
and Mara, superior classes of demons.
Both these words are transferred. The
former is transliterated by characters
now read sieu-lo (in old Chinese, su-
la), the latter by mo (ma), a character
invented for the occasion by Liang
Wu-ti, and which has passed into
familiar colloquial in some dialects
as mo-kwei, in the sense of " demon."
(4.) " Hell," the prison of the lost, ti-
yu; (5.) JV^ro-izm, wandering "hungry
spirits ; " (6.) Animals.
The use of T ien, " Heaven," in a
personal sense, as the translation of
the Sanscrit Deva, whether in the
singular or plural, is, perhaps, more
common in Buddhist works than its
use in a local sense. In explaining this
new meaning of the word, Deva is
transcribed as (De-la) T i-p o.
n6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of these virtues. Siau U joined his hands and merely re
plied to him, that hell was made for such men as he. The
Confucianists gained the victory, and severe restrictions
were imposed on the professors of the foreign faith, but
they were taken off almost immediately after.
The successors of Bodhidharma were five in number.
They are styled with him the six "Eastern patriarchs/
Tung-tsu. They led quiet lives. The fourth of them was
invited to court by the second emperor of the T ang dynasty,
and repeatedly declined the honour. When a messenger
came for the fourth time and informed him that, if he
refused to go, he had orders to take his head back with
him, the imperturbable old man merely held out his neck
to the sword in token of his willingness to die. The em
peror respected his firmness. Some years previously, with
a large number of disciples, he had gone to a city in Shan-
si. The city was soon after laid siege to by rebels. The
patriarch advised his followers to recite the " Great Prajna,"
Ma-ha-pat-nia, an extensive work, in which the most
abstract dogmas of Buddhist philosophy are very fully
developed. The enemy, looking towards the ramparts,
thought they saw a band of spirit-soldiers in array against
them, and consequently retired.
In the year 629 the celebrated Hiuen-tsang set out on
his journey to India to procure Sanscrit books. Passing
from Liang-cheu at the north-western extremity of China,
he proceeded westward to the region watered by the Oxus
and Jaxartes where the Turks 1 were then settled. He
1 It was about this time that the occupants of the throne of Constan-
contests between Chosroes king of tinople sent embassies frequently to
Persia, and the Turks on one side, China. There are two records of
and the Byzantine emperor on the these embassies preserved, the inte-
other, occurred. The same events that rest of which will be a sufficient ex-
have been described by Gibbon s luxu- cuse for a short digression. In A.D.
riant pen are found in a form more 643, says the history, Pa-ta-lik, the
laconic and curtailed in the "History king of the Fulim country, sent an
of the T an g Dynasty." It might well embassy with presents of red glass.
be so, when Chinese travellers passed That this king was a Byzantine em-
the eastern borders of Persia on their peror is shown by the narrative of
way to India, and when the imperial events in Persia just preceding it in
HIUEN-TSANGS TRA VELS IN INDIA. 1 1 7
afterwards crossed the Hindoo-kusli and proceeded into
India. He lingered for a long time in the countries
through which the Ganges flows, rich as they were in
reminiscences and relics of primitive Buddhism. Then
bending his steps to the southwards, he completed the tour
of the Indian peninsula, returned across the Indus, and
reached home in the sixteenth year after his departure.
The same emperor, . T ai-tsung, was still reigning, and he
received the traveller with the utmost distinction. He
spent the rest of his days in translating from the Sanscrit
originals the Buddhist works he had brought with him
from India. It was by imperial command that these
translations were undertaken. The same emperor, T ai-
tsung, received with equal favour the Syrian Christians,
Alopen and his companions, who had arrived in A.D. 639,
only seven years before Hiuen-tsang s return. The His-
toire de la Vie de Hiouen-tlisang, translated by M. Julien,
is a volume full of interest for the history of Buddhism and
the history. It says, "At the close
of the Sui dynasty (ended A.D. 617),
the "khan " (k a-han) of the Western
"Turks " (Tu-kiue) attacked "Persia"
(Pa-Si ), and killed the king K u-sa-ha
(Chosroes L, or Nushirvan). His son
Shi-li(Kormouz) succeededhim. After
his death the daughter of K u-sa-ha
was made queen, but was killed by the
Turks. Shi-li s son Jcn-ki ( Chosroes II. )
fled to Fulim. (Gibbon says he took
refuge with the Romans. ) The people
of the country brought him back and
made him king. He was assassinated
by I-t a-chi, and succeeded by his
brother s son I-dzi-zi (Yezdegerd)."
This prince sent an embassy to China,
A.D. 638. For misconduct he was
driven away by his nobles, and fled to
the T u-ha-la, a tribe in Afghanistan.
On his way he was put to death by
the Arabs (Ta-shih). Pi-lu-si the son
of I-dzi-zi appealed to the court at
Ch ang-an for aid against the irresis
tible Arabians, but in vain. These
last details have been introduced by
Gibbon into his narrative from De
Guignes. It may be inferred, then,
that the king Pa-ta-lik was the Byzan
tine emperor " Constans II." In the
year 1081 there was also an embassy
to China from the king of Fulim, who
is called Mih-li-i-linrj kai-sa. This
Kaisar or " Caesar " should be either
Nicephorus Bataniares, who died this
year, or his successor, Alexius Com-
nenus. In Kin-shi-t u-shu-pu, a Chi
nese work on coins and other antiqui
ties, there is a rude representation
of a gold coin of this prince.
The word Fulim is evidently the
same as the Thibetan Philing and the
Indian Feringi, which, as Hodgson ob
serves, must be variations of the word
"Frank," commonly applied to all
Europeans in Western Asia. Modern
Chinese authors suppose Judaea to be
Fulim, but the old passages in the
Syrian inscription and elsewhere, in
which the country is described as to
its natural features, whether under
this name or that of Tci-ls ln, read
much more intelligibly if the Roman
empire be understood.
1 1 8 CHINESE B UDDHISM.
Buddhist literature. As a preparation for the task, the
accomplished translator added to his unrivalled knowledge
of the Chinese language an extensive acquaintance with
Sanscrit, acquired when he was already advanced in life,
with this special object. Scarcely does the name of a
place or a book occur in the narrative which he has not
identified and given to the reader in its Sanscrit form.
The book was originally written by two friends of Hiuen-
tsang. It includes a specimen of Sanscrit grammar, exem
plifying the declensions of nouns, with their eight cases
and three numbers, the conjugation of the substantive
verb, and other details. Hiuen-tsang remained five years
in the monastery of Nalanda, on the banks of the Ganges,
studying the language, and reading the Brahmanical litera
ture as well as that of Buddhism.
Hiuen-tsang was summoned on his arrival to appear at
court, and answer for his conduct, in leaving his country
and undertaking so long a journey without the imperial
permission. The emperor praised by Gibbon as the
Augustus of the East was residing at Lo-yang, to which
city the traveller proceeded. He had brought with him
115 grains of relics taken from Buddha s chair; a gold
statue of Buddha, 3 feet 3 inches in height, with a trans
parent pedestal ; a second, 3 feet 5 inches in height, and
others of silver and carved in sandal-wood. His collection
of Sanscrit books was very extensive. A sufficient con
ception of the voluminous contributions then made to
Chinese literature from India will be obtained by enume
rating some of the names.
Of the Great Development school, 124 Sutras.
On the Discipline and Philosophical works of the fol
lowing schools :
Shang-tso-pu (Sarvastiv&das), . . 15 works.
San-mi-ti-pu (Sammitiyas), . . 15
Mi-sha-se-pu (Mahishashakas), . . 22
Kia-she-pi-ye-pu (Kashyapiyas), . . 17
Fa-mi-pu (Dharmaguptas), . . . 42
Shwo-i-tsie-yeu-pu (Sarvastivadas) . . 67
HIUEN-TSANGS TRANSLATIONS. 119
These works, amounting with others to 657, were carried
by twenty-two horses.
The emperor, after listening to the traveller s account
of what he had seen, commanded him to write a descrip
tion of the Western countries, and the work called Ta-
Vang-si-yu-ki was the result. 1
Hiuen-tsang went to Ch ang-an (Si-an-fu) to translate,
and was assisted by twelve monks. Nine others were
appointed to revise the composition. Some who had
learned Sanscrit also joined him in the work. On pre
senting a series of translations to the emperor, he wrote a
preface to them ; and at the request of Hiuen-tsang issued
an edict that five new monks should be received in every
convent in the empire. The convents then amounted to
3716. The decline of Buddhism from the persecutions to
which it had been exposed, was thus repaired.
At the emperor s instance, Hiuen-tsang now corrected
the translation of the celebrated Sutra Kin-kang-pat-nia-
pa-la-mi-ta-king (in Sanscrit, Vajra-chedika-prajna-para-
mita Sutra). Two words were added to the title which
Kumarajiva had omitted. The new title read Neng-twan-
kin, etc. The name of the city Shravasti was spelt with
five characters instead of two. The new translation of this
work did not supplant the old one that of Kumarajiva.
The latter is at the present day the most common, except
the " Daily Prayers," of all books in the Buddhist temples
and monasteries, and is in the hands of almost every
monk.
This work contains the germ of the larger compilation
Prajna paramita in one hundred and twenty volumes.
The abstractions of Buddhist philosophy, which were after
wards ramified to such a formidable extent as these num
bers indicate, are here found in their primary form pro
bably, as they were taught by Shakyamuni himself. The
translation of the larger work was not completed till A.D.
1 This -work has been recently re- Sheu-shan-ko-ts uny-shu, at Sung-
printed, in the collection entitled kiung, near Shanghai.
120 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
66 1. That Hiuen-tsang, as a translator, was a strong
literalist, may be inferred from the fact, that when he was
meditating on the propriety of imitating Kumarajiva, who
omitted repetitions and superfluities, in so large a work as
this, he was deterred by a dream from the idea, and
resolved to give the one hundred and twenty volumes
entire, in all their wearisome reiteration of metaphysical
paradoxes.
Among the new orthographies that he introduced was
that of Bi-ch u for Bi-k l u, " Mendicant disciple," and of Ba-
ga-vam instead of But for " Buddha." This spelling nearly
coincides with that of the Nepaulese Sanscrit, Bhagavat.
In the Pali versions he is called " Gautama," which is a
patronymic, in Chinese, Go-dam. Ba-ga-vam is used in the
Sutra Yo-si-lieu-li-kwang-ju-lai-kung-te-king. Modern re
prints of Hiuen-tsang s translation of the Shastras called
Abhidbarma, are found in a fragmentary and worm-eaten
state in many of the larger Buddhist temples near Shang
hai and elsewhere at the present time. He lived nineteen
years after his return, and spent nearly the whole of that
time in translating. He completed 740 works, in 1335
books. Among them were three works on Logic, viz.,
I,i-men-lun, In-ming-lun, In-ming-slm-kiai. Among other
works that he brought to China, were treatises on Gram
mar, Shing-ming-lun and Pe-ye-kie-la-nan, and a Lexicon,
Abhidharma Koska. 1
1 Vide Professor Wilson s letter duced. There is another use that
published by the China Branch of the may be made of these orthographical
Koyal Asiatic Society, at Hongkong. changes. As compared with preced-
The changes in orthography adopted ing transcriptions, they are an index
by Hiuen-tsang, may be made use of to the alterations that were taking
to show, that it was from Sanscrit and place in the Chinese language itself.
not Pali originals, that the Chinese For convenience the age of Buddhist
Buddhist books were translated. He translations may be divided into three
spells oj>e or " pagoda, "su-t u-pa. In periods: (I.)A.D. 66, when Buddhism
Pali the word is t upa, and in Sanscrit entered China, and the "Sutra of
st upa. Before Hiuen-tsang s time, Forty-two Sections" was translated;
the initial s was not expressed, pro- (2.) A.D. 405, the age of Kumarajiva;
bably for brevity, or through the in- (3.) A.D. 646, the age of Hiuen-tsang.
fluence of a local Indian dialect. The Sanscrit syllable man had been.
Other examples might also be ad- written with the character for "litera-
HIUEN-TSANG S NARRATIVE.
The modern Chinese editor of the " Description of
Western Countries " complains of its author s superstition.
Anxiety to detail every Buddhist wonder has been accom
panied by neglect of the physical features of the countries
that came under review. Here, says the critic, he cannot
be compared with Ngai Ju-lio (Julius Aleni, one of the
early Jesuits) in the Chih-fang-wai-lri (a well-known geo
graphical work by that missionary). In truthfulness this
work is not equal, he tells us, to the " Account of Buddhist
kingdoms " by Fa-hien, but it is written in a style much
more ornamental. The extensive knowledge, he adds, of
Buddhist literature possessed by Hiuen - tsang himself,
and the elegant style of his assistants, make the book
interesting, so that, though it contains not a little that is
false, the reader does not go to sleep over it.
The life and adventures of Hiuen - tsang have been
made the basis of a long novel, which is universally read
at the present time. It is called the Si-yeu-ki or Si-yeu-
chen-ts euen. The writer, apparently a Tauist, makes
unlimited use of the two mythologies that of his own
religion and that of his hero as the machinery of his tale.
He has invented a most eventful account of the birth of
Hiuen-tsang. It might have been supposed that the wild
romance of India was unsuited to the Chinese taste, but
our author does not hesitate to adopt it. His readers
become familiar with all those imaginary deities, whose
figures they see in the Buddhist temples, as the ornaments
of a fictitious narrative. The hero, in undertaking so
distant and dangerous a journey to obtain the sacred
ture," wen. Hiuen-tsang adopted a
character now as then heard, man. He
changed the name of the Ganges from
Heng, "Constant," to Ch i ing-ch ia
(Gang-go). Comparison with existing
dialects shows, that the Sanscrit pro
nunciation may be assigned without
hesitation to the characters chosen, as
nearly the sound that then belonged
to them in Northern China, and one
example is an index to a multitude of
other words, passing through the same
change at the same time. The three
periods here given will help to supply
the chronology of these changes, ex
tending through almost all the sounds
in the language. Thus, with other aid,
the age of the Mandarin language may
be fixed with comparative certainty.
122 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
books of Buddhism, and by translating them into his
native tongue, to promote the spread of that superstition
among his countrymen, is represented as the highest
possible example of the excellence at which the Buddhist
aims. The effort and the success that crowns it, are
identified with the aspiration of the Tauist after the elixir
of immortality ; the hermit s elevation to the state of
Buddha, and the translation of those whose hearts have
been purified by meditation and retirement, to the abodes
of the genii.
The sixth emperor of the T ang dynasty was too weak to
rule. Wu, the emperor s mother, held the reins of power,
and distinguished herself by her ability and by her cruelties.
In the year 690 a new Buddhist Sutra, the Ta-yun-king,
" Great cloud Sutra," was presented to her. It stated that
she was Maitreya, the Buddha that was to come, and the
ruler of the Jambu continent. She ordered it to be circu
lated through the empire, and bestowed public offices on
more than one Buddhist priest.
Early in the eighth century, the Confucianists made
another effort to bring about a persecution of Buddhism. In
714, Yen Ts ung argued that it was pernicious to the state,
and appealed for proof to the early termination of those
dynasties that had favoured it. In carrying out an edict
then issued, more than 12,000 priests and nuns were
obliged to return to the common world. Casting images,
writing the sacred books, and building temples, were also
forbidden.
At this time some priests are mentioned as holding
public offices in the government. The historians anim
advert on this circumstance, as one of the monstrosities
accompanying a female reign.
About the beginning of the same century, Hindoos were
employed to regulate the national calendar. The first
mentioned is Gaudamara, whose method of calculation
was called Kwang-tse-li, "The calendar of the bright house."
It was used for three years only. A better-known Bud-
HINDOO CALENDAR IN CHINA. 123
dliist astronomer of the same nation was Gaudamsiddha.
By imperial command he translated from Sanscrit, the
mode of astronomical calculation called Kieu-cM-shu. It
embraced the calculation of the moon s course and of
eclipses. His calendar of this name was adopted for a
few years, when it was followed in A.D. 72 1 by that of the
well-know T n Yih-hing, a Chinese Buddhist priest, whose
name holds a place in the first rank of the native astrono
mers. The translations of Gaudamsiddha are contained in
the work called K ai-yuen-chan-king, a copy of which was
discovered accidentally, in the latter part of the sixteenth
century, inside an image of Buddha. It has been cut in
wood more than once since that time. The part translated
from Sanscrit is but a small portion of the work. The
remainder is chiefly astrological. Among other things,
there is a short notice of the Indian arithmetical notation,
with its nine symbols and a dot for a cipher. There was
nothing new in this to the countrymen of Confucius, so
far as the principle of decimal notation was concerned ;
but it is interesting to us, whose ancestors did not obtain
the Indian numerals till several centuries after this time.
The Arabs learned them in the eighth century, and trans
mitted them slowly to Europe. Among the earlier Bud
dhist translations, a book is mentioned under the title of
" Brahmanical Astronomy," P o-lo-men-t ien-wen, in twenty
chapters. It was translated in the sixth century by
Daluchi, a native of the Maleya kingdom. Another is
Ba-la-men-gih-ga-sien-jen-t ien-wen-shwo, "An Account of
Astronomy by the Brahman Gigarishi." *
The date of these translations, mentioned in the "History
of the Sui dynasty," can be no later than the sixth century
or very early in the seventh. The same should be observed
of two works on Brahmanical arithmetic, viz., Ba-la-men-
swan-fa and Ba-la-men- swan-king, each containing three
chapters, and a third on the calculation of the calendar,
1 A translation of a work by the same author, on the prophetic character
of dreams, is also alluded to.
124 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Ba-la-men-yin-yang-swan-li, in one chapter. All these
works, with one or two others given by the same authority,
are now hopelessly lost, but the names as they stand in
the history unattended by a word of comment, are an
irrefragable testimony to the efforts made by the Hindoo
Buddhists to diffuse the science and civilisation of their
native land. The native mathematicians of the time may
have obtained assistance from these sources, or from the
numerous Indians who lived in China in the Pang dynasty.
In the extant arithmetical books composed before the date
of these works, examples of calculation are written per
pendicularly, like any other writing, but in all later
mathematical works they are presented to the eye as we
ourselves write them from left to right. The principle by
which figures are thus arranged as multiples of ten chang
ing their value with their position, was known to the
Chinese from the most ancient times. Their early mode
of calculating by counters, imitated more recently in the
common commercial abacus, was based on this principle. 1
But it does not appear that they employed it to express
arithmetical processes in writing before the Hindoos began
to translate mathematical treatises into the language.
The next notice of Buddhism in the history is after
several decades of years. The emperor Su-tsung, in A.D.
760, showed his attachment for Buddhism by appointing
a ceremonial for his birthday, according to the ritual of
that religion. The service was performed in the palace,
the inmates of which were made to personate the Buddhas
and Bodhisattwas, while the courtiers worshipped round
them in a ring.
The successor of this emperor, Tae-tsung, was still more
devoted to the superstitions of Buddhism, and was seconded
by his chief minister of state and the general of his army.
A high stage for reciting the classics was erected by im
perial command, and the " Sutra of the Benevolent King,"
Jen-iuang-king, chanted there and explained by the priests.
1 Shanghai Almanac for 1853 "Jottings on the Science of the Chinese."
FESTIVAL FOR HUNGRY GHOSTS. 125
This book was brought in a state carriage, with the same
parade of attendant nobles and finery as in the case of the
emperor leaving his palace. Two public buildings were
ordered to be taken down to assist in the erection and
decoration of a temple built by Yii Chau-shi, the general,
and named Chang-king-si. A remonstrance, prepared on
the occasion by a Confucian mandarin, stated that the
wise princes of antiquity secured prosperity by their good
conduct not by prayers and offerings. The imperial ear
was deaf to such arguments. The reasoning of those who
maintained that misfortune could be averted and happiness
obtained by prayer was listened to with much more
readiness. Tae-tsung maintained many monks, and be
lieved that by propitiating the unseen powers who regulate
the destinies of mankind, he could preserve his empire
from danger at a less cost than that of the blood and
treasure wasted on the battle-field. When his territory
was invaded, he set his priests to chant their masses, and
the barbarians retired. The Conf ucianist commentary in
condemning the confidence thus placed in the prayers of
the priests, remarks that to procure happiness or prevent
misery after death, by prayers or any other means, is out
of our power, and that the same is true of the present life.
One of those who had great influence over the emperor
was a Singhalese priest named " Amogha," Pu-k ung, 1 "Not
empty," who held a high government office, and was
honoured with the first title of the ancient Chinese nobility.
Monasteries and monks now multiplied fast under the
imperial favour. In the year 768, at the full moon of the
seventh month, an offering bowl for feeding hungry ghosts
was brought in state by the emperor s command from the
palace, and presented to the Chang-king-si temple. This
is an allusion to a superstition still practised in the large
Buddhist monasteries. Those who have been so unhappy
1 Chief representative of the Tantra also called Amogha Vajra, and hia
school in China, and author of the school is that called the Yogachara.
festival for hungry ghosts. He is (Eitel.)
126 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
as to be born into the class of ngo-Jcwei, or " hungry spirits,"
at the full moon of the seventh month, have their annual
repast. The priests assemble, recite prayers for their
benefit, and throw out rice to the four quarters of the
world, as food for them. The ceremony is called Yu-lan-
hwei (ulam), " the assembly for saving those who have been
overturned." It is said to have been instituted by Shakya-
muni, who directed Moginlin, one of his disciples, to make
offerings for the benefit of his mother, she having become
a ngo-kwei.
The emperor Hien-tsung, A.D. 819, sent mandarins to
escort a bone of Buddha to the capital. He had been told
that it was opened to view once in thirty years, and when
this happened it was sure to be a peaceful and prosperous
year. It was at Fung-siang fu, in Shen-si, and was to be
reopened the next year, which would afford a good oppor
tunity for bringing it to the palace. It was brought
accordingly, and the mandarins, court ladies, and common
people vied with each other in their admiration of the
relic. All their fear was, lest they should not get a sight
of it, or be too late in making their offerings.
On this occasion Han Yti, or Han Wen-kung, presented
a strongly-worded remonstrance to the emperor, entitled
Fu-kuh-piau, "Memorial on the bone of Buddha." He
was consequently degraded from his post as vice-president
of the Board of punishments, and appointed to be prefect of
Chau-cheu, in the province of Canton. A heavier punish
ment would have been awarded him, had not the courtiers
represented the propriety of allowing liberty of speech,
and succeeded in mitigating the imperial anger.
In this memorial he appealed first to antiquity, arguing
that the empire was more prosperous and men s lives
were longer before Buddhism was introduced than after.
After the Han dynasty, when the Indian priests arrived,
the dynasties all became perceptibly shorter in duration,
and although Liang Wu-ti was on the throne thirty-eight
years, he died, as was well known, from starvation, in a
OPPOSITION OF HAN YU TO BUDDHISM. 127
monastery to which he had retired for the third time. 1
The writer then pleads to Hien-tsung the example of his
predecessor, the first T ang emperor, and the hope that he
himself had awakened in the minds of the literati by his
former restrictions on Buddhism, that he would tread in
his steps. He had now commanded Buddha s bone to be
escorted to the palace. This could not be because he
himself was ensnared into the belief of Buddhism. It
was only to gain the hearts of the people by professed
reverence for that superstition. None who were wise and
enlightened believed in any such thing. It was a foreign
religion. The dress of the priests, the language of the
books, the moral code, were all different from those of
China. Why should a decayed bone, the filthy remains
of a man who died so long before, be introduced to
the imperial residence? He concluded by braving the
vengeance of Buddha. If he had any power and could
inflict any punishment, he was ready to bear it himself to
its utmost extent. This memorial has ever since been a
standard quotation with the Confucianists, when wishing
to expose the pernicious effects of Buddhism. The bold^
ness of its censures on the emperor s superstition, and the
character of the writer as one who excelled in beauty of
style, have secured it lasting popularity. Among the
crowd of good authors whose names adorn the T ang
dynasty, Han Wen-kung stands first of those who devoted
themselves to prose composition. Christian natives in
preaching to their countrymen often allude to this docu
ment.
^ Extraordinary superstition provoked extraordinary re
sistance. The sovereigns of the T ang dynasty were so
fond of Buddhism that it has passed into a proverb. 2
i Liang TVu-ti was eighty-six years 2 Watters, in Chinese Recorder, 1869,
of age when he died. His adopted July, p. 40. The proverb T ang Fo
son whom he had appointed to sue- "Buddha of the T ang," means to be
ceed Inm withheld the supplies of as devoted to Buddhism as was the
food that the aged emperor needed, T ang dynasty.
and he died in consequence.
128 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
In the year 845 a third and very severe persecution
befell the Buddhists. By an edict of the emperor Wu-
tsung, 4600 monasteries were destroyed, with 40,000
smaller edifices. The property of the sect was confiscated,
and used in the erection of buildings for the use of govern
ment functionaries. The copper of images and bells was
devoted to casting cash. More than 260,000 priests and
nuns were compelled to return to common employments.
The monks of Wu-t ai, in Shan~si, near T ai-yuen fu, fled to
" Yen-cheu " (now Peking), in Pe-chi-li, where they were
at first taken under the protection of the officer in charge,
but afterwards abandoned to the imperial indignation.
At this place there was a collection of five monasteries,
constituting together the richest Buddhist establishment
in the empire. There is a legend connected with this
spot, which says that Manjusiri, one of the most cele
brated of the secondary divinities of Buddhism, has fre
quently appeared in this mountain retreat, especially as
an old man. By the Northern Buddhists " Manjusiri,"
Wcn-slm-slvi-li (in old Chinese, Men-ju-si-li], is scarcely
less honoured than the equally fabulous Bodhisattwa,
Kwan-shi-yin. The chief seat of his worship in China is
the locality in Shan-si just alluded to, where he is regarded
like P u-hien in Si-ch uen and Kwan-yin at P u-to the
Buddhist sacred island, as the tutelary deity of the region.
Wen-shu p u-sa, as he is called, differs from his fellow
Bodhisattwas in being spoken of in some Sutras as if he
were an historical character. On this there hangs some
doubt. His image is a common one in the temples of the
sect.
The emperor Wu-tsung died a few months afterwards.
Siuen-tsung, who followed him, commenced his reign by
reversing the policy of his predecessor in reference to
Buddhism. Eight monasteries were reared in the metro
polis, and the people were again permitted to take the
vows of celibacy and retirement from the world. Soon
afterwards the edifices of idolatry that had been given
TEA CHING OF MA -TSU. 129
over to destruction were commanded to be restored. The
Confucian historian expresses a not very amiable regret
at the shortness of the persecution. Those of the Wei
and Cheu emperors had been continued for six and seven
years, while in this case it was only for a year or two that
the profession of Buddhism was made a public crime.
A memorial was presented to the emperor a few years
after by Sun Tsiau, complaining that the support of the
Buddhist monks was an intolerable burden on the people,
and praying that the admission of new persons might be
prohibited. The prayer was granted.
The line of the patriarchs had terminated a little before
the period which this narrative has now reached, and the
most influential leader of the Chinese Buddhists was Ma-
tsu, who belonged to the order of Ch an-sh i, 1 one of the
three divisions of Buddhist monks. As such, he followed
the system taught by Bodhidharma, which consisted in
abstraction of the mind from all objects of sense, and even
its own thoughts. He addressed his disciples in the
following words, " You all believe that the mind (sin)
itself is Buddha (intelligence). Bodhidharma came to
1 The other two orders of Buddhist thus early. The marked difference
monks are (i.) Lil-sh i, or " Disciplin- between the Buddhism of Bodhi-
ists," who go barefoot and follow rigid- dharma, and that already existing in
ly the rules enjoined in the early ages China, requires some such supposi-
of Buddhism, for the observance of all tion. These three orders still exist,
who entered on the ascetic life; (2.) The common priests met with in
Fa-slil, or those who perform the temples are not considered to deserve
common duties of priests, engage in either denomination, but on the sup-
popular teaching, and study the position that they fulfil their duties,
literature of their religion. The they are Fa-shl. Distinguished priests
word Ch an (in old Chinese, Jan and are called Ch an-sht. The emperors
dan), originally signifying "resign," till very recently have always been
had not the meaning to "contem- accustomed to give names to distin-
plate " (now its commonest sense), guished priests. The early translators
before the Buddhists adopted it to were honoured with the title /San-
represent the Sanscrit term Dhyana. tsang-fa-shl. In common cases the
The word in Chinese books is spelt title Ch an-shi is all that is appended
in full jan-na, and is explained, "to to the new name given by the imperial
reform one s self by contemplation or favour to those who, from their learn-
quiet thought." Perhaps an Eastern ing and character, are supposed to
extension of the Jaina, or some lost deserve it.
sect, still existing in India, took place
130 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
China, and taught the method of the heart, that you might
be enlightened. He brought the Lenga Sutra, exhibiting
the true impression of the human mind as it really is,
that you might not allow it to become disordered. There
fore that book has but one subject, the instructions of
Buddha concerning the mind. The true method is to
have no method. Out of the mind there is no Buddha.
Out of Buddha there is no mind. Virtue is not to be
sought, nor vice to be shunned. Nothing should be looked
upon as pure or polluted. To have a sensation of an object
is nothing but to become conscious of the mind s own
activity. The mind does not know itself, because it is
blinded by the sensations." He was asked, by what
means excellence in religion should be attained? He
replied, " Eeligion does not consist in the use of means.
To use means is fatal to the attainment of the object."
Then what, he was again asked, is required to be done
in order to religious advancement ? " Human nature in
itself," he said, " is sufficient for its own wants. All that
is needed is to avoid both vice and virtue. He that can
do this is a religious man (sieu-tau-jeti)."
These extracts indicate that a great change had taken
place in the popular teaching of Buddhism. In the first
centuries of its history in China, retribution and the future
life were most insisted on. But the tenets of Bodhi-
dharma, who aimed to restore what he considered the true
doctrine of Buddha, gradually diffused themselves and
became the most powerful element in the system. The
consequence was a less strong faith in the future life.
I-tsung, who ascended the throne A.D. 860, w r as devoted
to the study of the Buddhist books. Priests were called
in to discourse on their religion in the private apartments
of his palace, and the monasteries were frequently honoured
with the imperial presence. He was memorialised in vain
by the Confucian mandarins, who represented that Tauism,
speaking as it did of mercy and moderation, and the ori
ginal religion of China, of which the fundamental prin-
BODHIRUCHT. 131
ciples were benevolence and rectitude, were enough for
China, and the emperor should follow no other. This
emperor practised writing in Sanscrit characters, and
chanted the classics in the originals according to the
musical laws of the land from which they came. Nothing
could be more irritating to rigid conservatives, who hated
everything foreign and lived to glorify Confucius, than to
hear such sounds issuing from the imperial apartments.
In this reign another bone of Buddha was brought to the
palace. When it arrived the emperor went out to meet
it, and prostrated himself on the ground before it, weeping
while he uttered the " invocation of worship" (namd). The
ceremonies were on a scale even greater than at the
annual sacrifice to Heaven and Earth. Similar scenes
occurred at about the same time in the West, when Euro
pean kings were not ashamed to honour the relics of
Christian romance, just as their contemporaries in the far
East revered those of the equally luxuriant imagination of
Buddhism. No one in the West, however, raised so loud a
voice of warning against these superstitions as the Confu
cian mandarins at the court of Ch ang-an.
Among the foreign Buddhists who took up their residence
in China in the first T ang dynasty was Bodhiruchi. He
translated the Hwa-yen and Pau-tsih Sutras. Lenga, a
second, came from the north of the Ts ung-ling mountains ;
others from India. The usual story of these wanderers was
that they were the sons of kings, and had resigned their title
to the crown to free themselves from worldly cares, and
cultivate the heart. These tales may have been true, but
they should not be repeated too often, for fear of exciting
suspicion in the mind of the reader. More than one of
these ci-devant princes adopted the profession of rain
maker at the Chinese court, and saved the country from
drought for a considerable period. On one occasion the
emperor was assured that it would rain when certain
images opened their eyes. After three days the images
showed the same willingness to gratify the expectation of
1 32 CHINESE BUDDHISAf.
their worshippers as have those of another religion, and
the prophecy was fulfilled.
Pu-k ung, already mentioned, came from Ceylon. 1 As
he was travelling, a herd of elephants rushed towards
him. He sat quietly on the way side. The elephants all
knelt down "before him and retired. When he came to
China, he produced, it is said, a great reformation of man
ners in court and country, and was reverenced as a divi
nity. If judged by his works, 2 however, consisting of
unintelligible charms with pictures of many Bodhisattwas,
he brought a grosser superstition than before. His book
of directions for calling hungry spirits to be fed, by magi
cal arrangements of the fingers, delineations of Sanscrit
characters and such like means, vindicates for him the
unenviable honour of being the chief promoter of Bud
dhist fetishism in China. From Sin-la, a kingdom now
forming part of Corea, some priests also came. One of
these, named Wu-leu, was retained by the emperor Hiuen-
tsung, with Pu-k ung, to pray for the imperial and national
prosperity. When he approached his end he rose in the
air a foot high, and so died. 3
At this time some priests came from Japan, bringing
ten of the monastic dresses denominated Sanghali, as pre
sents to those in China who should best deserve them.
Lan-chin praised the gift as evidence of the advancement
made by the donors in the knowledge and dispositions of
the true Buddhist. He determined to go to Japan, and
1 The Yoga or Yogachara school nt)is in Sanscrit Dharani, "a charm."
was founded by Asangha, and its sys- See also the very popular work called
tern taught in China by Pu-k ung Yu-k ia-yen-k eu, universally used by
(Arnogha). It combined Brahman- the priests as a mass-book for the
ism, Shivaism, and the doctrine of benefit of the hungry dead, who come,
Dhyana Buddhas (derived from Ne- in consequence of the priest s incan-
paul), with the Mahayana philosophy, tations, from hell, with "flaming
2 See the work called Ts ien-shcu mouths " (yen-k cu) to receive " sweet
ts ien-yen kwan-sln-yin p u-sa ta-pei- dew " (kan-lu) and go back relieved.
sin to-fa-ni, " The magical formula of These notices of foreign Buddhists
the Bodhisattwa Kwan-shi -yin, who are taken from tl>e Supplement to the
has a thousand hands and eyes and well-known cyclopaedia Wen-hien-
a merciful heart. " " Da-la-ni " (To-lo- t l ung-k l au.
PERSECUTION BY THE CHEU DYNASTY. 133
after a tempestuous voyage he arrived there. The king
came out to meet him, and assigned him a residence.
Prom him the Japanese received their first instructions in
the Discipline of Buddhism, or the rules of the monastic
life.
Under the Later Tang dynasty a native priest of
Wu-t ai, observing the mode in which the foreign Bud
dhists obtained their influence, felt a wish to share with
them in the dominion of the atmosphere. He gave out
that the dragon of the sky was obedient to him, and that
wind and rain came at. his call. The emperor and empress
prostrated themselves before him, and he did not think it
necessary to rise in their presence. Unfortunately a long
drought arrived, and his prayers were unavailing to bring
it to a termination. Enraged at his want of success, some
proposed to burn him, but he was permitted to return
home, and died of disappointment.
The last emperor of this short dynasty was much under
the influence of Ajeli, a foreigner at Fung-siang, in Shen-si.
He was memorialised by an officer of his court, on the sub
ject of instituting examinations for those who wished to
adopt the Buddhist life of reading and retirement. The
monks and nuns should both be examined in the " Shastras "
(Luri), the " Sutras" (King), and the daily duties of the mon
astery. In the same way he recommended that those who
aspired to become Tauist priests should be examined in
the literature of that sect. The emperor assented to these
propositions. His successor of the Later Tsin dynasty
distributed favours and titles very freely among the pro
fessors of the two faiths, and, as was natural, foreign
priests, with teeth and other relics of Buddha, continued
to arrive.
A little later a prince of the Cheu family and the
immediate predecessor of the founder of the Sung dynasty,
placed severe restrictions on Buddhism, and prohibited all
temples except those that had received an inscribed tablet
from former emperors. More than thirty thousand of these
134 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
buildings were in consequence suppressed by edict ; 2694
temples were retained. The same edict prohibited the
monks and lay Buddhists from cutting off their hands and
feet, burning their fingers, suspending lighted lamps by
hooks inserted into the flesh, and from carrying pincers in
a similar manner. " Let us not smile," says Mr. Watters,
" at these self-imposed tortures, unless we can also weep
to think that similar tortures have been practised by the
followers of Jesus not only by individuals on their own
bodies, but also upon those of their fellows."
T ai-tsu, the first emperor of the Sung family (A.D. 964),
sent messengers to persuade his contemporary of the house
of T ang not to show such devotion to Buddhist supersti
tions as he had done. The latter took the remonstrance
in good part, and ceased to look with his former regard on
the crowd of priests that frequented his capital. T ai-
tsung, the second in the new succession, stopped the
public examinations of candidates for monk s orders. He
Was an enemy to the delusions which he saw to be so
popular among his subjects. Hearing that wood was
being collected to form a death pyre for a priest who
had determined to burn himself, he thought it was time
to act, and issued an edict forbidding new temples. He
changed his policy a few years after ; for the history of
the time relates the erection by his command of a pagoda
360 Chinese feet in height. It was completed in eight
years, and relics of Buddha were deposited in it. A short
notice of this class of structures will be here introduced.
The number of pagodas in China is very great. There
are nine within thirty miles of Shanghai. When complete
and well situated, the pagoda is without dispute the most
ornamental edifice to be seen in this Eastern world. Per
haps no more beautiful single object could be added by
fche hand of man to hill and wood scenery. At Lo-yang, in
the Tsin dynasty (A.D. 350), there were forty- two, from
three to nine stories high, richly painted, and formed after
Indian models. The word t a (formerly t ap), now in uni-
ERECTION OF PA G ODA S. 135
versal use, has displaced the older names feu-t u (budu)
and fo-t u (buddu). The original purpose of the edifice
was to deposit relics of Buddha. These relics might be a
hair, tooth, metamorphosed piece of bone, article of dress,
or rice vessel. When the bodies of deceased Bodhisattwas
and other revered persons were burnt, the remains were
placed in structures which received the same name, t upa or
st upa, and it is these that have been described by travellers,
in Afghanistan and other regions where Buddhism formerly
prevailed, as topes.
" When there is no relic " (she-li; in Sanscrit, sharira),
says the cyclopaedia Fa-yuen-chu-lin, "the building is
called chi-ti" (in Sanscrit, chaitya), and it may be in
tended to commemorate the birthplace of Buddha, the
spot where he became enlightened, where he taught, or
where he entered into the Nirvana. Footsteps of Buddha,
an image of a Bodhisattwa or of a Pratyeka Buddha, are
also honoured with the erection of a chi-ti.
When pagodas are without relics and unconnected with
any legend, their erection must be attributed to reasons
founded on the Chinese " geomancy " (feng-skui). These
buildings are supposed to have a very important and
happy influence on the districts in which they are situated.
The charity of the contributors is also believed to be repaid
in riches, longevity, and forgiveness of sins, as in the case
of all Chinese almsgiving.
Most of the existing pagodas date from the time at
which our narrative has now arrived. Those built in the
T ang and previous dynasties have many of them fallen a
prey to the ruinous hand of time; while more recently
the diminished favour which those possessing wealth and
power have extended to Buddhism has caused an entire
cessation of pagoda building, except when old ones were
to be restored.
In the tenth century, 1 the royal family of the Min king
dom, bearing the surname Wang, were very much devoted
1 Walters, p. 42.
1 3 6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
to Buddhism. To them the city of Foochow owes the two
pagodas which adorn it. The king admitted ten thousand
persons to the vows in A.D. 940.
Anything that is precious in the eyes of the Buddhist
devotee may be deposited in these structures. One was
erected by the emperor for the preservation of the newly-
arrived Sanscrit books at the request of Hiuen-tsang, lest
they should be injured for want of care. It was 180 feet
high, had five stories with grains of she-li (relics) in the
centre of each, and contained monuments inscribed with
the prefaces written by the emperor and prince royal to
Hiuen-tsang s translations.
The great expense of large Buddhist structures some
times led the more self-confident of the priests to rash
resolutions. On one occasion a monk of T ien-t ai, a large
and ancient establishment to the south of Ningpo, pro
fessed to the emperor his wish to commit himself to the
flames when the erection of a certain temple was com
pleted. His desire was granted, and an officer sent to see
that the temple was built and the feat carried into execu
tion. The pile was made and the priest called on to come
forward. He excused himself, but in vain. He looked
round on the assembled crowd for some one to save him ;
among priests and people, however, none offered to help
the trembling victim of his own folly. The stern voice of
the imperial messenger bade him ascend the pile. He
still lingered, and was at length seized by the attendants,
placed forcibly on the pile and burnt.
The conduct of the emperors towards Buddhism was
then, as it has been more recently, very inconsistent.
Favour was shown to priests, while occasional edicts were
issued intended to check the progress of the system. The
emperors gratified their private feelings by gorgeous erec
tions for the practice of idolatry, while they paid a tribute
to the Confucian prejudices of the literati by denouncing
the religion in public proclamations.
In the reign of Chen-tsung, a favourer of Buddhism, a
ENCO URA CEMENT OF SA NSCRIT S TUDIES. \ 37
priest from India is mentioned as translating the " Sutra
of Good Fortune," Fo-ki-siang-king, and other works, to the
number of more than two hundred chapters.
Jen-tsung, in A.D. 1035, made an effort to preserve the
knowledge of Sanscrit literature by appointing fifty
youths to study it. A few years earlier, it is said in a
notice of Fa-t ien-pen, a native of " Magadha " (Bahar), iii
India, that he was assisted in translating the Wu-liang-
sheu-king, the " Sutra of Boundless Age," and other works,
by a native of China familiar with Sanscrit. These facts
have a bearing on the possible existence of Sanscrit manu
scripts in China. One old manuscript only has yet been
discovered, in South China, in that mode of writing. Occa
sionally a few specimen characters are introduced in native
works where foreign alphabets are treated of. 1 In an
account of the Kwo-t sing monastery in the " History of
Tien-t ai-shan " it is said that a single work was saved from
a fire there several centuries ago, which was written on
iliepei-to (patra), or " palm " leaf of India. A visit to T ien-
t ai a spot abounding in Buddhist antiquities, the earliest,
and except P u-to, the largest and richest seat of that
religion in Eastern China by myself and two companions
led to the discovery that this work is still there, but in
the Kau-ming monastery, and that it is written in the
Sanscrit character. I had a copy made which was sent
to Professor Wilson ; but the work of the copyist was
found to be too incorrect to admit of its being read. T ien-
t ai is about fifty miles south of Ningpo, and is celebrated
for its beautiful scenery. As a monastic establishment it
dates from the fourth century, while P u-to is no earlier
than the tenth. In the province of Che-kiang, where
1 Sanscrit characters are also cou- sale. They are written in a later
tained in such works as Yu-k ia-yen- Devanagari with the top line, from
k eu, which may be seen in any left to right, distinct in form. There
monastery. In Peking, Sanscrit sen- are also Sanscrit inscriptions on
tences, chiefly charms, are seen " octagonal stones " (slii-chwang). The
written under the eaves of the roofs Devanagari is of an older style with-
of temples. Some manuscripts have out the top line. They date from
been brought to foreign residents for the Kin dynasty.
133 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
maritime and hill scenery are so luxuriantly combined,
the picturesque homes of the Buddhist monks are clustered
together more thickly, it would seem, than anywhere else.
Like their English contemporaries whose mode of life was
in many points so similar, they knew well how to choose
spots where the rich landscape spread before their eyes
would be some compensation for their banishment from
social enjoyments. They were quite as inventive too in
peopling the woods and rocks where they selected their
place of retirement with supernatural visitors, whose rank
or good deeds lent a mysterious sanctity to the place
where traces of their presence were observed. And they
framed with equal facility marvellous legends to form a
ground for erecting temples in honour of the hero thus
endowed with an imaginary immortality. The Bodhi-
sattwas and " Arhans" (Lo-han) of Oriental religious fiction,
correspond to the saints and martyrs venerated in the West.
Those who chose the situations of many of the large
Buddhist establishments must have had an eye for the
loveliness of nature. The ignorant and unreflecting class
of priests now usually met with, whose aim is no higher
than to count beads, to chant the classics, and to perform
the genuflexions according to rule, must not be taken as
examples of the earlier race of Buddhist monks. There
was in the flourishing days of Buddhism more devotion to
the system, and a much better appreciation of its nature,
than at present. It was quite in keeping with a more
sinoere belief -in the religion, to choose beautiful solitudes
high among hills for the practice of its rites, and to spare
no expense in constructing appropriate edifices in the
most magnificent style of Chinese architecture. It is only
by supposing sincere attachment to the principles of the
system, that cases of self-destruction by fire in imitation
of the ancient Hindoo practice can be accounted for.
History says that the emperor Jen-tsung, having as a high
mark of favour introduced into the standard edition of
Buddhist books some works by the priests of T ien-t ai,
PL A CES OF PILGRIM A GE. 139
one of the monks performed this terrible feat to show his
gratitude for the emperor s goodness. Another prevailing
motive in uniting the utmost attainable beauty in nature
and art, was undoubtedly the desire to produce popular
effect, and to provide attractions for the rich and the
superstitious when they went on a religious pilgrimage.
Among these spots none in all China is more famous than
the island of P u-to, to the east of Clmsan. It was about
A.D. 9 1 5 that it was taken possession of by the Buddhists,
not many years before the time this narrative has reached.
It is dedicated to " Kwan-shi-yin," a name translated from
the Sanscrit Avalokiteshwara. P u-hien (SamantdbJiadra),
another fictitious Btidhisattwa, is honoured in a similar way
at Wo-mei slian, in Si-ch uen. At Kieu-hwa, in An-hwei,
a little westward of Ch i-cheu fu, Ti-t sang another of the
great Bodhisattwas, is honoured with special worship. The
fourth and last of these establishments, the great gather
ing-places of the followers of Julai, is that of " Manjusiri "
( Wen-chu p u-sa) at Wu-t ai in Shan-si, already referred to.
The name " P u-to " (Pu-ta) is the same as that known in
Indian ancient geography as " Potala" or " Potaraka " (Pu-
ta-lo-kia). Kwan-shi-yin is said in the Hwa-yen-king to
have taught the Buddhist doctrines on that island. The
original island was situated in the Southern sea of Indian
geographers, and P u-to is therefore denominated Nan-
hai p u-to (the P u-to of the Southern sea). Through the
Sung and Yuen dynasties buildings were added till they
grew to their present magnitude. The number of priests
from all parts of China who visit this sacred island is
immense. 1
The residents, however, are not so numerous as at
T ien-t ai. T ien-t ai was at this time become famous for
i The Thibetan inscriptions at P u- tor of the Thibetans, and, as Hue
to, which have frequently attracted informs us, monuments with the
the notice of foreign visitors, pro- words Om-mani-padme-hum, a sen-
bably owe their origin to some far- tence which occurs on the P u-to
travelled devotee from that country, stones, are everywhere seen there.
Kwan-shi-yin is the national protec-
HO CHINESE BUDDHISM.
the origination of a new school. The works by Chinese
authors mentioned above as placed parallel with the
translations from Sanscrit, consisted of the productions of
this school called CJii-kwan-hio or T ien-t ai-kiau. The
common book of prayers, Ta-pei-ts an, has the same origin.
The object of this new school was to combine contempla
tion with image worship. While the regulations for
kneeling and chanting by several persons in unison are
most complicated and minute, the operators aim to fix
their thoughts on certain objects of devotion. This system
differs from Bodhidharma s school of pure mental abstrac
tion, by adding to devotional thoughts the helps of the
senses. The tawdry gaiety of the idols, the union of
many persons under the direction of a time-keeper, in
kneeling and standing, mute thought and loud recitation,
it was believed would have a highly useful influence, when
combined with an intense effort after pure religious medi
tation. The union of these two elements was intended to
be a great improvement on the previous methods. The
first Buddhist worship had made no express provision for
the meditative faculties, and it had in consequence de
generated into the driest of forms. The common cere
monial of the sect at the present time exemplifies it,
exhibiting as it does postures devoid of all reverence and
lifeless repetitions of foreign words destitute of all emotion.
The founder of this new system, Ch i-k ai, lived at T ien-
t ai in the latter half of the sixth century. It was not
till after more than four centuries that the principal
writings of the school he established were included among
the standard books of Buddhism. The title by which he
is known is T ien-t ai-chi-che. The ceremonial thus intro
duced still maintains its reputation, and is practised by
those who wish to infuse a deeper feeling into the service
of the religion than is aimed at by the every-day worship
pers of Buddha.
These changing forms of Chinese Buddhism and there
are others that will subsequently be described are facts
ESOTERIC AND EXOTERIC SCHOOLS. 141
not without significance for the religious history of man
kind, that most interesting chapter in the chronicle of our
race. Human nature, true to itself, will run the same
round of varieties in connection with religions most dif
ferent in their origin, principles, and geographical situation.
Christianity has been greatly affected in the form that it
has assumed in successive ages by the operation of the
natural religious feelings inherent in man, which are the
parents of all superstition and are independent of the new
spiritual life bestowed by Divine power. This fact, which
is clearly exhibited in Church history, renders the histori
cal comparison between Christianity and other religions a
possible one. The monastic institute, for example, which
began in Buddhism, as its earliest books show, with
Shakyamuni the founder of the religion, was in Christianity
an innovation originating in the desire felt by many to
engage constantly in religious contemplation, without
being interrupted by the cares of secular life. In the
history of both religions there have been leading minds
that have elevated contemplation at the expense of external
forms. Others have sought by sensible representations
alone to call the religious feelings into action. Minds of
a third class have combined the two. But when Bud
dhism proceeds to the negation of all thought, action, and
individual existence, the parallel fails, for though philo
sophy has intruded frequently and extensively into the
battle-field of Christianity, it has never been attempted to
construct a new religious life on such a basis of philosophy
as this. Philosophical scepticism in the West has been
confined to the safer regions of speculation, without being
brought, as Buddhism has tried to bring it, to a practical
form. 1 Another subdivision of the Buddhist schools into
Tsung-men and Kiau-men may be best characterised by
using the terms esoteric and exoteric to distinguish them.
The first of the former entered China when the patriarch
1 The attempt of Comte and his religion on a basis of philosophy has
half-dozen followers to construct a been conspicuous only by its failure.
1 42 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Bodhidliarma brought the traditional symbol, called in
Chinese cheng-fa-yen-tsang, and the school he established
is its highest kind. The magical formulae cheu (dharani)
also belong to esoteric Buddhism. These childish produc
tions are as destitute of meaning in their original Sanscrit
as they are in their transferred Chinese form, but all sorts
of miracles are believed to be wrought by them. The
classics and books of prayers, with the other parts of the
literature, belong to exoteric Buddhism, which also em
braces all rules for life and worship. For this classifica
tion the native terms in use are Men, "open," and mi,
" secret."
The despotic nature of the Chinese government has
been often shown in its treatment of religions. When per
secution has not been resorted to, the right of interference
in the internal regulations of Buddhism and Tauism has
been often assumed. Thus the Sung emperor, Shen-tsung,
orderedmany of the "temples" denominated si to be changed
into the "monasteries" called ch an-yuen, for the use of the
monks who followed the system of Bodhidharma. His
successor issued a similar decree. In in 9, Hwei-tsung,
advised by Lin Ling-su, commanded the title of Buddha
to be changed to one like those of the Tauist genii. He
was to be styled Ta-kio-kin-sien, in which kio, to " per
ceive," is a translation of the word Buddha, and kin, i.e.,
" golden," represents the substance of which his image
is supposed to be formed. The other Indian titles were
also ordered to be abandoned. The " priests," instead of
being known as seng, were to be called te-sh i, " virtuous
scholars." The " temples," s i, and " monasteries," yuen t
were to receive the designations kung, " palace," and kwan,
" monastery," terms in use among the Tauists. This futile
attempt to amalgamate the two religions was abandoned
the following year.
The two brother philosophers, C heng, in the city of
Lo-yang, set themselves against the Buddhist burial rites.
But an admirer compared them to the rock in the middle
MONASTIC VOWS, 143
of a torrent, which can retard but for a moment the pro
gress of the impetuous stream.
Si-ma Wen-kung wrote soon after that men need not
practise burial rites for deliverance from hell, because
neither heaven nor hell are to be expected. The body
decays at death, and the spirit flies off, carried away by
a puff of wind. (See Watters.)
At that time, as at the present day, Buddhist priests
were invited by rich persons to go through a ritual for
the dead. The follower of Confucius engages priests from
both the other sects without scruple to offer prayers, in
whose efficacy he does not believe, for the souls of deceased
relatives. By the Oriental, sincerity and independence in
religious belief are without difficulty subordinated to the
outward show of respect which is felt to be necessary
while it is unreal. When, as death approached, a certain
mandarin prohibited the employment of Buddhist priests
at his funeral, the incident is commemorated as something
remarkable. In justification of himself he quoted the
saying of an author, " That if there were no heaven there
was no need to seek it ; and that if there were, good men
would certainly go there. If there were no hell there
was no need to fear it ; and if there were, bad men would
go there."
In the times of Buddhist prosperity persons received
from the emperor a written permission to become ho-shang 1
or " monks." When this practice was abandoned, as by
Kau-tsung, one of the emperors who reigned at Hang-
chow, A.D. 1143, the higher members of the Buddhist
hierarchy undertook to distribute the usual certificates
of membership in the order. Thus the aim of the em-
1 The word ho-snany, as the Chinese selves also use ch u-kia-jen, a Chinese
Life of Buddha informs us, is trans- term convertible with it. It means
ferred from the language of " Udin " "men who have left the family."
(Yu-tian) or " Khoten," south-east Upadhydya is a Sanscrit term for " a
of Kashgar, and was originally trans- self-taught teacher," and Hwa-shie is
lated from the Sanscrit Updsaka. a vernacular term in Kashgar and
Ho-shang is now the universal term Kustana, and has become ho-shang in
for the Buddhist monks. They them- Chinese. (EiteL)
144 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
peror, who had argued that for want of imperial patron
age the inmates of the monasteries would be thinned
in numbers, until death effected what former emperors
had sought to accomplish by persecution, was frustrated.
When the neophyte visits the chief monk at some monas
tery, in order to go through the ceremonies of initiation,
an indentation is usually burnt in at the top of his shaven
head, and a new one is made at every repetition of the
visit. A priest is proud to show these marks of distinc
tion, arranged in a square on his naked cranium, as testify
ing to the self-denial he has practised in attaining his
position.
There are various evidences of the continued influence
of Indian Buddhism on that of China at this compara
tively late period. The "History of the Sung Dynasty," in
its account of India, details the arrival in A.D. 951 of
Samanta, a monk, with a large party of companions from
Western India, belonging to sixteen families. In 965 a
Chinese priest, named Tau-yuen, returned from a journey
to the Western countries with relics and Sanscrit copies
of Buddhist books written on the " palm-leaf " (pei-td) to
the number of forty volumes. He was absent twelve years,
and resided in India itself half of that time. He returned
by the usual route round the north-west of the great
mountain mass denominated Ts ung-ling. He gave an
account of his travels to the emperor on his return, and
showed him the Sanscrit books. The next year 157
Chinese priests set out together, with the emperor s per
mission, to visit India and obtain Buddhist books. They
passed through Pu-lu-sha and " Cashmere " (Ka-slii-mi-lo),
but nothing is said of their further proceedings. During
the latter part of the tenth century Sanscrit manuscripts
continued to arrive at court in great -numbers. On one
occasion the son of a king of Eastern India was a visitor.
The reason of his abandoning his native land, continues
our authority, was that it is customary for the younger sons
of a deceased king to leave their eldest brother at home to
HINDOO BUDDHISTS IN CHINA. 145
succeed their father, and themselves become monks. They
travel then to other countries and never return. These
extracts from the " Sung History " are continued, because
they are not only valuable in themselves, but because also
there is some uncertainty as to the time when Buddhism
was expelled from India, and they may be of assiscance
in determining that question. In 982 a priest of Western
China returned from India with a letter from a king of
that country to the emperor. It was translated by an
Indian at the imperial command, and contained con
gratulations on the favour shown in China to Buddhism,
together with geographical details on India and adjacent
countries. The next year another Chinese monk returned
by sea with Buddhist books from India. On his way he
met at San-fo-t si, a country bordering on Cambodia to
the south-west, an Indian who wished to come to China
to translate Buddhist books. He was invited by the
emperor to engage in so doing. Other traces occur, not
seldom in Chinese history, of the presence of Buddhist
Indians in the Birmese peninsula, some of them of the
Brahman caste. The rising influence of Brahmanism, and
the more modern forms of religious belief in India, drove
the followers of Shakya, not only into the northern regions,
where they spread their system through Thibet and Tar-
tary, and by which many of them found their way to
China, but also into the islands and kingdoms that lay
on the other side of the Bay of Bengal. A few years
later than the last-mentioned date a Chinese, and with
him a foreign Buddhist monk, came from the king of
Northern India with a letter to the emperor. A Buddhist
priest of the Brahman caste, with Aliyin, a Persian of
another religion, are also mentioned as coming to the
capital. The former, in the account he gives of his native
country, mentions Buddhism as the religion favoured by
the king. Some came by sea at this time who could not
make themselves understood, but the images and books
they brought showed that they were Buddhists. Several
K
146 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
other arrivals of Hindoos are recorded, and if the books
they are said to have presented to the Chinese emperor
are still preserved in the state archives, there can be no
lack there of Sanscrit manuscripts of Buddhist works.
Though the great mass of Buddhist literature was
already translated, additions not a few were made in
the Sung and Yuen dynasties, arid the whole number
of " chapters " Qduen) raised from 4271 to 4661.
The account given of Kau-ch ang (the Ouighour country
north-west of China) says that the calendar there used
was the one introduced by the Hindoo Buddhists at the
court of the T ang dynasty in the early part of the eighth
century. More than fifty Buddhist temples had monu
mental tablets presented by emperors of the same dynasty,
and, with the collected sacred books of Buddhism, are
also preserved the early Chinese dictionaries 1 made with
the assistance of the Hindoos. The reader is left to sup
pose that the Buddhist classics in the language of China
were at that time used in the countries beyond its north
western frontier, as they still are in Japan, Loo-choo, and
Corea.
It is added, " Temples of Manes and Persian priests
(senga) are also found there, each following his own
ritual. These are such as are called in the Buddhist
Sutras heretics (wai-tau)" This must be an allusion to
the followers of Manes, and probably also to the Nes-
torians, who, on the Si-ngan inscription, call themselves
by the Buddhist term senga in the sense of " priest."
From the extended sketch given of Japanese intercourse
with China in the " Sung History," it appears that the ob
ject of the majority of the embassies then and previously
was a Buddhist one. Monks were the ambassadors ; books
of that religion, such as were known in Japan only by
name, were asked for ; remarkable places, like the Wu-t ai
mountain in Shan-si, were visited ; the doctrines of parti
cular sects, such as that of T ien-ta i, were studied at the
1 T ang-yiin, Yu-p ian, &c.
MONGOL DYNASTY FAVOURED BUDDHISM. 147
spots where they were principally cultivated; travellers
like Hiuen-tsang were regarded with veneration, and the
books that he intrusted to them, Sutras, Discipline, and
Shastras, guarded with especial care. The impression left
on the reader s mind by the narrative alluded to is, that the
early and constant embassies from Japan were decidedly
Buddhistic in their character. Perhaps this arose simply
from the fact of the ambassadors having been monks,
while some other cause led to the appointment of persons
of that profession to the duty. At least, however, it indi
cates that the Buddhist priests in Japan possessed for a
long period great political influence.
Kublai khan, the first Mongul emperor, was strongly
attached to Buddhism. The imperial temples, for sacri
ficing to the objects of Chinese national worship, were
converted to Buddhist uses ; while Tauism was persecuted,
injunctions were issued to all followers of Buddha to chant
the sacred books diligently in all the monasteries. When
Kublai was recommended by his courtiers to send an
army to subjugate Japan, he refused on the ground that
it was a country where the precepts of Buddha were
honoured. A monk of that sect was sent as ambassador,
but the king refused to follow the custom of his ancestor,
by sending the tributary offering that pleases Oriental
vanity, and marks the submissive obedience of an inferior
sovereign to his more powerful neighbour. A hundred
thousand soldiers were sent to enforce the claim of supre
macy over Japan, and their destruction in a storm while
crossing the sea thither is a well-known fact of history.
The early attachment of the Mongols to Buddhism
appears in the first notices of them in the annals of the
dynasty that they overthrew. While they still possessed
only the northern parts of China more than one Buddhist
monk was appointed to the office of kwo-sM, (national
instructor). The first of these was ISTamo, a native of one
of the Western kingdoms. Another was Pa-ho-si-pa or
" Baschpa," a " Thibetan" (l*u-fari), who introduced a new
148 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
alphabet for the use of the Mongols based on that of his
own language. It was issued by authority of Kublai
khan, but failed to win its way, perhaps because the
characters were less simple than the writing taken from
the Syriac, which had already been adopted from the
Nestorians.
In the reign of the successor of Kublai the historians
complain that three thousand taels of gold were set apart
to write Buddhist books in gilt letters, and other expenses
for this religion were in the same proportion of extra
vagance. The " Yuen History " describes the politic aims
of Kublai in his preference for Buddhism. Becoming
sovereign of a country wild and extensive, and a nation
intractable a.ud quarrelsome, he resolved, in order to give
his native wilderness a civilised aspect, and soften down
the natural roughness of his subjects, to form cities on
the Chinese model, to appoint mandarins of various ranks,
and put the people under the guidance of a public instruc
tor. A priest of Buddha held this post, and he was only
subordinate to the chief lay mandarin. His orders were
treated with the same respect as the imperial proclama
tions. When all the state officers were assembled he
alone remained seated on the floor in the corner, and
he was received at court with the highest honours that
could be paid to a subject.
The remarks of Confucianist historians on such things
are naturally bitter. It is not according to precedent
to praise Buddhism. To censure it is the fashion of the
literati. When they wield the historic brush, they deepen
the colouring if superstitious emperors and Buddhist suc
cesses have to appear on the canvas. What they record
of censure they record as a painful duty, and, as often
happens when men have a painful duty to perform, they
feel more pleasure in the performance than they like
to acknowledge.
Towards the end of the thirteenth century, a census
was taken by imperial command of the Buddhist temples
TRANSLA TIONS BY THE MONGOLS. , 49
and monks in China. Of the former, there were reported
42,318, and of the latter, 213,148. Three years after, at the
close of Kublai s reign, when a priest came from " Thibet "
(Si-fan] to become Jcwo-shi (national instructor), the
emperor, regretting that he could not converse with him,
ordered Kalutanasi, a Mongolian, to learn the Thibetan
language from him. This task was accomplished in a
year, and, says the narrative, the complete translation of
the Buddhist Sutras and Shastras, from "Thibetan" (Si-
fan), 1 and Sanscrit into Mongolian, and written in Oui-
ghour characters, was presented to the founder of the Yuen
dynasty in the year of his death, A.D. 1294. He ordered
it to be cut on blocks, and distributed among the kings
and great chiefs of his nation. The notices of Buddhism
that occur in the reigns of the successive Mongol emperors
are extremely numerous, but they belong perhaps more
to Mongolian and Thibetan Buddhism than to that of
China, and it will be only necessary, therefore, to take a
brief review of them. The recitation of the classics was
frequently practised in the Thibetan language in the
monasteries of the capital at the emperor s command. In
1324 a second record occurs of the translation into Mon
golian of the Buddhist books. It merely says that the
translation from the Si-fan (Thibetan) language was then
made in the "Ouighour" (Wei-ngu-ri) writing. Those
who received the highest religious title, that of kwo-ski
or ti-sM, "imperial instructor," were foreigners. One of
these, Pi-lan-na-shi-li, of the Kan-mu-lu kingdom, learned
in his youth the Ouighour and " Sanscrit " (Si-t ien, " West
ern heaven") writing. In 1312 he was ordered by the
emperor to translate Buddhist books. From Chinese he
translated the Leng-y en-king, a Sutra regarded by the
Chinese literati as the best of all the Buddhist books.
From Sanscrit he translated four Sutras, and others from
Thibetan, in all a thousand "chapters" (kiuen). He was
put to death for suspected treason, concerted with the
1 See the "Supplement to Wen-hien-t ung-k au."
1 50 CHINESE B UDDHISM.
son of the king of the An-si country on the eastern border
of Persia. The Mongol emperors continued faithful to
their adopted creed during the short continuance of their
power in China. It was, as it has continued to be, one
of their national institutions. The people accepted the
religion that their chiefs appointed for them. While
among the Chinese people, Buddhism has frequently had
to struggle against direct and indirect hostility from the
literary class and the government of the country, the
Mongolians have beheld without envy the priests of this
religion raised to the highest offices of state, and retain
ing unquestioned their position as the most influential
body in the community.
The immoral pictorial representations introduced in the
worship of Shiva were imitated by the Thibetan Buddhists.
When brought to one of the Mongolian emperors by a Thi
betan priest, he is said to have received them with approba
tion. The Chinese people were indignant when they heard
that such representations were permitted to demoralise the
inmates of the imperial palace. At present, although
some authors have asserted the contrary, there appear to
be no traces of any such practice in Chinese Buddhism,
bnt they are found in the lama temples in Peking.
Curiosity to visit the first home of their religion had
not yet entirely forsaken the Chinese Buddhists. Early
in this period a Chinese priest named Tau-wu was excited
by reading the accounts of Fa-hien and the early Buddhist
travellers to try his fortune in a similar undertaking.
He passed the Sandy desert, and through the kingdoms of
Kui-tsi and Sha-la to Kipin (Cophen). He there learned
the original language of the Buddhist books, obtained
a Sutra on the admission of Kwan-shi-yin to the Buddhist
life, and turning westward proceeded through the country
of the Getee and so into India. He returned by sea to
Canton. This, however, is the last record of the kind.
There was no reaction against Buddhism for some time
after the overthrow of the Yuen dynasty. Monks of that
MING DYNASTY LIMITS BUDDHIST PRIVILEGES. 151
religion from the countries west of China were still wel
comed at court, and decrees were promulgated applaud
ing the beneficial tendencies of the system. When a
mandarin ventured to reprove the third Ming emperor
on this account, he was silenced by the inquiry, Did he
wish to imitate Han Wen-kung ? In A.D. 1426 the next
occupier of the throne ordered examinations to be in
stituted for those who wished to become monks. At this
time, as had sometimes happened before, the attention
of the government was called to the increasing property
in land of the monasteries. In 1450 it was forbidden to
any monastic establishment to have more than 60 meu
(6000 feet square) of land. What was in excess of this
was given to the poor to cultivate, they paying taxes to
the emperor. Similar acts of interference with the pro
perty of the monasteries are recorded in the preceding
dynasty. In the sixteenth century, in the time of Kia-
tsing, some attempts to revive persecution were made by
Confucian memorialists, but all they succeeded in effect
ing was the destruction of the Buddhist chapel belonging
to the palace. High titles were still granted to certain
priests who stated that they came from the West. They
were called shang-sM, " superior teacher," instead of ti-
sh/i, " imperial teacher," the title given in the Yuen
dynasty.
In the latter years of the Ming dynasty, new enemies
to Buddhism arrived in China. The Eoman Catholic
missionaries followed the Mohammedans in protesting
against idolatry. The banner of hostility could be raised
by Christians with more reason against this religion than
against the national one, of which the worship of images
forms no part. Matteo Eicci had a controversy with a
noted Buddhist priest residing at Hang-cheu. It was with
a show of reason pressed upon the Buddhists that if their
theory of transmigration were true, it would be wrong to
enter into wedlock for fear of marrying one s own father
or mother. The Buddhists suggested in reply, that divi-
152 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
nation would reveal if such were the fact. Sii Kwang-k i,
Eicci s most illustrious convert, wrote a short tract against
Buddhism, in which a few of its principal doctrines are
discussed and condemned in a popular style. It is con
cluded by a chapter against ancestral worship. The
work is called P i-shih-sJvL-chu-wang, " The Errors of the
Buddhists Exposed."
Of the Manchu emperors, Shun-chi was a friend to
Buddhism, and wrote prefaces to some works of the fol
lowers of Bodhidharma, but his son K ang-hi felt in his
later life great repugnance to all religions except the
Confucian. His sentiments are recorded in the " Sacred
Edict," or Imperial book of moral instructions for the
common people.
By insertion in the " Sacred Edict " these opinions have
been widely spread, and are extensively approved of to
the present time. The author cites the judgment pro
nounced by Chu Hi, the philosopher and critic of the
Sung dynasty, saying that the Buddhists care nothing
for heaven or earth, or anything that goes on around
them, but attend exclusively each to his single mind.
They are then condemned for fabricating groundless tales
of future happiness and misery. They are charged with
doing this only for gain, and encouraging for the same
object the large gatherings of the country population at
the temples; ostensibly to burn incense, but really to
practise the worst forms of mischief.
Policy has led the Manchu emperors to adopt a very
different tone in Mongolia and Thibet. The lamas of
those countries are received at Peking with the utmost
respect, and care has always been taken to avoid ex
citing a religious animosity that would be fraught with
danger.
At the present time in the parts of China open to
foreign observation, each country village has its annual
festival, at which thousands assemble from distances of
many miles to witness processions of the images, and join
LITER A TI S TILL CONDEMN B UDDHISM. 1 5 3
in the idolatrous ceremonies to which, the day is conse
crated. It is the same to the people whether it be a
Buddhist or Tauist temple, where the concourse takes
place. Their worship and offerings are presented with
equal willingness in either, and whatever story is told of
the power of any idol they are ready to believe.
The feeling of the educated is different from this. De
spising the popular development of Buddhism, as consist
ing of image worship and procuring for money the pro
tection of powerful unseen beings, they read with interest
those of the Buddhist books that have in them a vein of
metaphysical thought presented in elegant language. They
study Buddhism for the profundity of its ideas, while
they continue to adhere to Confucius, as their own chosen
teacher in morals and religion. In the wide literature of
this system there is room for readers of very various
predilections. There are several works of which meta
physical discussion is the prominent feature, and they are
read with pleasure by the intelligent, to whom a further
attraction is the excellent native style adopted by the
scholars who assisted in the translation. Such, for ex
ample, are the Kin-kang-king and the Leng -yen-king.
There are, however, not a few sincere Buddhists, chiefly
in the middle class of society, who believe that there is
a great merit and efficiency in the recitation of the sacred
books. They have a higher aim than those who practise
the mere burning of incense to secure particular forms of
happiness. They engage in the reading of these books or
enter on the life of a hermit or monk, hoping to quiet the
passions and train the heart to virtue.
Hermits are not uncommonly met with in the vicinity
of large Buddhist establishments. They occupy hill-side
caves, or a closed apartment, which for a certain term of
years they never leave. Their hair is allowed to grow
unshorn. Their food is brought them by the monks of
a neighbouring monastery. They employ their time in
reciting the sacred books, meditation on Buddhist doc-
154 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
trine, care of their cell, and replenishing the incense urn
placed before the image of Shakyamuni.
The preceding pages may be regarded as a sketch of
the external history of Chinese Buddhism. A notice of
the successive schools into which this religion has sub
divided itself will now be presented to the reader.
( 155 )
CHAPTER VII.
THE SCHOOLS OF CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The growth of esoteric sects in India The Jains Their series of
twenty-four patriarchs Bodhidharma headed a new school
in Southern India, and was heretical as viewed from the Jains
standpoint He founded the contemplative school in China
Nagarjuna, the author of the most revered books of this school
Tsung-men Kiau-men Divisions of Tsung-men The Tsung-
men sects are heretical in the view of the old orthodoxy-
Specimen of the teaching of the Tsung-men Lin-tsi school
Professes strict discipline Its founder died A.D. 868 His
monument on the bank of the Hu-to river in Chi-li Resem
blance to European speculation on the absolute Is Buddhism
pantheistic ? Exoteric sects Lii-men (Vinaya) -Yogachara
Fa-siang Madhyamika Fa-sing Tsing-tu, or sect of the
"Pure land" or "Western heaven " T ien-t ai Poetry of
the Tsing-tu school.
BUDDHISM, as a religion of books and images, with the
vow of celibacy and the monastic system, had entered
China, and been widely propagated for several centuries,
before anything was heard of schools. Gradually the
Chinese Buddhists came to know of patriarchs, of the
contemplative school, and of its many subdivisions.
We are told that when the use of books was carried to
excess, and the true nature of humanity veiled from view,
Bodhidharma, arrived with a tradition of his own teach
ing, that men by becoming conscious of their own nature
would attain the state of Buddha. He became the chief
founder of the esoteric schools, which were divided into
Xfive principal branches.
The common word for the esoteric schools is dan, the
156 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Sanscrit Dliyana, now called in the modern sound given
to the character, ch an.
Dr. Hamilton says, speaking of the Swaracs or Jains,
a still existing Buddhist sect in India, that they worship
twenty-four great teachers, who are called either Avatars
or Tirthancaras. Tirtha is an incarnation or an heretical
teacher or non-Buddhist ascetic of any sect. 1 Khode
supposed the Jains to be descendants of the Asuras and
Rakshas, races hostile to the early Hindoos. 2 But they
were rather a school.
The Chinese have the series of twenty-four patriarchs.
They may be assumed to be the same with the Jaina
twenty-four patriarchs. Bodhidharma will then be a
heretic and continuator of an offshoot from the Jaina list
of patriarchs, commencing with Basiasita. The location
of this offshoot of the patriarchs, embracing the twenty-
fifth, twenty-sixth, twenty- seventh, and twenty- eighth,
was Southern India, for these four patriarchs were either
natives of Southern India or were at least engaged in
active labours there. Perhaps it will be better to say
that the Jains and the school of Bodhidharma are both of
them offshoots from a common stock, which recognised
patriarchs from the time of Kashiapa, and maintained
esoteric doctrine from that time.
The author of Fo-tsu-t ung-ki, after describing the life of
Buddha in four chapters, gives an account of the twenty-
four patriarchs in his fifth chapter, and of nine selected
patriarchs in his sixth and seventh chapters. Among the
nine, Nagarjuna is the only foreigner, and the eight
natives are not any of them among the five regular suc
cessors of Bodhidharma, Among them were (i.) Kan
Hwei-wen, A.D. 550; (2.) Li Hwei-si, founder of the Nan-
ngo school ; (3.) Ch en Chi-k ai of T ien-t ai and founder of
that school. The five others I shall not mention.
Then he selects eight others. After this he gives the
1 Transactions of the Royal Asiatic 2 Rhode, Religiose Bildung u. s. w.
Society, vol. i. p. 538. der Hindus.
BODHIDHARMA HEADED A NEW SCHOOL, 157
history of the succession iu each case till he has related
the lives of an immense number of teachers of schools,
large and small, important and unimportant. After this
he finds room for the school of Bodhidharrna, on which,
however, he is rather brief.
The author of San-kiau-yi-su places Bodhidharrna in
a much more important and elevated position. If Chi-
p an s view is a better representation of the old and ortho
dox Buddhist opinion, that of this later book is a better
indication of the most prevalent opinions of modern
Chinese monks.
Orthodox Buddhism has in China slowly but steadily
become heterodox. The Buddhism of books and ancient
traditions has become the Buddhism of mystic contempla
tion. The followers of Bodhidharma have extended them
selves on every hand, and gained an almost complete
victory over steady orthodoxy.
The history of ancient schools springing up long ago
in the Buddhist communities of India, can now be only
very partially recovered. Possibly some light may be
thrown back by China upon the religious history of the
country from which Buddhism came. In no part of the
story is aid to the recovery of this lost knowledge more
likely to be found than in the accounts of the patriarchs,
the line of whom was completed by Bodhidharma. In
seeking the best explanation of the Chinese and Japanese
narrative of the patriarchs, and the seven Buddhas ter
minating in Gautama or Shakyamuni, it is important to
know the Jain traditions as they were early in the sixth
century of our era, when the patriarch Bodhidharma
removed to China.
If it occur as an objection to this hypothesis that the
discrepancies now existing between the school of Bodhi
dharma and of the Hindoo Jains are very great, the latter
having temples and an external worship, and that their
chronology also differs, in reply, it may be observed that
the fame and influence of Bodhidharma in China mark
158 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
him out as himself a great sect founder. In this character
he would preserve only as much as he pleased of the
traditions and observances of his fellow religionists,
and in their view he was probably in many points a
heretic. The absence of the esoteric element (at least
that distinct and highly-developed form of it which
belongs to China) from modern Jainism would follow
the departure of the last patriarch. Further, his school
keep images, and never think of dispensing with them,
though they hold that they may be dispensed with. Their
ritual also is most elaborate.
The second native writer, already quoted, thus compares
Buddha and Bodhidharma. The former, " Julai " (Tathd-
gata), taught great truths and the causes of things. He
became the instructor of men and Devas. He saved
multitudes, and spoke the contents of more than five
hundred works. Hence arose the Kiau-men, or exoteric
branch of the system, and it was believed to be the tradi
tion of the words of Buddha. Bodhidharma brought from
the Western heaven " the seal of truth " (true seal), and
opened the fountain of contemplation in the East. He
pointed directly to Buddha s heart and nature, swept away
the parasitic and alien growth of book instruction, and
thus established the Tsung-men, or esoteric branch of the
system, containing the tradition of the heart of Buddha.
Yet, he adds, the two branches, while presenting of neces
sity a different aspect, form but one whole.
Though the two systems have worked harmoniously
together, a line is readily drawn in their literature. Thus
in the Fa-yuen-chu-lin, a large collection of miscellane
ous Buddhist information coming down from the T ang
dynasty, nothing is said of Bodhidharma or his system.
To separate the productions of these two great schools
is then an important step in the classification of the Bud
dhist books in China. Among the traditions preserved in
the history of the patriarchs are notices of some of the
disciples of Buddha and other eminent persons, fabulous
SCHOOLS OF ESOTERIC BUDDHISM. 159
or real. They are given in an extended form in the work
GJii-yue-luh. Manjusiri is the first. The others are T ien-
ts in p l u-sa (Vasubandu Bodhisattwa), Wei-ma, Shan-ts ai
(good ability), Subhuti, Wu-yeu-tso-wang (the perfect
king without any dissatisfaction), Shariputra, Yangimara,
Pindulo, Chang -pi-mo-wang (the king who resists Mara),
the prince Na-t o, Kwang-ngo-tu-ri, and Dzin-la-da.
In tracing the rise of the various schools of esoteric
Buddhism it must be kept in mind that a principle some
what similar to the dogma of apostolical succession belongs
to them all. They all profess to derive their doctrines
through a succession of teachers, each instructed personally
by his predecessor, till the time of Bodhidharma, and so
further up in the series to Shakyamuni himself and the
earlier Buddhas.
The sixth Chinese patriarch did not appoint a successor.
The monastic habit and rice bowl that had descended to
him were in accordance with what Bodhidharma had said,
not communicated to a new patriarch. In the five petals
the flower, as he had expressed it, would be complete, he
himself, the first of the six, being the stem on which the
others grew. The last of the patriarchs resided at Ts au-
k i, in Kiang-si. Two schools were formed by his disciples,
denominated Nan-ngo (South Mountain) and Ts ing-yuen,
from the spots where the teachers resided. The former
is near Heng-cheu, in Hu-nan, the latter near Ts iuen-cheu,
in Fu-kien. In these schools there was no very real differ
ence in sentiment from the doctrine of the parent stem.
Heng-shan is the old Confucianist mountain known by
that name, and also as Nan-ngo. The tablet of Yti was
said to be discovered there, and we can see the reason
of this. It was the southern limit of the Chinese empire
of that time. He was the traditional civiliser, the canal
maker and embankment engineer of the Hia dynasty, and
of his work the geographical section in the " Book of His
tory " is the record.
Though Bodhidharma was nominal founder of the eso-
160 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
teric schools in China, the real philosophic thinker, who
gave them the impulse to reflection, was Nagarjuna, the
most important founder of the Mahayana school. He spe
cially originated the Madhyamika system, which reduces
everything to bald abstractions and then denies them.
The soul has neither existence nor non-existence. It is
neither permanent nor non-permanent. Such was his
teaching. (See in Eitel). His system influenced Kau
Hweiwen, who studied the Shastra Ta-ch t-tu-lun, and mas
tered the idea of " central gazing," chung-kwan, and also
that of three branches of wisdom viz. matter is nothing ;
the mind s annoyances are nothing; the temptations
through the senses are nothing.
Li Hwei-si, of the Nan-ngo school, built up his ideas on
those of Hwei-wen, and transmitted to Chi-k ai the " triple
gaze," the empty, the hypothetical, and the medial.
Such is the statement of Chi-p an, the orthodox autho
rity. But, according to San-kiau-yi-su, the chief influence
in the formation of the Nan-ngo and of the Ts ing-yuen
was that of the sixth patriarch upon the mind of Tu
Hwai-jang and Lieu Hing-si.
The founders of these two schools, the first of the Tsung-
men, were Hwai-jang and Hing-si. Their successors were
Ma-tsu in Kiang-si, and Hi-k iau or Shi-t eu, who, while
they changed their residences and became themselves
teachers of the esoteric doctrine, retained the names, Nan-
ngo and Ts ing-yuen, of the schools where they had been
taught.
The biographical record of the Tsung-men teachers in
the Clvi-yue-luh contains notices of priests trained by the
predecessors of the sixth patriarch, and sent out to teach
the doctrine of Bodhidharma.. Two were instructed by the
successor of Bodhidharma, eight by the fourth patriarch,
and six by the fifth. One of the latter, Shin-sieu, was
styled the sixth patriarch for North China, while Hwai-
neng, the legitimate successor of Bodhidharma, from resid
ing in the southern provinces, was called the sixth patriarch
TSUNG-MEN SECTS HERETICAL. 161
for the South. Nothing is said of the schools originated
in various provinces by these teachers. It is only the
successors of Hwai-neng, the last-mentioned hierarch, that
are regarded as deserving a memorial. From him a series
of disciples, all becoming "teachers" (ch an-s i) in their
turn, are counted to the sixteenth generation. This mode
of expression is used instead of mentioning, according to
custom, the years of imperial reigns and dynasties. The
biography in the Chi-yue-luh, a book of the Ming dynasty,
ceases at the sixteenth descent. This was at the begin
ning of the twelfth century, and the whole series embraces
about four hundred years. Modern monks of these schools
trace their succession in a similar manner, according to
a more recent arrangement, in twelve divisions. The
reason for this careful record of ecclesiastical ancestry
is to be sought in the principle of unbroken lineal descent,
which is indispensable to the maintenance of esoteric tradi
tion. Yet it does not appear that there was any secret
doctrine which those who knew it would not divulge.
What they held was simply a protest against the neglect
of the heart, and dependence on book knowledge and the
performance of outward rites. Since their object was to
draw neophytes away from the inordinate study of the
books of the religion, instruction was given orally. An
extensive series of works containing records of the instruc
tions of these teachers has been the result. They are called
Yu-luh, " Records of the sayings " of celebrated teachers.
Several branch schools were originated by the successors
of the sixth patriarch. In the fourth generation from him
the Hwei-niang school was formed. In the fifth appears
that of Lin-tsi and Ts au-tung. The Yiin-men belongs
to the eighth generation. That called Fa-yen belongs to
the ninth. These names are taken from the places where
the founders of the respective schools resided. They are
denominated collectively the Wu-tsung, or " Five schools,"
to distinguish them from those which preceded them, and
adhered more closely to the tradition of the patriarchs.
L
162 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
The differences that existed between these schools and
the parent doctrine were not great. But it is not essential
that differences should be great to make them the subject
of controversy and the cause of division. An example
of the mode in which the contemplative Buddhists carried
on their discussions will here be given. Shen-sieu taught
his doctrine in the following verses:
" The body is like the knowledge tree.
The mind is like a mirror on its stand.
It should be constantly and carefully brushed,
Lest dust should be attracted to it."
His teacher, the fifth patriarch, was pleased with this
mode of representing the importance of watching over the
heart. But Hwai-neng, the sixth patriarch, opposed it
with vehemence. He also wrote his view in verses :
" There is no such thing as a knowledge tree.
There is no such thing as a mirror-stand.
There is nothing that has a real existence.
Then how can dust be attracted ? "
In the former appears very distinctly the practical part
of the esoteric system, attention to the heart. In the
latter its speculative tendency denying everything ex
ternal to the mind is brought to view.
According to the system held in common by these
schools, the heart is Buddha. There is no mode of attain
ing to the state called Buddha but by the mind itself.
This mind has neither beginning nor end, colour nor form.
To look outward is to be a common man. To look in
ward is to be Buddha. In reality man is the same thing
as Buddha. To rely on the performance of particular acts
is not true knowledge. To make offerings to all the past
Buddhas is not to be compared with offering to one man
who has become superior to mental passions and sensa
tional influences.
All that the great Bodhisattwas have taught, men have
in themselves. The pure vacancy of Manjusiri, the with-
LIN-TSI SCHOOL. ^
drawal of the thoughts from the world of sensations
recommended by P u-hien, the mercy of Kwan-yin, the
knowledge of Shi-chi, the purity of "Vimakita" (Wei-mo)
all these various principles are in the heart. To know
it, is all that is needful. To become Buddha the mind
only needs to be freed from every one of its affections,
not to love or hate, covet, rejoice, or fear. To do, or aim
at doing, what is virtuous or what is vicious is to leave
the heart and go out into the visible tangible world. It
is to become entangled in the metempsychosis in the one
case, and much trouble and vexation in the other. The
right method is in the mind ; it is the mind itself. The
fountain of knowledge is the pure, bright, self -enlighten
ing mind. The method taught by all the Buddhas is
no other than this. Let the mind do nothing, observe
nothing, aim at nothing, hold fast to nothing; that is
Buddha. Then there will be no difference between living
in the world and entering the Nirvana. Then human
nature, the mind, Buddha, and the doctrine he taught, all
become identical. 1
While revising these papers, and adding to them, so
that they may form a distinct book on Chinese Buddhism
(August n, 1879), I here insert a brief account of the
Lin-tsi school.
The Lin-tsi school has been very successful. It has
pushed out the other sects, and spread over the north and
south of China to an enormous extent. Beginning in
Shan-tung, it has been accepted throughout the eighteen
provinces, and in Japan, as the most popular exponent of
the teaching of the contemplative school.
They say, " Within the body which admits sensations,
acquires knowledge, thinks, and acts, there is the True man
without a position, Wu-wei-chen-jen. He makes himself
clearly visible ; not the thinnest separating film hides him.
Why do you not recognise him ? The invisible power of the
1 This description is taken from a little work of the T ang dynasty, called
Twan-tsi-sin-yau.
164 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
mind permeates every part. In the eye it is called seeing,
in the ear it is hearing. It is a single intelligent agent,
divided out in its activity in every part of the body. If
the mind does not come to conscious existence, there is
deliverance everywhere. What is the difference between
you and the sages of antiquity ? Do you come short in
anything ? What is Buddha ? Ans. A mind pure, and at
rest. What is the law ? Ans. A mind clear and enlight
ened. What is Tau? Ans. In every place absence of
impediments and pure enlightenment. These three are
one." The object of the Lin-tsi has been to teach Bud
dhism, so that each monk should feel that there is diffi
culty in the paths of self -improvement, and that he has
in himself the power to conquer that difficulty.
The " true man without a position," Wu-wei-chen-jen, is
wrapped in a prickly shell like the chestnut. He cannot be
approached. This is Buddha, the Buddha within you.
The sharp reproof of discipline is symbolised by slaps
on the cheek with the palm of the hand, and blows with
the fists under the ribs. This treatment gives an improved
tone to the mind and feelings.
An infant cannot understand the seven enigmas.
These enigmas are given in dark language difficult even
for adepts to explain. Thus : " Is it to search in the grass
where there is the shadow of the stick that you have already
come here ? " " To kill a man, to strike with the sword
a dividing blow, and the body should not enter the water."
The explanations of these enigmas are not given in the
book I have consulted. Doubtless they mean something
quite in harmony with the fundamental principles of
Buddhism, otherwise the Lin-tsi school would not be so
popular as it is.
They have the " Three dark/ hiuen, principles," the
"real," sM, the "formal," t i, and the "practical," yung.
They have also the " Three important, yau, principles."
These are, "illumination," chau, "utility or use," yung,
and the combination of the two.
FOUNDER OF LIN-TSI SECT DIED A.D. 868. 165
In their discipline they have three blows with the cane,
three successive reproofs, and the alternation of speech
and silence. They have a play on the words " guest " and
"host." The guest may learn from the host by seeing
how he meets circumstances, and imitating him. The
host may learn from the guest, as when those who are
already profound in wisdom make constant inquiries from
their visitors, and seize ardently on what they approve.
The host may learn from another host, as when those who
are already wise discuss points, and such as are learning
throw away what they had been grasping firmly. The
guest may learn from another guest, as when the learner
is laden with the heavy wooden neck collar and iron lock,
and all discussion ceases.
Where the meaning of such mysterious teaching is not
clear, there will be an oral explanation by the tutor ; and
so step by step the pupils will acquire a knowledge of
the Lin-tsi school doctrines and discipline, and of the
enigmatical language in which they are couched.
The founder of the Lin-tsi school died A.D. 868. A
dagoba was erected over his ashes in the south part of the
province of Chi-li, near Ta-ming fu, on the north-west
angle not far from the city.
He resided for some years on the banks of the river
Hu-t o, which rushes with great force of current out of
Shan-si into Chi-li, at the distance of a mule s journey of
five days from Peking on the south-west. This river flows
through the prefecture of Chen-ting fu to the Grand Canal.
On the banks of this river to the south-east of the city of
Chen-cheu, as Chen-ting fu was then called, the founder
of the Lin-tsi school spent much of his life in a small
monastery. Here he was in a quiet spot surrounded by
the objects of a well-cultivated plain, where wheat and
millet have been sown from time immemorial ; and here
he acquired a reputation for magical powers. He could
stroke the beard of a fierce tiger, split rocks, burst open
precipices, walk upon ice, and move along the edge of a
166 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sword. The main features in the landscape on which he
looked were the blue mountains of Shan-si, forming a
broad and continuous chain on the west, with the swift
river which flowed by his monastery with a full and foam
ing stream in the summer months, and sinking to a much
smaller one in the winter, when it is frozen hard enough
to be passed by loaded waggons. It was this river that
gave a name to the school, for Lin-tsi means " Coming to
the ford."
To the kind of philosophy springing up in India, and
further developed by the Chinese in the esoteric schools
above described, there is much that is similar in recent
European speculation. We see here the Finite going back
into the Absolute, the denial of the existence of every
thing but self, the identity of self and God, and of the
subject and object. That abstraction which is the pan
theist s God, may, without violence to the meaning of
words, be considered as the corresponding term to Buddha
in this system. For God, as the Absolute, is the state
towards which nature and man are returning, a descrip
tion which answers to the notion here alluded to of the
state called Buddha. When, however, in the manner of
the older schools, Buddha is looked upon as having his
torical personality, it becomes at once incorrect to say that
he is God ; his personality being strictly human, and not
divine. There is, however, a difference. The Asiatic
speculator undertakes to realise his system, and employs
the monastic institute or other aids for the purpose, hoping
thus to escape from the chains of sense and passion into
the freedom of pure abstraction. The European theoriser,
on the other hand, even if he attempts to show how a
practical religion may be based on a system of abstrac
tions as was done by Fichte never seriously thinks of
carrying it into execution.
Neander, following Schmidt and Baur, represents Bud
dhism as one form of pantheism, on the ground that the
doctrine of metempsychosis makes all nature instinct with
IS B UDDHISM PA NT HE IS TIC f 1 67
life, and that that life is the Deity assuming different forms
of personality, that Deity not being a self-conscious free
acting First cause, but an all-pervading spirit. The eso
teric Buddhists of China, keeping rigidly to their one
doctrine, say nothing of the metempsychosis, the paradise
of the Western heaven, or any other of the more material
parts of the Buddhist system. The Indian Buddhists
were professed atheists ; but those of China, instead of
denying the existence of God, usually content themselves
with saying nothing about Him. To deny or affirm any
special existence, fact or dogma, would in their view be
equally inconsistent. Their aim is to keep the mind from
any distinct action or movement of any kind. They look,
therefore, with pity on worshippers of every class as
necessarily missing what they aim at, and that because
they aim at it; and as having no prospect of escaping
from the misery of life until they abandon all special
dependencies and doctrines, look within instead of with
out, and attend to the voiceless teaching of the mind
itself.
This system also exists in Japan, and the same sub
divisions into schools occur there among its followers.
(See Burger s account of religious sects in Japan, Chin.
Eep., vol. ii. pp. 318-324.)
It is in high estimation among the reflecting class of
Chinese, who look with contempt on the image worship
of the multitude.
An account of the " Exoteric sects," the Kiau-men of
Chinese Buddhism, will now be presented to the reader.
Shakyamuni is said to have foretold that, for five
centuries after his death, the true doctrine would be fol
lowed. After that, for a thousand years, a system of
forms or "Image worship," Siang-kiaou, would prevail.
This would subsequently give place to another called the
" final system," which would terminate the present Jcalpa.
The popular Buddhism of China belongs to the second of
these developments. It was this form that it first as-
1 68 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
sumed on entering China. Buddha is said to have taught
the doctrines of this system in early life, while the more
abstruse and mystical parts of his teaching were delivered
when he was become an old man. After his entrance
into the Nirvana, Ananda compiled the " Sutras " (King).
In the council that was then held, these Sutras were
adopted as an authentic account of the Buddhist doctrine,
and they are the first of the Three collections that consti
tute the standard books of Buddhism.
The biographical notices of the principal translators of
the Sutras, and founders of the Kiau-men, are by the
author of the San-ltiau-yi-su placed before the five schools
into which he divides the exoteric Buddhists. The first
of the eight who are thus distinguished is Kashiap-
madanga. When he came to Lo-yang in the first century
of our era, he lodged in the Pe-ma s i (White horse temple).
Hence the residences of Buddhist priests were called s$
(ga-lam, "monasteries;" for the Sanscrit, sangharama).
Associated with his countryman Chu Fa-Ian, he translated
five Sutras. The latter afterwards translated five more,
consisting of thirteen " chapters" (Jciuen). " Kumarajiva s"
(Kieu-mo-lo-shi) name is the third, and the fourth that of
" Buddojanga " (Fo-t u-cheng), who is better known as a
wonder worker and a founder of monasteries (he erected
893) than a translator. A commentary on the Tau-te-
Jcing of Lau-tsi came from his pen. The remaining four
names most noted in the early history of Chinese Bud
dhism are Chi-tun, Tau-an, Pau-chi, and Shan-hwei. They
were all natives of China, noted for their writings and
public discussions in explanation and defence of the Bud
dhist system.
The five subdivisions of exoteric Buddhism will now be
considered, (i.) That named from the Yinaya or second
division of the sacred books, is the first. The writer of
the " Vinaya " (Lu) and founder of this school was " Upali "
(Yeu-po-li; in old Chinese, U-pa-li), one of the -ten chief
disciples of Shakyamuni. He wrote the S i-pu-lu, which
THE VINA Y A DIVISION. 169
was admitted into the " Three pitaka " (San-tsang) at the
council held after Buddha s death (vide Hardy s Eastern
Monachisin). Among the nine leaders of this school, two
other Hindoos are mentioned. The first Chinese among
them is in the fifth century. He taught the system of
the work called " Discipline of Four Divisions." The name
of this school is Hing-sl-fang-fei-chl-ngo, indicating that
its aim is in action to guard against error and check vice.
It is also called the Nan-shan (Southern hill) school.
Priests of this school at the present time dress in black.
There was at Nanking, before the Tai-ping rebellion, a
monastery where this system was in operation.
(2.) Yo-ga-mi-Mau, " The secret teaching of Yoga." The
founder of this system is called Kin-kang-sat-wa (Vajra-
sattwa). It was brought to China about A.D. 720 by Kin-
Icang-M (Vajramati), who was succeeded by Pu-k ung.
Seventy-two works came from the pen of the latter, and
were placed in the national collection of Buddhist books.
His numerous disciples learned to repeat charms with
great effect, and this seems to be the proper business of
the school. The word Yoga is explained as " Correspon
dence " and, it is added, is employed as a general term for
books " containing secret doctrines " (referring to magic).
To this school belongs the very popular festival of the
hungry ghosts, held in the seventh month.
The Yoga or Yogachara school is also called the Tan-
tra school, because it taught the use of magic formulae
or unintelligible charms used for rain, for protection in
storms, &c. They are written in Sanscrit or Thibetan
letters. (See in Eitel, under the word " Yogatchara.")
(3.) Wei-shi-siang-kiau. This school occupied itself
with the study of the Shastra Wd-slvi-lun, and similar
works. These books -were written by the two Bodhisat-
twas Wu-cho l and T ien-ts in. Kiai-hien, a Hindoo re-
1 Asanga, " Without attachment," the Mahayana system, and wrote the
was originally a follower of the Ma- books which contain the Wei-shi doc-
hashasaka school. He first taught trines. Then he became the founder
1 70 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
siding at the monastery Nalanda, was their most distin
guished disciple, and was principally concerned in estab
lishing this school, and arranging those forms of Buddhist
instruction called the Three "Developments" (Yana).
Next to him was the traveller Hiuen-tsang, who received
the Shastra mentioned above from Kiai-hien, and origi
nated the school in his native country. He was succeeded
by his pupil Kwei-ki. This school is called Fa-siang-
tsung, or the " School that exhibits the nature " and
meaning of the Buddhist written doctrines.
(4.) Another of these schools derives its name from the
Shastra called Chung-Inn. That work was written by the
Hindoo Lung-shu, " Nagarjuna " (Dragon tree). The
founder of the school based on the doctrines of that book
was a Chinese of the Northern T si kingdom in the sixth
century. His successor was a monk of one of the sects
that followed the teaching of Bodhidharma, Hwei-si of
Nan-ngo. He was succeeded by Chi-k ai of T ien-t ai shan,
who developed the system to a much greater extent, and
divided it into four subordinate schools, named from their
subjects, those of the written doctrine, true human nature,
the use of the senses, and action.
(5.) The last exoteric school is that which was founded
by Fa-shun, a native of Tun-hwang, an ancient kingdom
in what is now Thibet. He gave his chief attention to
the "Hwa-yen Sutra." The third leader of the school
was Hien-sheu, the best known of them all. His name
is often given to the system that he with his predecessors
and successors recommended. It is called usually Fa-
sing-tsung, the " School of the true nature " of the written
doctrine.
Another exoteric school parallel with these, but placed
separately in the classification, is that called Lien-tsung
(Lotus school), or Tsing-tu (Pure land). To it belongs the
popular legend of the Western heaven, the abode of
of the Yoga school, and wrote a book Maitreya in the Tushita paradise,
which he said was dictated to him by (See in Eitel.)
PURE LAND SECT. 171
"Amida Buddha" (A-mi-to Jfo), ar -fabulous personage
worshipped assiduously lik/e Kwan-jin^by the Northern
Buddhists, but unknown in Siam, Birmah, and Ceylon.
The founder of this school in China was a native of
Shan-si, Hwei-yuen, of the Tsin dynasty (fourth century).
The second * patriarch " (tsu) of this school was Kwang-
ming of the seventh century. For more than thirty years
he taught the doctrine of the " Pure land," persuading
multitudes to adopt it. Pan-cheu, his successor, was
honoured with the title Kwo-sM (National instructor) in
the reign of Tai-tsung (760 A.D.). The sixth in order was
Chi-kio. His views differed little from those of T ien-
t ai, Hiuen-tsang, and Hien-sheu. He was very fond of
saving fish and crabs from being killed and eaten. Seven
chiefs of this sect are enumerated. To the same school
belongs Chu-hung, the priest who opposed Matteo Kicci
in works and letters still extant, and founded the Ytin-
tsi monastery near Hang-cheu.
The Western paradise promised to the worshippers of
Amida Buddha is, as has been pointed out by Schott in
his work on the Buddhism of High Asia and China, in
consistent with the doctrine of Nirvana. It promises
immortality instead of annihilation. The great antiquity
of this school is evident from the early date of the trans
lation of the Amida Sutra, which came from the hands
of Kumarajiva, and of the Wu-liang-sheu- king, dating
from the Han dynasty. Its extent of influence is seen in
the attachment of the Thibetans and Mongols to the
worship of this Buddha, and in the fact that the name of
this fictitious personage is more commonly heard in the
daily conversation of the Chinese people than that of the
historical Buddha Shakyamuni.
The only remaining school is that of T ien-t ai, already
partially described. In the latter part of the sixth cen
tury Hwei-wen, a native of "Northern China" (Pe-ts i),
studied the Chung-lun (Central Shastra), written by the
Hindoo called " Conqueror of the Dragon " (Lung-sheng or
172 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
Lung-shu), the fourteenth patriarch. Convinced of its
excellence, he instituted " three sorts of meditation " (san-
Jcwan), viewing the world as (i.) empty, (2.) false, or (3.)
central. This he regarded as the limit of religious medi
tation on the surrounding universe, and therefore called
his system Ck i-kwan, " Beflection carried to its limiting
point." He also founded his doctrine partly on the Fa-
hwa-Jcing, and was followed by Hwei-si and Chi-che of
T ien-t ai, who gave his name to the school.
The following verses translated from the poetry of the
Tsing-tu sect will serve to illustrate the doctrine of that
school. It is not much of the Buddhist system that easily
admits of being put into this form of composition. There
is nothing akin to the spirit of poetry in the turgid splen
dour and wearisome reiteration of the legends that abound
in the books of this religion. Chinese versifiers have,
however, found some materials more to their taste in the
"Western heaven of Amida Buddha. If the reader should
think the conceptions are poor, they are at least a genuine
description, so far as they go, of the heaven of the Nor
thern Buddhists.
"THE WESTERN HEAVEN.
" The pure land of the West, say what language can tell
Its beauty and majesty? There ever dwell
The men of this world and the Devas 1 of heaven,
And to each has the same wreath of glory been given.
The secrets of wisdom unveiled they behold,
And the soil that they tread on is bright yellow gold.
In that land of true pleasure the flowers never fade,
Each terraced ascent is of diamond and jade.
The law of Tathagata 2 sung by each bird
From thicket and grove in sweet music is heard.
The un withering Upata, 3 fairest of flowers,
Sheds fragrance around in those thrice lovely bowers.
1 Devas, the " gods " of the Hindoos 2 Tathagata, a title of Buddha ; in
(in Chinese, t ien). They are inferior Chinese, Julai. "The law," is the
in power and splendour to human doctrine proclaimed by Buddha,
nature when elevated to the rank of * Also spelt Utampatala.
the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas.
POETRY OF THE PURE LAND. 173
There, each from the world that he governs, are found
Assembled in conference long and profound,
The ten supreme Buddhas who cease not to tell
The praise of the land where the genii J dwell.
For there is no region so happy and blest,
As the heaven of Amida far in the west.
On the moment of entering that peaceful scene,
The common material body of men
Is exchanged for a body ethereal and bright,
That is seen from afar to be glowing with light.
Happy they who to that joyful region have gone
In numberless kalpas their time flows on.
Around are green woods, and above them clear skies,
The sun never scorches, cold winds never rise
And summer and winter are both unknown
In the land of the Law and the Diamond Throne ;
All errors corrected, all mysteries made clear,
Their rest is unbroken by care or by fear.
And the truth that before lay in darkness concealed
Like a gem without fracture or flaw is revealed."
The word " diamond " is used in the sense of " uncon-
quered and unconquerable," and may refer either to Bud
dha s power as a teacher, or to the divinities that support
his throne and act as his protectors.
"AMIDA BUDDHA.
" See where, streaming forth radiance for thousands of miles,
Ever sits the compassionate Buddha, and smiles,
Giving joy to the victims of sorrow and strife
Who are saved by his law from the sorrows of life.
All his features of beauty no words can express,
For the sands of the Ganges in number are less ;
The flowers of the lotus encircle his seat
As if of themselves they sprang up round his feet.
Whoever would enter the home of the blest
In his innermost thoughts should incessantly rest
On that beautiful form like the moon on high
When she marches full-orbed through an unclouded sky.
By that halo of light that encircles his head,
On all living beings a radiance is shed.
The sun at noon-day is less glorious than he,
His compassion resembles a bottomless sea.
1 " Genii." In Sanscrit, Eishi; in Chinese. Sien-kn.
174 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
His golden arms are outstretched to relieve
The sufferers that weep, and the hearts that do grieve,
His mercy is such as none else can display,
And long years of gratitude cannot repay."
These descriptions are taken from a collection of poems
called Tsing-tu-sh/i. The measure in the original is the
usual one of seven words in a line. The Chinese words
are monosyllables, and the diction consequently very terse.
Our English tongue is different. A metre like that here
adopted has more room in it than others for unaccented
syllables. This circumstance renders it convenient. It
has often been used by translators.
In these descriptions there is a prominent materialism
in the expressions. Buddha in the Western heavens is
thought of as like the monstrous gilt image seen by the
worshippers as they go to a temple on a gala day. Idol
atry loves to borrow from nature. Here there are flowers,
and singing-birds, and the favourite jade-stone. Buddha
is here made popular; there is no abstruse speculation.
The boasted Nirvana is abandoned, and a paradise gratify
ing to the senses takes its place. Many a simple-minded
dreamer spends his days in meditating on this picture, and
indulging his imagination with the hope that he will one
day be born from a lotus flower, in the very joyful world
of Amida, and live there for ever gazing on his sacred
form.
( 175 )
CHAPTEK VIII.
ON CHI-K AI AND THE T IEN-T C AI SCHOOL OF BUDDHISM.
T ien-t ai, a place of great note in Chinese Buddhism Cln-k ai re
sided there in the sixth century His cloak and rice bowl Fu-
lung-feng Fang-kwang si and the rock bridge Legend of the
Lo-hans Twelve monasteries founded He taught the Fa-hwa-
Jcing System of threefold contemplation Six connectives
Eight modes of characterising Buddhism Ten steps in progress
Derived much from Nagarjuna T ien-t ai, a middle system
Eegulations. m
THERE is no Buddhist establishment better known in
China than T ien-t ai. It has much natural beauty, but
its interest, so far as it is historical, centres chiefly round
the ancient monk who is the subject of this notice. It
had been visited before by Tauist recluses, but it was he
that by selecting it for his abode gave it its high reputa
tion as a spot consecrated to the meditative life.
The cluster of hills that compose T ien-t ai terminate
abruptly to the south-west. Ch ih-ch eng, 1 an imposing
hill crowned with a pagoda, is conspicuous from the time-
worn walls of the city of T ien-t ai, i So miles south-east
of Hang-cheu. This is the southern extremity of the
hilly region known by the same name. From a valley
on its left flows a mountain stream, which, increasing in
width as it traverses the plain, is capable of bearing boats
of considerable size when it reaches the busy little city
just mentioned. Passing on it bends to the south-east, and
arriving at T ai-cheu, an important sea-port, pours its
1 The "Red wall," so called from its colour and precipitous appearance.
i?6 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
waters, after a short course of ten or fifteen miles, into the
ocean.
It was up one of the feeders of this stream that, near
the end of the sixth century, Chi-k ai wended his way in
search of a lonely mountain residence suited to his medi
tative cast of mind. Leaving the beautiful site where
afterwards stood the Kwo-ts ing monastery, just below
four hills now covered to their summits with rich foliage,
he ascended a long and romantic valley. He was travel
ling in a region threaded by few paths, and in a direction
that seemed to lead nowhere but farther away from the
habitations of men. In this wilderness of hills and val
leys, occupying many square miles, which he now entered,
although unknown to the agriculturist, he yet found some
few residing whose views of human life were congenial to
his own. Local traditions point out where he lived and
reflected. An antique mausoleum, with a long inscription
of the Sui dynasty, marks the place where his ashes were
deposited. At a little distance from it the Kau-ming
monastery comes into view. It is in a deep valley shut
all round by wooded heights. The building has an old
look, befitting the relics of our hero still preserved there.
The visitor will have shown to him a large square silk
garment. It is said to have been the cloak worn by Chi-
k ai. It is handsomely embroidered after a pattern evi
dently very antique. A metal bowl, worn by long use,
and capable of holding several meals of rice for an abste
mious monk, is another curiosity. These memorials of
this early Buddhist will appear, however, to one who is
not a special admirer of the monastic life, secondary in in
terest to a Sanscrit manuscript which escaped a fire some
centuries ago, and is one of the few remains of that litera
ture still existing in China. The history of the manu
script, its name and contents, are unknown to the resident
priests.
This monastery is even now difficult of access. But the
valley where it stands, in Chi-k ai s time had scarcely ever
FANG-KWANG MONASTERY. 177
been visited. 1 It was filled with forest trees and thick
brushwood, and formed a favourite cover for deer. The
woodcutter and herdsman seldom wandered to this wild
spot. An accident led our hero there. On the hill above
Fu-lung-feng near where the "st upa" (t ah) that contains
his ashes is still standing, he was one day explaining to
his disciples the Tsing-ming-king (Sutra of Pure name)
when a gust of wind blew away the leaves far into the
deep hollow below. With his tin-headed staff in his hand
to assist him in the search, he set out to recover the fugi
tive book. After a pursuit of a mile and a half the wind
ceased, and the book fell to the ground. He caused a
building to be erected at the spot, in commemoration of
the circumstance, which became one of the twelve estab
lishments that owe their origin to him. It was not, how
ever, till many years after that the present monastery was
erected and its modern name assigned to it. When the
Kwo-ts ing monastery was destroyed by fire, the manu
script spoken of above was removed to Kau-ming for
greater safety.
After penetrating several miles farther to the north
west in this hilly and desolate region, Chi-k f ai arrived 2 at
the remarkable rock bridge where the Fang-kwang monas
tery now stands. The loud roar of the waterfall, and the
close-set woods on the hills around, the two mountain
brooks uniting before they reach the cataract, then pass
ing beneath the natural bridge down the fall, and thence
pursuing their way to the north, united to give this spot
an air of grandeur in the hermit s mind. It seemed a
home for supernatural beings. It is they that cause the
unusual appearances of nature. The Lo-hans, those exalted
disciples of Buddha whose power and knowledge are so
great, might reside here. In fact a legend on the subject
soon grew into public belief, and the music of the Lo-hans
was said to be heard at times a little before dawn by
priests lying awake in their cells. A choir of five hun-
1 T l ien-t ai-shan-cM. 2 A.D. 575, Biography! n T ien-t ai-han-chi.
If
i;8 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
dred at that silent hour made the woods resound with har
mony. Such a colony of Buddha s superhuman disciples
served to invest this wild mountainous district with a
sacred character. In every monastery of this region a
hall devoted to images of the five hundred Lo-hans now
exists, and on the side of the natural bridge is a small
shrine containing five hundred small stone figures, which
are worshipped by those who venture to cross by the narrow
and dangerous path that spans the cataract.
Our hero continued his wanderings in this elevated
region, where the valleys do not sink farther than 1500
feet above the sea-level, and which is by its loneliness well
suited for the ascetic. Solitude reigns here for many miles
round, in one of the most densely-populated provinces of
China. He did not take up his abode at one place exclu
sively. No fewer than twelve monasteries mark the spots
where he formed a cottage of stones and straw, or caused
a modest building to be erected.
As he approached the peak of Hwa-ting, nearly 4000
feet high, and five miles to the east of the natural bridge,
he met on the T ien-feng ridge an old man who said to
him, " Sir, if you seek a residence for contemplation, select
the place where you meet a rock." The monk soon after
encountered a Buddhist from Corea named Pan-shl (Rock),
who encouraged him to stay there, and give himself up to
study. He accordingly constructed a hut there, in which
he remained sixteen years, and composed a commentary
on the " Book of the Nirvana."
A little farther to the north is Hwa-ting, the highest
ground in Cheh-kiang excepting T ien-mu shan. The
monastery, bearing the same name as the mountain, had
already been erected by Te-shau, a celebrated Buddhist
who lived a century anterior to Chi-k ai. Several hundred
monks now belong to the society, a large part of them
residing in hermitages on the hill. The monastery is an
extensive thatched range of buildings, more comfortable
than the bleak huts where, out of sight of any human
MONASTERIES FOUNDED. 179
being, the more self-denying spend their days and nights
chanting in honour of Buddha. Certainly theirs fs a
gloomy home. A thick mist usually rests on the sum
mit and spreads down the sides of the mountain, envelop
ing these rude cottages with their visionary inmates ; and
snow often remains unmelted for many months. It is
hard to explain how a people so social as the Chinese, so
fond of cities and crowds, and so averse to mountain tra
velling, can supply hermits to live in residences like these.
That Chi-k ai, the founder of a flourishing sect, a man of
deep reflection, and in love with solitude, should choose
such an abode, is not so surprising as that common Chinese
minds, without his profound thinking, or his love of wild
nature, should still follow his example.
Another spot where Chi-k ai once resided is Si-tso, at
some distance to the west of the rock bridge, and near the
Wan-nien monastery. Here he composed his system of
doctrine called Chi-Jcwan, " Limited or perfected observa
tion."
Chi-k ai had in early life followed the teaching of the
school established by Bodhidharma, the Hindoo patriarch
who had died in Northern China thirty years before. He
afterwards became dissatisfied with the Ch an-men (Con
templative school), as that sect is called, not agreeing with
its principle that book learning should be discarded, even
that which consisted of Buddha s own words, and the heart
nurse itself into a state of perfection by rejecting every
thing external and giving itself up to an unconscious sleep-
like existence.
Chi-k ai grew tired of this system, and formed the out
lines of another, which he taught to multitudes of admiring
disciples. He resided at Nanking, the capital of the king
dom (Ch en dynasty), and maintained a high reputation.
When he determined on removing to T ien-t ai, the em
peror forbade him, but allowed him to leave when he saw
that his mind was made up. Three times afterwards an
imperial message required his attendance at court, but he
I So CHINESE BUDDHISM.
pleaded indisposition and remained at T ien-t ai. He com
plied on one occasion only, and explained the sacred books
of his religion to the emperor and his court. He also
made one visit home to Hu-nan, but returned to die at
the mountain residence to which he was so much attached.
He expired while sitting cross-legged and giving instruc
tion to his followers.
He wrote commentaries on the Fa-liwa-king, Kin-kang-
king, and A-mi-ta-king, with several original works. These
books were in the year A.D. 1024, all included in the Bud
dhist Tripitaka (Collection of sacred writings) of China.
His school continued to flourish for a long period at the
Kwo-ts ing and Fu-lung monasteries.
The Miau-fa-lien-hwa-king (Lotus of the Good Law)
was his favourite book. He thus explained its name :
"As the lotus grows out of the mire and yet preserves
its freshness and purity, so the doctrines of this book, the
good law, assist men to retain their original nature unsul
lied and undisturbed amidst the misery and corruption
around them." In the course of the book, he added : " Truth
is sometimes taught in abstract, at other times by illustra
tion, sometimes it is explained and elsewhere defended,
just as the lotus flower buds, blossoms, fades, and falls by
a succession of changes, and at last produces fruit."
Chi-k ai divided the teaching of Shaky amuni into five
periods, beginning with the Hwa-y en-king, and ending
with the Fa-hwa-king and the Nirvana. After this classi
fication of the sacred books, he introduced to his followers
his own system. To restore man s true moral nature
there must be " observation " (kwan, " to see ") of human
actions. In regard to opinions, there are three kinds
the true, the common, and the mean. The true is " destruc
tive of all methods and doctrines " (idealism), the popular
brings them into existence, and the mean places them
all together and chooses the middle path. The deceptions
that prevent men from perceiving the truth are threefold :
ignorance, the dust of the world, and the activity of the
THREEFOLD CONTEMPLATION. 18 r
thoughts and senses. These taken in their order hide
from view the beauty of the religious life, prevent moral
improvement, and operate against pure mental vacancy.
The feeling of Buddha, on observing the world in this
state, was that men s own notions are false and not to
be trusted ; that in true knowledge there is no distinction
of what is myself and what is not myself, and that the
conception of a living personal Buddha should be aban
doned. Otherwise men could not return to their true
moral nature.
Having proceeded thus far, Chi-k ai developed his three
fold system of observation, which, as he believes it to be
conclusive of controversy and perfectly satisfactory, he
called Ch i-kwan, " Perfected observation." This observa
tion is " empty " (k ung), " hypothetical " (kia), or " medial "
(cliung). For removing the deceptions that blind men s
minds, the most successful method is to view all things
in "vacancy" (k ung). For constructing doctrines and
institutions, the "inventive" (kia) method is the best.
For establishing and confirming man s moral nature, the
medial method is the most effective. These three modes
of viewing the world are complete in each other and
inseparable, resembling the three eyes of the god Maha
Ishwara. The vacant mode destroys the illusions of the
senses, asserting their nothingness, and constructs the
virtue of Prajna (Knowledge). The inventive mode
destroys the deluding effects of the dust of the world,
and constructs the virtue of " rescue (from all errors and
evils)," kiai-t o. The medial method destroys the delusion
that results from ignorance, and constructs the " religious
character" (fa-shen).
Still fearing lest his followers should be in error as to
the method of self-reformation, and fall into one-sided
views, he formed a series of what he called the Six con
nectives.
I. " Eeason " (Li). All living beings, down to the smallest
insects, have received a moral nature, and have Buddha
1 82 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
within them. Constantly resting in this, they attain their
perfection, because the gift of reason is equally bestowed.
2. Names and terms. Although reason is the same in
all beings, yet in the course of the world, they will not
come to the knowledge and use of it, and therefore instruc
tion is necessary to produce belief and remove what is false.
3. Observation of human action. Instruction having
been imparted and belief produced, the threefold mode
of viewing the world, as already explained, must then be
employed.
4. Likeness. Perfection itself being difficult to gain,
the likeness to it may be reached.
5. The true development of human nature.
6. Confirmation. Ignorance is for ever gone. The
mind becomes perfectly intelligent.
Each of these six steps being Buddha, the three embodi
ments of the religious life are thus completed viz., " em
bodiment " (shen) of the " law " (fa), of " recompense "
(pan), of " renovation " (hwa). 1
Chi-k f ai divided the Buddhist system according to its
characteristics into "Eight parts" (Pa-kiau): (i.) The
compliant; (2.) The gradual; (3.) The secret; (4.) The
indeterminate; (5.) Collection; (6.) Progress; (7.) Distinc
tion ; (8.) Completion. The last four are called Chi-k ai s
" Four modes of contemplation " (S i-kwari).
With regard to Collection, the sacred books were em
braced in three divisions, king, lu, lun, or sutra, vinaya,
and alidharma. These include, under the head of suffer
ing, the twenty-five classes of beings that inhabit heaven,
earth, and hell; also the eighty-eight causes of human
delusion ; and further, thirty-seven steps in self-knowledge
and improvement. They also embrace the five classes of
instructed and enlightened beings : (i.) The disciple,
in several subdivisions ; (2.) The wise, in four grades
Sudawan, Sidagam, Anagam, Arhan; (3.) The perfectly
intelligent; (4.) The Bodhisattwa ; (5.) The Buddha.
A Chi-yue-lu.
TEN STEPS IN PROGRESS. 183
With regard to Progress, there are ten steps viz., un
productive knowledge, moral nature awaking, the eight
convictions of the true sage, perception, first advances,
conquest of the passions, the wrong set right, the Pratyeka
Buddha, the Bodhisattwa, and the Buddha.
In these successive steps of moral improvement there is
some resemblance to the common Buddhist view of the
material universe. They regard it as divided according
to a moral scale into stages accurately definable. The
metempsychosis, by a rigid law of moral retribution, as
signs at death the position of every soul in the fifty or
sixty grades of being belonging to heaven, earth, and hell.
Above these are found the states of Buddha s disciples
and that which is itself called Buddha.
With regard to the excellence termed Distinction, which
is reached by the Bodhisattwa only, there are embraced
in it Ten modes of faith, Ten modes of firm adherence,
Ten modes of action, Ten inclinations, Ten mental states,
together with the highest knowledge in two separate forms.
In reference to the last class, that of Completion, every
thing is viewed as perfect. There are five states which
the student may occupy viz., pleasure, recitation, in
structing, putting in practice the ten rules, correct prac
tice of the ten rules.
A series of twenty-five auxiliaries to knowledge and
virtue, and of ten modes of observing the true nature and
end of human actions, follow the preceding. 1
To give these numerous divisions of Buddhist doctrine
more minutely is here unnecessary. So much as is here
presented will illustrate the manner in which reflecting
Buddhists comment on the doctrines of their religion. It
contains a sketch of the opinions of one of the oldest and
most influential schools in China, and exhibits the same
fondness for a numerical arrangement of propositions
ramifying endlessly, which also belongs to other Buddhist
1 San-kiau-yi-su.
1 84 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
schools. This symmetrical classification of doctrines in
round numbers pervades the whole Buddhist literature,
and suggests a resemblance to the habits of the European
schoolmen.
The fundamental subdivision of the T ien-t ai system
into three modes of contemplation, the empty, the inven
tive, and the medial, originated with " Nagarjuna " (Lung
shu) (B.C. 43), who lived in North-western India when a
Greek kingdom existed there. The views which the T ien-
t ai-kiau have borrowed from him are contained in the
" Medial Shastra " (Chung-luri), a work in five hundred
stanzas based on the principles of the Prajna paramita,
and translated into Chinese early in the fifth century.
This work gave rise to the Madhyamika school (the Central
philosophy) in Thibet. The author says in this work :
" The methods and doctrines springing from various
causes, I say to be all emptiness (kiing). They may
also be called invented (kia) names. Further, they may
be said to contain the meaning of the medial (chung)
path." Hwei-wen erected a system on this, as the basis,
and Chi-k ai, following him, moulded it to its present form
as the T ien-t ai-kiau.
The following extract from a commentary on the Fa-
hwa-king will illustrate the way in which the principles of
this school are applied in interpreting the sacred books :
" All were Arhans (Lo-hans) whose defects were oblite
rated, for whom there was no more suffering, who had
obtained benefits for themselves, who had broken all ties,
and in their hearts possessed peace." This is the text.
The commentator says : " The word Arhan expresses
rank, and what follows, character. Arhan is variously
explained as the true man, or the extricated man.
Some say it contains three meanings, viz., freedom
from birth, killer of robbers in the sense of being delivered
from perceptions and sensations, the robbers of the mind,
and deserving honour. This is the sense according to the
DOCTRINES OF NAGARJUNA. 185
principles of (i.) Collection, and (2.) Progress. But for the
two higher principles, (3.) Distinction, and (4.) Completion,
the word implies, not only the killing of robbers, but of
non-robbers, i.e., the Mrvana, which in the higher region
of these two principles is also deserving of extinction.
Freedom from birth expresses their complete rescue from
life and death, and that is the meaning of their defects
having been obliterated. Because they can give happiness
to all the nine classes of beings, therefore they are said to
deserve honour. By their embodiment of the religious life,
they benefit themselves. By their wisdom, they obtain
deliverance from life and death. By expelling ignorance
and evil, they kill robbers.
" Interpreting according to the Threefold contemplation,
empty, inventive, and medial, the first is exemplified in
their wisdom, the second in their expulsion of evil, and
the third in their embodiment of the religious life. In the
transition from the inventive to the empty, there are also
three modifications of the sense, viz., arrival at the central
point of contemplation, killing the thieves of ignorance,
and keeping the heart from a one-sided position.
"Interpreting according to the contemplation of the
heart, following the middle path, and taking the correct
view, they do not err on the side of the empty or in
ventive mode of observation. The sorrow of the heart
is gone. When a man sees the true moral nature of his
mind, that is called the higher state of confirmation. Like
a hidden treasure, reserved for myself, is the benefit which
the Arhans have obtained."
When Brahma appears before Buddha as a disciple, the
commentary says : " The word Brahma means leaving the
desires, abandoning earthly ties, and ascending to the
coloured heavens. It is also said to mean high and
pure. This Brahma is one of the wheel kings of a single
generation, who asks instruction of Buddha, which he re
ceives according to his wish and capacity. Interpreting
the idea of Brahma, according to that method which ob-
1 86 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
serves the heart, it means contemplating the removal of
all pollutions. " l
These extracts exemplify how the mythological appa
ratus of the Buddhist Sutras, or "Sacred books of the
first class," is explained away. The whole machinery of
Buddhas and Bodhisattwas, kings and divinities, disappears
under this process. Eastern and Western pantheism are
alike in this, that they will not be content with an inde
pendent self-evolved structure of metaphysical thought,
but assuming the critical office, aim at the overthrow of all
the objects of popular belief. Knowledge, self, the abso
lute these are the only existences allowed by this arro
gant philosophy to remain in the universe. Even these
are made identical, and finally explained into nothing.
While the reflecting Buddhists hold these views, they
encourage the faith of the vulgar in the Hindoo mytho
logy and the more recent inventions of their own system
Their denial of the reality of worldly phenomena, and
of the validity of the information afforded by our senses,
has not been a check to popular image worship, but
rather promoted it, from the license that it gave them to
countenance lying legends and invent new additions ad
libitum to the Hindoo pantheon.
The special object of the T ien-t ai school has been to
strike a middle path between the credulous acceptance of
the sacred books as literally true, and their entire rejection
by extreme idealism. It was thought best to recognise
both these modifications of Buddhism as genuine deve
lopments of the system, and to add a third reconciling
principle which distinguishes the others, compares and
combines them, and then chooses the path between them.
In conformity with this view, regulations for the practice
of his followers were instituted by Chi-k ai: (i.) Con
stant sitting, to attain the state of samadhi or reverie
taught to Manjusiri ; (2.) Constant moving, to attain an
other state of samadhi taught by Buddha; (3.) Partly
1 Fa-hwa-hwei-i.
REGULA TIONS. l $ ?
sitting and partly moving, to attain the state of samadhi
taught by him to P u-hien ; (4.) Neither sitting nor moving,
to attain still another form of religious reverie.
The regulations for chanting as followed by this school
were elaborated by a priest named Fa-chi who lived some
centuries after Chi-k ai. They are very minute, and are
intended to produce more reverential feelings in the
minds of those engaging in the ceremonial than is common
in Buddhist worship. 1
1 Kegulations of the T ien-t ai-kiau, in the liturgical work called Ta-vei-
ts an.
( 188 )
CHAPTER IX.
THE BUDDHIST MORAL SYSTEM.
The Ten virtues and Ten vices The cause of human stupidity is in
the passions The Five prohibitions The Ten prohibitions
Klaproth s praise of Buddhism But it is atheistic, and there
fore this praise should be qualified Kindness to animals based
on the fiction of transmigration Buddhism teaches compassion
for suffering without inculcating obedience to divine law Story
of Shakyamuni Sin not distinguished from misery Buddhists
teach that the moral sense is innate They assign a moral nature
to animals The Six paths of the metempsychosis Hindoo
notions of heaven and hell Countless ages of joy and suffering
Examples Exemption from punishment gained by meritori
ous actions Ten kings of future judgment Fate or Karma
Buddhism depreciates heaven and the gods Buddha not God,
but a Saviour Moral influence of the Paradise of the Western
heaven Figurative interpretation of this legend The contem
plative school identifies good and evil No moral distinctions
in the Nirvana Buddhism has failed to produce high morality
The Confucianist condemnation of the Buddhists Mr. P.
Hordern s praise of Buddhism in Birmah The Birmese intel
lectually inferior to the Chinese Kindness to animals known
to the Chinese before they received Buddhism Buddha s reasons
for not eating flesh.
THE books of primitive Buddhism exhibit a higher moral
tone than is found in the larger works full of metaphysi
cal abstractions, which succeeded them. The " Book of
Forty-two Sections," translated in the first century, and
belonging to the former class, speaks of Ten vices and Ten
virtues as belonging to mankind. The vices are : three
of the body killing, stealing, and adultery ; four of the
lips slandering, reviling, lying, and elegant words (uttered
THE FIVE PROHIBITIONS. 189
with a vicious intention) ; three of the mind jealousy,
hatred, and " folly " (ch ty, the last of which includes
not believing in " the Honoured Three " (Buddha, Dharma,
Senga), and holding erroneous opinions. The opposites
of these are the Ten virtues.
In the same work Buddha says : " That which causes
the stupidity and delusion of man is love and the desires."
" Man having many faults, if he does not repent, but
allows his heart to be at rest, sins will rush upon him
like water to the sea. When vice has thus become more
powerful it is still harder than before to abandon it. If
a bad man becomes sensible of his faults, abandons them
and acts virtuously, his sin will day by day diminish and
be destroyed, till he obtains full enlightenment."
In the w^ork Kiau-ch eng-fa-shu, the three vices of the
mind are described as covetousness, hatred, and folly.
The Ten virtues that correspond to the Ten vices are
there stated to be preserving life, almsgiving, a "pure
and virtuous life" (fan-king), peaceful words, yielding
words, truthful words, plain unadorned words, abstinence
from quarrelling, mercy, and " acting from good causes "
(yin-yueri).
Hardy, in describing the Buddhism of Ceylon, states the
four sins of speech to be lying, slander, abuse, and unpro
fitable conversation. The three sins of the mind he states
to be covetousness, malice, and scepticism.
The disciple of Buddha, whether he enters a monastery
or wears the prescribed dress and continues in the family,
must pledge himself to the five following things : (i.) not
to kill; (2.) not to steal; (3.) not to commit adultery;
(4.) not to lie; (5.) not to drink wine. These are called
Wu-Jciai, " The five prohibitions." In Hardy s Manual
of Buddhism, five evils to be avoided are mentioned viz.,
(i.) drinking intoxicating liquors; (2.) gambling; (3.) idle
ness ; (4.) improper association; (5.) frequenting places of
amusement.
In the work called Sheng-Pien-shih-Jciai-Jeing, " The book
190 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
of birth in heaven through keeping the ten prohibitions,"
a Deva informs Buddha that he was born in the " heaven
of the Thirty-three Devas " (that of Indra Shakra), as a
reward for reverencing the "Three Precious Ones" (Buddha,
the Law, and the Priesthood), for not inflicting death, or
stealing, or committing adultery, or slandering, or deceiv
ing, or lying, or drinking wine, or eating flesh, or coveting,
or holding false opinions.
In the work Kiau-ch eng-fa-shu, the Ten prohibitions
are stated to be: (i.) killing; (2.) stealing; (3.) adul
tery; (4.) lying; (5.) selling wine; (6.) speaking of others
faults ; (7.) praising one s-self and defaming others ; (8.)
parsimony joined with scoffing; (9.) anger, and refusing
to be corrected; (10.) reviling the Three Precious Ones.
In the comment on the Fan-wang-king, a work of the
Great Development school in the Discipline division, by
Chi-hiii, the Ten prohibitions are identified with the Ten
vices, but in the text the prohibitions are given as in the
last quotation.
Other lists of prohibitions might be transcribed amount
ing to two hundred and fifty, and even higher numbers.
Tor these it will be sufficient to refer to the works already
mentioned.
Klaproth, having in view these moral precepts, and
their effects on the character of nations, speaks of Bud
dhism as being of all religions next to Christianity in
elevating the human race.
He says : " The wild nomades of Central Asia have been
changed by it into amiable and virtuous men, and its bene
ficent influence has been felt even in Northern Siberia."
The beneficent influence of this religion would have
been much greater had it recognised the love and fear of
God as the first of all the virtues. Buddhism, by ascribing
the creation, continuance, and destruction of the world
to an ever-changing fate, avoided the necessity of admit
ting a supreme God. This was the side the Buddhists
took in their controversies with the Brahmans in India.
KINDNESS TO ANIMALS. 191
Atheism is one point in the faith of the Southern Bud
dhists. By the Chinese Buddhists each world is held to be
presided over by an individual Buddha, but they do not hold
that one supreme spirit rules over the whole collection of
worlds. Klaproth affirms that, according to the Buddhists
and the other Hindoos, the universe is animated by a
single spirit, individualised under innumerable forms, by
(par) matter which does not exist except in illusion."
This spirit, however, is not God, the universal Creator and
Preserver, and separated from the world by His everlast
ing personality.
Good has resulted doubtless in many instances from
the prominent exhibition made by this system of the
virtues and vices enumerated. But much more good
would have been done if they had rested on a better
basis, and been supported by a different view of the future
state. The crime of killing rests chiefly on the doctrine
of metempsychosis, which ascribes the same immortal soul
to animals that it does to man. Faithful Buddhists are
told not to kill the least insect, lest in so doing they
should cause death to some deceased relative or ancestor
whose soul animates the insect. On this account the
corresponding virtue is stated to be fang-sheng, " to save
life," constantly applied by the Buddhist priests and
common people of China to the preservation of the lives
of animals. The monks are vegetarians for the same
reasons. They abstain from flesh because they will not
share in the slaughter of living beings. They also con
struct reservoirs of water near the monasteries, in which
fish, snakes, tortoises, and small shell-fish, brought by
worshippers of Buddha, are placed to preserve them from
death. Goats and other land animals are also given over
sometimes to the care of the monks, and it is a custom in
some monasteries, as at T ien-t ung, near JSTingpo, to feed
a bird with a few grains of rice just before the morning
meal has commenced. When the priest appears at the
door, the little bird, which is watching in the neighbour-
192 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
hood, and knows how to act on the occasion, flies to
receive the gift.
In the Buddhist account of human sins and duties no
obligation is included except the duty of lessening the
sum of human misery and promoting happiness. This
accords with the following anecdote related of Shakya-
muni in his youth. His father, remembering the fore
warning of a hermit, that the prince his son would wish
to abandon the world, erected for him three palaces, where
everything fascinating was placed to keep him from such
a purpose. The son of a Deva came down to praise the
beauty of the gardens and groves.
But the prince, then eighteen years old, wished to go out
and see the city. The king sent him with a wise minister
to attend him. A Deva appeared at one of the city gates
transformed into an old man resting on a staff. At another
gate a Deva appeared as a sick person in pain and help
less. At another gate he saw a corpse attacked by ravens
also a Deva. The prince asked in each case the reason
of what he saw. The wise counsellor told him these suf
ferings came from the natural state of the world, and
could not be avoided. People must grow old, must suffer
from sickness, and must die. The prince was not satisfied,
and the next day, seeing a Deva dressed as a monk, he
dismounted from his horse and asked him who he was.
The reply was, "A Shamen 1 who has left the world."
The prince asked him why he had left the world. He
said, because he saw men exposed to the evils of birth,
old age, sickness, and death ; he therefore left the world
to seek truth and save living beings. The disguised Deva
then ascended into the air and disappeared.
At nineteen, assisted by the Devas, Shakyamuni is said
to have gone through the air on horseback two hundred
and fifty miles to Baga, a mountain belonging to the
1 In Sanscrit, Shramana ; but ac- mananga, meaning "Diligence and
cording to the commentator on the cessation."
Chinese "Life of Buddha," Shaka-
MISERY EQUIVALENT TO SIN. 193
Himalayas. Here he lived as a hermit for six years, and
became prepared for the office he was to assume.
According to the view thus presented of the great object
of Buddha s teaching, it is to deliver men from suffering.
This is done by persuading them to enter on the monastic
or hermit life, and act in obedience to the directions of
Buddha. This system looks on mankind as involved in
misery rather than guilt. The Ten vices are rather to be
regarded as faults, into which men fall from delusion and
ignorance, than positive sins. The common people in
China, whose phraseology is extensively infected with
Buddhist ideas, see in every attack of sickness, and in
other misfortunes, a close connection with "sin" (tsui).
They hold that sin is the cause of suffering. Yet they
do not mean by this wilful sin, but some improper act
done unconsciously, or in childhood, as treading on an
insect, wasting rice-crumbs, or misusing paper that has the
native characters upon it. Or they refer the calamity to
the sins of a former life. Hence they regard themselves
as more to be pitied than blamed for the tsui or " sin "
of which their ill fortune gives evidence.
This is an example of the mode in which the better
tendencies of the Buddhist system are neutralised by its
omissions. Its moral precepts, good as most of them
are, would have more power, and the true character of
sin be more felt by the people, if the authority of God
were recognised as the great reason for acting well the
source of moral obligation.
Buddhism shook the faith of the Chinese in Heaven as
a personal ruler, and put the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas
in the place of that personal ruler. The effect of Bud
dhism in part was to urge the Chinese mind to see in
Heaven only impersonal and material power. Thus the
good effect of its moral teaching was neutralised; and
then the Chinese had good moral teaching before.
The question that has been raised by European moralists
as to whether man has from his natural constitution an
N
194 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
inborn moral sense, is decided by the Buddhists, though
without holding a controversy on the subject, in the affir
mative. They may be said to appeal to a natural con
science, when they teach that all men have within them
a good moral nature, and that this principle of good is
only prevented from making men virtuous and happy by
contact with the world and the delusions of the senses.
This is similar to the Confucian doctrine, that all men are
born good, and it is only by falling into evil habits subse
quently that they become vicious. Most systems of morals,
indeed, 1 in words or by implication, admit the existence
of conscience, because all men possess it, and cannot be
made to understand moral distinctions without it. 2 The
existence of a system of virtues arid vices shows the
operation of conscience on the maker of it, as the use
of that system in moral instruction involves an appeal
to conscience in the disciple. The identification of con
science, however, with natural goodness, by the Confu-
cianists and the Buddhists, obscures its true character as
the judge between right and wrong. And to tell men that
they are naturally good is not only assuming, in compli
ment to human nature, a fact that should be proved, but
it is also likely to induce those who are thus taught to
look leniently on their own vices as originating solely
in the influences of the outside world. The feebleness of
the Buddhist appeal to conscience, as the source of moral
obligation, is further increased by its assigning the same
originally good nature to each member of the animal
creation that it does to man.
The motives to well-doing, drawn from a future state
of retribution in this system, are derived from the Hindoo
popular account of heaven and hell. The Six life-paths
into which living beings can be born are (i.) "Devas"
1 Paley and those who side with 2 The abeve was written about
him, who have attempted to con- twenty-two years ago. The whole
struct a moral system without a question has assumed new aspects
natural sense of right and wrong in since that time. I leave for the pre-
man, must be excepted. sent what I formerly said unaltered.
METEMPSYCHOSIS. I9 <
(gods); (2.) men; (3.) "Asuras" (monsters); (4.) "hell"
(naraka); (5.) hungry ghosts; (6.) animals. The first
three are assigned to the good, the latter three to the
wicked. The moral action is called yin (cause), and its
recompense Tcwo (fruit). All beings, whether virtuous or
vicious, continue to be re-born in one of these six states,
until saved by the teaching of Buddha.
Buddha said : " To leave the three evil states is difficult.
When the state of man has been attained, to leave the
female sex and be born in the male, is difficult. To have
the senses and mind and body all sound is hard. When
this is attained, to be born in Central India is hard."
He continues to say, that to meet Buddha and be in
structed, to be born in the time of a good king, to be born
in the^ family of a Bodhisattwa, and to believe with the
heart in the Three Honoured Ones, are all difficult.
Buddha said, 1 in a discourse delivered in the heaven
of Indra Shakra, that whatever good man or woman
heard the name of Ti-tsang Bodhisattwa, and in con
sequence performed an act of praise or worship, or
repeated that Bodhisattwa s name, or made an offering
to him, or drew a picture of him, such a person would
certainly be born in the heaven of Indra Shakra.
The same Bodhisattwa tells the mother of Buddha, who
resides in the paradise just mentioned, that " disobedience
to parents, with slaying, and wounding, are punished with
an abode in the place of suffering called Wu-Uen-ti-yu.
Slandering the Three Precious Ones, or wounding the per
son of Buddha, or dishonouring the sacred books, or break
ing the vows, or stealing from a monk, are punished in a
similar way. Their punishment will last for ten millions
of millions of Tcalpas. Then their sin being compensated
for by sufficient suffering, they will be released.
" If a woman with an ugly countenance and sickly con
stitution prays to this Bodhisattwa, she will, for a million
of kalpas, be born with a beautiful countenance." If any
1 Vide Ti-tsang-king.
196 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
men or women perform music before the image of the
same deity, sing, and offer incense, they shall have hun
dreds and thousands of spirits to protect them day and
night, so that no unpleasant sound may enter their ears.
Any one who slanders or ridicules a worshipper of this
Bodhisattwa will be transported to the " Avichi naraka "
(0-pi ti-yu) till the end of this Jcalpa. He will then be
born a wandering hungry ghost, and, after a thousand
Jcalpas become an animal. After a thousand Jcalpas more
he will again become a man.
Such are a few specimens of the doctrine of retribution
as taught to the popular mind. It is easy to see that such
sensual conceptions of the future existence of man must
degrade the common notions of the people on duty and
virtue. The objects for which the common people in
China worship in the Buddhist temples are almost all of a
very inferior nature. Eeligious worship, which ought to
concern the recovery of man to pure virtue, and the resto
ration of direct communication with God by the forgive
ness of sin, is changed into an instrument for acquiring
various kinds of material happiness.
The opinion the Buddhists hold on the forgiveness of
sin is, that it can be attained by repentance and merito
rious actions. A definite amount of gifts and worship will
gain the removal of a corresponding amount of sin and its
attendant suffering. Thus, a filial daughter, by a certain
number of days spent in worshipping a Bodhisattwa, or a
Buddha, can obtain the rescue of a mother from hell.
In the popular view of the future state, the Hindoo
king of death, " Yama" (Yen-lo) holds a high place as the
administrator of the punishments of hell. Nine others
are joined with him of Chinese origin. They are called
the Ten kings. The wicked at death are conducted to
them to receive judgment.
The decree by which men are born into the Six states
of the metempsychosis is merely that of fate, expressed in
the words yin-kwo, "cause and effect," or, employing one
BUDDHA NOT GOD. 197
factor only, yin-yuen, "causation," or "fate" (karma).
" Good actions " are also sometimes called yin-yuen, be
cause they ultimately bring happiness to the doer.
The motive to a good life, drawn from heavenly happi
ness, cannot be considered a strong one, when the Devas
and their felicity are systematically depreciated, as they
are in Buddhism. The " Devas " (or popular Hindoo gods ;
in Chinese, fieri) are all mortal, and limited in power.
The state of man may be so elevated as to approach to
that of the paradise of the Devas. Some men attain to
nearly the same power as the gods, e.g., Krishna. Southey,
in the Curse of Kehama, has made that personage, although
a man, a terror to the kings of the Devas, and such a re
presentation is in accordance with Hindoo notions. So in
Chinese Buddhist temples, the visitor sees the highest of
celestial beings listening humbly to Buddha.
It may be said that it is not correct to institute or im
ply a parallel between God as He is in the view of the
Christian, and the Hindoo deities. It may be said that a
parallel between God and Buddha would be more just.
But Buddha is a world-born man, who washes away hi.s
sins like others, by penances, offerings, and the teaching of
some enlightened instructor. He is not said to create the
universe, nor to act as the judge of mankind. He is
simply a teacher of the most exalted kind, who, by supe
rior knowledge, passes out of the metempsychosis, and
gradually attains the Nirvana. His attitude towards his
disciples is simply that of an instructor, not an authori
tative superior. The tie by which the disciple is attached
to him is that of voluntary not compulsory obedience.
In fact, the character ascribed to Buddha is rather that
of a Saviour than that of God. The object of his life and
teaching is to rescue living beings from their misery.
While such is the character of Buddha as he is described
in books, he is, as an object of popular worship, like the
great Bodhisattwas, simply regarded as a powerful divi
nity.
198 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
A brief notice will here be taken of the ethical views of
some of the Chinese sects. The Tsing-tu school substitutes
a paradise of purely Buddhist invention for that of Hin
doo mythology. It makes birth in the Western heaven,
the abode of Amitabha Buddha, the reward of virtue. The
description of this paradise consists entirely of things
pleasing to the senses. It is popularly regarded as real,
but the founder of the Ylin-tsi school in his commentary on
the " Amitabha Sutra," l explains it as figurative. Accord
ing to this explanation, the Western heaven means the
moral nature, confirmed, pure, and at rest. Amitabha
means the mind, clear, and enlightened. The rows of
trees mean the mind cultivating the virtues. The music
means the harmony of virtues in the mind. The flowers,
and particularly the lotus, mean the mind opening to con
sciousness and intelligence. The beautiful birds mean the
mind becoming changed and renovated.
It is evident that, on adopting this mode of commenting
on the fable of the Western heaven, it cannot any longer
be honestly held out as a future state of reward, to attract
men to good actions.
The object of this figurative interpretation of the West
ern paradise of Amitabha was, doubtless, to redeem the
Tsing-tu school from the discredit into which it had fallen,
by abandoning the Nirvana in favour of a sensual heaven.
The original inventors of the fiction must also have had
such a notion of it as that here given, while they did not
try to prevent its being accepted as real by the ignorant
and uninquiring.
In the contemplative school, founded by Bodhidharma,
the distinction of vice and virtue is lost. To the mind
that is given up to its own abstract meditations, the outer
world becomes obliterated. A person who attends simply
to his own heart may revile Buddha without sin, for
nothing is sin to him. He does not make offerings or
pray. All actions are the same to him. This system,
1 O-mi-to-king-su-ts au, by Lien-si -ta-shi .
NO MORAL DISTINCTIONS. 199
however, is not in opposition to ethical distinctions. It
only aims to enter a higher sphere. It seeks to attain a
sort of Nirvana even in the present life.
In the books of this school, as in others where the un
reality of all sensible phenomena is maintained, virtue
and vice occupy an inferior position. These notions only
come into existence through the imperfection of the pre
sent state. They disappear altogether when an escape
from it is effected, by admission into the higher region
of pure enlightenment. Virtue and vice, life and death,
happiness and misery, the antithetical states originated
in the world of delusions to which we belong, are all con
demned together as constituting a lower state of existence.
All beings should strive to be freed from them, and to
rise by Buddha s teaching to that perfection where every
such diversity, moral or physical, will be lost in unity.
The Nirvana does not admit any such distinctions as those
just mentioned. It is absolute and pure illumination,
without anything definite attached to it, whether good or
evil, pain or pleasure. Thus there is no place for ethics,
except in the lower modes of life.
It is common for intelligent priests in China of the con
templative school to defend their system of idolatry by
saying that they do not worship images themselves. They
are intended for the ignorant who cannot comprehend the
deeper principles of their religion. Eeligion being purely
a matter of the heart, offerings and prostrations are
really unnecessary. This exemplifies how what is re
garded as a highly virtuous action in the common people,
ceases to be so in the case of one who, as he thinks, has
made some progress towards the state of Buddha. Accord
ing to this view the consistent Buddhist will offer worship
to no being whatever. He simply aims to raise himself
above all the common feelings of human life.
We cannot wonder that the Buddhist system of ethics
having such deficiencies and such faults as have been
pointed out, has failed to produce high morality among its
200 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
votaries. The mass of the people have gained from it
the notion of a future retribution, but what is the use of
this when the promised state beyond death consists merely
of clumsy fiction ? The metempsychosis, administered by
a moral fate, has only provided them with a convenient
means for charging their sin fulness and their misfortunes
on a former life. What virtue the people have among
them is due to the Confucian system. Buddhism has
added to it only idolatry, and a false view of the future
state, but has not contributed to make the people more
virtuous.
Klaproth complains of " a worthy and learned English
missionary" (Dr. Marshman of Serampore) for saying,
" Unhappily for mankind, Buddhism . . . was now fitted
to spread its baneful influence to any extent."
These modes of expression are not, however, by any
means too strong to describe the effects of this religion in
China if we accept the Confucianist view of Buddhism.
ISTo thorough-going disciple of Confucius would think this
language too strong if only Buddhism be judged from the
standpoint of political and social morality. Surely if the
Confucianist cannot see how the monk, who forsakes his
family and his duties as a working citizen, is to be
excused from heavy condemnation, the Christian also may
be permitted to criticise with severity a system which
denies the authority of God, identifies the moral nature of
men and animals, teaches mankind to look to man instead
of to God for redemption, and amuses the imagination
with the most monstrous fictions of the unseen world and
of the future state.
The morality of Buddhism has received very high
praise from more recent writers. Professor Max Miiller
says, " The moral code of Buddhism is one of the most
perfect the world has ever known." Mr. P. Hordern, the
Director of Public Instruction in Birmah, says, " The poor
heathen is guided in his daily life by precepts older and
not less noble than the precepts of Christianity. Centuries
BUDDHISM I N B1RMAH. 201
before the birth of Christ men were taught by the life
and doctrine of one of the greatest men who ever lived
lessons of the purest morality. The child was taught to
obey his parents and to be tender of all animal life, the
man to love his neighbour as himself, to be true and just
in all his dealings, and to look beyond the vain shows of
the world for true happiness. Every shade of vice was
guarded by special precepts. Love in its widest sense of
universal charity was declared to be the mother of all the
virtues, and even the peculiarly Christian precepts of the
forgiveness of injuries and the meek acceptance of insult
were already taught in the farthest East.
" Throughout Birmah it is a daily thing to see men,
women, and children kneeling on the road side, their
hands clasped, and their faces turned devoutly to a dis
tant pagoda ; while at the weekly festivals, or the full
moons, the devotions of the mass of the population is
among the most interesting spectacles in the whole East,"
It is otherwise in China. Though the Buddhists have
good precepts they are very much neglected, even in the
teaching. Books containing hard metaphysical dogma
such as the non-existence of matter, form much more the
subject of daily reading. The monks are subject con
stantly to the Confucianist criticism that they are not filial
to parents nor useful working members of the common
wealth. A widely-extended monastic system does not
approve itself to the Chinese political consciousness any
more than it has done to European governments in times
of revolution. The charge of laziness and neglect of
social duties was made the ground of persecution in former
days. At present, while Confucianism has ceased to per
secute Buddhism, it has never withdrawn its indictment
against it on the ground of morality. Indeed, all the
force of the moral teaching of the Chinese is in Confuci
anism and not in Buddhism. It is the moral sense of
the Chinese themselves that is energetic and influential
so far as they are really a moral people. The Buddhist
202 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
moral code is feebleness itself compared with the Confu-
cianist. This is partly because it is entangled by the co
existence with it of monkery as a life, and of the metem
psychosis and metaphysical nihilism as dogma.
Then in regard to the power of Buddhism to elevate a
people above the vain shows of the world and render
them devotional, the conclusion to be drawn from the
effect of this religion in the Chinese is very different from
that adopted by Mr. Hordern in regard to Birmah. The
Chinese intellect is strong and independent in its judg
ments, and it does not accept the fictions of Buddhism.
The Hindoo mind cannot dominate the Chinese mind,
and the contemplative life has no attractions for the
countrymen of Confucius. The foreign resident in China
does not witness the appearance of devotion which has
won the admiration of Mr. Hordern in Birmah.
The power shown by Buddhism to win the faith of the
Birmese I should rather trace to the superiority of the
Hindoo race over the mountain tribes of the Indo-Chinese
peninsula. The Birmese belong, with the Thibetans, to
the Bod race, which, having no intellectual development
of its own, accepted the Hindoo religion when brought
them by the Buddhist teachers. The superiority of Hin
doo arts and civilisation helped Buddhism to make this
conquest. Bishop Bigandet x says : " The Birmese want
the capability to understand the Buddhist metaphysics.
If the Buddhist moral code in itself has the power to
influence a people so far as to render them virtuous and
devotional, independently of the element of intellectual
superiority, we still lack the evidence of it.
" The success of Buddhism is in this respect the reverse
of the success of Christianity, which, originating in Judea,
subjugated both Greece and Borne without aid from in
tellectual superiority."
I just add here that the Confucianists do not allow that
kindness to animals was first taught them by Buddhism.
1 See Vie de Gaudama, p. 412.
KINDNESS TO ANIMALS PRE-BUDDHISTIC. 203
They find it in their own ancient books. Thus Mencius
made the compassion felt by a prince, Tsi Siuen-wang,
for a bullock about to be slaughtered, a ground for his
exhibiting compassion still more for the people he governed.
He had been distressed at the shuddering of the bullock
chosen for sacrifice, and ordered it to be changed for a
sheep, which was done. Confucianism assumes that pity
for animals is natural for the human heart. The mother
of Mencius moved her residence from the neighbourhood
of a butcher s shop because she would not have her boy,
while of tender years, witness daily that which would
make him cruel.
Yet it cannot fairly be denied that beneficial effects
must follow from the great prominence and publicity
assigned to compassion as an attribute of Buddha to be
imitated by every devout believer. The salvation of
multitudes from suffering is held up as his great achieve
ment, and to this he was prompted by disinterested pity.
This the Confucianists would probably admit, while
they would never allow that there is any ground to be
lieve in the Buddhist metempsychosis, on which pity for
animals is often made to rest for its basis. With Bud
dhist temples and monks everywhere, the Chinese do not
accept the teaching that the souls of men migrate into
animals, nor do the monks cordially maintain it.
Among the reasons the Buddhists give for sparing the
life of all animals, they do not mention the duty of not
inflicting unnecessary pain, nor do they say that Buddha
has a sovereign power to make laws, and he having made
this law it must be obeyed.
Their reasons are of a lower sort, or they are based on
dogmatised necessity. This, like other matters, is by
the Buddhists treated in a thoroughly utilitarian and
selfish way. Only in one point it is not so. They are
invariably conscious of "moral fate," the karma, pervad
ing the universe by an inevitable and unconquerable
204 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
force. Kindness to animals is sure to bring happiness,
as cruelty will cause misfortune.
The following are the reasons given by Buddha for
abstinence from animal food :
First, In the endless changes of the metempsychosis,
persons in the relation to me of any of the six divisions
of kindred have become, from time to time, some of the
animals used for food. To avoid eating my relations I
ought to abstain.
Second, The smell and taste are not clean.
Third, The smell causes fear among the various ani
mals.
Fourth, To eat animal food prevents charms and other
magical devices from taking effect.
The writer who invented these reasons and put them
in the mouth of Buddha, did not add the certainty of
the retribution of the karma, as an additional motive
for showing compassion to objects possessed of life, but
this is understood and lies underneath all Buddhistic
thought.
CHAPTEE X.
THE BUDDHIST CALENDAK.
National festivals Festivals in. honour of celestial beings In
honour of the Buddhas and Bodhisattwas In honour of char
acters in Chinese Buddhist history Supplemental anniver
saries Singhalese Buddhists keep a different day for Buddha s
birthday In the T ang dynasty Hindoo astronomers reformed
the calendar Gaudamsiddha The week of India and Babylon
known to the Chinese Word mit for Sunday Peacock Sutra
The Hindoo Rahu and Ketu.
ONE of the most instructive illustrations of a religion is
its calendar. Not only do the fasts and festivals kept by
a people point out in succession who are the personages
held by them in the highest honour ; they also contain an
epitome of the history and doctrines of the religion they
believe, and especially aid in opening to observation the
popular religious life.
The work called Ts ing-kwei, " Eegulations of the Priest
hood," contains instructions for the observance of all fasts
and festivals through the year. From it are extracted the
following details of anniversaries :
i. NATIONAL.
JEmperor s birthday. The ceremonial for this anniver
sary lasts a week, embracing three days before and three
after the day in question. It is called Sheng-tsie, " Sacred
festival."
Empress s birthday.
Day of receiving an imperial message at the monastery.
Six persons are sent out " five li " (nearly two miles) to
206 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
meet it. On its approach, the monks, headed by their
chief, issue from the monastery, and bow their foreheads
to the ground three times.
Four monthly feasts. These are at the new and full
moons, and on the 8th and 23d of the month. They are
called Kin-ming s i-chai, "The four feasts illustriously
decreed." The last two words refer to a decree of an
emperor of the Sui dynasty in A.D. 584, requiring the
special observance of the monthly feasts in the ist, 5th,
and 9th months ; because then the great Southern conti
nent was prayed for, in which China is included.
Anniversaries of emperors 1 deaths. Those of the present
dynasty only are included.
2. CELESTIAL BEINGS
Day of worshipping the Devas (Kung-T ieri).A& the
chief personages, whether Devas, spirits, demons, Asuras,
Eakshas, &c., of the Hindoo older mythology, are wor
shipped on this occasion. This observance rests for its
authority on the Kin-kwang-ming-ldng, " The Bright Sutra
of Golden Light."
Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. In the services for these
days, the sun and moon are addressed as " Bodhisattwas "
(Pu-sa), and the power of Buddha is invoked to deliver
them. Hence the name of the service, ffu-fi, Hu-yue,
"Delivering the sun and moon." The prayers offered for
them are considered as gratitude for their light.
Sacrifice to the Moon, 8th month, i$th day. The ground
for this observance is that this day is, according to national
tradition, the moon s birthday. As in the service for
eclipses, Namo, "Honour to," the introductory formula
of worship, is used in addressing the moon. She is called
in full Yue-~kung-t ai-yin-tsun t ( ien-p ( u-sa,"T\iQ moon in
her mansion, luminary of night, honoured Deva and Bo-
dhisattwa."
Prayer for fine weather. Prayer to various Buddhas,
and other divinities.
CELESTIAL BEINGS. 207
Prayer for rain. Worship is performed towards the
East, and prayers offered to the Dragon king, the various
Buddhas, &c.
Prayer for snow. Ditto.
Prayer against locusts. To various Devas and spirits.
Prayer to Wei-to (Veda). The Deva Wei-to is the pro
tector of the Buddhist religion. When the supplies of
the monastery fail, he is prayed to, to replenish them.
He is chief general of the army of the four Mahadevas.
Birthday of Wei-to, 6th month, $d day ; according to some
the i^thday. Wei-to is a deity of Hindoo mythology, who
protects three of the four continents into which the world
is divided. (See Eemusat s Notes to Foe-Jcoue-Jci.)
Birthdays of the divine protectors of the monasteries.
They are three: (i.) Hwa-kwang, pth month, 28th day;
(2.) Lung-wang, or Naga-rajah, the "Dragon king;" (3.)
Kwan-ti, the " God of war," 5th month, I3th day, accord
ing to the common account ; "but according to his biography
in the national annals, 6th month, 24th day. These three
personages take the place of eighteen worshipped in India.
One of them is the well-known hero of the " Three King
doms." They receive the same honours that are awarded
to Wei-to.
Birthday of the Kitchen god, 6th month, 2^th day, Sth
month, $d day, and 12th month, 24th day. The Buddhists
say, to excuse themselves for adopting a Tauist supersti
tion, that the Kitchen god they worship is not the Tsau-
kitin venerated commonly by the people, but a king of
the " Kinnaras " (a fabulous race of celestial beings), who
became a Chinese priest in the T ang dynasty, and was
appointed at death to preside over the vegetarian diet of
the monks. This is a lame defence of what is evidently
a self-interested accommodation to popular notions.
3. THE BUDDHAS AND BODHISATTWAS.
Birthday of Shakyamuni, ^th month, 8th day. He is
also called Buddha, " Tathagata " or Julai, and Gautama,
2o8 CHINESE BUDDHISM.
and is revered as Pun-shi, the "Teacher of the world
during the present Jcalpa"
Anniversary of Shakyamuni s elevation to the rank of
Buddha, 1 2th month, 8th day. The phrase in use is Ch eng-
tau, " Attained the summit of knowledge and virtue."
Anniversary of Buddha s entrance into ike Nirvana, 2d
month, i$th day.
Birthday of Yo-tfvi Fo (The Buddha who instructs in
healing, Bhaishajyaguru Buddha), gth month, $oth day.
The world governed by this Buddha is in the East.
Birthday of 0-mi-to Fo or "Amida " (Amitabha) Bud
dha, nth month, ijth day. The Buddha who rules in the
universe to the west of that governed by Shakya, and
grants the request of all those who pray to him to admit
them to the Western heaven.
Birthday of Mi
