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V. Pt. I. IT. 




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I L 



pKiKmvo Officb. 

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The Author is sorry that so long a time has elapsed between the 
publication of the Works of Mencius and the appearance of this third 
volume of his undertaking. He felt it necessary, in 1862, to rest in 
a great measure from his labours on the Chinese Classics, both to 
recruit his strength, and to devote himself closely to his directly 
missionary duties ; while certain other tasks were pressed on him by 
friends, which he could not well decline. In the month of March, 
1863, he commenced printing his translation of the Shoo and the 
.accompanying notes; but fresh and unexpected engagements, in 
v^,connection with his position in Hongkong, interposed many hind- 
rances to the progress of the work ; and during the last year he was 
often laid aside from it by repeated attacks of illness. New views 
of the text, moreover, and of the various questions considered in the 
Prolegomena, presented themselves as he proceeded, and in many 
cases prolonged research and reflection were required before he could 
make up his mind upon them. He can only hope, now that this 
portion of his task is done, that the extent and execution of it will 
be deemed some apology for the delay which has occurred in giving 
it to the public. He does not anticipate so much delay in the ap- 
pearance of the volumes that remain. The next will be the She 
King J or the Book of Poetey. 

Two translations of the Shoo were already in existence. The older 
is in French, and was the Work of Father Gaubil, one of the ablest 
of the many able Jesuit Missionaries of the early part of last century. 
It was published at Paris in 1,770, under |the editorship of M. De 
Guignes, who interspersed not a few notes of his own among those 
of the author, besides making other additions to the Work. Gaubil's 


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own manuscript was lost ; but the editor had the use of two copies 
which had been taken of it. He found it necessary, however, he 
tells us, to review and correct the version by having recourse to the 
Chinese text; and this is to be deplored. Gaubil may have often 
paraphrased his original, as M. De Guignes says; but I have no 
doubt the translation, as written by him, was more correct than as 
it now appears. The second translation was the work of the late 
Rev. Dr. Medhurst, and was published by him atShanghaein 1846. 
He assigned as his reasons for giving it to the world, that * Gaubil's 
translation was too free, and in many respects faulty, and had never 
been commonly known in England.' It may be doubted, however, 
whether his version be any improvement on the other. Dr. 
Medhurst's attainments in Chinese were prodigious. But his work 
on the Shoo was done hastily. He seems to have consulted no native 
commentary but that of Ts'ae Ch'in ; and his notes are very inferior 
to those of Gaubil 

The Author ventures to hope that the translation now offered repre- 
sents the Chinese original much more faithfully than either of those 
previous ones. When he first w/ote it, many years ago, having less 
confidence in himself than he now has, he made free use both of 
Gaubil and Medhurst. He wrote it all out again in 1862, seldom, if 
ever, looking at them ; and found it necessary to make many changes 
in every page. Not a little of it was written out a third time, while 
the work was going through the press. 

The Author has often heard Sinologues speak of the difficulty of 
understanding the Shoo, and hazard the opinion, that, if we had not 
the native commentaries, we should not be able to make out the 
meaning of it at all. He would be far from denying that the book 
is difficult. His own labolir on it has been too toilsome to allow his 
doing so. At the same time, it is by no means unintelligible. Here 
and there a passage occurs, which yields no satisfactory result after 
the most persistent study; but in general, if we had not the native 
commentaries, we should simply have to study the text as intensely 
and continuously as the native commentators did. They differ, in- 
deed, very frequently among themselves; but this no mo^e entitles 
us to say that the meaning of the Shoo cannot be deteriiiined than 
similar discrepancies in the views^Jof interpreters on ?*xiany texts 
would justify us in saying that the Bible is unintelligibkv. In a few 

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places, the Author has bc6n obliged to propound an interpretation 
quite new. He might have done so in very many more ; but he 
preferred, wherever it was possible, to abide by views that had oc- 
curred to some native scholar, rather than start new ones of his own. 

The Author b grateful for the kind reception which his two pre- 
vious volumes have met with from Sinologues both in China and in 
oth^ countries. One, who of all others has the best right to counsel 
in such a case, will pardon him for introducing here u suggestion 
which he offered, and giving his reasons for not attending to it. * I 
should have desired,' wrote he, *that, during the publication of the 
Four Books, you could have been assisted phrase by phrase, or, so 
to speak, word by word, by a Chinese scholar perfectly versed in 
Mandcliou. I present this view, that you should not in your follow- 
ing publications deprive yourself of this excellent succour, without 
which one cannot arrive at an interpretation in conformity with the 
official (not to say sacramental) sense adopted by the most eminent 
men of the empire.' Now, before the Author commenced publishing 
in 1860, the plan thus suggested was considered by him, and he 
conchided that the advantage to be deriv^ed from it would not com- 
pensate for the expense and trouble which it would occasion. In 
the first place, the Manchoos are as dependent as ourselves on the 
Chinese interpreters. In the second place, the official sense is now 
very different from what it was before the Sung era ; and even in the 
present dynasty, many of the most distinguished scholars and highest 
officers do not hesitate |to propound and maintain interpretations 
which are at variance with it. In the third place, the Author hopes, 
in the course of his labours, to explode not a few of the views about 
the Classics, which may be pronounced official ; believing that, by 
doing so, he will render the greatest service to the Chinese nation, 
and facilitate the way for the reception of Christianity by its scholars 
and people. 

Students who read the present volume carefully will find in the 
annotations little trace of the doubt about the historical genuineness 
of the first Parts of the Book, and some other points, to which decided 
expression is given in the Prolegomena. The fact is, that when the 
earlier notes were written, the doubts in question had not assumed 
consistency iri the Author's mind ; and he subsequently thought it 
the best course to continue his interpretation and criticism of the 


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^iii PREFACE. 

text on th6 assumption that the whole was ' genuine. This would 
have at least the advantage of [enabling the student to understand 
more readily whatever he might find in native writers. 

A great desideratum in the study of the Classics of China is a 
really good dictionary. The Author is not thinking of the transla- 
tions or compilations by Morrison, Gon9alves, Medhurst, and others ; 
but the Chinese themselves have no dictionary which gives a satis- 
factory historical analysis of the characters of the language and 
traces from the primary meaning of each term its various subsequent 
applications. When a dictionary shall have been made on true 
principles, by some one who understands the origin of the charac- 
ters, and has pursued the history of every one through the various 
forms which it has assumed, the interpretation of the Classics will 
be greatly simplified. 

The Author s obligations to the Rev. Mr. Chalmers, for the Indexes 
of Subjects and Proper Names, the Essay on Ancient Chinese As- 
tronomy, printed in the Prolegomena, and for various suggestions 
and assistance in the progress of the Work, have been great. Nor 
must he fail to acknowledge gratefully the services rendered to him 
by Wang T'aou, a graduate of Soo-chow. Tliis scholar, far excelling 
in classical lore any of his countrymen whom the Author had pre- 
viously known, came to Hongkong in the end of 1863, and placed 
at his disposal all the treasures of a large and well-selected library. 
At the same time, entering with spirit into his labours, now explain- 
ing, now arguing, as the case might be, he has not only helped but 
enlivened many a day of toil. 

Mr Frederick Stewart, Head Master of the Government Schools 
in Hongkong, anH Mr. G. M. Bain, of the "China Mail" Office, have 
very kindly aided in the correction for the press. Few typographical 
mistakes have escaped their notice. Some errors in Chinese names 
should have been detected by the Author, but escaped his notice 
through the pre-occupation of his mind with other matters. 

Hongkong, \2thJuly^ 1865. f 


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I. Down to the BnrniDg of the Books in B.C. 212.— The names of the Shoo ; its com- 
pilation and number of Books ; its Sources 1 

n. From the Burning of the Books, B.C. 212, to the time of Choo He, A.D. 1,130.— The 
Recovery of a Portion of the Shoo by Fuh-sftng, called the Modern Text ; and of a 
second Portion by K'ung Gan-kw6, calied the Ancient Text. The general ac- 
knowledgment of Gan-kwd's Books 16 

in. From Choo He to the present day.— Doubts thrown on the Books peculiar to Oan- 

kw6*s Text, and on his Commentary ; which, however, are to be received 84 



The first and second Parts are less reliable than the other three, and have much of what 
is legendary in them. Of Yaou, Shun, and Yu, the last is to be regarded as the Founder of 
the Chinese Empire. His great labours in regulating the waters, and surveying and 
dividing the land ^ 47 



There is no Chronology in the Shoo ; and it was not till the Han dynasty that the Chinese 
began to arrange their ancient history with reference to a common era. The periods of 
the Three dynasties, and of Yaou and Shun. Chinese History begins about 2,000 years 
before Christ 81 

Appendix on the Astronomy of the Ancient Chinese. By the Rev, John Chdbnersy A, M, 96 



The Bamboo Books io General ;— their Discovery and subsequent History. The Annals. 
How far the Annals are to be relied on ;— Conclusion from them as to the general character 
of the Early Records of the Shoo 106 

Table of Ancient Chinese Chronology, according to the Common Scheme, and to the 
Bamboo Annals 1^* 

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Entrance of the Chinese into China. Other Early Settlers. Groirth of the Tribe into a 
Nation. Religion and Superstition. Form and Issues of the Goremment 189 




I. Chinese Works 201 

II. Translations and other Foreign Works 207 


I. Preface, Attributed to*Confacius. „ 1 

n. Part I. The Book of T*ang 16 

III. Part II. The Books of To. 29 

IV. PartllL The Books of Hea. 91 

V. Part IV. The Books of Shang. ITS 

VI. Part V. The Books of Chow 281 


I. Index of Subjects 681 

II. Index of Proper Names 642 

IIL Index of Chinese Characters and Phrases.. 646 

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Paff$ Coiumn, 

75, 8, " J® " J^' 

The same alteration elsewhere, except in V., 
zxU. 16. 

87, 1» for ^^ read M*. 

HI, 8. .. ^J » fij. 

208, 1, after ^ insert Q 

241, 6, for ffi read M. 






for^nmd th|. 

In some other cases, the same change. 
897, etal 8, '^' ^ '^^ ^f** 

869, 5, »» Ej »» fi' 

658, 6, „ J^ „ J ^ . 

Pagb 18, Col. 6th after '^ d!e& Comma. 

» 68, 4th for fj read ^^. 

„ 84, Between 2d and 8d Colamns,. for^ 'fin „ ^^ 'fift. 

« W, 7th "^f^ " ^'ft- 

" i««» 2d „-^|9 „ 15,^. 

„ 218, Between 6th and 7th Columns hj pj^ Insert -4^ 'fifj. 

„ 276, 9th after 2d J^ insert a Comma. 

„ 890, 5th n ^j]) insert a Comma. 

„ 480, 8th „ ^ dele CommA. 

- *W' «^»> '^' JSto'^Mi- 

M 525, 5th after ^ insert a Comma. 

« Ml, 2d for fll^read |f||^. 

« 558, 10th „ "^^ „ '^^. 

M 565. 5th „ ^^ „ ^^. 

„ 592 2d hj ^ insert -jp — • ^ 










for t^ read ^. 






" ^ »' ^• 






- " ^ 






" Su »• ir£- 






,. £L . 75r 






» ift » /^* 



II, for S read S. 

I, » ^ » •^. 

II, after |i^)iusert^. 
I, forgtread^. 


Pag€* Line, 

5, 16, for 82 read 72. 

7, 6, note tahles, read tahlets. 

11 8, nth „ 12lh. 

Page, Line. 
^, 21, forShih read Mih. 

40, 4, , Sung „ Suy. 

68 8, '„ y^ang „ Pang. 

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Page* Line, 
128, In title of Book for II. read I. 

289, 294, 301, 806, 320, 348, 360, 362, 376, 

881, 399, 


6, 11, for Heaou read Gaou. 

9, 3, „ Le „ Leu. 

11, 8, „ ChaDg „ Chung. 

17, 8, „ Sea „ four Seas. 

90, 11, af. Emperor ins. bowed, and. 

128, et al, 3, for Te read Che. 

6, „ Ta „ T*ae. 

8, af. Keang ins. and went on to 

8, for Urh read Shoo. 

4, 5, Transpose elders and relations. 
11, af. people dele Comma. 

„ connection ins. a Comma, 
for are like read should examine. 




te „ to. 

Hwang „ Hung, 

screens „ screen. 

dele and. 
dele that of. 
prosperitj read calamity. 

Page, Line, Column, 

23, 11, 2, for -y-,/^ read ^)^. 
2%, „ Ching „ Suy. 

33, 7, 2, „ -shing „ Shing. 

35, 25, 2, „ 37 „ 27. 

46. 21, 1, „ 6 „ 1. 

48, 13, 2, „ 80 „ 81. 

64, 24, 1, transpose j^ and Q^. 

85, 14, 2, for eleven read twelve. 

n 18, 2, „ 1 „ 12. 

141, 14, 2, faf. waters put a full stop. 

149, 7, 1, for Han read Chow. 

152, 26, 2, „ 2d Yu „ Hoo. 

162, 14, 1, „ XXVI.,p.lO „ XXII.,p^ 

223, 11, 1, „ our „ one. 

224, 16, 2, „ prunasilj „ primarily, 
317, 30, 2, „ that „ than. 
372, 15, 2, „ Q „ P. 
388, 23, 1, „ 10 „ 11. 

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1, I have translated the name Shoo King by * The Book (or 
Classic) *of Historical Documents.' The terra shoo shows us by its 
composition! that it denotes *the pencil speaking;' and hence it is 
Name of the Shoo, ^ft^n uscd as a general designation for the written 
and its signiflcancy. characters of the language. In the preface to the 
Shw5 Wan, the oldest extant dictionary of the Chinese, we are told 
that * when Ts'ang Kee first made characters (shoo)^ they were, ac- 
cording to their classes, resemblances of the objects, and therefore 
called wan (delineations); that afterwards, when the fonns and 
their sounds (or names) were mutually increased, they were called 
tsze (begetters) ; and that, as set forth on bamboo or silk, they were 
called shoo (writings).'^ From this use of the term the transition 
was easy to the employment of it in the sense of writings or books, 
applicable to any consecutive compositions; and before the time 

1 ^Cca "^ pT. ^t means ' an instrument for writing or describing characters,' and ^ 
means 'to speak,' 2 ^^Z^ W^^^'^m^'S^W^m Z% 

H" 1^' H ^ #' # ^ ^W ifc- ^*'® ^^'^^ ^^'^ (gJfc ]^^ ""** completed a.d. 
100, in the 12th year of the 4th emperor of the Eastern Han djnasty (^ ^JJp *^ ^ y^ 
-|- _^ ^). The author's name was Heu Shin (g^ ^). He is often referred to also bj 
his designation of Shnili-chung {-j^ ^^ ). 

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of Confuckis we find it further specially applied to designate the 
historical remains of antiquity, in distinction from the poems, the 
accounts of rites, and other monuments of former times.« Not that 
those other documents might not also be called by the general 
Dame of shooA The peculiar significancy of the term, however, 
was well established, and is retained to the present day. The Shoo, 
in the lips of Confucius, denoted docaments concerning the history 
of his country from the most ancient times to his own ; as spoken 
of since the Han dynasty, it has denoted a compilation of such 
documents, believcid (whether correctly or not, we shall presently 
inquire) to have been made by the sage. In the prolegomena to 
my first volume, p. 1, I have called it 'The Book of History,' and 
Medhurst styles it 'The Historical Classic, the most authentic record 
of the Annals of the Chinese Empire;' but both these designations 
are calculated to mislead the reader. The Book, even as it is said 
to have come from the hand of Confucius, never professed to con- 
tain a history of China; and much less are we to look in it for the 
annals of that history. Its several portions furnish important 
materials to the historian, but he must grope his way through hun- 
dreds of years without any assistance from the Shoo. It is simply a 
collection of historical memorials, extending over a space of about 
1,700 years, but on no connected method, and with great gaps be- 
tween them. This is the character of the Work, and nothing more 
is indicated by the name Shoo King. 

2. As to the name 'Shang Shoo,'^ by which the Classic is very 
frequently both spoken and written of, it is generally said by scho- 
lars that it originated subsequently to the burning of the Books. 
The name shang Shoo. Thus Maou K*e-ling tells US that * the Shoo was 
anciently named simply the Shoo, but that, after the portions of it 
preserved by Fuh-shang appeared, as they were the Books of highest 
antiquity, it was named the Sliang Shoo.'^ Maou's statement is 

8 See the fourth paragraph. 4 An instance quite in point may be referred to in the 

third and only existing part of Mih-tsze's treatise on Manes ( W ^ j^). On the 6th page, 
he has two quotations Arom tlie Shoo King, and one from the She. The latter is introduced by 
^ § ;^ !Jj^ ^ ;^, 'We read in the TslYsl, one of the Booh of ChawJ 

explanation of the term |i5^, Maou «Jd.-3^ ^^^M^^ 'M ±^' ±i& 
^ i ^-^^ jil' 1A^,M ^ ^"^^^ W ^ •*'" """•'"•• ^* H* '*'''"8«^ »*» 
the dcing time, of the Hwdymw^X j^ ^ ±^> ^MM ±i^'MW^ 
R^ ^ ifii* ^ diflkulty occurs in receiving this view from the 28th aud 80th of the Books of 


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based on the authority of K'ung Ying t&, of the T*ang dynasty. It 
is so far correct^ — in saying that the oldest name of the Book was 
simply the Shoo ; but the epithet of Sluing was in use before the 
time of Fuh-shang. We find it in the treatise of Mih-tsze referred 
to above.s We may acquiesce in the meaning which is assigned to 
it. Shang may be descriptive of the documents with reference either 
to their antiquity or to the value set upon them. 

3. In the Analects, Confucius and Tsze-chang quote from the 
Shoo by the simple formula — *The Shoo says.'! In the Great 
Learning, four different Books, all in the classic as we have it now, 
are mentioned by name.2 Mencius sometimes uses the same formula 
as Confucius,8 and at. other times designates particular Books.* It 
is most natural for us to suppose that Confucius, when he spoke of 
Did confuciu. compile 'The Shoo,' had in his mind's eye a collection of 
thecinMicofOieShoof Historical Documents bearing that title, — the 
same which we still possess in a mutihited condition. But it may not 
have been so. His language — ' Tlie Shoo says ' — may mean nothing 
more than that in one of the ancient documents, come down from 
former times, well known to many, and open to general research, 
so and so was to be found written. Such even Chinese critics must 
allow to have been his meaning, if he used the phrase before he 
himself made the compilation of the documents which they univer- 
sally ascribe to him. I propose now to inquire on what authority 
the sage is believed to have made |such a compilation ; and, as a 
specimen of the current tradition on the subject, I may commence 
by quoting the account in the ' Records of the Suy dynasty ' (a.d. 
589-617). — * Historical Documents began immediately with the 
invention of written characters. Confucius inspected the documents 
in the library of Chow ; and having found the records of the four 
dynasties of Yu, Hea, Shang, and Chow, he preserved the best 
among them, and rejected the others. Beginning with Yu and 

Chow, which belong to the period of what is called the Ch*un-t«*ew ; and Maou concludes by saying 
that as the Books of the Shoo were recorered in the Han dynasty, they then characterised all 
docninents prior to the timet of Tsin as of high antiquity ( ^ KH |^ >f^, ^ njS ^^ |^ 

HfflT, ^s v. "rt -&•)• This conclusion of Maou is overthrown by the use of the terra by Mih- 


1 3fe "2^. Ana. n. xxi ; XIV. xliii. 2 The Great Learning, Comni. i. 1, 2, 3 ; ii. 2 ; ix, 

3; X. 11, 14. 8^0.1. Pt. n. iii. 7; xi. 2: HI. Pt. I. i. 4; Pt. II. ix. 6: VI. Pt. II. r.4. 

4 I. Pt. 1. ii. 4 : II. I't. I. iv. 6 : III. Pt. U. v. 6 : IV. Pt. I. viU. 6 : V. Pt I. v. 8 : VII. Pt. 

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coming down to Chow, he compiled altogether a hundred Books, 
and made a preface to them/^ 

The earliest authority for these statements is that of K'ung Gan- 
kw5, about B.C. 90. When it is said that Confucius compiled the 
Book of Poetry, substantially as it exists at present, his own language 
may be adduced in corroboration. He tells us how he reformed 
the music, and gave the pieces in the Imperial songs and Praise 
songs all their proper places. He tells us also, in round numbers 
very nearly approaching the exact calculation, how many the pieces 
of poetry were.7 But nowhere does he speak of having laboured in 
a similar way upon the Shoo, or of the number of documents com- 
prehended in the collection. He spoke of them often with his 
disciples, as he did of the poems ; but neither in the Analects nor in 
Mencius have we a hint of his having selected a hundred pieces from the 
mass of early historical memoirs, and composed a preface for them. 

Gkn-kw6 s testimony is in the preface to his commentary on the 
Shoo King, enlarged by the additional Books which had been 
recovered from the wall of Confucius' house, — of which I will speak 
at length in the next chapter. Recounting the labours of his ' ances- 
tor, Confucius,' on the Music, Rites, Poems, and other remains of 
ancient literature, he says that 'he examined and arranged the 
grand monuments and records, deciding to commence with Yaou and 
Shun, and to come down to the times of Chow. When there was 
perplexity and confusion, he mowed them. Expressions frothy and 
unallowable he cut away. What embraced great principles he 
retained and developed. What were more minute and yet of im- 
portance he carefully selected. Of those deserving to be handed 
down to other ages and to supply permanent lessons, he made in all 
one hundred Books, consisting of Canons, Counsels, Instructions, 
Announcements, Speeches, and Charges.'® 

±iJ^T^> [Ji'iliffii^;^- 6Ana.IX.xi.. 7 An., 

n. il 8 Sm the f^ in 'The Tliirteen King.'-^ ^^"f" $i f^ 

Jii 'S jra* ^^ ^^ earlier part of the preface Qan-kwd has described the iw &0 * the Books of 
Fnh-he, Shin-nung, and Hwang-te,' and the .tt^ as * the Books of Shaou-haou, Chuen-heuh, Kaou- 
•in, Yaou, and Shun.' Of these I shaU speak farther on ; but we must take )& ^IL in this paragraph 
more generally, or its parts will be yery inconsequent. Ying-t& expands gd* p^ jS UlL into 


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Of Confucius having written a preface to the Imndred Books 
which he thus compiled, Gan-kwo does not speak distinctly. His 
language implies that among the remains which came into his 
charge there was a preface to the Books, which he broke up into its 
several parts, prefixing to each Book the portion belonging t^ it ; 
but he does not say that Confucius was the author of it.» 

Confucius died B.C. 478, and thus nearly 400 years pass by be- 
fore we find the compilation of the Shoo ascribed to him. I know 
that the genuineness of Gan-kw6's preface — commonly named *The 
Great Preface,'io — is called in question, though, as I think, on insuf- 
ficient grounds; tut we find the same testimony which has been 
adduced from it given about the same time by Sze-ma Ts'een, who 
was acquainted with Gan-kw6, and consulted him specially on the 
subject of the Shoo.n Ts'een's * Historical Records.'^* must have 
been completed between b c. 103 and 97, and becanie current in the 
reign of the emperor Seuen, B.C. 82 — 48. In theYn, in the Life of 
Confucius, we read that the sage, on his return to Loo in his old age, 
B.C. 483, ^made a preface to the Records of the Shoo, and compiled 
and arranged them from the times of Yaou and Shun down to duke 
Muh of Ts'in.'i^ Ts'een speaks more definitely than Gan-kw5 on 
the point of the Preface. The fact of the compilation is equally 
asserted by both. But they cannot be regarded as independent 
witnesses. Ts'een's information came to him from Gan-kw6 ; and to 
them are to be traced all the statements on the subject which we 
find in the chronicles of the Han and subsequent dynasties. It is 
possible — it is not improbable — that Confucius did compile a hundred 
ancient documents, which he wished to be regarded as tlie Shoo par emi- 
nence. His doing so would have been in harmony with the character 
which he gave of himself as * A transmitter and not a maker, believ- 
ing in and loving the ancients ;'i4 and Avith his labours on the Clas- 
sic of poetry and on the Ch'un-ts'ew* The Shoo's beginning with 

mi^^'^^Wim^ j^mm^Lmmm 

^##.±ie|fE^I^.TM#jP.iii^^*. seethe^ 
%t + -tnfl ^' tit ^^ ^-b P »2. 14 Ana.VIl.1. 

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the Canons of Yaou and Shun is also what might have been expected 
from liim of whom it is said in the Doctrine of the Mean that * He 
handed down the doctrines of Yaou and Shun as if they had been his 
ancestors/i5 But however reasonable in itself may be the belief that 
he compiled the Shoo as it existed at the time when the ambitious 
emperor of Ts'in issued his edict that the ancient books should be 
consigned to the flames, I have thought it right to show that the 
evidence which we have for it is by no means conclusive. What Gan- 
kw6 is supposed to say, and Ts*een says explicitly, about his writing 
a preface to the compilation, is, it will be presently seen, still more 

4. Wliether Confucius detennined that so many of the ancient 
historical documents of his country were worthy of being preserved, 
and stamped them with his own authority, so fixing the Canon of 
the Sh^o, or not, the evidence is satisfactory enough that after his 

time there was current under this name 

The Shoo after the time of Confucius i i i i i • • 

was a recotfoizcd staiMard coUecdou of an acknowledged and authoritative 

ancient documents. ti . • n i i 

•collection of such documents. 
It has been pointed out how he used in his quotations the vague 
formula — 'The Shoo says,' which may mean *An ancient document 
says,' or *One of the Books in the Canon of the Shoo says;' and 
that Mencius often does the same. The language of the latter 
philosopher, however, in one place loses much of its force, if Ave 
do not understand him to be referring to a definite collection. * It 
would be better,' he said, * to be without the Shoo than to give 
entire credit to it;' and immediately after, he specifies one of the 
Books of Chow. — * In the " Obmpletion of the War," I select two or 
three passages only which I believe.'^ The natural interpretation of 
the character Shoo as here employed is certainly that which I pro- 
pose. In my comment upon it, voL IL, p. 355, I have spoken of 
two or three methods which have been thought of to give it a dif- 
ferent meaning. They are all strained, and designed to escape from 
what we should call doctrinal difficulties. Mencius speaks with little 
reverence for the Shoo, and with little reverence for Confucius, if 
he believed that the Master had compiled it in the way which 
K'ung Gan-kwo describes. He may have been wrong in doing so, 

15 Pjl 0, XXX. 1.^ft#>R«i:!^^1^#o^;^-^^^'^=H:t 
ffii B ^ 


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ttOT.i.] DOWN TO TUB BURNING OF THE BOOKS. [fholkoohesia. 

or he may have been right ; — what he did say remains in the record 
of hia Works. 

The quotation of particular documents by their names in The 
Great Learning and in Mencius, which has likewise been pointed out, 
directs us to the same conclusion. The same thing is often found 
in the Record of Rites. 

In the Commentary of Tso-k'ew Ming on the Ch*un-ts*ew, in 
Mih-tsze, Seun-tsze, and other writers of the two last centuries of the 
Chow dynasty, a different style of quotation prevails, which is still 
more decisive on the point in hand. They not only quote the Shoo 
as Confucius and Meneius do, but they specify the different parts or 
divisions of it, — the Books of Yu, of Hea, of Shang, of Chow. I 
need refer the reader only to the quotation from Mih-tsze given in 
the third note to par. 2 above. 

Whether the Collection of Historical Documents, which was thus 

current in the closing period of tlie Chow dynasty, consisted of 

_., ^ „, , a hundred different Books, no more and no 

Did the Shoo consist of , , i . t t /• -i . -i./** i 

a hundred Booki or Docu- fewcr, IS a qucstiou ou which I find it difficult 

to give a definite opinion. It was so believed 
after the Preface to the Shoo was found in the wall of Confucius* 
house in the reign of the emperor Woo (b.c. 139 — 86), or earlier.3 
That preface, such as it is, will be seen in this volume, pp. 1 — 14. 
Gan-kwd assumed that it Avas complete, and based on it his state- 
ment that the Shoo contained the hundred Books mentioned in it. 
Copies of it were current among the scholars of the Han dynasty, 
differing a little from that published subsequently as Gan-kwS's 
in the relative order of some of the Books; but we have their 
testimony as to the entire number in the collection being a hundred.3 
There are some things, however, which make me hesitate to receive 
these statements without question. For instance, Sze-ma Ts*een in 
his Records of the Yin dynasty, when telling us that Woo Heen 
made the Heen E^ which is mentioned in the Preface, Not. 22, adds 

2 I think it more probable that this event took place in the reign of the emperor King 
(M- ^f\ B.C. 166-140. It is generally said to have happened in the end of Woo's reign. But 
king Rung of Iioo, to enable whom to enlarge his palace the old house of the sage was being pulled 
down, died, it is said. b.o. 127, more than 40 years before Woo*s reign ended. See Yen J6-keu, 
as quoted in the f^ ^^ ^ |^ ^ ^^', p. 29. The different statements which we find on 
the subject arise from coniounding the date of the discovery of the old tables with that of the 
completion of Oan-kwd's commentary. 8 Thus Ch*ing Heuen or Ch4ng K'ang-shing tells u« 

that the Books of Yn and Hea (or the Yu-hea Books) were 20 ; those of Shang, 40 ; and those of 
Chow, 40:— a hundred in all. See K'ang-shing's brief oixoont of the Shoo, given in the 

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that he also made the T^ae-moio^ which has no place in it.^ In the 
Commentary of Tso-k*ew, under the 4th year of duke Ting (B.C.-505), 
mention is made of the Announcement to the prince of K*ang, which 
is now the 9th of the Books of Chow, and in the same paragraph of 
a Charge or Announcement to Pih-hHn^ on which the Preface is 
silent.^ In the 2l8t of the Books of the first dynasty of Han, there 
is a quotation from * the Yue Ts^ae, one of the Books of the Ancient 
Text,' and on the same page a Book called Fwig Hing is spoken of, 
of neither of which do we read elsewhere.^ 

Further, several writers of the Han dynasty speak of 102, and of 
120 Books. It is difficult to explain their language; but it appears 
inconsistent with the tradition which has since prevailed, that the 
Canon of the Shoo contained, before the time of Ts'in, only one 
hundred documents.^ 

Maou K'e-ling endeavours quite unsuccessfully to prove that the 
phrase, 'A hundred Books,' Avas older than Gan-kwo, and his dis- 
covery of the Preface, He refers first to a passage in Mih-tsze, 
where it is said that ' the duke of Chow read in the morning 100 
Books,' This can have nothing to do with the subject. Several of 
tlie Books of the Shoo were composed after the time of the duke 
of CliQW. Mih simply means to commend his industry, as is evident 
from the sentx^nce which follows, that ' in the evening the duke gave 
audience to 70 officers,'® He refers also to a sentence in the writings 
of Yang Heung, that ' those who in former times spoke of the Shoo, 
arranged (or prefaced) it in 100 Books';^ but Yang died a.d, 18, 
being posterior to Gan-kwo by nearly a century ; and the sequel of 
the. passage shows that he had in mind critics subsequent to that 

4Seet1.e|g|e.P.8.-M| E ^ ^ ^. ft J* ^. If Zt i«- « 

s- *« :fe #. ^^ ^ n^ i^'^'mi^i^^''^Z^ 

^ 1^ Jt ^' f?n ^ :^ « See tl.e ^ ^. ^, ^ -. -y^.--^ 

-xn^mB,^^>\ _g?Bj0 ^/^rnkmiM ' 

8eetl.e-ir^te^^%3^.^Z:,P7.«.dthe4^^#^-t + H.# 
"^^ , p, 1. Maou gives two ways of explaining these expressions. The first is— Add to the ac- 
knowledged 100 Books one for the Preface, and one for a different edition of The Great Speech, 
which somehow was current ; thus we liave 102. Tlie second refers to the 120. — He adduces a 
work called |p| ^ ^ S|| ^, where it is said that Confucius found 120 Books ; that out of 
102 he made tlie Sliang Shoo, and out of 18 the Chung How ; and these were the 120 {JS ^S 
j^). I do not know how to interpret Chung How (p|7 j^- '^e explanations do not enlight- 
en the darkness of the subject. 8 See Mihtsze, ^ ^ "f" — ' M ^ P- ^ 'h' ^ 

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net. 1.] DOWN TO THE BUBNING OF THE BOOKS. [prolbooxena. 

scholar.— On the one hand, altoAving that Qan-kwo found the Preface, 
as it is still current, with the other tablets (which there is no reason 
to doubt), we cannot be certain that the Canon of the Shoo did not 
at the end of the Chow dynasty contain more than a hundred Books j 
nor, on the other hand, can we be certain that the hundred Books 
mentioned in it were all then existing. Not a few of them may 
have been lost or cast out before that time. I believe myself that it 
was so, and will give my reasons for doing so in the next section. 

That the Preface, whether it be complete or not, was not written 
by Confucius, is now the prevailing opinion of scholars throughout 

Tiie Preface was not ^^^^ empire. I have shown that Gan-k\v6 himself 
written by Confucius. ^[^ not ascribc it to the sagc. Sze*ma Ts'een did, 
and was followed by Lew Hin, Pan Koo, Ch'ing Heuen, and other 
scholars of the Han dynasty. Their doing so proves that they had 
little of the critical faculty,— unless we are prepared to allow that 
Confucius was a man of very little discrimination and comprehension 
of mind. It will be sufficient for me to give here the judgment in 
the matter of Ts*ae Ch*in, the disciple of Choo He, and whose com* 
mentary is now the standard of orthodoxy in the interpretation of 
the Shoo.— After quoting the opinions of Lew Hin and Pan Koo, 
he says : — ' When Ave examine the text of the Preface, as it is still 
preserved, though it is based on the contents of the several Books, 
the knowledge which it shows is shallow, and the views which it gives 
are narrow. It sheds light on nothing; and there are things in it 
at variance with the text of the Classic. On the Books that are lost 
it is specially servile and brief, affording us not the slightest help. 
That it is not the work of Confucius is exceedingly plain.'^^ 

5. The questions which have thus far been discussed can hardly 
be regarded as of prime importance. It seemed necessary to give 
attention to them in a critical introduction to the Shoo; but it 
matters little to the student that he cannot discern the imprimatur 
of Confucius on the collected Canon ; — he has the sage's authority 
for some Books in it, and he has evidence that after his time there 
was a Compilation of ancient historical documents acknowledged 
by the scholars of the empire. And it matters little to him what 
was the exact number of documents in that Collection ; — many of 
them have beea irretrievably lost, and we have to do only with 
those which are now current as having fortunately escaped the 
flames of TsUn. Th^re remains, however, at this part of our in* 

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quiries, a question really curious and of great interest. — ^What were 
tL. ^.i. cu ***® sources of the Shoo? What proofs have 

The sources of the Shoo, - , • • , , *• 

we ot the composition m ancient times of such 
documents as it contains, and of their preservation, so that some of 
them might be collected in a sort of historical Canon ? 

To begin with the dynasty of Chow.— We have the Work com- 
monly called *The Rites of Chow.'i It is also and more correctly 
called ' The Officers of Chow.'^ Under the several departments into 
which the administration of the government was divided, it gives 
the titles of the officers belonging to them, and a description of 
their duties. I will not vouch for the tradition which ascribes the 
composition of it to the duke of Chow ; but it no doubt contains the 
institutions and arrangements made by him in completing the 
establishment of the dynasty. 

Under the department of the minister of Religion we find the 
various officers styled Sze^^ a term which has been translated ' Re- 
corders,'^ * Annalists,'^ * Historiographers,' and simply *Clerks.'6 
There are the Grand Recorder, the Assistant Recorder, the Recorder 
of the Interior, the Recorder of the Exterior, and the Recorder in 
attendance on the emperor. Arranged under the department of the 
minister of Religion, they were advisers also of the prime minister 
of the government, and of Heads of Departments generally, on all 
subjects which required reference to history and precedent. Among 
the duties of the Recorder of the Interior were the following : — * la 
case of any Charge given by the emperor to the prince of a State, 
to an assistant Grand counsellor, to a minister, or to a great officer, 
he writes the Charge on tablets;' *In case of any Memorials on 
business coming in from the different quarters of the empire, he 
reads them to the eniperor ;^ ^ It is his business to write all Charges of 
the emperor, and to do so in duplicate.'® Of the duties of the Re- 

1 ^ ^. Biot names it—' Le Tcheou Li, on Rites de Tcheou.' 2 ^ ^. This 

is the name in the grand edition ordered by the emperor K*een-lung of the present djnasty, — 
^'^^ ^ ^ ^ W ^ ^* ^ ^- ^ ^^" ^* ^^® definition given in the Shw6 

Wan, — g^ W^ ^, • one who records events/ Morrison, Diet., m voc., observes that the 
character is formed from * a hand seizing the middle^* and defines it as ' an impartial narrator of 
events.' The /umd liolds the pencil, and describes things without swerving to the right or left. 
5 Thus Biot renders the term. 6 See mj translation of the Analects, VI. xvi. 7 

iK ^' ^h ^' ^^'^['^'W^- 8 S«. the ^ % Ch. xxvi. P. 35, }\^ 

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corder of the Exterior it is said : — * He writes all Commands for the 
exterior domains ; ' * He has charge of the Histories of the States 
in all parts of the empire;' 'He has charge of the Books of the 
three great sovereigns and the five rulers;' 'It is his business to 
publish in all parts of the empire the Books and the characters in 

These passages show clearly that under the Chow dynasty, from 
its commencement in the 11th century before our Christian era, 
there was provision made for the compilation and preservation of 
imperial charges and ordinances, of records of the operations of 
the general government, and of histories of the different States ; and, 
moreover, for the preservation and interpretation of documents 
come down from more ancient times. 

The Recorders mentioned in the * Officers of Chow ' belonged of 
course to the imperial court ; but there were similar officers, thougli 
not 80 numerous, at the courts of the various feudal princes. It 
was of such that Confucius spoke when he said that in his early 
days a historiographer would leave a blank in his text rather than 
enter anything of which he had not sufficient evidence. ^^ They 
also were the writers of the Books which Mencius mentions, — ' the 
Shing of Tsin, the Taou-wuh of Ts^oo, and the Ch'un^s'ew of Loo '^^ 

When we ascend from the Chow dynasty to those of Shang and 
Hea which preceded it, we do not have the same anK)unt of evidence 
for the existence under them of the class of officers styled Recorders. 
Chinese critics, indeed, say that it did then exist, and evea earlier ; 
my own opinion is, that the institution was in active operation dur« 
ing the dynasties just named : — but the proofs are not adequate. 
For instance. Ma Twan-lin says, * The pencil of the recording officers 
was busy from the time of Hwang4e. Its subsequent operation ia 
clearly seen from what we know of Chung Koo, the Grand Recorder 

^Z "fe^ DU Hb* by * Il» sort charge de propager le» noma 6cxiUi on les signea de Tecriture^ 
dans lea quatre {Mrties de Templre.' This was the view of Wang Qan-shih of the Sung dynasty^ 
who «ays— ^ ^ ^ ^ jj^. ^ and ^ ave thua taken in aKK>sitixin^ or, at best^ 
as Riot renders, »* written names,' « characters ^vrhich seems to roe an unnatural construction. 
K'ang-shing took ^^ ^ as meaning simply * the names of tlie Books,' aa *The Canon of Yaou,' 
' The Tribute of Yu ;' which names the Recorder of the Exterior made known throughout the 
ensure. So far as the characters ^^ ^ are concerned, this interpretation is the likeliest ; but it 
makes the whole passage so weak and frivolous that it cannot be admitted.. K^ang-shing men- 
tions, however, that some took ^ in the sense of ^, * characters,' and made ^ ^"^'^^ 
characters in the various Books.* This is nearer to the view which 1 have taken. 10 Anau 

XV. MT. 11 Men. IV. Ft. 11. zxl 

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of Hea, and Koou She, the Grand Recorder of Shang.'^^ But all 
that we know of the names mentioned is from the Bamboo Books 
and from the Ch^un-ts^ew of Leu, — ^both comparatively recent and 
insufficient authorities. ^^ I attach more force to what we find in 
the 10th of the Books of Chow, par. 13, where Fung is told to warn 
his * friends, the Grand Recorder and the Recorder of the Interior,' 
of the dangers of drunkenness. By the * Recorder of the Interior ' 
there, it is argued that we must understand the officer who had ex- 
ercised that function at the imperial court of Shang, and was now 
living in retirement in the State of Wei after the overthrow of his 

Independently of the Institution of Recorders, if we may admit 
the testimony of the Shoo itself, both emperors and ministers were 
in the habit of committing their ordinances and memorials to writ- 
ing during the rule of the House of Shang. Woo^ting, B.C. 1321, is 
described as making a writing to communicate the dream which he 
had to his ministers ;^^ and, more than 400 years earlier, we have E 
Yin addressing his remonstrances to the young emperor T'ae-keS in 
a written form.^*^ Going back to the dynasty of Hea, we find that 
the prince of Yin, during the reign of Chung-k^ang, generally be- 
lieved to have begun b,c. 2158, in addressing his troops, quotes 
*The Statutes of Government,' in a manner which makes us conceive 
of him as referring to some well-known compilation.^^ The grand- 
sons of the great Yu, likewise, make mention, in ^ The Songs of the 
Five Sons,' of his ^ Lessons,' doing so in language which suggests to 
us the formula which Mencius was wont to employ when he was 
referring to the documents acknowledged to be of authority in his 
day.^^ There can be no doubt that about 2000 years before our 
era the art of writing was known in China, and that it was exer- 

,2 see the ^J^ii#.^aL + - Art.^ ^.-_^ ^i^ Q it't 
^:^'S#M^Si:^^ir.^i:^^#. nVhUe tbi. .heet 
is going through the press, my attention has been called to a Soo-cliow euition of Ma Twan-lin*8 
Work, where tUi. paawge is read- j£ ^ H g ^"r^^ ;^. ^I^^l^'^ 
'2^, This reading it, no doabt, preferable to that in the copy in mj own possession.] 18 

** *^ It # IE #• 1^ # # ^ P9'P "••»'' # ^ :a>'P-2»- ^•* ^« 

Mys it found, in bU Ch'un-U'ew, ^ ^ ■\' i^. -^^^ff^ ]^- Th*:^^^ 
W> ^ Z^ Q^ ~ ~f^ i> P- *> »''«• *•»« following alwtract of hi» •tfttenenta:— ^ ^ 

VUU Pt 1. 2. 15, Bk, V. n. i. 2. 16 Part lU. Bk, IV. 4. 17 Bk. HI. See particularly 

^|| ^ ;^, in par. 6, and compare it with ^^ ^ f9 ^ ^« ^ ^^ ^ P^* ^^« i^h^^ 

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cised in the composition of Documents of the nature of those which 
we read in the Shoo King. Whether an institution like that of the 
Recorders of Chow exbted at so early a date does not appear. We 
can well believe that, as time went on, all written memorials were 
produced more numerously and frequently. We can well believe 
also that, in the revolutions and periods of confusion which occur- 
red, many memorials were lost. Mencius complained that in his 
time the feudal princes destroyed many of the records of antiquity, 
that they might the better perpetrate their own usurpations and in- 
Bovations.^® The same thing would go on during the dynasties of 
Shang and Hea. Time is at once a producer and a devourer. 
Many records of Yu and T^ang and their successors had perished 
before the Canon of the Shoo was compiled, but sufficient must 
have remained to supply the materials for a larger collection than 
was made. 

Confucius once expressed himself in a manner which throws light 
• on the point which I am now considering. — *I am able,' said he, 
^ to describe the ceremonies of the Hea dynasty, but K^e cannot suf- 
ficiently attest my words. I am able to describe the ceremonies of 
the Yin dynasty; but Sung cannot sufficiently attest my words. 
They cannot do so because of the insufficiency of their records and 
wise men.'^^ The State of K'e was ruled by the descendants of the 
great Yu, and that of Sung by those of T'ang. The various institu- 
tions of Hea and Shang ought to have been preserved in them, and 
their scholars should have been careful to watch over the literary 
monuments that could be appealed to in support of their traditions 
and ordinances. But the scholars had failed in their duty; the 
monuments were too mutilated and fragmentary to answer their 
purpose. The Master would not expose himself to the risk of relat- 
ing or teaching what he could not substantiate by abundant evidence. 
Where had he got hb own knowledge of the ancient times ? Some 
critics tell us that he was born with it; — an affirmation which no 
foreigner will admit. He must have obtained it by his diligent 
research, and his reasoning, satisfactory at least to himself, on what 
facts he was able to ascertain. His words show us that, while in his 
time there were still existing documents of a high antiquity, they 
were not very numerous or complete. 

6. Before we pass on to the next chapter, it will be well to say 
something on * the Books of the three great sovereigns, and the five 

18 V. Pt. n. U. 9. 19 Ana. m. \x. 

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rulers/ which ' The Officers of Chow,' as quoted on page 11, mentions 
as being under the charge of the Recorder of the Exterior. Nothing 
certain or satisfactory, indeed, has ever been ascertained about them ; 
The Books of the three ^^' *^*® amount of discussiou to which they 
Sovereigns and five rulers, jjavc given rfsc rcudcrs it desirable that I 
should not leave the passage unnoticed. 

What were those Books? Gan-kw6 says in liis preface, referred 
to above on page 4, that *the Books of Fuh-he, Shin-nung, and 
Hwang-te were called the Three Fun^ as containing great doctrines ; 
and those of Sliaou-haou, Chuen-heuh, Kaou-sin, Yaou, and Shun 
were called the^v^ Teen^ as containing standard doctrines.'^ He was 
led to this explanation by a passage in the Tso Chuen, the most 
valued commentary on the Ch'un-Ts'ew. It is there said, under the 
12th year of duke Ch*aou (b.c. 530), that E-Seang, a Recorder of the 
State of Ts'oo, * could read the three -Fun, the five Teen^ the eight 
Sih^ and the nine K^etv.'^ It would appear from this, that in the 
time of Confucius there were some books current having the 
names which are given ; but what they were, and whether a portion 
of them were the same with those mentioned in ' The Officers of 
Chow,' we cannot tell. Woo Sze-taou,^ a scholar of the Yuen 
dynasty, observes : — ' The Recorder of tlie Exterior had charge of 
the " Books of the three Hwang ;" nothing is said of the " three 
Fun." E-seang could read the " three Fun ;" nothing is said in 
connection with him of the "three Hwang." K*ung Gan-kwo 
thought that the Books of the three Hwang and the three Fun 
were identical ; but there is no good reason to adopt his conclusion.' 
Too Yu of the Tsin dynasty, the glossarist of the Tso Chuen, con- 
tented himself with saying that Fun, Teen, Sih, and K'ew were all 
* the names of ancient Books.' Whatever those Books were, we may 
safely conclude that they were of little worth. According to Gan- 
kwo s own account, Confucius rejected the t|jree Fun^ and tliree out 
of the five Teen, when he was compiling the Shoo ; and by whom- 
soever the Shoo was compiled, we are well assured that it never 
contained any document older than the Canon of Yaou. We should 
be glad if we could have light thrown on the passage in ' The Officers 


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of Chow ;' but we must be content, as is so often the case in historical 
inquiries, to remain in ignorance, and have our curiosity ungratified.* 

4 I hmve not tbought it worth while to mention in the text a forgery of * the three Fun,' which 
itm attempted a.d. 1084, when a certain Maou Tseen (^ Mr) pretended to have discovered the 
ancient Books. The imposition was soon exploded. 


From the burning of the Books, b.c. 212, to 

THE TIME OF ChOO He, A.D. 1130. 

The recovery of a portion of the Shoo by Fuh-sang, called 


Gan-kwo's books. 

1. In the prolegomena to vol. I., pp. 6-9, I have given an account 
of the burning of the books, and of the slaughter of many of the 
literati, by the first emperor of the Ts'in dynasty. The measures 

were barbarous and wanton, but the author of 

The burning of the Books. ,, ji» i • t it 

them and his advisers adopted them as necessary 
to the success of the policy which the new dynasty was initiating. 
The old feudal system of the empire had been abolished ; a new 
order of administration was being introduced; the Cliina of the 
future, to be ruled for ever by the House of Ts'in, must be dissever- 
ed entirely from the China of the past. In order to this the history 
of former times, it was thought, should be blotted out, and the 
names which had been held in reverence for hundreds and thousands 
of years be made to perish from the memory of men. The course 
taken was like that ascribed to our Edwai'd I., when in a.d. 1284 
he assembled all the bards of Wales, and caused them to be put to 
death. When the premier Le Sze advised that the books should be 
burned, he made an exception, according to the account of his 
speech given us by Sze-ma Ts'een, in favour of the copies in keeping 
of the Board of Great Scliolars ; but those must have shared the 
common fate. If they had not done so, the Shoo would not have 
been far to seek, when the rule of Ts'in came in so short a time to 
an end. 

The founder of that dynasty, which he fondly thought would last 
for myriads of years, died in B.C. 209. His second son, who succeed- 
ed him, was murdered in 204, and the House of Ts'in passed away. 

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The dynasty of Han dates from B.C. 201, and in the 4th year of ita 
second emperor, b.c. 190, the edict of Ts*in, making it a capital 
crime to have the ancient books in one's possession, was repealed. 
Thus, the Shoo and the other classics (with the exception of the 
Yih-king) were under the ban for less than a quarter of a century. 

2. Among the * Great Scholars' of Ts'in, there had been one 
named Fuh Shing,i but commonly referred to as *Fuh-s&ng,2 which 
is equivalent to Mr. Fuh, or the scholar Fuh. He belonged to Tse- 
nan in Shan-tung ; and when the order for the burning of the Shoo 
went forth, he hid the tablets of the copy which he had 
' ^ in a wall. During the struggle which ensued, after the 
extinction of the Ts*in dynasty, for the possession of the empire, 
Fuh-s&ng was a fugitive in various parts ; but when the rule of Hau 
was established, he went to look for his hid treasure. Alas ! many 
of the tablets were perished or gone. He recovered only 29 Books 
(as he thought) of the Classic. Forthwith he commenced teaching, 
making those Books the basis of his instructions, and from all 
parts of Shan-tung scholars resorted to him, and sat at his feet. 8 

In all this time, no copy of the Shoo had reached the court. The 
emperor Win (B.C. 178-156), after ineffectual attempts to find some 
scholar who could reproduce it, heard at last of Fuh-s&ng, and sent 
to call him. Fuh was then more than 90 years old, and could not 
travel ; and an officer, called Oh*aou Ts'5, belonging to the same 
department as the Recorders mentioned in the last section, was sent 
to Tse-nan to receive from him what he had of the Shoo. Whether 
Ts*5 got the very tablets which Fuh had hidden and afterwards 
found again, or whether he only took a copy of them, we are not 
told. It is most likely that, being an imperial messenger, he would 
carry away the originals. However this be, those originals were, 
and his copy, if he made one, would be, in the new form of the 
characters introduced under Ts*in, — what was then Uhe modern 
text ;' and by this name the portion of the Shoo recovered by Fuh- 
sang is designated to the present day. 

The above account is taken from Sze-ma Ts*een. Gan-kw6 gives 

a relation of the circumstances materially different According to 

Varying tradition, ^im, * Fuh-s&ng of Tsc-nau, being more than 90 

about Fuh-«ftng. years of age (when the emperor W&n was seeking 

for copies), had lost his originals of the text, and was delivering by 


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word of mouth more than twenty Books to disciples/* From another 
passage we gather that he estimated Fuh-sftng s Books, with which he 
was well acquainted^ at 28 ; but he says nothing of the visit to Fuh of 
Ch'aou Ts'5. Wei Hwang, of the first century of our era, says that 
when Ch*aou Ts*6 went to him, Fuh-sang, being over 90, was unable 
to speak plainly, and made use of a (? grand-) daughter to repeat what 
he said ; and that her dialect being different from Ts*5's, he lost 2 or 3 
in every ten of her words, supplying them as he best could according 
to his conception of the meaning.^ This last account, as being more 
marvellous, has become the accepted history of the manner in which 
so many Books of the Shoo were recovered through Fuh-^Sng. Even 
Regis follows it, as if he had not been aware of the more trustworthy 
narrative of Sze-ma Ts*een.^ 

3. The statement of Sze-ma Ts'een, that Fuh-sftng found again 
the tablets containing 29 ^p^een^' — Books, or parts of Books,— of the 
Shoo, is repeated by Levy Hin in his list of the Books in the 
imperial library under his charge, of which I have given some ac- 
count in the proleg. to vol. I. pp. 3-5. It is there expressly said, 
moreover, that there were, in the classical department of tlie library, 
* 29 portions of the text of the Shang Shoo.'^ Those Books were:— 
The29Book»ofFuh.«tog. *The Canon of Yaou;' *The Counsels of 
Kaou-yaou;' *The Tribute of Yu ;' *The Speech at Kan;' *The 
Speech of T*ang;' *The Pwan-kXiig ;' *The Day of the Supplement- 
ary Sacrifice of Kaou-tsung ;' ' The Conquest of Le by the Chief of 
the West ;' ' The Viscount of Wei ;' ' The Great Speech ;' * The Speech 
at Muh;' ^The Great Plan;' ^The Metal-bound Coffer;' 'The Great 
Announcement;' 'The Announcement to K'ang;' 'The Announce- 
ment about Drunkenness;' 'The Timber of the Tsze-tree;' 'The 
Announcement of Shaou ;' 'The Announcement about L5;' 'The 
Numerous Officers ;' ' Against Luxurious Ease ;' ' Prince Shih ;' ' The 
Numerous Regions;' 'On the Establishment of Government;' 'The 
Testamentary Charge ;',>^' Leu on Punishments;' 'The Charge to 
Prince WSn ;' 'The Speech at Pe;' and 'The Speech of the Duke of 
Ts'in.' • 

It was discovered subsequently, that 'The Canon of Shun' wos 
incorporated by Fuh-sSng with that of Yaou ; the ' Yih and Tseih ' 
with 'The Counsels of Kaou-yaou;' 'The Charge of king K'ang* 

4 See Gaii-kw5'8 Preface, p. 18. 6 See the "j^ ^ j^ § ^ fi^» ^ — *» P. «• 

6 See Y-King, rol. I., pp. 104-106. 

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with *The Testamentary Charge;' and that the 'Pwan-kSng/ given 
by him as one Book, was in reality three Books. Hence it is often 
said that Fuh-s&ng's Books amounted to 84, — as was really the case. 

But there is a statement very generally accepted,-— that Fuh- 
sSng s Books amounted only to 28, which requires some discussion* 
* The Great Speech,' as it is now current, forms three Books. In * the 
modern text ' it formed only one ; and it came to be denied, in the 
Did *The Great Speech ' form time of the Han dynasty, that even that one 
one of F«h..ttng'8 Book. ? proceeded from Fuh-sftng. Lew Heang says : 

— *In the end of the reign of the emperor Woo (b.c. 139-86), some 
one among the people found " The Great Speech " in a wall, and 
presented it. When it was submitted to the Board of Great Scho* 
lars, they were pleased with it, and in a few months all began to 
teach it.'2 Ma Yung, Wang Suh, and ChHng Heuen, all affirm that 
'The Great Speech' was a more recent discovery than the other 
Books. Wang Ch'ung,8 towards the end of our first century, wrote : 
— ' In the time of the emperor Seuen (b.c. 72-48), a girl, north of 
the Ho, among the ruins of an old house, discovered three Books,— 
one of the Shoo ; one of the Le ; and one of the Yih. She presented 
them to the court. The emperor sent them down to the Great Scholars; 
and from this time the number of the recovered Books of the Shang 
Shoo came to be fixed at 29.' 

All these accounts, attributing to *The Great Speech' a later 
origin than to the rest of Fuh-sSng's]J Books, must be set aside. 
Sze-ma Ts^een's testimony is express as to the number of 29 ; and, 
what ought to settle the matter, Fuh-s&ng himself, in the Introduction 
which he made to the Shoo, used the language of the Book, as the 
scholars of the eastern Han read it in the text, the preservation of 
which they ascribed to *a girl, north of the Ho.'* That text was 
substantially wliat I have given in this volume in an appendix (pp. 
297-299). We cannot wonder that it should have troubled the 
scholars. Such a piece of wild extravagance, and having in it 
nothing of the passages of *The Great Speech,' quoted by Mencius 
and others ! — this to be going abroad as part of the Shoo of Con- 
fucius ! They would have done right to cast it out of the classic. 
They were wrong in denying that it was brought to light, after the 
fires of Ts'in, by Fuh-sftng. We are therefore in this position in 
regard to him. Among his tablets were some containing that farrago, 

"41^, Quoted by Se-ho as above. 4 See aa above, pp. 8, 9. 

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and he must have erred in classing them with the others, which 
were portions of the true Shoo. I have not been able to think of 
any other explanation which will unravel, so satisfactorily, the per- 
plexities of the case. Fuh-s8ng gave to the world 29 Books as of 
the Shoo, but in regard to one of them he was mistaken. The 
stories of its being a subsequent discovery, due to a girl, were 
devised to save his reputation. 

4. According to what I quoted above, p. 16, from Sze-ma Ts^een^ 
many Scholars resorted to Fuh-sJlng, and learned from him what he 
had to teach about the Shoo. His two principal disciples were 

Disciples of Fuh..ftng; and ^ Gow-yang Ho-pih,! commouly designated 
SchooUoftbeModfimXext. Gowyaug-s&ig, and a Chang-s5ng,a to whom 
he delivered his comments on the Shoo in 41 Books,^ of which 
some fragments still remain. Each of these became the founder of a 
school, the professors and writings of which are distinctly traced by 
the critics down into the dynasty of Tsin. Ho-pih's successor was a 
distinguished scholar and officer, called E Hwan.^ His great-grand- 
son, Gow-yang Kaou,& published * The Shang Shoo in paragra|)hs 
and sentences, in 31 Books.'^ From the same school flowed at least 
two other Works ;^ 'The meaning of the Shang Shoo explained,' in 
two Books, and 'Decisions on the Shang Shoo,' by Gow-3'ang Te-yu 
and others, in 42 Books.'^ The reputation of * The School of Gow- 
yang,' was pre-eminent during the dynasty of the eastern Han. 

of the Snj dynasty, this work had dwindled away to three p*een. 4 4l^ *&^. 5 ^(^ 

^ ^ ^» ^ M 1^ iS' ^^ *^® introductory Chapter to Yung-ching's Shoo, j^ ^ — •, 
pp. 2, 3. The Continuation of Ma Twan-Un's Work (proleg. vol. L, p. 134) gives the foUowing 
table of the School of Gow-yang. 





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The school founded by Chang-sSng, and which by and by diverg- 
ed into two branches was not less prolific in Works upon the Shoo: 
Chang delivered his learning to Hea-how Too-wei a scholar of Loo,» 
from whom it descended to a Hea-how Shing.^^ This Shing 
was a man of more than ordinary ability and research ; and in 
obedience to an imperial order, he compiled a Work, which appears 
in Lew Hin's catalogue as 'The Shang Shoo, in paragraphs and 
sentences, in 29 chapters ;'^^ and formed the basis of 'The Greater 
school of Hea-how/ ^2 ^ nephew of Shing, called Hea-how KSen,^^ 
published a sequel to Shing's Work, which he called, ' An Explana* 
tion of Ancient Views on the Shang Shoo, in 29 Books,' which was also 
in the imperial library in Lew Hin*s time.^* KSen was looked up to 
as the founder of 'The Lesser school of Hea-how.* ^^ From those 
two schools proceeded many Works upon the Shoo, the names and 
authors of which are duly chronicled by phow E-tsun, in his ' Ex- 
amination of the meaning of the King.'^^ But the names are all 
that remain. Not one of the writings survived, in a complete form, 
th% troubles which prevailed during the reign of Hwae, the third 
emperor of the dynasty of the Western Tsln.^^ 



— +A# " 

#Ht mm -i-i 

^01 ^ ^. 16 The Hea-how 

•chooU aie thu* exhibited. 17 The reign of the Emperor Qwae C^) it known by the name 

ofT«,g.lce.(^^). M.ouSe-ho«y.:-2i^ MMZ^'M^'^tA^ M^' 
t^ m" i& IIJ.'— The Hea-how Schools are thus represented :-* 



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The ^modern text,' therefore, and the views of the scholars who 
taught it, are now as a whole lost to literature. Under the reign of 
the emperor Ling, the last but one of the eastern Han, in a.d. 161, 
Tsae Yung, one of the chief scholars and officers of the time, had 
*the modern text' of the Shoo, and the current text of several of 
the other classics, engraved on stone tablets, and set up with imperial 
ganction in one of the colleges in L&. Of the tablets of the Shoo 
there remain only some shattered fragments, containing in all 547 
characters. ^^ But for the happier fate of the Books discovered about 
a century after Fuh-s&ng, of which we have now to speak, there 
would have remained but a tantalizing record of him, and some 
sporadic passages of his text gathered from the writings of various 
8ch(dars. The Shoo had nearly been lost a second time, without 
any fires of Ts4n, through the natural process of decay, and the 
convulsions continually occurring in a distracted empire. 

5. When the wrath of TsHn was raging against the Shoo and all 
who dared to keep it in their possession, there were no doubt several 
who acted as Fuh-s&ng did, and hid away their tablets where they 
hoped to be able to find them and bring them forth at a future time. 
A descendant of Confucius had done so with the tablets containing: 
the Shoo, the Le, the Classic of Filial Piety, and the Analects, concealing 
them in a wall of the house where the Bage had lived, and which 
continued to be the home of the K'ung family.^ But he never reclaim- 
ed them. They remained unknown, till towards the latter part of the 
reign of the emperor Woo. Then, as I have related in the proleg. 

*iL m^ mm- n\}\m 

1 The name of this individual is not known. Sze-ma Ta*een does not give it. Oan-kwA simply 
•ays he was one of his forefatliers. Some make him a ^ §^; others a 3|^ Rj^ (which is most 
likely) ; and the Becords of Sny say his name was jfl^ j£. 

2^] Digitized by Google 


to vol. I., pp. 12, 13, the king of Loo, a son of the emperor King, 
known to posterity by the honorary title of Kung, or * The Respect- 
fuV^ was pulling down the house of the K'ung, to enlarge a palace 
of his own which was adjacent to it In the wall were found the 
tablets, or what remained of the tablets, which have just been men- 
Discovery of the tablets ^^oued ; and when the prince went into the hall 
<rf the Ancient Text. or principal apartment of the building, he was 

saluted with strains of music from invisible instruments, which made 
him give up his purpose of demolition and appropriation. The 
chronicling of this marvellous circumstance might lead us to look 
suspiciously on the whole narrative ; but the recovery of the tablets, 
and the delivery of them by the prince to the K'ung family, are 
things sufficiently attested.^ 

The chief of the family at that time was K^ung Gan-kwo, one of 
the * Great Scholars,' and otherwise an officer of distinction. The 
K*ang Gan-kw5. tablets were committed to his care. He found they 
Were written or engraved in the old form of the characters, which he 
calls * tadpole,* and which had leng gone into disuse. By the help of 
Fuh-s&ng's Books, which were in the modern or current characters 
of the day, and other resources, he managed, however, to make them 
out, and found he had got a treasure indeed. — From the tablets of 
the Shoo he deciphered all the already recovered Books, with the 
exception of * The Great Speech,' and of it there was the true copy. 
In addition he made out other five and twenty Books ; and he found 
a preface containing the names of one hundred Books in all. The 
additional Books were: — 'The Counsels of the great Yu;' 'The 
Songs of the Five Sons ;' ' The Punitive Expedition of Yin ;' ' The 
Announcement of Chung Hwuy ;' * The Announcement of T'ang ;' 
*The Instructions of E;' *The T'ae KeJt, in 3 Books;' *Both posses- 
sed Pure Virtue;' 'The Charge to Yue, in 3 Books;' 'The Great 
Speech, in 3 Books ;' ' The Completion of the War ;' ' The Hounds 
of Leu;' 'The Charge to the viscount of Wei;' 'The Charge to 
Chung of Ts'ae ;' ' The Officers of Chow ;' ' Keun-ch*in ;' ' The Charge 
to tJie duke of Peih ;' ' Keun-ya ;' and * the Charge to Keung.' Adding 
to these the 29 Books of Fuh-sftng, and the Books which he had 
wrongly incorporated with others, and not counting Fuh's ' Great 
Speech,' we have 58 Books of the Shoo, which were now recovered. 

the Shoo ; Gan-kwd*8 Preface ; and « hundred references in the Books of Han and subsequei^t 
dynasties. 4 ^ i|- ^. 

22] ' n } 

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Gan*kw5 himself reckoned the Preface one Book, and made out the 
number to be 59. Being all on the tablets in the old ^ tadpole * 
characters, Gan-kwo's Books were described, in distinction from 
Fuh-sHng's, as ^ the ancient text.'^ 

6. When he had made out to read the tablets in the way which 
I have described, Gan-kw5 presented them to the emperor, in B.C. 96, 
with a transcript in the current characters of tlie time,^ keeping a 
second transcript of them for himself; and he received an order to 

Gan.kw5'8 Commentary; and how ^^^^ ^ Commentary UpOH the whole.2 

it was not immediately made pubUc. jJe addressed himsclf to this work, atid 
accomplished it, and was about to lay before the emperor the result of 
his studies, when troubles occurred at court, which prevented for a 
time any attention being paid to literary matters. In B.C. 91, some 
high officers became victims to a charge of practising magical arts. 
Next year the emperor fell sick, and a charlatan, namedKeangCh'ung, 
high in his confidence, and who had a feud with the heir-apparent, de- 
clared that the sickness was owing to magical attempts of the prince 
to compass his father's death. In preparation for this charge, he 
had contrived to hide a wooden image of the emperor in the prince's 
palace. An investigation was made. The image was found, and 
considered by the weak monarch to be proof positive of his son'a 
guilt The prince, indignant, procured the murder of his accuser, 
and liberated the felons and others in prison to make head against 
a force which was sent by the prime minister against him. Being 
defeated, he fled to the lake region in the south, and there killed 
himself.* The reader will be led by this account to think of the 
accounts which we have of diablerie and witchcraft in Europe at a 
later period, and will not wonder that Gan-kwo's commentary was 
neglected amid such scenes, and that the enlarged text which he had 
deciphered was not officially put in charge of the ' Great Scholars,' to 

5 Gan-kwd arranged the 58 Books in 46 Keuen (^S^) or sections, with reference to the notices 
of tliem in the preface, where two or more Books are sometimes comprehended under one notice. 
Tliey are mentioned also in Lew Bin's catalogue as Uhe ancient text of the Shang Shoo, in 46 
chapters * (jjp^ ^ "J| ^ j||^, pD -J- pj;^ 4S). Tliey are also subsequently designated as 
57 p*'een, the * Canon of Shun ' having been supposed to be lost. Other enumerations are adduced 
and explained in the 1st chapter of Maou 8e-ho*s 'Wrongs of the Ancient Text.' 

1 lie tells us in his Preface that * ho wrote them moreorer on bamboo tablets.' But he must 
hare made two copies in the current character. If only the * tadpole ' tablets had been deposited 
in the imperial library, Lew Heang could not have compared them, as we shall find immediately he did, with Fuh-sang's Books. 2^gg^=E-|-^J^f^^. 

8 j^ ^Itl" * ^^ K*ung Ying-ttt*s notes on Gan-kw6*s Preface, towards the conclusion ; 

^ ^ iM g , on the 1st and 2d of the years ;{[£ >f<Q > and Maou*8 ' W*rongs of the Shoo,' 
CU. U.*i pp. 5, 6. 

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whom had been given in the 5th year of Woo (b.c. 135) the care of 
the five King.5 Soon after, moreover, Gan-kw6 himself died, and 
it was long before his commentary obtained the imperial recognition 
and sanction. 

7. Happily, Gan-kw6's commentary, though it was not publicly 
History of Gan-kws's recoguised, was not lost. The critics have clearly 
commentoiy. traced its transmission through the hands of 

various scholars. The recipient of it from Gan-kw6 was a Too-wei 
Chaou,^ from whom it passed to Yung T'an of Keaou-tung.^ A 
Hoo Chang of Ts4ng-ho^ obtained it from Yung T'an, and passed 
it on to Seu Gaou of K'wo,* who delivered it to two disciples, — Wang 
Hwang,^ and T*oo Yun.^ From ttie latter of these it was received 
by Shing (or Shwang) K4n of Ho-nan.^ 

The editors of Yung-ching s Shoo, having arrived step by step at 
Shing K'in, then state that, in the close of the western Han, during 
the usurpation of Mang (a.d. 9-22), the school of 'the ancient text' 
was established along with that of Fuh-sJtng, and that Wang Hwang 
and T*oo Yun were held in great honour.^ From this they make a 
great leap over the dynasties of the Eastern Han, the after Han, 
and the Western Tsin, to the first reign of the Eastern Tsin (a.d. 
317-322), when Mei Tsih of Yu-chang presented to the emperor 
Yuen a Memorial along with a copy of Gan-kw5's commentary. If 
it really were so, that we could discover no traces of the commentary 
during those 300 years, there would be ground both for surprise 
and suspicion on its unexpected re-appearance. But the case does 
Hot stand so. 

Before taking up the transmission of the commentary on through 
the later dynasties of Han, and that of Tsin, I must say something 
more on the testimony which we have from Lew Hin as to the ex- 
istence of the ' ancient text ' in the imperial library, and also call 
attention to the confirmation which he gives of both text and com- 
mentary's being current among scholars outside the official Boards. 
Not only does he give *the ancient text of the Shang Shoo, in 

5 This neglect of the ancient text i« commonly expressed by— ^ jj^ "f ^ 1^. Tlie 
Books peculiar to it are also called in consequence— ^j^ ^, and sometimes ^k ^. 

^ ^M*t f9' ^ W'^1^ iP- ^^^ *• <^«>°>™on'y referred to as Yung-stog. 

^ Wi^^*^' ^^'^^ ^** ^^y^^*^ ^ "?*• He was a * Great Scholar,' and rose to higher 
oflice. 4 ^^ i&^ j^. Gaou was also an officer of distinction ( ^b :U^ JS^ J^b). 

5 ^ 3^, a native of ^ ^. 6 ^ ^, a native of ^ j^, and styled -^ ft. 

7 ^ {nl 1^) 1^, styled ^ -g. 8 See their ^^ ^g, — , pp. 4, 5. 


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46 sections/ at the very top of the list of Books upon the Shoo 
in his catalogue ; but he adds in a note, that his father Heang had 
compared this with the text of the classic taught by the schools 
of Gow-yang and of the greater and less Hea-how ; that he had 
found one tablet or slip of the ^ Announcement about Drunkenness' 
wanting, and two of the * Announcement of Shaou ;' that more than 
700 characters were different from those in Fuli-s&ng's Books, and 
that individual characters were missing here and there to the amount 
of several tens. Further, in the reign of the emperor Gae (b.c. 5- 
A.D.), Hin proposed that the ancient text of the Shoo, Tso-k*ew'd 
Ch*un Ts*ew, the She of Maou, and certain unrecognized portions of 
the Le, should all be publicly acknowledged, and taught and studied 
in the imperial college. The emperor referred the matter to the 
classical Board, which opposed Hin's wishes. Indignant, he address* 
ed a letter to the members, which may still be read. It is too long 
for translation here as a whole; but it contains the following asser- 
tions important to my purpose ; — that the ancient text of the Shoo, 
Maou*s She and the Tso-chuen, were all in the library ; that of the 
three the Shoo was the most important ; that Yung T^an of Keaaur 
tang had taught among the peoj)le a text corresponding to that in the 
library ; and that they, the appointed conservators and guardians of 
the monuments of antiquity, were acting very unworthily in not 
aiding him to place the texts in the position which was due to them. 
Hin's remonstrances were bitterly resented, and he would have come 
to serious damage but for the interference of the emperor in his 
favour.^ He was obliged to drop his project ; but we may conclude 
that his efforts were not without effect. It was probably owing to him, 
that, in the succeeding reign and the usurpation of Mang, with which 
the Former or Western Han terminated, the claims of the ancient 
text were acknowledged for a short time.^^ 

Having thus strengthened the first links in the chain of evidence 
for the transmission of Gan-kwo's commentary, I go on to the times 
of the Eastern Han, which are a blank in the account given by the 
editors of Yung Ching's Shoo. 

There was a scholar and officer, named Yin Min,^^ whose life ex- 
tended over the first two reigns of the dynasty (a.d. 25-74). We 

9 See the Memoir of Lew Hin in the '||^ '^ ^ ^ TU 3E' 'j$ ^ >^* *^ ^^ 

Maou's Wrongs of the Shoo, in., p. 9. 11 ^ ^. See the account of him in the ^ ]^^ 

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read that in his youth he was a follower of the school of Gow-yang, 
but afterwards obtained and preferred the ancient texts of the Shang 
Shoo, the She of Maou, and Tso-k'ew's Ch'un-ts'ew^ 

About the same time lived Ohow Fang,^^ y^i^Q obtained a copy of 
the ancient text, and composed ^ Miscellaneous Records of the Shang 
Shoo, in 32 Books.' 

In the next reign, and extending on to a.d. 124, we meet with a 
K'ung He,^^ the then chief of the K*ung family, in which, it is said, 
* the ancient text had been handed down from Gan-kw6, from father 
to son, without break.' 

Contemporary with He, and carrying the line on to nearly a.d. 
150, was Yang Lun,^^ who at first, like Yin Min, was a learner in the 
Gow-yang School, but afterwards addicted himself to the ancient 
text, established himself somewhere in an island on a * great marsh,' 
and gathered around him more than a thousand disciples. 

For more than half a century, the Records seem to be silent on 
the subject of Gan-kwo's ancient text and commentary. We come to 
the period of the ' After Han,' or, as it is often designated, the period 
of the ' Three Kingdoms.' In the kingdom of Wei, its first scholar 
was Wang Suh,^^ whose active life extended from a.d. 221 to 256. 
He wrote ^Discussions on the Shang Shoo,' and *a Commentary on 
the Shang Shoo of the Ancient Text,' portions of both of which were 
in the imperial library under the dynasty of Suy.^^ Suh is often 
claimed as having belonged to the school of Gan-kw6. The evidence 
for this is not conclusive. Another * ancient text,' as we shall see 
presently, had become public. But the evidence is quite suflBicient 
to show that Suh must have seen Gan-kw5's commentary, and had 
his views moulded by it. 

Connecting the ' After Han ' and the dynasty of Tsin, we have the 
name of Hwang-p'oo Meih,!^ whose researches into antiquity remain 
in the ^Chronicle of Emperors and Kings,' ^^ which everywhere 
quotes the 58 Books of Gan-kwo's ancient text. Meih, we are told, 
was guided in his studies by a cousin of the name of Leang Lew ;^^ 

12 ^ g^. The account of him foUows that of Yin Min.— ^ 1^ '^^W^>W^^ 
S 7^ IE' rE "h — J^- 13 ^ f^- See the same chapter of the ^ Jt|| Re- 

cord..- g ^ jg 1^ f, tit iit # "fr ^ :^ «^. h:^>(^. msbiography 

follows tliat of KHing He-^jg ^oJ^TJ^'^TJ^^l^^S'^^:^^ 

^. 19 See the account of Meih, in the Books of Tsin, ^ j^, ^ Zl "^ — * ^•*- 

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ncr.n.] FROM THE BURNWG OF THE BOOKS TO CHOO HE. [prolboomeka. 

and this Lew, we know from another source, possessed Gan-kw5*s 
text and commentary. The Records of Tsin are now mutilated. 
They contain no chapter on Books and Literature like those of Han 
and other dynasties, and are otherwise defective. It was not always 
so, however. K^ung Ying-tS quotes a passage, which distinctly 
traces the ancient text from the time of Wei down to Mei Tsih.^ 
*Ch4ng Ch*ung,'2i it is said, * Grand-guardian of Tsin, delivered the 
Shang Shoo in the ancient text to Soo Yu of Foo-fung;^ Soo Yu 
delivered it to Leang Lew of T'een-shwuy [this was the cousin of 
Hwang-p*oo Meih}; Leang Lew, who was styled Hung-ke,^ deliver- 
ed it to Tsang Ts'aou of Ching-yang, styled Yen-ch*e;^^ Ts^aou 
delivered it to Mei Tsih of Joo-nan, styled Chung-chin, the chief 
magistrate of Yu-chang;^^ Tsih presented it to the emperor, and an 
order was given that it should be made public. '^ 

The records of Suy confirm this, account of the coming to light 
of Gan-kwo s text, and the authoritative recognition both of it and 
his commentary. They tell us that the old tablets (or the copy of 
them) * had been preserved in the imperial library of Tsin^ but that 
there was no commentary on them ;' that ' in the time of the Easterm 
Tsin, Mei Tsih, having obtained the commentary of Gan-kwo, pre- 
sented it;' and that * thereupon the text and commentary had their 
place assigned them in the national college.'^ 

Having brought down thus far the history of Gan-kwas comment- 
ary, I must leave it for a short space^ to speak of another ancient 
text, which made its appearance in the time of the Eastern Haji, 
and gave origin to a school which flourished for several centuries. 

8. A scholar and officer^ named Too Ldn,.^ had been a fugitive*, 
having many wonderful escapes, during the usurpation of Mang. 
While wandering in Se-ehow, he discovered a portion of the Shoo 

20 See Ting-tft's loog annotation on the title of the Canon of Yaoa^ on the last page. 2t 

HP yiil. He attained the dignity of Grand-guavdmn in a.ix 254. 22 jd^ B ^^ 4|^. Be 
was styled Hew-yu (^fjt ^^\ ^nd had high rank in the period Heen-he(l^ ^), a. d. 264^265. 

tf& ^^ ^. I have not translated Sfl W^y the name of Tsih'a office.. ] apprehend that at 
coort hie was a Recorder of the Interior, an^ was sent to Yu-cliang, the present Keang-se) of 
which hia lather appears to bare heen governor. See the ^^ 1^ ^ j^. 2€ See I 

»ti:#. Seethe«ccottnt<rfhiminthe^'^g,^|J-^.;^-|--{j^. 

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on hiequered tablets in the ancient text,^ which he so much prized, 

Too Lin', lacquered Ancient Text; and *hat he gOardcd it aS his richest 

the Schoian who commented on it. treasure, and amid all his dangers 

always kept it near his person. Afterwards, when the empire was 
again settled by the first emperor of the Eastern Han, Lin became 
acquainted with Wei Wang and other scholars. Showing them his 
discovery, he said, 4n my wanderings and perils 1 have been afraid that 
this text would be lost, but now it will be cared for and transmitted 
by you, and its lessons will not fall to the ground. The ancient 
text is not, indeed, at present authorised, but I hope you will not 
repent of what you learn from me.' Wei Wang, we a^e told, set 
great store by the Books he was thus made acquainted with, and he 
composed his ^Explanations of the Meaning of the Shang Shoo,' < 
which were based on them. 

Subsequently to Wei Wang, three most eminent scholars publish- 
ed their labours upon Lin's Books. At the close of the Literary 
Chronicle of the Eastern Han, Pt. L, it is said, * Kea K^wei produced 
his " Explanations " of Lin's Books ; Ma Yung, his " Commentary ;" 
and Ch4ng Heuen his " Comments and Explanations." From this 
time the ancient text of the Shang Shoo became distinguished in 
the world.'* 

KSvei's work was soon lost. It was in three sections, was under- 
taken by order of the emperor Chang^ (a.d. 76-88), and was design- 
ed to show wherein Lin's Books agreed with or diflfered from those 
of Fuh-sftng.^ Ma Yung's work was exbting — a portion of it at 
least — in the Suy dynasty, in 11 Keuen. Heuen published more 
than one work on the Shoo. The library of Suy contained * nine 
Keuen of the Shang Shoo,' and three Keuen 5f a * Great Comment- 
ary on the Shang Shoo.'^ They must have been existhig later, for 
nearly all that we know of them is through quotations made by 
K'ung Ying-t& and Luh Tih-ming of the T'ang dynasty ; — we find 
them indeed in the Catalogues of T*ang. They are now lost, and 
have gone, with scores of other works on the Shoo, whose names 

2^ffi:ff|#^#'S^;^t?^# — #• '^'^^ " * difficulty in my mind 
about Lin*8 Books being all in one Keuen, How are we to understand that term ? 8 "m Sf^ 
'^ -^. The memoir of Wang, in the ^ '^ ^, says expressly—^ jj^ ^^"^^ 

m^^wM.f»' 6iuf«iuitiew«-|isj^^^^^. 7 tar 

28] ^ , 

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might be picked out in the Han and other chronicles, into the gulf 
of devouring time. 

The * lacquered' Books, as we learn from Ying-tS,® amounted to the 
same number as (Jan-kwo's, though they were not all the same as his. 
They were:— * The Canon of Yaou;' ^The Canon of Shun;' ^The 
Counsels of the 'Great Yu;' 'The Counsels of Kaou-yaou;' 'The 
Yih and Tseih;" The Tribute of Yu;' 'The Speech at "Kan;' 'The 
Songs of the Five Sons;' 'The Punitive Expedition of Yin ;' ' The 
Kwuh Tsoi ' The Kew Kung, in nine Boohs ; ' The Speech of T'ang ;' 
^The TeenPaou; ' The Announcement of T'ang;' 'Both possessed 
Pure Virtue ;' ' The Instructions of E ;' ' The Sze Ming ; ' The Yuen 
Mingf 'The Pwan-k&ng in 3 Books;' 'The Day of the Supplement- 
ary Sacrifice of Kaou-tsung ;' ' The Conquest of Le by the Chief of 
the West ;' ' The Viscount of Wei ;' ' The Great Speech, in 8 Books ;' 
*The Speech at Muh;' 'The Completion of the War;' 'The Great 
Plan ;' ' The Hounds of Leu ;' ' The Metal-bound Coffer ;' ' The Great 
Announcement;' 'The Announcement to K'ang;' 'The Announce- 
ment about Drunkenness ;' ' The Timber of the Tsze tree ;' ' The 
Announcement of Shaou ;' ' The Announcement about L5 ;' ' The 
Numerous Officers ;' ' Against Luxurious Ease ;' ' The Prince Shih 
*The Numerous Regions;' 'The Establishment of Government 
* The Testamentary Charge ;' ' The Announcement of King K'ang 
*The Charge to Keung;' 'The Speech at Pe;' 'The Charge to the 
Prince Win ;' ' Leu on Punbhraents ;' and ' The Speech of the Duke 

I have put in italics the Books of Too Lin which were different 
from those of Gan-kwo, amounting to thirteen. An equal number of 
Gan-kw5's were wanting, — ' The Announcement,' namely, 'of Chung 
Hwuy;' 'The T'ae KeS, in 3 Books;' 'The Charge to Yue, in 3 
Books ;' ' The Charge to the Viscount of Wei ;' ' The Charge to Chung 
ofTs'ae, 'The Officers of Chow;' 'The Keun-ch'in;' 'The Charge 
to Peih;' and 'The Keun-ya.' 

Such were the Books of Too Lin, according to Ying TS;® and on 
them Kea K'wei, Ma Yung and Oh'ing Heuen commented, accord- 
ing to the Records of Han, The authors of the Records of Suy 
repeat the latter statement, and immediately add : — * But the Books 
which they commented on, and handed down, were only 29, They 
mixed up with them, moreover, the modern text. They did not agree 

8 See his notes at the commencement of the Shoo, in-his exphinatioD of the title j^ £^. 

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with the ancient copy of K^ung Gan-kw5.'^ There is a perplexity 
here, which I do not know how to disentangle. We hardly have a 
comment remaining from this Too-lin School on any Books but 
those of Fuh-sSng ! It professed to follow an * ancient text/ and 
yet with that it mixed up Hhe modern text!' Moreover, Ying-tJt 
has preserved a portion of Ch4ng Heuen's preface to his Shoo, in 
which he professes himself to be a follower of Gan-kwo,^^ and yet 
his text and Books were different from Gan-kw6's ! I confess that 
the ^ lacquered ' Books of Too Lin are a mystery to me, and as the 
writings of Kea, Ma, and Ch4ng upon the Shoo have all perished, 
we can never arrive at satisfactory conclusions about them. I will 
venture one speculation. — Gan-kw6 tells us in his Preface, that after 
he had deciphered his 58 Books, there still remained some fragments 
of tablets, from which he could make out nothing worth preservation. 
Others may have attempted to do so, however. We know that a 
Chang Pa^^ pretended to have made out 100' Books. Now in Lew 
Hin's Catalogue, the last but one entry on the Shoo is — * Books of 
Chow, 71 peen.^ If we add to Gan-kw5 s 58 Books, the IS Too Lin, 
to which I have called attention above, we obtain the exact number 
of 71. Is it not a * concatenation accordingly,' that the lacquered 
Books were a compilation from this collection ? Whatever may be 
thought of this suggestion, it is plain to me that all which we read 
about Ch^ing Heuen and others does not affect the validity of the 
argument for the text and commentary first made public through 
Mei Tsih as the ancient text deciphered by Gan-kwo and the com- 
mentary upon it composed by him. 

9. I resume the history of Gan-kw5's text and commentary, which, 
it has been seen, were at length publicly acknowledged in the reign of 

^ ^, ^ ?1i ^ ^- ^^ '^® passage is not easy of interpretotion.— ^ ^ |^ 

J^T^T^B'*]ftf lit*' gift Ift^^^mtf'M'^i - 
il' -4^ ^ itk M IS' IS !^ 3^ ^ "^.ifa- ^® '*"^®°* "^^^ ^ *^** ^***^"» •^^•^^"» 

tne schools of the modem text, and clmms connection for himself, through Wei Wang, K'wei, and 
Ma Yung, with Gan-kwd. But all these commented on Too Lin*s Books. Wang Ming-shing 
would get out of this difficulty by referring to the account of Kea K^wei in the Becords of tho 
Eastern Han, where it is said that ' his father received the ancient text of the Shoo from T*oo 
Tun,' and that * K^wei continued to transmit his father's learning.* Thus there is record against 
record ; or it may be that K'wei, like Wei Wang, a bando ned his former studies of the Shoo, and 
addicted himself to Too Lin's Books. 11 ^ ^. See Maou's ' Wrongs uf tlie Shoo/ Cb. 

n., p. 7. 


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the first «nperor of the Eastern Tsin (a.d. 317-322). The schools 
History of G»n-kw5'i ^^ *^^ modern text had perished during the 
commenury resamed. troubles of the period A.D. 307-312 ; there were 
now in the field only those of Ch*ing Heuen and Gan-kw5, and for 
some time they had nearly an e(|ual course. The line of Tsin termi- 
nated in A.D. 420, and during 200 years which followed, the supre- 
mary of the empire was swayed by six diflferent Houses. We learn 
from the Records of Suy, that under the dynasty of Ts^e (a.d. 480- 
502), the followei-s of Chlng greatly predominated ;i that under 
those of Leang (a.d. 503-557) and Ch'in, (a.d. 558-588) ^Kungand 
Ch'ing walked together, ^ and that the same continued under Suy 
(a.d. 589-617), the school of Ch'ing waxing smaller and smaller.^ 

An interregnum of a few years ensued, till the authority of T*ang 
was acknowledged in a.d. 624, and the empire was united as it had 
not been since the times of Han. The second emperor of T^ang 
gave orders for a grand edition of the Shoo, under the superintend- 
ence of K'ung Ying-ta, assisted by the principal scholars and officers 
of the time. They adopted the commentary of Gan-kwo, and enrich- 
ed it with profuse annotations. Their work was ordered to be printed 
in the 5th year of the third emperor, a.d. 654, and appeared with 
the title of * The Correct Meaning of the Shang Shoo, by K^ung 
Ying-t& and others.'* It remains, happily, to the present day. Choo 
£-tsun gives the titles of about seventy commentaries and other 
writings upon the Shoo published from the time of Fuh-sftng to the 
T'ang dynasty, of which not one now exists but the commentary 
of Gan-kw5, and it might have disappeared like the rest, if it had 
not been embodied in the work of Ying-t&. I have indicated my 
doubts in the former section whether Confucius compiled the Books 
of the Shoo ; — it is certainly to two of his descendants that we are 
indebted for the recovery and preservation of those of them which 
are still in our possession. 

An important measure with regard to the form of the characters 
in the text was'taken in a.d. 744, by the 6th of the T^ang emperors. 
Up to that time the text had appeared in the style of the public 
courts of Han, in which Gan-kwo had represented the ancient 
* tadpole ' characters. The emperor Heaou Ming ordered a Board 
of Scholars, under the presidency of a Wei Paou,^ to substitute for 



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this the form which was current in his day, and there appeared * The 
Shang Shoo in the Modem Text,' in 13 Iceuen'^ The designation of 
this edition as * the modern text ' is unfortunate, as the student may 
be led to confound it with the Books of Fuh-s&ng.^ But from this 
time the distinction between thef ancient and the modern textd 
virtually ceased. Fuh-s&ng's Books, with the exception of his * Great 
Speech,' were all comprehended among the 58 Books of Gan-kwo, 
which had now got the field entirely to themselves. All through 
the T^ang, and on through the period of the ' Five Dynasties ' (a.d, 
908-974), no scholar doubted but that he had, through the work of 
Ying-t&, the Books which had been found more than a thousand 
years before in the wall of Confucius' house. 

The sovereignty of the dynasty of Sung dates from a.d. 975, and 
it lasted for 305 years. It was a period of great mental activity, a 
protracted Augustan age of Chinese literature. The writers of Sung 
quoted by the editors of Yung-chings Shoo amount to 110. The 
greatest name among them is that of Choo He, who was born in 
A.D. 1,130. And he is remarkable in connection with the Shoo, for 
having doubted the authenticity of the Books and commentary as- 
cribed to Gan-kwo. In the next section, I shall consider the grounds 
of his doubts. Up to his time, the authority both of Books and com- 
mentary was unchallenged. If some suspicions were entertained, it 
can hardly be said tliat they found articulate expression.* 

While many of the writings on the Shoo in the first half of this 
period have perished, there still remain sufficient to prove abund- 
antly the learning and ability which were brought to the illustration 
of the classic. There are the Works of Soo Shih,^ of Lin Che-k*e,6 

2 0# ^ M,^"^ ^ 1pJ#' + H^- « Ma Twan-Un clearly cxplaint 

the change which was thus made:-^ 'M 1^1 ^ #' ^ ^ 'f T Ot l^J #' ?L 

#43^.1 IM;2:^^-tfc- 4Seelastooteinthe§|f>(|[ 

Wb ^ ^^'^ ^liere Ch4n Tc (^ ^), of the Ming dynasty, is quoted, to the effect that Woo 
Ts'ae-laou {^L '^ •^^) anterior to Choo He, was tlie first to point out the difference between 
the style of Gan-kw6's Books and the others. 5 J^ ^, styled Tung-po (^ J^), aL 

Tsze^hcn (-^ |g), al Mei^han (^ |I(). He published ^ ^ -|- ^ ^. 6 ;^ 

^ ^1 «tyl<^ Shaou-ying (^"^ ^), and San-san (^ |J[[). His 'Collected Explanations 
of the Shang-shoo ' (fjp^ ^ ^^ ^) was in 58 heuai, I can speak of its thoroughness, having 
read and re-read it. 

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of Ch'ing Tseaou,^ of Hea Seen,® of Leu Tsoo-heen,^ and of others 
not a few. 

10, We found above that, taking together the Books of Gan-kw5, 
and 13 others which were in the catalogue of those of Too Lin, we 
had in all 71 Books of the Shoo, which were recovered nominally 
(to say the least) after the fires of Ts^in. There remain 29 Books of 
Of the Booka of the Shoo wiiich were the hundred mentioned in the Preface 
S:;" ZT^^' ^r^'t. ^.fn spoken of in the last section. 1 there 
dynaaty ? Suggested (p. 9) that portions mighthave 

been cast out or lost from the Collection of Historical Writings before 
the time of TsHn. The titles of those 29 were:— 'The Kaou Yu ;' ' The 
Le Kuh ;' ' The Le Yuh ;' ' The Punitive Expeditions of T^ang ;' f The 
Joo Kew;* *The Joo Fang;' 'The Hea Shay;' 'The E Che;' 'The 
Chin Hoo ;' ' The Ming Keu ;' ' The Tsoo How ;' ' The Yuh-ting ;' ' The 
Keen E, in 4 Books;' 'TheEChih;' 'The Chung-ting;' 'The Ho 
Tan-ke&;' 'The Tsoo-yih;' 'The Instructions of Kaou-tsung;' ' The 
Fun K'e ;' ' The Ch'aou Ming ;' ' The Kwei Ho ;' ' The Kea Ho ;' ' The 
Government of King Ching;' 'The Tseang Poo-koo;' 'The Charge 
to Suh-shin, with Presents ;' and ' The Po-koo.' 

In regard to these titles, it is to be observed, that, where they are 
not simply names of emperors or ministers, the information given 
about them in the notices of the preface is so scanty, that there are 
several of them which we cannot venture to translate. Ts'ae Ch'in, 
as quoted on p. 9, has called attention to this, saying that on the 
Books which are lost the Preface is so servile and brief that it does 
not afford us the slightest assistance. He thence draws the conclusion 
that the Preface could not be the work of Confucius. Granted ; 
but I draw a further inference, that whensoever and by whomsoever 
the Preface was made, the author could not have had those Books 
entire before him. If he had, it is inexplicable that he should not 
have told us as much about them as he has done generally of the 
others which still remain. The statement of Gan-kwo, that the 
tablets of the Preface were found with the others in the wall of 
Confucius' house, is not to be called in question. It was made there- 
fore before the burning of the Books, — and when it was made, there 

7 ^ ij^y Styled Yu-chung (^ >fl|j), and Kea-tae (^ J^). 8 g»||| styled Yaen- 

suh (^ ]^), and K*o-8han (^jj^ [Jj). Ue produced * Explanations of the Sliang Shoo (jj^ 
^ f^ V in 16 kpmn. » g |jg^ ^, styled Pili-kung ((j^ ^) and Tung-lae (^ 

^). Ills *Talking8 on the Shoo ' (^ ^) was in 35 chapters. 


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were existing of many of thep^een no more than what now exists-^ 
merely the names. 

Further, some (seven at least) of the missing Books, — ^the Heen 
£, the Kwei Ho, and the Kea Ho— had reference to freaks or pro 
digies of nature, — * extraordinary things,* of which Confucius did 
not talk.* We may assume that he would not have intrpduced such 
Books into a Canon of Historical Documents ; and I argue besides, 
that they had fallen into deserved neglect before the time of 
Ta'in. The good sense of scholars had seen their incongruity with 
the other documents of the Shoo, and they had been imperceptibly 
consigned to oblivion. Add to these considerations, that we have 
hardly a single sentence in Mencius, the Le, Seun-tsze, or any other 
writings claiming to be as old as the Chow dynasty, taken from the 
missing Books, and my conclusion is greatly strengthened, that we 
have not lost by the fires of Ts'in so much of the Shoo as is com- 
monly supposed. 

It is by no means certain that the Canon did not at one time 
contain more than the hundred Books mentioned in the Preface. 
It is to me more than probable that it did not contain the whole 
even of them, when the edict of the Ts4n emperor went forth against 
it. Of all that appeared for a time to be lost in consequence of the 
edict much the larger portion was. ultimately recovered. 

1 Ana. Vn. XX. 


From Choo He to the present day. — 

Doubts thrown on the Books peculiar to Gan-kwo's text and 
on his Commentary ; which, however, are to be received, 

1. The editors of Yung-ching's Shoo give the names of 115 
scholars of the Yuen (a.d. 1,280-1,367) and Ming (a.d. 1,368-1,644) 
dynasties, of whose labours they make use in their annotations ; and 
The many Works published on the Choo E-tsun, bringing his researches in- 
Shoo, since the time of Choo He. to the last ccntury, enumerates the titles 

of more than 350 Works upon the classic, from Choo He downwards. 

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BTOT. ni.] FROM CnOO HE TO THE PBBSENT DAY. [rnotwoumfk. 

All these Writingshavethe wholeof theShoo,orasTnuchastheirauthor8 
acknowledged to be genuine, for their subject On particular Books, 
especially the two Canons, the Tribute of Yu, and the Great Plan, 
about 200 works have been published during the same time. All 
this ^hows how the Shoo continues to liold its place in the minds of 
the Chinese. Its very difficulties seem to fascinate the scholars, 
who for the most part repeat one another sadly ; but now and then, 
we find a commentator who endeavours to shake off the trammels 
of Choo He, and to look on the ancient document with his own eyes. 
2. Choo He did not himself publish a complete commentary on 
the Shoo. He edited, indeed, a copy of the classic, containing the 
Choo He did not himself coitt. ^8 Books of Gan-kw5^ and the Preface as a 
mem on the Shoo. separate p^^^.i We have also his ' Remarks 

upon the Shoo,'^ collected and published by sonae of his disciples; 
but they are mostly confined to the Canons, the Counsels of Yu, the 
Announcement of Shaou, the Announcement about Lo^ and the 
Metal-bound Coffer. He had conae to entertain very serious doubt* 
as to the authenticity of Gan-kw6's commentary, and of the Rooks 
additional to Fuh-s&ng's; and he was painfully impressed with the 
difficulties of the text even in Fuh-sSng's Books, — its errors, trans- 
positions, and deficiencies. He shrank, therefore, from the task of 
attempting for the Shoo what he had done for the other classics, and m 
A.D. 1,199^ the year before his deaths devolved it on Ts'ae Ch'in, one 
of his favourite disciples, to make * A Collection of Comments on the 
Shoo,'^ instructing him to revive the distinction of *nK)dern text* 
and * ancient text/ and to indicate by those names the relation of 
each Book to Fuh-s&ng or to Gan-kw6. 

Ts4ie Ch'in undertook thelabour^andcompleted it in ten years. Hia 
commentary appeared in 1,210^ and at once attracted general admira* 

tion. After KHing Ying-t&'s * Correct Mean- 

The Commentary of Ts<ae. . ♦ .^ . • i ^r ^ • ^ ^ i 

mg, it was certainly the most important work 
which had been produced upon the Shoo. Nor has it been supersed- 
ed. It remains to the present day the standard of orthodoxy, and 
is universally studied throughout the empire. To give only one 
eulogium of it. — ^Ho K'eaou-sin,* of the Ming dynasty^ says : — * From 
the Han downwards, the works upon the Shoo had been many. 

1 n ^^ ^ IS^* E-tson says he had nol tees this woik (^ ^). It was, no donht, 
the text adopted hy He's disciple, Ts'ae Chin. 2 ^ ^. 3 Ts'ae says in his pre- 

ff. Seethe|gf^4|,^-^-— ,p.4. 

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But in the comments of Gan-kwo there is often much violence done 
to the text, which the amplifications of Ying-tS labour to sustain. 
Choo He had a great esteem for the views of Wang Gan-shih,^ Leu 
Tsoo-heen, Soo Shih, and Lin Che-k'e ; but the first of them errs in 
forced meanings, the second in excessive ingenuity, the third in 
summariness, and the fourth in tediousness. When the " Collected 
Comments " of Ts'ae came forth, distinguishing what Books were 
peculiar to the modern, and what to the ancient text, and what 
were common to both,, and discussing also the forged prefaces, both 
the Great one, and the Little, then the grand principles and the 
grand laws of the two emperors and the three kings were brilliantly 
displayed to the world.' The scholars of China would deem me but 
a lukewarm admirer of their model commentator. I. have often 
thought him deficient both in comprehension and discrimination, 
and prefer to him Lin Che-k^e, tedious as he is said to be. TsWs 
distinguishing merit is his style, which will often bear comparison, 
for clearness and grace, with that of Choo He himself. 

3. Choo He's doubts about the authenticity of the Books and com- 
mentary ascribed to Gan-kwo were plainly enough indicated ; but his 
expression of them was not very decided. The suspicion, once given 

out by such an authority, went on to 

The Ancient Text and Gan-kw5*s Com- tt i i xr j x v. j. 

nientary still more doubted in the Yuen, grOW. Under the Yucn dynasty, abOUt 
Ming, and present dynasties. ^^^ beginning of the Uth CCUtury, 

Woo Ch^ng published his 'Digest of Remarks on the ShangShoo.'i 
The Work, so for as it goes, is well worthy of study. Ch*ing was a 
bold thinker and a daring critic. He handled the text with a free- 
dom which I have not elsewhere seen. But his Work contains none 
of the'Books which were deciphered by Gan-kw6. He rejects also 
the * Great Speech ' which Fuh-sang gave, believing that it was not 
originally among his Books, and confines himself to the other 28, 
which he believes are all of the Shoo that we now have. 

Under the Ming dynasty, many critics followed in the wake of Woo 
Ch'ing. Kwei Yew-kwang,^ and Shih King,^ may be particularly 

6 ^ ^r- yQ» He was contemporary with Soo Shih, and, in every respect one of the 
ablest men of his day. His views were published by his son Wang Fang (^p ^p)* B*teui| 

gives the work «« J ^ ^ ^Yf' W^^^^ W^' ^^ ^*® "^ *^ ^*"' *"^ 
is unfortunately lost. 

^ 1^51 # II W- ^"^ ^*'**'"^ ^% f^^ '* variously styled,-;^ ^, ^ ^, and gg 

4\\ 2 ^ # ^> ''y''^ B W^ ^"^ H )\\ ' ^M^^ «'y^^ # ^' ^^ 

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mentioned. The former tells us that from his youth he had doubted 
*all the talk about modern text and ancient text,' and that, after- 
wards, having met with some dissertations of Woo Ch'ing, he was 
delighted with the agreement of their views, and tried to obtain the 
Work of Woo mentioned above. Disappointed in this, he published 
Fuh-s&ngs Books with his own commentary, and prefixed the dis- 
sertations of Woo.* The latter published * Discussions on and Ex- 
planations of the Shang Shoo,'^ in ten keuen. He does not appear 
to have seen Woo ChHng's Writings; but he goes beyond him 
in his animosity to the ancient text and commentary. In eight 
of his keuerij he explains Fuh-s&ng's Books ; the remaining two are 
devote to an exposure (as he thinks) of the falsehood of the ancient 
text So strongly had the views of these and other critics taken 
possession of the scholars of Ming, that in a.d. 1,643 a memorial was 
presented to the emperor Chwang-lee,^ praying that the Books 
peculiar to the ancient text might be cast out, and the subjects at 
the competitive examinations be taken only from Fuh-sSng's. The 
dynasty was in its death-throes. The poor emperor had his hands 
and head more than full with the invading Manchoos ; and while 
the empire passed from his sway, the ancient text was allowed to 
keep its place. 

Under the present djmasty, the current of opinion seems to run, 
as in the Ming, against the Books, Commentary, and Preface ascribed 
to Gan-kwo. The works of Wang Ming-shing and Keang Shing, of 
which I have made much use in my notes, speak in almost every 
page, in the most unmeasured terms, of * the false K^ung.' The ancient 
text, however, is not without its defenders. So far as the govern- 
ment is concerned, things remain as they have been since the T'ang 
dynasty. The editors of Yung-ching's Shoo do not take up the 
argument. They give prominence, indeed, in their Introduction, to 
the opinions of Choo He and his followers, but pass no judgment of 
their own ; and they use equal care in unfolding the meaning of the 
suspected portions, and of those which all acknowledge. 

4. I shall conclude this chapter on the history of the Shoo with 
an exposition of the grounds on which I cherish for myself a confi- 
dence in the authenticity of the ancient text and Gan-kwo's com- 
mentary on it, and some discussion of the principal arguments 
advanced on the other side. Minor arguments, based on the language 

4TlK.UUoofhisWorkis|i5j^|K^. ^^WWM' ^ ^ ^jl ^ 

^, A.D. 1628-1C43. 7 See Maou's Wrongs of the Shoo, Ch. I. p. 1. 


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of particular passages in the Books, have been noticed in the notes 
upon them in the body of the Work. 

[ i. ] With regard to the Commentary, — the controversy about it 
has not to a foreigner the interest or importance which it has to a 
Chinese. Suppose that it really was not the production of Gan-kwo, 
yet there it was, actually existing in the beginning of our 4th 
century. No one can tell who composed it. Mei Tsih presented it to 
the emperor Yuen, and it received the authoritative acknowledg- 
ment. Tsih did not claim it as his own. He said it was the com- 
mentary of K^ung Gan-kwo, which had been handed down from one 
scholar to another for nearly four hundred years. Once made 
public^ it ere long became the standard explanation of the classic ; 
and its authority was unchallenged for more than eight hundred 
years. We are indebted to the annotations of the T'ang scholars 
upon it for most of what we know of the views of Ma Yung, Ch'ing 
Heuen, and other commentators of the Han dynasties. Whether it 
was written by the true K'ung, or by a false K'ung, it is a work 
the value of which cannot be over-estimated. 

With regard to the Books themselves, — they are supported 
largely by the quotations from them which occur in the Analects, 
Mencius, Shih-tsze, Seun-tsze, and other Writings. I have been 
careful to point out this in the notes upon the several Books. A 
considerable portion of some of them is in this way guaranteed to 
us. The Books of the New Testament are not better attested by 
the citations from them in the works of the early Christian Fathers, 

The opponents of the authenticity explain this by asserting that 
* the false K'ung ' carefully gathered out all the passages of the Shoo 
which were anywhere quoted, and wove them, along with the other 
materials of his own devising, so as to form the present Books. But 
this is only their hypothesis, and a very clumsy and unlikely hypo- 
thesis it is. On the one hand, it makes the forger to have been a scholar 
of very great learning and research ; so much so, that we are unwill- 
ing to believe that such a man could have stooped to a fraudulent 
attempt. On the other hand, it makes peculiarities, most natural if 
we admit the Books, to be silly contrivances to avert the suspicion 
of forgery. For instance, the text of a passage in the Books and 
of the same passage as quoted by Mencius has certain verbal differ- 
ences. An easy explanation presents itself. Mencius was not 
concerned to be verbally accurate. He was sufficiently so for his 
purpose. It may even have suited him better to quote according to 


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the sense than exactly according to the letter. But the hypothesis 
of which I am speaking requires a different explanation. The * false 
K^ung * quoted from Mencius, and purposely altered his text in 
order to escape detection ! This may be said ; but it is unlikely in 
the highest degree. The Books have been subjected to the severest 
ordeal of unkindly criticism ; and to me it is incomparably easier to 
believe their authenticity than to admit the arguments advanced 
against them. 

[ii. ] ^The Books of K^ung first appeared in the time of the 
Eastern Tsin. No scholars had seen them before that time. This 
circumstance is a very strong indication of forgery.' So said Choo 
He ; and his assertions are repeated ad nauseam to the present time. 
But the history of the Books and Commentary which I gave in the 
last section furnishes a sufficient reply to them. 

There were at one time, it is admitted on nearly all hands, both 
the Books and Commentary ; — in the reign of the emperor Woo of 
the first Han. What is alleged, is that these were not the same as 
those which were made public by means of Mei Tsih. Well : — as to 
the Books. When Gan-kw6 had deciphered them, he presented 
them to the emperor, and they were placed in the imperial library.' 
There they were nearly a hundred years after, when Lew Hin made 
his catalogues. Hin's father compared their text with that of Fuh- 
s&ng's Books, and noted the differences between them. Hin himself 
endeavoured to have them made the subject of study equally with 
the smaller collection of Fuh-sSng. They continued in the imperial 
library on to the time of the Eastern Tsin. They were there when 
Mei Tsih presented both the Books and the Commentary which he 
had received from Tsang Ts'aou.. So the Records of Suy expressly 
testify. The Books received permanently the authoritative recogni- 
tion due to them, and were commanded to be studied in the national 
college, in the time of the Eastern Tsin ; but they had been lying on 
the shelves of the imperial library from the time of Gan-k\vo down- 
wards. They were not seen or not studied simply because the 
Government had not required them to be so. Next : — as to the 
Commentary. That Gan-kw6 did write a commentary on his 58 
Books is allowed, and its transmission is traced from scholar to 
scholar on into the Eastern Han. When did it perish ? There is no 
intimation that it ever did so. On the contrary, I have shown 
above, pp. 25-27, that its existence rises as a fact, here and there, 
at no great intervals of time, on the surface of the literary history 


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of the empire, till we arrive at Mei Tsih. Tsih received *The Shang 
Shoo in the ancient text ' from Tsang Ts'aou. That Shang Shoo 
comprehended both Gan-kwo's transcript of the text and his com- 
mentary. The Records of Sung are decisive on this point. 

*But/ the adverse critics persist in alleging, — *but Ch'ing 
Heuen and Ma Yung, Ch*aou K^e^ in his comments on Mencius, 
Wei Ch*aou on the Kw5 Joo,^ and Too Yu ontheTso-chuen, when they 
have to speak of any of the Books peculiar to the ancient text, call them 
" Yih Shoo'' '^ And th^ could not otherwise designate them. They 
had not seen them themselves. They do not call them " Wang 
ShoOy''^ which would mean Lost or Perished Books. All that * Yih 
Shoo ' denotes, is that the Books were lying concealed, and had no 
place among the studies in the national college.^ 

It is urged again, * But if Yin Min, K'ung He, and other scholars, 
were really in possession of Gan-kwo's Books and Commentary, why 
did they not bring them to the notice of the- court, and get them 
publicly acknowledged before the time of the eastern Tsin?' The 
argument in this question has been much pressed on me by Wang 
T*aou, of whom I have spoken in the preface. But there is little 
weight in it. We know that the attempt of Lew Hin to obtain the 
recognition both of Books and Commentary was defeated, and he 
himself obliged, in consequence of it, to retire from court. If we 
knew all the circumstances of K*ung He and other scholars and of 
their times, we should probably cease to wonder at their being con- 
tent to keep their treasures in their own possession. For every 
event there are in providence the time and the man. 

[ iii. ] * In the catalogue of Lew Hin, we have the entries : — " Of 
the Shang Shoo 2d p^een^'^ and "Of Old King 16 keuen:"^ Those 
old King were false Books of the Han times, and were distinguished 
from the true Books of the Shoo by the carefulness of the Han 
scholars.' So says Kwei Yew-kwang ; — by the strangest misreading 
of his authority. The words of the catalogue are : — ' Of the Shang 

1 See the proleg. to vol II., pp. 4-7. 2 j^ ^. Both he and Too Yu were of the 

Western Tsin. 8 j[^ ^^. 4 l^ ^^. 6 Sec Moou K*c-ling on the meaning of 

the phrase j^ ^ in lii» * Wrongs of the Shoo,' Ch. III. p. 4. 6 Wang T<aou writes :— '^ 

^" f^ # H + ^ M- "A" J^ + A #• ^"^ Yew-kwang's preface, quoted in 

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Shoo in the ancient text 46 keuen^' and * Of King 29 kexien.'^ Gan- 
kw5's Books and Fuh-s&ng's are mentioned in the order and manner 
exactly the opposite of what the critic asserts. If we were to argue 
from this (which it ^vould be absurd to do) after his fashion, we 
should say that the Han scholars indicated their confidence in the 
Books of the ancient text, and their suspicion of Fuh-sftng's. 

[iv. ] *As compared with Fuh-sSngs Books, those peculiar to 
Gan-kwo are much more easily read. The style is so difierent, 
that even a tyro is conscious of it. This circumstance is sufficient 
to awaken suspicions of the latter.* Tliis difference of the texts was 
first noticed particularly by Woo Ts*ae-laou, who said: — *In the 
additional Books of Gan-kwo, the style flows easily and the charac- 
ters have their natural significations* It is otherwise with the 
Books of Fuh-sang, which are so involved and rugged, that it is 
sometimes not possible to make them out.'® Choo He dwelt on the 
point, and insinuated the conclusion to which it should lead. He 
had probably spoken more strongly on the subject than he has 
written, for Ts*ae Ch*in expresses his opinion against the authenticity 
of Gan-kw6's Books very decidedly. * Fuh-s&ng,' says he, * reciting 
the text, and crooning it over as in the dark, yet strangely managed 
to give the difficult Books ; and Gan-kwo examining and deciding 
among his tadpole tablets, all in confusion and mutilated, only made 
out those which were easy! This is inexplicable.'^^ Woo Ch'ing 
and a hundred others follow in a similar strain. 

The difference alleged l>etween the texts must be admitted to a 
considerable extent. There are differences, however, likewise among 
the Books of Fuh-sSng. The diffieulty of reading and interpreting 
the Fwan-kang and the Announcements in the Books of Chow can- 
not be exaggerated. They have often been to myself an infandus 
dolor. The Canons, on the other hand, are much easier; and some 
of the other Books are hardly more difficult than the Books of Gan- 
kwo. Nor are his Books really easy. They only appear to be so, 
where we come to one of them, after toiling through some of the 
more contorted portions common to both texts. 


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Moreover, the style of the Books differs according to their subjects. 
The Announcements are the hardest to understand of all. The 
Charges, Speeches, and Instructions are much simpler; and the Books 
ivhich we owe to Gan-kw6 consist principally of those. Perhaps he 
did polish somewhat in his transcription of them. In making out 
his tadpole tablets, he was in the first place obliged to make use of 
Fuh-sang's Books. But for them, which had been engraved happily in 
tlie newer form of the characters at a time when the knowledge of the 
ancient form w^as still possessed, the tablets from the wall of Con- 
fucius' house might have been of little use. That Gan-kw5 did not 
servilely follow the * modern text ' we conclude from the readings of 
the schools of Gow-yang and Hea*how, different from his in many 
passages, which the industry of critics has gathered up ; but as he 
liad to learn from it to read the tablets submitted to him, we can 
understand how he would generally follow it, and take it often 
on trust, when he could not well tell what his own authority said. 
When he came, however, to new Books, which were not in Fuh- 
sang, the case was different. His aids had ceased. He had to 
make out the text for himself as he best could. I can conceive that, 
when he had managed to read the greater portion of a paragraph, 
and yet there were some stubborn characters which defied him, he 
completed it with characters of his own. That he was faithful and 
successful in the main is shown by the many passages of his Books 
that are found in other writings older than his time. But, however 
we endeavour to account for the smoother style and readier intelligi- 
bility of the portions of the Shoo which we owe to him, those char- 
acteristics of them are not, to my mind, sufficient to overthrow their 
claims on other grounds to be regarded as authentic. 

[ V. ] ' The style of Gan-kwo s own preface is not like that in 
other writings of the Western Han. It resembles more the com- 
positions of the Ts4n dynasty. The Little Preface, moreover, was 
unknown to Fuh-sSng ; and it savours of the style of the After Han.' 
Ohoo He thus expresses himself. The authenticity of the Books 
does not depend on that of either of the Prefaces ; but the great critic 
certainly fell into a glaring error in ascribing the Little Preface to 
the time of the After Han. Nearly every sentence of it is found in 
the Records of Sze-ma Ts'een, a contemporary of Gan-kwo, and who, 
no doubt, had got it from him ! Fuh-sSng, indeed, was not possessed 
of it. He may never have had it. If he did have it before the 
edict against the Shoo, the tablets of it were lost in the same way as 


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those of all the Shoo which he ever had excepting his 29 Boolcs, 
^It savours of the style of the A.fter Han/ and yet we find it in a 
Work of the First Han, composed fully 300 years before the date 
which Choo He would assign to it : — this is a striking instance of 
the little reliance that can be placed on critical judgments, even of 
the most distinguished scholars, which are based on their taste in the 
matter of style. 

As to the preface of Gan-kwo, we must pay the less attention to 
Choo He's attributing it, on the ground of its'style, to the times of 
Tsin, after finding him so egregiously mistaken in his decision on the 
same ground about the other. Lew Hin, moreover, in his remarks 
on the Shoo, prefixed to his list of the Books of it in the imperial 
library, repeats the most important statements in the Preface, and 
nearly in its very words. 

[ vi. ] * Gan-kw8 says, in his preface, that, when he had finished 
his commentary, the troubles connected with the practice of magical 
arts broke out, and he had no opportunity of getting the imperial 
sanction to his Work. Now all this must be false. We know from 
the Han Records, that the troubles referred to broke out in B.C. 91.» 
But Sze-ma Ts'een tells us that his Histories came no farther down 
than the period T'ae-ch'oo (b.c* 103-100).^^ At the conclusion of his 
account of the K'ung family, he speaks of Gan-kwo, saying, " He 
was one of the Great Scholars under the present reign, and died au 
early death, after being made guardian of Lin-hwae/'^^ It follows 
that Gan-kwo was dead before the year b.c* 100, No troubles^ 
therefore, happening ten years kiter, could affect him or any of his 
undertakings.' I do not know who first constructed this argument 
against the authenticity of Gan-kw6's preface, and, by implication, 
of his commentary; but Maou K^e-ling allows correctly that it 
displays much ingenuity. And yet there must be a flaw in it. 

That the troubles spoken of prevented the recognition of Gan- 
kwo's commentary is asserted repeatedly in the Books of Han. From 
what source soever it arose, the persuasion that it was so with 
regard to Gan-kwo and his commentary, as his preface represents, has 
prevailed from the century in whicli he died down to the present time. 
If the matter can be decided on the quod semper^ tibique^ et ah oinnibtcs 

^ '^ it ^ ^» tS ^ 7C # M # fe- 10 See the last words of Sf e^ 

Tseen's Preface, placeil at the end of his histories.—^ ^ ^ 0, ^ U ^ *^ j-^ 5f5» 

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principle, then we must acknowledge the truth of the account given 
(professedly) by Gan-kw6 of himself. 

With regard to the statement of Sze-ma Ts^een, that his histories 
were not brought down lower than B.a 100, there it is, standing out 
(in a strange way) at the end of the last chapter of his Records, which 
is a sort of epilogue to the rest. A close study of that chapter, 
however, has convinced me that be was labouring on his Records for 
years after B.C. 100, and that his terminating sentence must receive 
a different interpretation from that commonly put upon it. 

In one place, Ts^een tells us that his Records brought the history 
down from Yaou to^the year B.C. 121.^^ 

He tells us again, that it wa« after the defeat sustahied by Le Ling 
at the hands of the Huns, and when he himself endeavoured to 
appease the anger of the emperor against the unfortunate general, 
and was therefore put into prison, — that it was then that he address- 
ed himself with redoubled energy to his work of historiography. ^^ 
This date brings us to B.C. 97, three years later than the period 

Further, in the historical Records, there are various narratives and 
entries of things posterior to B.C. 100, — even narratives of things 
growing out of the magical delusions which came to a head in b.c. 
91.^* TJje statement which I have made, therefore, on p. 5, that 
Ts^een completed his Work in B.C. 96, though many of the critics so 
affirm, cannot be correct. 

The various conflicting statements in Ts^een's Preface, and the 
later entries in his Records, may be in a measure reconciled in the 
following way. — At first it was not his intention to bring his history 
farther down than B.C. 121, ia which case he would probably have done 
little more, in several divisions of the Records, than edit the materials 
collected by his father. Subsequently, he resolved to bring the 
liistory down to the period T^ae-ch^oo, which he did in his account 
of the emperor Woo. So long as he lived, moreover, he kept adding 
to his difierent memoirs, and hence we have the narrative of events 
which took place later than the year B.C. 91, when the troubles 
commenced, which prevented the imperial recognition of Gan-kwS's 

Tlie emperor Woo fancied that he hod found a K'e-lin in b.c. 121, and thereon cthanged the style 
of the period from' 7C 5^ to TCI^. W -b ^ ffif ;^ it ^ H ^1^ ^ 

*S.^*^^flft.73r(i,^fln|lc0.:zrzr- ^f-'- w »««'«>« wrong, 

of the Shoo, pp. 5, 6. 

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commentary. When he says that Gan-kwo died an early death in 
the reign of the emperor Woo, it does not follow that that event did 
not take place after the period of T'ae-ch^oo.^^ 

Whatever may be thought of this suggestion, the statements in 
the Preface are so directly and repeatedly borne out by the Records 
of the Han dynasties, that we cannot but admit their verity. 

[ vii. ] * In the preface to the Shwo Win, Heu Shin says that his 
quotations from the Shoo King were taken from K'ung's Books. 
Yet the passages adduced are all from Fuh-s&ng's 28 Books, with 
only one exception. That one is from the Charge to YuS, Pt. i., p. 
8 ; and as it is given in Mencius, the probability is that Shin took it 
from him. How is it that the lexicographer could be using Gan- 
kw5's Books, and yet we should find in his Work only one doubtful 
quotation from all the 25 which were recovered by him additional 
to those of Fuh-sSng?* I do not know who was the author of this 
difficulty; but a difficulty it certainly is. The Books of Gan-kwo 
were 58. Heu Shin says he used them, and yet he quotes only from 
the little more than one half of them which were common to the 
* modern text/ Was there a copy current in Heu Shin's time of 
Fuh-s&ng's Books according to Gan-kw6's text, i.e.^ with the difierent 
readings which he had preferred from his tablets ? This would be 
one way of solving the difficulty. There is, however, another, which 
is on the whole to be preferred. Heu Shin undertook his dictionary, 
after Kea KVei had declined the task. But in carrying through the 
work, he made constant reference to that scholar. ^^ KSvei, we have 
seen, had adopted the Books of Too Lin. They were in an * ancient 
text,' though different from that of Gan-kw5. Shin must have con- 
founded the two, and supposed that, while he was really quoting from 
Too Lin, he was quoting from Gan-kwo. The Books of Too Lin, 
though not all the same as Gan-kwS's, were the same in number. 
How, even with them before him, Shin's quotations are only from 
the same Books as Fuh-sftng's, — this still leaves the perplexity which 
I have pointed out above, in connection with the writings of Kea 
K^wei, Ma Yung, and Ch*ing Heuen. 

5, The question of the authenticity of Gan-kw6's Books and 
commentary has now been sufficiently gone into. It had occurred 

15 The year of Sce-ina Ts^n's death is disputed. It is often said to have taken place in the 
end of the emperor Woo's reign. Wang Ming-shing refers it, I think successfully, to the begin- 
ning of the next reign,— that of the emperor Ch*aou, b.c/ 85-71. See the -J- J\^ J^ |^ ||^, 
j^ — ., p. 4. 16 See Maou's Wrongs of the Shoo, Ch. YII., p. 7-9. 

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to myself long ago that a complete copy of the Shoo, as it was before 

May the Shoo complete be yet ^'^^ t^™^ ^f t^^^ ^S^H dynasty, might pOSsibly 

fouud in Japan? ]jq found in Japan. I am pleased to discover 

that the same idea has been entertained at different times by Chinese 
scholars. Very decided expression was given to it in the 11th 
century by Gow-yang Sew,^ from whom we have a song upon a 
* Knife of Japan,' which concludes with : — 

^ When Seu Fuh went across the sea, 
The books had not been burned ; 
And there the hundred p^een remain, 
As in the waste inurned. 

Strict laws forbid the sending them 
Back to our Middle Land ; 
And thus it is that no one here 
The old text has in hand.*^ 

The critics for the most part treat the idea with contempt ; and 
yet in the year 1 697, the 36th of K*ang-he, a petition was presented, 
requesting the emperor to appoint a commission to search for the 
Shang Shoo, beyond the seas.^ Japan is now partially opened. By 
and by, when its language is well known, and access is had to all its 
literary stores, this matter will be settled. 

^, styled ^ ;^. He died a.d. 1073. 2 All of the song which I have seen 

Itt ^ A ^ TIT ^- Swthe|^^^§^, p. 6. 8 See Wrongs of tht 

Shoo, Cb. L, pp. 8, 4. 

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1. The conclusion to which I came in the last Chapter was, that 
in the 58 Books which now form the textus receptus of the Shoo, we 
have so much of the classic, as it existed in the end of the Chow 
dynasty. Through Fuh-sang first, and then^through K'ung Gan- 
kwo, all this portion — a larger proportion of the whole than is 
generally supposed — was recovered within little more than a century 
of the time when the first emperor of Ts'in ordered that the books 
should be consigned to the flames, and about a century before our 
Christian era. There were no doubt mutilations and transpositions, 
as well as alterations of the ancient text, but they were not so great 
as to affect the substantial integrity of the book. In the subsequent 
transmission of the Shoo to the present day, the text has undergone 
the corruptions which are unavoidable to literary documents in 
their passage over so long a space of time ; but the errors which have 
in this way crept in are not more, nor of more importance, than 
those which it is the object of critical inquiry to eliminate from our 
most valuable documents in the West.^ There is really nothing 
seriously to shake our confidence in the eight and fifty Books of the 
Shoo which we have, as being substantially the same with those 
which were known to Seun-tsze, Mencius, Mih-tsze, Confucius him- 
self, and others. 

1 Not a few eminent Chinese crilic8 have laboured to construct an accurate text. There is a 

large mass of materials in the -^ ^ 1^ ^ §1 ^ ®' ^ 3E ^ ^ ^'^^^^^ ^ '**^® "*^* 
frequent reference ; but it would have added too much to my labour, and not have repaid the time 
to gather up the various readings throughout. 


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We come now to inquire how far the documents of the Shoo can 
wiiether the documents of the be relied OH as genuine narratives of the 
Shoo are reliable or not. evcuts which;they profcss to relate. And 

it may be said at once, in reference to the greater number of them, 
that there is no reasonable ground on which to call them in question. 
Allowance must be made, indeed,'for the colouring with which the 
founders of one dynasty set forth the misdeeds of the closing reigns 
of that which they were superseding. I have pointed out, moreover, 
in the not^ on ^ The Counsels of the Great Yu,' how the failures of a 
favourite hero may be glossed over, and actual defeat represented as 
glorious triumph. But the documents of the Shoo are better en- 
titled, I conceive, to credit than the memorials which are published 
at the present time in the Peking Gazette. 

The more recent they are, the more of course are they to be relied 
on. The Books of Chow were contemporaneous with the events 
which they describe, and became public property not long after their 
composition. Provision was made, we have seen, by the statutes 
of Chow, for the preservation of the monuments of previous dyn- 
asties. But those monuments were at no time very numerous, and 
they could not but be injured, and were not unlikely to be corrupt- 
ed, in passing from one dynasty to another. From the time of T'ang, 
the Successful, however, commonly placed in the 18th century before 
Christ, we seem to be able to tread the field of history with a some- 
what confident step. 

2. Beyond the time of T'ang we cannot be so sure of our way. 
Our information is comparatively scanty. It has in itself less of 

The oldest documents are not to be Verisimilitude. Legend and narrative 
reUed on so much as the others. are confuscdly mixed together. This is 

more especially apparent in the first and second Parts of the Work. 
[ i. ] * The Book of T'ang,' known as * The Canon of Yaou,* and 
all but one portion (which, indeed, must be classed with the others), 
of * The Books of Yu ' are, professedly, the compilations of a later 
time. They all commence with the words which I have translated 

— * On examining into antiquity, we find,' . If the construction 

of the paragraphs, which has been generally preferred since the 
time of Choo He, be adopted, the point on which I am insisting is 
equally prominent. We should then have to render. — 'AVhen we 
make a study of the ancient emperor Yaou, the ancient emperor 

Shun, the ancient Yu, the ancient Kaou-yaou, we find,' . On 

either version the chronicler separates himself from his subject. He 

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writes from a modem standpoint. Yaou, Shun, Yu, and Eaou-yaou 
are in the distant vistas of antiquity. 

In my notes on the first paragraph of the Canon of Yaou, I have 
pointed out the absurdity of the interpretations which the scholars 
of Han — (jran-kw6, Ma Yung, and Ch'ing Heuen — ^gave of the words 
in question. Possibly, they had some idea of avoiding the conclusion 
to which the natural reading of them would lead, and therefore put 
upon them the forced meanings which they did. Morrison would 
infer from the first character,^ that * a considerable part of the Shoo 
is merely tradition ;' but the character is itself uncertain, and, even 
if it were not so, no inference from it can be extended beyond the 
document to which it belongs. The scholars of the Sung and more 
recent dynasties seem never to have been struck with the uncertainty 
which either of the admissible interpretations attaches to the whole 
contents of the first two Parts of the classic. Their critical taste 
and ability made them reject the strained constructions of earlier 
times, but it never occurred to them to say to themselves, — ' Well ; 
but doing this, and taking the language as it ought to be taken, we 
cannot claim the authority for the records concerning Yaou, Shun, 
and Yu, which we are accustomed to do. Who compiled the Canons 
and the Counsels? When did he or they live? Are we not sapping 
the foundation of some of the commonly received accounts of the 
most early period of our national history ? ' Reflections like these 
do not appear to have occurred to any of the Chinese critics ; but 
1 submit it to my readers, whether they might not have justly 
done so. 

At the same time, it is to be admitted, that the compiler of these 
Parts was possessed pf documents more ancient than his own time, — 
documents which had probably come down from the age of Yaou 
and Shun. There are three things which to my mind render this 
admission necessary. First, there are the titles of thehigh officersabout 
the courts of the two emperors, which we do not meet at a later age. 
The principal personage, for instance, was styled * The Four Moun- 
tains;* next to him was *The General Regulator;' and the minister 
of Religion was *The Arranger of the Ancestral Temple.' The 
peculiarity of these designations indicates that the compiler had 
received them from tradition or from written records (which is 
more likely), and that they were not invented by himself. Second, 
the style of these Parts is distinguished, in several paragraphs, from 

1 Q ^ j^ '^. 2 ^, See tbe preface to bit dictionary, p. viii. 

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that of the Books of Hea, Shang and Chow. The exclamatious^ 
^ Alas!' ^ Ah !' and * Oh !' in particular, are expressed by characters 
which we do not find elsewhere used in the same way.^ Third, the 
directions of Yaou to his astronomers, to determine the equinoxes 
and solstices by reference to the stars culminating at those seasons, 
could not be the inventions of a later age. The equinoxes were then 
in Taurus (Pleiades) and Scorpio, and the solstices in Leo and 
Aquarius. We shall find in the next chapter how these statements 
have been employed to ascertain the era of Yaou. No compiler, 
ignorant of the precession of the equinoxes, which was not known 
in China till long after the Christian era, could have framed thera 
with such an adjustment to the time of which he was writing. 

The two circumstances which I have pointed out in this paragraph 
may seem to conflict with each other. In the first place, the com- 
pilation of the Books of the first and second Parts of the Shoo, at a 
date long subsequent to that of which they treat, is calculated to 
lessen our confidence in them ; while the admission, again, of ancient 
documents among their contents may be thought to establish their 
authority sutficiently. It is my duty, however, to call attention to 
both the points. They lie equally upon the face of the Books. It 
may be impossible to separate what is old from what is more recent, 
— to distinguish what the compilers added of their own from what 
was universally received before their time. Perhaps no two critics 
who make the atteinpt will come to identical conclusions. For my 
own part, I have no hesitation in adjudging the first two paragraphs 
in the Canon of Yaou to the compiler, and generall}' all the narra- 
tive portions in the other Books. I think, likewise, that I can trace 
his hand in various expressions throughout, which make us think of 
the dominion of the chieftains Yaou and Shun according to our 
impressions of the empire when it had been consolidated and extend- 
ed, many hundreds of years subsequent to them. 

[ii. ] The references to Yaou and Shun in the succeeding Parts 

of tlie Shoo are so very scanty as to excite our surprise, and induce 

^ ^, ^ the idea that it was not till the time of 

Yaou and Shun do not appear as ^ r\i •» ^ • t % 

the sage-heroes of history tiu the the Chow dynasty that they obtamcd the 

time of the Cliow dynasty. • . i • , i i i • ^ 

promment place in the early history of 
the empire which is now assigned to them. 

In the Books of Hea, Shun is not mentioned at all, and Yaou is 
mentioned only once. In the third of the ' Songs of the Five Sons,' 

8 CousuU P^, ^, and |^ in Index UL 

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he appears as ' the prince of T^aou and T'ang, who possessed the 
country of K'e.' In that description of him we hear the voice of the 
most early tradition. Yaou is not yet the emperor ruling over ' ten 
thousand States/ but a prince or chieftain, having his seat north of 
the Yellow River, and ruling over the land of K^e. We may doubt 
whether his authority extended over all the territory subsequently 
known as K*e-chow ; but it had not yet reached south of the Ho, 
and hardly west of it, where it divides the present provinces of 
Shen-se and Shan-se. 

In the Books of Shang, Yaou and Shun are mentioned once, where 
the language is magniloquent enough ; but it is so vague that we 
can learn nothing from it as to their original position. In the 
Charge to Yue, (Part, iii., par. 10) E Yin is introduced as having 
said, ' If I cannot make my sovereign like Yaou and Shun, I shall 
feel ashamed in my heart as if 1 were beaten in the market place.' 
We are then told that Yin, fired with this ambition, so dealt with 
T^ang the Successful, that he became equal to Great Heaven. By 
this time Yaou and Shun.had become mythical personages, embody- 
ing the ideal of a perfect sovereign. 

We come to the Books of Chow, and in them we have two refer- 
ences to the ancient heroes. The one is in 'The Officers of Chow,* 
where Yaou is spoken of under the dynastic name of T'ang, and 
Shun under that of Yu, and the small number of their officers is con- 
trasted with the multitude of those of Heaand Shang.* The second 
is in 'The Prince of Leu on Punishments,' Ch. II. The passage is 
very confused ; and some critics think that it speaks only of Yaou, 
while others (with whom I agree) hold that Shun is the subject of 
it. The traditions of his time (or, it may be, the accounts of them 
in the Canons) are blended with those of a still earlier date, and we 
see, as through a mist, the beginnings of the empire, as Shun lays 
its foundations, now by martial prowess beating down barbarian 
wickedness, now by humility and benevolence, with the assistance 
of his chiefs, conciliating the affections of the people. 

The above are all the places in the Books of Hea, Shang, and 
Chow, where Yaou and Shun are referred to. The first of them 
gives us a simple reminiscence, separated by less than half a century 
from the year assigned to the death of Shun ; and it is very instruc- 
tive as to the real position which Yaou occupied. From the second 
we learn nothing valuable ; but we find the men growing into larger 

4 See Bk. «.. p. 8.-0 J^ ^ -j^, ^ ^ -It l". 

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dimensions, as the distance through which they are looked back 
to lengthens. In the third 4heir original sinallness is indicated, 
though they are said to have secured the repose of the * ten thou- 
sand States.' The fourth is more suggestive, but we know not how 
to reconcile it with the statements in the Canons of the two first 
Parts. T^ang is silent about Yaou and Shun, when he is vindicating 
his overthrow of the Hea dynasty. Woo, in the same way, has no- 
thing t^ say about them, when he would justify his superseding of the 
dynasty of Shang. Above all, the duke of Chow, the real establisher 
of the dynasty of Chow, and the model of Confucius, amid all his 
appeals to ancient precedents in support of the policy of his House, 
never mentions them. When we turn to the She King, the book of 
ancient songs and ballads, no Yaou and Shun are there. It is nearly 
all, indeed, of the dynasty of Chow, and celebrates the praises of 
king W&n and his ancestors ; but it is impossible not to be surprised 
that no inspiration ever fell upon the * makers ' from the chiefs of 
K'e. They are mentioned once in the Yih King, but it is in the 
appendix to that Work, which is ascribed to Confucius, and the au- 
thenticity of which is much disputed. 

Taking all these things into consideration, — the little that is said 
about Yaou and Shun in the later Parts of the Shoo itself, and the 
nature of that little ; the absolute silence in reference to them of the 
She; and the one doubtful mention of them in the Yih, — I am brought 
to the conclusion, that the compilation of the first two Parts was not 
made till some time after the commencement of the Chow dynasty. 
Certain it is, that, during this dynasty, Yaou and Shun received a 
prominence which they did not previously possess. Confucius in 
particular adopted them as his favourite heroes, and endowed them 
with all the virtues, which should render them models to sove- 
reigns in all time. Mencius entered into the spirit of his master, 
and, according to the bolder character of his own mind, pushed 
the celebration of them farther, and made them models for all man- 
kind. Then, for the first time, under the hands of these two 
philosophers, they took their place as the greatest of sages. To the 
compiler, probably, they owed their designation of *te,'^ emperor or 
vicegerent of God, as well as all those descriptions which aid the 
natural illusion of the mind, and set them before us as ruling over 
a territory equal to that of the kings of Chow, 

3. The accounts of Yaou and Shun, and especially of the connec- 


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tion between them, are so evidently legendary that it seems strange 

The accounts of Yaou aud Shun *^^^ ^^7 ^^^ ^^ ^^^P^ ^^^^ ^ materials 

are eridentiy legendary. f^^ histoiy. When Yaou has been on 

the throne for seventy years, finding the cares of government too 
great for him, he proposes to resign in favour of his principal min- 
ister, the * Four Mountains.' That worthy declares his virtue un- 
equal to the office. Yaou then asks him whom he can recommend for 
it ; be the worthiest individual a noble or a poor man, he will appoint 
him to the dignity. This brings Shun upon the stage. All the 
officers about the court can recommend him, — * Shun of Yu,* an 
unmarried man among the lower people.' His father, a blind man, 
was abo obstinately unprincipled: his mother was insincere: his 
brother was arrogant ; and yet Shun had been able by his filial piety 
to live harmoniously with them, and to bring them to a considerable 
measure of self-government and good conduct. Yaou was delighted. 
He had himself heard something of Shun. He resolved to give him 
a preliminary trial. And a strange trial it was. He gave him his 
own two daughters in marriage, and declared that he would test 
his fitness for the throne by seeing his behaviour with his two 

We are to suppose that Shun stood this test to which he Was 
subjected. We find him next appointed to be * General Regulator,' 
the functions of which office he discharged so successfully, that, after 
three years, Yaou insisted on his consenting to accept the succession 
to the throne. They then reigned together for about a quarter of 
a century, till the death of Yaou, who enjoyed the superior dignity, 
while Shun took all the toils of government 

To the above incidents there are other two to be added from the 
Shoo. Yaou was not childless. He had at least one son, mentioned 
as Choo of Tan ; but the father did not feel justified in transmitting 
the empire to him, in consequence of the un worthiness of his character, 
so much did concern for the public weal transcend Yaou's regard 
for the distinction of his own family. In regard to Shun, he 
appears in one place as a farmer, during the early period of his life, 
in the neighbourhood of mount Leih, which was not far from 
Yaou's capital. 

1 Jft ^S* Bnnsen, calling theie charactert Yii-ahin, supposes that the J^ >« ^ » the name of 
To the Great, and says that they are < simply a mythical combination of Tft ( |& ) and Sliin (^£x 
in order to connect the great deliverer [that is, Yn the Great] with the two old emperors, Taou and 
Shin.' This is an instance of the errors into which the subtlest reasoners are liable to fall, when 
t^y write * without book.' See ' Egypt's Place in Universal Uistory/ vol. UL, p. 399. 

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In Sze-raa Ts'een and Mencius these scanty notices are largely 
added to.^ We have Shun not only as a farmer, but also as a fisher- 
man, and a potter. His insincere' mother is his step-mother, and 
his * arrogant ' brother but a half-brother. Yaou has nine sons, who 
are sent with his two daughters, and a host of officers, to serve Shun 
amid the channeled fields. Even after this, his wicked relatives 
continue to plot against his life ; and on one occasion, when they 
thought they had accomplished their object, the bad brother, after 
saying that his parents might have the sheep and oxen, storehouses 
and granaries, proceeds to Shun's house to appropriate his shield and 
spear, his bow and lute, and his two wives to himself, when lo 1 
there is Shun sitting calmly on a couch, and playing on his lute ! 

There are other incongruities. Shun's appearing in the Shoo at 
first merely as a private man was, according to Ts^een, simply 
through the reduced circumstances of his family. He proves him to 
have been of the blood royal, and traces his descent from Hwang-te, 
or the Yellow emperor. But Yaou was also descended from Hwang- 
te ; and thus Shun is made to marry his own cousins, — a heinous 
crime in Chinese law, and also in the eyes of Chinese moralists. My 
readers will probably agree with me that we ought not to speak of 
the hutory of Yaou and Shun, but of legendary tales which we have 
about them. 

4. Passing on from the connection between Yaou and Shun to 
that which Yu had with each of them, until he finally succeeded to the 

latter, we find much that is of the same 

The accounts of the connection of _ _ , , 

Yu with Yaou and Shun are of the character. Yaou, m what year of his 

same legendary character. • i . i 111 

reign we do not know, appears suddenly 
startled with the ravages of an inundation. The waters were em- 
bracing the mountains, and overtopping the hills, and threatening 
the heavens with their surging fury. Was there a capable man to 
whom he could assign the correction of the calamity ? All the nobles 
recommend one KSvSn, to whom Yaou, against his own better judg- 
ment, delegates the difficult task ; and for nine years K'w&n labours, 
and the work is still unperformed. 

For his want of success, and perhaps for other reasons, KSv&n was 
put to death ; and Yu, who was his son, entered into his labours.^ 

2 See the ^ pg, ^ — », pp. 6, 7 ; and Mencius, V. Pt. i. ch. II., et al. 

1 The subject of the connection between K^wftn and Yu, and between their labours, is invested 
to me with a good deal of difficulty. It is the universal belief of the Chinese that Yu was the 
son of K'wftn. The Shoo does not tell us so. The language of * The Great rlan,' p. 8, does not 

necessarily imply the fact. Szc-ma TB*een, Ch. II,, p. 1, however, afllrms it ( ^ ^jL Jfrr ^l 

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We have nothing definite in the Shoo about the year, or the manner 
of Yu's designation to the work. Some time after the death of 
Yaou, when Yu is superintendent of Works, Shun compliments him 
on the success with which he had regulated the water and the land, 
and appoints him to be ' General Regulator ' under him, as he himself 
had formerly been under Yaou. The measures of Yu in remedying 
the disasters of the inundation are detailed at length in the first of 
the Books of Hea, which I shall consider in the sequel. His 
appointment to be * General Regulator ' may be considered as pre- 
liminary to his being called to occupy the throne. The Shoo does 
not tell us that Shun had a son ; but Mencius assumes that such was 
the case, and that the son was weak or worthless like Choo of Tan, 
so that the example of Yaou had again to be copied. Three and 
thirty years after the death of that sovereign. Shun tells Yu that 
the laborious duties of the government wearied him, being now 
between ninety and a hundred years old, and summons him to 
take the leadership of the people. Yu declined the dignity again 
and again, till Shun waxed peremptory. They then reigned together 
for about fifteen years, when Shun died, and Yu was left in sole 
possession of the empire. 

This tale of Yu s accession to the throne is not so marvellous as 
the story of Shun. It is sufficiently so, however, to bear out what 
1 have suggested of there being a legendary element in it. We 
cannot but be struck with the way in which the more salient points 
of the previous narrative re-appear. The empire to the worthiest ; 
the common weal before private and family advantage : — these are 
the lessons for the enforcement of which the accounts of Yaou, 
Shun, and Yu, in their relations to one another, were framed to the 
fashion in which they have descended to us. 

5. Yu the Great was the founder of the dynasty of Hea. The 
throne descended in his line, for a period of about four centuries 

Yu is the first historical ^^^ * ^^^^' ^his fact Sufficiently distinguishes 
ruler of China, ijjn^ from Yaou and Shun, and indicates the 

point of time when the tribe or tribes of the Chinese people passed 

is^so very strong in support of it (:g^^^|§^*^ffij5j|^^ 

■^ ^ ). Notwithstanding these testimonies, I still query the point in my own mind. We hare 
no certain data as to when Yu entered on his labours. The statements of Mendus, Bk. III., Pt. 
i, iv. 7, ascribe his appointment to Shun, while Yaou was still alive; and the notice in 'The 
Great Plan,' makes it* subsequent to K'wftn's death. The language there should, probably, make 

us take the most emphatic meaning given to the term ^^, applied, iu the Canon of Shun, and in 
Mendus, to Shuu's dealing with K'wftu. 


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from the rule of petty chiefs, and began to assume the form of a 
ndtion subject to a sovereign sway. In the time of Mencius there 
were some who found in the fact merely an evidence of the inferi- 
ority of Yu in virtue to the more ancient heroes. ^ He made the 
empire/ it was said, ^ a family property, instead of transmitting it, as 
they did, to the worthiest.' Mencius of course had his reply. It 
was not Yaou who gave the empire to Shun, but Heaven, of whose 
providence Yaou was only the instrument So in the case of Shun 
and Yu. Shun assisted Yaou in the government 28 years, and Yu 
assisted Shun 17 years. Yih, Yu's prime minister, however, only 
assisted him 7 years. Then, moreover, the sons of Yaou and Shun 
were both bad, while K^e, the son of Yu, was a man of talents and 
virtue. These differences or contrasts in the situations were all 
equally from Heaven ; which thus brought it about that the people 
would have K'e to reign over them, and not Yih. Mencius winds up 
his argument with a dictum of Confucius : — ' T'ang [Yaou] and Yu 
[Shun] resigned the throne to their worthy ministers. The sovereign 
of Hea [Yu] and the sovereigns of Yin and Chow transmitted it to 
their sons. The principle of righteousness was the same in all the 
cases.' ^ 

Confucius and Mencius were obliged to resort to this reasoning 
by the scheme which they had adopted of the ancient history of their 
country ; but they explicitly affirm the fact to which I am calling 
attention, — that the empire, such as it then was, first became here- 
ditary in the family of Yu. This fact constitutes him a historical 
personage, and requires that we consider him as the first sovereign 
of the Chinese nation. 

6. Bunsen says : — * Yu the Great is as much an historical king 
as Charlemagne ; and the imperial tribute-roll of his reign in the 
Shu-king is a contemporary and public document just as certainly as 
are the capitularies of the king of the Franks.'^ That Yu is an his- 
torical king is freely admitted ; but that the tribute-roll of his reign 
which we have in the Shoo-king was made by him, or is to be accepted 
as a genuine record of his labours, must be as freely denied. 

What Bunsen calls the tribute-roll of Yu's reign is always edited 
as the first of the Books of Hea, which form in this volune the 

The aoconnt of Yu's labours in the *^^^^ P^^* ^^ *^^ Shoo. But all which 

Shoo cHunot be received as history. it details took placc, or is imagined to 
have taken place, before the death of Yaou, not only before Yu 

1 Mencius, v., Pt. L, Chh. T^ Ti. 

1 Place of Egypt in Unirersal History, vol. in^ p. BW. 


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occupied the throne, but when there was no prospect of his ever 
doing so. The Book belongs to the period of Yaou and Shun, and 
appears out of its chronological order. Its proper position would be 
in the first Part; and it must share in the general uncertainty which 
I have shown to belong to the documents of the oldest portions of 
the classic. 

In my notes upon the Book, p. 93, I have said that the name, — 
* The Tribute of Yu ' — conveys a very inadequate idea of its contents. 
It describes generally the labours of Yu in remedying the disasters 
occasioned by the inundation referred to above, in paragraph 4, as 
startling Yaou, and his subsequent measures in dividing the land 
which he had rescued from the waters, and determining and appor- 
tioning the revenues to be paid by its different provinces. 

To enable us to judge of the credibility of Yus laboui-s, we must 
firat get before our minds some definite idea of the state of the 
country when he entered upon them. Mencius thus describes it, 
giving the picture which he drew to himself from the records of the 
Shoo: — 'In the time of Yaou, when the empire had not yet been 
reduced to order, the vast waters, flowing out of their channels, made 
a univei'sal inundation. Vegetation was luxuriant, and birds and 
beasts swarmed. Grain could not be grown. The birds and beasts 
pressed upon men. The paths marked by the feet of beasts and 
prints of birds crossed one another throughout the Middle Kingdom, 

Yu separated the nine different branches of the Ho, cleared the 

courses of the Tse and T'&, and led them to the sea. He opened a 
vent for the Joo and Han, regulated the course of the Hwae and Sze, 
and led them all to the Keang. When this was done, it was possible 
for the people of the Middle Kingdom to get food for themselves.'^ 
This may seem a sufficiently frightful picture ; but it is sketched with 
colours all too light. Such was the overflow of the waters of the 
Ho, that Yaou spoke of them, from the point of view in his capital, 
as embracing the mountains, overtoi)ping the hills, and threatening 
the heavens. As they proceeded on their eastern course, they 
separated into a multitude of streams, and formed a delta of part 
of the present provinces of Ohih-le and Shan-tung, where the people 
were shut up on the elevated grounds. The waters of the Keang 
required regulating nearly as much. All the affluents of these two 
mighty rivers, and whatever other streams, like the Hwae, lay between 
them, were in similar disorder. The mountains where the rivers 

2 Mcncius, Bk. Ill^ Pt, L iv. 7. 


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had their rise, and the chains of which directed their courses, were 
shaggy with forests, that rose from the marsliy jungles which grew 
around tl)ein. If we suppose that when North America began to 
be colonized from Europe, its rivers, from the St. Lawrence south- 
wards, had all been wildly and destructively flowing abroad, its rolling 
prairies slimy fens, and its forests pathless, we shall have an unexag- 
geratcd idea of what China was, according to the Shoo, in the days 
of Yu. 

Into such a scene of desolation Yu went forth. From beyond the 
western bounds of the present China proper he is represented as 
tracking the great rivers, here burning the woods, hewing the rocks, 
and cutting through the mountains which obstructed their progress, 
and there deepening their channels, until their waters are brought 
to flow peacefully into the eastern sea. He forms lakes, and raises 
mighty embankments, until at length ^ the grounds along the waters 
were everywhere made habitable ; the hills were cleared of their 
supei*fluous wood ; the sources of the streams were cleared ; the 
marshes were well banked ; and access to the capital was secured for 
all witiiin the four seas. A great order was effected in the six maga- 
zines of waterial tvealth; the different parts of the country were 
subjected to an exact comparison, so that contribution of revenue 
could be carefull)'' adjusted according to their resources. The fields 
were all classified Avith reference to the three characters of the soil; 
and the revenues for the Middle Kingdom were established.' 

The Shoo does not say what length of time was required to com- 
plete so great an achievement; but we can gather from it that it did 
not extend over very many years. It was tin fait accompli heior^ the 
death of Yaou. KSvJin had laboured upon the flooded country for 
nine years without success; and though it is not expressly said that 
Yu's appointment was made by Shun after he became co-emperor 
with Yaou, the presumption is that it was so, — a presumption which 
might be declared a certainty if Ave could put confidence in the state- 
ments of Mencius. Mencius adds that Yu was eight years away 
from his home while going backwards and forwards on the work.3 
Sze-ma Ts'een allows Yu thirteen years to put his curb upon the 
floods; while Ma Yung thought that in three years eight of the 
provinces were so rectified, that Yaou considered the whole work as 
good as done, and resigned the administration to Shun.'* 

3 See a portion omitted in the quotation from Mencius above. i See the concluding note 

on p. 150. 

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I have been careful to point out in my notes the indications which 
we have that Yu was not left single-handed in the enterprise. He 
had Yih with liim to help to open up the woods with fire. He had 
Tseih to show the people liow to cultivate the ground as it Avas re- 
claimed from the waters and the jungles. But if we allow that all 
the resources of the empire (so to speak) were at his disposal, the 
work which he is said to have accomplished far exceeds all limits of 

I am glad to be sustained in this opinion by the judgment of the 
late Edwaixl Biot the younger, and will here introduce some sen- 
tences from an able article by him in the 'Journal Asiatique' for 
August and September, 1842. He says: — 'The Yellow river, after 
its entrance into China, has a further course of 560 leagues; the 
K'eang, taken only from the great lake of Iloo-kwang visited by Yu, 
has a course of nearly 250 leagues; the Hnn, from its source to its 
junction with the Keang, is 150 leagues long. These three rivers 
present a total length of nearly 1,000 leagues; and adding the other 
rivers [on which Yu laboured], we must extend the 1,000 to 1,500. 

Chinese antiquity has produced one monument of immense 

labour, — the great wall, which extends over nenrly 300 lengues ; but 
the achievement of this gigantic monument required a great nunibe? 
of years. It was commenced in pieces, in the ancient States of Ts'in, 
Chaou, and Yen, and was then repaired and lengthened by the first 
emperor of the Ts'in dynasty. Now such a structure, in masonry, is 
much easier to make than the embankment of enormous streams along 
an extent of 1,200 or 1,500 leagues. We know, in eflfiect, how much 
trouble and time are required to bring such works to perfect solidity. 
We can judge of it from the repeated overflowings of the Rhone, 
and the lower Rhone is not a fourth of the size of the Ho and the 
Keang in the lower part of their course. If we are to believe the 
commentatoi's, Yu will become a supernatural being, avIio couhl lead 
the immense rivers of China as if he had been eno:a;;ed in re^fulatin^: 
the course of feeble streamlets.'^ 

These illustrations of Biot are sufficiently conclusive. 1 may put 
the matter before the reader by one of a different character. I 
have represented the condition of the surface of China when Yu 

5 See tlie number of the 'Journal Asintiqiie' referred to, pp. IGO, 1A2. Most of this cliaptcr 
▼as written before I had an opportunity of Feeing it. A sinologue of very extensive research 
calling in question, in conversation, the views which I told him 1 was going to propound about the 
Yh Knnff^ I was led to make another effort (having made several fniitless ones) to ohrnin \\\ 
Hongkong a copy of the Monmal Asiatique/ that I might find what were Blot's vi«»M .* aiwl wtis 
fortunate enough, aoioug a heap of odd numbers, to discover what I wanted. 


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entered on his labours by supposing the regions of North America, 
from the St. Lawrence southwards, to have been found in similar 
disorder and desolation by the early colonists from Europe in the 
seventeenth century. Those colonists had not the difficulties to 
cope with which confronted Yu ; but we know how slowly they 
pushed their way into the country. Gradually growing in numbers, 
receiving constant accessions from Europe, increasing to a great 
nation, inferior to no other in the world for intelligence and enter- 
prise, in more than two centuries they have not brought their 
territory more extensively into cultivation and order than Yu did tlie 
inundated regions of China in the space of less than twenty years 1 

The empire, as it appears in * The Tribute of Yu,' consisted of 

nine provinces. On the north and west its boundaries were much 

_ , the same as those of China Proper at tlie 

Tiie empire was not so larpre, nor so r\ \ • 

organized, in Yu's time aa it is repre- present day. On the cast it extended 

seiited. i •/ 

to the sea, and even, according to many, 
across it, so as t# embrace the territory of Corea. Its limits on the 
south are not very well defined. It certainly did not reach beyond 
the range of mountains wliich run along the north of Kwang-tung 
province, stretching into Kwang-se on the west and Fuh-keen on the 
east. Even though we do not reckon those three provinces in 
Yaou's dominion, there still remains an immense empire, about three 
times as large as France, which we are to suppose was ruled over by 
him, the chief of K'e, and the different regions of which sent their 
apportioned contributions of grain, and other articles of tribute, to 
his capital year by year. 

But besides this division of the empire, the Book gives us another 
into five domains, by which it extended 2,500 le from the capital on 
every side, the whole thus constituting a square of 5,000 le. We 
have Yu's own declaration of his services in completing those domains, 
and in organizing the regions beyond, as far as the borders of the 
four seas, and placing them under the government of four presi- 
dents.^ It is impossible for us to put credit in this representation. 
The five domains cannot be put down on the territory of China, 
ancient or modern. I have shown in my notes, pp. 148, 149, the 
difficulties which attend the account that we have of them. With 
reference to a similar but more minute arrangement of domains 
given in * The Rites of Chow,' Biot says that ' it is evident that these 
symmetrical divisions have nothing of reality.'^ There is not the 

6 See the < ITili and Tseih/ par. 4. 7 Le Tcheou-ll, tome II., p. 169. 


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same difficulty with the division into nine provinces. Their moun- 
tains and rivers are, in the main, the same which have existed since 
the earth received its present form, and which will continue to the 
end of the world. The difficulty is in believing that Yu dealt Avith 
them as he is said to have done, and that there was in his time an 
empire exercising sway over such an extent of the country. As we 
must deny, however, the division into domains, for the making of 
which we have what purport to be Yu's own words, and which 
occupies six paragraphs in * The Tribute of Yu,' it may be deemed 
less presumptuous to question the division into nine regions, which 
it is nowhere expressly said in the Shoo that he made, — to question 
it as not having been in existence at all in his time. 

The accounts which we have of the empire subsequent to.Yu for- 
bid us to allow that it had attained in his day so great a development. 
The third sovereign of the Hea dynasty, T*ae-k*ang, grandson of 
Yu, having crossed the Ho on a hunting expedition, found his return 
obstructed by the chief of K^ung, and was never able to regain his 
throne. His five brothers had gone with their mother, and were 
waiting for his return on the banks of the L5, when they heard of 
the movement against his authority. They then poured out their 
sorrow in songs, which are given in the Shoo. One of them refers to 
Yu as *The sovereign of the myriad States!' wliile another speaks 
of Yaou, * the prince of T*aou and T^ang, who possessed this country 
of K*e,' — * this country,' which was then held by the representatives 
of Yu. Nearly a hundred years elapse<l, after the expulsion of T^ae- 
k*ang, before the House of Hea regained sure possession of the 
throne. This was done, B.C. 2,078, by Shaou-k*ang, whom we find 
lurking about, not far from the old capital of Yaou, for nearly the 
first forty years of his life, now herding the cattle of one chief, and 
anon acting as cook in the establishment of another, who discovers 
his worthiness, and gives him his two daughters in marriage. All 
these events transpire, we may say, on the banks of the Ho, and 
there is no indication of the country elsewhere being interested in 
them. It is believed that Yu died at Hwuy-k'e in the present 
ChS-keang; but it was not till the last year of Shaou-k*ang that any 
chief was appointed in that part of the country in the name of the 
reigning House. 

When we come to the dynasty of Shang, B.C. 1,765-1,122, w^e 
find it difficult to admit that even then there was a China at all 
equal to that which Yu is said to have ruled over. The Shoo tells 

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US of its founder T^ang the Successful ; and in hira and Kee, the last 
sovereign of the line of Yu, we seem merely to have the chief of 
Shang warring with the chief of Hea, It next gives us some notices of 
the minority of T'ae-kea, T'ang s successor ; and then there is a blank 
in the history for three hundred years. When the field is occupied 
again, Ave meet with Pwan-k&ng, the 17th sovereign, in great trouble, 
engaged in transferring his capital from the north of the Ho to the 
present district of Yen-sze in Ho-nan, on the south of it. To re- 
concile the murmuring people to the trouble of the removal, he 
reminds them tliat he was only acting after the example of former 
kings, and that the capital of the dynasty had already been in five 
different places. The nation, evidentlj^ had still its seat in the 
neighbourhood of the Ho, and notwithstanding all that Yu is supposed 
to have done in regulating the Avaters of that river, its principal 
settlement had to be frequently changed in consequence of inunda- 
tions. The accounts are not those of a great people, but of a tribe 
which had little ^difficulty in migrating from one spot to another. 

Later still, we find a fact wOnch is more conclusive perhaps on the 
point in hand than any of the considerations which I have yet 
adduced. The empire of the Chow dynasty consisted, like that of 
Yaou, of nine provinces. The old province of K'e formed three of 
them ; Sen was absorbed in Ts'ing; and Leang had disappeared from 
the empire altogether. Portions of the more eastern parts of it may 
have been embniced in the provinces of Yu and Yung, but much 
the greater part was wild barbarian territorj^ beyond the limits of 
the Middle Kingdom.^ The kings of Chow ruled over a territory 
less than that of Yaou by the present provinces of Sze-ch*uen and 
Yun-nan I The dominions of Chow were not under-estimated, but 
the dimensions of the empire in the days of Yu have been greatly 
exaggerated. We can no more admit that he ruled over the nine 
provinces ascribed to him, than that he executed the stupendous 
labours of which he has the glory. 

7. What then are we to think of 'The Tribute of Yu,' telling us, 
as it does, of the nine provinces, and of the labours put forth, 
The view to be taken of the and the contributions imposed upon them 
Book Yu Kung. \^y Y„ p According to Biot, in the article of 

the ' Journal Asiatique,' already referred to, we are to find in it * only 
the progress of a great colony.' He says further : — 'Admitting even 
that Yu really visited all the points mentioned in the chapter, and 

8 Sec the Chow Lo, Bk. xxxiii. 

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SO ran over more than the 1,500 leagues of which I have spoken, we 
should simply have to regard him as the first explorer of the Chinese 
world. In his general exploration, he established the posts of the 
colonists or planters on different points of the territory which he 
occupied by force, or which he obtained by a friendly arrangement 
with the natives. He caused the wood around those posts to be cut 
down, and commenced the cultivation of the soil. He may have 
commenced also, along with his colonists, certain labours on some 
rivers, carried off some stagnant waters, or embanked some lakes. 
At every one of his posts, he examined the productions of the ground, 
and the articles which they could obtain by barter from the natives. 
He then determined the nature of the contributions which every 
new colony should send to the mother colony. Such is still, in our 
days, the method pursued by the leaders of the pioneers who engage 
in exploring the deserts of America. They establish posts where they 
may purchase furs from the natives, and may commence at the 
same time the clearing of the forests. After Yu^ the labours of 
draining the country and clearing the forests continued during some 
ages, and the result of all was attributed by Chinese tradition to the 
first chief.' 

The reader cannot fail to be struck with the ingenuity of the 
above view; and 1 believe that there is an inkling of the truth 
in it. It is certainly an improvement on the view previously 
advanced by Father Cibot in his very learned essay on *The Anti- 
quity of the Chinese,' which appears under the name of *Ko a 
Jesuit,' at the beginning of the ^Memoires sur les Chinois.' Him- 
self of opinion that the territory on which Yu laboured was of small 
extent, Cibot thinks that this chief, remaining at the centre of his 
government in K*e-chow, might yet have sent expeditions of disco- 
very, and to fix, on the ground of what he had learned of the other 
provinces, the imposts to be drawn from them, in the same way as 
has been done under all the succeeding dynasties, when it has been 
designed to extend the empire by colonies and the opening up of 
the country. * Of how many countries of America,' says he, ' have 
charts and descriptions been given, before they were peopled, or 
even on the eve of being so? If what has thus been said of their 
mines, productions, and curiosities, proves the knowledge of Euro- 
peans, what we find in the Yu Kung will prove the similar know- 
ledge which Yu had of the territory of China.' ^ 

1 See Meuioires conccruant rUistoirc, &c^ dcs Cbinois, vgl. I., p. 215^ 

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For mj'self, I cannot admit that Yu really visited all the point«^ 
which he is said to have done, nor can I find in the order in wliich 
his labours are detailed the steps by which the great Chinese colony 
actually proceeded to occupy the country. We recognize its primitive 
seat in the southern parts of the present Shan-se, with the Ho on the 
west and south of it. Across that stream lay the present Shen-se on 
the one side, and Ho-nan on the other. Into those portions of the 
country the subjects of Yu would penetrate long before they reached 
as far south as the Keang. In point of fact we know that they did do 
so. His son fought a battle with the prince of Hoo, at a place in the 
present department of Se-ngan in Shen-se ; and the usurper E kept 
his grandson, T*ae-k^ang, a sort of prisoner at large in a part of Ho- 
nan. But the country of Ho-nan was in the province of Yu, the 
7th in order of Yu's operations ; and that of Shen-se was in Yung, 
the last in ordej. It is plain, therefore, that we are not to look in 
the Yu Rung for indications of the historical course and progress of 
the great Chinese colony. 

'The Tribute of Yu ' describes the country of China as its extent 
came to be ascertained in the course of the dynasties of Hea and 
Shang, and as its different parts were gradually occupied by the increas- 
ing and enterprising multitudes of the Chinese people, and contribut- 
ed their various proportions of revenue and tribute to the central 
government which continued to be in K'e-chow. There were me- 
morials of toils whicli the great Yu had undergone in making good 
the first foot-hold of his tribe, and of allotments of territory which 
he had made to the most distinguislied among his followers. The 
nature of the country, in many places covered with forests and 
inundated, had caused the colonists much trouble in their advances. 
It occurred to some historiographer to form a theory as to the way in 
Xvhich the whole country might have been brought to order by the 
founder of the Hc^a dynasty, and he thereupon proceeded to glorify 
Yu by ascribing so grand an achievementtohim. About thesame time 
the popular stories of Yu's self-denial, in remaining with his wife only 
four days after their marriage, in passing thrice by his door regard- 
less of the wailings of his infant «on K'e, in flying about over the 
country, here driving his carriage over the level ground, there 
forcing his way up the rivers in a boat, now toiling through the 
marshes in a sledge, and anon stalking along the steep and slippery 
sides of the hills, with spikes to his shoes, with a measuring line in 
his left hand and a square and pair of compasses in his left, until his 

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body was wasted to a shadow, and the skin of his hands and feet 
was callous :— these popular stories found their recognition in the 
*Yih and Tseih/ and prompted at once the conception of the 
romance of the Yu Kung^^'and obtained for it a favourable reception. 
Then Yu could enter well into association with Yaou and Shun, and 
form a triad with them at the beginning of the Chinese monarchy. 
Their wisdom and benevolence appeared in him, combined with a 
practical devotion to the duties of his position, in which all sovereigns 
might have a model, that would for ever win them from indolence 
and self-indulgence, and stimulate them to a painstaking discharge 
of their responsibilities. 

The conclusion to which a careful consideration of ^ The Tribute 
of Yu' has brought me is thus far enough from the opinion of 
Bunsen, that it was ^ a contemporary and public document of his 
reign.' It is to be regarded on the contrary as a romance^ of which 
Yu is the subject, composed long afler him, — coiSposed probably 
after the dynasty which he founded had passed away. Cibot quotes 
several Chinese authorities, affirming its late composition. Biot 
seems inclined to attribute the Book, as we now have it, to Confucius. 
* It is at least certain,' he says, * that Confucius brought together in 
this chapter various souvenirs long antecedent to his own epoch;* 
and he adds, that * carrying its composition no farther back than 
this, we should have in it one of the most ancient geographical 
documents in the world.' But I showed, on pp. 3-6 of these prolego- 
mena, that we have no sufficient reason to believe that Confucius 
had anything to do with the compilation of the Shoo. We have, 
moreover, an indication, I think, in the Shoo itself, that the duke of 
Chow was familiar with this record of Yu's labours. Towards the 
close of that statesman's counsels to king Ching on the * Establish- 
ment of Government,' we find him saying: — ^Have well arranged 
your military accoutrements and weapons, so that you may go forth 
beyond the steps of Yu, and be able to travel over all beneath heaven, 
even to beyond the seas, everywhere meeting with submission. '2 
How was the duke of Chow acquainted with 'the footsteps of Yu?' 
It must have been either by tradition, or by some written account 
of them. The latter is the more probable. I have already called 
attention to the fact, that the large territory included in Yu's province 
of Leang did not form a part of the dominions of Chow. It was 
natural that the duke of Chow, so ambitious and far-reaching as we 

2 Sec rt. v., Bk. XIX^ p. 22. 


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know him to have been, should be anxious that the sway of his 
House should not come short of that ascribed to either of the previous 
dynasties. On another occasion, he summoned the duke of Shaou 
to go on with him, * abjuring all idleness, to complete the work of 
Wan, till their empire should entirely overspread the land and from 
the corners of the seas and the sunrising there should not be one 
disobedient to their rule.'^ His reference to * the steps of Yu ' does 
not prove that Yu really travelled and toiled and subdued the face 
of nature as the Yu Kung reports; it only proves that such was the 
current belief at the commencement of the Chow dynasty, affording 
at the same time a presumption that that document was then among 
the archives of the empire. This b my opinion, — that * The Tribute 
of Yu ' was among the written monuments of ancient times, which 
passed from the dynasty of Shang, and came under the care of the 
Recorders of the Exterior under that of Chow. Then subsequently 
it was very properly incorporated in the collection of Historical 
documents now known as the Shoo. 

8. The opinion of Bunsen, that *The Tribute of Yu' was a con- 
temporary and public document of Yu's reign, was mainly grounded 
on the confidence which he reposed in the genuineness of a stone 
pillar, with an inscription, said to have been erected by Yu on the 
top of mount HSng, in the present Hoo-nan. He says : — * We have 
Yu's own unquestionably genuine account of the labour employed 
upon the great work by which he saved the country in the inunda* 
tion. After the Egyptian monuments, there is no extant contem- 
porary testimony more authentic, and none so old as the modest and 
noble inscription of that extraordinary man. It is true that it has 
now become illegible, but a copy was made of it about 1200 in the 
time of the Sung, which has been preserved in the high school of 
Si-an-fu, and in the imperial archives at Pekin. Hager has given a 
tracing of it. Only those who are unacquainted with the subject 
can entertain any doubt as to its originality.'^ Perhaps, if the 
learned writer hud made himself more fully acquainted with the 
history of this tablet, he would have expressed himself as strongly 
against its genuineness. 

Tlie casting of tripods or vases and of bells is asserted of Yu by 
very ancient traditions. Nine vases particularly are ascribed to him, 
each one having on it a chart of one of the nine provinces. Biot 

3 Pt.V., Bk.XVI^p.21. 

1 See * Egypt's Place/ Ac., vol. III., pp. 394, 395. . 

66] ^ , 

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wiy8 of them: — *The existence of these ee^vty sculptured or graved! 
charts appears to me entirely admissible ; — ^they represented the nme 
regions known ta the first ChSnese^ and were not pictures of the 
empire of Yu. But after the ages which elapsed, without doubt, 
between this first chief and the dynasty of Chow,, and after the 
extension of the Chinese rufey the respect of the Chinese- for their 
ancestors became transformed into a veritable rite ;. the personage 
of Yu increased in their remembrances, and grew into a sort of 
demigod, who had reduced the worM to order. Then the nfne 
regions traced upon the vases of Yu becaane the nine provinces of 
bis pretended empire.' That there were m the Chow dynasty nine 
vases, ascribed to Yu, and looked on as palladia of the empire, is 
sufficiently attested ; but it is by no means^ clear that they had oa 
them a series of charts of his nine provinces. But this is not the 
place to enter on any discussion of them. The earliest mention of 
them will be found in a note below.^' I have introduced them here,, 
merely to contrast the ancient references to them with the compar-^ 
atively modern era when the stone tablet on mount H&ng begun ta 
be spoken of 

The first writer whose testimony to the existence of this tablet is^ 

adduced i& Chaou Yih,^ a Taouist recluse of the Eastern Han, who 

H«toryofth*ubietofYuon ^^^ed towarcfe the end of the first century 

KoantHtog- it»aiiai*bie. of our era. He has left «s a 'History of 

Woo and Yue j'^ but the Work so abounds in ridiculous stories, of 

2 For Biot'8 remarks, see the arttele on %h% Yu Kung. in the * Jounal Asiati%jae,' p. 176. The 
earlieit reference to the tripods of Yu, is,. I believe,, in the Tso Chuen,^ undier the 3d year of duke 
fieuen (bx* 606), where a messenger from the emperor Ting appears in witb a general of 
4he State of Ts'oo. The general wished ta know the size and weight of the tripods. The answec 
was : — * The prosperity of the govt, depends on the sovereign's virtue, and not on the tripods.. 
Anciently, when Hea waa distinguished for Us virtue, they got plans of distant regions, and 
remarkable objects in them. The nine pastors sent in the metal of their provinces, and tripods were- 
cast, with representations on them of those oliects. This was done exhaustively, so that the people- 
could recognize the sprites and evil things j and when they went among the rivers,, marshes, hills,, 
aad forests, they did not meet with misfortune r-yea, the spritea of the hilla and waters did not 
come in their way. Thus a harmony was secured between the high and the low, and all received 
the blessing of Heaven. When the virtue of KeC was all obscured, the tripods passed over to. 
Bhang,— for 600 years. In consequence of the criiel tyranny of Chow of Shang, they passed over 
to Chow. When the virtue is brilliant, the tripods though light are heavy • when it gives place to 
darkness and disorder, they become light though heavy» Heaven sustains bright virtue; — where- 
that is^ its favour rests. King Ching fixed the tripods in K6&-juh (JeR JSJ ; in the pies. Ho-naa), 
and divined that the dynasty should laat 30 generations, and 700 years. This is Heaven's decree, 
and though the virtue of Chow is decayed, that decree is noi changed. You need not ask about 
the weight of the tripods.' This account of the tripods is not very clear ; but it is as clear in the 
translation as in the original. W^e should not infer from it that they had on them charts of the 
nine provinces. Accoants differ as to what became of them,— whether they came into the posses- 
sion of Tsin, or were suok in a river by the last sovereign of Chow, Sec the "h^ 3^. i| ^^ 

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which I give a specimen below,^ that we can put little credit in 
anything which it relates. Among other things stated in it was 
this : — that * the spirit-like Yu had left an inscription on the hill of 
Keu-leu ;'6 — Keu-leu being the name of one of the 72 peaks given to 
mount H&ng, and indeed, the principal one of them all, so that the 
names KeuJeu and H&ng are sometimes used interchangeably. In 
various topographical Works, written between the Han dynasty and 
that of Y^ang, mention is made of Yu in connection with mount 
H&ng; but they only reproduce the fables of Chaou Yih, and say 
nothing definite of the pillar about which we are inquiring. 

Under the T'ang dynasty, accounts of it were abundantly rife ; 
but there is no evidence that they were anything more than stories 
floating about among the people, or that any person of character 
had seen the interesting relic. On the contrary, the writer who has 
given us the fullest description of it, tells us that he had himself been 
unable to find it on the mountain, after the most diligent search. 
This was the famous Han Yu, among whose poems is the following, 
on mount Keu-leu : — 

* Upon the peak of Keu-leu, sure there stands, 
Yu's pillar, fashioned by most cunning hands ; 
The stone carnation, characters all gi'een, 
Like tadpoles bent, like leeks invert, are seen ; 

8 ^ fi|. The catalogue of the imperial Ubrariee call* him, ^ ^ See the [[9 j£ 

^ # @ ^' # X?- *^^M^^' « Of the aocounta of this Book, 

the reader may take the following specimen :«-* K*wftn being thrown into the water, after he 
iras put to death on mount Yu, was changed into a yellow dragon, and became the spirit of abyss 
of Yu (^ ^ ^ ;^ ^^). Yu was then appointed to undertake the task of regulating the 
waters, for seven years he laboured without effect, and, full of heaviness, ascertained from 
•ome books of Hwang-te, that among the pillars of heaven, the south-eastern mountains, there was 
one called Yuen-wei (!S^ ^P), where there was a book concealed, in characters of green gem, on 
tablets of gold, bound together with silver, which would be of use to him. He then went east, 
ascended mount Hftng, and sacrificed a white horse. Not finding what he sought, he went to the top 
of the mountain, looked towards heaven, and whistled. There he fell asleep, and dreamed that a 
boy, in red embroidered clothes, calling himself the messenger of the azure waters, came to him, and 
told him that if he ascended the Yuen-wei hill, on such and such a day of the third month, he would 
find the gold tablets.^ The boy at the same time indicated tliat this hill was in the east ; and thither 
Yu went, and on the day appointed dug up the gold tablets, with their gem cliaracters, which told 
him how to proceed to accompUsli his miglity work.' See Chaou's Work, j^ D|^. 6 JfHb 

t^iC ^^, ^ DQ -p J^, art 1. I say in the text that there < was * such a statement in 
ou*s Work, because that Work is now mutilated, and I have glanced over the copy to which 
I have access without finding the statement in question. 

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With pheasants floating here, the phoenix there, 

Tigers and dragons make, between, their lair. 

A monument so grave is hidden well, 

And imps might pry, and nothing find to tell- 

A solitary Taouist saw the stone. 

Twas chance him led. — I came, with many a groan, 

And, weeping fast, searched round and searched again ; 

Twas labour lost, the quest was all in vain. 

The monkeys, 'mid the foliage of the wood, 

Seemed sadly to bewail my grieving mood.'^ 

Two important points are established by these lines : — ^the one, 
that Han Yu himself, though he searched diligently for the pillar, 
could not find it ; the other, that the voucher in his time for its exist- 
ence was a solitary Taouist, one of a class which deals in things 
fantastic and prodigious, whose averment we pronounce, with a justi- 
fiable foregone conclusion, is more likely to be false than true. 

From the T^ang dynasty we come to Sung. For more than three 
hundred years after Han Yu, we read nothing about the pillar. Still 
it was talked about ; and in the 12th century, two of the ablest men 
in China purposely visited mount H&ng to put the question as to its 
existence at rest by their personal examination. They were Choo 
He, the most distinguished critic and philosopher of his age, and 
Chang Nan-heen, also an eminent scholar. Their search for the 
stone was as fruitless as that of Han Yu had been ; and to my mind 
the judgment of Choo He that it never had any existence but in 
Taouist dreams is decisive. Chinese writers account for the failure of 
him and the other intelligent seekers to find it, by ^tributing to ft 
a personal intelligence. It was *a spirit-like thing, which could 
appear and disappear at pleasure.'® 

Not very long after the search of Choo He, in the period Kea-ting 
(a.d. 1208-'1224) of the 13th emperor of the Sung dynasty, there came 
to the mountain an ofiicer from Sze-ch'uen, called Ho Che, and was 

7 See the Works of Han Yu, j^ H-HItS) lll^ |il p>C P ^ ^' ^ W '^ 

Aocottnto of the piljar, of a simUar kind, are found in the ;^ ^ j!||l^> ^ — "> qnotcd from 
V^'^^*^%W^' ^^"^ '*® ^*" Wta-kung, of the T'ang dynasty. ^^'^ 

IEiB$''^^»*.# See the ;^|gf||^, referred to aboTe. 

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conducted by a woodcutter to the peak of Chuh-yung, where he 
found the monument and took a copy of it, which he had engraved 
and set up in tlie Taouist monastery of Kwei-mun.^ Here then was the 
monument seen at last, and the inscription on it copied, — ^more than 
3,000 years after its erection. So long time it had endured, stand- 
ing there on the mountain, exposed to all elemental influences ! This 
alone is sufficient to prove the falsehood of it I have seen monu- 
ments in China a thousand years old, and which had been in a 
measure sheltered from the weather ; but in every case the engraving 
on them was in some parts illegible. The tablet of Yu could not 
have stood, where it is said to have done, for such a length of time, 
and been found in the condition in which Ho Che is said to have 
found it. What was brought to light in the 13th century was a 
clumsy forgery. I have called attention by italics to the fact of the 
copy being set up in a Taouist monastery. A Taouist brain first 
conceived the idea of the monument, and Taouist hands afterwards 
fashioned it. An ordinary forger would have left gaps in the inscrip- 
tion to tell their own tale of its ancient date; but it was supposed 
that posterity would believe that this spirit-like thing had bid defiance 
to the gnawing tooth and effacing fingers of time. 

When the discovery was made public, it was not generally credited. 
We should have thought that so precious a monument would draw 
many visitors to it, now that its place was known, and that it would 
even become an object of the public care. No such thing. Even 
the copy taken by Ho Che would seem to have had the 'spirit-like^ 
quality, attributed to the monument, of making itself either visible 
or invisible. Under the Sung dynasty, people refused to receive it; 
and we have to come to the period Ching-tih^^ of the Ming dynasty^ 
in the early part of the 16th century, before we meet with it again* 
Then, an officer of the province of Hoo-nan, Chang Ke-w&n,^^ profess- 
ed to have found the copy engraved by Ho Che, which he transcribed ; 
and since his time it has had its place among the monuments, real 
or pretended, of Chinese antiquity. 

It will occur to the reader to ask whether the stone be still on mount 
Hang. In a copy of the inscription,, published in 1666, by a Maou 
Ts&ng-keen, which is in the possession of the Rev. Mr. Chalmers, the 

mider this style that the 11th of the Miug emperors (^ ^ ^& ^ ^) reigned, a.d. 1506- 

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editor speaks of the difficulty of reaching the top of Keu-leu, how 
ladders are necessary and hooks, and says that he had himself been 
to the spot and handled the stone. But he says also, that the char- 
acters and stone had both been of an immense size, and are now all 
in fragments, so that the inscription cannot be made out. Let it be 
granted that there are some fragmenta of rock on one of the summits 
of mount H&ng, with old characters cut on them, how is it known that 
these were ever any tablet of Yu ? or how is any verification obtained 
from them of the inscription, as we have it ? Choo He and Chang 
Nan-heen, in the 12th century, might very well have seen the remains 
described by TsSng-keen, and decided that Yu had never had anything 
to do with them. Their character shows certainly that Han Yu and 
the other writers of the T'ang dynasty were only describing an ideal 
tablet of Yu, — which, indeed, we might conclude on other grounds. 
The only voucher for the points involved in the above questions is Ho 
Che, or rather the story which we have of his discovery of the monu- 
ment in the 13th century. 

The review which I have given of the history of the stone suffi- 
ciently shows my own opinion, that it is not entitled to the least credit; 
and I am supported in this view by the great majority of Chinese 
archaeologists, so little ground is there for Bunsen's affirmation that 
* only those who are unacquainted with the subject can entertain 
any doubt as to its originality.' He based his conclusion on a mono- 
graph of the inscription, published at Berlin in 1811 by M. Klaproth, 
which I have not seen. I have read an account of it, however, in 
the second volume of Remusat's * Melanges Asiatiques.' Klaproth, 
it would appear, having become convinced of the genuineness of tl^ 
monument, addressed himself particularly to show that the ' tadpole ' 
characters have been correctly identified. This might very well be 
the case, without the arguments which I have urged against it being 
at all affected. There was nothing to hinder the maker or makers 
of it, say in the time of the Sung dynasty, from disguising their 
fraud, by writing it after the model of the most ancient forms of the 
characters. My friend, Wang T'aou, in a Chinese monograph of it, 
observes on this point: — *Tlie maker of it was clever in imitating 
the ancient form of writing; and it was this ability which enabled 
him to impose on many.' On the next page the reader will find a 
copy of the inscription, such as it is, taken from the sheet in the 
possession of the Rev. Mr. Chalmei's. The characters were first 
reduced by a photograph, and then copied for a wooden block to 

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suit the size of my page. By the side of each tadpole character is the 
modern form which is supposed to have taken its place* I give it 
simply as a curiosity. In a note below will be found some remarks 
on Bunsen's attempt to translate it More than sufficient space haa 
been allowed to it in the text of these prolegomena, as my object, in 
adverting to it at all, was simply to show that an argument could 
not be constructed from it to invalidate the opinion which I have 
advanced as to the late origin of the Yu Kung.^^ 

12 The identification of a few of the characters in the copy of which Bunsen reniured a transla- 
tion was different from that in the copy here printed. The -^ ^& j&A ^k gives the inscription 

^^^■-^i^Bm mmik.m m^^% M$^zn 
i^%m^ mmi^m^' ^a^;s^. ^mmm m 
mmi^> ^^m^m ft*^;t. m^mW' mmm 
M^^^m-wm ^^#fjfe> mmm^- mu^m^ 

^ ^ ^L ^) ^ ^ ^ ^ft. Now I undertake to say, that of a good deal of tliis 
it is not possible to ascertain the meaning with any degree of certainty. Bunsen speaks of a 
version by Father Amyot, published by Eager, which, he says, is not in the true sense of the 
word a translation. (This may be seen in Williams' * Middle Kingdom/ Vol. II., pp. 204, 206.) 
He acknowledges Klaproth's attempt to be a translation, but not quite accurate in some parts. 
His own attempt to give an accurate version I will not take the trouble to discuss. He says that 
those who have any acquaintance with the language will understand, from a literal Latin version 
of the characters, the philological principle on which his translation is based ; but the fact is, tliat 
a very moderate acquaintance with the language is sufficient to show that Bunsen knew very little 
about it. If his interpretation of Egyptian monuments be not better than his interpretation of 
• the monument of Yu,' his volumes on * Egypt's Place in Universal History' are of little value. 

If the writer of the inscription knew what he was doing in pencilling his tadpole characters, I 
do not think they have all been correctly identified. Accepting the identification given in this 
note, I would propose the following as an approximation to a correct interpretation :— 

*I received the words q/'the emperor, saying, "Ah ! 
Associate helper, aiding noble ! 
Tlie islands and islets may now be ascended, 
That were doors for the birds and beasts. 
You devoted your person to the great overflowings, 
And with the day-break you rose up. 
Long were you abroad, forgetting your family ; 
You lodged at the mountain's foot as in a hall ; 
Your wisdom schemed ; your body was broken ; 
Your heart was all in a tremble. 
You went and sought to produce order and settlement. 
At Hwa, Td, T'ae, and Hftng. 
By adopting the principle of dividing the waters, your undertakings 

were completed. 
With the remains of a taper, you offered your pure sacrifice. 
There were entanglement and obstruction, being swamped, and removals. 
The southern river flows on in its course; 
For ever is the provision of food made sure ; 
The myriad States enjoy repose ; 
The beasts and birds are for ever fled away." ' 

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«!$/ n ,^* «.?« w» >» fi^ftf 


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9. From the view which I have taken of the labours of Yu, the 

reader will understand that I do not identify the deluge of Yaou 

shouw the delude of Yaou be '^^^^ ^^^^ described by Moscs in the Book 

identified with that described in of GcnCsis. I am inclined, howeVCr, tO be- 
the Book of Genesis? ,, , . , , ^ , o, ^ . 

lieve that, in the language of the Shoo-kmg 
respecting tlie terrible nature of the inundation which frightened 
Yaou and Shun, we have the voice of tradition, afl&rming the earlier 
and univei'sal catastrophe, — universal at least in the sense that it in- 
volved the destruction of ' all flesh,' all the individuals of our race, 
excepting those who were preserved with Noah in the ark. 

Missionaries, — Protestant missionaries especially, — accepting the 
labours of Yu as historical, have expressed themselves incautiously 
on the identity of the two deluges. Dr. Gutzlaff, for instance, wrote : 
— ' We do not doubt but Yaou's was the same flood recorded in 
sacred history, though we are not able to give the exact date from 
Chinese history ; nor do we hesitate to affirm that China was peopled 
after the deluge.'^ 

Bunsen has taken occasion from this to express himself with undue 
severity of ' the confusion and ignorance of the missionaries, believing 
that Yu's labours referred to tlie Flood of Noah, which never reached 
Chiiia/2 And again : — 'The inundation in the reign of Yaou had 
just as much to do with Noah s flood, as the dams he erected and 
the canals he dug had to do with the Ark. The learned Jesuit Fathers 
were well aware of this, but they were prevented by orders from 
Rome from publishing the truth. The fact of so absurd an idea 
being accepted by the English and Scotch Missionaries, and even by 
Morrison himself, is a very melancholy instance of the way in which 
tlie sound judgment of learned men may be warped by rabbinical 
superstition and the intolerant ignorance of their Churches, in the 
investigation of historical truth.'^ 

Now, Morrison gave his opinion in the matter in very guarded 
terms ; and I do not think that he was farther from the truth than his 
critic. In the preface to his dictionary, p. xiii., he observes: — 'la 
the Shoo-king mention is made of a great and destructive accumula- 
tion of waters upon the face of the earth ; whether it be called In- 
undation or Deluge is immaterial. The removal of the watere, and 
settling the state of all the various regions then known is understood 
by the phrase Yu Kung. Yu was the person who effected that 

1 See 'A Sketch of Chinese History,* &c., vol. I. p. 130. 2 * Place of Egypt,* &C., yol. III. 

p. 308. 3 Sec as above, p. 406. 

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work. This Deluge makes a grand epoch in Chinese History. After 
a fanciful account of the creation, there follows a period of Chinese 
civilization, when Fuh-he's successors introduced marriage; govern- 
ment; working in metals; the use of musical instruments; and 
characters for the division of time. The profligacy and misrule of 
the monarch Te-chili* is noticed, and then follows Yaou's deluge; 
after which the earth is again represented as overspread by wild 

uncultivated vegetation, and over-run by savage beasts The above 

is a faithful outline of the picture drawn, by Chinese writers, of the 
history of the ancient world as known to them. Its similarity to 
that given by the Jewish Legislator must be observable to eveiy 
one ; and the probability, that both accounts refer to the same remote 
facts, is not to be overturned by slight anachronisms, or a discordancy 
in the detail.' 

To the same effect are the observations of Dr. Medhurst. He 
calls the time between Fuh-he and Yaou and Shun the * traditionary 
Period' of Chinese history, and adds: — 'While we might be unwil- 
ling to give full credit to what Chinese writers say of the events 
of this period, it is not improbable that much of it is drawn by 
tradition from the correct account of the antediluvian age handed 
down by Noah to his posterity. The coincidence of ten generations 
having passed away, the institution of marriage, the invention of 
music, the rebellion of a portion of the race, and the confused mix- 
ture of the divine and human families, closed by the occurrence of 
the flood in the time of Yaou, might lead us to conclude that in 
their allusions to this period, the Chinese are merely giving their 
version of the events that occurred from Adam to Noah. When Yu 
ascen«ied the throne, the lands were drained, and China became 

In these representations of two of the most distinguished Pro- 
testant missionaries, the traces of ' rabbinical superstition,' and of 
subjection to *the intolerant ignorance of their churches,' seem to 
me hardly discernible. Possibly there may be in the Chinese ac- 
counts of Fuh-he and his successors some faint echo of the primitive 
tradition ; — I am not concerned at present to enter upon that subject. 
What is said in the above quotations about the deluge of Yaou, how- 
ever, is misleading. The reader is led to suppose that it comes in 
Chinese history, as caused by the declension and wickedness of the 
times immediately preceding, — a judgment of Heaven. If it were so, 

^ ^j' Wt* ^ Clhina : Its State and Prospects, pp. 5, 6. 


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the view which they take would be greatly strengthened. But the 
Shoo is entirely silent on this point. Not a word is said as to the 
flood's being a punishment of the sins either of ruler or people. 

But now, according to the views which I have sought to establish, 
the labours of Yu are not history, but myth. He did not perform 
the prodigious achievements on the mountains and rivers which are 
ascribed to him. That he was the laborious founder of the Chinese 
empire, and did much within the small space of territory which was 
then comprehended in its limits, there is no occasion to deny ; but the 
gradual extension of the empire and development of its resources and 
order, which were the growth and accomplishment of many centuries, 
have been attributed to him by the Chinese, and their romance has 
been accepted by missionaries and others. The labours of Yu being 
denied, no place is left in his time for the deluge of Yaou. The 
utmost that can be allowed is an inundation of the Ho, destructive 
enough, no doubt, but altogether unfit to be described in the words 
put into the mouths of Yaou, Shun and Yu about it. Did the 
compilers of the first Parts of the Shoo draw upon their fancy for the 
floods that embraced the mountains and overtopped the hills and 
assailed the heavens ? or did they find them in the tradition of a deluge 
by which * all the hills that were under the whole heaven were 
covered?' I prefer to take the suggestion in the latter question as 
the fact, and therefore think that in the description of the inunda- 
tion of Yaou's time we have an imperfect reference to the deluge of 

10. Before leaving the subject of Yu and his labours, it will be 
well to say something on another point, the commonly received ac- 
The population of China ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ich may be Urged as inconsistent 
in tbe time of Yu. ^-Jth the couclusious I havc endcavourcd to 

establish. Can the population of China in Yu's time be ascertained, 
even approximately? 

Two sinologues have touched on this question -.—Edward Biot the 
younger, in articles on *The Population of China, and its Variations,' 
in the ' Journal Asiatique ' of 1856 ; and T. Sacharofl^, of the Russian 
Embassy iu Peking, in an essay on 'The Rise and Fall of the Chi- 
nese Population,' translated into English last year by the Rev. W. 

The articles of Biot were written when his knowledge of Chinese 
subjects was immature, six years before he published in the same 
Journal the view of the Yu Knng^ to which I have had occasion to 


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make frequent reference. Had they been produced at a later date, 
he Avould not have accepted the statement of Ma Twan-lin, that the 
number of the people, on the conclusion of Yu's labours, amounted 
to 13,553,923 souls; — a number, which he, on certain hypothetical 
reasonings of his own, increased to 21,415,198. 

Sacharoff would reduce the smaller of these estimates to a single 
million ; but his remarks on the subject betray considerable confusion 
of thought. He says : — ' Two censuses were at the disposal of native 
authors for ascertaining the amount of the population of China, 
during the happy reigns of Yaou and Shun, the epochs of the highest 
civilization. These were : — the division of the country for administra* 
tive purposes ; and the extent of the really cultivated land. The 
first would, indeed, be a sufficient ground for arriving at a satisfactory 
conclusion, if the ancientdocuments stated the number of the principal 
provinces. If, e. ^., we take the nine provinces, into which Yaou 
divided the empire in the 23d century, then the population must 
have been very small) and could hardly exceed 100,000 families, 
or one million individuals. A calculation based on the extent of 
arable land proves nothing, because the classics scarcely state how 
many square rods were counted to a family, whilst nothing is said of 
the total amount of cultivated land, so that by fixing a certain 
figure, we are obliged to accept an arbitrarily given number of in- 

I have endeavoured to find Ma Twan-lin's authority for the asser- 
tion, that, when Yu had reduced the empire to order, the inhabitants 
amounted to 13,553,923 ; and the oldest writer in whom I have met 
with it is Hwang-p*oo Meih, who died a.d. 282.^ The statement, 
occurring thus, for the first time, about two thousand five hundred 
years after the date to which it refei's, is of no historical value. As 
given by Meih, indeed, it is merely the result of certain calculations 
by him from the extent of the empire ruled by Yaou, and does not 
profess to be grounded on any certain data. So many absurdities are 
related, moreover, on the same page about Yu and other ancient 
worthies, that I am surprised the estimate of the population ever 
obtained any currency. 

For instance, Meih begins by referring to the legends about Shin- 
nung and Hwang-te, — how the empire of the former extended, from 

1 The Numerical Relations of the Population of China, &e., p. 10. Hongkong: A Shortrede 
& Co., 1864. 2 See Meili's Chronicle of Emperors anU Kings, quoted by the editor of the 

Books of the After Han, ^ ^ -|" Jt^ P- ^• 


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east to west, a space of 900,000 fe, and from north to south, 850.000 
le ; and how the latter, after having invented boats and carriages 
to traverse this mighty territory, determined the position of the 
different States in it by astronomical calculations. The author 
thinks that what is said about Shin-nung exceeds belief; but he goes 
on to quote the authority of Confucius (taken however from the 
* Family Sayings,' an apocryphal Book) for the empire of Chuen- 
heuh, as extending to the Moving Sands on the west, Cochin-china 
on the south, the Sea on the east, and Yew-ling (north of Chih-le) 
on the north ; and then, he comes to Yaou and Yu. Yu's nine 
provinces contained, he estimates, 24,308,024 kHng^ or nearly 368 
million acres, of which 9,208,024 kHng^ or 140 million acres, were 
cultivable. Then comes in the amount of the population, and the 
further statement that the empire contained at that time 10,000 
States. It is added on the authority of the * Classic of Hills and 
Seas,' a book full of all sorts of prodigious stories, that Yu made two 
of his officers — ^Ta-chang, and Shoo-hae — ^walk, the one from the ex- 
treme east to the extreme west, and the other from the extreme north 
to the extreme south, and count their paces. The former traversed 
223,300 fe, and 71 paces; the latter 233,500/^, and 75 paces; but 
we must suppose that Meih was here counting only 100 paces to a 
le.^ In fact, it is difficult to tell, how he took the terms, for he subjoins 
that, within the four seas, from east to west were 28,000 fe, and from 
north to south 26,000. There were 5,350 famous hills ; 467 hills 
producing copper ; and 3,609 producing iron. The writer is evidently 
writing at random. The estimate of the population is no more to 
be received than any of all the other notices which he gives. 

When Sacharoff says that, if we take the nine provinces, into 
which Yaou divided the empire, the population could hardly exceed 
one million individuals, it is difficult to understand what he means. 
If we could accept * the nine provinces,* as indeed veritable portions 
of the empire, and believe that the country was occupied, even thinly, 
to that extent, we might very well allow a population for them, not 
of one million, but of twenty millions. But the critical study of 
the documents of the Shoo forbids us, as I have shown, to think of 
Y'aou and Shun as other than petty chieftains, whose dominions 

rr --p 3l "g* JH^, --b "f" 3l '^' '^^^ **""« ^® diflforently stated in the copy of the |Jj 
j^ jj^, which I have,— printed in 1818, the 23d year of the reign Kea-k*ing. 


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hardly extended across the Ho ; and though Yu was the founder 
of a dynasty that lasted for more than four centuries, it is doubtful 
whether the last of his successors ruled over so much as the nine 
provinces of Yaou. The arguments on which I have maintained 
these conclusions might have needed reconsideration, if the estimate 
of thirteen millions and a half of inhabitants in Yu s time had been 
supported by a tittle of independent evidence ; being merely a rough 
and random calculation at a period long subsequent, on the assump- 
tion of such a territory, those arguments are unaffected by it. 

The number of one million which Sacharoff would allow for the 
Chinese of Yu's time is, it seems to me, abimdantly large. The 
population of the country, in the time of king Ching, when the duke 
of Chow was administering the government, is given as 13,704,923 ; 
that is, according to the current accounts, the population had only 
increased 151,000 in eleven centuries and a half. If we suppose 
one million of inhabitants in Yu's time, and that they doubled every 
two hundred years, they ought to have amounted, in the time of the 
duke of Chow, to about one hundred millions. And yet we may 
say that there was no increase at all in all that space of time. 
About 400 years after, in the 13th year of king Chwang, B.C. 683, 
the population had decreased below what it was in Yu's days, and 
is given as only 11,941,923. It is evident from these figures, that 
the accounts of the population of the empire before our era cannot 
be regarded as approximations even to the truth ; — especially it is 
evident, that assigning to Yu more than thirteen millions is simply 
of a piece with the assigning to him the achievements of a demigod 
on the face of the water and the land. 

Ma Twan-lin, after Hwang-p*oo Meih and other early writers, 
calls attention to the decrease in the number of States, composing 
the empire, under each of the three early dynasties. At a grand 
durbar held by Yu on mount T*oo, 10,000 princes appeared to do 
him homage; — there were then 10,000 States. When the dynasty 
of Shang superseded Hea, those 10,000 were reduced to a little over 
3000 ; and according to Meih, there was a corresponding diminution 
in the number of the people. In the beginning of the 12th century, 
B.C., when king Woo established the rule of Chow, his princes wereonly 
1,773; and, again adds Meih, the people had dwindled corresponding, 
ly. But the people were more, according to Meih himself, in the 
beginning of the Chow dynasty than they had been in Yu's days, 
by 151,000 individuals. I say again, that it is evident the 10,000 


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States, of more than twenty centuries before our era, never had any 
existence. The state of the country under the successors of Yu, 
which I have pointed out on p. 61, is altogether inconsistent with the 
idea of such an empire. The magniloquent style of speech, however, 
once introduced, subsequent writers adopted it. Confucius himself 
and Mencius adhered to it, hiding thereby from themselves, their 
contemporaries, and posterity the truth about their own times, and 
the small beginnings of their history in the distant past. 

11. I will not attempt to question the credibility of the Books 
of the Shoo lower down than the time of Yu. Those belonging to 
his dynasty are only three; and each of them is brief. As I said in 
the first paragraph, from the beginning of the Shang dynasty, we 
seem to tread the field of history with a somewhat confident step. 
The Books of Chow are sufficiently to be depended on, for they 
must have been made public while the memory of many of the things 
which they describe was still fresh. 

The results which I have endeavoured to bring out in this chapter 
are : — first, that Yu is a historical personage, and was the founder of 
the Chinese empire, but that nearly all thattlie Shoo contains of his 
labours is fantastical exaggeration ; and second, that Yaou and Shun 
were also real men, chiefs of the earliest Chinese immigrants into 
the country, but that we must divest them of the grand proportions 
which they have, as seen through the mists of legend and of philo- 
sophical romance. It seems folly to attempt to go beyond the Shoo, 
and push the history centuries farther back to the time of Fuh-he. 
We have now to inquire in the next chapter whether it be possible, 
from the Shoo or other sources, to determine with any satisfaction 
how long before our era we are to place those worthies. 

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1. On my first coHception of this chapter, my idea was to desig- 
nate it * The Chronology of the Shoo.' Such is the title of the third 
chapter of Gaubil's * Observations on the Shoo-king,' in which he 
has touched, succinctly and ably, on nearly all the points to which I 
have to call the attention of the reader. *The Chronology of the 
Shoo,' however, would be a misnomer. There is no arrangement or 
There i« no Chronology succcssioH of datcs in it which Can be so dcs- 
in the Shoo. cribed. We learn from it that the dynasty of 

Chow succeeded to that of Shang, and the dynasty of Shang or Yin 
to that of Hea; and that prior to Yu, the founder of the Hea, there 
were the reigns of Shun and Y'^aou. In its present condition, it con- 
tains only scanty notices of a few of the sovereigns in the earlier 
dynasties, and the length of the reigns of two or three of them is 
stated ; but even when it was complete, it did not embrace a list of all 
the rulers of China, and of the number of years which they reigned 
respectively : — and much less did it specify any date as a great era 
in the distant past, from which the commencement of the successive 
dynasties, and the accessions of the different monarchs in each of 
them, should be calculated. As Gaubil has observed, * If we had only 
the Shoo-king, we should have but confused ideas of the time com- 
prised in the four [five] Parts of the book.' We need not be surprised 
at this. The chronology of a nation comes to be cultivated as a 
science, only after it has long subsisted, and when the necessity is 
felt of arranging the events of its history in regular series on the 
course of time. 


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2. It WIS in tlie Han dynasty that it was first attempted to 
construct a chronological scheme of the history of the empire. For 
this purpose its scholars employed the well-known cycle of 60 years, 
ChronoioRising began in the Han ^^ the 2d year of the 76th revolution of 
dynasty. The cycle of 60 years. ^yhich, according to the commonly received 
views, I am now writing; and which is with the Chinese what the 
century is with us. It was assumed that tliis cycle had been made 
in the reign of H\vang-te by Ta-naou, one of his officers; but I need 
hardly say that the assumption rests on no satisfactory grounds. 
Believing the views which I have advocated in the last chapter to 
be correct, I must pronounce Hwang-te to be a fabulous personage, 
so far as any connection with the Chinese empire is concerned. If 
such a man ever lived at all, it was elsewhere than in China ; and it 
is not till we come to the times of Ts'in and Han, more than 2,000 
years after the period assigned to him, that we find Ta-naou spoken 
of at all.^ And though the invention of the cycle is then generally 
ascribed to him, there are writers who give the Credit of it to Fuh-he 
long before.2 What is of more importance to observe is, that the 
cycle, as it is now universally recited and written, was not employ- 
ed before the end of the Former Han dynasty, ie.^ until after the 
commencement of our Christian era, to chronicle years at all : — its 
exclusive use was to chronicle the days. Koo Yen-woo, one of the 

The original use of the Kea^tsze ^^^"^^^ schokrs of the present dynasty, sajs 
cycle was to chrouicie days. exprcssly ou tliis point: — 'The 22 cycle 

characters [i.e., the 10 stein characters from lea to hvei, and the 
12 branch characters from tsce to hae] were used by the ancients to 
chronicle the days, and not to chronicle the years. For chronicling 
the years there were the 10 stein names of oh-fung, <fec., down to 
twan-mwiffy and the 12 branch names of she-t^e-klh, &c., down to 
juy-han. The way of later times, to say that such a year was 
ked-isze, and so on, was not the ancient way/^ Yen-woo then quotes 
from the preface to the Wae-ke,^ or 'Additional Records,' a supple- 


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ment to the * General Survey' of History by Sze-ma Kwang,^ with 
whom Lew Shoo, its author was associate, the following testimony : 
— 'The years of the sovereigns before (!) and after Fuh-he, down 
to king Le, are, I apprehend, dark and hardly to be ascertained ; 
and we borrow the names of the ked-tsze cycle to chronicle them;' 
adding himself : — 'When did this practice of borrowing the cycle 
names to chronicle the years commence? It commenced in the time 
of the usurper Mang' (a.d. 9 — 22). The statement of this writer, 
that the ancients chronicled yeai's by the names oh-fung she-t'e- 
kih, &c., is very questionable; but I must content myself, for the 
present, with referring to what is said on the subject in the appendix 
to this chapter, on the 'Astronomy of the ancient Chinese,' with 
which the Rev. Mr. Chalmers has favoured me. So far as my read- 
ing has gone, there cannot be produced a single unchallengeable 
example of the naming of any year by any cycle characters what- 
ever, previous to the termination of the Chow dynasty. 

In the Shoo itself the current cycle is used to chronicle days, and 
days only. Years are specified according to their order in the reign 
of the sovereign to whom they are referred. Such specification of 
3'ears, however, is in our classic exceedingly rare. 

There can be no doubt that before the Han dynasty a list of sove- 
reigns, and of the lengths of their several reigns, was the only method 
, ^ ^ ^ . . , which the Chinese had of determin- 

Tne ancient metliod of determining tlie . . /• i • . t 

len-rth of Chinese history. The want of do- ing the duration of their national 
cuuients which could make it available now. ^.. ai*. ii mii 

history. And it would still be a 
sufficiently satisfactory method, if we had a list of sovereigns and of 
tlie years each reigned, that was complete and reliable. We do not 
have this, however. Even in the early part of the Han dynasty, 
Sze-ma Ts'een's father and himself were obliged to content themselves 
with giving simply the names and order of most of the rulers in the 
dynasties of Shang and Hea. The lengths of the several reigns in 

5 Szc-raa Kwang gets the credit of fixing the standard chronology ; but let me call the attention 
of the student to Choo He*6 account of the matter. lie tells us : — * When Kwang first made a 
Chronological scheme, his earliest dale wa9 the 1st year of Wei-lc(! (b.c. 424). Afterwards, he 
extended his dates to the time of Kung and Ho (n.c. 840). After this again, he made his "Ex- 
amination of Antiquity/' beginning with the period of "highest antiquity," but he could give no 
dates of years earlUr than that time of Kung and Ho. It was Shaou K*ang-tse€ who pushed the 
calculations up to the Ist year of Yaou (;^ ^ ^ >f^ |g ^, j^ ^ ^ ^\\ ^, ^ 

Z- H^l^ ^»^SI5Jt # iP It .^ ^ 7C #' :s- :s2l ^"'^ "^"^^ " 

quoted in U&ng Ch*in-fung*8 notes on the annals of the Bamboo Books, y& ^^, p. 4, Choo He 
appears to baTe been fascinated in a measure by the Bamboo Books. 

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th€ standard chronology have been determined, mainl}', I believe, to 
make the whole line stretch out to the years which had been fixed 
on astronomical considerations for the periods of Chung-k'ang of the 
Hea dynasty and of Yaou. It will be seen in the sequel, and more 
fully in the next chapter, how the Bamboo Books contrive to shorten 
many of the reigns, so that those periods shall be less remote than 
they are commonly placed by about 200 years. 

If in the Four Books, or in any other books of the Chow dynasty, 
we had a statement of the length of the national history from any 
given era to that of the writer, the notice would be exceedingly 
valuable. Or, if the lengths of the reigns of the sctvereigns of 
Shang and Hea, cursorily mentioned, were given, we should be in a 
position to make an approximate computation for ourselves. I do 
not know, however, of more than two passages in all those books, 
which are really helpful to us in this point. Both of them are re- 
ferred to by Gaubil. If the reader will turn to the passage translated 
from the Tso-chuen, in the note on p. 67 above, he will see it there 
stated that the dynasty of Shang possessed the empire for 600 years. 
That is one of the passages. The other is the very last chapter of 
the Works of Mencius, where that philosopher says that * from Yaou 
and Shuri to T'ang — a period including all the d}- nasty of Hea — were 
500 years and more ; that from T'ang to king Wan — the period of 
the Shang dynasty — were 500 years and more; and that from king 
Wan to Confucius were 500 years and more.' Now, we know that 
the birth of Confucius took place in B.C. 551. Adding 551 to the 
1500 years *and more,' given by Mencius, we have the era of Yaou 
and Shun, at 2,100 years before our Saviour, or thereabouts. The 
words of Mencius, — ' from Yaou and Shun to T'ang,' are, indeed, 
sadly indefinite. Does he mean the end of Shun s reign, and the 
beginning of Yu's? or does he mean the beginning of Yaou's reign ? 
I think it was the latter which he intended. But vague as his lan- 
guage is, I do not think that with the most painstaking research we 
can determine anything more definite and precise concerning the 
length of Chinese history than it conveys. Mencius knew nothing of 
rulers before Yaou, nor do I. What we are told of Yaou and Shun, 
moreover, is little trustworthy. About 2,000 years before the 
Christian era, China, which has since become so large an empire, 
rises before us, with small beginnings, in the vista of the past. J 
do not think that anything more precise than this can be said upon 
the subject. Let us see. 

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QN THE miKaPAL ERAS IN THE SDOO. [pbolkoomeka. 

3. The last of the kings of the Chow dj'nasty mentioned in the 
Shoo is P'ing, the 13th of the line, whose 'Charge to Prince Wan' 
of Tsin forms the 28th Book of the 5th Part. His place in history 

The period of the Chow ^^ ^^^^ ascertained. Confucius' Clironicle of 
^y^^y- the Ch'un Ts'ew commences in B.C. 721. The 

1st of the 36 eclipses mentioned in it took place three years after, on 
the 14th February (n.s.), b.c. 719 ; and it is recorded that in the 
month after king P4ng died.^ Here, therefore, is a point of time 
about which there can be no dispute. In the words of Gaubil, * wo 
know the time of the end of the Shoo-king.' An earlier date in the 
Chow dynasty is known with the same certainty. Tlie She mentions 
an eclipse Avhich took place on the 29th August, B.C. 775, in the 6th 
year of king Yew, who preceded P'ing.^ Yew reigned 11 years, and 
his predecessor, king Seuen, 46, whose reign consequently commenced 
B.C. 826. Up to this date Chinese chronologers agree. To the 
ten reigns before king Seuen, the received chronology assigns 295 
years, making the dynasty begin in B.C. 1,121. The Bamboo Books 
assign to them only 223, making it commence in B.C. 1,049. In the 
lengths. of five of the reigns the two schemes agree; but whether 
the longer estimate of the other five or the shorter is to be preferred, 
I do not see that we have suflicient grounds to determine. Gaubil, 
reasoning from the cycle names of the days, which are given in 
several of the Books of Chow (as I have pointed out in my notes on 
the various passages), would fix the commencement of the dynasty 
in B.C. 1,111 [or 1,110]. If we suppose that Mencius, as is most 
likely, in saying that *from king Wan to Confucius were 500 years 
and more,' intended by * king WSn ' the commencement of the Chow 
dynasty, we have to conclude that this era must be between B.C. 1,051 
and 1,161. The date in the Bamboo Books places it too latej that 
in the common chronology cannot be far from the truth. 

4. In treating of the period of the Shang dynasty, w^e cannot fix 
a single reign with certainty by means of astronomical data. The 

The period of the Shang common chronology assigns to it 28 reigns ex- 
^ynMtj, tending over 644 years, so that its commence- 

ment was in B.C. 1,765. The Bamboo Books make the sovereigns to 
be 30, and the aggregate of their reigns only 508, so that the dynas- 
ty began in B.C. 1,557. Pan Koo of the Han made the length of 
the dynasty 529 years. 

2 See the She, Pt. 11, Bk. IV, Ode U.-- f- J^ J^^W H ^ ^' B ^ '^ ^^ 

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The difference of two reigns between the schemes of Sze-ma Kwang 
and the Bamboo Books is unimportant, and, if they otherwise agreed, 
could only affect the length of the dynasty by 6 years. Some re- 
marks on those reigns will be found in the note on Mencius, V., Pt. 
I., V. 5. That the number of reigns is not over-estimated we may 
infer from the statement of Mencius that between T'ang, the founder 
of the dynasty, and Woo-ting, the 20th (or 22d) sovereign, * there 
had been six or seven worthy and sage rulers.'^ In the 15th of the 
Books of Chow, the names of three of the sovereigns are given, and 
the duration of their reigns, to show how Heaven is likely to crown 
a good king with length of sway : — T'ae-mow, who reigned 75 years ; 
Woo-ting, who reigned 59 ; and Tsoo-kea, who reigned 33. The two 
schemes which I have mentioned agree in the length of those reigns, 
and of five others. From the statement in the Tso-chuen, that the 
Shang dj'nasty lasted 600 years, and that of Mencius, that 'from 
T'ang to king WS,n were 500 years and more,' we may judge that the 
644 years assigned to the Shang by the standard chronology are too 
many, and the 508 years of the Bamboo Books too few. 

5. According to the common chronology, the dynasty of Hea 
lasted 439 years ; according to the Bamboo Books, it lasted 431. The 

difference between the two schemes is not 

The period of the Hea dynasty. , , i . i i • . i 

great, though they agree exactly m the 
lengths of three of the reigns only. Mencius' words, that * from Yaou 
and Shun to T'ang were 500 years and more,' include the period of 
Yaou and Shun as well as that of the Hea dynasty; but the years 
Avhich he assigned to the two early sages, probably, did not differ 
much, if at all, from the common estimate of the two chronologies.2 
If we add 150 years either to 431 or 439, the sum is under 600 
years. The period usually assigned to the Hea dynasty cannot be 
far from the truth. 

In the 4th of the Books of Hea we have the record of an astro- 
nomical fact, which we might hope would enable us to determine the 
time of its occurrence, with as much certainty as the year of the death 
of king P*ing of the Chow dynasty is determined. In the reign of 
Chung-k^ang, the 3d of Yu's successors, there was an eclipse of the 
sun in the sign Fang, Sze-ma Kwang places the event in Chung- 
k'ang's 1st year,=B.c. 2,158 (or 2,159) ; the Bamboo Books place it 
in his 5th year,=, according to them, B.C. 1,947 (or 1,948), Neither 

1 See Mencius, II., Pt. I. i. 8.-^ M ^M ^T^ ^ M Z^^y^ ^ i^' 

2 Compare his statements in V. Pt. I^ v. and vi. 


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of these j'ears can be correct. Such an eclipse could not have takdn 
place in them. 

Gaubil tells us that the most famous astronomers of the T'ang 
dynasty, and subsequently those of the Yuen, determined this eclipse 
for the year B.C. 2,128 (or 2,127) on the 1st day of the 9th month, 
which year, moreover, they fixed as the 5th of Chung-k'ang ; and 
that other astronomers of the same dvnastics determined it for B.C. 
2,155 (or 2,154), which would be the 5th of Chung-k'ang in the 
common chronology. He himself adopted and zealously supported 
the latter determination ; but subsequent and more accurate calcula* 
tions seem to prove that he was in error. The reader is referred to 
what I have said on the subject in the body of the Work, pp. 1 67, 168. 
The eclipse of B.C. 2,128 may possibly be that mentioned in the 
Shoo; and yet a diflferent one, or more than one, may be found, 
within the period of the Hea dynasty, which would satisfy the 
necessary conditions. The autlienticity of the Book in which we 
have the statement about the eclipse is called in question ; but I 
have pointed out that that particular passage is guaranteed by* its 
being quoted in the Tso-chuen. The history or story in connection 
with which the statement is given is also put down, by Bunsen^ and 
others, as nothing better than *a popular fable;' and neither am I 
concerned to deny this : — it may very well consist with the reference 
to the natural phaenomenon which actually occurred. That phaeno- 
inenon, however, shows that neither of the current chronologies of 
the time is to be relied on ; and it does not by itself enable us to fix 
the time of the reign of Chung-k'ang. 

6. We come to the earliest period of Chinese history, — that of 
Yaou and Shun. The Shoo assigns 50 years of independent reign- 
ing to Shun : and Sze-maKwang and the Bam- 

Period of Yaou and Shun. , -n i t . ^ • . t . i 

boo Books adopt the estunate. It says also 
that he was on the throne along with Yaou 30 years. Mencius says 
these were only 28 ; but the two additional years may be made out 
by supposing that they were years of mourning after the death of 
Yaou. Yaou had reigned at least 70 years, before he felt the neces- 
sity of some one to relieve him of the toils of government.^ Both 
Kwang and the Bamboo Boots adopt Yaou's 70th year, as the date 
of Shun's association with him, and so assign to him in all 100 years. 
Pan Koo gives 70 years to him, and 50 to Shun, thus strangely 

3 Egypt's Place in Universal History, vol. III., p. 402. 
1 See the Canon of Yaou, p. 12. 

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allowing the 28 or 30 j^ears of their associate rule to drop altogether 
out of his chronology.2 Kwang s standard tables place Yaou's first 
year in B.C. 2,357, (or 2,356) ; the Bamboo Books place it in 2,145. 
There is thus a difference of rather more than 200 years between 
them. As we found them both wrong in regard to the reign of 
Chung-k'ang, we must hence conclude that they are wrong also in 
regard to the period which we are now examining. 

It has been generall}' supposed that Yaou s directions to the as- 
tronomers He and Ho, in the first Book of the Shoo, furnished data 
sufficiently certain to enable us to determine his era. The Shoo does 
not tell us indeed, in What year of his reign Yaou delivered those 
instructions, but the chronologers have all assumed that it was in 
his first year. The remarks of Mr. Chalmers on the point, in the 
appendix to this chapter, show that the value of Yaou's observations 
for chronological determinations has been overrated. The emperor 
tells his officers, that, among other indications which would enable 
them to fix the exact period of the cardinal points of the j^ar, the 
vernal equinox might be ascertained by observing the star neaou; 
the summer solstice by observing the star ho ; the autumnal equinox 
by observing the star heu; and the winter solstice by observing the 
star maou. It was assumed by the scholars of the Han dynasty that 
by neaou was to be understood the constellation or equatorial space 
then called sing^^ beginning at • Hydra, and including a space 
of 2^; and that by ho was to be understood fang^^ corresponding to 
<r Scorpio, and including 4^. It was assumed also, that, as the result 
of the observation (of the manner of which the Shoo says nothing), 
sing would be found to pass the meridian at six o'clock in the evening, 
at the vernal equinox ; and that the other stars mentioned would 
pass it at the same hour at the seasons to which they were referred. 

I do not think there is any reason to call these assumptions in 
question. The scholars of Han, ignorant of the fact of the procession 
of the equinoxes, could not have arbitrarily fixed the particular 
stars to suit their chronological views ; — their determination of them 
must have been in accordance with the voice of accredited tradition. 
Supposing that the stars were all what it is now believed they were, 
to what conclusions are we led by them as to the era of Yaou ? 

Bunsen tells us that Ideler, computing the places of the constella- 
tions backwards, fixed the accession of Yaou at B.C. 2,163,^ which is 

2 See the ^ ;^ g, :^ ^ "j^, p. 15. 2 ^, 4 j^. 5 Place of Egypt, 

&c., 111., p. 100. 

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only 18 years before the date in the Bamboo Books. On the other 
hand, J. B. Biot finds in the statements of the Shoo a sufficient con- 
firmation of the date in the received chronology, B.C. 2,357.^ Freret 
Avas of opinion that the observations left an uncertainty to the extent 
of 3 degrees, leaving a margin of 210 years.^ It seems to myself 
that it is better not to insist on pressing what Yaou says about 
the stars of the equinoxes and solstices into the service of chronology 
at all. Gaubil, Biot, and the other writers on the subject, all quote 
Yaous observations so far as they had astronomical reference; but 
they take no notice of other and merely popular indications, which 
he delivered to his officers to help them to ascertain the seasons. 
They would know the spring, he tells them, by the pairing of birds 
and beasts, and by the people's beginning to disperse into the country 
on their agricultural labours. Analogous indications are mentioned 
for summer and autumn ; till in the winter time the people would 
be found in their cosy corners, and birds and beasts with their coats 
downy and thick. Taken as a whole, Yaou's instructions to He 
and Ho are those of a chief speaking popularl}^, and not after the 
manner of a philosopher or astronomer.. We must not look for 
exactness in his remarks about the cardiiuil stars. The mention of 
them in the earliest portion of the Shoo proves that its compiler, 
himself, as I showed in the last chapter, of a later date, had traditions 
or written monuments of a high antiquity at his command; but 
• Yaou was as likely to be speaking of what he had received from his 
predecessors as of what he had observed for himself; and those 
predecessors may not have lived in China, but in another region 
from which the Chinese came. If it were possible to fix the exact 
century, in wliich it was first observed that the stars of the equinoxes 
and solstices were neaou and hev., ho and maou^ that century may 
have been anterior to Yaou, and not the one in which he lived. 

7. From the review which I have thus taken of the different 
periods of Chinese history, documents purporting to belong to which 
are preserved in the Shoo, it will be seen that the year B.C. 775 is the 
earliest date which can be said to be determined with certainty. The 
exact year in which the Chow dynasty connnenced is not known ; 
and as we ascend the stream of time, the two schemes current among 
the Chinese themselves diverge more widely from each other, while 
to neither of them can we accord our credence. The accession of 
Yu, the first sorerenpi of the nation, was probably at some time in 

6 Etudes sur rAstronomic Indicimc ct Chiiioisc. pp. 3C1 3CG. 7 Bunsen. as above : p. 101. 


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the nineteenth century before Christ; and previous to him there 
were the chiefs Shun and Yaou. Twenty centuries before our era 
the Chinese nation appears, beginning to be. To attempt to carry 
its early history to a higher antiquity is without. any historical 
justification. There may have been such men as Chinese writers talk 
of under the appellations of Chuen-heuh, Hwang-te, Shin-nung, Fuh- 
he, &c.; but they cannot have been rulers of China. They are chil- 
dren of the mist of tradition, if we should not rather place them in 
the land of phantasy. 

For myself, I had adopted the chronology of the Septuagint as 
nearer the truth than that of our present Hebrew Bibles, more than 
five-and-twenty years ago, before it was definitely in my plan of 
life to come to China as a missionary ; but the history of China need 
not seriously embarrass any one who follows the shortest chronology 
of Scripture. Writers like Bunsen, who follow the will-o'-the-wisps 
of their own imagination, may launch their sliafts against the in- 
tolerance of churches, and narrow-mindedness of missionaries. On 
Chinese ground we can afi^ord to laugh at their intolerance. Each 
bolt they discharge is mere bruttim fuhnen ; each shaft, imbelle telum. 




-By the Rev, John Chalmers, A,M. 

1. The Chinese believed tlie earth to be a plane surface ; — " straight, square, and 

large,"! measuring each way about 5,600 fe (=1,500 miles), and bounded on the 

^^ ^ , , ^ , „ four sides by " the four seas." 2 The North sea and 

The Earth, the Sun, the Heavens. ^ ^^r ^ , . . mi 

the West sea were of course purely imaginary. Ihe 

earth was motionless, while the sun and the moon and the starry heavens were con- 
tinually revolving with great rapidity. This is the fixed belief of the Cliinese even at 
ihe present day. The sun was estimated to be about 15,000 le (=4000 miles) from 
the earth, and it was supposed that the city of Loh was in " the centre of heaven and 
earth," — the middle of the Middle Kingdom.3 In other places the shadow of a per- 
pendicular gnomon was not due north and south at noonday, or else it was too short 

1 |g, 3J^, ;^, see the Yih-king, i^ ^|>. 2 Shoo, Pt. II. Bk. 1. 13. ; Pt. III. Bk. I. 

Pt. ii. 14—23. 3 Shoo, Pt. V. Bk. Xll. 14. 


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or too long ; but here it was not found to deviate in eitlier direction, and its length on 
midsummer-day was to the length of the gnomon as 16 to 80. The distance assign- 
ed to the sun is in fact the earth's radius, and was a natural inference from the plane 
figure of the earth, taken in connection with the diflPerent elevation of the sun in 
different latitudes. From the same premisses it was also inferred that the shadow 
would be all awry at noon in places far east or fer west of Loh ; — those on the east 
being too near the morning sun, and those on the west too near the evening sun. The 
following legend 4 may be quoted as illustrative of the supposed nearness of the sun 
to the earth. ** There is a country in the far west, in the place of the setting sun, 
where every evening the sun goes do^vn with a noise like thunder, and the king of 
the country leads out a thousand men on the city wall to blow horns and beat gongs 
and drums, as the only means of keeping little children from being frightoned to 
death by the unearthly roaring of the monster." The writers of the early Han d}Tiasty 
hesitate not to affirm that the experiment to prove the deviation of the shadow at 
noon was made with all the necessary apparatus, — clepsydras, gnomons, &c., and 
found successful. But the clepsydra is not mentioned in any authentic writing of 
earlier date than the Han ; and we may safely conclude that this, as well as some 
other instruments mentioned by interpreters of tlie classics, and in the Chow-le, was 
unknown to the ancient Chinese. The clepsydra is described by Aristotle (b.c. 884 

The Chinese have made attempts at various times to calculate the distance of the 
sidereal heavens. In the History of Tsin 5 the result of a calculation is given with 
amusing minuteness. It is said : — " By the metliod of right-angled triangles the dis- 
tance between heaven and earth was found to be 81,394 fe, 30 paces, 6 feet, 3 inches, 
and 6 tenths ! " Another calculator 6 gives 216,781^ fe. Tlie diameter of the sun is 
given by one writer as 1000 &;7 and he is said to be 7000 le below the heavens (the 

2. " The first calendars of the Greeks were founded on rude observations of the 
rising and setting of certain stars, as Orion, the Pleiades, Arcturus &c."l The same 
may be said of the calendars of the Chinese. Even after Meton and 
Callippus the Chinese calendar must have been founded on very " rude " 
observations indeed. During the two centuries and a half embraced by Confiicius' 
History of the later Chow dynast}', the conmiencement of the year fell back a whole 
month. This is demonstrable from the dates of the 36 eclipses, of which a list will be 
found subjoined, and from a variety of references to months, and days of the cycle of 
60, which occur throughout the History. It is probable that an error of another 
month was committed before the fall of the dynasty in the 3d century B.C. The rapid 
derangement of the montlis, and consequently of the seasons during this period, how- 
ever, most probably arose from the adoption of some erroneous system of intercalation, 
invented to supersede the troublesome observations of the stars from month to month. 
And the consequence was, tliat the knowledge of the stars came to be cultivated only 
for purposes of asti'ologj', — a science in which accuracy is no object. Hence even at 
the present day, the signs of the zodiac, or the 28 mansions of the moon, are most 
frequently represented not as they appear now, but as they appeared to Yaou and 
Shun.2 The eiwliest account, which has any claim to authenticity, of the stars employ- 
ed to mark the cardinal signs of the zodiac, is in tlie Canon of Yaou. According to 

1 See Siuith*8 Dictionary of Antiquities, Article Calendar, 2 Shoo, Pt. I. Bk. I. 


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the inteipretation of that document, the equinoxes were in Taurus (Pleiades) and 
Scorpio, and the solstices in Leo and Aquarius in the time of Yaou. IS'o doubt there 
was a tradition to tliis effect at the time when the Shoo-king was compiled, for the 
author knowing nothing of the precession of the equinoxes, could not have adjusted 
them to the time of which he was writing. His "examination of antiquity "3 was so 
far accurate, although the details of his narrative may and even must be mythical. 
Even Yaou himself may be so. In accordance with Chinese ideas of a sage, Yaou in 
a few pompous sentences makes it appear tliat lie is perfectly acquainted beforehand 
with the results of the observations which he orders his astronomers to make : — " You 
will find the star is in neaov,' &c. But did they find the stars as Yaou said they 
would find them ? We are supi)osed to believe that they did, of course; but since we 
are not told, we claim the liberty to doubt. Suppose, for tlie sidce of argument, that 
Y^aou, l^efore the observations were made, was dependent on tradition for his know- 
ledge, and that his astronomers were capable of nuiking accurate observations, they 
would in that case have had to report some failure in the verification of his stut^ments. 
But apart fi*om this, we are prej)ared to affirm that three of the men sent to the four 
borders of China could not have seen the stars, which occupied for the time being the 
equinoctial and solstitial points, culminating on tlie eveninfi*s named. E. G., the first 
point of Libra could not be seen culminating at nightfall, when the sun is in the first 
point of Cancer, for it must culminate at Ch. p.m., whereas the sun would not set in 
any part of China in midsummer much before ?h. p.m., and the stars would not be 
visible for half an hour after sunset. This last fact would stand equally in the way, 
at the equinoxes, of the observers' seeing their stars culminating, unless, indeed, the 
time of observation w^as several centuries later than the date usually assigned to Yaou 
(B.C. 2356 — 22br>), so that tlie stiirs to be observed had ceased to be exactly in the 
solstitial colure. The astronomer who went to the 7wvth in 7r inter is the only one 
who would have no difficulty of this kind. He might see his stiir long before it cul- 
minated. But unless he had a good clock, he could not tell that it culminated at 
61i. P.M. In the course of the long winter evening he would lose his reckoning sadly. 
The clepsydra also, supposing that he had one, might be ice-bound. The observation 
could have been made more conveniently in every way at the central station tlian at 
the northern border. 

The value of the astronomical part of the Canon of Yaou, as a confirmation of the 
received chronolog}'', has been much overrated. According to the obvious interpreta- 
tion of the text, Yaou had reason to expect the sti^rs he mentioned to be in tJie 
equinoctial and solstitial colures. But what his reason was we are left to conjecture. 
It might be personal observation ; or it might be tradition fi'om his great-gran dfatJier, 
or from Noah himself. 

Scorpio, the Ho of Yaou, was considered, even to the end of the Chow dynasty, an 
important guide to the knowledge of the seasons, as is evident from the fi-equent 
references to it in the writings of that time.'* An ode in the Book of Poetry, attributed 
to Chow-kung, begins with the words,5 "In the seventh m(mth Ho passes on," — that 
is to say, passes to the westward of the meridian at nightfall. From which it would 
follow that in the sixth month it was in the meridian at the same hour. This would 
have been the case if the seventh month had coinciiled with ours, or with the end of 
July and part of Augiist, but not if the year liad commenced with our December, as 

3 First sentence of Canon uf Yaou. 4 j^ ^, ^.f^" ^^^ 5 |^, ^ ^. 



■^ Digitized by ^ 


the Chinese say the j-ear of tlie Chow dynast}' always did. Here therefore is an 
argument a^inst the prevailing opinion, which there are otlier strong reasons for 
setting aside, that king Woo, when he became emperor, ordered that the year shoidd 
begin before the winter solstice, while the first month was still absurdly styled tlie 
first of spring. The fact is, the months of the year fell into this great disorder after- 
wards, througli neglect, and not on account of an imperial decree. It is probable, 
however, that even in Chow-kung's time tlie first month of the year was the last of 
the winter season, the error of one month passing down from the previous dynasty. 
As early as B.C. 77o, we find the year beginning with our December; and 60 years 
after, it begins with January agjiin. 

The former date, B.C. 77 o, is very important, as being the earliest which astro- 
nomical calculation really confirms. The tenth month of that year commenced on 
29th of August (new style) — the 28th day of tlie cycle of 60 — with an eclipse of the 
sun, which is mentioned in the Book of Poetry.6 The first month of next year, unless 
an intercalary month intervened, would begin about the end of November. 

The passage in tlie Tso Chuen,7 in which Confiicius is made to say that in the 12th 
montli of tlie year, Scorpio was still visible in the west, is not intelligible, for the 
sun must have passed through Scorpio in October, and the 12th month was certainly 
not our September. 

A very ancient and characteristic method of detennining the seasons and months of 
the year, to which tlie Chinese are fond of alhiding, was by the revolution of Ursa 
Major. One of its names, of which it has several, is " tlie N ortliern Bushel." Under 
this name it is often confounded with the North Pole, and also with one of the 28 
mansions in Sagittarius, which has the same name. Its tail is called the "handle." 
There is a clear statement of this method of determining the seasons in the writings 
of Hoh-kwantsze : ^ — "When tlie tail of the Bear points to the east (at nightfall), it is 
spring to all the world. When the tail of tlie Bear points to the sonthy it is summer 
to all the world. When the tail of the Bear points to the west^ it is autvmn to all 
tlie world. When the tail of the Bear points to the norths it is winter to all the world." 
It is well to keep in mind that the body of the Great Bear was in ancient times con- 
siderably nearer to tlie north pole than it is now, and the tail appeared to move round 
the pole somewhat like the hand of a clock or watch. The Historical Records say, 
tliat the seven stars of the Northern Bushel are spoken of (in the Shoo, Pt. II. Bk. I. 
p. 5) when it is said, "The pivot and the gem-transverse adjust the seven directors." 
According to later interpreters, the sun, moon, and five planets are the seven directors, 
and the pivot, &c., refer to an aetronomicjU instniment. But the ancients knew 
nothing of tlie five planets. No reference to them as Jive can be found in the classics. 
On the contrary, they seem to have supposed, as the Greeks did before Pytliagoras, 
that Lucifer and Ilespenis were two stars. Hence in the Book of Poetry we find 
lines to this efiect : — 

" In the east there is Lucifer 
In the west there is Hesper."^ 

And the references to the five planets in the Chow Ritual, and in the three annotated 
editions of the Chun Ts^ew, are evidence of their later origin. The same may be 
said of tlie use of the planet Jupiter for astrological purposes, which belongs to the 
time of the Contending States, or to the early Han. At that time the period of 


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■■JJ - ■■ ■- ■' 



[CH. III. 






♦ * * 

* * 






Jupiter was supposed to be exactly 12 3'ears, so that he gave a year to each sign of 
the Zodiac, tlierefore he is always called the ymr st^r. Considering tliis exact law 
of motion in the planet, one Chinese author remarks : — " It must be a spiritual thing 
witliout doubtw'* 

The annexed figure will illustrate the use of Ursa Major as a kind of natural clock, 
whose hand makes one revolution in a year. The earth's surflice (square of course) is 
converted into a dial, and tlie horizon is N 

divided into 12 parts, making due north 
the centre of the first division. In theory 
the time of observation is 6h. p.m. pre- 
cisely. But it was necessary to wait till 
the stars were visible. If the tail then 

pointed due east, it indicated the vernal W y * * TV E 

equinox; but if it pointed due west, as re- 
presented in the figure, it was the autumnal 

In this instance, the hand of the clock 
points a little in advance of the sun in the 
ecliptic, and to the bright stars in Scorpio, 
for the tail of the Bear always points to S 

Scorpio. So then we have still Scorpio as die sign of mid-autumn. 

This symmetrical position of the Great Bear, or "Northern Bushel," with reference 
to the seasons, is essential to the Chinese creed; and hence to this day, maugre the 
precession of the equinoxes, it retains its position in the estimation of almost all Chi- 
nese, learned and ignorant. The seasons still arrange themselves round the dial in 
exactly the same way, Winter going to the north, Spring to the east. Summer to the 
South, and Autumn to the west 

3. The most common and the earliest division of the ecliptic is that of the 28 man- 
sions. These are of very unequal extent, and consequently very inconvenient for any 
purpose but tliat of astrology. The apportioning of 7 of these mansions 
' to each of the cardinal points is also nothing more than an astrological de- 
vice; but the Chinese student comes in contact with it so frequently, that some explana- 
tion of its origin seems very desirable. We Leo 
must remember that the hour of midnight 
at the winter solstice is with the Chinese 
a grand epoch ; a sort of repetition of the 
T*ae-keih or commencement of all things. 
Let the circle in the annexed figure repre- /^Jl 
sent the position of the ecliptic at midnight / Jjj 
in mid- winter, in relation to the ChineseH^j^SLj 
earth, represented by a square space in thejl^j^ 
centre. At the season and hour in ques- \\f 
tion, in the time of Yaou, Leo would be 
in the meridian, and south of the zenith in 
the middle of China ; Taurus would be in 
the west, and Scorpio in the east ; and it 
is correctly inferred that Aquarius, though 
invisible, would be north of the nadir. 



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Accordingly, the seven winter mansions of which Aquarius is tlie centre nre assigned 
to the north, and the seven summer mansions of which Leo is the centre are assigned 
to the south. Thus far the arrangement agrees with that already described according 
to the motion of the Great Bear. But the vernal mansions go to the west, and the 
autumnal ones to the east, reversing the previous direction of these two seasons, and 
in opposition to the prevaihng notion of the Chinese that spring belongs to the ea^t, 
&c. This discrepancy does not seem however to trouble their minds at all, and we 
may safely leave it unexplained. 

The angular value of the 28 mansions varies from 1" to 30", and modem books 
differ materially from the older ones as to the dimensions of each. Even the four 
great divisions differ more than 30* one from another. The following are their re- 
spective lengths as given in tlie introduction to Yung-ching's Shoo-king. The circle 
was divided into 365^ degrees : — 

Tlie 7 Northern Constellations embrace 98^ deg. 

„ Western „ „ 80 „ 

„ Southern „ „ 112 „ 

„ Eastern „ „ 76 „ 

Total 365ideg. 

This division of the ecliptic is, with some slight variations, common to the Arabians, 
the Hindoos, and the Chinese ; — a fact which seems to point to the common origin of 
these races, or to their inter-communication at a period of which history gives us as 
yet no information. 

Besides this inconvenient system of unequal constellations or mansions, the Chinese 
have, in c6mmon with western nations and the Hindoos, the division of the Zodiac 
into twelve equal parts or signs. This improvement was probably also introduced in 
the end of the Chow, or the beginning of tlie Han dynasty. The Sinologue will see 
a reference to two of these signs in the Tso Chuen,l where they are mentioned for 
an astrological purpose, in connexion with the planet Jupiter. The following is a list 
of tlie Chinese signs, with the constellations to which they correspond. The com- 
mencement with Aries is optional, as the Chinese usually write them round a circle. 

1 -^ J^ Aries-Taurus. 7 -^ *^ Libra-Scorpio. 

2 j^ ^^ Taurus-Gemini. 8 jj^ ^ Scorplo-Sagittorius. 

8 ^ "^ Gemini-Cancer. ^ S ^ Sagittarius-Capricorn. 

4 ^^ n^ Cancer-Leo. 10 ^ :j® Capricorn-Aquarius. 

5 ^a J§ Leo- Virgo. 11 mS ^^ Aquarius-Pisces. 

6 ^ ^ Virgo-Libra. 12 |^ ^ Pisces-Aries. 

The commencement of the first month of spring between the 20th of January and 
the 19th of February is said to fall alwjy^s within the 11th of these signs. This 
ought therefore to coincide with our Aquarius; and the fact that it includes part of 
Pisces might be taken as indicative of an earlier date than that of our Zodiacal no- 
menclature ; but it seems rather to be an accommodation to the ancient traditions. 
We do not find that the ancient Chinese made much practical use of the 12 signs; 
and even to the present day the 28 mansions of the moon have retained their place in 
preference to the more scientific division. 

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4. Slowly and reluctantly did the Chinese astronomer awake to the recognition 

of tlie fact that the position of the equinoxes in the ecliptic was shifting^ from ag'e to 

^ « , ^ . aj?<^- With the traditions of 2000 years embodied in 

Precession of the Equinoxes. , , . i i. /., . , 

the classical literature oi his country, and engraven on 

the tablets of his memor\', and with the alteration of a whole sign in tlie position oi 

the equinoctial points staring him in the face, his mind remained sealed agninst the 

entrance of the new idea; and went on in its old nits by sheer vi/f-inertia*, Hip- 

parchus (b.c. 160 — 125) discovered the precession of the equinoxes by comparing his 

own observations with tliose of Aristyllus and Timocharis, or others who preceded him 

by not moretlian two or three centuries; whereas the first man in China who took 

notice of the precession lived in the 4th centur}^ of the Christion era (Coram, on Canon 

of Yaou, p. 21). He was separated from Yaou by a period of 2000 years ! 

5. The invention of the cycle of 00 is ascribed to Hwang-te (b.c. 2,030), and in 

particular its application to years is affirmed to have commenced in his reign; but this 

n>i. /-. 1 i.^^ ...... is a mere fiction. It was not applied to vears even 

The Cycle of60; and Its Applications. . , . ^ ^ ,. . ,.„ \, , " . ^ 

m tlie time of Confiicius. llie Cycle consists of 

two sets of characters ; one set of 10, and one set of 12, — which are combined in 

couples, odd to odd and even to even, making in all sixty combinations. 

The "twelve terrestrial branches," as they are called, were first invented, in all 

probability, to distinguish tlie twelve spaces into which the horizon is 

divided, as described above. Their names and order are as-follows: — 

1 -^ tsze, 2 "2; ch*ow, 3 ^ yin, 4 OH maou, 5 J^ shin, 6 ^ sze, 
7 ^woo, 8 ^ we, 9 E^ shin, 10 S" yew, 11 J^ seuh, 12 ^ hac. 

The common mode of expression, tM "?*» ^^ -^ &c., "to set up tsze,^^ "to set up 
ch^orv,^^ Sec, J refers to the tail of the Great Bear pointing to tsze, ch^ow, and tJio otlier 
ten divisions of the dial, ll^ze, the first character always indicates due north, and 
the middle of winter. 

It was an easy step, from the original application of the 'twelve branches' to the 

months, to a duodecimal division of the day; but according to native authorities this 

was not adopted till the time of Han. It does seem strange tliat the Chinese 

should have existed so long without any ai'tificial division of the day; and 

yet in recoi-ding eclipses, where the time of the day is a most important item, it is 

never mentioned. 

The application of the cycle to days is undoubtedly a very ancient practice. But 
it would seem from a passage in the Shoo, Pt. II. Bk. IV., par. 8, that the 
days were originally arranged in tens only, by means of the 10 "celestial 
stems." These are: — 

1 V^ kcft, 2 2j y»^' 3 1^ ping, 4 "J' ting, 5 jj^ mow, 
6 g^ ke, 7 ^ kang, 8 ^ s^n, 9 ^ jin, 10 ^ kwei. 

Yu is made to say, " I remained with my wife only the days sin, jin, hn-ei, luHy 
These are the last three and tlie first of the above set of characters, and the natural 
inference from their use here is that they were invented to divide the month into three 
equal part^ (three decades) ; and that in course of time they were combined with the 
twelve branches to make the famous Chinese cycle of slvty. The first mention of the 

1 — ■ n -j- J2l (1$ in >J^ i^'> ^^^ Morrison's View uf China, Chron. Tables. 


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cyclical name of a day is found in the Shoo, Pt. IV. Bk. IV. p. 1. It is said to have 
been in the 12th month of the first year of the emperor T*ae-ke&. The current 
chronology makes this year to be B.C. 1,752. But the chronology is utterly valueless; 
and we have no sufficient data by which to verify the day. Moreover, this is the only 
instance of the use of the cycle which occurs before B.C. 1,121 of the same chronology. 
In the Books of Chow it is frequently employed. 

The state of confrision in which Chinese chronology is found to be, down to the 
time of the Eastern Chow, and the fact that not a single instance of the apphcation 
of the cycle to years can be found till after the classical period, are sufficient to 
satisfy us that this invaluable method of dating years was never used in ancient 
times. The first attempt to arrange the years in C3"cles of sixty is found in Sze-ma 
Ts'een's Historical Records, in a table constructed for the purpose of intercalation, 
and extending over a period of 76 years, the first year being B.C. 103. But instead 
of using tlie Chinese cyclical characters, he employs words of two and three syllables, 
which, considered from a Chinese point of view, must be pronounced barbarous. We 
give the names applied to the first thirteen years. Perhaps some one acquainted with 
the ancient language of the Hindoos may hereafter be able to identify them. The 
second word in each name has some connexion with the motion of the planet Jupiter ; 
and Sze-ma says that Sheht% part of the first name, means Jupiter. His commentator 
adds that Jupiter belongs to the east, and is the essence of wood, the spirit of the 
Green god, Ling-wei-jang. This last word is one of six meaningless trisyllables, 
applied to the the god of the north pole and to the ^ve elemental gods, during the 
Han dynasty, for which also we must seek a foreign origin. They are given below : — 

Names of Years in Sze-ma Ts^ee^t's Histoi^j probably of foreign origin. 

BC 103;^^ :)^j^^ yenfung shet^ckih. 

102 jj^ ^ 1^ ^ twanmnug tangoh. 

101 ^ ^IS ^ ^ yewchaou chihseu. 

^^ ^ 1^ i^ "fe ^ keangwoo tamanglOli. 

^^ ^ li ^W *''^'^" tuntsang. 

^^ ]% iM ^^ ^ sbanghung ch'ihfunjO. 

^^ flS ^ # M ch'aouyang tsdhgdh. 

95 ;j^ ^ ^ f^ Iiiuiggae yenmow. 

^* 1^ '^ >^ '^ ^ sbangchang tayuenheen. 

^* i^ ^ ffl ^ yenfung kw*antun. 

^^ ^^ >l^i *^ twanmung juyhan. 

^^ '^ ^fe ^ ^ ^ yewchaou shet'ekih. 

Names ofgods^ probably of foreign origin, 

Tlie god of the north pole ;|[j *j£* Yaou pih paou ^^ ^^ ^. 

The Green god (wood) ^ ^ Ling w^ijang ^ ^ j^. 

The lied god (fire) ^^^ ^A'^/>*««^««o55^ !^ ^. 

The YeUow god (earth) ^ '^ Shay ch'oo mm ^ :^ J^. 


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The White god (metal) Q *S|* ^^ chaou heu ^ j^ ^. 

The Black god (water) M ^^ Beth hcang ^« |tp ^^ /^* 
Various attempts have been made to analyse the second word Slwht^ekih, (in Cantonese 
Shipt'ai kak. Is Shipt'ai intended to represent the Hindoo name of Jupiter, — Vri- 
shaspati ; and Jtak the Hindoo chaera, or cycle ?) applied to the first year of Sze-ma 
Ts^een's Table: and to determine which of the 12 branches' it oug-lit to be identified 
with. Sze-ma himself j besides saying that sheht^e is Jupiter, explains the term to 
mean the place of that planet in the ecliptic; and again, with strange inconsistency, he 
says elsewhere it is the star or constellation to which the tail of Ursa Major points. 
In a work called the * Classic of Stars,' l sheht^e is said to denote a " spiritual instrument 
of western nations." Now this confusion of words without knowledge is easily ac- 
counted for on the supposition that the cycle of 60 years was introduced from the 
Hindoos, to whom the Chinese were indebted in the time of Sze-ma Ts'een for other 
things even more important. In justice to Sze-ma, however, or rather to the compilers 
of the Work that goes by his name, for it is the work of more than one hand, it ought 
to be stated that they saw that the motion of Jupiter was in the opposite direction to that 
in which the " 12 branches " are reckoned, and would give them in the reverse order. 
They therefore had recourse again to the Great Bear; and explained that the character 
belonging to that month of any year when Jupiter rose before the sun in the east 
was the cyclical character for that year. They then tell us that, in the year B.C. 103, 
Jupiter rose in the morning during the first month, which is (^) yiriy the third of 
tlie 12 branches. This ought therefore to be the cyclical cliaracter for 103. But 
futiu'e chronologists made it (-^) Mow, the second. Probably they did this because 
the History says that Jupiter was in ch^ow. But if this was their reason, they over- 
looked the fact that on tlie following year the planet is said to be in (-?*) ^*^^; ^^^ 
ag-ain afler another year has elapsed, he is in (^) luie, going backwards over the 
characters. They evidently lighted upon the wrong expression. The original 2 runs 
thus: — "Inthe«A^A^'^^t^year,the([^)2^m of the year, moving to the leflt, is in (^) 
yin, and the star of the year (Jupiter) moving, in the opposite direction, to the right, 
is in MmvP The word (jJ^) yin here is too vague to be translated. It means any 
thing which is the reverse of the star, or the counter part of the star. Chinese schol- 
ars aie fond of using this form of expression : — "The year is in keah-tsze ;^' ^ but pro- 
bably very few ever reflect on the meaning of the phrase, or know that it has its 
origin in the above passage from the Historical Records, much less could they say 
for certain whether it is the yin of the year, or the star of tlie year, that they intend 
to say is " in keah-tszeJ'* 

The characters before in use for the cycle of 60 days were soon substituted for the 
longer names: but not without some diversitj^ of opinion as to where the cycle should 
commence. In the chronological Tables given in the Historical Records the cyclical 
characters have been supplied by a later hand, firom B.C. 840 downwards ; but in 
every case the authority of the scholars of Tsin (a.d. 265-419) is quoted. Sen Kwang* 
seems to be most closely followed; but he was preceded in tlie same department of 
labour by Hwangfoo Meih,5 and perhaps also by the inventor of the so-called Bamboo 
Books.6 So then the cycle of 60 years cannot have commenced earlier than the Han, 

I mm. 2 


^m^t^' ^a^i^^ ' 

|/4» /^ 

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and owes its present form to the scholars of Tsin; although the Chinese for the most 
part still glory in the delusion that it was invented by Hwangte, (60 x 75=) 4500 
years ago. 

6. The Chinese month has always been lunar j and as twelve lunations come short of 
a solar year by nearly 11 days, it is necessary from time to time to insert an extra 
month to preserve a general correspondence with the solar year. The 
statement of Yaou (Shoo, Pt. I. par. 8), that the year consists of 366 
days, was made with a view to facilitate the process of intercalation which he ordered 
his astronomers to conduct. But to reckon the solar year at 366 days would occasion 
an error of a whole month in 40 years; so that in the course of his long reign of 100 
years Yaou might have seen great cause to shorten the solar period. It would seem, 
however, that neither he nor his successors made any attempt to obtain more accurate 
numbers, and that in fact their intercalation was regulated by the natural recurrence 
of the seasons, and rude observations from year to year. During the Chow dynasty, 
intercalary months were placed at irregular intervals, but most frequently at the end 
of the year. 

The Chinese seem even then to have had no idea of the proper interval between 
two intercalations, which is now known to be 32 or 33 months on an average. The 
amount of error which they actually committed in the commencement of the year has 
been already referred to; and we now give a few examples gathered from the "Ch'un 
Ts*ew" of Confticius. According to the theory of later writers, the year ought always 
to have commenced bet\^'een November 22 and December 22; but on the contrary we 
find that the year 

Lc. 719 


... on 



„ 703 




„ 688 




„ 685 




„ 658 




„ 626 




„ 605 





„ 583 




„ 556 




„ 540 




„ 529 





„ 526 




For an instance of the intercalary month placed at the end of the year on three 
successive occasions, the reader is referred to Sze-ma Ts'een's Chronological Tables, — 
Ts^n dynasty, years 207, 204, & 201, B.C. Each of these would be separated from 
the other by 36 lunations instead of 32 ; and a proportionate amount of error would 
be caused in the situation of the months. 

In the second century before the Christian era, the Chinese made extraordinary 
efforts to open communication with the West. They explored due west as fer as the 
borders of Persia. Beyond theno madic tribes of Huns and 
Scythians, their immediate neighbours, the Chinese travellers 
found nations comparatively civilised, dwelling in cities and towns. Their horses 
were far superior to any known in China, and were eagerly coveted by the emperor. 
They had wine made from grapes, which the rich preserved for many years. Among 
other objects of interest unknown in Eastern Asia are mentioned single humped 
camels (C. Arabicus) and ostrich-eggs. At the same time they became acquainted 

Reform of the calendar. 


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with the northern parts of India,— Shindo (Scinde ?), Dahea, &c.l Sze-ma Ts'een, who 
gives a fiill history of these discoveries, does not indeed tell us that they became 
acquainted with the cycle of Callippus, either through the Bactrians or the Hindoos ; 
but there is scarcely a shadow of doubt that chis was the case. In no other way can 
we account for the sudden appearance, in Ts'een's History, of a method so fer in ad- 
vance of anything known before in China, and one which had been already employed 
in the West for more than two centuries. The cycle of Callippus is simply this : — 
4 X 19=76 years=27759 days=940 hmations. It must have been well known to 
Alexander, the pupil of Aristotle, and the conqueror of Sogdiana, Bactria, and the 
Punjab, B.C. 328 — 325. The reformation of the Chinese calendar by Sze-ma Ts*een and 
others, with the help of these numbers, dates from the winter solstice of the year 104 
B.C. In order to make tliis epoch appear as perfect as possible, they overlooked minor 
differences, though amounting to a whole day in the case of the solstice, and declared 
that new moon, and winter, and midnight, all coincided, at the commencement of 
the firet of the cycle. From this remarkable epoch all dates before and after were to 
be calculated by the new method. In constructing a calendar for short periods, or 
even for a century or two, the method was invaluable; but with unlimited faith in its 
perfection, the Chinese scholars of that day proceeded to solve by means of it all 
difficult problems of ancient chronology ; and here of course it led them astray. We 
can easily see the amount of error which they committed in reckoning back 16 
centuries to the first year of T'ae-ke&, or ten centuries to the 13th year of Woo-wang. 
In round numbers, the error of the Metonic cycle, as modified by Callippus, amounts to 
one day in the time of new moon for every 300 years, and three days in the time of 
winter solstice for every 400 years. So then tlie scholars of Han, in calculating the 
day of new moon at the commencement of the Chow dynasty, made an error of three 
days. As Confucius has nowhere told us, and possibly could not tell, how many 
years the Chow dynasty had lasted up to his own time, the problem the chronologers 
had to solve was to find a year near the supposed date of Woo-wang, which should 
commence with the day ^in-maotc. Such a year being found would, according to the 
Shoo-king, Pt V. Bk. III. par 1, be the 13th of king Woo. Calculated according 
to the Metonic cycle from the epoch of Han, the year in question is B.C. 1121. But 
if we attempt to verify this date by modern methods, we find that the supposed first 
new moon of 1121 would fell three days later than mn-maou, and moreover that the 
whole lunation would be before the winter solstice, and belong according to the Chi- 
nese theory to the preceding year. So then, if we are not prepared to reject all the 
dates in the Shoo-king as spurious, we have no alternative but to condemn tlie 
received chronology. But the chronology of the whole period embraced by the Shoo 
rests on nothing better than mere conjecture, and imperfect astronomical calculations, 
made after the reformation of the calendar in the 2nd century B.C. We can have no 
hesitation therefore, in rejecting it. 

It may be well to state here one or two additional arguments in favour of the view 
that the Chinese borrowed their astronomy from the West before the Christian era. 
It is stated by Sir J. F. Davis, in his work on The Chinese^ Vol. II. p. 290, that ihe 
Hindoo cycle of sixty years " is a cycle of Jupiter, while that of the Chinese is a solar 
cycle." The learned author does not explain what he understands by *'a solar cycle" 
of 60 years, nor does he give any authority for the statement. We have found, on the 


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contrary, that the Chinese cycle, like the Hindoo one, is connected with the period of 
Jupiter. In the same page of tlie above work it is said, '^ Besides the lunar zodiac of 
twenty-eight mansions, the Hindoos (unlike the Chinese) have the solar, including 
twelve signs." But we have seen that the Chinese have also the twelve signs. 

Another proof that the Chinese borrowed from the Hindoos is the use they made 
of conjunctions of the five planets. The rise of the Han dynasty, it is asserted, was 
marked by one of those conjunctions. And as the Hindoo era, cali-yvg^ conmienced 
(B.C. 3102) with a conjunction of all the planets, so the Historian of Han places a 
conjunction of all the planets in the reign of Chuen-heuh (b.c. 2613 — 2436, mod. 
chr.), just at the time when that emperor is said to have corrected the calendar^ and 
fixed the commencement of the year in February. The late Baron Bunsen, in his 
Work on Egypt (Bk. IV. Pt. IV.), has attempted to verify this conjunction of the 
planets; but this, as well as the credence he gives to the tablet of Yu, only shows his 
ignorance of the subject ; and that he ought to have manifested more of a fellow 
feeling with the 'ignorant' and 'superstitious' and 'intolerant' missionaries, who 
mistook the inundation of Yaou for the flood of Noah. These ancient conjunctions of 
the planets are utterly unworthy of credit. There was a rough approximation to 
such a conjunction at the commencement of the Han dynasty, in May, 204 B.C. But 
the only real conjunction of the ^\q on record is that of Sep. 15, 1186 a.d., in the 
Sung dynasty. 1 he Chinese in this matter seem to have been servile imitators of 
the Hindoos; and the Hindoos in their turn borrowed from the Greeks. When the 
expression "ts'eih ching" (-(^ i^), "the seven directors," is taken in the sense of sun, 
moon, and five planets, and applied to days, the idea is obviously and confessedly 

7. Referring to the Shoo, Pt. III. Bk. IV. parag. 4, we find this sentence : — 'On the 

first day of the last month of autumn the sun and moon did not meet harmoniously 

^^ „ ^ ^, , in Fanff." Upon which there was beatinff of 

llie Eclipse in the reign of Cimng-k'ang. , i i , , 

drums, and a general commotion such as the 

Chinese usually make on the occasion of an eclipse of the sun. It is evident, irom 
the quotation of the passage in the Ttto-cknen, that an eclipse of the sun is meant, 
and also that the record existed in some form or other in the time of Tso K^ew- 
minff. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that the genuineness of this part of the 
Shoo is open to great suspicion, and in particular, that the phrase J^ ^ ^^ -y* j^, 
lit, " The heavenly bodies were not harmonious in the chamber," looks more like a 
modem form of speech, than a primitive way of denoting an eclipse of the sun. It 
occurs nowhere else; and although no other eclipse is mentioned in the Shoo, in the 
other classical writings eclipses of the sun are of common occurrence, and are uniformly 
denoted l>y -^ ^ ^ "the sun was eaten." This seems more likely to be the 
older phrase. And again, with regard to the character ^,fanffy it is evidently not 
taken in the Tso-ch'uen for the constellation that now goes by that name, but as 
equivalent to Shay C-^), any division or mansion of the Zodiac. This interpretation 
seems also to be favoured by several later writers. The ancient name of the constella- 
tion was Ho or Ta-hOy i. e, Scorpio, and it is only called ,f(tny in the Book of Rites. 
But granting that an eclipse within that part of Scorpio which now goes by the 
name of Fang is intended, no such event could have been witnessed during the reign 
of Chung-k'ang, if we adopt the current chronology. The eclipse of the astronomers 
of T'ang, although it happens to agree with that of Gaubil, in being on the fifth year 
of Chung-k'ang, was reckoned according to some other chronolog}' than that which 

101] ^ , 

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is current now, and was in fiict the eclipse of 2127, which has recently come into favour, 
after GaubiFs has been set aside as invisible (See Comm, in he!) The astronomers 
of T'ang distinctly state that it was in the year hwei-tsze, the 30th of the cycle of 
years; and on the day kang-seuh, the 47th of the cycle of days. I have found them 
right even in the day; which implies a high degree of accuracy in their figures, con- 
sidering that they were calculating an eclipse at the distance of nearly 3000 years. 
Is it possible that those Chinese astronomers were superior to Gaubil ? or was their 
success in this instance accidental ? It was perhaps too late in the day for the 
scholars of T'ang to fix the uncertain chronology by astronomical calculation, though 
those of Han practised this method freely with far inferior knowledge. 

Those, however, who like the year 2127 as the date of the eclipse may adopt it now 
without fear of its being hereafter proved invisible. But it is well to keep in mind 
that eclipses satisfying the conditions are by no means rare. Eclipses of the sun, 
visible in the northern hemisphere in the sign Scorpio, might be looked for in any of 
the following — 

B.C. 2154 2024 1894 1764 

2135 2005 1875 1745 

2127 1997 1807 1737 

2108 1978 1848 1718 


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1. Having made such frequent reference in the last chapter to 
the Bamboo Books, I have thought it would be well to devote a 
chapter specially to them, embodying the text, with a translation, 
of that portion of them which is most important, and from which the 
shorter scheme of Chinese chronology is derived. Some Sinologues, 
like Father De Mailla, have written about them without sufficient 
discrimination, and have not done them justice ; while other students 
of chronology, like Freret and Bunsen, unable to examine them for 
themselves, have attached a greater value to them than can be fairly 
claimed. The student will be glad to have the ancient history of 
China, as indicated in them, in the same volume with the records 
of the Shoo ; and it will be found that they give important corrobora- 
tion to some of the views which I have advanced on the older 
portions of the classic. 

'The Bamboo Books' is a comprehensive designation. It is not, 
indeed, so wide as De Mailla represents, when he says : — ' It is the 
What is meant by 'The g^^^^^al name givcH to all ancient Books written 
Bamboo Books.' q^ tablets of bamboo, before the manner of 

making paper was discovered.' Such books might be spoken and 
written of as * Bamboo Books.' The Bamboo Books is the name 
appropriate to a large collection of ancient documents, discovered in 
A.D. 279, embracing nearly twenty different Works, which contained 
altogether between seventy and eighty chapters or Books. 

1 See the first of the P. De MaiUa's letters to Freret, prefixed to * L'llistoirc gcneralc de la Chine.' 

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The discovery of those Works is thus related in the history of the 

emperor Woo, the first of the sovereigns of Tsin, whose supremacy 

,^^ . ^. over the empire is acknowledged in chrono- 

Manner of their Discovery. ^ , , . 

logy : — ' In the 5th year of his reign under the 
title of Heen-ning2 [=«a.d. 279, the year before the chronological 
commencement of the Tsin dynasty], some lawless parties in the 
department of Keih dug open the grave of king Seang of Wei [Died 
B.C. 295], and found a number of l)amboo tablets, written over, in 
the small seal character, with more than 100,000 words ; which were 
deposited in the imperial library.' But before the tablets were placed 
in the library, they had sustained various injury and mutilation. 
The emperor referred them to the principal scholars in the service of 
the government, to adjust the tablets in order, having first transcribed 
them in modern characters. The chief among these was one Wei 
Hang,^ famous for his knowledge of the old forms of the characters. 
He was assisted by Shuh Sih, Ho Kejipu, Seun Heuh, and others, — all 
men of note in their day. In two years their labours were complet- 
ed, and the tablets were placed in the library in order. De Mailla 
says that the scholars reported to the emperor unfavourably of the 
Bamboo Books : — that * they were filled with reveries, extravagances, 
and manifest falsities.' I have not found in the Books of Tsin ^ that 
they gave any such sweeping decision. They made out the names 
of 15 difi^erent Works, the tablets of which, more or less complete, 
could be arranged together. Some of these Works were, indeed, full 
of extravagant legends and speculations ; — they soon fell into neglect, 
if they have not entirely perished. There were two among them, 
however, of a different character : — a copy of the Yih King, in two 
Books, agreeing with that generally received; and a book of Annals, 
beginning with the reign of Hwang-te, and coming down to the 16th 
year of the last emperor of the Ghow dynasty, B.C. 298. This was 
in 12 or 13 chapters. 

If the scholars of Tsin sent in to the emperor any formal report 
of their labours, and of their judgment on the diflferent portions of 
* the Bamboo Books,' it has not been preserved ; but we have the 
most satisfactory evidence of the points I have just stated, in the 
appendix or V envoi affixed by Too Yu to his well known edition of 
the Tso Chuen.® He tells us, that on returning, in a.d. 280, from a 

2^^,aiL^- See the Books of Tsin, ^12;^ H»P- 18- ^ ^Ifi* 

^ ^ Wi' ^ ^ ^' ^ ^ ^' ^ ^^ ^" particular the history of 


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military expedition to Woo, he completed his great Work, when his 
attention was called to the Bamboo Books which had been recently 
discovered ; that, by the carelessness of the parties who first found 
them, they had sujSPered much damage; and that, when he saw them 
in the library, the portions most complete and distinct were a copy 
of the Yih King, and certain Annals, relating, in the latter part of 
them, more particularly, the affairs of the State of Tsin. 

The reader will be conscious of a disposition to reject at once the 
account of the discovery of the Bamboo Books. He has read so 
much of the recovery of portions of the Shoo from the walls of 
houses, that he must be tired of this mode of finding lost treasures ; 
and smiles when he is now called on to believe that an old tomb 
opened, and yielded its literary stores, long after the human remains 
that had been laid in it had mingled with the dust. From the death 
of king Seang to B.C. 279 were 595 years ; — so long had these Books 
been in the bosom of the earthy The speed, moreover, with which 
the tablets were transcribed and arranged was surprising. It is hard 
to credit that so much work was done in so brief time. Against the 
improbabilities in the case, however, we have to place the evidence 
which is given in support of it. The testimony of Too Yu, especial- 
ly, a witness entirely competent and disinterested, and which was 
probably in a.d. 281 or 282, seems to place it beyond a doubt, that 
there had been a large discovery of ancient Works in a tomb a few 
years before, of which a most valuable portion was that which is now 
current under the name of * The Annals of the Bamboo Books.' How 
far some of the other portions have been preserved, I am not able to 
say ; but these Annals have held their place in the literature of China. 
They are mentioned in the catalogues of the Suy and T'ang dynasties. 
How the Annai8 have kept Shin Y6,» a scholar and officer of the Leang 
their place in literature. dynasty, (a.d. 502—557) published an edition, 

with a commentary, in the -Gth century. Under the Sung dynasty, 
Choo He made several references to them, not unfavourable. Two 
scholars of Yuen, Hoo Ying-lin ^^ and Yang Shing-gan,^^ laboured 
upon them ; and in the present dynasty five or six different editions 
and commentaries have been published; — showing that, notwithstand- 
ing the generally unfavourable opinion of scholars, the Work has not 
yet been put out of the court of criticism. 

I now subjoin the text and a translation, with a few annotations. 


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PART.. I. 

The reigns of Hwartg-te; Che; Cliuen-heuK ; and Kuh, 

I. Hwang-te; dynastic title HEen-yuen.i 

Note, His raother was called Foo-paou. She witnessed a great flash of lightning, which sur- 
rounded the star ch^oo (« Dubhe) of the Great Bear with a brightness that lightened all the 
country about her, and thereupon became pregnant. After 25 months, she gave birth to the em- 
peror in Show-k*ew. When born, he could spenk. His countenance was dragon-like ; his virtue 
that of a sage. He could oblige the host of spirits to come to his court, and receive his orders. 
He employed Ying-lung to attack Ch*e-ycw, the fight with whom was maintained by the help of 
tigers, panthers, bears, and grisly bears. By means of the Heavenly lady Pa, he stopped the 
extraordinary rains caused by the enemy. When the empire was settled, his sage virtue was 
brightly extended, and all sorts of auspicious indications appeared. The gniss K'euh-yih grew 
in the court-yard of the palace. When a glib-tongued person was entering the court, this grass 
pointed to him, so that such men did not dare to present themselYes.2 

1 In his 1st year, when he came to the throue, he dwelt in Yew-heung".3 He in- 

2 vented the cap with pendents, and the rohes to match. In his 20th year, 

biilHant clouds appeared; and he arranged his officers by names taken from the colours 

of the clouds.* 

Note, The auspicious omen of brilliant clouds was in this way: — The vapours of the red quarter 
[the south] extended so as to join those of the green [the east]. In the red quarter were two 
stars, and in the green, one; — all of a yellow colour, which appeared, when the heavens were clear 
and bright, in She-t*e, and were named the brilliant stars. The emperor in yellow robes fasted in 
the Middle palace. When he was sitting in a boat on the Yuen-hoo, above its junction with the Lft, 
there came together phoenixes, male and female. They would not eat any living insect, nor tread on 

2 This and other notes which follow are 
supposed by some to be a portion of the text of 
the Annals. The more likely opinion is, that 
they arc additions to the text by difft. hands; — 
several of them, but not all, by Shin Y6, As 
they are not many, J have translated them ; 
but they abound so much in extravagant, mon- 
strous, statements, and besides are so full of 
errors, that I will rarely occupy space with 
comments on them. 

3 Yew-heung must be the name of a State. It 
is referred to what was called *new Ch*ing' 

(4|y ttlj), in the pres. Ho-nan. 4 The chiefs 

I. 1 Sze-maTs*een says that Hwang-te's name 
was Heen-yuen ; and many others take ]^ 

here fts=^^ • It seems to me preferable to take 
it as in the case of Yaou, who was vM ffl* ^\ ; 
and of Shun's ^ ^^ ]^. See the Introduc- 
tory notes to the Canons of Yaou and Shun, 
Heen-yuen may have reference to the inven- 
tion of carriages, which is commonly ascribed 
to Hwang-te, though these Annals do not men- 
tion it ; or it may have been the name of a place. 
There are many methods of accounting for it. 


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liring grass. Some of them abode ia the emperor's eastern garden ; some built their nests about 
the corniced galleries of the palace; and some sang in the courtyard, the females gambolling to 
the notes of the males. K'e-lins also appeared in the parks ; and other spirit-like birds came with 
their measured movements. Four-horned lovy were produced as large as a goat, and the f/in worms 
like rainbows. The emperor, considering that the influence of earth was thus predominant, 
reigned by the virtue of earth. 

In his 60th year,5 in the autumn, in the 7tli montli, on the day Kang-shin [57th of 
cycle], phoenixes, male and female, arrived. The emperor sacrificed at the river Loh. 

Note, Beginning with Kftng-shin, the heavens were wrapt in mist for three days and three nights. 
The emperor asked T'een-laou, Leih-muh, and Yuug-shing, what they thought of it. T-een-laou 
said, *I have heard this: — When a kingdom is tranquil, and its ruler is fond of peace, then 
phoenixes come and dwell in it ; when a kinj^dom is disordered, and its ruler is fond of war, then 
the phoenixes leave it. Now the phoenixes fly about in your eastern borders rejoicing, the notes 
of their singing all exactly harmonious, in mutual accord with Heaven. Looking at the thing 
in this way, Heaven is giving your majesty grave instructions, which you must not disobey.* 
The emperor then called the recorder to divine about the thing, when the tortoise-shell was onltf 
scorched. The recorder said, * I cannot divine it ; you must ask your sage men.' The emperor 
replied, * I have asked T'een-laou, Leih-muh, and Yung-shing.' The recorder then did obeisance, 
twice, with his face to the earth, and said, *The tortoise will not go against their sage wisdom, 
and therefore its shell is only scorched.* 

When the mists were removed, he made an excursion on the Ld, and saw agreat flsh; and 
sa/jrificed to it with five victims, whereupon torrents of rain came down for seven days and seven 
nights, when the fish floated off the sea, and the emperor obtained the map-writings. The 
dragon-writing came forth from the Ho, and the tortoise-writing from the LQ. 

In red lines, and the seal character, they were given to Heeu-yuen. He entertained the myriad 
spirits in Ming-t'ing, the present valley of Han-mun. 

In his 59th year, the chief of * The Perforated Breasts ' 6 came to make his suh- 
mission. So aJso did the chief of ^The Long Legps.*6 In his 77th year, 

Ch'ang-e 7 left the court, and dwelt by the Jo-water ; he beg-at the emperor K'een- 
hwang. In his 100th year, the earth was rent. The emperor went on hig:h.9 

of the difffc. departments were called — *ne of 
the green cloud ; he of the white cloud ( y ^g 

^^), &c. 6 Some editions read here— * the 

67th year,* instead of the 50th. 

6 *The Perforated Breasts' and *The Long 
Legs* are of course fabulous. We read of them, 
and other equally monstrous barbarian tribes, 

in the * Classic of Mountains and Seas* (Ml 

!^ j^). 7 rh*ang-e was a son (1st or 2d is 
debated) of Hwang-te, and, not being able for 
the empire, was sent away to a State near the 
J6-water, in the pres. Sze-ch*uen. Others have 
it that he went away himself, in virtuous humi- 
lity ;— all is fabulous. 8 When this son of 


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Note, The death of emperors and kings is thus spoken of as a going on high. In the Shoo we 
hare ' the recently ascended king,' for the recently deceasetl [Pt. V. BK. XXIII. 8]. Hwang-te 
reigned by the virtue of earth;— it was right that his death should be preceded by the rending 
of the earth. After he was buried, one of his ministers, named Tso-ch'S, affected by the thought 
of the emperor's virtue, took his clothes, cap, bench, and stick, and offered sacrifice to them in a 
temple. The princes and great officers every year paid their court before them. 

II. The emperor Che; dynastic title Shaou-haou.1 

Note. His mother was called Neu-tseC. She witnessed a star like a rainbow come floating down 
the stream to the islet of Hwd. Thereafter she dreanjcd she had received it, and was moved in 
her mind, and bore Shaon-haou. When he ascended the throne, there was the auspicious omen of 
phoenixes. Some say that his name was Tsing, and that he did not occupy the throne. He led 
an army of birds, and dwelt in the west, where he arranged his officers by names taken Jrom birds. 

III. The emperor Chuen-heuh; dynastic title Ka.ou-yang.1 

Note, His mother was called Neu-ch*oo. She witnessed the Yaou-kwang star (n Benetnaach) 
go through the moon like a rainbow, when it moved herself in the palace of Yew-fang, after which 
she brought forth Chuen-heuh near the JO-water. On his head he bore a shield and spear ; and he 
had the virtue of a sage. When 10 years old, he assisted Shaou-haou ; and when 20, he ascended 
the imperial throne. 

In his 1st year, when he came to the throne, he dwelt in Puh. In his 13th 

year, he invented calendaric calculations and deHneations of the heavenly bodies. 

In his 21st year, he made the piece of music called 'The Answer to the Clouds.* 

In his 30th year, he hegat Pih-k'w&n, who dwelt in the south of T'een-muh, 

In his 78th year, he died. Shuh-k'e made disorder, and was made an end of by 

the prince of Sin. 

Ch*ang-e was emperor, we do not know ; some 
identify him with Chuen-heuh; others make 

that emperor his son. 8 R/^. See the last 

par. of the Canon of Shun. — Many accounts 
say that Hwang-te did not die, but went up to 
Heaven on a dragon. H&ng Ch*in-fung gives 
the following passage, quoted by some writers 

as from the Bamboo Books:— ^ *3j* fct 

jP^, * Hwang- te having gone away as one 
of tlie Immortals, Tso-ch% one of his minis- 
ters, cut an image of him in wood, and led the 
princes to pay court and reverence to it.' Here 


was idolatry at a very early time.— This state- 
ment was no doubt in one of the Bamboo Books, 
but not in the Annals. The same mav be said 
of another, — that this *Tso-ch*S raised Chuen- 
heuh to the throne, 7 years after Hwang-te's 

II. 1 Some editions of the Annals give this 
notice as an addition of Shin YO*s. Others 
separate the name and title from the note, and 
put them in the text. — Sze-ma Ts'een does not 
give this emperor Che at all. There are many 
discussions about him, whether he was a son 
of Hwang-te. or a grandson; or whether he was 
not rather descended from Fuh-he. His title 
of Shaou-haou would seem to be in relation 
with Fuh-he's of T*ae-haou. 

III. 1 Chuen-heuli was a son, or a grandson of 
Ch*«ng-e mentioned above. The title of Kaou- 

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IV. The emperor Kuh; dynastic title Kaou-sin. . 

Note, He was bom with double rows of teeth ; and had the virtue of a sage. He was at first 
made prince of Sin, and afterwards succeeded to Knou-yang as monnrch of the empire. He made 
blind men beat drums, and strilce bells and sounding stones, at wliich phoenixes flapped their 
wings, and gambolled. 

In liis 1st year, when he came to the tlirone, he dwelt in Poh. In his 16th year, 
he made Cheung lead an army, and extinguish the State of Yew-kwae. In his 

45th year, he conferred on the prince of T'ang the appointment to be his successor. 
In his 63d year, he died. 

Note, The emperor's son Che was deposed, after haying been appointed nine years. 

yang must be deriyed from some place where 
he ruled ; but two places of this name are as- 
signed to him at ditferent periods of his life : — 
the Ist in the pres. dis. of Ke, dep. of K*ae- 
fung, Ho-nan ; the 2d in the dep. of Paou-ting, 

2 This Puh was probably in the pres. dep. 
of Tung-ch*ang, Shan-tung. 3 Comp. f^ 

^^, in Can. of Taou, p. 2. Some editions read 
12th instead of 18th. 4 Hftng Ch*in-fung 

would remore this notice to tlie 20th year of 
Hwang-te. 6 This Pih K'wftn, or baron 

K*w&n, is commonly supposed to be the father 
of Yu tlie Great ; but in that case K*wftn would 
be well on to 200 years old, when Yaou calls 
him to regulate the waters. T*een-muh was a 
mountain, * 20,000 feet high,* ace. to the Classic 
of Afountains and Seas ; and on the north of the 
J6-water, ace. to one of the sporadic passages of 

the Bamboo Books, found elsewhere (-^ ^^ 

1^)- W W' ^S" ^S"' K«n^'«"y appears 
as a note, but it belongs to the text. Shuh-k'e 
is said to have been a descendant of Shin-nung, 
and son of the emp. Kuh. 

IV. 1 Kuh was the grandson of Yuen-heaou 
(TH ^M»^> ®"® ^^ Hwang- te*s sons. Where the 
principality of Sin, from which he has his dyn- 
astic name, was, seems not to be known. See the 
diet, in voc, 2 This was probably what was 
afterwards the soutliern Pd. See introd. note to 
* The Speech of T*ang.' 8 Yew-kwae waa 

in the pres. dis. of Yung-yang, dep. of K*ae-fung. 
On who Ch'ung was, see the notes of Hftng 
Ch*in-fung. 4 The prince of T*ang is Yaou. 
See on the title of *The Book of T*ang.* I 

must translate ^^ ^ >0^ '^ as I have done. 

Comp. ^ ^ ^ -^1 under the 70th year 
of Yaou below. The difficulty in the way of 
the construction is the concluding note about 
the emperor's son Che ; but this may be got over, 
by transferring it, as an appendix to this par. 
His appointment was to the succession, and his 
unworthiness being proved, his father himself 
deposed him from his place as heir, and gave 
the succession to his younger brother Yaou. 
Ch4n-fung argues for this construction, and 
re-arrangement of the text. I had adopted the 
construction, however, before reading his re- 


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7%^ reigns of Yaou aiul Shttn. 


Note. His mother was called K*ing-too. She was born in the wild of Tow-wei, and was always 
overshadowed by a yellow cloud. After she was grown up, whenever she looked into any of the 
three Ho, there was a dragon following her. One morning the dragon came with a picture and writ- 
ing. The substance of the writing was: — *The red one has received the favour of Heaven.* The 

eyebrows of the Jigure were like the character /^, and of vareigated colours. The whiskers were 

more then a cubit long; and the height was 7 cub. 2 in. The face was sharp above, and broad 
below. The feet trode on the constellation Yih. After this came darkness and winds on every 
side; and the red dragon made /C'l'/t^-^oo pregnant. Her time lasted 14 months, when she brought 
forth Yaou in Tan-ling. His appearance was like tliat in the picture. Wlien he was grown up, 
his height was ten cubits. He had the virtue of a sage, and was invested with the principality of 
T'ang. He dreamed that he clinbed up to heaven. When Kaou-shin was decaying, the empire 
turned to him. 

1 In his 1st year, which wns phig-tsze^ (13th of cycle ; = B.C. 2,145), when he came 
to the throne, he dwelt in K*e;3 and commanded He and Ho to make calendaric 

2 calculations and delineations of the heavetily bodies,^ In his 5th year, he made 

3 the first tour of inspection to the four mountains. In his 7th year, there was a 

5 k^e-lin. In his 12th year, he formed the firet standing army. In his 

6 15th year, the chief of K^eu-sow came to make his submission. In his 19th year, 

7 he ordered the minister of Works 8 to undertake the regulation of the Ho. In 
his 29th year, the chief of the Pigmies 9 came to court in token of homage, and offered 

8 as tribute tlieir feathers which sank in water. In his 42d year, a brilliant 

9 star appeared in Yih [? Crater]. In his 59th year, he travelled for pleasure 
about mount Show,lO in a plain carriage drawn by dark-coloured hoi'ses. 

11 In his 53d year, he sacrificed near the Loh. 

In his 58th 


he caused 

I. 1 See on * The Songs of the Five Sons,' p. 
7. 2 This is the 1st determination of a year by 
cycle names in the Annals. We fix the year 
to be B.C. 2,145, by caleiilating back on the 
cycle from the 6th year of king Yew of Chow, 


which (a^ we have seer^ is certainly known. 
I'shall call attention telow to the fact that all 
these cycle names of the years in the Annals 
were introduced into them alter their recovery 
or discovery. 3 K'e is of course K*echow. 

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12 his son Choo to be sent in banishment by prince Tseih to Tan-shwuy. In his 

13 61st year, he ordered the baron K'wan of IVung to regulate the Ho. In his 69th 

14 year, he degraded KVan. In his 70th year, in the spring, in the 1st month, he 

caused the chUifoi the four mountains to convey to Shun of Yu his charge to succeed 

to the throne. 

Note. When the emperor had been on the throne 70 years, a brilliant star issued from tlie 
constellation Yih, and phoenixes appeared in the courtyards of tlie palace; the pearl grass grew, 
and the admirable grain flourished; sweet dews moistened the ground, and crystal springs issued 
from the hills ; the sun and moon appeared like a pair of gems, and the five planets looked like 
threaded pearls. In the imperial kitchen there appeared of itself a piece of flesh, as thin as a 
fan, which, when shaken, raised such a wind that all eatables were kept cool and did not spoil. It 
was called the fan flitch. A kind of grass, moreover, grew on each side of the palace stairs. On 
the Ist day of the month, it produced one pod, and so on, every day a pod, to tlie 15th ; while on 
the 16th one pod fell off, and so on, every day a pod, to the last day of the month; and if the 
month was a sbort one (of 29 days), one pod shrivelled up, without falling. It was called the 
felicitous bean, and the calendar bean. When tlie flooded waters were assuaged, the emperor, 
attributing the merit of that to Shun, wished to resign in his favour, lie thereon purifled him- 
self and fasted, built altars near the Ho and the Ld, chose a good day, and conducted Shun and 
others up mount Show. Among the islets of the Ho, there were five old men, walking about, 
who were the spirits of the five planets. They said to one another, *The river scheme will come 
and tell the emperor of the time. He who knows us is the double-pupillcd yellow Yaou.' 
The five old men on this flew away like flowing stars, and ascended into the constellation Maou. 
On the 2d month, on the siu-clrow day, between the dark and light, the ceremonies were all pre- 
pared ; and when the day began to decline, a glorious light came forth from the Ho, and beautiful 
vapours filled all the horizon ; white clouds rose up, and returning winds blew all about. Then 
a dragon-horse appeared, bearing in his mouth a scaly cuirass, with red lines on a green ground, 
ascended the altar, laid down the scheme, and went away. The cuirass was like a tortoise shell, 
nine cnbits broad. The scheme contained a tally of white gem, in a casket of red gem, covered 
with yellow gold, and bound with a green string. On the tally were the words, *■ With pleased 
countenance given to the emperor Shun'. It said also that Yu and Hca should receive the ap- 
pointment of Heaven. The emperor wrote these words, and deposited them in the Kastern 
college. Two years afterwards, in the 2d month, he led out all his ministers, and dropped a 
pcih in the Ld. The ceremony over, he retired, and waited for the decline of the day. Then 

8 I should take it J^ ^^ * proper name, 

hut for the Can. of Shun, p. 21. 9 The nation 

of Pigmies, like the * Perforated Breasts ' and 

be taken here in the sense of soldiers, and not 4 x^„g l^jts,' is mentioned in the classic of 

merely as weapons of war. 7 Sec on 'The . ,,.,, , c, ,„, xrr tji. -f- , 

IVibulc of Yu,' Pt. i, p. 83. 1 ^^'^ "^"^ »«^^ Seas. The ^Yj^^^ places it 

It is a wide word. 4 See on Can. of Yaou, 
p. 2. 6 The *four mountains * are those men- 
tioned in the Can. of ttiun, p. 8. 6 -^ is to 

> \ 


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a red light appeared ; a tortoise rose from the waters, with a writing in red lines on its back, add 
rested on the altar. The writing said that he should resign the throne to SShun, which accord- 
ingly the emperor did. 

15 In his 71st year, he commanded his two daughters to become wives to Shun. 

16 In his ?8d year, in the spring-, in the 1st month, Shun received the resignation of tlie 

17 emperor in tlie temple of the accomplislied ancestor. In his 74tli year, Shun of 

18 Yu made his first tour of inspection to the four mountains. In his 75th year, Yu, 
29 the superintendent of Works, reg^ilated the Ho. In his 76th year, the super- 
OQ intendent of Works smote the hordes of Ts^aou and Wei, 12 and subdued them. In 

liis 86th year, the superintendent of Works had an audience, using for his article of 

21 introduction a dark-coloured mace. In his 87th year, he instituted the division 

22 of i^c empire into 12 provinces. In his 89th year, he made a pleasure palace in 
2;j T^aou. In his 90th year, he took up his residence for relaxation in T^aou. 

24 In his 97th year, the superintendent of Works made a tour of survey through the 12 

25 provinces. In his 100th year, he died in T'aou. 

Note. The emperor's son Choo of Tan kept away from Shun in Fang-ling. Shun tried to 
yield the throne to him, but in vain. Choo was then invested with T'ang, and became the guest 
of Yu. After three years, Shun ascended the throne of the son of Heaven. 


Note, His mother was named Uli-tftng. She saw a large rainbow, and her thoughts were so 
aflected by it, that she bore Shun in Yaou-heu. His eyes had double pupils, whence he was 
named 'Double Brightness.' He had a dragon countenance, a large mouth, and a black body, 
6 cubits, 1 iocli long. Shun's parents hated him. They made him plaster a granary, and set fire 
to it beneath : — he had on birds' -work clothes, and flew away. They also made him deepen a 
well, and tilled it with stones from above: — he had on dragons'-work clothes, and got out by the 
side. He ploughed in Leih. He dreamed that his eyebrows were as long as his hair. Accordingly, 
he was raised and employed. 

12 Ts'aou and Wei are two well known 
States in the time of the Chow; — the former 
lay in the pres. Shan-tung, the latter in Shen- 
se*. I am not sure that those in the text were 
the same. They would fteem too far apart. 

II. 1 See note on the name of Part II. of 

the Shoo. 2 gg ^ -f^,— lit., ♦ the mother 

on the north of the Roman empire (^^E "J^ 

^ H ^fj)' ^^ Mount Show is the Luy- 
show of » The Tribute of Yu,' Pt. ii. 1. 11 Tan- 
sliwuy is referred to the pres. dis. of Nan- 
yang, dep. Nan-yang, Ho-nan. There was there, 
no doubt, a stream called Tun. 


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1 In his Ist year, which was Jte-nri (56th of cycle, = B.C. 2,042), when he came to 
the throne, he dwelt in K'e ; and made tlie music called Ta-shaou. 

Note, On his accession, the felicitoas hean grew about the stairs, and phoenixes nested in the 
courts. When they beat and tapped the musical stones, to accompany the nine performances of 
the Shaon, all the beasts came after one anotlier gambolling. A brilliant star came out in Fang. 
The earth produced the horse Shing-hwang. 

2 In his 3d year, he commanded Kaou-yaou to make the code ^/punishments. 

3 In his 9th year, messengem from the western Wang^-moo 2 came to do homage. 

Note. The coming to court from the western Wang-moo was to present white stone rings and 
archers* thimbles of gem. 

4 In his 14th year, auspicious clouds appeared ; and he ordered Yu to consult about 
affairs for hun. 

Note, In the 14th year of Shun*s reign, at a grand performance with bells, musical stones, 
organs, and flutes, before the service was concluded, there came a great storm of thunder and rain. 
A violent wind overtlirew houses, and tore up trees. The drumsticks and drums were scattered 
on the ground, and the bells and stones dashed about confusedly. The dancers fell prostrate, 
and the director of the music ran madly away ; but Shun, keeping hold of the frames from which 
the bells and stones were suspended, laughed and said, ^How clear it is that the empire is not one 
man's empire I It is signified by these bells, stones, organs, and flutes.' On this he presented 
Yu to Heaven, and made him perform actions proper to the emperor ; whereupon harmonious 
vapours responded on all sides, and felicitous clouds were seen. They were like smoke, and yet 
not smoke ; like clouds, and yet not clouds ; brilliantly confused ; twisting and whirling. The 
officers in mutual harmony sang of those felicitous clouds, the emperor thus leading them on : — 
*How bright are ye, felicitous clouds! Li what order are ye gathered together! The brightness 
of the sun and moon Is repeated from mom to mom. All the ministers then advanced, and 
bowing low, said : — * Brilliant are the heavens above. Where the shining stars are arranged. The 
brightness of the sun and moon Enlarge our one man.' The emperor sang again, *The sun and 
moon are constant ; The stars and other heavenly bodies have their motions. The four seasons 
observe their rule. The people are sincere in all their services. When I think of music, The 
intelligences that respond to Heaven Seem to be transferred to the sages and the worthies. All 
things listen to it. How do its rolling sounds thrill ! How does it inspire the dance !' When 
the essential brightneai^ was exhausted, the clouds shrivelled up and disappeared. Thereupon 

of the king of the west,' or * the queen-mother 
of the west.' But the characters are merely the 
name of a State or kingdom in the distant 

west. Sec HSng's Comm. in loc. 

8 The prince of Ilea is Yu. See the introd. 
note on the name of the third Fort of the Shoo. 


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the eight winds all blew genially, and other felicitous clouds collected in masses. The crouching 
dragons came hurriedly out of their dens ; iguanadons and fislies leaped up from their deeps ; 
tortoises and turtles came out from their holes, — removing from Yu to serve Hea. Shun then 
raised an altar at the Ho, as Yaou had done before. When the day declined, there came a fine 
and glorious light; and a yellow dragon issued and came to the altar, bearing a scheme on his back, 
82 cubits long and 9 cubits hroad, in lines of red and green intermingled, the words of which 
were that he should resign in favour of Yu. 

5 In his 15th year, he commanded the prince of Hea to conduct the mcrificial 

6 duties in the Grand apartment. In his 17th year, in the spring, in the 2d month, 
when he entered tlie college, he used for the first time tlie myriad dance. 5 

7 In his 25th year, the prince of Seih-shin came to do homage, and paid tribute of 

8 bows and arrows. In his 29th year, the emperor invested his son E-keun with 

9 the principality ^/Shang. In his OOth year, he buried queen Yuh near the Wei. 

Note, Queen Yuh was Ngo-hwang. 

10 In his 32d year, he commanded tlie prince of Hea to take the superintendence 

11 of the people, who thereupon visited tlie mountains of the four quarter8.7 In his 
33d year, in the spring, in the first montli, the prince of Hea received the appoint- 
ment to be successor J in the temple of the spiritual ancestor; and restored the division 

12 of the empire into nine provinces. In his 35th year, he commanded the prince 
of Hea to lead a punitive expedition against the Yew-meaou. The prince of Yew- 

13 meaou came to court and did homage. In his 42d year, the chief of Heuen-too 

14 came to court, and paid as tribute precious articles and gems. In his 47th year, 

15 the hoar-frosts of winter did not Jdll the grass or trees. In his 49th year, he 

16 dwelt in Ming-t'eaou.8 In his 50th year, he died. 

Note, £-keun had been invested with Shang, and is called Keun of Shang. Queen Yuh was 
Ngo-hwang. In Ming-t'eaou was the hill of Ts*ang-woo. There Shun died and was buried. It 
is now Hae-chow. 

4 The classic of Hills and Seas makes 
"JJl ^^ the name of a mountain. The mean- 
ing in the transl. is much preferable; — the prin- 
cipal apartment in the ancestral temple. 

5 % is here the name of a dance (^i ^S 
>8 'Wi)' ^ Seih-shin ;— elsewhere Suh- 

ahiu. 7 Comp. *The Counsels of Yu,' p. 9. ^8 

^^ is to be understood as the subject of |^, 
lit. * to ascend,' but here=»* to visit.' 

8 See on the last par. of the Can. of Shun. — 
Some strange passages are gathered fVoni other 
portions of the Bamboo Books, and supposed 
to have belonged to * The Annals,' which give 
quite a diiferent account of the relations be- 
tween Yaou and Shun. They make Shun 
detlirone Yaou, and keep him a prisoner, raise 
Choo for a time to the throne, ancf then displace 
him ; and thereafter allow no intercourse be- 
tween father and son. See Hftng Ch'infung's 
Supplement to the Annals, in the last chapter 
of his Work. 


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27*^ dynasty of Ilea, 

I. The emperor Yu; dynastic title, Hea-how. 

Note, His mother was called Sew-ke. She saw a falling star, which went through the con- 
stellation J/aoii, and in a dream her thoughts were moved till she became pregnant, after which 
she swallowed a spiriU* pearl. Her back opened in due time, and she gave birth to Yu in Shih- 
ncw. He had a tiger nose and a large mouth. His ears had three orifices. His head bore the 
resemblance of the stars Kow and K'een. On his breast seemed a figure in gem of the Great Bear, 

and in the lines of his feet he seemed to tread on the character ^ ;•— hence he was called Wftn- 
ming. When he grew up, he had the virtue of a sage, and was 9 cub. 6 in. long. He dreamt 
that he was bathing in the Ho, and drank up the water. He had also the happy omen of a white 
fox with 9 tails. In the time of Yaou, Shun brought him forward. As he was looking at the 
Ho, a tall man, with a white face and fish's body, came out and said, *I am the spirit of the 
Ho.' He then called Yu, and said, *Wftn-ming shall regulate the waters.* Having so spoken, he 
gave Yu a chart of the Ho, containing all about the regulating of the waters ; and returned into 
the deep. When Yu had done regulating the waters. Heaven gave him a dark coloured mace, 
with which to announce his completed work. Wlien the fortunes of Hea were about to rise, all 
regetation was luxuriant, green dragons lay in the borders, and the spirit of Chuh-yung descended 
on mount Ts*ung : — Shun resigned, and Yu ascended the throne. The LO produced the tortoise 
Book, called * The great Plan.' When the three years of mourning were over, he made his capital 
in Yang-shing. 

1 In his 1st year, which was jin-tsze (49th of cycle, = B.C. 1,989), when he came 
to the throne, he dwelt in K'e. He published the seasons of Hea throughout the 

3 regions and States. In his 2d year, Kaou-yaou died. In his 6th year, 

he made a tour of inspection, and assembled the princes at mount T'oo.l 

other notices of Yu, which are not in the Annals, 
but are elsewhere found, quoted as from them, 
is this,— that • from Hwang- te to Yu were 30 
generaUons,' or reigns (^ *$* 3g ^ ^ 
fit ^ -^^ (y^). If this were ever really 
iu the Annals, much of them must be lost. 

I. 1 Mount T*oo,— see on the * Yih and Tseih', 
par. 8. 2 The name of Hwuy-k'e remains in 
the dis. so called, dep. of Shaou-hing, Ch6-keang. 
Many wonderful stories are related of the chief 
of Fang-fung ; but all agree that Yu killed him 
because he came late to the meeting.— Among 


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iVb^e. On his way to the south, when crossing theKeang, in the middle of the stream, two yellow 
dragons took the boat on their backs. The people were all afraid ; but Yu laughed and said, 
* I received my appointment from Heaven, and labour with all my strength to nourish men. To 
be born is the course of nature ; to die is by Heavens decree. Why be troubled by the dragons ?' 
On this the dragons went away, dragging their tails. 

4 In his 8th year, he assembled the princes at Hwiiy-k'e,2 when he put the chief 
of Fanff-fiing to death. In the summer, in the 6tli month, it rained gold in tlxe 
capital city of Hea. In the autumn, in the 8th month, he died at Hwuy-k*e. 

Note, Yu reigned (as associate, or as sovereign) 45 years. He presented Yih to Heaven, and 
died seven years after. When the three years of mourning were ended, the empire turned to 
K*e (his son). 

II. The emperor K'e. 

1 In his 1st year, which was kwei-hae^ (60th of cycle,=B.c. 1,978), when he came 
to the throne in the capital city of Hea,2 he made a gTcat feast to the princes in the 
tower of KeuTi,3 after which they followed him back to the capital in K'e, when he 

2 made a second great feast to them in the tower of Seuen. In his 2d year, Pih- 
yih, the prince of Pe, left the court, and went to his State. The king led his forces 

3 to punish the prince of Hoo, when there was a great battle in Kan.^ In his 6th 

4 year, Pih-yih died, and the emperor appointed a sacrifice to hun.5 In his 8th 
6 year, he sent Mang T'oo to Pa, to preside over Htigations. In his 10th year, he 

made a tour of inspection, and celebrated a complete service of Shun's music in the 

6 wilderness of T'een-muh. In his 11th year, he banished his youngest son, 

7 Woo-kwan, beyond tlie western Ho. In his 15th year, Woo-kwan with the 
people about the western Ho rebelled. The baron Show of P'ang led a force to 

8 pimish tliem, when Woo-kwan returned to his allegiance. In his 14th year, 
the king died. 

II. 1 From ^^ -?•, the 1st year of Yu, 
to tliis ^f^ ^', both inclusive, are twelve 

years ; Yu must have died in g^ ^j^, leaving 

3 complete years, before K*e*8 accession. This 
is the rule in these Annals all through the 
Hea dyn. Tlie years of mourning are left be- 
tween the deceased emperor and his successor; 
but this interregnum varies from 2 to 4 years. 
2 This is the city in par. 4 of the last reign. 
Yu had moved his capital, or made a second 
one. A dis. of Kwci-tih dcp. is still so called* 


Near or in this was the tower of Keun. ^ ^^ 

di^ may be construed by itself :— * the princes 
agreed to follow him ;' as if the feast had been 
a political gathering to secure the throne to 
K*e. 4 See *The Speech at Kan.* 5 This 
account does not agree with the account of the 
death of Yih, which is often attributed to the 
Annals, and which was no doubt in some of the 
Bamboo Books; viz. that 'Yih was aiming at 

the throne, and K'e put him to death' (^i 


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III. The emperor T*ae-k'ano. 

1 In his 1st year, which was hvei-rvei (20th of cycle, = B.C. 1,957), when he came 
to the throne, he dwelt at Chin-sin. He went huntings beyond the Loh, when E 

2 entered and occupied Chin-sin. In his 4th year, he died, 


1 In his 1st year, which was he-ch^orv (2Gth of cycle, = B.C. 1,951), when the em- 

2 peror came to tlie throne, he dwelt in Chin-sin. In his 5th year, in the autumn, 
in the 9th month, on the day kang-seuh (47th of cycle), which was the first day of 
the month, there was an eclipse of the sun, when he ordered the prince of Yin to 

3 lead the imperial forces to punish He and Ho.l In his 6th year, he conferred 

4 on the prince of Keun-woo the appointment of leader amon^ the princes.2 In his 
7th year, he died. His son Seanj^ went away, and dwelt in Shang;-k^ew,3 where he 
was suppoi-ted by the prince of P*ei.4 

V. The emperor Seang. 

1 In his 1st year, which was inow-seuh (35th of cycle, = B.C. 1,942), when he came to 
the throne, he dwelt in Shang; 1 and led a punitive expedition against the hordes of 

2 the Hwae. In his 3d year, he proceeded against the hordes of Fung and Hwang. 
4 In his 7th year, the hordes of Yu came to make their submission. In his 

8th year, Ilan-tsuh put E to death, and made his own son Keaou dwell in Ko.2 
6 In his 9th year, Seang dwelt in Chin-kwan.3 In his 15th year, Seang- 

t'oo, the prince of Shang, prepared carriages and horses, and removed to Shang- 
8 k'ew. In his 20th year, llan-tsuh extinguished the Ilonne of Ko.* In his 

26th year, Han-tsuh made his son Keaou lead an army, and extinguish the House of 

/Yghcre=^g, chief or leader among the princes. 

When the five pa are not all referred to the 
dyu. of Cliow, this chief of Keun-woo heads 
the list. 3 Shang-k'cw is still the name of a 

dis. in the dcp. Kwei-tih. For 'W JK ^^ 

III. 1 The site of Chin-sin is not well as- 
certained. The diet, places it in the dis. of 

Wei C'jfik. J^) tlcp, of Lae-chow, Shan-tung. 
Others — more correctly, I thmk, — refer it to the 
dis. of Kung, dep. of Ho-nan. 2 See on *The 
Songs of the Five Sons.' 

IV. 1 See on the * Punitive Expedition of 
Yin.* 2 There is repeated mention below of 

^ W* -^^ ^^^ therefore I take the two 
characters here as in the transl. The country 
of Keun-woo was the iSr of subsequent times. 


some copies 


V. 1 /. e. in Shang-k*ew, the chief city of the 
Shang family, which now begins to come into 
prominence. * 2 Tliis Ko is rcf. to the dis. of 

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9 Chin-kwan. In his 2?th year, Keaou attacked Chin-sin. Tliere was a great 
battle in Wei, when the boat of the prince of CJiin-mn was overturned, and he was 

10 put to death.5 In his 28th year, Han-tsuh made his son Keaou murder the 

emperor. The empress Min fled to Yew-jing ; 6 and Pih-mei made his escape, and 

fled to Kih.7 

Note, The site of Chin-kwan was what was Te-k*ew. The empress Min, who was pregnant, 
made her escape by a liole, and returned to her father, the prince o/Jing, Pih-mei fled to the chief 
of liih. 

11 The heir of the line of Hea, Shaou-k^ang, was bom in the year ping-yin (=b.c. 

12 1,914). He fled from. Yew-jing to Yu,9 iu the year yUt-yew ( = B.C. 1,895). 

13 Pih-mei led the forces of Chin-sin and Chin-kwan from Kih to attack Tsuh ; and 
the heir-son Shaou-k'ang sent Joo-e to attack Ko ; and put Keaou to death, in the 
year ked-shin (=B.c. 1,876). His eldest son, Ch'oo, led a force against Ko, and extin- 

14 guished it Pih-mei put Han-tsuh to death, and Shaou-k'ang returned from 
Lun to the capital of Hea, in the year yih-ke (=B.c. 1,875). 

Note, In the year after her flighty the empress Min gave birth to Shaou-k'ang, who became, 
when he was grown up, chief herdsman in Jing, and was on the watch against the evil designs of 
Keaou. Keaou having sent Tscaou to look for him, Shaou-k^ang fled, before his arrival, to Yu, 
where he became chief cook. Sze, the prince of Yu, gave him his two daughters in marriage, and 
the city of Lun. There his fields were a le square ; and his followers amounted to 500. He 
displayed his virtue, and formed his plans to collect the multitudes of Hea, and raise the hopes of 
the old officers. An old servant of Hea, called Pih-mei, issuing from Kih, collected all the people 
that were left of the two Chin, to attack Tsuh. Tsuh trusted in Keaou, and felt quite at ease, giv- 
ing no thought to his wickedness, and making no preparations. At the same ti/ne, ^liaou-k^ang sent 
Joo-e to spy out Kcaou's condition. Now Tsuh had married a daughter of Shun-woo, by whom 
he had a son who died early, leaving a widow called Neu-k*e. Keaou obliged one Yu to go to her 
house, and pretend that he had something to ask of her. On this Ncu-k^e mended his lower 
clothes, and they passed the night in the same house. Joo-e sent a party, took them by surprise, 
and cut ofl* the head of Neu-k*e. Keaou, being very strong and swift, made his escape; £ then 

Yih (Ji^ ^^) in Lae-chow. Keaou and a 

brother are said to have been the sons of Han- 
tsuh by the wife of E ; but they must have been 
born before K*8 death. See concluding note in 
Pt. III. of the Shoo. 3 Chin-kwan is rcf. — but 
not certainly — to the dis. of Sliow-kwang, dep. 

Ts'ing-chow, Shan-tung. 4 This Ko lay be- 
tween the States of Sung and Ch*ing. 5 This 
Chin-sin would agree with the dis. of AVei. 
Were there two places of the same name? 

6 Yew -jing was in the pres. sub. dep. of Tung- 
p*ing, dep. of T'ac-ngan, Shan-tung. 7 Kih 

wds in the prcs. dis. of P*iug-yuen, dep. Tsc-nau. 


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hunted him, and let loose a dog, vhich seized him, so that he fell, when they cut off his head, 
with which E returned to Shaou-k*ang. After this the multitudes of Hea put Tsuh to death, 
and carried Shaou-k*ang hack to the capital. As soon as the princes heard of it, they raised him 
to the throne, to sacrifice to his ancestors along with the sacrifices to Heaven ; and thus the old 
possession was not lost. 

VI. The emperor Shaou-k^ang. 

1 In his Ist year, which was ping-woo (48d of cycle, = B.C. 1,874), when he came to 
the throne, the princes came to court to do homage. He entertained the duke of Yu 

2 as his guest In his 2d year, the hordes of Fang came to make their submission. 

3 In his 3d year, he restored the descendant of pnnce Tseih, the minister of Agri- 

Note, Puh-fuh, a descendant of prince Tseih, had lost the office, which was now restored. 
6 In his 11th year, he caused Ming, the prince of Shang, to regulate the Ho. In 
6 his 18th year, he removed to Yuen.2 In his 21st year, he died. 

VII. The emperor Ch'oo. 

In his 1st year, which was Jie-sze (6th of cycle, = B.C. 1,851), when he came to 
the throne, he dwelt in Yuen. In his 5th year, he removed from Yuen to Laou- 

k'ew. In his 8th year, he went on a punitive expedition towards the eastern 

sea, as far as San-show, and got a fox with 9 tails. In his 13th year, Ming, the 

prince of Shang, died, pursuing his labours on the Ho. In his 17th year, he died. 

NoU. The name Ch*oo is written with a difft. character (^). Tlie emperor is also called 
Pih-ch*oo. There was a younger brother^ a worthy descendant of Yu, who was therefore rewarded 
by the emperor. 

Who Mei was is all uncertain. He had been, 
say many, an adherent of E. This is very un- 
likely. He appears here a strong partizan of 
the House of Hea. 9 Yu was in the pres. 
dis. of Yu-shing, dep. Kwei-tih. 
VI. 1 The descendant of Tseih here intended, 

as restored to the ministry of Agriculture, was 
probably the famous Kung-lew. 2 Yuen is 

ref. to the pres. dis. of Tse-yuen, dep. Hwae- 
k*ing, Ho-nan. 

VII. I Laou-k*ew is referred to the dis. of 
Ch*in-lew, dep. of K'ae-fung. 


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VIII. The emperor Fun. 

1 His 1st year was mofv-fsze (25th of cycle, = B.C. 1,832), when he came to the 

2 throne. In his 2d year, the 9 wild tribes of tlie east came to perform service. 

3 In his 16th year, Yung, the baron of Loh, fou^it with Fung-e, the baron of H0.2 

5 In his 33d year, he appointed the son of tlie chief of Keun-woo to 8oo.3 In 

6 his 36th year, he made a circular enclosure ^/ar a prisan,^ In his 44th year, he 

Note. FuD is by some called Fun-fH. 

IX. The empehor Mang. 

1 In his 1st year, which was j'm-shin (9th of cycle, = B.C. 1,788), when he came to 

2 the throne, he we^it with the dai*k-coloured mace to receive the baro7i ^'Ho.l In 
his 13th year, on a tour of inspection to the east as far as the sea, he got a large fish. 

4 In his 33d year, the prince of Shang removed to Yin.2 In his 58th year, he 

Note. Mang is in some editions called the emperor Hwang. 

X. The emperor S£kh. 

1 His 1st year was mn-wei (8th of cycle, = B.C. 1,729), when he came to the throne. 

2 In his 12th year, Tsze-hae, prince of Yin, went as guest to Yew-yih, the chief of 

3 which put him to death, and sent away his follotvers. In his 16th year, Wei, 
prince of Yin, with the forces of the buron of Ho, attacked Yew-yih, l and killed its 
ruler Meen-chin. 

vm. 1 "SE is to be taken here in its proi)er \ circular. . ^ . 

. I IX. 1 I hare translated ace. to the view of 
meaning of * wild tribes of the east/ faP^"!^ Hang Chnn-fung :-]^ JU^^^M 

* to wait upon and serve,' — perhaps as ward- 

i H "S^ ; but perhaps some service to the Ho is 

ers, guards, &c. 2 Fung-e appears in many | me^nt. Tlie mace is that of Yu the Great. 2 
writers as a monster or spiritual being. He is I This Yin is ref. to the dis. of Shang-shwiiy, dep. 
evidently in the text merely the chief of the j Ch*in-chow. 

State Ho, or charged with the care of the Ho. ; x. 1 There is a small dep. in Chih>le, called 
3 Soo was in Tse-yuen, above. 4 All Yih-chow, which may correspond to the ancient 
pribons, it is said, in the three dynasties, were Yew-yih. 


Digitized by 




iVb/«. The prince of of Yin, Tsze-hae, vinited Tew-yih, and was Ruilty of licentious conduct, 
so that the ruler of Yew-yih, Meen-chin, slew him, and drove hiafoUowern away. In consequence 
of this, Shan|;-keft-we{ of Yin obtained the services of the army of the baron of Ho, attacked and 
extinguished the State of Yew-yih, putting Meen-chin to death. For a time Yin had decayed, but 
when Shang-keft-wei revived its power, the people avenged the wrong that had been done. 

^ In his 2l8t year, he conferred regular dignities on the chiefe of the hordes of 
6 K'euen, of the white hordes, the dark hordes, the hordes of Fung, the red hordes, 
and the yellow hordes. In his 25th year, he died. 

XI. The emperor PuH-KliANO. 

1 His 1st year, was he-hae (36th of cycle, = B.C. 1,701), when he came to the 

2 throne. In his 6th year, he attacked the country of Kew-yuen.l In his 
4 35th year, Yin made an end of the House of P*e.2 In his 59th year, he resigned 

the throne to his younger brother K^ung. 

XII. The emperor K£uno. 

1 His 1st year, was mow-seuh (35th of cycle, = B.C. 1,642), when he came to the 

2 throne. In his 10th year, the emperor Puh-kgang died. 

Note, In the period of the three dynasties there was only one resignation of the throne, — that 
by Pnh-keang. He must have had the virtue of a sage. 

3 In his 18th year, he died. 

XIII. The emperor Kin. 
Note. Also called Yin-keft. 

1 In his Ist year, which was ke-wei (56th of cycle, = B.C. 1,621), when he came 

2 to the throne, he dwelt on the west of the Ho.i In his 4th year, he made the 
music of the West. The chief of Keun-woo removed to Heu.2 

XI. 1 Kew-ynens=the * nine pasturages,* pro- 
bably a tract of flat country in the pres. Chih-le. 

2 The territory of P'e was in the pres. dis. 
of Ho-tsin, dep. Keang Chow, Shan-se. It is 

the 1st step of the kind, taken by Shang, to the 
imperial sway. 

XIII. 1 That is, he lived in Shen-se. 'The 
western Ho* denotes the country west of K*e- 
chow. 2 Heu corresponded, probably, to 

observed that the extinction of this State was the pres. Heu Chow, Ho-nan. 


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iVbfc. The surname of the founder of Keun-woo was Ke, and his name Tan. He had heen in Tested 
with Wei, and when Uea was decaj'ing, the chief of the House was Head of the princes, and removed 
to old Heu. 

5 In his 8th year, there was an inauspicious portent in tlie sky; — ten suns appeared 
together. In that year the emperor died. 

XIV. The emperor K*ung-kea. 

1 In his 1st year, which was ylh-sze (mistake for he-izCy 6th of cycle,=B.c. 1^611), 
when he came to the throne, he dwelt on the west of the Ho. He displaced the 

2 chief of Ch*e-wei, and appointed Lew-luy to feed the dragons.l In his 3d year, 

3 the king hunted on mount Foo.2 In his 5th year, he made the music of the East 
^ In his 7th year, Lew Luy removed to Loo-yang.8 

Note, The king was superstitious, and acted in a disorderly and licentious way. The princes 
became like him, and the goTt. of Hea began to go to decay. He was hunting on mount Foo of 
Tung-yang, when in a great wind the sky was all overcast. Tlie emperor lost his way, and went 
into the family of a peasant, whose wife had just been confined. Some said, *The emperor has 
come to see you ; — ^it is a good day. Tliis child will have great good fortune.* Some said, *Not so. 
This child will be unfortunate.* — When K*ung-kca heard this, he said, * Let it be the child of me, 
the emperor ; then who can harm it ? * Accordingly he took the child with him ; but when it was 
grown up, it was killed by a hatchet, on which he made the song of * Break the Hatchet ; ' — what 
is called *The music of the East.* 

^ A female dragon of those which Lew Luy had the keeping of died, when he privately made 
pickle of it, and set it before the emperor, who enjoyed it ; and ordered Luy to look for the missing 
dragon. Luy was afraid, and removed to Loo-yang, where his descendants became the Fan family. 

g In his 9th year, he died. The prince of Yin returned to Shang-k*ew. 

XV. The emperor Hagu. 

Note, Also called Kaou. 

xiT. 1 The State of Ch*e-wei is ref. to a 
place in the dep. of Ta-ming, Chih-le. It is 
nard to say what is meant by feeding the 
dragons, though there are many legends about 

it. 2 It is strange how the title of ' king * is 
here employed for * emperor.* 3 Or * to the 

south of mount Loo ;' — in the pres. dls. of Loo- 
san, dep. Joochow, Ho-nan. 


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His 1st year was hang-shin (17th of cycle,=B.c. 1,600), when he came to the 
throne. He restored die representative of the House of Ch'e-wei to his State. 

Note. In the decay of the Hea, chiefs of Keun-woo and Ch^-wei succeeded one another as Head 
of the princes. 

2 In his 8d year he died. 

XVI. The emperor Far. 
Note. Also called the emperor King ; and Fft-hwuy. 

1 In his 1st year, which was yih-yew (22d of cycle, = B.C. 1,695), when he came to 
the throne, various wild tribes came and made their submission at the king's gate. I 
He again repaired the walls. There was a meeting on the upper pool, when the wild 

2 people came in, and performed their dances. In his 7th year, he died. Mount 
T'ae shook. 

XVII. The emperor Kwei. 
Note. Called also EeS. 

1 In his 1st year, which was jtn-«Am (29th of cycle, = B.C. 1,588), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Chin-sin, In his 3d year, he built the K4ng palace, 
and pulled down the Yung tower.2 The K'euen hordes penetrated as far as A^*e, with 

3 the standard of revolt.8 In his 6th year, the hordes of K'e-chung* came to 

4 make their submission. In his 10th year, the five planets went out of their 
courses. In the night, stars fell like rain, llie earth shook. The E and Loh became 

6 dry. In his 11m year, he assembled the princes in Jing, when the chief of Yew-min 

6 fled home, on which the emperor extinguished Yew-min.5 In his 13th year, he 
removed to the south of the Ho.6 He made for the first time men-drawn carriages.7 

7 In his 14th year, Peen led the imperial forces, and smote Min-san.8 

XV. 1 3E P^ should probably be ^ P^, 
' the gate of gems,'— one of the gates of the 

palace, so called. 

XVI. 1 The meaning of 3ff 'ffi ^ ]Wl. is 

very much debated. See Uftng Ch4n-fung, 
in he. 

XVII. 1 This, no doubt, was in the dis.of Kung, 
dep. Ho-nan. 2 For conjectures on the 
meaning of the names here , see Hfing, in loc. 

3 Hftng thinks this par. belongs to the reign 
of king Muh or king E of Chow. 4 The 

country of K*e-chung, (|IBl=* Sj) o' * the people 
who walked on their toes,' without the heel 
touching the ground, is placed beyond the 
Moving sands. 6 See on the time of Shaou- 

k*ang. The Min Jamiiy occupied the State of 
Jing. 6. Some city is intended ; but com- 

mentators are not agreed which. 7 These 


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Nott. Some copies read San-mi n, or litli-people. Kwei ordered Peen to attack San-min, whoso 
prince presented Ke€ with two ladies, called Yuen and Yen. The emperor loved them, tho' they 
had no children ; and had their names cut on the jjems Teaou and Hwa. That on the T*eaou was 
Yuen ; on the Hwa, Yen. He also sent awaj his first wife Me-he to Ld, placing her in tlie Yaou 
tower of the King paUce. 

8 In his 15th year, Le, prince of Shan^, removed to Poh.^ 

Nott, This was the 1st year of T*ang the Successful. 

10 In his loth year, Shang made E Yin come to court. In his 20th year, E Yin, 

11 returning: to Shang:, met witli Joo Kew and Joo Fang at the north gate. In his 
21st year, the forces of Shang went on a punitive expedition against the prince of L6, 
and subdued him. They then went against King, 10 which made submission. In 

12 his 22d year, Le, prince of Shang, came to court, when the emperor ordered him to be 

13 imprisoned in the tower of Hea.ll In his 23d year, he set Le at liberty, when the 

14 princes went and offered their submission to Shang. In his 26th year, Shang ex- 

15 tinguished Wun.l2 In his 28th year, the chief of Keun-woo attacked Shang. 
Shang assembled the princes in King-pohl3 and proceeded against Wei, which its forces 
took. ITiey then proceeded against Koo. The Grand recorder Chung Koo left the court 

16 and fled to Shang. In his 29th year, the forces of Shang took Koo. 15 ITiree suns 
appeared together. The prince of Pe, Chiang, left the court and fled to Shang. In the 
winter, in the 10th month, they chisselled through mountains, and tunnelled hills, to 

17 open a communication with the Ho. 16 In his 30th year, there was a fell of mount 
K'eu.i7 The emperor put to death his great officer Kwan Lung-ftmg. llie forces of 
Shang marched to punish Keun-woo. In the winter, there was a fire in Ling-suy.l8 

18 In his 31st year, Shang proceeded by way of Urh against the capital of Hea; and 
overcame Keun-woo. Amid great thunder and rain a battle was fought in Ming- 

carriages are said to have been made for Me-he, 
Ke€*s wife. 8 The comm. identify this 

Min-san with a Mung-san (^ jjj) ;— perhaps 
corresp. to Mung-san, dep. Ya-chow, in Sze- 
cliHien. 9 This was the < southern Pd.' 

10 King ; — known afterwards as Ts*oo. 


11 This was a State prison;— near Chin-sin. 

12 The pres. dis. of Wun, dep. Hwac-k4ng. 

13 This is said to have been the *• northern 
PC' 14 Probablj==Ch*e-wei. 15 Sup- 
posed to have been in pres. dis. of Wun-ching, 
dep. Ts*aou-chow, Shan-tung. 16 This 
should not hare been done in the winter. 

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t'eaou, when the army of Hea was defeated. Keeh fled away to San-tsung,l9 against 

M'hich the army of Shang proceedecL A battle was fought at Ching,20 and Keeh was 

taken in Ts^aou-mun. He was then banished away to Nan-ch'aou. 

Note, From Yu to Ke€ were 17 reigns. Calculating reigns and iDterregnums, the dynasty lasted 
471 years. 

17 K*eu is better known as mount Chin (j^ 19 San4sung is ref. to the dis. of Ting-t*aou, 
ijj). 18 See the comment of Sun Che- ^^P- Ts»aouH;how. 20 In the sub. dep. of 

—A „f. Tung-p'ing, T'ae-ngan. 

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The Dynasty of Shang. 

I. T'ano the Successful, of Shang or Yin. 

Note, His name was Le. T^ng, indeed^ had 7 names, and conducted 9 punitive expeditions. 
When he returned from confining Ke^ in Nan-ch^aou, the princes, having 8 interpreters, came to 
him, to the number of 1,800. The chief of the * Wonderful Arms' also came in his chariot. They 
all wished him, Teen-yih Le, to assume the imperial dignity, to which, after declining thrice, he 

In ancient times, the empress of Kaou-sin, called Keen-teih, at the remal equinox, when the 
dark swallow made its appearance, had followed her husband to the suburbs to pray for a son, 
and was bathing with her sister in the Water of Heuen-k'ew, when a dark swallow dropt from 
her mouth a beautifully variegated egg. The two sisters strove to cover it with baskets which 
they had ; but Keen-teih succeeded in getting it. She swallowed it, became pregnant, and by-and- 
by her chest .opened, and she gave birth to Se^. When he grew up, he was minister of Instruc- 
tion to Yaou, who conferred on him the principality of Shang because of his services to the people. 

After 13 generations, Se^'s descendant, Choo-kwei, was bom, whose wife was called Foo-too. 
She saw a white vapour go through the moon ; was moved to pregnancy ; and on the day Yih 
bore T*ang, who was therefore styled T*een-yili. The lower part of his face was broad, and it 
tapered above ; — it was white and whiskered. His body was one-sided, and his voice was loud. 
He was 9 cubits high, and his arms had four joints. He became T^ang the Successful. 

T*ang lived in P6, and cultivated his virtue. When E Chi was about to comply with T'ang's 
invitation, he dreamed that he passed by the sun and moon in a boat. 

T*ang came east to LQ, to see the altar of Yaou. He dropped a gem in the water, and stood at 
some distance. Lo ! yellow fishes leaped up in pairs ; a black bird followed him, and stood on the 
altar, where it changed into a black gem. There was also a black tortoise, with red lines forming 
characters, which said that KeQ of Hea was unprincipled, and that T^ang should supersede him. At 
the same time, the spirit of T*aou-wuh was seen on mount P*ei. Another spirit, dragging a white 
wolf, with a hook in his moutli, entered the court of Shang. The virtue of metal waxed powerful; 


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silver overflowed from the hillg. When T*anjr was about to pat KeS away, in reverence of the 
command of Heaven, he dreamed that he went to the sky, and licked it. After this he became 
possessor of the empire. The people of Shaug afterwards changed the title of the dynasty into 

In his 18th year, which was kwei-hae (60th of cycle, = B.C. 1,567), when he came 
to the throne, he dwelt in Poh.2 He roofed over, for the first time, the altar to the 
spirits of the land dedicated by the House of Hea.3 In his 10th year, there was 

a great drought. The people of Te-k&ing came and made their submission.* 
In his 20th year, there was a great drought. Keeh of Hea died at mount T'ing, when 
it was forbidden to play on stringed instruments, to sing and to dance. In his 

6 21st year, there was the great drought. He cast metal money 5 In his 22d and 

7 23d years, the drought continued. In his 24th year, the drought still continuing, 

8 the king prayed in the mulberry forest, and it rained.^ In his 26th year, he 
made the music of Ta-hoo.7 He went for the first time on a tour of inspection, and 

9 fixed the rules for ofFerings. In his 27th year, he removed the nine vases to the 
lO capital of Shang. In his 29th year, he died. 

II. Wak-pino. 
Nou, Named Shing. 

1 In his 1st year, which was yih-hae (12th of cycle, = b.c. 1,645), when the king 1 
came to the throne, he dwelt in Poh; and confirmed the appointment of E Yin as 

2 prime minister.2 In his 2d year, he died. 


I. 1 The years of THing are counted from 
his accession to the principality of Shang, -rjc. 
1,574. 2 This was, probably, the western 

P6. — in the pres. dis. Yen-sze, dep. Ho-nan. 
8 T*ang had wished to remove the altars of 
Hea. Diverted from that purpose, he * housed * 
them, or roofed them over, — to remain a monu- 
ment of the justice of Heaven. 4 See in 
the She, the 5th of the Praise-songs of Shang. 
5 This is understood to have been done for 
the poor, that they might redeem their children 
whom they had sold in the famine. 6 See 
the prayer of T*ang, from Mih-tsze, in the 
prolcg. to Mcncius, pp. 116,117. It is singular 

the Shoo says nothing of this drought. Sse-ma 
T8*een says it lasted 7 years ; the Ch*un-Ts*ew 
of Leu, 5 years ; these Annals, 6 years. Ts*eeii 
makes Shwang-liu the name of a wilderness ; 
others say — *ihe wood of mt^ Shwang.' 7 

>^^f ""J^ ^S» 'K'®** salvation ; '—cele- 
brating Twang's exploits and prayers. 

II. 1 ^P, ' king,' here replaces '^j*, applied 
in these Annals to the sovereigns of Hea. 2 
We must take -^ here in this way. See U&ng, 
in he 


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III. Chuno-jin. 
Note. Named Yung. 

1 In his Ist year, which was ting-eVow (14th of cycle, = B.C. 1,543), when he came 

2 to the throne, he dwelt in Poh, and confinned the appointment of E Yin. In his 
4th year, he died. 

IV. T'ae-kMah. 

Note, Named Che. 

1 In his 1st year, which was tfin-sze (18th of cycle, = B.C. 1,539), when he came to 
the throne, he dwelt in Poh, and confinned the appointment of E Yin. E Yin sent 
T'ae-k^ away, and confined him in T'ung, seizmg the throne himself.l 

Note by Ftf. It is a mistake to say this. The truth is that he only acted as regent. 

2 In his 7th year, the king privately escaped from T'ung", and put E Yin to death. 
The sky was overapread with mists for three days, when he raised to office Yiti's sons, 
E Chih and E Fun, ordered their father's fields and houses to be restored, and equally 
divided between them. 

Note hy Y6, Tliis par. does not accord with the text before and after it. It is, probably, the 
addition of an after time. 

8 In his 10th year, he celebrated a great service to all his ancestors in the Grand 
ancestral temple. For the first time he sacrificed to the Intelligences of the four 
4 quarters.^ In his 12th year, he died. 


Note. Named Heuen. 

IT. 1 This and the next notice are so difft. 
from the current and classical accounts of £ 
Yin and T'ae-keft, that the friends of these 
Annals are in great perplexity about them. 
U&ng ChHn-fung would refer them to the 
'Fragmentary Words* of the Bamboo Books. 
Seu W&n-tsiog contents himself with saying, 

after the original commentator, that they are 
the additions of a later hand. 

is the easiest interpretation. Some suppose the 
^t -^ of Can. of Shun, p. 5, to be meant. 


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1 In his Ist year, which was kwei-sze (30th of cycle,=B.c. 1,527), when he came to 
the throne, he dwelt in Poh; and confirmed the appointment of Kaou Shen as prime 

3 minister. In his 8th year, he appointed sacrifices to Paou-hang.i In his 

19th year, he died. 

Note. Named Peen. 

1 In his 1st year, which was jin-tsz^ (49th of cycle, = B.C. 1,608), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Poh. In his 5th year, he died. 

VII. S£aou-k£ah. 
Note, Named Kaou. 

1 In his 1st year, which was ting-sze (54th of cycle, s= B.C. 1,603), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Poh. In his 17th year, he died. 

Note. Named TSen. 

1 In his 1st year, which was hi(ih'$euh (11th of cycle,=5B.c. 1,486), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Poh. In his 12th year, he died. 

IX. T'ab-mow. 
Note. Named Meih. 
1 In his 1st year, which was ping-seuh (23d of qrcle, = B.a 1,474), when he came 
to the throne, he dwelt in Poh, and confirmed the appointments 1 of E Chih and Chin 

▼. 1 This was £ Y\xl See on the T'ae-kefl, 
Pt. i. p. L 

iz. 1 From the 15th notice in the preface to 
the Shoo, Chin-hoo would seem to have been 

aliTe in T*ang*s time, so that in T^ae-mow's 
time, ace. to the current chron., he most bare 
been nearly 200 years old. Even ace. to th6s« 
Annals, he must have been over 100. 

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1 Hoo, as his principal ministers. In his 7th year, a mulberry tree and a stalk 

2 of grain grew up together in the court. In his 11th year, he commanded Woo 

3 H§en to pray to the hills and rivers. In his 26th year, the hordes of the West 
came to make their submission. He sent Wang Mang, as his envoy, with presents 

4 to those hordes. In his 31st year, he appointed Chung-yen, prince of Pe, to be 

6 master of his carriages. In his 35th year, he made yin carriages.2 In his 

7 46th year, there was a very abundant harvest. In his 68th year, he walled 

8 P'oo-koo.3 In his 61st year, the nine hordes of the East came to make their 

9 submission. In his 75th year, he died. 

Note, After T*ae-mow met with the warning mulberry tree, he inclined himself to the cul- 
tivation of his conduct ; and after 8 years, there were 76 States from distant regions, which sent 
messengers, with interpreters, to his court, in admiration of his wise virtue. The fortunes of 
Shang again revived. His sacrificial title was T'ae-tsung. 

X. Chung-ting. 
Note, Named Chwang. 

1 In his 1st year, which was sin-ch^ow (38th of cycle, = B.C. 1,399), when he came 

2 to the throne, he removed from Poh to Gaou l on the Ho. In his 6th year, he 

3 went on an expedition against the hordes of Lan.^ In his 9th year, he oied. 

XI. Wae-jin. 
Note, Named Fft. 

1 In his 1st year, which was kang-aexih (47th of cycle, = B.C. 1,390), when he came 
to the throne, he dwelt in Gaoiu The people of P*ei I and of Seen 2 revolted. 

2 In his 10th year, he died. 

2 Ilftng Ch*in-fung says these carriages were 
of roots of the mulberry tree; — perhaps, re- 
ferring to their colour. 

8 Probably in the pres. dis. of Pd-hiug, dep. 
Ts4ng-ehow, Shan-tung. 

in the pres. dis. of Ho-yin, dep. K'ae-fung. Up 
to this time, the capital had been the western 
Pd. 2 Perliaps in the dis. of Tang-k-evh, 

dep. T*ae-yuen, 8han-se. 
XI. 1 P*ei— the pres. sub. dep. of P*ei Chow, 

_ , ^ ' ' . ^ , *#. , I ,x dep. of Seu-chow, Keang-soo. 2 The dis. 

X. 1 Gaou was on a mount Gaou (^ ^]), t of ChMn-lew, dep. K*ae-fung. 


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iVbi€. Named Ching. 

1 In his Ist year, which was kanff-shin (57th of cycle^ = B.C. 1,380), when he came 

2 to the throne, he removed from Gaou to Seang.^ In his dd year, the baron of P^ang 

3 subdued P^ei. In his 4th year, he made an expedition against the hordes of Lan. 

4 In his 5th year, the people of Seen entered the region of Pan, when the barons of 
P^ang and Wei attacked it, and the people of Seen came to make their submission. 

5 In his 9th year, he died, 

XIII. Tsoo-YiH. 
Note. Named T<&ng. 

1 In his 1st year, which was ke-sze (6th of cycle, = B.C. 1,371), when he came to the 
throne, be removed from S^ng to K&ng.l He gave appointments to the barons of 

2 P'ang and Wei.2 In his 2d year, K&ng was inundated, when he removed to 

3 Pe.d In his 3d year, he confirmed the appointment of Woo Heen as prime 

5 minister. In his 8th year, he walled Pe.d In his 15th year, he gave an 

6 appointment to Kaou-yu, prince of Pin.4 In his 19th year, he died. 

Note, The fortunes of Shang flourished again under Tsoo-yih. His sacrificial title was Chung- 

XIV. Tsoo-siN. 
Note. Named Tan. 

In his 1st year, which was mow-tsze (25th of cycle, = B.C. 1,352), when he came 
to the throne, he dwelt in Pe. In his 14th year, he died. 

XII. 1 In the pres. dis. of Ngan-yang, dep. 
Cbang-tih, Ho-nan. 

XIII. 1 In the pres. dis. of Ho-tsin, K^ng 
Chow, Sban-se. 2 What appointroenta is 
not said. Many comm. say— 'The appoint, of 
Pa, or chiefs of the princes ;' but the text will 

not hear that construction. 8 Some would 

go away to the dis. of P*ing-h6ang, dep. Shun- 
tih, Chih-le, for this Pe;— which is very un- 
likely. 4 In Pin Chow, Shen-se. Kaou-yu 
was a descendant of Kung-Iew. Here was the 
seat of the Chow family. 


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XV. K^ae-k£ah. 
Note. Named Yu. 

1 In his 1st year, which wasjm-ym (dOth of cycle, =b.c. 1,338), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Pe. In his 5th year, he died. 

Note, Named Sin. 

1 In his 1st year, which was tiTig-we (44th of cycle, = B.C. 1,333), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Pe. In his 9th year, he died. 

XVII. Nan-kano. 
Note, Named Kftng. 

1 In his 1st year, which was ping-skin (63d of cycle, = B.C. 1,324), when he came 

3 to the throne, he dwelt in Pe. In his 3d year, he removed to Yen.l In his 
6th year, he died. 

Note, Named Ho. Some stjle him Ho-keft. 

1 In his 1st year, which wBsjin-seuk (59th of cycle, B.C. 1,318), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Yen. In his 3d year, he made an expedition to the west 

3 against the hordes of mount Tan. In his 4th year, he died. 


Note. Named Seun. 

XVII. 1 Yen is no better known than Pe. 
Some make it out to have been in Shan-tang, in 

XIX. 1 Probably in the dis. of Loo-san, dep. 
of Joo, Ho-nan. 2 The * northern Mung '= 

northern PO, what is called * King P5/ under 

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In his 1st year, which was ping-yin (3d of cycle, = B.C. 1,314), when he came to 
the throne, he dwelt in Yen. In his 7th year, the prince of Ying i came to do 

homage. lu his 14th year, he removed from Yen, to the northern Mung,2 which 

was called Yin. In his 16th year, he built the city of Yin. In his 19th year, 

he confirmed the appointment of A-yu, prince of Pin. In his 28th year, he died. 

XX. Seaou-sin. 
Note, Named Sung. 

1 In his 1st year, which was keah-woo (31st of cycle, = B.C. 1,286), when he came 

2 to the throne, he dweU in Yin. In his 3d year, he died. 

XXI. Seaou-yih. 
Note, Named Leen. 

1 In his 1st year, which was tivg-yew (34 th of cycle, = B.C. 1,283), when he came 

2 to the throne, he dwelt in Yin. In his 6th year, he ordered his heir-son, Woo-ting, 

3 to dwell by the Ho, and study under Kan Pwan. In his 11th year, he died. 

Note, Named Ch'aou. 

In his 1st year, which was ting-we (44th of cycle,=B.c. 1,273), when he dwelt in 
Yin, he confirmed the appointment of Kan Pwan as prime minister.! In his 3d 

year, in consequence of a dream, he sought for Foo-yu3, and found him. In his 

6th year, he confirmed Foo-yu5 in the dignity of prime minister ; and inspected the 
schools where they nourished the aged.^ In his 12th year, he ofiered a sacrifice 

of thanksgiving to Shang-keah Wei.3 In his 25th year, his son Heaou-e died in 

supported in them would enforce the duties of 
Ulial duty and submissiou. 3 See the note 

above, on the 16th year of the emp. Mang. 
4 To which he had been banished, many say, 

the 28th year of Kee*s reign ; and Yin under 
the reign of the emperor Mang. 

XXII. 1 See on the Charge to TuS, Pt. iii., 
par. I. 2 These schools were asylums. They 
were called schools, because the aged who were 


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1 a wilderness.^ In his 29th year, at the supplementary sacrifice in the Grand 

2 ancestral temple, a pheasant made its appearance.^ In his 82d year, he smote the 

3 country of the demons,^ and camped in King. In his 34th year, the kind's forces 
subdued the Demon-region, when the tribes of Te-kean^ came and made meir sub 

4 mission. In his 4bd year, his forces extinguished me State of Ta-p'ang. 

6 In his 50th year, he led an expedition against Gh'e-wei, and subdued it. In his 

9th year, he died. 

Note, Woo-tiug was the great benevolent sovereign of Yin. Vigoroaslj did he carry oat the 
royal principles, not allowing himself in idleness. Admirably did he still the States of Yin, so 
that, great or small, they never manimred against him. In his time, the empire, on the East, did 
not extend beyond the Keang and Hwang; on the West, it did not extend beyond Te-keang; on 
the South, it did not extend beyond King and Man ; on the North, it did not extend beyond S6- 
fang. But Praise-songs were heard again, and ceremonies revived from their decay. He received 
the sacrificial title of Kaou-tsung. 

Note. Named Yaou. 

1 In his 1st yeai', which was ping-woo (43d of cycle, = B.C. 1,214), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Yin; and made 'The Instructions of Kaou-tsung.' In his 
11th year, he died. 

XXIV. Tsoo-KfiAH. 

Note. Named Tsae. 

1 In his 1st year, which was tinff-sze ('54th of cycle, = B.C. 1,203), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Yin. In his 12th year, he led a punitive expedition 

3 against the hordes of the West ; from which he returned in the winter. In his 
loth year, tiie hordes of the West came to make their submission. He confirmed 

4 the appointment of Tsoo-kan, prince of Pin. In his 24th year, he established 
6 anew tne penal statutes of T'ang. In his 27th year, he gave appointments to his 
6 sons, Gaou and L^ng. In his d3d year, he died. 

by his father. But this may be an invention of I of Shang. 6 See the concluding note to the 

future times. 5 Sec the izth of the Books said Book. 

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A^o/e. This king had lived, when younjr, away from the court, so that, when he came to the 
throne, he knew the necessities of the inferior people, protected them with kindness, and allowed 
tio cx)ntumely to the wifeless and widows. Towards the end of his reiga, however, by multiplying 
punishments, be alienated the people of distant regions ; and the fortunes of Yiu again decayed. 

XXV. Fung-sin. 

Note. Styled Lin-sin in the Historical Records. His name was S^n. 

1 In his 1st year, which was hang-yin (27th of cycle,=B.c. 1,170), when he came 

2 to the throne, he dwelt in Yin. In his 4th year, he died. 


XXVI. Kang-tinq. 

Note. Named Qaou. 

1 In his Ist year, which was Mah-woo (31st of cycle, =b.c. 1,166), when he came to 

2 the throne, he dwelt in Yiu. In his 8th year, he died. 

XXVII. Woo-YiH. 

Note* Named K*eu. 

In his 1st year, which was jin-yin (39th of cycle, = B.C. 1,158), he dwelt in Yin. 
The prince ofVm removed to Chow near mount K'e.l In his 3d year, the king 

removed from Yin to tlie north of the Ho.2 He confirmed tlie dig-nity of T'an-foo as 

duke of Chow, and conferred on him the city of K'e. 

In his 16th 



removed from the place he then occupied on the north of the Ho to Mei.8 ' In 
his 21st year, T*an-foo, duke of Chow, died. In his 24th year, the forces of Chow 

smote Cn*ing. A battle was fought at Peih, which was subdued.* In his 30th 

year, the forces of Chow attacked JS-k*eu,5 and returned \^ith its ruler as a captive. 
In his 34th year, Ke-leih, duke of Chow, came and did homage at court, when 
the king; conferred on him 30 le of ground, ten pairs of gems, and ten horses. 

xxvii. 1 The prince of Pin, who mnde this 
removal, was T*an-foo, or king T*ae, celebrated 
in the She, and by Meneius. K^e-san is still the 
name of a dis. in Fung-t8*eang dep., Shen-se. 
By this more the House of Chow brought its 
principal seat nearly 100 miles farther east. 

2 I agree with Chln-fung that it is better 
not to try to identify this * North of the Ho' 
with any particular site. 8 See on the *An- 
nouncement about Drunkenness,' par. 1. 

4 Ch'ing and Peih were in the dis. of Heen- 
ning, dep. Se-gan. 5 In the pres. dep. of 


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[CH. IV. 

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8 In his 35th year, Ke-leih, duke of Chow, smot« the demon hordes of the Western The king was hunting between the Ho and the Wei, when he was 
frightened to death by a great thunderstorm. 

xxviii. Wan-ting. 
Nott, Wrongly styled T*ae-ting in the Historical Records. His name was T*d. 

1 In his 1st year, which was ting-ck^otv (14th of cycle, = B.C. 1,123), when he came 

2 to the throne, he dwelt in Yin.l In his 2d year, Ke-leih, duke of Chow, attacked 

3 the hordes of Yen-king,2 and was defeated. In his 3d year, the Yuen-water 

4 thrice ceased to flow in one day. In his 4th year, Ke-leih attacked the hordes 
ofYu-woo, and subdued them, aft^r which he received the dignity of Pastor and 

6 Teacher. In his 5th year, Chow built the city of Ch'ing. In his 7th year, 

7 Ke-leih attacked the hordes of Ch'e-hoo, and subdued them. In his 11th year, 

Ke-leih smote the hordes of £-t'oo, and, having taken their three great chie&, came 

with them to court to report his victory. The king put Ke-leih to death. 

NoU. The king at first appreciated the services of Ke-leih, gave him a libation mace, with 
flavoured spirits of the black millet, and the nine ensigns of distinction as chief of the princes ; 
and after all that, he confined him in the house of restraint, so that Ke-leih died from the trou- 
ble, and gave occasion to the saying that Wftu-ting killed liim. 

8 In his 12th year, phoenixes collected on mount K*e. 
Note, This was the Isi year of king Wftn of Chow. 

9 In his 15th year, the king died. 

KHng-yang, Kan-suh. 6 These 'demon 

hordes * are difft. from the people of the * demon 

region,* subdued by Woo-ting. ^=i-^ ^, 

a tribe. 

XXVIII. 1 There is a note here that *he re- 
turned from Mei to Yin.* But Ch*in-fnng 
denies this, and argues that, while his father 
bad moved from the old capital, T'd had con- 
tinued alvaya in it. 2 The hill of Yen- 

king was in the pres. dis. of Tsing-lS, dcp. of 
Yin, Shan-se. 3 There is nothing im- 

probable in this. The sovereign of the decaying 
dynasty might, in a sudden fit of jealousy, thus 
make away with the Head of the rising House. 
As the fact, however, is not elsewhere mentioned , 
the friends of the Annals labour to explain 
away the passage, or to show that it is cor- 


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Note, Named Seen. 

1 In his 1st year, which was kang-yin (27th of cycle, = B.C. 1,110), when he came 

2 to the throne, he dwelt in Yin. In his dd year, he ordered Nan Chung to oppose 
the hordes of Keun on the west, and to wall the city ^Soh-fang. In the summer, in 

3 the 6th month, there was an earthquake in Chow. In his 0th year, he died. 

XXX. Te-sin. 
Note, Named Show. This was Chow. He is also called Show-sin. 
1 In his Ist year, which was ke-hae (86th of cycle, = B.C. 1,101), when he came to 
the throne, he dwelt in Yin. He gave appointments to the princes of K'ew, Chow, 
and Yu. 
Nou. The prince of Chow was Ch*ang, chief of the West. 

3 In his 3d year, a sparrow produced a hawk. In his 4th year, he had a great 

4 hunting in Le.l He invented the punishment of Roasting.2 In his 5th year, in 
the summer, he built the tower of Nan-tan.3 There was a shower of earth in Poh. 

6 In his 6th year, the chief of the west offered sacrifice for the first time to his an- 

6 cestors in Peih.4 In his 9th year, the royal forces attacked the State of Soo, 
and brought away Tan-ke as a captive. The king made an apartment for her, with 

7 walls of carnation stone, and the doors all-adorned with gems. In his 10th year, 

8 in the summer, in the 6th month, he hunted in the western borders. In his 17th 
year, the chief of the west smote the Teih.5 In the winter, the king made a pleasure 

9 excursion in K^e.6 In his 21st year, in the spring, in the 1st month, the princes 
went to Chow to do homage. Pih-e and Shuh-ts'e 7 betook themselves to Chow 

10 firom Koo-chuh. In his 22d year, in the winter, he had a great hunting along 

XXX. 1 ""h here is read as ijtu It was the 

name of a State, which was also called ^im- 
probably in the pres»dep.of Cbang-tih, Ho-nan. 
The three princes here seem to have been the 
three kung, 2 See on the ixth of the Books 

of Slinnt'. 3 What Is called in the Shoo 

*the Stag tower.* 4 Ke-leih had been buried 
in Peih. Ch4n*fhng supposes this was a sacri- 
fice at his tomb. 5 These were different 

tribes, occupying the northern regions, west of 
the Ho. 6 The pres. dis. of K'e, dep. Wei- 
hwuy. 7 See the Ana., V., xjiii., et al. 


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11 the Wei. In his 23d year, he imprisoned the chief of the west in Yew-le.8 

12 In his 29th year, he liberated the chief of the west, who was met by many of the 

13 princes, and escorted back to Ch'ing. In his 30th year, in the spring, in the 3d 
month, the chief of the west led the princes to the court with their tributes. In 

14 his 31st year, the chief of the west began to form a regular army in Peih, with Leu 

15 Shang as its commander. In his 32d year, there was a conjunction of the five 
planets in Fang. A red crow lighted on the altar to the spirits of the land in Chow. 
The people of Meih invaded Yuen, when tlie chief of the west led a force against 

16 Meih.9 In his 33d year, the people of Meih surrendered to the army of Chow, 

and were removed to Ch'ing. The king'^granted power to the chief of the west to 

punish and attack offending States on his own discretion. 

Note by Yd. King Wftn thus for 9 years received the appointment of Heaven ; and the empire 
was not yet all secured by him at his deatfi. His plenipotent authority to punish and attack, ia 
which the will of Heaven might be seen, commenced in this year. 

17 In his 34th year, the forces of Chow took K'e and Yu; and then attacked Ts'ung, 
which surrendered. In the winter, in the 12th month, the hordes of Keim overran 

18 Chow. In the 35th year, there was a great famine in Chow; when the chief of 

19 the west removed from Ch*ing to Fung. In his 36th year, in the spring, in the 
1st month, the princes went to court at Chow, and then they smote the hordes of 

20 Keun. The chief of the west made his heir-son F& build Haou. In his 37th 

21 year, the duke oj^ Chow built an imperial college.^ In his 39th year, the great 

22 officer Sin-keah fled to Chow. In his 40th year, the duke of Chow made the 

23 spirit-tower. ITie king sent Kaou-kih to seek for gems in Chow.^0 In his 41st 
year, in the spring, in the 3d month, Ch'ang, the chief of the west, died. 

Note* King WSn of Chow was buried in Feih ; — 30 le west from Fung. 

24 In his 42d year, — (the Ist year of king Woo of Chow) — Fah chief of the west, received 
the vermilion book from Leu shang. H A girl changed into a man. In his 

8 In the dis. of T*ang-yin, dep. Chang-tih. 

9 Both Meih and Yuen were in the pres.dep. 
of P*ing-leang, Kan-suh. 9 The building 
of a P'eih-yung in Chow was the exercising an 

imperial prerogative. Se§ on the She, Pt. II, 
Bk.UI., Ode. li. 

10 There is a story of a tablet of gem belong- 
ing to the princes of Chow, which Show coveted, 


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25 43d year, in the spring*, he had a g:rand review. Part ^ mount K'aon fell down. 

26 In his 44th year, Fah smote Le. In his 4?th year, the recorder of the Interior, 

27 Heang Che, fled to Chow. In his 48th year, tlie E goat 12 was seen. Two suns 

28 appeared together. In his 51st year, in the winter, in the 11th month, on the 
day moTv-tsze (25th of cycle), the army of Chow crossed the ford of Mang ; but 
returned. The king imprisoned the viscount of K'e ; and put his relative, Pe-kan, to 

29 death ; while the viscount of Wei fled away. In his 52d year, which was kang- 

yin (27th of cycle). Chow made its first attack on Yin. In the autumn, the army of 

Chow camped in the plain of Seen. In the winter, in the 12th month, it sacrificed to 

God. The tribes of Yung, Shuh, Keang, Maou, Wei, Loo, P'ang, and Puh, followed 

Chow to the attack of Yin.l* 

Note, They marched to Hing-k*ew. the name of which was changed to Hwae. 
From the extinction of Hea by T*ang to Show were 29 kings, and 496 years. 

and wished thus to get for himself. 1 1 This 
was a book of Counsels, containing the principles 
of Uwang-te, and CUueu-heuh. 12 This 

was a prodigious thing, 'a spirit-like animal/ — 
variously describeil. 13 This was in K*e 

Chow. 14 See on ^ Speech at Muh.* 


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The dynasty of Chow. 
I. King Woo. 

Note, Named Fa. Of old time, Keang Yuen, the wife of the emperor Kaou-sin, was assisting 
him at a sacrifice in the borders in order to obtain a son, when she saw the footstep of a large man, 
and trod upon it. At the instant she felt after a certain manner, and, becoming pregnant, by and 
by gave birth to a son. Thinking the whole thing unlucky, she threw the child away in a nar- 
row lane, but the goats and cattle avoided it, and did not trample on it. She then placed it in a 
wood, wliere it was found by a woodcutter. She took it then, and laid it upon the ice, and there a 
large bird came and covered it with one of his wings. Keang Yuen, surprised by all this, received 
the child at last and nursed him, giving him the name of * Cast-away.' 

The lower part of the cliild's face was largely developed, and liis appearance altogether extraor- 
dinary. When he was grown up, he became minister of Agriculture to Yaou, and rendered great 
services to the people. He is known as prince Tseih. His grandson Kung-lew was eminently 
virtuous, so that the princes behaved to him with the same ceremonies as they did to the emperor. 

In the time of Hwang- te, there had been a prophecy, to the effect that *the chief of the west 
should become king, in a certain keia-Uzt year ; that Ch'ang should lay the foundations of the 
dignity, Fft exercise the judgments necessary to it, and Tan develope its principles.' In the 13th 
generation, accordingly, from Kung-lew, Ke-leih was born ; and in his 10th year, a multitude of 
laying dragons filled the pasture lands of Yin ; — an emblem of a sage in an inferior position, who 
should in course of time rise to his proper distinction. 

The wife of Ke-leih was called T-ae-jin, who became pregnant after dreaming that she had 
been with a tall man. Afterwards, when relieving nature, she gave birth to Ch*ang. This Ch'ang 
became king Wftn of Chow. He had a dragon's countenance, with a tiger's shoulders ; was 10 
cubits high ; and had 4 nipples on his chest. His grandfather, king T*ae, said, * It will be Ch*ang, 
in whom our family shall rise to distinction.* Kc-leih's eldest brother was T'ae-pih who, knowing 


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that Heaven's purpose was to be realized in Cli'ang, went away to Yud, and never returned. His 
next brother, Clmng-yung, followed this example ; so that Ke-leih remained to be his father's heir, 
and the succession descended to Chiang, who became cliief of the West, and made his capital city 
in Fung. 

The wife of king Wftn was called T*ae-sze. She dreamed that in the courtyard of the imperial 
palace there were thorns growing, while her eldest son F& planted some tsze trees about their 
own gate, which changed into a fir, a cypress, a yt'A, and a ts9. This dream she told to king 
Wftn, who prepared gifts, and led his ministers along witli F& to give thanks for it. 

On the keft-tsze day, in the last month of autumn, a red bird came to Fung with a writing in its 
beak, which it put down at the door of Chiang. Ch'ang received it with a reverential obeisance, 
and found the writing to this effect: — *Ke Cli'ang is the son of the Grod of the empyrean. The 
destroyer of Yin is Chow.* The king was about to go to hunt, when the recorder Peen divined the 
meanitig of this writing, and said : — *■ You will get great spoil ; hut not a bear nor a gprisly bear, 
lloaven is sending a Grand-tutor to aid you. My ancestor, the recorder Ch^ow, divined once for 
Yu about hunting; and tlien he met with Kaou-yaou, — from an omen like that whicli has now 
occurred.* The hunting party went on, and at the water of P*wan-k*e, there was Leu Sliang, 
fishing on the bank. The king descended, hastened to him, and said with a bow, *I have been 
hoping to meet with you for seven years, and now I find you here.* Shang instantly changed his 
name at these words, and answered, *I, llope (the looked for), fished up a semicircular gem with 
this inscription: — **Ke has received the appointment of Heaven; Cli^ang will come and take it up. 
You have fished this up in the L6, and will have your reward in Ts*e." " 

Shang went out one day rambling, when he saw a red man come out from the Ld, who gave him 
a writing, with the words: — * As a backbone, you must assist Chiang.' 

King W&n dreamt that he was clothed with the sun and moon. A phoenix duck sang on mount 
K'e. In the first month of spring, on the 6th day, the five planets had a conjunction in Fang. 
Afterwards a male and female phcenix went about W&n*s capital with a writing in their beaks, 
which said: — *The emperor of Yin has no principle, but oppresses and disorders the empire. The 
great decree is removed; Yin cannot enjoy it longer. The powerful spirits of the eartii have left 
it; all the spirits are wiiistled away. The coiyunction of the five planets in Fang brightens all 
within the four seas/ 

When king Wan was dead, his eldest son Fa ruled in his stead. His teeth were one piece of 
bone, and he had a shepherd's eyes. When he was about to attack Ciiow, and had reached the ford of 
M&ng, 800 princes came togetlier, without any previous understanding, all saying, *Show may be 
smitten.* King Woo, however, did not listen to them; but when Show had killed Pe-kan, imprisoned 
the viscount of K*e, and was abandoned by the viscount of Wei, tlien he assailed liim. Wlicu 
he was crossing the river at the ford of Mftng, in the middle of the stream, a white fish leaped 
into the king*s boat. The king stooped down and took it up. It was 3 cubits long, and under 
its eyes were red lines which formed the characters — * Chow may be smitten.* The king wrote 
over them the character for 'dynasty,* and the words disappeared. After this he burned the fish 
in sacrifice, and announced the event to Heaven. Lo! fire came down from heaven, and rested 
over Wungub, gradually fioating away into u red bird, with a stalk of grain in ilb beak. Tho 


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[CH. IV. 

grain was in commemoration of the virtue of prince Tseih ; the fire was an auspicious response 
from heaven to the burnt-offering of the fisli. 

Woo then went eastward and attacked Show, whom he vanquished in the wilderness of Muh. 
His soldiers did not need to stain their swords witli blood, so easily did tlie empire turn to him. 
He invested Leu Bhang witli the principality of Ts*e. Through the abundance of the virtue of 
Chow, all vegetation was most luxuriant; even the southernwood could supply materials for 
building a palace, and hence we have the name — * southernwood house.' When he was possessed 
of the empire, Woo fixed his capital in Haou. 

In his 12tli year, which was dn-maou (28th of cycle, = B.C. 1,049), the king led 
the tribes of the west and the princes to attack Yin, and defeated S^iow in the wflder- 
ness of Muh. He took with his own hand Show prisoner in the tower of Nan-tan ;2 
and entered into the participation of the brig-ht appointment of Heaven,8 setting up, 
to continue the sacnjices to his ancestors^ Luh-foo, the son of Show, known as Woo- 
kang> In the summer, in the 4th month, he returned to Fung, and sacrificed in the 
ancestral temple. He appointed Inspectors of Yin, and went himself on a tour of 
inspection to Kwan.5 He made the music Ta-woo. In his 13th year, the baron 

of Ch'aou came to make his submission. He presented the captives of Yin in the 
Grand ancestral t«mple;6 and afterwards granted great investitures to the princes. 
In the autumn there was a ver\' abundant harvest. In his 14th year, the king" 

was unwell, when the duke Wan of Chow praved for him on an altar-area, and 
made ^The Metal-bound CofFer.*7 In his loth year, the prince of Suhshin came 

to make his submission. He made his first t-our of inspection to the mountains of 
the four quarters, and made an announcement to the cities of Me.8 In the winter, he 
removed the nine tripods to Loh. In his 16tli year, the viscount of Ke came to 

do homage. In the autumn, the royal forces extinguished P'oo-koo. In his 

17th year, he appointed his heir-son Sung in the eastern palace to be his successor. 
In the winter, in the 12th month, he died, being 94 years old. 

I. 1 lieckoning from the 42d year of Show, 
when Woo succeeded bis father, as duke of 
Chow. 2 ^=J^' See the acct. of Show's 
death in the note on par. 1 of * The Successful 
Completion of the War.* 3 It is diffi. to 

translate :^ ^ J^ ^. I take ^=1^ 
'^^. Some take ^^ as by mistake for ^^ ; but 
I have brought out the same meaning which 
that would give. The text will not allow the 
meaning of— 'before day-break' (^ tcJ ^j^ 
BH ), which Wftn-tsing gives. 4 The jj^ 


or 'setting' up of Show's son is to be understood 
only as 1 have indicated. There was no par- 
ticipation of the empire with him, as the Ah- 
preceding seems tf) make Biot suppose. 6 See 
the note on par. 12 of *Tlie Metal-bound Coffer.* 
6 That is, he presented the left ears which 
had been cut off. See the She, Pt III., Bk. I. 
Ode vii., 8. 7 See the Shoo Pt. V., Bk. VI.. 
8 This was *The Announcement about Drunken- 
ness ;' but see, in the notes on that Bk. of the 
Shoo, the controversies about the date and the 
author. i5|ca=^# 

Digitized by 





« ^ ii^ 1 i i M ^ ^ J^ ^ A i^ i i^ 


life ^ jig^.m.^^m^ 


King Chino. 
Note, Named Sung. 

In his 1st year, which was ting-yen) (34th of cycle, = B.C. 1,043), in the spring*, 
in the 1st month, when he came to the throne, he ordered die prime minister, duke 
Wan of Chow, to take the leadership of all the officers. On the day hang-woo (?th 
of cycle), the duke of Chow made an announcement to the princes at the great gate.^ 
In the summer, in the 6th month, they buried king Woo in Peih. In the autumn, 
the king assumed the covering for the head.2 Woo-k&ng with the people of Yin 
rebelled. Duke W&n of Chow left the court to reside in the east.^ In his 2d 

year, the people of Yen and of Sen, with the hordes of the Hwae, entered Pei * widi 
the standard of rebellion. In the autumn, there was a great storm of thunder and 
lightning, with wind, when the king met the duke of Chow in the borders; and 
immediately after, they smote Yin. In the 3d year, the king's armies extin- 

guished Yin; Woo-kang Luh-foo was put to death; the people of Yin were removed 
to Wei; 5 Yen was forthwith invaded; and P'oo-koo was extinguished.^ 

Note. Koo was aiding in the rebellion of the four kingdoms ; and therefore the duke of Chow 
extinguished it. 

In his 4th year, in the spring, in the 1st month, he first gave audience to the 

princes in hi^Jiither's temple. In the summer, in the 4th month, he first tasted the 

first fruits ofXHiQ wheat7 The army smote the hordes of the Hwae, and then entered 

Yen. In his 5th year, in the spring, in the 1st month, the king was in Yen, and 

removed its ruler to P'oo-koo. In the summer, in the 5th month, he came from Yen, 

and removed the people of Yin to the city of Loh ; and thereon proceeded to build 

Ching-chow. In his 6th year, he made a gi*and hunting expedition on the south 

of mount K'e. In his 7th year, the duke of Chow restored the government to the 

14 years old. His capping==sthe acknowledge- 
ment of him as king. 8 See on 'The MeUl- 
bound Coffer,* pp. 12, 18. 4 The portion of 

Yin, ruled by the king's uncle, Ch'oo. 5 

See on the 9th of the Books of Chow. 6 Tliis 
was said to be done in the last reign. 7 See 

n. 2 Tlie ' great gate ' was on the left of the 
5th or last of tlie principal gates of the palace. 
The duke would harangue. the nobles in the 

usual place of * Audience of govt.' 2 TJ^*™ 
1^, * the head.* *The dress for the head'«the 
cap. King Chiug was now, it is generally said. 


Digitized by 









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2p 3E - ^ ^ ^.O MM A 
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king. In the spring, in the 2d month, the king went to Fung. In the 3d month, 
duke K'ang of Shaou went to Loh, to measure the grouixdj'or the city. On the day 
keah'Uz^ (1st of cycle), the duke Wftn of Chow made an announcement to the 
nimierous officers in Chin^-chow; and thereon they walled the eastern capital, llie 
king then went to it, and the princes came to do him homage. In the winter, he 
returned from it, and appointed anew a shrine to Kaou-yu.8 In his 8th year, in 

the spring, in the 1st month, he first took his position as imperial host, and adminis- 
tered the government for himself He gave orders to K4n-foo, prince of Loo, and 
K'eih, prince of Ts'e, to remove the multitudes of Yin to Loo. He made the panto- 
mimic dance, called ^Seang. In die winter, in the 10th month, his forces extinguished 
the State of T'ang,9 and removed its people to Too. 10 In his 9th year, in the 

spring, in the 1st month, he had a great sacrificial service in the grand ancestral 
temple, when he first used the chohM The chief of Suh-shin came to do homage, 
when the king employed the baron of Yung to convey his Charge to him,l2 in 

his 10th year, he appointed his brother Yu of T'ang to be head of all the princes. 13 
The chief of Yueh-cnang 14 appeared to do homage. The duke of Chow left the court, 
and resided in Fung. Inliis 11th year, in the spring, in the Ist month, the king 

went to Fung. His brotlier of T'ang presented a stalk of fine grain, and was ordered 
to convey it to the duke W&n of Chow. The king appointed duke P*ing of Chow to 
govern the eastern capital.16 

Note by Y^. This duke P*ing of Chow is Keun-ch'in, the son of the duke of Chow, and younger 
brother of Pih-k'in. 

In his 12th year, the king's forces and those of Yen walled Han ; 16 and the king 
gave a Charge to the prince of Han. In his 13th year, the king's forces assembled 
with those of the princes of Ts'e and Loo, and smote the hordes of the Jung. In the 
summer, in the 6th month, the pnnce of Loo offered the grand imperial sacrifice in 
the temple of the duke of Chow. In his 14th year, tne forces of Ts'e invested 

the city of K'euh,l7 and subdued it. In the winter, the announcement was made of 
the completion of Loh. In his 18th jjrear, in the spring, in the 1st month, the 

king went to Loh, and settled ths place oj the tripods there. PhcBnixes made their 
appearance, and a sacrifice was offered near the Ho. 

on the Le Ke, Bk. IV., Pt. iii., p. 17. 8 See 
on the 15th year of Tsoo-yih. 9 Occupied 

by descendants of Yaou ;— in the pres. dis. of 
Yih-shing, dep. P*ing-yang. 10 In the dis. 

of Ch*ang-gan, dep. Se-gan. 11 The ch6 

was a song, with music, made by the duke of 
Chow, and used at a certain part of the service. 

Aj«.y»7==g^. 12 See the Pref. to the 

Shoo, 56th Notice. 13 There is no end of ! 


difficulty in fixing the meaning of this sentence. 

14 See the Introductory note to the zxist 
of the Books of Chow. 15 That is—* ap- 

pointed him who was subsequently duke P*ing 
of Chow.' The duke of Chow was not yet dead. 

16 Prob. in the pres. dis of Koo-ngan, dep. of 
Shun-t'een. Not far from Yen. 17 A place 
of an eastern tribe, in the pres. dep. of Tung- 
lae . 18 See on the xxth of the Books of Chow . 

Digitized by 







g i T M.^ + 

f ± M ^M m m 
3^ + + ^ #.#» 

iVbte. When king Woo died, king Ching was still young ; and Tan, duke of Chow, acted as regent 
for 7 years. He made the institutions and music of the dynasty. Spirit-like birds and phcenixes 
appeared ; and the mysterious bean grew up. After this he went with king Ching to view the 
Ho and the Ld. Having dropt a gem into the water, and finished all the ceremonies, the king 
retired and waited till the day declined. Then rays of glory came out, and shrouded all the Ho ; 
and green clouds came floating in the sky. A green dragon cnme to the altar, carrying in his 
mouth a dark-coloured shell, with a figure on it, which he placed on the altar, and went away. 
They did in the same way at the L5, and the same things happened. On the shell in red lines 
were characters, which the duke of Chow copied in the current forms of the age. When his 
writing was finished, the tortoise dropped the shell, and went away. The writing was all about 
the rise and fall in the fortunes of the empire down to the dynasties of Ts4n and Han. K^e-lins 
wandered in the parks ; phoenixes flew about in the courtyards ; king Ching took a lute, and 

* The phoenixes fly 
All around my hall. 
What virtue have I 
So spirits to coll ? 

* From the former kings 
This influence comes ; 
Theirs the joy that rings 
In the people's homes.* 

In his 19th year, the king made a tour of inspection to the horv and teen domains, 
and to the four mountains, the duke K^ang of ohaou being- in attendance on him. 
When he returned to Tsung-chow, he settled the various orders of officers, 18 and 
degraded the prince of Fung.l9 In his 21 st year, he removed the representations 

of the penal laws.20 The duke Wan of Chow died in Fung. In his 22d year, 

he buried duke Wan in Peih. In his 24th year, the chief of Yu-yueh came to 

make his submission.2l In his 25th year, the king held a great assembly of the 

princes in the eastern capital, when the wild tribes of the four quarters came to make 
their submission. In the winter, in the 10th month, he returned from the eastern 
capital, and performed a great service in the e^and ancesti*al temple. In his dOth 


the hordes of Le came to make their submission. 

Note by Y<&. The hordes of Le belonged to mount Le. 
Lin, who announced the event to king Ching. 

They had been smitten by the chief of 

. 19 It is said that when king Woo occupied 
Haou as bis capital, he granted Fung as tlie 
appanage of one of his younger brothers, whom 
Ching degraded for drunkenness. 20 Such 

representations were hung up before one of the 
palace gates, and perhaps the gates of public 


offices generally. Ching thought the people were 
now so accustomed to the rule of Chow, and 
acquainted with the laws, that they did not 
need the lessons of such figures and descrip- 
tions. 21 The rulers of Yutf, called Yu-yu« 

Digitized by 




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^ ^ "h 

In his 33d year^ the king rambled in Eeuen-Oy22 with duke K'ang of Shaou in at- 
tendance, and then returned to Tsung-chow. He ordered his heir-son Ch'aou to go 
to Fang 28 to bring home his bride. R'e, the baron of Fang, escorted her to Tsung^ 
chow. In his 34th year, it rained gold in Hgen-yang.24 

Note hy Yd, It rained gold in Heen-yaug; and in 3 years, the empire sustained a great loss. 

In his 37th year, in the summer, in the 4th month, on the day yih-ch^otv (2d of 

cycle), the king died. 

III. Kino K'ano. 
Note, Named Ch'aon. 

In his 1st year, which was keah-sevh (11th of cycle,=B.c. 1,006), in the springy 
in the Ist month, when he came to the throne, he ordered the prime minister, duke 
K'ang of Shaou, to take the leadership of all the officers. The princes did homage 
in the palace of Fung. In his 3d year, he fixed the songs for the different musical 
performances. The period of mourning being over, he offered the imperial sacrifice to 
his predecessor.^ He renewed the admonitions to the officers of agriculture, 3 and 
announced them in the ancestral temple. In his 6th year, duke T'ae of Ts'e 
died.4 In his 9th year, the prince of T^ang removed to Tsin,5 and made a palace 

in a beautiful style. The king sent and reproved him. In his 12th year, in the 

summer, in the 6th month^ on itkejin-skin day (9th of cycle), the king went to Fung, 
and gave his Charge to the duke of Peih.6 In the autumn, duke E of Maou died. 

In his 16th year, he give a Charge to K'eih, the duke of Ts'e. He went south 
on a tour of inspection, as iar as mount Loo of Rew-keang. In his 19th year, 

K'in-foo, prince of Loo, died. In his 21st year, the prince of Loo made 

a palace f with the sentry ^lofts above the gates covered with rushes. In his 

("T^, or JA, ^£)) ▼ere descendants of Yu 

the Great. The capital was on the north of 
Hwuy-k'e. 22 See on the She, Pt. III., Bk. 

II., Ode. viii. 23 llie pres. dis. of Fang, 

dep. Ynn-yang, Hoo-pih. Here, it is said. 
Shun placed Choo, the son of Yaou. 24 A 

dis. of dep. Se-ngan. Here Ke-leih had at one 
time his capital. 
III. 1 The duke of Chow had made the music ; 


king K^ang now fixed the songs for different 
pieces. 2 That is, he made all the necessary 
changes connected with the introduction of bis 
father*s shrine into the temple, and sacrificed to 
him. 3 Supposed to be in 3d of the 2d Bk. of 
the Praise- songs of Chow. 4 It would appear 
from 'The Testamentary Charge,' par. 10, tliat 
he was dead before this. 5 This change of 

site was not great. 6 Sec the xxivth of the 

Books of Chow. 7 Here the battle about the 

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9 44th year, duke K'ang of Shaou died. In his 26th year, in the autumn, in the 
9th month, on the day ke-wei (56th of cycle), the king died. 

Note, Named Hea. 

IV. Kino Ch'aou. 

In his 1st year, which was kang-tsze (37th of cycle, = B.C. 980), in the spring, in 
the 1st month, when the king came to the throne, he restored the practice of suspend- 
ing the representations of the penal laws. In his 6th year, he gave a Charge to 
the baron of Seun. In the winter, in the 12th month, peach trees and plum trees 
were in flower. In his 14th year, in the summer, in the 4th month, the regular 
stars were invisible. In the autiunn, in the 7th month, the people of Loo killed 
their ruler Tsae. In his 16th year, the Hng attacked Ts^ooj and, in crossing 
the Han, met with a large rhinoceros. In his 19th year, in the spring, a comet 
appeared in the space Tsze-mei.2 The duke of Tse3 and the baron of Sin 4 followed 
the king against Ts'oo. The heavens were dark and tempestuous. Pheasants and 
hares were terrified. The king's six armies perished in the Han. The king died. 

v. Kino Muh. 
Note. Named Mwan. 

In his 1st year, which was ke-mei (56th of cycle, = B.C. 961), in the spring, in the 

1st month, after he came to the throne, he built the palace of Ch'aou, and gave a 

Charge to Yu-mei, the baron of Sin. In the winter, in the 10th month, he built the 

palace of Che in Nan-ch^ng.^ 

Ni>u. From king Woo to Hub, the empiie was possessed 100 years. From Muh downwards 
the capital was in Se-cli*ing. 

'Nine Keang' is fought over again. See on 
•The Tribute of Yu.' 

jv. 1 In dis. of E-she, dep. P'oo-chow, Shan- 
se. 2 Including the stars about the north 

pole. 3 In ChMng Chow, dep. K'ae-fung. 

Its chiefs were of the family of the duke of 
Chow. 4 In the dis. Ch*ang-t8ze, dep. Loo- 
ngan, Sl}an-se. 

y. 1 This palace is supposed to have been 
somehow in commemoration of his father, king 
Ch^aou. The baron of Sin is represented in 
some accounts as having rescued him Arom the 
Han, though he died in consequence of the 
iVight and iivjuries received. 2 In Hwa 

Chow, dep. T*ung-chow, Shen-se. 3 In the 


Digitized by 





[CH. IT. 


^ £ O f .£ A Bt i >g.^ ^.>9.^J»^ ^ J®^ l«. 

2 In the 6th year, Tan, the viscount of Seu,8 came to do homage, when the title of 

3 baron was conferred on him. In his 8th year, the chief of the northern T'ang 
came to do homage, and presented a very swift mare, which produced the famous 

4 Luh-urh.4 In his 9th year, he built the Spring palace. 

NoU, The king resided in the spring palace, and that of Ch*ing. 

5 In his 11th year, he gave additional distinction and a Charge to Mow-foo, duke of 

6 Tse, the prime minister. In his 12th year. Pan, duke of Maou, Le, duke of 
Kung,5 and Koo, duke of Fung, led their forces, in attendance on the king, against 
the hordes of the K'euen. In the winter, in the 10th month, the king being on a tour 

7 of inspection in the north, punished those hordes. In his 13th year, the duke of 
Tse attended the king with his forces on an expedition to the west, when they en- 
camped in Yang.6 In the autunm, in the 7th month, the hordes of the west came to 
make their submission. The hordes of Seu invaded Loh. In the winter, Ts'aou-foo 

8 drove the king in triumph into Tsung-chow. In his 14th year, he led the viscount 

of Ts'oo against the hordes of Seu, and subdued them. In the summer, in the 4th 

month, he hunted in Keun-k^ew. In the 5th month, he made the palace of Fan. In 

autumn, in the 9th month, the people of Teih invaded Peih. In the winter, there 

was a grand hunting in the marsh of P*ing.8 He built Foo-laou.^ In his 15th 

year, in the spring, in the 1st month, the chief of Lew-keun came to make his submis- 

sion. The king made the tower of Chung-peih. In the winter, he surveyed tlie Salt 


Note, One copy has here : — *The king went to Ngan-yih, and viewed the Salt pond.* # This is 

10 In his 16th year, Kew, prince of Hoh, died. The king gave a Charge to Ts'aou- 

11 foo, and invested him with Chaou.l2 In his 17th year, he went on a punitive 
expedition to mount Keun-lun ; and saw the western Wang-moo. That year the chief 

pres. dep. of Seu-chow, Keang-soo. 4 King 
Muh was famous for his horses ; he had several, 
— * Spurn the earth/ * Mount the clouds,* &c. 
5 Should probably be Tsing (4|^). 6 

Undetermined. Some say it was in K*e-chow ; 
others, in Ts'in ; others far beyond, 8,000 le from 
Tsung-chow. 7 An ancestor of the House 


of Ts^n, famous for his skilful and rapid driv- 
ing. 8 Probably in dis. of Hea-yih, dep. 
Kwei-tih. It was near the capital of the early 
kings of Hea. 9 That is 'Tigers* Hold,* 
in dis. of Ke-shwuy, dep. K'ae-fung. Muh kept 
tigers here. 10 That is of * storied ;>etA 
gems.* 11 Supposed to be in the very dis- 
tant west. Biot says: — *The great lake of the 
country of Cashgar.* 12 Dis. of. Chaoa- 

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T £ ^ T ai.i^ n Bi 5!Ki: 

of Wang-moo came to court, and was lodged in the palace of Ch'aou. In the autumn, 

in the 8th month, certain hordes were removed to T'ae-yuen. 

Note. The king, in his expeditions to the north, travelled over the country of the Moving Sands, 
for 1,000 fe, and that of * Heaps of Feathers,' for 1,000 /«. Then he subdued the hordes of the 
K*euen, and returned to the east, with their five kings as captives. Westwards, he pushed his 
expeditions to where the green birds cast their feathers (the hill of Ban-wei). On these expedi- 
tions he travelled over 190,000 U, 

12 In his 18th year, in the spring, in the 1st month, he dwelt in the palace of Che, 

13 where the princes came and did homage. In his 21st year, duke W&n of Tse 

14 died. In his 24th year, he ordered Jung-foo, the recorder of the Left, to make a 
16 Record. 13 In his 35th year, the people of King entered Seu, when Ts'een, baron 
16 of Maou, led his forces, and defeated them near the Tse. 14 In his 37th year, the 

king raised a great force, of nine hosts, and proceeded eastward to Kew-keang, where 
he crossed the water on a bridge of tortoises and iguanadons piled up.16 After this, 
he smote the people of Yu6 as far as Yu. The people of King came with tribute. 

18 In his 39th year, he assembled the princes at mount T^oo. In his 45th year, 

19 Pe, prince of Loo, died. In his 51st year, he made the code of Leu on Punish- 

20 ments, and gave a Charge to the prince of P*oo in Fung.16 In his 69th year, he 
died in the palace of Che. 

VI. Kino Kunq. 
Note. Named E. . 

1 His 1st year was heah-yin (61st of cycle, = B.C. 906), when he came to the 

8 throne. In his 4tli year, the royal forces extinguished Meih. In his 9th 

year, in the spring, in the 1st month, on tlie day tlng-hae (24th of cycle), the king 

made Leang, the recorder of the Interior, convey a Charge, to Ts'een, baron of Maou. 

4 In his 12th year, the king died. 

shing, dcp. P4ng-jang. 13 It is understood 
that this Record was a history of the rise and 
fall of dynasties and States, down to the com- 
mencement of the Chow dyn. King Muh had 
come to himself, and was ahhamcd of his wars, 

wanderings, and extravagance. U j^cajp|* 
See the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii. p. 10. 15 Hftng 
makes this out to be only a bridge of boats 
16.. See the 27th of the Books of Chow. 


Digitized by 




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vn. Kino E. 

Note, Named Keen. 

In his Ist year, which was ping-yin (3d of cycle, = B.C. 894), when he came to 
the throne, there were two sunrisings in Ch^ing. In his 7th year, the hordes 

of the west invaded Haou. In his 13th year, the people of Teih invaded K*e. 

In his 16th year, the king removed from Tsung-chow to Hwae-le.l In his 

17th year, Chih, the duke Le of Loo, died. In his 2l8t year, the duke of KVoh 

led his forces north, against the hordes of the K^euen, by whom he was defeated and 
put to flight. In his 25th year, the king died. 

Note, The movemeuts of king E were without proper regulation ; the orders of his govemnient 
Were ill-timed ; the holder of the ffme-jar did not attend to his dutj : — and the consequence waa 
that the princes began to lose their virtue. 

VIII. King Heaou. 
Note, Named Peih-fang. 

In his 1st year, which was sin-maou (28th of cycle,=B.c. 869), in the spring, in 
the Ist month, when he came to the throne, he ordered the prince of Shinl to smite the 
hordes of the west. In his 3d year, the hordes of the west came, and presented 

horses. In his 7th year, there were great rain and lightnings about the Kgang 

and the Han; and oxen and horses died. 

Note. In this year king Le was born. 

In his 8th year, they made pasture grounds for the first time of the country about 
the Keen and the Wei.s^ In his 9th year, the king died. 

VII. 1 GiTen as in the dis. of Hing-p*ing, 
dep. Se-ngan (Biot). H&ng Chin-fung contends 
this was a different place, and that the site is 
not known. He strongly repudiates the idea 
that in the moYcment of king E, or the previous 

one of Muh to Gliding, we are to understand 
anything like a transference of the capital. 

VIII. 1 In dis. of Nan-yang, dep. Nan-yang, 
Ho-nan. 2 Fei-tsre, of the House of Ts*iii, 

was employed to look after the king's horses 


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IX. Kino E. 
Note, Named ScS. 

1 His 1st year was kang-tsze (37th of cycle, = B.C. 860), when he came to the 

2 throne. In his 2d year, the people of Shuhi and the people of Leu 2 came to pre- 
sent carnation and other gems. Th£ king performed a service of homage to the Ho, 

3 using the large mace.3 In his 3d year, he assembled the princes, and boiled duke 

4 Gae of Ts*e in a tripod.4 In his 6th year, when hunting in the forest of Shay,^ he 

5 captured a rhinoceros, and carried it home. In his 7th year, the duke of Kwoh led 
his forces, and smote the hordes of T*ae-yuen as far as Yu-ts*euen, capturing 1,000 
horses. In the winter, there was a storm of hail as large as whetstones. H^ung-k*eu, 

Q the viscount of Ts'oo, smote the country of Yung 6 as far as Goh.7 In his 8th year, 

the king was ill, when the princes prayed to the hills and streams. The king died. 

X. KlNQ Le. 

Note. Named Hoo. He dwelt at Che, where there is the [Fun-water, and hence he is styled 
also king Fun. 

1 In his 1st year, which was mxfrv'shin (45th of cycle, = B.C. 852), when he came to 
the throne, he built the palace of E,l and gave a Charge to the prime minister Loh, 
the duke E of Yung.2 The people of Ts'oo presented tortoise and other shells. In 

2 his 8d year, the hordes of Hwae invaded Loh, when the king ordered Ch'ang-foo, 
duke of Kwoh, to act against them, which he did without effect. Shan, the duke H6en 

4 of Ts'e, died. In his 6th year. Yen, viscount of Ts^oo, died. In his 8th 
year, he began the watch for any who reviled him.3 Leang-foo, |the baron of Juy,* 

5 cautioned all the officei's in the court. In his 11th year, the hordes of the west 

5 Hftng would change JlfJ^ into >pr^» 6 In 

dis. Chuhsan, dep. Yun-yang, Hoo-pih. 7 In 
dis. of Woo-cli'ang. 

X. 1 As king Muh built a palace after the 

name of liis father, king Ch^aou. 2 Yung 

must be the name of a principality. The diet., 

^^. . , however, says nothing of this on the character. 

(^K [j[ ^), in the Historical Records. , 3 Ace. to the Chow Joo, the king employed 


IX. 1 Dep. of Ching-too, Sze-ch*uen. 2 

In the pres. dis. of Sin-ts^ae, dep. Joo-ning, 
Uo-nan. 3 See under the 1st year of the 

emp. Mang of the Hea dynasty. I know not 
whether this service was connected M'ith the 
reception of the people of Leu and Shuh, or not. 

4 See the history of the House of Ts'e 

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6 penetrated to E^euen-k'ew. In his 12th year, the king became a fiigitiTe, and 
lied to Ghe.S The people surrounded the palace; and having seized the son of duke 

7 Muh of Shaou, they put him to death.6 In his 13th year, the king was in Chej 
and Ho, baron of Kung, administered the imperial dutiesJ 

Note. This is styled the period of Kung-ho. 

8 In his 14th year, the hordes of the Yen-yun8 overran the western border of Tsung- 
chow. Duke. Muh of Shaou led his forces in pursuit of the southern hordes of King 

9 as far as the Loh.9 In his 16th year, prince Woo of Ts*ae died ; and also Yung, 

11 the viscount of Ts^oo. In his 19th year, the baron E of Ts'aou died. In 

12 his 22d year, there was a great drought; and duke Yew of Ch4n died. In his 23d 

13 year, the drought continued; and duke He of Sung died. In his 24th year, the 

drought continued; and duke Woo of K'e died. 

In his 25th year, still the 

drought Yen, viscount of Ts'oo, died. In his 26th year, there was still the 

drought, when the king died in Che. The dukes. Ting of Chow and Muh of Shaou, 
then raised his eldest son Tsing to the throne ; Ho, baron of Kung, returned to his 
State ; and there was a great rain. 

Note. The great drought had continued so long, that all huts were burned up. When king 
Fun died, they consulted by the tortoise-sheil the spirit of the sun, and were answered that Le 
had been done to dcatli by some monstrous thing. When the dukes of Chow and Shaou had 
raised his oldest son Tsing to the throne, Ho of Kung returned to his State. He was a man of 
the greatest virtue. Honours did not make Iiim overmuch glad, nor did neglect move him to anger. 
He afterwards sought his own ease and pleasure iu retirement on the top of mount Kung. 

XI. KiNQ Seuen. 
Note. Named Tsing. 

In his Ist year, which was heah-seuh (11th of cycle, = B.C. 826), in the spring, in 
the first month, he came to the throne, when the dukes, Ting of Chow and Muh of 

a diviner or magician in this work. 4 In 

dis. of Chaou-yih, dep. Se-ngau. 5 In dis. 

of Fun-se, dep. P4ng-yang. 6 The king s 

son was hidden in the duke of Sbaou's house, 
who gave up his own son instead of him. 
7 This is a sure epoch, acknowledged by all 
Chinese chronologists. Instead of there being 

only one regent, however, as these Annals say, 
the more common accounts make out two, Kung 
and Ho, the dukes of Chow and Shaou. 8 

These were afterwards known as the Heung- 
noo. 9 If this be the Ld river, or the State so 
called near it, we must suppose that the hordes 
of Ts'oo had come far north on an invading raid. 


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Shaou, assisted in the g^ovemment. He restored the field levies.l He made chariots 

2 of war. Prince Hwuy of Yen died. In his 2d year, he gave a Charge to Hwang- 
foo, the Grand- tutor; and one to Hew-foo, the Master of the Horse. Duke Shin of Loo 
died. Soo, a younger son of tlie House of Ts'aou, murdered his prince, K^mg, the 

3 baron Yew. In his 3d year, the king ordered the great officer Chung to attack 

4 the hordes of the west. Show, the duke Woo of Ts'e, died. In his 4th year, 
the king ordered Kwei-foo to go to Han, after which the prince of Han came to court. 

5 In his 5th year, in the summer, in the 6th month, Yin Keih-foo led his forces, and 
smote the Yen-yun, as far as T*ae-yuen.8 In the autumn, in the 8th month, Fang 

Q Shuh led his forces, and smote the southern hordes of King.4 In his 6tii year, 

the duke Muh of Shaou led his forces against the hordes of the Hwae. The king 
led his forces against the hordes of Seu, having Hwang-foo and Hew-foo in atten- 
dance on him, when he camped on the Hwae. When he returned from the expedition, 
he gave a Charge to duke Muh of Shaou. The hordes of the west killed Chung of 

7 Ts'in. Seang, viscount of Ts'oo, died. In his 7th year, the king gave a Charge 
to the baron of Shin. The king ordered Chung Shan-foo, prince of Fan, to wall 

8 Ts'e.5 In his 8th year, the king first completed the apartments of one his palaces. 
Duke Woo of Loo came to court, when the king appointed his heir-son He to succeed 

9 to the principality. In his 9th year, the king assembled the princes in the eastern 

10 capital, after which they hunted in Foo.7 In his 12th year, duke Woo of Loo 
died. The people of Ts*e murdered their ruler, Woo-ke, known as duke Le, and 

11 appointed his son Ch'ih in his room. In his 16th year, prince Le of Wei died. 

12 The king gave a Charge to duke Wan of Kwoh. In his 16th year, Tsin removed 
14 its capital to Keang.8 In his 18th year, prince E of Tse died. In his 21st 

year, Pih-yu, of the ducal House of Loo, murdered his prince He, known as duke E. 

XI. 1 These were charges for military ser- 
vices, regulated by the quality of the lands. 
They had been neglected during the exile of the 
last king. 2 This coming of the prince of 

Han to court is celebrated in the She, Pt. III., 
Bk. in., Ode Tii. Mention is made of Kwei-foo. 

8 This expedition is celebrated in the She, 
Pt. II., Bk. III., Ode ili. 4 See the She, Pt. II., 
Bk. III., Ode iy. 5 See the She, Pt. III., Bk. 

in., Ode vi. Fan was in the dis. of Tse-yuen, 
dep. Hwae-k*ing. We are to understand the 
metropolis of Tse. 6 ^ » f^ * to finish.' 

What apartments are intended, it is impossible 
to say. They may hare been, as many suppose, 
those of a palace in honour of his father. 7 

See the She, Pt. II.. Bk. III., Ode v. 8 On 

the north of the dis. of T'ae-pMng, dep. P*ing- 


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15 In his 22d year, the king* gave his Charge to To-foo, a scion of the royal House, 

16 to reside at Loh.9 In his 24th year, Ch'ih, the duke Wan of IVe, died. In 

17 his 25th year, there was a great drought, when the king prayed at the horder altars 

18 and in the ancestral temple; and there was rain. In his 27th year, Keen, the 
duke Hwuy of Sung, died. In his 28th year, Seun^ viscount of Ts*oo, died. 

In his 29th year, the king for the first time neglected the setting an example of 
husbandry in his thousand acres field. In his 30th year, hares appeared gam- 

bolling in the capital Haou. In his 32d year, the royal forces attacked Loo, 

and put Pih-yu to death ; and the king invested Ch^ing, known as duke Heaou, with 
the principality^, in the palace of E. Heaou, the duke He of Ch^in, died. A horse 
changed into a man. In his 33d year, the duke Ching of Ts*e died. The royal 

forces attacked the hordes of T'ae-yuen without success. In his 37th year, a 

horse changed into a fox. The prince He of Yen died. Goh, the viscount of Ts^oo, 
died. In his 38th year, tiie royal forces aud prince Muh of Tsin proceeded 

against the hordes of the T^eaou and the Pun, when they were defeated and put to 
flight. In his 89th vear, the royal forces attacked the Keang hordes, and 

were defeated, and put to flierht in a battle in Ts'een-mow.l2 In nis 40th year, 

he numbered the people in T^ae-yuen.l8 The western hordes destroyed the city of 
Keang.14 The people of Tsin defeated some northern hordes in Fun-sih. 15 In 

his 41st year, his forces were defeated in Shin. In his 43d year, he put to death 

the great oflicer Too Pih, whose son Sih-shuh then fled to Tsin. Fei-sang, the prince 
Muh of Tsin, died, when his brother Seang-shuh usurped the principality, and the 
heir-son K'ew fled. His 44th year was ting-sze, the Ist year of Shang-shuh of Tsin. 

In his 46th year, the king died. 

yang, between it and the small dep. of Keang. 
The old capital Yih was also in dep. of P*ing- 
yang. 9 To-foo was a younger son of king 

Le, and a brother of king Seuen. 10 In a 

field of 1,000 acres, the emperor turned up a 
furrow in the spring, to set the people an ex- 
ample of husbandry ; the princes did the same 
in one of 100 acres. From a passage in tlie 
Chow Joo, we are led to suppose that Seuen had 
neglected this practice from the beginning of 
hia reign. The Annals here give us a different 

impression. The phrase Sg ffl is variously 

explained. 11 Hfing Ch*in-fung thinks that 
T'caou and Pun were the surnames of the wild 
tnhes spoken of. Those who make them the 
names of places entirely fail in identifving Pun. 
12 This seems to have been in the ais. of Gfl- 
yang, dep. P*ing-yang. The Keang hordes, said 
to be descended from Yaou's principal minister^ 
* the Four Mountains,* were numerous and pow- 
erful. 13 This T*ae-yuen was in dis. King- 
yang, dep. 8e-ngan. 14 In the dis. Paou-ke, 
dep. Fung-ts'eang. 15 In dis. of K'euh-yuh,. 
dep. P*ing-yang. 


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XII. King Yew. 
NoU, Named Ne6. 

1 His 1st year was hmg-shin (57th of cycle, = B.C. 780), when he came to the throne. 
K'ew, the heir son of Tsin, returned thither, and slew Shang-shuh. The people 
then raised him to the g^overnment; — he is known as prince Wan. The king gave a 

2 Charge to Yin Hwang-foo, the Grand-tutor, In his 2d year, — zin-ytw, the ist year 
of prince Wftn of Tsin, — the King, Wei, and Loh, all became dry. A part of mount 
K^e fell down. The king began to increase the taxes. Prince Wan of Tsin, with 
To-fbo, of the royal House, attacked, Tsang, and subdued it. After this To-foo took 

3 up his residence on the hill of Ch'ing-foo. He was duke Hwan of Ch^ing.l In 
his 3d year, the king became enamoured with his concubine Paou-sze. In the winter, 

4 there was great thunder and lightning. In his 4th year, the people of Ts*in 
smote the western hordes. In the summer, in the 6th month, there fell hoar-frost. 

6 The duke E of Ch'in died. In his 5th year, his heir-son, E-k*ew, fled from the 

6 court to Shin. Hwang-foo prepared another capital in Heang.2 In his 6th year, 

the king ordered Pih-sze with the royal forces to attack the hordes of Luh-tse,8 but 

they were defeated and put to flight. The western hordes destroyed K^ae. In the 

winter, in the 10th month, on the day sin-maou, there was an eclipse of the sun. 

8 In his 7th year, the people of Kwoh extinguished Ts'eaou.4 In his 8th year, 
the king gave an additional dignity to To-foo, baron of Ch'ing, his minister of In- 

9 struction. He made Pih-ftih, the son of Paou-sze, his heir apparent. In his 9th 
year, the prince of Shin sent an embassy to the western hordes, and to Tsang, and 

10 entered uito an engagetnent with them. In his 10th year, in the spring, 
he made a solemn agreement witli the princes in the grand apartment of the ances- 
tral temple.^ In the autumn, in the 9th month, the peach trees and almond trees 

11 were in fruit. The king led his army against Shin. In tlie 11th year, in the 

XII. 1 To-foo, mentioned here, was a younger 
brother of king Seuen, by whom he had been 
invested with the principality of Ch*ing. He 
wished to appropriate the State of Tsftng, which 
was afterwards done by one of his successors. 
That State was at this time only subdued. 


Where Ch'ing-foo was, is not exactly known. 

2 As if anticipating the capture, which took 
place ere long, of the existing capital ; but where 
this Ileang was is muc^h debated. 3 These 

belonged to the Kcoug tribes. 4 ? In Shen 

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spring, in the 1st month, the sun and moon had haloes. The people of Shin, of 
Ts&ng, and the hordes of the K'euen, entered Tsung-chow, and murdered the king and 
duke Hwan of Ch^ing. The chief' of the K'euen killed the king's son, Pih-fuh, 
and took Paou-sze as his captive. The princes of Shin and Loo, with the nan of 
Heu and the young lord of Ch'ing, raised E-k*ew, who was in Shin, to the throne ; 
but Han, duke of Kwoh, declared another son of Yew, named Yu-chin, who was in 
Hwuy, to be king. 

Note, This last is known as kinp Hwuy. There were thus two kings at the same time.— When 
king Woo made an end of Yin, the year was in kang-yin. Twenty-four years after, in the year 
kUd-t/in, the vases were finally placed in the city of *L6. From that time to king Yew, were 257 
years ;— giving us in all 281 years. From sin-maou, the Ist year of Woo, to kkng-woo^ the last 
of Yew, were 292 years. 

XIII. Kino P^ino. 

Note, Named E-k*ew. From the removal of the capital to the east, the chronicler relates the 
affairs of Tsin ; and the king's coming to the throne is not mentioned. 

In his 1st year, which was sin-rvei (8th of cycle, = B.C. 769), the king removed the 
capital to the east, to the city of Loh. He conferred the dignity of chief among the 
princes on prince Wan.l The prince of Tsin united with the prince of Wei, the 
barons of Ch^ng and Ts^n, and with their troops escorted the king to Ching-chow.2 

In his 2d year, Ts*in made the western altar.S Heaou of Loo died. The king 
conferred on Ts^in and Tsin the fields of Pin and E^e. In his 3d year, the peo- 

ple of Ts'e extinguished Chuh.* The king conferred an additional dignity on the 
baron of Ch^ng, his minister of Instruction.6 In his 4th year, the prince king 

of Yen died. The people of Ch'ing extinguished Kwoh. In his 6th year, the 

duke Seang of Ts4n led his forces against the western hordes, and died on the ex- 

Chow, Ho-nan. 5 "j^ ^ is to be taken 

here as on the occasion of its previous occur- 
rence. This is plain from the She, Pt. II., Book 
v., Ode iv., which, probably, refers to this 
meeting of king Yew and the princes. 

XIII. 1 See the xxxth of the Books of Chow. 

2 Ching-chow is Ld. The transference of the 
capital is the subject of the She, Pt. II., Bk. V., 

* the place where the spirit rests.' Seang, the 
prince of Tsin, elated with his new acquisitions 
in the west, made this altar, where he sacrificed 
to God. The presumption was somewhat dis- 
guised by making the sacrifice be to * the white 

god' (^ ^), 4 A small State on the 

north of Ts'e. 5 ? The dignity of duke. The 


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ion. The duke Tae of Sung died. In his 6th year, the prince Gae of Yen 

died. Ch'ing removed its capital to near the Ts*in and the Hwuy.6 In his 7th 

year, E, viscount of Ts'oo, died. In his 8th year, the baron of Ch'ing put his 

great officer, Kwan K'e-sze, to death. In his 10th year, Ts*in removed its capital 
to near the K^n and the Wei. In his 13th year, the duke Woo of Wei died. 

In his 14th year, the people of Tsin extinguished Han.8 In his 18th year, 

the duke W&n of Ts^in inflicted a great defeat on the western hordes in K'e, and 
came to restore the fields on the east of E'e. In his 21st year, the prince W&n 

of Tsin put the king's brother, Yu-chin, to death in Hwuy. In his 23d year, 

the duke Woo of Sung died. In his 24th year, Ts'in instituted the sacrifices to 

the Precious ones of Ch'in.9 In his 26th year, prince W&n of Tsin died. Ts^n 

for the first time, used the punishment of destroying criminals* relatives. In his 

26th year,— ping-shin, the Igtyear of prince Ch*aou of Tsin,— the prince of Tsin invested 
his younger brother Ching-sze with the city of K'euh-yuh.lO In his 32d year, 

Fan-foo of Tsin murdered his ruler, prince Ch'aou, and called Ching-sze to the 
throne; — without success. The people of Tsin then called the son of Ch'aou, who 
was the prince Heaou, to the sovereignty, and put Fan-foo to death. In his 

33d year,— kwei-maou, the Ist year of prince Heaou of Tsin— the people of Ts^oo overran 
Shin. In his 43d year, the duke Chwang of Wei died. The king's subjects 

took guard of Shin. In his 40th year, duke Chwang of Ts'e died. Ching-sze, 

Hwan-shuh of K^euh-yuh, died; and was succeeded by his son Shen, who is known 
as Chwang-pih. 

Note, From this time the prince of Tsin dwelt in Yih, and is known as the prince of Yih. 

In his 41st year,— siu-hae, the 1st year of Chwang-pih,— in the spring, there was a great 

10th ode of the She, Bk. V., Pt. H., is referred 
to this time. 6 The dis. of Hwuy-ch'uen, 

dep. K*ae-fung. The Tsin flowed into the 
Hwuy. See the 18th of the Songs of Ching, 
in the She, Part I. 7 The Keen is a tributary 
of the Wei. It gives name to the dis. of Keen- 
yang, dep. Fung-ts'eang. 8 A Han, we 

saw, was walled by Yen in the 12th year of king 

Ching. That was in dis. of Koo-ngan, dep of 
Shun- t*een. A branch of that House had settled 
itself in the dis. of Han-shing, dep. T*ung- 
chow, Shen-se, which was the Han here spoken 
of. 9 The story is, that two boys, who 

changed into pheasants, had made their appear- 
ance, and it was known, in a wonderful way, 
that he who got the female would become chief 


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24 stonn of rain and snow. In his 42d year, the wild tribes of the north attacked 
Yih,ll and penetrated to the borders of Tsin. The duke Seang of Sung died. The 
duke Hwuy of Loo sent Tsae Jangp, to request liberty to use the ceremonies of the 
imperial border sacrifices and of the ancestral temple. The king sent the recorder 

25 Keoh to go to Loo to stop the assumption. In his 47th year, Chwang-pih of 
K*euh-yuh of Tsin entered Yih, and murdered the prince Heaou. The people of 
Tsin drove him out, and raised to the sovereignty Keih the son of Heaou, known as 

26 prince Goh. In his 48th year,— mow- woo, the Ist year of tlie prince Gob of Tsin,— 

27 there was thunder without any clouds. The duke Hwuy of Loo died. In his 
49th year,— ke-wei, the let year of duke Yin of Loo. In this year, the Ch-un-Ts'ew begins,— 
the duke Yin of Loo and the duke Chwang of Choo 12 formed an alliance at Koo- 

28 mS6. In his 51st year, in the spring, in the 2d month, on the day yih-sze (42d 

of cycle), there was an eclipse of the sun. In the 3d month, on the day kang-seuhj 

the king died. 

XIV. Kino Hwan. 
Note, Named Lin. 

1 His 1st year wnsjin-seuh (69th of cycle,=B.c. 718). In the 10th month, Chwang- 
pih rebelled in K'euh-yuh, and attacked Yih. Wan, of the ruling House, came to the 
rescue of Yih, and Chin, the chief of Seun,l pursued Chwang-pih as far as the valley 
of Kea. The prince of Yih then burned the standing grain of K'euh-yuh, and 
returned. Afteffvards he attacked the place, and gained a great victory. Chwang- 
piKs son, aftenvards duke Woo, solicited peace, came as far as Seang (or T*ung), 

2 and returned. In his 2d year, the king made the duke of Kwoh attack K'euh- 
yuh of Tsin. The prince Goh of Tsin died, when Chwang-pih attacked Tsin. The 

among the princes, while the possessor of the 
male would become kinjj. They were called 
*The prccions ones of Ch'in,' from the place 
where they appeared. Duke W«n of TsMu 
caught the female, which changed into a stone ; 
and he appointed a sacrifice to them in the 
pres. dis. of Paou-ke, dep. Fung-ts'eang. 10 
In the dis. bo called of dcp. T'ing-yang. 11 

Mentioned in the note above as the capital of 
Tsin from the time of prince Heaou. It waa in 
the dis. of Yih-shing, dep. of P*ing-yang. 12 
In the dis. of Tsow, dep. Yen-chow. 18 In 

the dis. of Sze-shwuy, dep. Yen-chow. 
XIV. 1 To tlie west of the river Fun (]^ 

prk). 2. That is, could only bring into the 


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people of Tsin raised Kwang", the son of prince Goh, to the sovereignty. He is known 
4 as prince Grae. His 8d year was heati-tszey the Ist year of pHnce Gae of Tdn. In 

his 4th year, Chwang-pih of K^euh-yuh died, and was succeeded by his son Ch4ng, 
6 the duke Woo, Tlw State had still only one anny.2 In his 5th year,^tbe ist 

year of duke Woo of K*euh-yuh,— the people of Juy, "Shing-king,3 the people of Seun, 

6 and the baron of Tung,* all rebelled against K*euh-yuli. In his 11th year,— ist 
year of the prince Seaou-tsze of Tsin,— f^^ fA?>/^/K'euh-yuh took prince Gae of Tsin 
prisoner, when the people of Tsin put Gae's son, known as prince Seaou-tsze, in his 
place. Wan, the baron of Juy, fled to Wei.5 

Nou, Wan was driven out by his mother. 

7 In his 12th year, the royal forces and those of Ts^in besieged Wei, took Wan, the 

8 bai'on of Juy, and carried him to the east. In his 13th year, in the winter, the 
baron of K*euh-yuh enticed prince SSaou-tsze of Tsin to an interview^ and killed 
him. He then extinguished the Hov^ of Seun, and gave its territory to his great 
officer Yuen Gan, who became the chief of Seun. Some people of one of the western 

9 hordes met Wan, the baron of Juy, in Keaou.6 In his 14th year, the king ordered 
Chung of Kwoh to smite K^euh-yuh, and to raise Min, a younger brother of prince 

10 Gae, to be prince of Tsin in Yih. His 15th year was the Ist year of prince Min of Tsin. 

11 In his 16th year, in the spring, K^eiih-yuh extinguished Yih as the capital of 

12 Tsin. In his 19th year, the duke Chwang of Ch^ing died. In his 23d 
year, in the 3d moQth, on the day yih-weiy the king died. 

XV. King Chwanq. 
Note. Named T<o. 

1 In his 1st year, which was yih-yew (22d of cycle, = B.C. 695), K'euh-yuh still 

2 maintained only one army, diflerent from Tsin. In his 6th year, in the 5th 

3 month, he buried king Hwan. In his 15th year, he died. 

fidd 12,500 men. 8 There seems to be some- 
thing wanting here. 4 In dis. Yung-bo, dep. 
T*ung-chow. 6 In the small dep. of Kijae, 


Shan-se. 6 This ^ must be the name of 

a place. There is the reading of llcR. 

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XVI. Kino Le. 
iVb/«. Named Hoo-ts'e. 

In his 1st year, which was kang-tsze (37th of cycle, = B.C. 680), duke Hwan d 
Ts'e assembled the princes at Pih-hing,l to bring to order the troubles of Sung. 

In his 3d year, duke Woo of K*euh-yuh made an end of prince Min of Tsin, and 
presented many oj'ihe precious relics of the State to the king, who appointed him to 
be prince of Tsin, maintaining only one army. In his 4th year,— the 38th year of 

duke Woo of Tsin,— Tsin still declined to be present at one of the meetings called by 
the duke Hwan of Ts'e. 

Note. A uote in the Tso Chuen says it was in this year prince Min of Tsin was made an end of. 

In his 6th year, duke Woo of Tsin died, and was succeeded by his son Kwei-choo, 
known as duke Heen. The king died. 

XVII, King Hwuy. 
Note, Named Leang. 

In his 1st year, which was ifih-sxe (42d of cycle, = B.C. 675), the 1st year of duke 

Heen of Tsin, the duke Heen of Tsin went to court. The king went to Ching-chow. 

There a white hare appeared, dancing in the market place. In his 2d year, 

his son T*uy raised a rebellion, and the king 7vent and dwelt in Ch'ing, where the 

people entered his treasury, and took inany gems, which changed into yih that shot 

their venom at men.l In his 9th year, Tsin walled Keang.2 In his 16th 

year, the duke Heen of Tsin formed two armies, and extinguished the State of 

Kang,3 which he gave to his great officer Chaou Suh. He also exting-uished Wei, 

and gave it to his great officer Peih Wan. 

Note. This was the germ of the extinction of Tsin by its great officers of Chaou, Han, and WeL 

XVI. 1 In the dis. of Tung-o, dep. T*a€-ngan. 

xvu. 1 ^»— see the She, Pt. II., Bk. V., 
Ode v., St. 8. It is described as * a short fox,' 
which lived in the water, where it filled its 


mouth with sand, which it shot at the shadows 
of persons on the bank, who thereon became 
sick. 8 In the small dep. of Keang, Shan- 

&e. This had been one of the capitals of Sbang* 

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6 In his 17th year, duke E of Wei fought with the red hordes of the north at the 

6 marsh of Tung (or K*eung). In his 19th year, duke H^n of Tsin united his 
forces with those of Yu, and, attacking Kwoh, destroyed Hea-yang.* Ch'ow, duke 
of Kwoh, fled to Wei, and Ifeen ordered Hea-foo Leu-sang6 to occupy his capital. 

7 In his 25 th year, in the spring, in the 1st month, some of the northern hordes 
attacked Tsin. The king died. 

XVIII. Kino SSano. 
Nate. Named ChUng. 

1 In his Ist year, which was hang-7voo{7\k of cycle,=B.c. 650), duke H§en of Tsin died, 
and He-ts'e was raised to the sovereignty. Le K4h, hawever, put him to death, and 

2 Ch'oh-tsze ahOy whereon E-woo was chosen. In* his 2d year,— «in-iM, the let year 

3 of duke Hwuy of Tsin,— fA^ duke of Tsin put Le K'ih to death. In his 3d year, 

4 it rained gold in Tsin. In his 7th year, the chief of Ts'in crossed the Ho and 

5 attacked Tsin. In his 15th year, duke Hwuy of Tsin died, and was succeeded 
by his son Yu, known as duke Hwae. Duke Muh of Ts^n, with a force, escorted 
duke Heen's son, Ch'ung-urh, to the State, and invested Ling-koo,l Shwang-ts'euen,^ 
and K'ew-shwae,3 which all surrendered. Koo Wei and Seen-chin went to Loo-lew * 
to oppose Ts'in, when duke Muh sent his son Chih to speak with them, after which 
they camped in Seun,5 and entered into an engagement with Ch'ung-urh in the 

6 midst of the army, he having crossed the Ho at Ho-k'euh.6 In his 16th year, — 

7 yih-yew, the Ist year of duke Wftn of Tsin,— Tsin put Tsze-yu to death.7 In his 17th 

8 year, Tsin walled Seun.8 In his 20th year, king Seang of Chow assembled the 

9 princes in Ho-yang.9 In his 22d year, the army ol Ts'e drove out Ch'e, the 

4 A city of Kwoh. 6 This name is 

difficult to explain. Hca, perhaps, was the name 
of the officer's city, from which he was called 
Hea-foo. Then Leu would be his name, and Sang 
would denote his relationship to duke Heen. 

xvui. 1 In dis. of E-she, dep. P*oo-chow. 

2 In Lin*t6in dis., same dep. 3 In Keae 

Chow. 4 Also in Keae Chow. 5 In 

north-west of Keae Chow. 6 Or *the Bend 

of the Ho,* in dep. of P*oo-chow, where the river 
bends to the east. 7 Tsze-yu^duke Hwae. 

8 Mentioned under the 18th year of king 
Hwan. 9 Probably in the dis. Mftng, dep. 

Hwae-k'uig. The style of this par. is sufficient- 


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10 heir-prince of Ch'ing, who fled to Shing-chang Nan-ch'ing.lO In his 24th 

11 year, duke Wan of Tsin died. His 25th year was k'ed-wooy the ist year of Hwaii, 

12 the duke Seang of Tsin. In his 30th year, the Loh was dried up at Heang.U 

13 In his 3l8t year, duke Seang of Tsin died. His 32d year was sin-ch'aw, the Isfc 

14 year of E-kaou, the duke Ling of Tsin. In his 33d year, tlie king died. 

XIX. King K'ing. 
Note, Named Jin-chin. 

2 His 1st year was kwei-maou (40th of cycle, = B.C. 617). In his 6th year, a 

comet entered the Great Bear (Northern Bushel) ; and the king died. 

XX. Kino K'wano. 
Note, Named Pan. 

2 His 1st year was he-yew (46th of cycle, = B.C. 611). In his 6th year, duke 

Ling of Tsin was killed by Chaou Ch^en, who was then sent by Chaou Tun to 
Chow, to fetch the prince Hih-t'un, and raise him to the dukedom. The king died. 

XXI. King Ting. 
Note, Named Yu. 

1 His 1st year was yih-maou (52d of cycle, = B.C. 605), the let year of duke Ching of 

2 Tsin. In his 6tii year, duke Ching of Tsin, with some of the northern hordes, 
attacked Ts'in, and captured a spy, whom they put to death in the market place of 

3 Keang, and who came to life again six days after. In his ?th year, duke Ching 

ly remarkable. The king appears on a lerel I gp. *i,at it shonM \^ -^151 nr ImI 

with the princes. 10 The text of this par. | ^^ "'** '* ^^^"^*^ «>e Jj^ or (Rj . 

is evidently corrupt and defective. II This I ^^i. 1 In dis. Tung-yang, dep. K'ae-fung. 

name is not elsewhere found. Cb4n-fung gues- | 2 See the account of the affair in the CbHin 


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4 of Tdn died in Hoo.l His 8th year was jin-seuh, the Ist year of duke King of Tsin. 

6 In his 18th year, the Aid of the State of Ts'e came to present some musical stones 
6 of gem, and the boiler which Tt^e had tciken from the duke of Ke.2 In his 21st 

year, the king died. 

XXII. EiNO K£en. 
Note. Named E. 

2 His 1st year was ping-Uze (13th of cycle, = B.C. 584). In his 5th year, the 

3 duke King of Tsin died. His 6th year was sin-aze, the Ist year of duke Le of Tsin. 

4 In his 13th year, the duke Le of Tsin died. The king Rung of Ts^oo had a 

5 meeting with the duke P'ing of Sung in Hoo-yang.l In his 14th year, he-di^ow^ 
the 1st year of duke Taou of Tsin, the king died. 

XXIII. Kino Lino. 
Note. Named See. 

2 His 1st year was kang-yin (27th of cycle,=B.c. 570). In his 14th year, the 

3 duke Taou of Tsin died. His 15th year was k^-shin, the 1st year of the duke P*ing 

4 of Tsin. In his 27th year, he died. 

XXIV. King Kino. 
Nitte, Named Kwei. 

2 His Ist year was ting-sze (54th of cycle, = B.C. 543). In his 13th year, in the 
spring, a star issued from the constellation Woo-neu.l In the 10th month, duke P'ing 

3 of Tsin died. In his 14th year,— A:^.tiH>o, the Ist year of duke Ch'aou of Tsin,— the 

Ts^w and Tso Chuen, under the 2d year of duke 
xxu. 1 Probably in dep. of Keih-gan, Kcang-se. 


XXIV. I *Thewidow;'— four stars, about the 
middle of Capricorn. 

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JUL ^1 

4 waters of the Ho at Lung-mun were red for 3 le. In his 19th year, duke Ch'aou 
of Tsin died. In the winter, in the 12th month, peach trees and almond trees were 

5 in flower. His 20th year was the Ist year of the duke K*ing of Tsin. In his 

6 25th year, duke K*ing of Tsin pacified the disorders of the royal House, and placed 
king King on the throne. 

XXV. King Kino. 
Note, Named K*ae. 

2 His 1st year was jin-tvoo (19th of cycle,=B.c. 618). In his 8th year, duke 

3 K'ing of Tsin died. His 9th year was ksng-yin, the Isl year of duke Ting of Tsin. 

5 In his 14th year, the milky way was not visible in the sky. In his 26th year, 

6 an azure rainbow was seen in Tsin. In his 28th year, the Loh was dry in Chow. 

8 In his 36th year, the K'e was dry in Old Wei.l In his 39th year, Tsin walled 

9 Tun-k'ew.2 In his 43d year, the duke of Sung killed his great officer Hwang 
Yuen near the Tan- water, the course of which was stopt, so that it did not flow.3 

10 In his 44th year, the king died. 

XXVI. Kino Yuen. 
Note. Named Jin. 
1 In his 1st year, which was ping-yin (3d of cycle, = B.C. 474), the duke Ting of 

3 Tsin died. His 2d year was ting-tnaou, the Ist year of duke Ch*uh of Tsin. In his 4th 

4 year, the State of Yn-yneh extinguished thatofWooA In his 6th year, the course 
of the Kwei 2 of Tsin ceased at L^ang. The course of the Tan 3 water was interrupted, 

XXV. 1 * Old Wei ;'— i. e, Chaou-ko, formerly 
the capital of Wei, but now belonging to Tsin. 

2 In dis. Ts*ing-fang, dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le. 

8 There were no fewer than 7 Tan-waters. 
The one here was also called the P^een (7^) ; 
on which see the dictionary. 


XXVI. 1 These two States lay along the sea- 
board, embracing a considerable portion of 
Keang-soo and ChS-keang. Woo was the more 
northern of the two. 2 The Kwei took ita 

rise from a mountain in the east of dis. of Keang, 
in the dep. of the same name, in 8han-se. 3 
This took its rise in the dis. Kaou-p'ing, dep. 

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6 and stopped for 3 days. In his 7th year, the people of Ts'e and of Ch^ng 
attacked Wei. The king died. 

XXVII. Kino Ching-ting. 
Note, Named Keae. 

1 In his 1st year, which was kwd-yem (10th of cycle,=B.c. 467), Yu-yueh removed its 

2 capital to Lang-ya.l In his 4th year, in the 11th moath, Kow-ts'een, the viscount 
of Yu-yneh, known as Tan-chih,2 died, and was succeeded by Ms son, Luh-ch'ing. 

4 In his 6th year, the Ho of Tsin stopt its course at Hoo. In his 7th year, 
Seun Yaou of Tsin walled Nan-leang.3 

Note, One copy adds:—* In the 20th year of duke Ch*ub of Tain.' 

5 In his 10th year, Luh-ch4ng, the viscount of Yu-yueh died, and was succeeded by 

7 Puh-show. In his 11th year, the duke Ch'uh of Tsin fled to Ts'e. In his 
12th year, the waters of the Ho were red for three days. Seun Yaou smote Chung- 

8 san,* and took the hill of K'6ung-yu.5 In his 13th year, Han P'ang of Tsin 

9 took the city of Loo She.6 His 16th year was the 22d year of the duke Ch*uh of Tsin. 
\Q In his 17th year, the duke Ch'uh of Tsin died, when a grandson of duke Ch^aou, 
W known as duke King, was raised to the dukedom. His 18th year was the ist year 

12 of duke King of Tsin. In his 20th year, Puh-show, the viscount of Yu-yueh, 

13 known as Mang-koo, was put to death, and was succeeded by Choo-kow. In 

14 his 22d year, Ts'oo extinguished Ts^ae. In his 24th year, Ts'oo extinguished 

15 K'e. In his 28th year, the 11th year of duke King of Tsin, the king died. 

xxvn. 1 There was more than one Lang-ya. 
That here was in the dis. of Choo-shing, dep. 
Ts'ing-chow, Shan-tung. 2 Kin Le-ts^eing 

obeerves that Tan-chih are to be read together 
«8 i>De word, * after the syllabic way of the 


west/ being the viscount's name in the speech 
of Yue. 8 In the dep. of Joo, Ho-naii. 4 
In dis. of T'ang, dep. Faou-ting. 6 Supposed 

to be a place on the river Lae (^j^). 6 lo 

the dis. of Loo- she, Shen Chow, llo-nan. 

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XXVIII. Kino K'aou. 
iVb<e. Named Wei. 

1 In his Ist year, which was sin-ch'ow (38th of cycle, = B.C. 439), the 12th year of the duke 

2 King, the prince Wan of Wei came to his inheritance. In his 10th year, Ts*oo 

4 extinguished Keu.l In his 11th year, duke King of Tsin died. In his 12th 
year,— ym-^Kc, the Ut year of Lew, the duke Yew of Tsin,— the duke Taou of Loo died. 

5 In his 14th year, Ke-sun of Loo had a meeting with the duke Yew of Tsin in 

6 Ts'oo-k*ew.2 In his 15th year, the king died. 

XXIX. King Wei-lSeh. 
Note, Named Woo. 

2 His 1st year was ping-shin (53d of cycle, = B.C. 424). In his 3d year, there 

3 was a great drought in Tsin, and the ground produced salt. In his 5th year, 
the waters of the Tan of Tsin l left their natural course, and battled in an opposite 

4 direction.2 In his 6th year, Ts'in Ying, a great officer of Tsin, murdered duke 
Yew in the Lofty chamber, when prince Wan of Wei raised Che, the son of duke 

5 Yew, to the dukedom. In his 7th year, which was jin-seuh, the Ist year of duke Le€ 
of Tsin, Heen-tsze3 of Chaou walled Heuen-she,* and Woo-tsze of Han,6 made his 

6 capital in P'ing-yang. In his 8th year, Chaou walled the city of P*ing.6 In 

7 his 9th year, the people of Ts'oo attacked our south border as far as Shang-loh.7 

8 In his 11th year, Keu-sze,8 a son of the ducal Head of the House of T'een,^ at- 
tacked Han-tan, 10 and besieged the city of P'ing. Yu-yueh extinguished T'ang.H 

xxYiii. 1 In the dis. of Ngan-k*efr, dep. 
Ts'ing-chow, Shan-tung. 2 Frohably in dis. 
of Keu-yay, dep. Ts*aou-chow. 

XXIX. 1 Indep.ofTsih-chow, Shan-se. 2 

^S here is taken as=^^. 8 The incidents 

referred to here are not clearly related else- 
where. I am strongly inclined to believe, with 

some critics, that for j^ ^ we should read 

^^ K^ ; so the meaning is that duke Tew was- 
murdcrcd by his wife, a lady of the Uouse of 

Ts4n, in his chamber, — his own private and 
peculiar apartment. 4 The -?• here-=oflacer 
or chief. 5 In dis. of Ling-ch*uen, dep, 
Tsili-chow. 6 In dis. of Ch'ang-loh, dep. 
Ts*ing-chow. 7 In Shang Chow, Shen-se. 
By ^our* southern border is meant the south- 
ern border of Wei. Whereas the Annals have, 
from the accession of king F*ing, been those 
more particularly of Tsin, from the 1st year of 
king K*aou, the 1st also of prince Wan of Wei, 
they relate to that State. 8 This Keu-sse 


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9 In his 12th year, Choo-kow, the viscount of Yu-jueh, attacked T'an,l2 and carried 

10 off captive its viscount Koo. In his 14th year, Choo-kow, viscount of Yu-yueh, 

11 died, and was succeeded by his son E. In his 16th year, T'een P'an of Ts*e fought 
near P4ng with Han Keu of Han-tan, when the forces of Han-tan were defeated and 
put to flight, and Tien P^an took Han Keu prisoner, and captured the city of P'ing 

12 and Sin-shing.l3 In his 17th year, the prince Wan of Wei invaded Ts^in as fer 
as Ch'ing, and on his return built Fun-yin and Hoh-yang.H T*een Taou-tsze died; 
and T'een Poo put to death his great officer Kung-sun Sun. Kung-sun Hwuy took pos- 
session of Lin-k*6w,l5 and rebelled against Chaou. T*^n Poo laid siege to Lin-k'ew, 
to the rescue of which came Teih K6oh,i6 K^ung Se6 of Chaou, and the army of Han, 
who fought with Poo near the marsh of Lung, defeated him, and put him to flight. 

13 In his 18th year, the king ordered the chie& King of Han and LSeh of Chaou, and 
our forces, to attack Ts'e; when we penetrated within tlie Long wall. 17 In his 23d 
year, the king conferred on the nobles of Tsin, each of the Heads of the Houses of 

14 Wei, Chaou, and Han, the title of prince. 18 In his 24th year, the king died* 

XXX. King Ngan. 
Note^ Named Keaoa. 

^ His 1st year was hang-shin (17th of cycle, = B.C. 400). In his 9th year, duke 

2 Leeh of Tsin died, and was succeeded by his son, duke Hwan.l His 10th 

8 year was he-ch'ojVy the Ist year of K*ing, the duke Hwan of Tsin. In his 16th year, 

is not read of elsewhere. 9 At this time ' for ]^. 16 In the dis. of Yun-shing, dep. 

tlie family of T^een had engrossed the power of j Xs^aou-chow. In most editions of the Annals, 
T8*e, over which it asserted ere long sole au- i^.,, . ., ^ , ^ x. tj>t. -^ 
thority. Still a prince of the House of Leu was I Lm-k*ew is said to have been held by Kung-sun 
nominally ruling, and we can only translate ■ Sun, which is evidently wrong. Hftng Ch*in- 
QQ ^ as I have done. 10 In dis. of Han- | fung reads -#" instead of ^. The events 
Un, dep. Kwang-p4ng, Chih-le. This was the i indicated in the par. cannot be clearly gathered 
chief city of the House — shortly, the State— of | from other sources. 16 Teih Keoh was of 

Chaou, one of the dismembermeuto of Tsin, and ; ^vei. 17 This appears to have been a wall 

we shall find it often used for Chaou. 11 built by the chiefs of T*een, running from Mt. 

The dis. T*ftng, dep. Yen-chow. 12 Dis. of j x«ae to Lang-ya. 18 Here was the imperial 

T*an-shing, dep. E-chow, Shan-tung. 13 Not sanction to the extinction of the ancient StaCte 
clearly ascertiiined. U Both these places of Tsin, and the usurpations of the three Houses 

were in dep. of T*ung-chow, where there is still ; mentioned. See the note on Mencius, I., Pt. I., 
the dis. of Hd-yang. ]^ seems to be a mistake i. 1. 

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the prince Wan of Wei died, having enjoyed his dignity 50 years. There was great wind, 
and it wa« dusk at noon. He, the oldest son of the duke of Tsin, fled away. In 

4 his 16th year, which was yih-wei, the Ist year of Keih, the prince Woo of Wei, one of the sons 
of Woo, called Hwan, was appointed to a government army from the capital.^ In 

5 his 21st year, Han extingTiished tJie State of Ch'ing, and the prince Gae of Han 

6 took possession of its capital. In his 23d year, Yu-}nieh removed its capital to 

7 Woo. In his 26th year, the king- died. Wei walled Loh-yang,3 Ngan-yih, * 

8 and Wang-heuen.5 In the 7th month, the oldest son of the viscount of Yu-yueh, 
named Choo-kew, murdered his ruler E.6 In the 10th month, the people of Yueh put 
Choo-kew, also called Yueh-hwah, to death, and put Foo-ts'oh-che in his place.7 

XXXI. Kino Leeh. 
Note, Named He. 

\ In his 1st year, which ^2^ ping-woo (43d of cycle, = B.C. 374), Hwan of the nding 
House of Wei went to Han-tan, to produce troubles. Han-tan is the name of a place in 
Chaou. Sze-k*eu, a great officer of Yu-yueh, settled the disorders of the State, and 

2 placed Ts'00-woo-yu, known as Mang-ngan, at its head. In his 2d year, Hoo 
Soo of Ts'in led a force against Han, and was defeated by Han Seang, the general 
of Han, near the Swan-water.l Wei feasted the princes in the tower of Fan.2 Duke 
Hwan of Tsin sanctioned the occupation of Ch^ing by prince Gae of Han as his 

3 capital. Shan Keen of Han slew his ruler, tlie prince Gae. In his 6th year, — 
aw-Aoc, the Ist year of king Hwuy-ching of Leang,— the princes Kung of Han and Ching 
of Chaou removed the duke Hwan of Tsin to T*wan-lew;3 —after this, we have nothing 
more about the affairs of Tsin. Yen, the prince Ching of Chaou, and Joh, the prince B 

XXX. 1 These were merely nominal dukes. 

2 It is necessary to supplement the t«xt here. 
The ruler of Wei sent away his son Hwan to 
avoid future troubles ; — which, however, occurr- 
ed in course of lime. 3 Should, probably, 
be j^ ^, still the name of a dis., dep. Fun- 
cfiow. 4 In Keae Chow. 6 In Keang 
Chow. 6 His ruler was also his father. The 
thing itt related confusedly, here and elsewhere. 

7 I have translated here according to the 
suggestions or conjectures of H&ug Ch^in-fung, 
who thinks the text is corrupt or mutilated. 

The capital being now in Woo, i^ Jl = ^| 


XXXI. 1 In the south of the dis. of Yen-tsin, 
dep. Wei-hwuy. 2 Hftng argues that this 

pas&agc should come in under the 12th year of 
king llccn. 3 In dis. of Ch'ang-tsze, dep. Loo-. 


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4 of Han, attacked our cit}^ of K'wei.4 In his 7tli year, the king died. Our forces 

attacked Chaou, and invested Ch'uh-yang.5 T^een Show of Ts'e came with a force 
against us, and besieged Kwan,6 which surrendered. Wang Ts'oh, a great officer of 
Wei, fled to Han. 

XXXII. King HKen. 
Note, Named Peen. 

1 In his Ist year, which was hwei-ch^ow (50th of cycle, = B.C. 367), Ch^ng walled 

Note. From tbis, the name of Han is exchanged for Ch^ng. 

2 Tsze-heang of Ts'in was appointed ruler of Lan.2 In his 2d year, the waters 

3 of the Ho- were red for three days at Lung-mun. In his 3d year, King KSa of 
our ruhng House led a force against Ch*ing, when Han Ming fought with us in 

4 Han,3 and our forces were defeated and put to flight. In his 4th year, in 
the summer, in the 4th month, on the day heah-yiny we removed our capital to Ta- 
leang.4 Our king tlirew open his preserves in the marsh of Fung-ke for the benefit of 
the people.5 Sze, a younger brother of Sze-k^eu of Yu-}aieh, murdered him, — Mang- 

5 ngan, — his ruler, who was succeeded by Woo-chuen. In his 6th year, it rained joW^ 
stones in Ch*ing.6 Some ground there suddenly became longer by 1 00 cubits and more, 

6 and higher by a cubit and a half. In his 6th year, our forces attacked Han-tan, 
and took Leeh-jin. They attacked it again, and took Fei.8 It rained millet in Ts'e. 

7 In his 7th year, we gave to Han-tan Yu-ts'ze 9 and Yang-yih.9 Our king had 

8 a meeting with the prince Le of Ch4ng at Woo-sha.lO In his 8th year, we led 
the waters of the Ho into the marsh ^'P'oo-t'een,li and also made great ditches to 

ngan. 4 In die. of Ho-nuy, dep, of Hwae- 

k'ing. 5 In dis. of Ch*ang-kO, dep. of Heu. 

It formerly belonged to Han, but had now, per- 
haps, passed into the possession of Chaon. 6 
In dis. of Kwan-sliinjc, dep. Tung-ch*ang. 

XXXII. 1 In dis. of Ho-nuy, dep. Hwae-k*ing. 

2 In dis. of Lan-t*een, dep. 8e-ngan. 8 

Tliis battle was at a place called Puh-yang (j(|g 

|«), on the Puh-water, which had formerly 

belonged to Wei, hut was now held by Han or 
Ch*ing. 4 Dis. city of T8*eang-foo, dep. 

K'ae-fung; — what is called K*ae-fung. 6 

This marsh was not far from the capital. This 
was one of the measures for whi«h king Hwuy 
took credit with Mencius. See Mencius, I. Bk. 
I., iii., 1. 6 In dis. of Keang-ling, dep. 

King-chow, Hoo-pih. 7 Probably in dis. 

of Kwang-p*ing, dep. Kwang-p4ng, Chih-le. 

8 In dis. Fei-heang, same dept. 9 Both 

in dep.T*ae-yuen, where we have still the dis. of 
Yu- ts'ze. 1 A place upon the river Tso. 1 1 
In dis. of Chung-mow, dep. K*ac-fung. 12 

The construction of this passage is not easy. 


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lead off the waters of the marsh. The people of Hea-yang led the waters of the 
9 Ts'ing-e of mount Min all the way from Ts4n to our State.l2 In his 9th year, 

10 the forces of Ts'in attacked Ch*ing, camped in Hwae, and walled Yin.l8 In his 
10th year, an army from Ts'oo led out the waters of the Ho to overflow the country 
outside the Long wall.l^ Lung Kea led a hody of ti^oops to build the great wall on 

11 our western border.l5 Ch'ing took T'wan-lew and Shang-tsze.l6 In his llth 
year, the prince Le of Ch'ing sent Heu Shih to surrender to us the cities of P*ing- 
k'ew, Hoo-yew, and Show-yuen, with the country as fer as the highway of Ch*ing; 
while we ourselves took Che-taou and Ch*ing-luh.l7 The king had an interview 
with the prince Le at Woo-sha, where he agreed to raise the siege of Tsih-yang, and 

12 to restore the city of' Le to Ch*ing.l7 In his 12th year, the princes Kung of 
Loo, Hwan of Sung, Ching of Wei, and Le of Ch4ng, all came to our court, in 
acknowledgment of submission, Woo-chuen, the viscount of Yu-yueh, known as 

18 T'an-ch'uh-maou, died, and was succeeded by Woo-keang. In his 13th year, 

the prince Ching of Han-tan had an interview with the prince Ching of Yen in 

14 Ngan-yih. In his 14th year, Kung sun Chwang of Ts*in attacked Ch'ing, and 
besieged the city of Ts6aou, without being able to take it. He then led his army, and 
walled Shang-che,i8 Ngan-ling,l9 and San-min. Han-tan attacked Wei, took the 
hill of Ts'ih-foo,20 and walled it. The army of Ts'e fought with Yen near the Kow- 

15 waterj2l and was put to flight. In his 16th year, T^Sen K*e of Ts'e attacked our 
eastern border, when a battle was fought at Kwei-yang,22 in which our forces were 

The Ts'ing-e flows fVom the dis. of Loo-san, 
dep. Ya-chow, Sze-ch*uen, and ultimately joins 
the Keang. Seu Tsing-sau thinks the meaning 
is that the people of Hea-yang had performed 
the service described for Ts*in, and in this year 
came hick to Wei. The meaning in the transla- 
tion is more natural, and is preferred by Hftng 
Ch4n-fang. 13 In dis. Ho-nuy, dep. Hwae- 

k4ng. Bat the reading is not sure. 14 

^gS is here evidently corrupt. Granting that 
there was in its dominions an erection called 
* The Long Wall,* it was too remote from the 
Ho to allow of our supposing any such attempt 
on its part as is described. U&ng Ch'in-fung 
would substitute Bg for ^^. 15 It is 

observed that this was the commencement of 

the Great Wall. 16 Shang-tsze is another 

name for Ch*ang-tsze, pres. name of the district 
to which T*wan-lew is referred. See above. 

1 7 Wei was at this time pressing Hao hard, 
and the surrenders here mentioned were made 
to obtain |>eace. 'iTie highway of Ch*irig' 
had formerly been called * The general Road * 
(.^B Kfr). All the places spoken of are to be 
looked for in dep. of KHie-fung. 18 In dis. 

of Tse-yuen, dep. Hwae-k*ing. 19 In dis. 

Yen-ling, dep. K*ae-fang. 20 In dis. of 

Ch'ang-yuen, dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le. 21 

Flows thro* the dis. of F'ing-kuh, dep. Shun- 
t'ecn. 22 Kwei-yang, — prob.=lhc north of 

the Kwei river. I have not found any deter« 


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IS # ^iP ;m "MM -yJ^iiXm ^i^^ ' 5 Big 19 

~ l^.¥.A m ^ O + O ^i5 JSi.^ I -Oi^. 
^ « gill fP.+^.# 3E #. WiO> ?^»^ 

defeated and put to flight The eastern Chow,28 gave Kaou-too,24 to Ch'ing. The 
prince Le of Ch^ng came to acknowledge submission to avr king in Chung-yang. 
King Koo of Sung and Kung-sun Ts'ang of Wei united their forces with those of 

16 Wei, to besiege our Sgang-ling.25 In his 16th year, our king, with the army of 
Han, defeated the forces of thoae princes at Sgang-ling, when the prince of Ts'e sent 
King Shay of Ts'oo to come and ask for peace. The forces of Han-tan defeated us 
at Kwei-ling.26 Ts'in attacked the city Oh-yu 27 of Han, when our king Hwniy-ching 
sent Chaou — and defeated Ts'in. 

Nole^ It is not known under what year this last notice should be ranged. 

17 In his 17th year. Yen attacked Chaou, and laid siege to Chuh-luh, which was 
saved by king Ling of Chaou, and the people of Tae, who defeated Yen at Choh.28 
Tsin took Yuen-woo and Hwoh-tsih.29 

Note, Hw6-tsih is the same as Luy-tsih, the marsh of Luy, where Shun fished. 
19 In his 18th year, Ts'e built a dyke as a part of its great wall.30 In his 19th 

year, our king went to Wei, and commanded that Nan the son of its duke should 

21 anly be prince. His 20th year. In his 21st year, Yin Chin of Wei and 
Kung-sun Fow of Chaou attacked Yen ; and on their return, took Hea-uh,3i and 

22 walled K'euh-yih.3l In his 22d year, which was Ji/t-ym,32 Sun Ho invaded 
Ts'oo, and penetrated to the suburbs of San-hoo.33 Ts^oo attacked Seu-chow. 

23 In his 23d year, Chang of Wei, supported by the forces of Ch'ing, led an army 
against Ts'oo, and took Shang-ts*ae.34 Sun Ho took Yin-yang.35 The duke Heaou 
of Ts^in had an interview with several of the princes in Pung-tsih.36 In Keang 

24 there was a rent of the earth, extending west to the river Fun. In his 24th year. 

mination of the place. 23 This was the 

emperor, now merely ' the shadow of a great 
name.' 24 In dis. Ld-yang, dept. Ho-nan. 

25 In sub. dep. of Shuy, dep. Kwei-tih. 26 
In dis. 0-tsih, dep. Ts'aou-chow. 27 Dis. 

of Yn-shay, dep. Leaou, Shan-se. 28 In 

dis. Wang-too, dep. Paou-ting. 29 Hwd- 

tsibf—the marsh of Hwd, but here the name of 
a city in the dis. of Yang-shing. dep. Tsih-chow. 
Yuen- woo must also be the name of a city. But 
this notice is eyidently out of place.— What 
have we to do at this date with Tsin ? 

30 This wall of Ts'e has been mentioned be- 
fore,, under the 18th year of king Wei-le& It 

was intended as a protection against Ts'oo. 
Kh, ' a dyke ' or embankment against a stream, 
is used here for a wall, a defence against an 
enemy. 81 Both in the pres. Ting Chow, 

Chih-le. 32 Here is evidently a corruption 

of the text. Jin-yin was not the 22d year of 
king Heen. Seu W&n-tsing supposes we should 
read ^ '^. 33 Prob. in dis. of Nuy- 

heang, dep. Nan-yang. 34 Still the name 

of a dis., dep. Joo-ning. 35 Belonging to 

Ts'oo, dis. of Lin-ying, Heen Chow. 36 

The marsh of Fang ;— has occurred before. 


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[CH. IV. 

+ H ffe ^ itt^+ i H zi -a K ;/t, ^.iP M M ii M 

m ^.it.H + ^ ^ #.H mom %m ^^^^ 

^ m ^S -b ^. # ^ 1 .= ^ + ^oii- i ;/L -b M 3l 
+ O M ¥. :Hi i5.*# #.-H1^^7¥.T ;g lit ^ I& ^ ^. 

-K^M mmm.^ mn^^ :((i m as 2t r^ " 
%^M-B^ Vk'^mmm.oM\^o^-v K^^^ 

0(5 Wei defeated Han at Ma-ling.37 His 25th year. In his 26th year, onr 

Jang^ Ts^ze led a force, and fought with K*ung- Yay of Ch*inff in Leang-hiii,3B when 
the army of Ch'ingf was defeated and put to flio-ht. AfterrvamSy we fought with T'een 

27 P^an at Ma-ling. In his 27th year, in me 5th month, T^een P*an of Ts^e, witli 
the people of Sung*, invaded our eastern border, and besieged P*ing-yang. In the 9th 
month, Yang of Wei, on the part of Ts4n, attacked our western border. In the 10th 
month, Han-tan attacked our northern border. Our king attacked Yang of Wei, when 

28 our troops were defeated and put to flight. In his 28 Ui year, we walled Tse-vang.39 
Ts'in invested Yang of Wei with Woo, the name of which was changed into Sliang.-^ 

29 In his 29th year, P*ei removed its capital to Seeh.41 In the 3rd month, we made 
33 a great ditch in our northern suburbs, to carry off the waters of P^oo-t^een. His 
31 30th year. In his 31st year, Soo Hoc of Ts*in led a force against Ch^ng, and 

was defeated by Seang of Han near Swan-water. 

Note, It is not known in wliat year this took place ; but it is given here. 

33 His 32d year. In his 33d year, the prince Wei of Ch^ino* with Han-tan, 

34 besieged Seang-ling. In his 34:th year, Hwuy Ch'ing of Wei, this being his 
36th year, changed the style of his reign, and called it his 1st year. The king had 
a meeting with aeirral of the princes in Seu-chow. Woo-keang, the viscount of Yu- 

35 yueh, attacked Ts'oo. In his 35th year, Woo-tih of Ts*oo led a force, and in 
conjunction with Tsin, attacked Ch'ing, and besieged Lun-she.42 

Note. It is not known in what year this took place ; but it is giyen here. 

36 In his 36th 3'ear, Ts'oo besieged Ts'e in Seu-chow, and then attacked Yu-yueh, and 

38 slew Woo-keang. His 37th year. In his 38th year, o%tr Lung Kea fought 
with an army of Ts'in at Teaou-yin,43 when our forces were defeated, and put to flight. 

39 Our king had a meeting with the prince Wei of Ch^ing at Woo-sha. In his 39th 
41 year, Ts*in took from us Fung-yin 44 and P'e-she.45 His 40th year. In 

his 41st year, Ts'in restored to us Tseaou and K*euh-yuh. In his 42d year, tlie 

87 Le. * the hill of Ma,' in dep. Ta-ming. 

38 Near K*ae-fung. Perhaps we should trans- 
late — 'foujjplit at night with K*ung of Ch'ing.* 

39 Dis. Tse-yang, dcp. Tse-nan. 40 Shang 


Chow of vShen-se. 41 In dep. of T'fing, dep. 

Yen-chow. 42 In dis. Tftng-fnng, dep. Ho- 

nan. 43 In dis. of Kan-t8*cuen, dep. Ycn- 

ngan, Shcn-se. 44 In dis. Yung-ho, dep. 

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m #.:t ¥»T i^lB 

BE Jt^ ^ ^, 
^.^ :^ ^ ^ 

fi-t + zra 

His 43d year. 

43 nine vases were sunk in the Sze, and lost in the deep. 

45 44th year. In his 45th year, Ts^oo defeated us at Seangf-ling. 

48 year. His 47th year. In his 48th year, the king died. 

His 4Gth 

XXXIII. Kino Shin-tsino. 
Note, Named Ting. 

In his 1st year, which was sin-ch^oiv (38t}i of cycle, = B.C. 319), Ts'in took from 
us K^euh-}Tih and P*ing-chow.l In his 2d year, king Hwuy-ching of Wei died." 

His 3d year, hwei'maou,wns the 1st year of our present king. His 4th 3'ear. 

His 5th year. In his 6th year, the prince of Ch^ing sent Han Shin to restore to 

us Tsin-yang and Heang. In the 2d month, we walled Yang and Heang, changing 
the name of the former into Ho-yung,2 and of the other into Kaou-p'ing.3 

xxxiv. Kino Yin. 

Note, The Historical Records call this sovereign king Nan, named Yen. This must be o^ing 
to the similarity of sound in Nan and Yin. 

In his 1st year, which was ting-rve (44th of cycle, =b.c. 313), in the 10th month, 
king Seuen of Ch^ing came to acknowledge submission in our court of Leang. Tsze-che 
of Yen attempted to kill his ruler's eldest son P'ing, but without success. The army 

2 of Ts'e killed Tsze-che, and made pickle of his body. 

In his 2d 


in the 

country of Ts'e, tlie grmind where they measured the length of the sun's shadow 
lengthened more than ten cubits, and was elev^ated a cubit.l Wei made Chang E its 
prime minister. In his 3d year, Han Ming led a force against Seang-k*ew. The 

king of Ts'in came, and had an interview with our king at the ptiss of P*oo-fkn.2 In 
the 4th month, the king of Yueh sent Kung-sze Yu to present 300 boats, 5,000,000 
arrows, w^ith rhinoceros horns, and elephants' teeth.3 In the 5th month, Chang E 

P*oo-chow. 45 In dis. Ho-tsin, Keang Chow. 

46 This statement is much debated. What 
could have taken the vases to tlie Sze ? 

XXXI u. 1 In dis Kcao-hew, dcp. Fun-chow, 
Shan-se. 2 In dis. Ho-nuy, dep. llwae- 

k*ing. 3 In dis. Tse-yuen, dep. Hwae-k*ing. 

XXXIV. 1 I suppose the meaning is wliat I 

have given. We had the account of a similar 

pheuoiiicnou before, tho' -H* -S here occasion* 


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tcH, IT. 

4 Q i + m SP ^ O ® ^ O # . 6* ^ . Oj Ml at 

i ^.?^ ^ ? + #»^ ^ ill) m il ^.+ -^ ife ®. 

=^K^mi^.^M^m a^iltO M ;A: ^ SI .>g . 
^.14 # O ^ flli ^ ^.^ ^ft^^-t: « ^ ^»lit !^ 

4 died. In his 4th year, Teih Chang attacked Wei. Wei defeated Han Keu, the 

5 general of Chaoii. In his 5th year, the Loh entered Ching-chow. Waters issued 
Q from the hills abundantly. In the 6th year, there were great rains and violent 

winds. The waters of the Ho overflowed Swan-tsaou.* Shoo-chang of Ts'oo came 
with a force to have a meeting with us, and encamped at Seang-k^ew. In his 

7 7t}i year, Teih Chang came to the rescue of Ch^ng, and encamped at Nan-k^uh.^ 

8 In hb 8th year, Kung-sun Yuen of Ts4n led a force against our city of P*e-she, 
the siege of which was raised by the succour of Teih Chang. There was a violent 

10 west wind. In his 9th year, we walled P'e-she. His 10th year. His 

12 llth year. In his 12th year, Ts^in destroyed our P^oo-fen, Tsin-yang, and Fung- 

13 kuh. In his 13th year, Han-tan ordered the Le, the great officers, and their 
servants, to remove to K6w-yuen.6 The generals, great officers, sons of the 1st wife, 

14 and recorders of Tae, all wore dresses of martens' skins. His 14th year. In 

15 his 15th year, the prince of Seeh came, and had a meeting with our king at Foo-k'ew. 

16 The people of Ts'oo penetrated to Yung-she,7 and were defeated. In his 16th 
year, our king had a meeting with tlie king of Ts'e in Han. 

This chronicle was finished in the 20th year of our present king. 

difficulty. 2 In dis. of Tung-tse, dep. P*oo- 

chow. 3 This notice must be out of place. 

Why should Tue have Bent these things to Wei, 
and how could it have sent the boats ? 4 

Yen-tsin, dep. Wei-hwuy. 5 In Sih Chow, 

Shan-se. 6 Very remote, north-west of the 

pres. Yu'lin, Shem-se, more than 700 k. The 
par. is obscure, and the event is not elsewhere 
clearly related. 7 In sub. dep. of Yu, dep. 


General remarks on the Annals. 

3. The Reader has now had the opportunity of making himself 
acquainted with the Annals of the Bamboo Books. As a specimen 

of the manner in which Chinese scholars 
deliver their opinion against them, I may 
quote the language of Wang Ming-shing. He says : — ' It may be 
assumed as certain that they are a compilation which was imposed 
on the world by Shuh Sih. The forced versions of events in them, 
with their additions and combinations, are not only not worthy to 
be believed, but they are not worthy to be discussed. In every age 
there have been men capable of such mischief and falsehood. What 
we have to depend on, is that, while the man of knowledge will 


Digitized by 



altogether reject such books, he who may have doubts about so 
dealing with them will put them on one side. That is the proper 
way to pursue in studying them.'^ 1 cannot by any means agree in 
so unfavourable a judgment. The sketch of the discovery of a// the 
Bamboo books, given in the first paragraph of this chapter, b suf- 
ficient to prove that they were not fabricated by Shuh Sih, or by any 
other, at the beginning of the Tsin dynasty. They had, no doubt, 
been lying for nearly six centuries in the tomb in which they had 
been first deposited, when they were then brought anew to light. 

At the same time, the usage to which the tablets were subjected 
on their discovery, led to the loss of some, the mutilation of others, 
Corruptions must be admitted and a general confusion of their order, which 
lu the Text. The causes of them, leave abundant room for the exercise of 
critical ingenuity on the Annals as we now have them. The haste, 
too, with which the ancient writing was deciphered and transcribed 
in the current characters of the age, gives occasion to doubt whether 
that important work could have been executed with the care which 
its difficulty required. I have called attention in the notes to some 
of the many transpositions of paragraphs of the present text, which 
are proposed by Hang Ch'in-fung, the latest editor of the Annals, 
and an able and voluminous commentator on them. And there are 
other paragraphs, which he would cast out altogether, as having 
been incorporated with them from other portions of the mass of 
documents found in the tomb of king Seang. What was called 
'Fragmentary Sayings,'^ or Narratives, of which there were eleven 
Books, appears to have supplied most of such additions. From the 
nature of the paragraphs supposed to be derived from this source, 
and of other fragments collected from various books where they 
appear as quotations from 'The Bamboo Books' (of which the 
account of the relations between Yaou and Shun, in note 8, p. 116, 
may be taken as an example), it appears that, besides the ore of the 
Annals, the tomb contained a large amount of dross, consisting of 
the wildest and most ridiculous legends and fables. From this 
material mainly were composed the long notes which we find in- 
terspersed through the Work, the more numerous and the more 
extravagant and absurd the more distant the times to which they 

^^M^m^mnm ^^^it^.^MTȣB.*T> 

^ -A- — 

l^*"] Digitized by Google 


relate. In what must be acknowledged as really belonging to the 
Annals, there are, moreover, absurdities enow :— entries of pro- 
digious phenomena, showers of gold, monstrous animals, trans- 
formations of sex, &c. The reader is often reminded of the marvels 
in Livy's History. Even if we were sure that we had the chronicle 
as it was placed in the tomb of king Seang, we should have to be 
wary in our treatment of its contents ; and much more must we be 
so, considering that we have it — here with mutilations, and there 
with additions. 

With the reign of king P'ing, B.C. 769, there is a change in the 
character of the chronicle. From Hwang-te to that time, the Annals 

Different characters of different are thoSC of the empire. The SOVCreigUS 

parts of the Annals. Probable date of the different dvnasties are the princi- 

of the compilation of the earliest part. _ ^ . it. t 

pal figures, m subordination to whose 
history the events of the various States are detailed. But from the 
date mentioned, the princes of Tsin become the principal figures ; 
and they continue to be so, down to B.C. 439, when those of Wei, 
one of the three States, into which Tsin was dismembered, come 
into the foreground.^ From B.C. 769, therefore, the Annals are 
those of the State of Tsin, composed by its Recorders, and digested 
subsequently into a more compendious form by one of the officers, 
bearing that title, of the State of Wei. The earlier chronicle, which 
is more important and of more general interest, was compiled, pro- 
bably, about the time that the second portion was commenced, by 
one of the Recorders of Tsin, and kept in the archives of that Stat«, 
as an appropriate introduction to its particular affairs. 

This view conducts us to an important conclusion respecting the 
Shoo. While denying, in the second chapter of these prolegomena^ 

Conclusion from the Annals against ^^at in the older portions of the ShoO 

the earlier portions of the Shoo. ^yve havc Contemporaneous records of 

the events which they relate, I have given my opinion, on p. 66, 
that *the Tribute of Yu' was, notwithstanding, among the written 
monuments of the dynasty of Shang, and passed over from its his- 
toriographers to those of the dynasty of Chow. I am not going 
now to retract or modify that opinion ; but the fact that these Bam. 
boo Annals contain so little of what the Shoo contains about Shun 
and Yu, appears to me to have a great significance. The accounts 
in the Shoo could not have been generally known, or, if known, 
not generally accepted, when the Annals were made. The character 
of the two Works is, indeed, different. The Annals give but the 
skeleton of the history of ancient China ; the Shoo gives the flesh 


•^ * Digitized by 



and drapery of the body at particular times. The one tells of events 
simply, in the fewest possible words; the other describes the scenes 
and all the attendant circumstances of those events. The numerous 
appointments, however, of officers by Shun, and the grand labours 
of Yu, all related in the Shoo, ought, according to the plan of the 
Work, to have their brief commemoration in the Annals. That 
they are not so corroborated, proves that they were not accepted as 
matter of veritable history by the author of our chronicle. I shall 
dwell somewhat more minutely on this point in the next paragraph. 
It may suffice here to point it out distinctly. In one respect, the 
compiler of the documents of the Shoo has shown more discrimina- 
tion than the compiler of the Annals. He did well in not attempt- 
ing to go back into the shadowy age before Yaou ; but I submit it 
to my readers, whether the want of corroboration, in the Annals, of 
the Shoe's accounts of the government of Shun and the labours of 
Yu, does not bear out my view, that the latter are merely the devices 
of philosophical romance, intended to present the first beginnings 
of Chinese history on a grand scale, and under heroes of sagely 
wisdom and gigantic achievement, who should be a model to sove- 
reigns in all future ages. 

4. There are two points in which the Annals of the Bamboo 
Books difier seriously from the generally received views of Chi- 

Differences between the Annals and HCSe histOry. The One is in the mat- 

the common views of Chinese History. ^^^ ^f chrouology, the ycars assigned 
in the Annals to the period between king P'ing of the Chow 
dynasty and the beginning of Yaou's reign being fewer by 211 than 
those commonly allowed. The other is that insisted on immediately 
above, — the contrast between them and the Shoo, in regard to the 
government of Shun and the labours of Yu. 

On the former of these points, something was said in the last 
chapter. The history of China is certainly shortened in these Annals 
by the amount just mentioned. The number of sovereigns which 
they assign is the same as that in the common chronology, except- 
ing in the case of the Shang dynasty, where we have two additional 
reigns, which, however, would lengthen the period by only 6 years, 
if the schemes otherwise agreed. The names or titles of the sove- 
reigns, moreover, are for the most part the same, as will be seen in 
the table subjoined to this chapter. Where the length of the reigns 
diflfers, the years assigned in the Annals will generally, though not 
always, be found to be fewer than in the common tables. We know 
nothing of the authority on which the duration of the greater num- 

179] Digitized by Google 


ber of the reigns is determined in the one scheme or in the other. 

Neither the chronology of the Annals, nor that more commonly 
acknowledged, is supported by sufficient evidence ; but it is right 
The chronology of the Annau t^^^* ^ ^hould point out here the grounds 
hu been corrupted. there are for believing that the numbers 

given in the text of the Annals have been corrupted. This corrup- 
tion IS two-fold. 

Firsts from the commencement of Yaou's reign downwards, the 
1st year of the reigns is almost always indicated by the ordinary 
The cycle denominations of the ^yclc characters. These, I maintain, were 
reigns are spurious. added after the discovery of the tablets ; — 

not immediately, indeed, but by a gradual process, which was not 
completed until the Sung dynasty. In support of this view, I allege 
the following considerations : — 

[i. ] It has been shown, on pp. 82, 83, that, before the second 
Han dynasty, the cycle characters were employed to chronicle days, 
and not years. In coming to that conclusion, Chinese scholars have 
not taken these Annals into account. They reach it from a study 
of all the ancient books known previous to the Han dynasty. The 
Bamboo Books turn up in the last quarter of our 3d century ; and 
if we are to receive the cycle dates as contemporaneous with the rest 
of this chronicle, then all the arguments for the conclusion go for 
nothing. Here was a practice, exceedingly elegant and convenient 
for marking dates, prevalent when the Annals were composed; and 
yet no other instance of its use can be adduced from any of the ac- 
knowledged early Writings, while Sze-ma Ts'een and the other scho- 
lars, who first erected chronology in China into a science, knew 
nothing of it. Only an extreme credulity will admit this. 

[ii. ] The reader will have observed that a good many dates do 
not form part of the text of the Annals, but are introduced as notes. 
Let me refer him particularly to those on p. 120. The inference 
from this is, that the addition of the cycle dates was not made com- 
plete at once, and that subsequent insertions to perfect the system, 
after the work had become the possession of the public, were thus 
made in notes ; — it was not possible then to enter them in the text. 

[ iii. ] The early citations, under the Tsin dynasty and even later, 
of passages from the Annals, do not contain these cycle dates. This 
fact is decisive on the point. Upon the 1st date, that of phig-tsze^ 
marking the 1st year of Yaou's reign. Hung Eheuen, a scholar and 
officer of the present dynasty, in the reigns Kea-k*ing and Taou- 
kwang, observes: — 'The various books which quote the Bamboo 


Digitized by 



Annals, do so without the cycle dates. It is not till we corae to the 
chapter on chronology in the Books of Suy that we find the 1st year 
of Yaou quoted as king-tsze. Subsequent!}^ [in the Sung dynasty], a 
comment to the "After Chronicle of the Loo Sze" quotes the year 
€LS ping-tsze^ — as we find it in the present copies of the Annals.'^ 

[iv. ] If the Annals on their discovery had contained the cycle 
dates, we could not have had the errors which are found in the 
concluding notes to the dynasties of Hea and Shang on the length 
t)f those periods. This consideration is equally decisive on the 
matter in hand. Those notes were of early origin. Now, the Hea 
dynasty began with the year jin-tsze and ended with jin-seuh; it 
lasted, therefore, 6 cycles and 11 years,=431, whereas the annotator 
says its duration was 471 years. The Shang dynasty began with the 
year kwei-hae and ended with kdng-yin^ comprising 8 cycles and 28 
years, =508, whereas the annotator assigns to it 496 years. The 
error in the one case amounts to 40 years, and in the other only to 
12; — if the reigns had been marked at the date of those annotations, 
as they are now, there could not have been any error at all. We 
must conclude, on all these grounds, that the cycle names, used to 
denominate the first years of the reigns throughout the Annals, are 
«n addition made subsequent to the period of their discovery. 

Secondj there is ground for thinking that the number of years 
The lengths of the reigne hare assigned to the Several reigns has also been 
»i8o heen altered. altered in somc cases. There are two con- 

siderations which make this probable. 

[ i. ] Apart from the question of the cycle dates, the annotator had 
only to add together the years assigned to the different sovereigns, to 
obtain the length of the Shang dynasty. It is difficult to suppose 
that he should not have executed so simple an operation correctly. 

[ii.] With the Hea dynasty the case is difi^erent. The addition 
of all the reigns, taking in the 40 years between Seang and Shaou- 
k'ang, gives us only 403 years. About 40 years are dropt, being 
those of mourning, between the death of one sovereign and the 1st 
year of his successor. But now in the history of Shuh Sih, referred 
to on p. 106, it is stated that in the Bamboo Annals ^ the years of 
the Hea dynasty were more than those of Shang.' ^ Attention is 

yQ^^ ^, ^ ^ 7^}^- Quoted by Httiig Cli'in-fung on the l»t year of Yaou. 


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called to the fact, as one of the peculiarities of the Annals, distin- 
guishing them from the commonly accepted histories of those ancient 
times. Hang Ch'in-fung observes upon it: — * When the history of 
Shuh Sih says that the dynasty of Hea was longer than Shang, 
whereas in our present copies Shang lasted longer than Hea, I do 
not know on what ground the statement rested.'^ He might well 
say so. But the memoir of Shuh Sih aflFords us one of the most 
satisfactory testimonies to the discovery of the Bamboo Books, and 
the fullest account of the various documents comprehended under 
the name. The express statement to which I have called attention 
cannot be got rid of. And it obliges us to conclude, that not only 
were the cycle characters for years introduced into the Annals after 
their emergence from the tomb, but that the lengths of the reigns 
also were altered, so that the value of the chronicle, as a guide in 
chronology, is altogether taken away. 

The second point of difference, mentioned at the beginning of 

this paragraph, between these Annals and other histories of China, 

The Annals are more credible is to my mind of much greater importance. 

than the Shoo on the period of " i n • i • 

Yaou, Shun, and Yu. My own researches and reflections having 

led me to consider most of what we read in the Shoo about tlie 
well-ordered government of Shun and the labours of Yu, as the 
invention of later times, intended to exalt the characters and 
achievements of those worthies, and place them at the head of Chi- 
nese history on a pinnacle of more than human wisdom and great- 
ness, I am pleased with the confirmation which my views receive 
from the accounts in the Annals. Let the reader compare them 
carefully with the documents in the Shoo, and I do not think he 
can fail to be struck with them as 1 have been. There are points 
of agreement between the two, as could not but be the case, the 
authors of them both, whatever they might add of their own, draw- 
ing on the same general stock of traditions. But the details of the 
Annals present the^men and their doings in reasonable proportions. 
We see in them the chiefs of a growing tribe, and not the emperors 
of a vast and fully organized dominion. 

[i.] The labours of Yu are confined in the Annals to the regulation 
of the Ho. Yaou assigns to him no greater task than Seaou-k'ang, 
one of his own successors, has to assign, about 100 years later, to one 
pf the princes of Shang. The same task has often been assigned to 
officers in subsequent times; might very well be assigned to one in 


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the present reign. Nothing is said of a far-extending, devastating 
deluge ; nothing of Yu's operations on the mountains, or on the 
general face of the country, or on any river south of the Ho. Had 
it been in the accepted history of China, when these Annals were 
compiled, that Yu performed the more than Herculean tasks which 
the Shoo ascribes to him, it is unaccountable that they should not 
have mentioned them. 

[ii. ] The Shoo presents us with a picture of the government of 
Shun, which makes it appear to have been wonderfully complete. 
Not only has he Yu as his prime minister, and Kaou-yaou as minister 
of Crime; but he has his ministers of Instruction, Agriculture, Works, 
and Religion; his commissioner of Woods and Forests; his director of 
Music; his minister of Communication. According to the plan of 
the Annals, the appointment of all those ministers should have been 
mentioned; but the only names which they contain are those of Yu 
and Kaou-yaou. It is clear, that of the two-and-twenty great minis- 
ters by whom the Shun of the Shoo is surrounded, the greater 
number were the invention of speculators and dreamers of a later 
day, who, regardless of the laws of human progress, wished to place 
at the earliest period of their history a golden age and a magnificent 
empire, that should be the cynosure of men's eyes in all time. 

If the space which I have given in these prolegomena to the 
Bamboo Annals appear excessive, the use to which I have turned 
them, to support the conclusions which I had been led on other 
grounds to form, must be my excuse. Even if it could be sub- 
stantiated (which it cannot be), that the Annals were fabricated in 
the Tsin dynasty, the fact would remain, that their fabricator had 
taken a more reasonable view of the history of his country than any 
other of its writers has done, and indicated views, which, I venture 
to think, will be generally adopted by inquirers in the West. Those 
who come after me will probably assail the hitherto unchallenged 
accounts of ancient times with a bolder hand and on a more extensive 
scale than I have done in the present essay. 

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1. About two thousand years before our Christian era, the Chi- 
nese tribe first appeared in the country, where it has since increased 

First arrival of the Chinese 8^ g^^^tly. It then OCCUpicd a SlUall extent 

tribe in its future home. ^f territory, OH the cast and north of the 

Ho, — the more southern portion of the present province of Shan-se. 
As its course continued to be directed to the east and south (though 
after it crossed the Ho, it proceeded to extend itself westwards as 
well), we may conclude that it had come into China from the north- 
west. Believing that we have in the 10th chapter of the Book of 
Genesis some hints, not to be called in question, of the way in which 
the whole earth was overspread by the families of the sons of Noah, 
I suppose that the family, or collection of families, — the tribe, — 
which has since grown into the most numerous of the nations, 
began to move eastwards, from the regions between the Black and 
Caspian seas, not long after the confusion of tongues. Going 
on, between the Altaic range of mountains on the north and the 
Tauric range, with its continuations, on the south, but keeping to 
the sunny and more attractive south as much as it could, the tribe 
found itself, at the time I have mentioned, between 40' and 45"*, 
N. L., moving parallel with the Yellow River in the most northern 
portion of its course. It determined to follow the stream, turned 
south with it, and moved along its eastern bank, making settlements 
where the country promised most advantages, till it was stopped 
by the river ceasing its southward flow, and turning again towards 
the east. Thus the present Shan-se was the cradle of the Chinese 
empire. The tribe dwelt there for a brief space, consolidating its 

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Strength under the rule of chieftains, who held their position by 
their personal qualities more than by any privileges of hereditary 
descent; and then gradually forced its way, east, west, and south, 
conflicting with the physical diflSculties of the country, and pre- 
vailing over the opposition of ruder and less numerous neighbours. 
2. Neighbours? Yes. The arrival of the Chinese tribe had been 
anticipated by others. These may have left the original seat of 

our infant race in the West earlier than it ; 

Other early immigrant tribes. i i /» • i 

or they may have left it at the same time. 
If they did so, the wave of emigration had broken in its progress. 
Some portions had separated from the main body, and found their 
way into the present province of Shen-se ; and others, pursuing the 
same direction with it, but moving with more celerity, had then 
been pushed forward, by its advance, towards the sea, and sub- 
sequently along the sea-board, trying to make good a position for 
themselves among the mountains and along the streams of the 
country. We are not to suppose that the land was peopled by these 
tribes. They were not then living under any settled government, 
nor were they afterwards able to form a union of their forces, 
which could cope with the growing power of the larger people. 
They were scattered here and there over the region north of the 
Ho, gradually extending southward toward the Keang. Hostilities 
were constantly breaking out between them and the Chinese, over 
whom they might gain, once and again, temporary advantages. 
They increased in their degree, as well as those, and were far from 
being entirely subdued at the end of the Chow dynasty. Remnants 
of them still exist in a state of semi-independence in the south- 
western parts of the empire. Amid the [struggles for the supreme 
power, which arose when one dynasty gave place to another, and 
the constant contentions, which prevailed among the States into 
which the empire was divided, the princes readily formed alliances 
with the chiefs of these wilder tribes. They were of great assistance 
to king Woo in his conflict with the last sovereign of the dynasty 
of Shang. In the speech which he delivered to his forces before the 
decisive battle in the wild of Muh, he addressed the ' men of Yung, 
Shuh, Keang, Maou, Wei, Loo, P'ang, and Poh,'^ in addition to his 
own captains, and the rulers of friendly States. We are told that 
the wild tribes of the south and north, as well as the people of the 
great and flowery region, followed and were consenting with him. ^ 

1 The Shoo, Pt. V., Bk. UI., parr. 2—4. 2 Pt. V.,;Bk. IV., p. 6. 


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Edward Biot calls attention to the designation of the early Chinese 
tribe or colony as Hhe black -haired people/ saying that they were 

Epithet of black-haired, doubtlcss SO named in opposition to the dif- 
appiied to the early Chinese, f^j.^^^ ^^ mixcd colour of the hair of the 

indigenous race.^ But I cannot admit any * indigenous race,' — any 
race that did not come from the same original centre of our world's 
population as the Chinese themselves. The wild tribes of which 
we read in the Shoo and Chinese history, were, no doubt, black- 
haired, as all the remnants of them are at the present day. If we 
must seek an explanation for the name of * black-haired people,' as 
given to the early Chinese, 1 should say that its origin was anterior 
to their entrance into China, and that it was employed to distin- 
guish them from other descendants of Noah, from whom they 
separated, and who, while they journeyed to the east, moved in an 
opposite and westward direction. 

3. It was to their greater civilization, and the various elements of 
strength flowing from it, that the Chinese owed their superiority 

over other early settlers in the country. They 

Characteristics of the early it. . /. i • i i i i i 

Chinese which made them wcrc able, in Virtue of this, to subduc the land 

masters of the country. ■, i • i • i m i i , •% 

and replenish it, while the ruder tribes were 
gradually pushed into corners, and finally were nearly all absorbed 
and lost in the prevailing race. The black-haired people brought 
with them habits of settled labour. Their wealth did not consist, 
like that of nomads, in their herds and flocks. Shun's governors 
of provinces in the Shoo are called Pastors or Herdsmen, and 
Mencius speaks of princes generally as ' Pastors of men;' ^ but pas- 
toral allusions are very few in the literature of China. The people 
could never have been a tribe of shepherds. They displayed, im- 
mediately on their settlement, an acquaintance with the arts of 
agriculture and weaving. The cultivation of grain to obtain the 
staff of life, and of flax to supply clothing, at once received their 
attention. They knew also the value of the silk-worm, and planted 
the mulberry tree. The exchange of commodities — the practice of 
commerce on a small scale — was, moreover, early developed among 
them. It was long, indeed, before they had anything worthy of 
the name of a city; but fairs were established at convenient places, 
to which the people resorted from the farms and hamlets about, to 
barter their various wares. 

In addition to the above endowments, the early Chinese possessed 

3 See his Introduction to his translation of the Chow Le, p. 5. 
1 Mencius, I., Tt. I., vi. 6, 


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the elements of intellectual culture. They had some acquaintance 
with astronomy, knew approximately the length of the year, and 
recognized the necessity of the practice of intercalation, to prevent 
the seasons, on a regard to which their processes of agriculture 
depended, from getting into disorder. They possessed also the 
elements of their present written characters. The stories current, and 
which are endorsed by statements in the later semi-classical books, 
about the invention of the characters by Ts'ang-kee, in the time of 
Hwang-te, are of no value; and it was not till the Chow dynasty, and 
the reign particularly of king Seuen (b. c. 825 — 779), that anything 
like a dictionary of them was attempted to be compiled; ^ but the 
original immigrants, I believe, brought with them the art of ideo- 
graphic writing or engraving. It was rude and imperfect, but it 
was sufficient for the recording of simple observations of the stars 
in their courses, and the surface of the earth, and for the orders to 
be issued by the government of the time. As early as the beginning 
of the Shang dynasty, we find E Yin presenting a written memorial 
to his sovereign.^ 

The habits of the other settlers were probably more warlike than 
those of the Chinese; but their fury would exhaust itself in pre- 
datory raids. They were incapable of any united or persistent 
course of action. We cannot wonder that they were in the long 
run supplanted and absorbed by a race with the characteristics and 
advantages which I have pointed out. 

4. The reader will understand that what I say in this paragraph 
on the religion and superstitions of the early Chinese will be based 

Religion and superstition almost entirely on the documents of the Shoo ; 
of the early Chinese. ^^j ^^at Book has to do with the sayings and 

doings of the emperors. By and by, we shall have before us all the 
testimony of all the classical writings, and be prepared to consider 
these important subjects, as they entered into and affected the life 
of the people at large. I would willingly have deferred any discus- 
sion of them at present ; but it was necessary to my design in the 
present chapter to touch cursorily upon them. 

The chiefs and rulers of the ancient Chinese were not without 
some considerable knowledge of God; but they were accustomed, ou 
their first appearance in the country, if the earliest portions of the 
Shoo can be relied on at all, to worship other spiritual Beings as well. 

2 See the Introduction to Morrison^s Dictionary, and an Essay by Father De Mailla, — , Re- 
cherche* sur les Characteres Chinois/ — the 7th of the essays, appended to Gaubil*s Shoo-king. 

3 The Shoo, Vt. IV , Bk. V., Pt. i., par. 1. 

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There was no sacerdotal or priestly class among them ; there were 
no revelations from Heaven to be studied and expounded. The 
chieftain was the priest for the tribe ; the emperor, for the empire ; 
the prince of a State, for his people; the father, for his family. 

Shun had no sooner been designated by Yaou to the active duties 
of the government as co-emperor with him, than ' he offered a special 
sacrifice, but with the ordinary forms, to God ; sacrificed purely to 
the six Honoured ones ; offered their appropriate sacrifices to the 
rivers and hills ; and extended his worship to the host of spirits.' i 
Subsequently, in the progresses which he is reported to have made 
to the different mountains where he met the princes of the several 
quarters of the empire, he always commenced his proceedings with 
them by 'presenting a burnt-offering to Heaven, and sacrificing in 
order to the hills and rivers.' ^ I do not refer to these passages as 
veritable records of what Shun actually did ; but they are valuable, 
as being the ideas of the compilers of the Shoo of what he should 
have done in his supposed circumstances. 

The name by which God was designated was the Ruler^ and the 
Supreme Rvle7\ denoting emphatically His personality, supremacy, 
Their idea of God *"^ Unity. We find it Constantly interchanged with 
the term Heaven^ by which the ideas of supremacy 
and unity are equally conveyed, while that of personality is only 
indicated vaguely, and by an association of the mind. By God 
kings were supposed to reign, and princes were required to decree 
Justice. All were under law to Him, and bound to obey His will. 
Even on the inferior people He has conferred a moral sense, com- 
pliance with which would show their nature invariably right.^ All 
powers that be are from Him. He raises one to the throne and 
puts down another. Obedience is sure to receive His blessing; disobe- 
dience, .to be visited with His curse.^ The business of kings is to 
rule in righteousness and benevolence, so that the people may be 
happy and good. They are to be an example to all in authority, 
and to the multitudes under them. Their highest achievement is 
to cause the people tranquilly to pursue the course which their 
moral nature would indicate and approve.* When they are doing 
wrong, God admonishes them by judgments, — ^storms, famine, and 
other calamities ; if they persist in evil, sentence goes forth against 
them. The dominion is taken from them, and given to others more 
worthy of it. 

1 The Canon of Shun, parr. 6, 8. 2 Pt. IV., Bk. UI., par. 'Z. 3 Ft. IV., Bk. IV., p. 

2 ; et passim, 4 Pt. IV., Bk. IIL, p. 2. 


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The duke of Chow, in his address on *The Establishment of 
Government/^ gives a striking summary of the history of the empire 
down to his own time. Yu the Great, the founder of the Hea dynasty, 
'sought for able men, to honour God.' But the way of Kee, the last 
of his line, was different. He employed cruel men ; — and he had 
no successors. The empire was given to T'ang the Successful, who 
'greatly administered the bright ordinances of God.' By and by, 
T'ang's throne came to Show, who was all violence, so that ' God 
sovereignly punished him.' The empire was transferred to the House 
of Chow, whose chiefs showed their fitness for the charge by 'finding 
out men, who would reverently serve God, and appointing them as 
presidents and chiefs of the people.' 

It was the duty of all men to reverence and honour God, by 
obeying His law written in their hearts, and seeking His blessing 
in all their ways; but there was a solemn and national worship of 
Him, as ruling in nature and providence, which could only be per- 
formed by the emperor. It consisted of sacrifices, or offerings rather, 
and prayers. No image was formed of Him, as indeed the Chinese 
have never thought of fashioning" a likeness of the Supreme. 

Who the 'six Honoured ones,' whom Shun sacrificed to next to 
God, were, is not known. In going on to worship the hills and 
Their worship of otber ^ivcrs, and the host of spirits, he must have 
spiritual Beings. supposed that there were certain tutelary beings, 

who presided over the more conspicuous objects of nature, and its 
various processes. They were under God, and could do nothing, 
excepting as they were permitted and empowered by Him ; but the 
worship of them was inconsistent with the truth that God demands 
to be recognized as 'He who worketh all in all,' and will allow no 
religious homage to be given to any but Himself It must have al- 
ways been the parent of many superstitions ; and it paved the way 
for the pantheism which enters largely into the belief of the Chinese 
at the present day, and of which we find one of the earliest steps in 
the practice, ^hich commenced with the Chow dynasty, of not only 
using the term Heaven as a synonym for God, but the combination 
Heaven and Earth.^ 

There was also among the early Chinese the religious worship of 

their departed friends, which still continues to be observed by all 

classes from the emperor downward, and seems 

ore ip o nces rs. ^^ ^^ religious Services to have the greatest hold 

5 Pt v., Bk., XIX. 6 Pt. v., Bk. I., Pt. i., p. 3. 


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upon the people. The title given in the Shoo to Shun's minister of 
Religion is that of 'Arranger of the Ancestral temple.'^ The rule of 
Confucius, that 'parents, when dead, should be sacrificed to accord- 
ing to propriety,'^ was, doubtless, in accordance with a practice which 
had come down from the earliest times of the nation. 

The spirits of the departed were supposed to have a knowledge 

of the circumstances of their descendants, and to be able to affect 

, , , them. Events of importance in a family 

Ancestors supposed to know the . * / 

affairs of their descendants, and to were communicatcd to them before their 

be able to affect them. , . /«»./• 

shrines; many afiairs ot government were 
transacted in the ancestral temple. When Yaou demitted to Shun 
the business of the government, the ceremony took place in the 
temple of 'the accomplished ancestor,' ^ the individual to whom YaoU 
traced his possession of the supreme dignity ; and while Yaou lived, 
Shun, on every return to the capital from his administrative pro- 
gresses, offered a bullock before the shrine of the same personage.^^ 
In the same way, when Shun found the toils of government too 
heavy for him, and called Yu to share them, the ceremony took 
place in the temple of 'the spiritual ancestor,' the chief in the line 
of Shun's progenitors. In the remarkable narrative, which we have 
in the 6th of the Books of Chow, of the duke of Chow's praying for 
the recovery of his brother, king Woo, from a dangerous illness, and 
offering to die in his stead, he raises three altars, — to their father, 
grandfather, and great-grandfather; and prays to them, as having iii 
heaven the charge of watching over their great descendant. When 
he has ascertained by divination that the king would recover, he 
declares that he had got Woo's tenure of the throne renewed by the 
three kings, who had thus consulted for a long futurity of their 

This case shows us that the spirits of good kings were believed to 
be in heaven. A more general conclusion is derived from what we 
read in the 7th of the Books of Shang. The emperor Pwan-kang, 
irritated by the opposition of the wealthy and powerful Houses to 
his measures, and their stirring up the people also to murmur against 
them, threatens them all with calamities to be sent down by his High 
ancestor, T'ang the Successful. He tells his ministers, that their 
ancestors and fathers, who had loyally served his predecessors, were 
now urgently entreating T'ang, in his spirit-state in heaven, to exe- 
cute great punishments on their descendants. Not only, therefore, 

7 Canon of Shun, p. 23. 8 Ana., II., v. 9 Canon of Shun, p. 4. 10 /ft., p. 8. 

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did good sovereigns continue to have a happy existence in heaven ; 
but their good ministers shared the happiness with them, and were 
somehow round about them, as they had been on earth, and took 
an interest in the progress of the concerns which had occupied 
them during their lifetime. Modern scholars, following in the wake 
of Confucius, to whom the future state of the departed was all 
wrapt in shadows, clouds, and darkness, say that the people of the 
Shang dynasty were very superstitious. — My object is to bring out 
the fact, and the nature of their superstition. 

There is no hint in the Shoo nor elsewhere, so far as I am aware, 

of what became of bad emperors and bad ministers after death, nor, 

^T 1.. . r .u i. * ^ *u u J indeed, of the future fate of men generally. 

No hint of the fate of the bad \ ^ • i /. 

after death ; and no inculcation of There is a hcavcn iu the classical books of 

future rewards and punishments. , ^,, . , , . , ,, i 

the Chinese ; but there is no hell ; and no 
purgatory. Their oracles are silent as to any doctrine of future 
rewards and punishments. Their exhortations to well-doing, and 
their warnings against evil, are all based on a reference to the will 
of God, and the certainty that* in this life virtue will be rewarded 
and vice punished. * Of the five happinesses, the first is long life ; 
the second is riches ; the third is soundness of body and serenity of 
mind ; the fourth is the love of virtue ; and the fifth is doing or 
receiving to the end the will of Heaven.'^^ There is no promise of 
rest or comfort beyond the grave. The virtuous man may live 
and die in suffering and disgrace; — let him be cheered. His 
posterity will reap the reward of his merits. Some one, sprung from 
his loins, will become wealthy, or attain to distinction. But if he 
should have no posterity: — it never occurred to any of the ancient 
sages to consider such a case. 

1 will pass on from this paragraph with a reference to the subject 

of divination. Although the ancient Chinese can hardly be said to 

_. have had the knowledge of a future state, and were not 

DiTination. , . . i . i • i 

curious to inquire about it, they were anxious to know 
about the wisdom and issues of their plans for the present life. For 
this purpose they had recourse to divination. The duke of Chow 
certainly practised it ; and we have a regular staff of diviners among 
the officers of the Chow dynasty. Pwan-k&ng practised it in the 
dynasty of Shang. And Shun did so also, if we can put faith in *The 
Counsels of Yu.' The instruments of divination were the shell of the 
tortoise and the stalks of a certain grass or reed. By various caustic 

11 Pt. v., Bk. IV., par. 39. 
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operations on the former, and by manipulations with the latter, it was 
supposed possible to ascertain the will of Heaven. I must refer the 
reader to what 1 have said about the practice on the seventh section 
of 'The Great Plan.' It is difficult to understand how the really great 
men of ancient China could have believed in it. One observation 
ascribed to Shun is worthy of remark. He tells Yu that * divina- 
tion, when fortunate, must not be repeated.' ^^ I once saw a father 
and son divining after one of the fashions of the present day. They 
tossed the bamboo roots, which came down in the unlucky positions 
for a dozen times in succession. At last a lucky cast was made. 
They looked into each other's faces, laughed heartily, and rose up, 
delighted, from their knees. The divination was now successful, 
and they dared not repeat it I 

5. When the dignity of chief advanced to that of sovereign, and 
the Chinese tribe grew into a nation, the form which it assumed 
Constitution and Issue, of ^^^ that of a feudal empire. It was probably 
the ancient Chinese empire, ^ot Until the Chow dynasty, that its Constitu- 
tion was fully developed and consolidated ; as it is only then that 
we find in the last part of the Shoo, in the Ch*un Ts'ew, the Rites 
of Chow, and other Works of the period, materials to give a 
description of it. King Woo, we are told, after he had overthrown 
the last sovereign of the line of T'ang, arranged the orders of 
nobility into five, from duke downwards, and assigned the terri- 
tories to them on a scale proportioned to their diflferent ranks.^ But 
at the beginning of the Hea dynasty, Yu conferred on the chiefs 
among his followers lands and surnames.^ The feudal system grew 
in a great measure out of the necessities of the infant empire. As 
the ruder tribes were pushed backwards from its growing limits, 
they would the more fiercely endeavour to resist further encroach- 
ment. The measure was sometimes taken of removing them to 
other distant sites, according to the policy on which the kings of 
Assyria and Babylon dealt with Israel and Judah. So Shun is 
reported to have carried away the San-meaou. But the Chinese 
empire was too young and insufficiently established itself to pursue 
this plan generally ; and each State therefore was formed with a 
military constitution of its own, to defend the marches against the 
irruptions of the barbarians. 

12 Pt.n.,Bk.n., p. 18. 

1 Pt v., Bk. III., p. 10. 2 See the Tribute of Yu, Pt. ii., p. 16. I seem to see clearly 

now, that this paragraph and the six that follow should be interpreted of Yu the emperor, and not 
of him as a minister of Yaou. 


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What was designed to be the central State of the empire was the 
appanage of the sovereign himself, and was of the same dimensions 
as one of the largest of the feudatory States.^ Over this he ruled like 
one of the other princes in their several dominions; and he received, 
likewise, a certain amount of revenue from all the rest of the coun- 
try, while the nobles were bound to do him military service, when- 
ever called upon. He maintained also a court of great ministers, 
who superintended the government of the whole empire. The 
princes were little kings within their own States, and had the power 
of life and death over the people. They practised the system of 
sub-infeudation; but their assignments of lands were required to 
have the imperial sanction. 

It was the rule, under the Chow dynasty, that the princes should 
repair to the court every five years, to give an account of their 
administration of their governments ; and that the emperor should 
make a general tour through the country every twelve years, to see 
for himself how they performed their duties. We read in the Canon 
of Shun, that he made a tour of inspection once in five years, and 
that the princes appeared at court during the intermediate four.* As 
the empire enlarged, the imperial progresses would naturally be- 
come less frequent. By this arrangement, it was endeavoured to 
maintain a uniformity of administration and customs throughout 
the States. The various ceremonies to be observed in marriages^ 
funerals and mourning, hospitalities, religious worship, and the con- 
duct of hostilities ; the measures of capacity, length, weight, &c. ; and 
the written characters of the language : — these were all determined 
by imperial prerogative. To innovate in them was a capital oiFence.5 

The above is an imperfect outline of the feudal constitution of the 
ancient empire of China, which was far from enjoying peace and pros- 
perity under it. According to the received accounts, the three dy- 
nasties of Hea, Shang, and Chow were established, one after another, 
by princes of great virtue and force of character, aided in each case 
by a minister of consummate ability and loyal devotion. Their 
successors invariably became feeble and worthless. After a few 
reigns, the imperial rule slackened. Throughout the States there 
came assumptions and oppressions, each prince doing what was right 
in his own eyes, without fear of his suzzerain. The wild tribes round 

8 Here is the true account of the origin of the names Chung Kwoh (P|? ^)) * Middle State,* 
and Chung Pang (Cfa ^), * Middle Region.' 4 Can. of Shun, par. 9. 6 See the Canon 
of Shun, par. 8 ; and the Doctrine of the Mean, Ch. XXVIII. 


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about waxed bold, and kept up a constant excitement and terror by 
their incursions. Then would come an exceptional reign of more 
than usual vigour, and a partial order would be established ; but the 
brief prosperity was only like a blink of sunshine in a day of gloom. 
In the Shoo, the termination of the dynasties of Hea and Shang is 
attributed to the wickedness of their last emperors. After a long 
array of feeble princes, there suddenly appear on the throne men of 
gigantic physical strength, the most daring insolence, and the wildest 
debaucheries, having neither piety nor ruth ; and in contrast with 
them are princes, whose fathers have for several generations been 
attracting general notice by their righteousness and benevolence. 
When Heaven and men can no longer bear the iniquity of the 
tyrants, the standard of revolt is raised, and the empire speedily 
comes under a new rule. These accounts are, no doubt, much ex- 
ao^gerated and embellished. Kee and Show were not such monsters 
of vice, nor were T*ang and Woo such prodigies of virtue. More 
likely is it that the earlier dynasties died out like that of Chow, from 
sheer exhaustion, and that their last sovereigns were weaklings like 
king Nan, rather than tyrants. 

The practice of polygamy, which was as old as Yaou, was a con- 
stant source of disorder. A favourite concubine plays a conspicuous 
part in the downfall of the dynasties of Shang and Hea, and another 
signalizes a calamitous epoch in that of Chow. In the various 
States, this system was ever giving rise to jealousies, factions, usurpa- 
tions, and abominations which cannot be told. No nation where 
polygamy exists can long be prosperous or powerful ; in a feudal 
empire its operation must be peculiarly disastrous. 

The teachings of Confucius in the Chow dynasty could not arrest 
the progress of degeneracy and dissolution in a single State. His 
inculcation of the relations of society and the duties belonging to 
them had no power. His eulogies of the ancient sages were only 
the lighting up in the political firmament of so many suns which 
communicated no heat. Things waxed worse and worse. The 
pictures which Mencius draws of the misery of his times are fright- 
ful. What he auspiced from the doctrines and labours of his master 
never came to pass. The ancient feudal empire was extinguished, 
amid universal anarchy, in seas of blood. 

The character and achievements of the founder of the Ts'in dy- 
nasty have not yet received from historians the attention which they 
deserve. He destroyed the feudal system of China, and introduced, 


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in its room, the modern despotic empire, which has now lasted rather 
more than 2,000 years. 

6. The ancient empire of China passed away, having been weigh- 
ed in the balances and found wanting. Under the system of rule, 
which superseded it, the boundaries of the empire have 
been greatly extended, and the people have grandly in- 
creased. Now, however, it would seem to be likewise approaching 
its end. It would not have endured so long, but for the position of 
the country at the extremity of the Asiatic continent. Its neighbours 
were not more powerful than itself, and they were less civilized. Once 
and again the country has been overrun and subjugated by the de- 
scendants of the tribes which disputed the possession of the soil with 
its earliest colonists; but it has subdued them in it^ turn by its greater 
cultivation, and they have become more Chinese than the Chinese 
themselves. The changes of dynasty since the end of the old empire 
or classical period have not been revolutions, but only substitutions 
of one set of rulers for another. In the present century new relations 
have arisen between China and the rest of the world. Chrbtian na- 
tions of the West have come into rude contact with it. In vain did 
it fall back on the tradition of the ' Middle State,' and proclaim its 
right to their homage. The prestige of its greatness has vanished 
before a few ships of war, and the presence of a few thousand soldiers. 
The despotic empire will shortly pass away as the feudal one did, but 
with less ' hideous ruin and combustion.' It is needless to speculate 
on the probabilities of the future. God will be His own interpreter. 
China, separated from the rest of the world, and without the light 
of revelation, has played its part, and brought forth its lessons, 
which will not, I trust, be long without their fitting exposition. 
Whether it is to be a dependent or independent nation in the future, 
to be broken up or remain united, the first condition to happiness 
and prosperity is humility on the part of its scholars and rulers. Till 
they are brought to look at their own history and their sages, falsely 
so called, according to a true estimate, and to cease from their blind 
admiration of them, there is no hope for the country. 


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CH. VI.] WORKS CONSULTED. frolkoombsa.] 





In the + H J^ it ^ (see proleg. to vol. I., p. 129) :— 
[*•] 1*^^14^? containing the commentary of K'ung Gan- 
kwo, and the expositions made and collected by K'ung Ying-tft 
and other scholars of the T*ang dynasty (see above, p. 31). 
[ii. ] ^ ijji ^ ^. This is a sort of dictionary to the classics. 
The comments are by Kwoh P'oh (^ 3^), of the Tsin dy- 
nasty, and the exposition, glosses and disquisitions, by Hing 
Ping (^1^), of the Sung. ^ ^ may be translated — 'The 
Ready Rectifier.' 
^ ^ tf ^ 'l^ ift ^ ^ ' Compilation and Digest of Comments 
and Remarks on the Shoo King. By imperial authority.' In 24 
Books. I have generally in my notes called this Work — ' Yung- 
ching's Shoo.' It was commanded in 1721, the 60th year of the 
period K*ang-he, the last year but one of the emperor Benevolent ; 
and appeared with a preface by his son and successor, the emperor 
Pattern, in 1730, the 8th year of the period Yung-ching. Many 
great scholars were employed in its preparation and publication. 
They drew on the writings of 380 scholars, — from the Ts'in dynasty 
downwards. First, they give the commentary of Ts*ae Ch'in, the 
disciple of Choo He (see above, pp. 35, 36), interspersed with illus- 
trative glosses. Then follows a collection of passages, confirmatory 
of Ts Ws views, taken from their authorities (^ |^). This is often 
followed by an appendix of difi^erent views of the text, which are 
conceived to be worthy of examination (f^if ^)- Occasionally, the 
editors give their own decisions, where they think they have more 
light than their predecessors had (^). There are maps and illustra- 
tions at the beginning, and a critical introduction ; while the preface 

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ascribed to Confucius is given and commented on at the end. This 
Work may serve the student in lieu of many others. It is a monu- 
ment of industry and research ; — beyond all praise. 

4 I have made frequent reference to the other imperial editions of 
the Classics, mentioned in proleg. to vol. I., p. 131 ; especially, to the 
^ ^ ^ i^ ^ ^, which embodies the Chuen of Tso-k'ew, Kung- 
yang, and Kuh-leang. * 

5 S^'^M*^^^,' Discussion of the Meaning of " The Officers 
of Chow." By imperial authority.' In 48 Books. This Work, with 
two others on the 'Rites,' was ordered in 1748, the 13th year of 
the reign K'een-lung, by the emperor Pure, to complete the labours 
of his father, the Benevolent, on the Classics. Edward Biot thus 
characterises it : — ' It is worthy to be compared with the best Works 
executed in Europe on the different parts of the Bible. I should 
even say that it is superior to them, if I did not fear being accused 
of partiality' (Introduction to the Translation of 'The Rites of 
Chow,' p. XXXV.) The eulogy is deserved, so far as the exhaustive 
research is concerned. In range of thought and speculation, com- 
mentaries on the Chinese Classics and the Bible cannot be compared. 

6 #MB^#^)^8»' I^^% Lectures, Explaining the Mean- 
ing of the Shoo King. By imperial authority.' In 13 Books. It 
was ordered by the emperor Benevolent in 1,680. I have often 
quoted it under the name of *The Daily Explanation.' It has all 
the qualities which I ascribed to the sister work on the Four Books, 
* being full, perspicuous, and elegant.' 

7 HU]^^#:5t^ti5^#t^^, 'A Complete Explanation of 
the Shang Shoo, by Lin Chueh-chae of San-shan.' In 40 Books. 
The author is commonly called Lin Che-k'e ; and so I have generally 
referred to him. His commentary is very voluminous. It is older 
than Ts^ae Chain's, and, in my opinion, superior to it. 

8 ^ )\\ ^ ^^ 4^ :^ 1^5^ S ^ H' ' J^^g^st of Remarks on the Mo- 
dern Text of the Shang Shoo, by Woo Ching of Lin-ch'uen.' In 4 
Books. See above, p. 36. Thb is the commentary of the Yuen 
dynasty ; — terse and original. 

9 ^ ^ fiill ill S ^ # 51 M' ' The Commentary of Ts^ae on the 
Shoo Illustrated by Ch*in Sze-k*ae.' Published in 6 Books, in 1,520. 
It is a commentary on Ts^ae Chain's commentary. The author 
draws his illustrations from 88 different Works. 

1^ 3E?^©:^4^#^^'' Imperfect Views (views through a 
tube), by Wang KSng-yay, of passages in the Shoo.' In 2 Books. 

202] ^ . 

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•KCT. I.] WITH BRIEF NOTICES. froleoumkka.] 

This also is a Work of the Yuen dynasty. The views are sometimes 
very ingenious. 

11 3l^^W^ * Wang Loo-chae's Doubts about the Shoo.' In 
8 chapters. The author was of the Sung dynasty. He is also 
called Wang Pih (i ijffy). 

12 The M.M^M^ (See proleg. to vol. I., p. 133) contains many 
Works on the Shoo, or on portions of it. Those which I have made 
most use of are : — 

[ i. ] IpJ ^ ^ it ^ ^' * Comments of himself and others on 
the Meaning of the Shang Shoo, and on the Pronunciation 
of the Characters.' The author was a Keang Shing 0^ ^), 
of the district of Woo, dep. Soo-chow. It occupies Books 
390-403 of the collection ; — a Work of vast learning, but 

[ ii. ] fp^ ^ ^ 1^, ^ Latest Decisions on the Shang Shoo.' By 
Wang Ming-shing (3ER^^)» ^^ acquaintance of Keang 
Shing, and of the same district. His main object is to bring 
out tlie views of Ch'ing K'ang-shing, as the true exposition 
of the Classic. Tlie Work occupies Books 404-434, and took 
the author 34 years to complete it. His research is vast; 
but his object is one-sided. 

[ i»- ] li!^ # 4^ "fr ]>C it ^ ' The Shang Shoo in the Modern 
and Ancient Text Commented on and Discussed.' Books 
735-773. The Work appeared in 1,815. The author was 
Sun Sing-yen (^ ^ t/§)j »» officer of high employments. 
His * ancient text' is not that current under this designation, 
but the variations from Fuh-sang's text, which are found in 
Ch4ng K*ang-shing and other Han writers. 

[ iv. ] ifr ^ jiflj ^ §1 ^1 ' The various Readings of the Ancient 
Text of the Shang Shoo Collected.' Compiled in the reign of 
K*een-lung, by Twan Yuh-tsae, (|9t 51^). The writer uses 
the designation * Ancient Text ' in the same way as Sun Sing- 
yen, Keang Shing, and Wang Ming-shing. Books 567-599. 

[ V- ] ^ M A ^j ' The Needle-touch applied to the Tribute of 
Yu.' Published in the reign K'ang-he, by Hoo Wei (^ y^). 
The author had previously been employed, with many other of- 
ficers, in preparing a statistical account of the present empire. 
The Work cannot be too highly spoken of. Books 27-47. 
17 ^ ^^W^^y '^ Discussion of the Evidence for the Ancient 
Text of the Shang Shoo.' By Yen J6-keu (^ ^ ^) ; published in 


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1,704. The Work is a vehement onset against the genuineness of 
the commonly received * Ancient Text,' and was intended to establish, 
beyond contradiction, the views of Keang Shing, mentioned above. 
The plan of it extends to 128 Chapters or Arguments ; but not a few 
of them are left blank. It is, no doubt, very able ; but, as is said of 
it in the catalogue of the Imperial Libraries, it is too discursive, and 
full of repetitions. 
18 Of the writings of Maou K^e-ling (proleg. to vol. I., p. 132), 
bearing on the Shoo, there are : — 

[ i- ] ir ^ 1^ # ^ |rI» ' The Wrongs of the Ancient Text of 
the Shang Shoo.' In 8 Books. This was intended as an an- 
swer to the Work of Yen Jo-keu ; and it seems to me that 
Maou has the best of the argument, 
n^-] mW Bi^^' 'New Essays for Readers of the Shang 
Shoo.' In 5 Books. Throws light on several passages ; but 
the author is too devoted^to the commentary of Gan-kw6. 
[iii. ] ^J^^"[]7, *The LostJPortions of the Canon of Shun 
Supplied.' In 1 Book. 

21 '^IS jEi^» 'A Correct Discussion of "The Great Plan."' In 
5 Books. By Hoo Wei, whose Work on the Tribute of Yu has 
been noticed above. This is a fit companion to the other. 

22 ^^^' 'An Examination of the Explanations of the Classics.' 
In 300 Books. By Choo E-tsun (:^^^). It contains a list of 
all the Works on the Thirteen^^Classics, lost or preserved, of which 
the author's industry could ascertain the names, from the earliest 
time down to the present. Much^information is given about many 
of them ; and critical questions connected with them are discussed. 
The Work was ordered by the emperor Pure (K*een-lung), and 
appears with an Introduction from his pencil. 

23 W^^'f^^Wi ^^ Grand Collection of the^ Views of Choo 
He. By imperial anthority.' Compiled in 66 Books, in the 52d 
year of the period K'ang-ke. Books 33 and 34 are on the Shoo. 

24 l^^3^-%> 'A Collection of Essays, written at intervals of 
Filial Duty.' In 43 Books. By Chaou Yih (^ g). Published in 

25 Ma Twan-lin's General Examination of Records and Scholars ; 
and it^ Continuation. See proleg. to vol. I., p. 134. 

27 A Cyclopaedia of Surnames, or Biographical Dictionary, &c. See 
proleg. to vol. 1., p. 133. 

28 The Complete Works of the Ten Tsce. See proU»g. to vol. I., p. 1 33. 


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SECT. I.] WITH BRIEF NOTICES. prolegomena.] 

29 The Philosopher Mih. See proleg. to vol. II., p. 126. 

30 The Collected Writings of Han Ch*ang-le. See proleg. to vol. II., 
p. 126. 

31 ift ^ ^ ^? * Definitions and Explanations of Characters.' This 
is the dictionary of Heu Shin. See note on p. 1, above. It was 
not finished A.D. 100, as there stated, but in 121. 

32 ^ ;8, * Explanation of Terms.' In 4 Books. By Lew He (^ EB), 
a scion of the imperial House of Han. 

33 ^l^3p ;^, *An Explanation of the Terms and Phrases in the 
Classics.' In 30 Books. By Luh Tih-ming (^ ^ ^), of the T'ang 
dynasty. This is more a dissection of the Classics, excluding' 
Mencius, and including Laou-tsze and Chwang-tsze, giving the 
sounds of characters, and the meaning of them single and in com- 
bination, than a dictionary. It is valuable as a repertory of ancient 

34 # ^ ^ !?B ^ :^, ' The Dictionary of K^ang-he. By imperial 
anthority.' In 42 Books. 

35 mmM^mm) 

36 # ^ ife #= till [ See below, pp. 731, 735. 

37 mmM^n^ J 

38 @ ^, 'Narratives of the States.' In 21 Books. Belongs to the 
period of the 'Divided States' (^ij S) ; and is commonly ascribed to 
Tso-k'ew Ming. It is always published with comments by Wei Ch'aou 
of Woo (^#flS), one of the 'Three States.' 

39 ^ @ ll /i, 'Plans of the Warring States, with Comments.' In 
33 Books. Belongs to the closing period of the Chow dynasty. It 
was compiled in the first instance by a Kaou Yew (^ ^), of the 
Han dynasty; but was subsequently largely supplemented. 

40 g ^ ^ ^, 'The Ch'un Ts'ew of Leu.' In 26 Books. Ascribed 
to Leu Puh-wei, the prime minister of the founder of the Ts'in dy- 
nasty. It is tiresome to read, but is useful in studying the Classics. 

41 ^M^^j *The Ch'un Ts'ew of Woo and Yug.' See above, 
pp. 67, 68. 

42 flS^;^jM'^#ii' 'Selection of Compositions, by Ch'aou- 
ra'ing, with the Comments of Le Shen.' In 30 Books. Ch'aou-ming 
is the posthumous title of the compiler, who was heir to the throne 
during the Leang dynasty (a.d. 503-557), but died early. The 
compositions are of various kinds, — poems, letters, epitaphs, &c. ; 
from Tsze-hea downwards to the first Sung dynasty. The commen- 
tator was of the Sung dynasty. 


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[rnoi-BooMBiiA. WORKS CONSULTED. [ch. ti. 

43 n + pg ^, 'Tlje Historians.' See proleg. to vol. I., p. 134. 

44 ^^M^||^.-lf+::?^^;l#^0iir.i*7|cH#. 

* Grand Collection of the General Mirror of Historj'', in 116 Books; 
with a Supplement, containing the History of the two kiiigs, T*ang 
and K'wei, in the Ming dynasty, in 3 Books. With the imperial 
views.' A noble work, commanded in the 33d year of K'een-lung. 

45 'Hf'/pM^llBj 'General Mirror of History, in Heads and 
Particulars, for the Assistance of Government.' My copy is an 
edition of 1,807, in 101 Books, to the end of the Yuen dynasty. 

46 jW^ ^ ^» 'The Mirror of History, made Ea^y.' In 29 Books. 
By Woo Sing-k'euen (-^ ^ HI). Published in the 50th year of 

47 Yf^^^y *The Annals of the Bamboo Books.' In 2 Books. 
By a Woo Kwan {^ Jjg), of the Ming dynasty. Contains only the 
Text, and comments of Shin Y6, of the Leang dynasty. 

48 ^ ^i^^7^^» *The Bamboo Annals, with a Complete An- 
notation.' In 12 Books. By Seu M&n-tsing (^ ]^ ii||), of the pre- 
sent dynasty. There is also a preliminary Book, carrying the 
History up to Fuh-he ; and one on the Evidences of the Annals. 
The Geographical notes are most valuable. 

49 tt#i^#^if7 'The Bamboo Annals, with Collection of 
Evidences.' In 50 Books. Published in 1,813, by Ch'in Fung- 
^|^^^). The Work is very carefully executed; by a most 
able scholar ; and seems to exhaust the subject of the Annals. 

60 "h-4i^M^? 'The Seventeen Histories Examined and Dis- 
played.' In 100 Books. By Wang Mingshing, whose * Latest 
Decisions' on the Shoo King have been noticed above. Like that 
other Work, this also displays amazing research. 

51 ^1^ — 'T^^fe? * Statistical Account of the Empire under the 
Great Pure dynasty.' Commanded in the 29th year of the Emperor 
Pure, A. D. 1,762. In 424 Books. 

52 M ^ J^ ^£ ^ ; and M f^ H ^ ^. See proleg. to vol. L, pp. 
134, 135. 

54 B ^ ^) * Essays, the Fruit of Daily Acquisitions.' In 32 Books. 
By Koo Yen-woo (^ ^ ;^). The essays are on a Multitude of 
subjects, likely to engage the attention of a Chinese Scholar. Pub- 
lished in 1695. 

55 ^^W^' -A. monstrous miscellany, in 1,692 Books, prepared 
by order of the second emperor of the Sung dynasty, in 977. The 


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Style of his reign at the time was :Jk ^ j^ S ; hence |the name of 
the Work. 

56 ^ il^ ^ M. A miscellany of the present dynasty, inquiring into 
the origin^f the things discussed. In 100 Books. By Ch'in Yuen- 
lung (|$ 7D ft). 

57 ♦iteHiii, 'Record of the Origin of Affairs and Things.' A 
miscellany of the Sung dynasty. Contains 1,765 articles. 

58 ;^ ^ JSI ^, 'Miscellaneous Pencillings.' In 27 Books. Originally 
published under the Ming dynasty in 1,524. 



Several of the Works, mentioned in the prolegomena to vol. I, 
pp. 135, 136, have been frequently consulted by me. In addition 
to them, I have used : — 

Le Chou-king, un des Livres Sacr^ des Chinois, qui renferm les 
Fondements de leur ancienne Histoire, les Principes des leur Gou- 
vernement et de leur Morale, Traduit et enrichi des notes, par Feu 
LB P. Gaubil, Missionaire a la Chine. Revu et corrige, &c., par 
M. de Guignes, &c. a Paris, 1,770. 

The Shoo King, or The Historical Classic, being the most 
ancient authentic Record of the Annals of the Chinese Empire, 
illustrated by Later Commentators. Translated by W. H. Med- 
HURST, Sen. Shanghae, 1,846. 

Description Geographique, Historique, Ohronologique, Politique, 
et Physique, de L'Empire de la Chine, et de la Tartarie Chinoise, 
&c., par le P. J. B. pu Halde, de la Compagnie de Jesus. Tomes 
quatre; fol. A Paris, 1,735. 

Journal Astatique. Particularly the Numbers for April, May, 
and July, 1,836; for December, 1841; for May, and August and 
September, 1842. 

Lb Tcheou-li, ou Rites des Tcheou, Traduit pour la premiere 
fois du Chinois, par Feu Edouard Biot. Tomes deux ; 8vo. Paris, 


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A Sketch of Chinese History, Ancient and Modern, &c. By 
the Rev. Charles Gutzlaff. Two volumes; 8vo. London, 1834. 

Melanges Asiatiques, &c.; par M. Abel-Remusat. Tomes 
deux; 8vo. Paris, 1826. 

Egypt's Place in Universal History. An Historical Investiga- 
tion in five Books. By C. C. J. Baron Bunsen, &c. Translated 
from the German by Charles H. Cottrell, Esq., M.A. London, 

Etudes sur L'Astronomie Indienne et Chinoise, par J. B. 
Biot. Paris, 1,862. 

The Numerical Relations of the Population of China, During 
the 4000 Years of its Historical Existence, &c. By T. Sachar- 
OFF, Member of the Imperial Russian Embassy in Peking, Trans- 
lated into English, by the Rev. W. Lobscheid. Hongkong, 1864. 


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I. Anciently there was the emperor Yaou, all-informed, intelli- 

fent, accomplished, and thoughtful. His glory filled the empire, 
[e wished to retire from the throne, and resign it to Shun of Yu. 
Descriptive of all thisj there was made thb canon of yaou. 

PsBVAGB TO THB Shoo King. Thifi ifl oftcii them for doing so, Keang Shing (^Jj^ j§t ) 
called 'The small Preface' (/J% ^), to dis- | appeals to the words of S2e-ma Ts'een (in tlie 

tinguish it from the larger one (4; K and L^ fE ?L "5^ "ttt ^)-~* ^® prefaced the 
,a> ^ i^N it J 1. yri^ /n 1 « * Records of the Shoo, flrom the times of T*ang 
m W n^^' Vref^^ by K'ung Gan-kw» to j ^nd Yu, dowii to Muh of T6*ll^ arranging tlie5 
Ms commentary on the Qassic. It was among j g^bjects in order (see 9T i» S* f& ^ 4| 
the other monuments recovered from the wall ' ^^ ^ /-^ W* -Tl l*^ b^ tI^ 
of Confucius' house, which were given to Gan- | /+ S* jffi» on the E). TJiis, however, would 
kw5 to be deciphered and edited. He incorpo- • ._»_ " ^^j _'*.. . ., . ^ « . 

rated it with the Work itself, breaking it up into . 

only be evidence at the most that Confucius 

its several parts, and prefixing to each Book the j ^^ ^^^ » preface to the Shoo Kin^; but 

e>rtion belonging to it. Other scholars of the 
an dynasty edited it in its complete form at 
the end of the classic. It seems to me better, 
and to afford more facility of reference to it 
hereafter, to prefix it here as a whole. 

If it were indeed the work of Confucius 
himself, its value would be inestimable; but 

Ts'een's statement, in which he has been followed 
by many subsequent chroniclers, was grounded 
merely on the existence of this document 
itself, many parts of which he has introduced 
into his histories (^iC gQ)} though not all 
in the order in which they are given by Gan- 

V^J^l ^^ r^f^5 ^^ »rf •? ^^ ' kw». It w enough to mlmit with Choo Ue, that 
inanities, forbid us to beueve that it is the - ® - - ' 

composition of the Sage, ChHng K*ang-shing 
(i5 IK Jl£)' M« Yung (,|| j^), «,d Wang 
6uh (^ ^), those great scholars of the Han 
dynasty, all attribute it to him ; and to justify 

,his preface was the production of some writer 
in the end of the Chow or the beginning of the 
Ts'in dynasty. — I shall discuss here but sp^iring- 
ly its various statements. That will be done, 
where necessary, in the introductions to thQ 
several Book*. 

VOL. 1, 

Digitized by 



^ # m :^ mw mmm^ 

II. Shun of Yu was in a low and undistinguished position, when 
Yaou heard of his comprehensive intelligence, and wishing to make 
liim successor to his throne, made proof of him in many situations 
of difficulty. With reference^ to thisy there was made the canon of 


The emperor regulated the territories, appointing nobles to every 
quarter to reside in them, giving them surnames of distinction, and 
defining the constituents of each. Descriptive of thiSy there were 
made the kwuu tso, the kew kung, in nine Books, and the kaou 



I. ThU paragraph contiuns, according to the 
arraugeraent of the Books which 1 have adopt- 
ed, and for which I have elsewhere given the 
reasons, the notice of only one Book, the first 
part of the Classic. 'The Canon of Yaou' is 
edited as tlie first of *The Books of Yu,' by 
those who divide the Work into four parts; and 
as the first of the Books of Yu-Uea, by those 

who make only three divisiona. ^^ ia best 

explained, with Gan-kw5, by J^, *to with- 
draw,* though the 'r following would more 

readily be translated by *to* than by *froni.* 
Both Gan-kwO and Ch4ug K^ang-shing 

understand the gg as denoting not the resigna- 
tion of the throne, but simply of the manage- 
ment of affairs. Yaou was still emperor till his 
death, and Slmn was only his vice. ^f^ 

3& ^,— the >^'fe is at first referred to ^ as 
Its subject. The character must be so connected 
with the principal word in many sentences of 
the preface. The nominative here, however, is 
not ^^. In this and many other sentences the 

^^ is quite vague. We might take it intran- 
sitively. — * These subjects /orw the matter of 
the Canon of Yaou.' The ^ "^ aays— >^>^ 

8ay8 retrospectively that to relate these matters 
was tlie object of the maker of the Book.* 

II. This paragraph contains the prefatory 
notices to the Books of Yu, forming the second 
part of the classic, though it may be questioned 
whether another arrangement of some of tiiem 
would not be more correct. This question haa 
been touched on in the prolegomena. I have 
thought it sufficient to indicate my own view 

there, not wishing to make in this volnme any 
further change in the ordinary arrangement of 
the Books, beyond what 1 have done in separat- 
ing the ' Canon of Yaou ' from the Books of Yu. 
Those amounted in Confucius' time, it will be 
seen, to 15, of which only 4 are now existing, 
allowing the genuineness of * The Counsels of 
the great Yu,' and the right of the * Canon of 
Shun' to stand by itself separate from the 
* Canon of Yaou,' and of the * Yih and Tseih ' to 
be separate from the * Counsels of Kaou Yaou,* 
NoU 2. This is a very imperfect account of 
the Canon of Shun. ' llie Book must contain 
tlie governmental affairs^ first and last, of Shun's 
reign, and the preface would make it appear 
that the proof of him in various difficult situa- 
tions was all the matter treated of I' (See the 
^^0 3. I Lave translated after Qan- 

kwd. Keang Shing pdnts diflferently, and gives 
quite another view of the meaning. K*ung 
YingU (^ ^ ^\ G«n-kw6'8 glossariat 
of the T^ang dynasty (flour, in greater part of 
the 7th cent.), says — * In such cases, where tlie 
text of the classic is lost, we shoot at the mean- 
ing in the dark. Gan-kw<^ interpreted according 
to the words, whether correctly or not cannot 
be known.' For this reason I have for the most 
part given the Chinese names of the lost Books, 
without attempting to translate them. 
yO >|>fe may mean *The Achievements of (3o- 

vemment.' "^ -d^ has been translated 

*The nine Laws' (dt«j^); and * The nine 

Contributions' (Jtt—^); also *The nine 

Hills* (it «ffl5). All is uncertain. And so 

also is the meaning of ^£ 'j^. 4. ^^ 

Digitized by 




Eaou Yaou unfolded his counsels ; Yu completed his work ; the 
emperor Shun made him go on to further statements. With reference 
to these things^ there were made the counsels of the geeat yu, and 
OF KAOU yaou, and the yih and tseih. 

III. Yu marked out the nine provinces; followed the course of 
the hills, and deepened the rivers; defined the imposts on the land, 
and the articles of tribute. 

K'e fought with the prince of Hoo in the wilderness of Kan, when 
he made the speech at kan^ 

T'ae-k'ang lost his kingdom; and his five brothers waited for him 
on the north of the L6, and made the songs of the five sons. 

He and Ho, sunk in wine and excess, neglected the ordering of 
the seasons, and allowed the days to get into confusion. ITie pnnce 
of Yin went to punish them. Descriptive of this^ there was made 

the punitive expedition of YIN. 

IV. From See to T'ang the Successful, there were eight changes 

^ ^ ^'-^ ^» 'repeated iV ha» re- 
ference probably to the coromeBci^g words of 
the * Yih and Tseih ' — *The emperor said, Come 
Yu, you likewise must have admirable words/ 

UI. The four Books in this paragraph con- 
stitute the third part of the Shoo. The genuine- 
ness of two is questioned ; but it is remarkable 
that ConfVicius found among the relics of the 
Hea dynasty, b.c. 2204 — 1766, only these four 
documents worthy to be transmitted to posterity. 
And, indeed, the first of them should belong 
more properly to the Books of Yu. 

Not 5- 'fi i "f^ M'""*^^ *^® ^^**"" 
mentators make the ^^ + auxiliary to the 
other characters, 3= * he assigned the tribute 
according to the nature and productions of the 

land.' It seems much simpler to take them as 
I have done; comp, Mencius, IV. Pt. I. xiv. 3. 
It will be seen the notice isdefectiye, and wants 

^ ffi M! ** *^® ^^' ChHng has called atten- 
tion to this. 6. TTie style of this notice is 
considered suflScient eridence that tlie preface 
is not the work of Confucius, who would never 
have represented the emperor and his vassal as 

If they were fighting on equal terms— ftl . . . §56 . 
(See the ^ -j^f .) 7. ^% - ^^ In the 

text of the Book ve hare '^. 0- )^ •- 

IV. This paragraph, containing 28 prefatory 
notices^ enumezAies 81 different documents, iu 

Digitized by 



MiMM OMU.O J&^m. 

of the capital. T^ang at first dwelt in Po, choosing the residence of 
the first sovereign of his House. Then were made the te kdh, and 
the LE TUH. 

10 When T'ang chastised the various princes, the chief of K5 was 
not oflFering the appointed sacrifices. T^ang began his work by 
chastising him, and then was made the t*ano chino. 

11 E Yin went from P5 to Hea. Indignant with the sovereign of 
Hea, he returned to P5; and as he entered by the north gate, met 
with Joo Kew and Joo Fang. With reference to this were made the 
joo KEW, and the JOO fang. 

12 E Yin acted as minister to T'ang, and advised him to attack KeS. 
They went up from E, and fought with him in the wilderness of 
Ming-t'eaou. Then was made the speech of t^ang. 

13 When T*ang had vanquished Hea, he wished to change its sacrifi- 
ces to the Spirit of the land, but concluded not to do so. With 

probably the *|K* in *S|* -^, 'The Announce- 
ment to the Emperor.' ^|F |^ may mean 
< The Rule of Enrictiment' 

10. ^1fj£f 'The Funitire Expedition of 
T*ang/ See Men. Ill, Ft. U. v., and the An- 
nouncement of Chung Hwuy. Those who object 
to the Shoo King of Gan-kw5 say that the 
passages of Hwuy's Announcement referred to 

are a remnant of this Book; see the |p^ Sk 

Kew and Joo Fang, we may suppo«e, were two 
ministers, with whom £ Tin discussed the 

affairsofHe*. 18. Sfej§|^|t.- 

40 Books or chapters ( j^X aU belonging to the 

dynasty of Shang, b.o. 1765 — 1122. More than 
half of them are lost, — the first five, classed by 
some among the Books of the Headyn.; the 
7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th; the Idth, 15th, and 
16th; the 19th to the 25th; and the 29th. Of 
the remaining 11 documents, there are only 5 
whose genuineness is unchallenged. The order 
in which they stand, moreover, diff'ers some- 
what in the preface as edited by Gan-kwO, and 
as approved by ChHng and other Han scholars. 
Not. 9. Se^ from whom the sovereigns of 
the Shang dyn. traced their descent, was a son 
of the emp. j^, B.C. 2482; whose capital was 

PO. Euh must therefore be the ^ ^, and 

Digitized by 















tin ^\ 

# 1i # VM 


o SJS. 

reference to this there were made tbe hba shay, the e-chb, and the 


The army of Hea being entirely defeated, T^ang followed it and 
smote San-tsung, where he captured the precious relics and gems. 
Then E-pih and Chung-pih made the teen paou. 

When T*ang was returning from the conquest of Hea, he came to 
Ta-kgung, where Chung Hwuy made his announcement. 

T^ang having made an end of the sovereignty of Hea, returned to 
P8, and made the announcement of t'ang. 

Eaou Shen made the ming keu. 

After the death of T'ang, in the first year of T'ae-keS, E Yin 
made the instructions of e, the sze ming, and the tsoo how. 

When T^ae-keS was declared emperor, he proved unintelligent, 
and E Yin placed him in T'ung. After three years he returned with 
him to P5, when he had applied his thoughts to the course of duty. 
Th-en E Yin made the t'ae-kea iu three Books. 

see Mencius, VH. Pt. n. xir.; he says that the 
spirits of the land and grain might be changed 
on proof of their powerlcssness, and much more 
might this be done on a change of dynasty as 
here. But whom was T*ang to place as the 

H, or human assessor of such, in room of 

|, to whom the Hea dyn. had sacrificed? 

^one was found so worthy. E-che and Chin-hoo 
were probably two ministers consulted on the 
subject. 14. The precious relics and 

gems were those of the Hea emperors. 17. 

This notice contains no prefatory explanation. 
There are three others of the same kind. Kaou 
Shen (so the name is to be read), according 

to Ma Yung, was minister of Works. BD & 
may mean — * Illustration of the way to settle 
the people.' 18. ^ ^ — ' A declaration 

of the way of Heayen,* ace. to Gan-kw5; *of 
the principles of government,' ace. to Chlng. 

fH. ^» *t^® V^^ (« deceased) sore- 
reign ;* referring to T*ang. 

^»- M #-i ^ H (°* *"* ^»«'» 

dyn.^ says, * Gan-kw6 explains this phrase by 
he thought of the constant course of duty: Soo by 
he thought of using the worlds of E Yin; Ch4n 
says, l^he meaning is expressed by Mencins (V. 
Pt. L vi. 0.),— ZTe repented of his errors^ was 

Digitized by 








IB rBT # # P3 
o ^J-M o t 

jiio o ^^±m 
m mmio ^ t 

S ^ t #s^ ^ 

w m mm. 
m m T o 

E Yin made the both possessed pure virtue. 
When Yuh-ting had buried E Yin in P5, Kaou Shen then set 
forth as lessons the doings of E Yin, and there was made the yuh- 


E Chih was prime minister to T'ae-mow, when ominous appear- 
ances showed themselves in Po. A mulberry tree and a stalk of grain 
grew up in the court. E Chih told Woo Heen, who made the 
HEEN e in four Books. 

T'ae-mow spoke on the subject with E Chih, and there were made 
the E CHIH and the yuen ming. 

Chung-ting removed to Heaou, and there was made the chung- 


Ho-tan-kefi lived in Seang, and there was made the ho-tan-kea. 
Tsoo-yih met with calamity in Kfing, and there was made the 

contrite, and reformed htmselff jr.* See the 

22. Gan-kwd and others refer to ^^ ^[ as 
two trees growing together. But how can a 
stalk of grain he represented as a treef The 
^^ "aT diet, explains the char, jj^ by ^^ 

( ? radical ^^ and not ^^), a kind of mulberry 
tree fh)m the bark of which both cloth and 
paper can be made. We should probably read 
^& ^^ one tree. Gan-KwO says it attained 
its size In seven days; Sze-ma Ts^een says one 
eveningi 3&^»— »«« t^© ^^» P*'* ^• 

Ch*ing interprets *Heen. the Wizard,'— perhaps 
correctly. Ts'een says that Heen made the 
Heen E, and the THie-mow. 23. These last 

Books are supposed to have been on the subject 

of the ominous appearances, j^ is the name 

of a minister, j^ '^, *The charge to Yuen.* 
25. Ho-tan-k^ — this is always giyen as 
the name of tlie 10th emp. of the Shang dyn* 
We may suppose that Tan-ke& was his name, 
and that |^ was added, because of some 
peculiar troubles in his time with that river. 

overthrown ;' U^ the capital was injured by an 

Digitized by 



27 Pwan-kang made the fifth change of capital^ and was about to 
.repair P6, as tlie cradle of the Yin. The people murmured, and 

expressed themselves resentfully to one another. With reference 
to this there was made the pwan-kang, in three Books. 

28 Kjiou-tsung dreamed that he got YuS, and made all his officers 
institute a search for him in the wilds. He was found in Foo-yen; 
and THE CHARGE TO YUE was made in three Books. 

29 Kaou-tsung was sacrificing to T*ang the Successful, when a phea- 
sant flew up, and lighted on the ear of a tripod, aud there crowed. 
Tsoo Ke lessoned the king on the subject^ and made the day of the 


30 Yin's first hatred of Chow was occasioned by its conquest of Le. 
Tsoo E, full of dread, hurried off to inform Show. With reference 
to this there was made the chief of the west's conquest of le. 

31 Yin having cast away the sovereignty conferred on it by Heaven, 
the count of Wei made his announcement to the Grand Tutor and 
to the Junior Tutor. 

32 V. In the eleventh year king Woo smote the power of Yin. On the 
mow-woo day of the first month, his army crossed the Ho at MSng- 

overfiow of the Ho. 81. ^^» », as in 

Ana. II. six. 

V. This paragraph contains notices — such as 
they are — of 38 different documents in 40 Books, 
\extcnding from the conuuencement of the Chow 

dynasty, b.c. 1121, to 626, within little more 
than half a century of the birth of Confucius. 
Eight of the pieces have been lost, — the 6th, 
7th, 11th, 12th, 22d, 28d, 27th, and 28th j there 
are two documents, very different in themselves, 
each of which claims to be * The Great Speech^' 

Digitized by 








tsin. Descriptive of Urn there was made the great speech, in 
three Books. 

King Woo, with three hundred chariots of war and three hundred 
tiffer-like officers, fought with Show in the wilderness of Muh. 
Then was made the speech at muh. 

King Woo smote Yin; and the narrative of his proceeding to the 
attack, and of his return and sending his animals back to their 
pastures, with his governmental measures, form the completion 
OF the war. 

When king Woo conquered Yin, he slew Show, and appointed 
Woo-kfing over the original principality of his House. He got the 
count of Ke to return to him, and the great plan was made. 

When king Woo had conquered Yin, he appointed the princes of 

of t)ie renialning Books 20 are of unchallenged 
genuineness, and the clami of tlie others — the 
8d, 6th, 10th, 2l8t, 26th, 29th, 82d, 88d, and 
84th — has been discussed and mainly admitted 
in the pmkv?. These 29 Books form now the 
fifth and last part of the classic. 

— > Q ^,— see Men. VIL Pt. U. \y, 4, 
where this sentence appears to be quoted; but 
with ^ ^^^^Sb *"*^ ^^ >\ ^^^ ^ W 

K^, Sze-ma Ts*een also has ^^ \^ ,^' ^^ 
Teih, again, says that Woo had 100 chariots, 

j^ nr^)' Another enumeration of 800 is also 
fonnA SeetholiSj^^-j^^l^i^ 

said to havo been S j;^, * brave officers,' — 
centurions, according to Oan-kwd (IS ^^ 
#> 35. ^ ^-Show, like another 

Sardanapalua, burned himself, after being de- 
feated by king Woo. Woo-kSng was 
Show's son, called also jj^ ^^ (or lS\ was 
appointed by Woo over the original seat of his 
House to continue the sacrifices to his forefathers. 

^ -^—the ^ ^, or Introduction 
to the Shoo, ascribed to >^ /f^ , says, that < the 
count of Ke on being delivered from the prisoiii 
where he had been put by Show, unwilling to 

become a servant to tlie new dyimsty, fled to 
Corea, of which Woo appointed him ruler, 
obliged him to come to Woo's court to acknow- 

ledge the king's grace, and then it was that the 
Great Plan was obtained from him.' Others say 
that his appointment to Corea was a subsequent 
affair. If so, another explanation of J^ ^ ^ 

-^ ^ has to be sought 86. ^ ^, 

may be translated — *The apportioned vessels.' 
^J e» ^J*. It was one of the ceremonies 
of investiture, to give part of the fbmiture of 
the ancestral temple of the emperor to the 

deputed noble, ^^® J^lj^- Theprindplet 

Digitized by 



mmT^MM o omiM 
^ Ji^ ^M mm 3E aE ^ jt 

the various States, and distributed araong them the vessels of the 
ancestral temple. With reference to this there was made the fun k'b. 

The western people of Le made an oflFering of some of their 
hounds; and the Grand Guardian made the hounds of lb. 

The chief of Ch'aou having come to court, the chief of Juy made 
and impressed on him the ch'aou ming. 

King Woo was sick, which gave occasion to the Book about the 
duke of Chow's making the metal-bound casket. 

When king Woo had deceased, the three overseers and the wild 
tribes of the Hwae rebelled. The duke of Chow acted as prime 
minister to king Ching; and having purposed to make an end of 
the House of Yin, he made the great announcement. 

King Ching having made an end of the appointment in favour of 
ilie House of Yin, and put AVoo-kang to death, he appointed K'e, the 
count of Wei, to take the place of the descendants of Yin. Descriptive 
of thisj there was made the chauge to the count of wki, 
42 The king's uncle, the prince of T'ang, found a head of grain, two 
stalks in different plats of ground growing into one ear, and 
presented it to the king. The king ordered him to send it to the 
duke of Chow in the east. Lfpon this was made the kwei ho. 



on which the distrihution to different ranks was 
made were probably described in this last Book. 
88. There is a difficulty in transUting ^. 
In not. 43 ita^, by which it is expbiined 
here; the diff. arises from its following ^. It 
is said in the ^ |^,— *The chief of Juy, 

VOL. uu 

being in the court and making the royal charge, 
must hare been a minister of the king. S^«> 
^. He set forth the majesty and virtue of 
the king to charge Ch*aou.* 42. The prince 

of T*ang was a younger brother of king Ching's 

mother; •©© the ;^ -j^, ^ -|- j£ >|^. 


Digitized by 









E. =* ^ 

TF =6 P* ^ 3E 



n m m.mM 

The duke of Chow having got the king's charge and the head of 
grain, set forth the charge of the sovereign, and made the kea ho. 

The king Ching having smitten his uncles, the prince of Ewan 
and the prince of Ts'ae, invested his uncle K'ang with the rule of 
the remnant of Yin. With reference to thisj there were made the 


King Ching being in Fung, and wishing to fix his residence at Lo, 
sent the duke of Sliaou in the first place to survey the localities. 
Then was made the announcement of shaou. 

The duke of Shaou having surveyed the localities, the duke of 
Chow went to build this capital^ called Ching Chow, and sent a mes- 
senger to announce the divinations. With reference to this the 
announcemknt about lo was made. 

When Ching Chow was completed, the obstinate people of Yin 
were removed to it. The duke of Chow announced to them the 
royal will, and the numerous officers was made. 

between -^ and 4jp. 

Gan-kwd takes g^-=§|i 'a hUlock/ 
' a mound ;' so Choo He elsewhere explains the 
character. Ching makes itoi j^, *a stalk of 
growing grain,' which gives a good meaning, 
but made for the occasion. j|^ ^^ Xff ^oiild 
explain it by -ffl: — 4jn, *toes or fingers,* a 
figurative expression for the grain dividing 
from the stalk. ^^ ^^k^ may be translated 

*The Presented Grain.' 43. ^E ^ ^, 

idling says, ^ ^ ^ B ^ ^^ ^ 
JSHL IiL "TK^i ».«•> we mu9t ondcrstanO an and 

Both Eeang Shing 

and Sun Sing-k'een quote here, from ^& g^ 

^h oSt what appears to be another legendary 
account of this head of grain, formed by three 
stalks growing through a mulberry tree into 
one ear of marvellous size. I have only got the 
copy of the ^K 'j^, given in the ^ 4\^ ^S 

fm j@ ^^, which does not contain the 
legend ; and, indeed, Keang Shing quotes from 
the ^h -pB y . A similar account is found 

« ' The Excellent Grain/ 44. It is disput- 

Digitized by 




o iSf^io -^'^.^ o 

om nmMmw m w 

n -JL^ U-- Atf- ^^./A PjH^ -rl-- T" >/j^ 



48 The duke of Chow made the Book against luxurious ease. 

49 The duke of Shaou acted as guardian and the duke of Chow as 
tutor, the chief ministers of king Ching, his left and right-hand men. 
The duke of Shaou was not pleased, and the duke of Chow made 


50 After the death of the king's uncle, the prince of Ts'ae, the king 
appointed his son Chung to take his place as a prince of the empire. 
Then was made the charge to chang of ts^ae. 

51 King Ching having smitten the wild tribes of the Hwae on the 
east, at the same time extinguished the State of Yen. Then was 
made the ching wang ching. 

52 King Ching having extinguished Yen, and wishing to remove its 
ruler to P'oo-koo, the duke of Chow announced the thing to the 
duke of Shaou. Then there was made the tsbang p'oo-koo. 

53 King Ching returned from Yen, and in the honoured city of Chow 
made an announcement to all the States. Then was made the nu- 
merous regions. 

54 The duke of Chow made the establishment of government. 

ed whether J^ -f^ should be translated— 
•his uncle, K*ang,' or 'his uncle, the prince of 
K*ang.' See on the J^ ^. 51. ^ is 

taken by ChHng ft**™^' ^^ explained by 

^1^, Gan-kwd agrees with him. J^ ^^ 
j^ probably meant *• The Completion of the 
Royal Gorernment.* See the ^ g^. 62. 

Digitized by 










o ^ 

f n mm 

^ *B i ^ 

"7 k >^ Tra^ Jt 

VV/^ -- 1-1-1 1 » 

1$ # ^ ^u 

# o Jp# 

When king Ching had made an end of the House of Yin, and 
extinguished the wUd tribes of the Hwae, he returned to Fung; 
and there was made the officers of chow. 

When king Ching had smitten the wild tribes of the east, Suh- 
shin came to congratulate him. The king made the chief of Yung 
make the charge to suh-shin, and gave him presents also. 

The duke of Chow was in Fung and about to die. He wished to 
be buried in ChThg chow ; but on his decease kin^ Ching buried 
him in Peih, making an announcement at his bier, ihen was made 
the Po-Koo. 

After the death of the duke of Chow, Keun-ch4n was commis- 
sioned with the separate charge of regulating Ching Chow in the 
eastern border, and there was made the keun-ch'in. 

When king Ching was about to die, he ordered the dukeof Shaou 
and the duke of Peih to take the lead of all the princes to support 

M W W: W Ml 

o J5K <g^ # 

m^ ^ ^ 3E 


what to make of the jj^. 66. ^ (a/. J^) 
Jj^ was the chief of some wild tribe ; but in 
what quarter is disputed. See the ^ ^, ^ 

The ^ ^ explains ^ by ^, and 
adds that the writer does not understand the 
meaning of the word as used here. In the 
passage of the 6^ ^ just referred to, it irsaid 
that king Woo made the wild tribes bring the 

productions and articles of their countries as 
tribute ( J^ :Jt 3;^ ^ 5|5 ^). Suh-shin, 
I suppose, had brought such, and the emperor 
ordered him^gifts in return. 57. Sze-ma 

Ts*een says that Chow-kung on his death-bed 
said, ' Bury me in Ching-chow, to show that I 
dare not leave king Ching.* The king, howerer, 
buried him in Peih, beside king W&n, to show 
that he did not dare to look on Chow-kung as a 

servant (see the ^ ^^^ ^> 
^^i^ft.^M- Thislsyeryob. 

Digitized by 




o ^ B Sl^ # i M o 





king K^ang. With reference to this, there was made the testamen- 
tary DECREE. 

60 When king K^ang occupied the sovereign place, he made an 
announcement to all the princes, and there was made the an- 
nouncement OF KING K^ANG. 

61 King K^ang ordered that a document of appointment should be 
made for the duke of Peih, severally defining the localities in the 
borders of Ching chow. There was then made the charge to the 
duke of peih. 

62 King Muh appointed Keun-ya to be the minister of instruction 
of Chow ; and there was made the keun-ya. 

63 King Muh appointed Pih-keung to be the master of his house* 
hold; and there was made the charge to keung. 

64 The prince of lev was charged by king Muh to set forth the les- 
sons of Hea on the redemption of punishments; and there was made 


65 King P'ing gave to prince W&n of Tsin spirits of the black 
millet mixed with odoriferous herbs. With reference to this, there 
was made the charge to prince wan. 

66 When Pih-k'in, prince of Loo, first dwelt in K^euh-fow, the Seu 
and other wild tribes rose together in insurrection. The gates on 

Bcnre. The announcement most have been to 
the dnke on his bier, or by means of a sacriflce.- 

Some suppose that ^ |^ should be |^ |^, 

not 52, and that the subject announced had 
something to do with the removal of the ruler 
of Ten, a measure which had originated with 

Chow-kung. ^- St >P ^ ^,-the 

use of J^ here is strange. It leads us to Ht^ 

J^ /^ ^ in *The Songs of the five Sons,' 

a"dto^5(<0/^R^in «The Punitive 
Expedition of Yin.' The writer of the preface 
would seem to have had those passages in view ; 

but the P here simply -« it, and intimate! 
nothing condemnatory of king E*ang. 

Digitized by 




the eastern frontier were kept shut, and there was made the speech 


67 When duke Muh of Ts'in was invading Ch'ing, the duke Seang 
of Tsin led an army, and defeated his forces in Heaou. When they 
returned, he made the speech of the duke of ts^in 

Summary. From this preface it appears that 
the Shoo-king, as compiled by Confucius, coo- 
tained 81 Documents in 100 Books. The preface 
has no division of those into Parts. According 
to the arrangement made in this Tolume, Part I., 
or the Book of T'ang, contained 1 document still 
existing: Part, IL, or the Book of Yo, contained 
7 documents in 15 Books, of whidi 8 in 11 
Books are lost ; 4 remain, but not all equally 
allowed: Part lU., or the Book of Hea, contain- 

ed 4 documents in 4 Books, all of which remain^ 
though the genuineness of twa of them is ques- 
tioned ^ Part IV., or the Book of Shang, 
contained 81 documents in 40 Books ; 2& docu- 
ments in 28 Books are lost ; 11 documents remain, 
only 6 of which, howerer, are unquestioned: 
Part v., or the Book of Chow, contained 88 
documents in 40 Books; 8 documents in 8 Books 
are lost; of 1 there are two very different 
yersions 1 20 documents are Ailly admitted. 

Digitized by 





O ^7U 


% >N 

1 I. Examining into antiquity, we find that the emperor Yaou was 
called Fang-heun. He was reverential, inteUigent, accomplished, and 
thoughtful, — naturally and without-effprt. He was sincerely cour- 
te-Qus, and_ capable of all complaisance. The. display of these quali- 
ties rea,ched totlie four extremities of the empire^ and extended from 

TlTLB OP THE WhOLB WoRK. IjS} ^^' — 

Anciently, the Work was simply caU^ the Shoo. 
So Confucius, in the Analects, and Mencius 
refer to it. See Ana. n. xxi., &c.; Men. L Ft. 

n. iiL 7, Ac. The addition of |ipJ»-=Jl» 
* High/ is by Ch*ing K'ang-shing attributed to 
Conf. He says, 'Conf., honouring it, gave it 
the denomination of mt ^^. Honouring and 
emphasizing it as if it were % Book of Heaven, 
be therefore called it <'The Highest Book,"' 

TO^ ^^)* Oan-kwO in his preface ascribes the 
name to Fuh-shang, who called it, he says, the 
f^ ^^ <as being the book of the highest 

•ntmitr (]^^ ±-^ :^p). The 

UM of the uam« by MiU Teih in his BB 

% JM' ^^^^^^» B^ows its existence before 
Fuh's time. With whom and how it originated, 
we cannot positirely say. ^^ given by 

the §^ 'aT as being formed from S! and ^j^ 

(» ^^), -B what is described or related with a 
pencil/* a writing.' 

TiTLB OF THE pABT. S^ 3^. — In 80 deno- 
minating this portion of the work, I follow the 
authority of Hea Shin (g^ ^ of the 2d 
cent.), who in his diet, (the M^ "aT) quotea 

part of par. 8 as from the ^ ^^. Keaiig 

Shing and Maou K*e-ling, likewise, both say that 
this was the arrangement of Fuh-shang himself; 

see the ^ y^ ^ ]& of the former in hc^ 

Digitized by 





p. 9, of the latter. Besides, Taon constituted 
A dynasty by himself. He and Shun were as 
distinct from each other as were Shun and Yu. 

'T'ang is the dynastic designation of Taou.' 
Before he succeeded to the empire, he was prince 

of T'ang ( r# &), The name is still retained 

in the district so called of ^t ^^ dep., in 


TiTLB OF TUB BooK. ^ ^, *The Canon 

of Yaou.* Yaou is to allreaders substantially 
the name of the emperor. Whether it was so or 

not, see on par. 1. J^ is found in E'ang^ 

he's diet, under ^\, but the §^ "aT gires it 

under JT, * that which is high and level' *jj^ 

being placed oyer it, there is thus indicated the 
exalted nature of the document. The character 
indicates what is classical, inyariable, what 
may serve as a law, and rule.' The sayings and 
doings of Yaou and Shun form a pattern for all 
ages. — ^With regard to the relative position of 
the three titles, they are placed here according 
to modem usage. Under the Han dynasty, the 
relative position was just the reverse. The 
title of tlie Book was put highest, and that of 
the Work lowest 

Contents of thb Book. Yaou is the subject 
of the Book ; first in his personal character, and 
the general results of his government ; next in 
his special care for the regulation of the cal- 
endar, and the labours of agriculture; and 
lastly, in his anxiety to find a man to whom in 
his declining years he could intrust the ad- 
ministration of affairs, and who might succeed 
him on the throne. He appears before the 
reader — thesage; the administrator ; the patriotic 
sovereign. There are in all, according to the 
ordinary, though not unexceptionable arrange- 
ment only 12 paragraphs (^Hh)} which may be 
divided into 8 chapters (||J or ^ g^ ). Ch. 

I. contains the parr. 1 and 2 ; ch. II. contains 
parr. 8 — 8 ; ch. III. contains parr, 9 — 12, 
Ch. I. The sagelt yibtubs of Yaou, akd 


Choo He gave his decided opinion that the six 
characters Q ^^ ^RS "g^ *^ 3E were to 
be construed together without stop, and were 
' the introductory words of the chronicler ' (see 

* When we make a study of the ancient emperor 
Yaou.* Anciently, however, a comma was put at 

■jfc ; Q (read also JfflL) ^S- were taken as a 
formula of introduction ; and JfM "^ ^3^ ^g 
were a sentence, of which *jK* ^fe was the 
subject, and ^^ "^ the predicate. K'ang- 
■hing makes j^t»|^ and "j^ — ^, and 

explains, * Yaou was able to accord with Heaven, 
and his actions were of equal merit with its' 
(see any of the comm. of the present dyn.). 
Support is thought to be given to this view by 

Conf. words. Ana. VTU. xix. But it is plainly 
inadmissible. Ma Yung and Gan-kw5, taking 

only Q as introductory, make ^^ -= ]|B, and 

j^ — ^, The latter explains, * He who could 

accord with and examine ancient principles, 
and practise them, was the emperor Yaou.' 
Ttiere is not so much violence here to the mean- 
ing of terms, as in Chang's interpretation ; but 
Maou K*e-ling points out another and much 

simpler construction, taking Q ^^ jE0| "dt 
as an ancient formula prefixed by chroniclers 
to their narratives. (Instances may be seen in 

^ M. HH' ^ ^'^ '^® ^^^ characters, 
then, = * When we examine into antiquity,' and 
^E *S* are the subject of the Q which fol- 

low.; .ee Mwn'. ^^^MM^ 

The uniform testimony of antiquity is that "fajr 
sft was Yaou's name ; ^^ ^£ that of Shun ; 

and 'aQ '^ that of Yu. So expressly, Sze-ma 

Ts*een Ch4ng, Ma, and Chaou K*e. Mencius 
also seems to countenance this, Y. Pt. I. iv. 1 ; 
though I there, in deference to the Sung scholars, 
translated the words by 'The Highly Merito- 
rious.' Gan-kw6 was the first to treat the 
characters as a descriptive phrase, taking "^bt 
(up. 2d tone) — * to learn,' *to imitate;*— * it 
may be said of him that he imitated the merit 
of the highest ages? Choo He's disciple ^y|^, 
improved on this, making fefrea ^, and the 

phrase »* The Highly Meritorious.' But it is 
better to revert to the ancient view. For the 
difficulty in its way, arising from Pt II. iii. 1, 
see in loc. But if Fang-heun, &c., were the 

names of Yaou and the other sages, what account 

is to be given of the terms ^^, ^^. &c., them- 
selves ? This question cannot be settled beyond 
dispute. They were not ^9, honorary, post- 
humous titles, as Ma Yung s|iys; for, not to 
insist on the point that the giving of such titles 
originated with the Chow dyn., we find both 
Shun and Yu spoken of and spoken to by those 
styles ; — see, par. 8 : Pt. 11. i. 8 ; iv. 1. I must 

regard them as a kind of ^F or Jf^ designa- 
tions. Yaou's reign commenc^ nx. 2856. 
He is the fourth of the **fiye Te," with whom 
Sze-ma Ts^een commences his history. After 
Shun, the sovereigns of China were called by 
the humbler title of * Wang ' or King, down to 

the TsHn dynasty, b.o. 220. ^^ is a synonym 

of Heaven, and properly denotes *God.' The 

i^ aJt defines it by ^^, * to judge ; and K*ung 

Ying-tft, expounding the application of it, says 
that Heaven exercises an inipartial rule, judging 
righteous judgment, and that the name is given 
to the earthly sovereign, the vicegerent of 
Heaven, as expected to do the same ; see Ying- 
t&'s paraphrase on the first par. of the preface. 

^ ^ ^ ^ (^P- ^ ^"®» ^^ ^y 

Digitized by 


Ch. I. 1, 2. 



^'^»e~^ ^3jg jg ^, 'in cogitation pro- 
found, in penetration active.*) ^^ ^T'""^^- 
' reverential, •= cherishing a constant feeling of 
responsibility. Thi8,it is said, is the *one word* 
in tlie Book, indicating the one virtue out of 
•which all Yaou*8 other qualities grew. 6nn-kwO 

takes ^^ as a verb — * by these four virtues he 
gave repose to those to whom repose was due.' 
Much better to take the phrase as in the transla- 
tion, with Choo He. Ch4ng read !Sl ^. 

3t ^ (3d tone,- ;j^) pg ^,» 
expl. -^ by ■^— 'those virtues filled up and 
reached to,* &c. Fuh-shang*8 text seems to have 
read jj^ (see the ^ ^); but in the prefatory 
notice we read ^. ^-=^k, 'that 

which is outside.* Ace to Ching, PH ^ « 
P3 ^ ^ ^h ****® remotest limits of the 
four seas.* Jl^. "T^ "=■ ^ ^jfe* heaven 

above and earth beneath. 

2. ^ ^ >^ fjj§'"" ^^ *^® ^^^^ Learn- 
ing, Comm. i. 4, where for -^ we have ll^. 
There the • great virtue' is that of Yaou himself; 
but the preceding has spoken sufficiently of that. 
Ch'ing and Gan-kwd both take the meanini^as 
in the transl., which moreover agrees with Conf. 
teaching, Doct. of the Mean, xx. 12, 13, where 

7^ ^§« follows ^ ^. The commentator 
in the Great Learning accommodates the text of 
the Classic. ^ j^t=aall of the same 

surname, all the relatives of consanguinity, from 
the great-great-grandfather to the great-great- 
grandson. Gow-yang (^^)i and other inter- 
preters of Fuh-shang's Books, understood the 
nine classes to be 4 on the father's side, 3 on 
the mother**, and 2 on the wife's (see Yingtfi in 
ioc). Ch'ing and Gau-kw5 rightly prefer the 
former view ; but we may say with Ts'ae Ch'in 
that the relatives by affinity should here be 
understood as Included with the others. ^3^ 

▼OL. Uh 

e^riiLjto_J[i£KYBn. He was able to make the able and virtuous 
distinguished, and thence proceeded to the love of the nine classes 
of his kindred, who all became harmonious. He also regulated and 
polished the people of his domain^ who all became brightly intelli- 
gent. Finally^ he united and harmonized the myriad States of 
the empire; and lo ! the black-liaired people were transformed. The 
result was universal concord. 

^ W i&y-^ ^a^ «i^en ^ j^, after 
Ts*ae Ch*in, as meaning *the people of the 
imperial domain.* That the phrase must be 
restricted in signification is plain from the 
^ ^ and ^ ^ that follow. Gan-kwO, 
however, says that ^ j^^~^ i^, «the 
various officers.' Ch*ing substantially agrees 
with hin,,-^- ^^^ ^Z1^^ 
Jf^ ^. That * the hundred surnames' was a 
designation of the great families of the State 
undev the Chow dyn. is shown clearly by Ying- 
t&, in loc. But in the Shoo-king, where the 
phrase occurs some 14 times, much the more 
natural Interpretation of it is as«> B^, *the 
people.' Part V. x. 10 ; xvi. 9 are exceptions to 
this, but the ordinary usage is as I have said. 
For 2^ the 'Historical Records' give -j^, and 
Ch*ing interpreted by ^, *to distinguish, to 
separate.' Hence it has been contended that the 
original reading was ^, the old form of which 
was liable to be mistaken for that of 35^. [I 
cannot in these notesenter much into the question 
of various readings, and discuss the correctness of 
the text. The subject has been treated generally 
in the prolegg.] ^ H ^ = ^ g (»o 
it is in the ^ |g), *the myriad States,' tie., 
the States of ail the princes beyond the imperial 
domain. ^ « » black,' Le., black haired. 

Some simply expL it by ^, *aU' J^ an 

excL, read woo. g^ => ^. Gan-k w6 

brings out the concluding clauses thus : — ^"T\ 

y\^ 5^}, *A11 the people under heaven were 
transformed, and followed the example of the 
sovereign, so that their manners became greatly 

Digitized by 





^ ^ mM n 

^m o 


IL Thereupon Yaou commanded He and Ho, in reverent accord- 
ance with their observation of the wide heavens, to calculate and de- 
lineate the movements and appearances of the sun, the moon, the 
stars, and the zodiacal spaces; and so to deliver respectfully the sea- 
sons to the people. 

He separately commanded the second brother He to reside at 
Yu-e, in what was called the Bright Valley, and there respectfully to 

Ch. n. The mbasubbs of Yaou to secctbb 


being a conjunction, we naturally connect this 
par. with the preced., as following it in time. 
Such is not the case, however. Parr. 1 and 2 
should be taken as the words of the chronicler 
whoever he was, and whensoever he wrote, 
giving his general impressions of Yaou's char- 
acter and government. Here he begins to make 
use of documents, yet condensing them in his 

own language, till we arrive at par. 8. "Jh is 

equivalent to our *now.* About the Hes 

and Hos we need not seek to be wise above what 
is written here and in Pt. HI. iv. It is at- 
tempted to connect them with a Chiing and Lc 

( J|| ^^) descended from the emp. Shaou-haou, 
B.C. 2694 (see on Pt. V. xxvii. 6), as heredi- 
tary occupants of their offices. They come 
before us receiving their appointment from Yaou 
to form a Board of astronomy, and specially 
to regulate the calendar, — a work so necessary 
for the purposes of agriculture. Gaubil 

•ays they were charged likewise * to correct the 
abuses and disorders which had been introduced 
into manners and religion* (Le Chou-king, p. 
6., n. 2); but theie is nothing in the text to justify 
this. It is queried whether those mentioned in 
par. 8 were elder brothers of the others, heads 
of their respective families, or merely those 

brothers, so that we should translate ^^ ^R]'~ 
*the Hes and the Hos.' Were there three of 
each surname or only two ? The point caniiot 
be settled. I receive the impression that there 
were three. ^ ^ ( „ )|g) ^ ^,_ 

* reverently to accord with the vast heaven.' 
"^i "^ is the name specially appropriated to 
the firmament of summer, when an air of vigour 
and vastness seems to fill all space. We are 
not to think of anything beyond the visible ex- 
panse and the bodies in it. The ^fe^jla dcfi nes 

^p as * the writings in which calculations were 

recorded,' and 3^ as 'the instruments with 
which the heavens were iurreyed*' This cannot 

be. The diaracters are verba. ^S is *to 
calendar,' implying calculations and writings ; 
^^, ' a figure,' ' a resemblance,' and, as a verb^ 
* to imitate,' must here sb * to delineate,' * to re-> 
present.' J@ , ' tlie stars,' generally ; both the 

fixed stars and the planets, j^, 'the zodiacal 

spaces.' These, it is said in the ^^ -jS, bj 
the conjunctions of the sun and moon, divide 
the circumference of heaven into twelve man- 
sions (-|- ^ ^). For J\^ H^ we should 

probably read ^ H^ ; see g^ 3E ^'s -j^ 

Parr. 4-7. It is supposed the work enjoin- 
ed in the prec. par. has been done. That there 
may be no mistake in a matter of such impor- 
tance, — to test the accuracy of the calendar, 
two members of each of the families He and Ho 
are appointed to the work of verification at dif- 
ferent points. P. 4. Th^ second brother 

He has liis appointment at |ilS| ^ ( see Pt. 
III. i. Jl^. 22), not, as often stated, the present 

TSng-chow in Shan-tung, but a place farther to 
the east in Corea. There was a spot convenient 
to observe the sun coming up, as from a valley, 
to enlighten the earth, from which it got its 

name. The JS- would seem to denote that He's 

proper residence was at Yu-e, but perhaps it 
only indicates a sojourn there to make the 
necessary observations. So in the other parr. 
This is Choo He*s oi)iuion. He was to receive 

the rising sun, ace to the ^^ Yja, by carefully 

noting the length of the slmdow cast from a 
gnomon; but this is not said in the text. 
The special object of his observation was to 
ascertain that mid-spring, the vernal equinox, 
was correctly fixed; and the final end was that 

the ^S ^M * labours of the east' might be 
adjusted. Those labours of the east are the 
labours of spring; and in the other parr, the 
south stands for summer, the west for autumn, 
and the north for winter* On this s«e the 

Digitized by 


Ch. n. 4, 6. 



receive as a guest the rising sun, and to adjust and arrange the la- 
bours of the spring. " The day," he said^ " is of the medium length, 
and the star is in N^eaou; you may thus exactly determine mid- 
spring. The people begin to disperse ; and birds and beasts breed 
and copulate." 

He further commanded the third brother He to reside at Nan- 
keaou, and arrange the transformations of the summer, and respect- 
fully to observe the extreme limit of the shadow. "The day," said 

•^^'ift#^'<^^-^- The idea under, 
lying the representation seems to be that of an 
analogy between a day and tlie year, — the 
morning, with the sun in the east, corresponding 
to spring ; noon, with the sun in the south, tu 
summer, &c. To guide He in his observa- 

tions, he is told, 1st, that he would find R pb, 

'the day of the average length,* i.e., a mean 
between its lengths at the solstices, or more 
probably of the same length as the night, 
determined by a clepsydra (so. Ma Yung); and 

2d, that * the star was Neaou: But Neaon (J^) 

is not the name of a star, but of a constellation, 
or space of the heavens, extending over 112** 
(see Keang Shing), and embracing ' the seven 
constellations of the Southern quarter.' called 

#.||.#|I-M.S|.M' «•«•$> Can- 

kw6 thinks the meaning is that all those seven 
constellations would be visi1)le on the evening 
of the vernal equinox. This view cannot be 
correct, however, because in the next three 

paragraphs the ^^ is the star or TSt which 

culminated on each occasion. We have then to 
adopt as the star indicated here, the central one 
of the space Neaou, which was the view of Ma 
Tung and K^ang-shing ; and it is stated by Ts*ae 
Ch*in that EM— ::^, a very learned Buddhist 
priest of the T'ang dynasty (in the reign of 
jQ ^, A.D. 713-756) calculated this to be the 

*^^^ ^^ y^9 corresponding to Ck)r Hydra of 
the west. 

Here Dr. Medhnrst in his translation of the 
Shoo King has made the following note: — *lf 
Cor Hydra culminated at sun-set on the day of 
the vernal equinox in the time of Yaou, the 
constellation on the meridian at noon of that 
day must have been Pleiades in Taurus. Now 
as by the retrocession of the equinoxes the stars 
of the zodiac go back a whole sign in 2000 
years, it would take 4000 years for the iun to 

be in Pleiades'at the time of the vernal equinox, 
which is aI>out the time when Yaou is said to 
have flourished, and affords a strong confirma- 
tion of the truth of Chinese chronolugy. For 
Pleiades is 56 degrees and one third from the 
point where the ecliptic crossed the equinoctial 
A.D. 1800, and as the equinox travels backwards 
50 seconds and one tenth per annum, it would 
take about 4000 years for Pleiades to be in the 
zenith at noon of the vernal equinox. Referring 
to Chmese records, we find that Yaou*s reign 
closed 2254 years before Christ, which added to 
1800 makes 4054; and a retrocession of 50 
seconds and one tenth per annum would give 
4050.' See a note to the same effect by the 

editors of the'MM^{& W^, in loc. 

By the equal length of day and night, and 
the culminating star, He-chung would be able 

exactly to determine, ( Ejft^ TF. * G»»n-k w«) mid- 
spring. Two popular characteristics of the season 
are added. The people would be dispersed, 
scattered, that is, from their homes and villages 
where they had been congregated during the 
winter, and engaged in field work ; and animals 
would be beginning to breed. For J^ ^ ^ 

J^, Sze-ma Ts^een has ,%^^"i^; but 
the meaning is substantially the same. 5. 

Another He is sent to Nan-keaou, the border of 

^^^^Sy Annam, or Cochin-china, called also 

:^ Hit* Sze-ma Ts'een says that the sway of 

tire-emperor jg| ]^ extended *from ^ |^ 

on the north to ^ jjlj- on the south.' 

Ch*ing, supposes that the characters ^ ^ ^^ 
(«3«4n what was called the Bright Capital)' 
have dropt out of the text after ^. ^^ 

form ;* with reference to the changes of Uiingt 

Digitized by 





he^ " is at its longest, and the star is Ho ; you may thus exactly 
determine mid-summer. The people are more dispersed ; and birds 
and beasts have their feathers and hair thin, and change their 

He separately commanded the second brother Ho to reside at the 
west, in what was called the Dark Valley, and there respectfully to 
convoy the setting sun, and to adjust and arrange the completing 
labours of the autumn. " The night," he said^ " is of the medium 
length, and the star is Heu ; you may thus exactly determine mid- 
autumn. The people begin to feel at ease ; and birds and beasts 
have their coats in good condition. ' 

in the productive operations of summer (-«^ 

W >^ ^' ace. to Gan-kwfi). ^ ^, 

—3 have translated ace. to what is generally 
supposed to be the meaning, and which can 
claim the authority of Ch'ing; — seeKeangShing 
and Sun Sing-yen. A similar measurement 
was to be practised, it is said, at the other 
seasons; only Shing will have it, that at the 
equinoxes it was the shadow cast by the moon 
which was to be ascertained. Gan-kw6, how- 
ever, may be right when he interprets more 

•reverently carrying out your instructions to 
give to those productive operations their largest 
results.' The culminating star at dusk of 

the summer solstice would be y^ or * Fire,' the 

central star of *the Azure Dragon* C^g' Wg)' 
which embraced the seven constellations of the 
eastern quarter, ^, jft^ J^' ;^» iVj>» J^» 
<ind ^£, and corresponding to the Heart of 

Scorpio. The editors of the ^ j^^ >ffi |^ 
say here: — *At the summer solstice in Yaou's 
time the sun was in ]^ (• Hydras Alphard ; 

Reeves), whereas now it is in pS& (x Orion).* 
This work was ordered in the 8th year of Yung- 
ching, A.D. 1780. ^ 1^ B9'~|S| "= * *^ 

be going on from,* t.c., j^^ jfjj ^>^, *the 
people were still more scattered and in the 
fields than iu the spring.' 

6. To two younger members of the house of 
Ho the examination of the times of the autum- 
nal equinox and winter solstice was assigned. 
The particular place in the west to which Ho- 
chung had to repair cannot be specified. 

^S, *to convoy;* — by measuring the shadow of 

the gnomon, ace. to the ^"^ ; but see on par. 4. 
No particular reason but the writer's or the 
emperor's thought at the time need be sought 
for the use of ^S here rather than R . 
The culminating star was Heu, the centre one of 
* ITie Dark Warrior * (^ |^), which embraced 
the seven constellations of the northern quarter, 

4*' 4^' :^' J^' :^' % "*» M- '^ 

corresponding to ^ Aquarius. It is observed 
here in Yung Ching's Shoo King, * At the autum- 
nal equinox in Yaou's time the sun was in ^ 

(A^wg Scorpio); while now it is in ^8 (• 
Crateris [Alkes] ).' J^ |^ ||»~|| " 

^1^. Gan-kwd, Ts'ae Ch4n, and Keang, all agree 
in thus defining ^^, but the meaning they 

attach to ^^ is different. K^ung says that * the 
people are still at their labours in the fields, the 
same as in the summer.' Keang says that the 
X>eople now come down, because of the bleak 
winds, from the summer heights which they had 
preferred, and live in the low level grounds? The 
only reasonable interpretation is that of Ts^ae 
^*The great beats are over, and the people 

Digitized by 


Ch. II. 7, 8. 



.fk o M^. _^^. 

He further commanded the third brother Ho to reside in the 
northern region, in what was called the Sombre Capital, and there 
to adjust and examine the changes of the winter. '' The day," said 
he^ "is at its shortest, and the star is Maou; thus you may exactly 
determine mid-winter. The people Jkeep their c^jg^/^ corners; and 
the coats of birds and beasts are downy and thick." 

The emperor said, "Ah! you, He and Ho, a round year consists 
of three hundred, sixty, and six days. By means of an intercalary 

fedatease: 7, The ^ |£ f or ^ ^^ 

reade ;|[j "Jt. Jffl, doubtless, means *tlie 
north.' It is used also for the 'first day of the 
new mouth.' Both these are applications of the 

term, which is explained by ffij^, • to come alive 

again/ the winter being to the year what its 
last quarter is to the moon, a season of disap- 
pearance and decay, to be succeeded by revival. 

• the changes of the winter : ' — the former things 
pass away ; all things become new. The labours 
of the season are therefore called * changes.' 

For ^ ^ Ts'een has ^ ^, *the hidden 
things,* with reference to the energies of nature 
now working in concealment. ^, the 

culminating star, is the centre of the ' White 
Tiger' (5^ ^|)> comprehending the seven 
constellations of the western quarter, ^^, ^ S^ 

^ , ^ , ^, jl*, and ^. It is our Pleiades. 
*In the time ofYaou, at the winter solstice, 
the sun was in heu (^, ^ Aquarius), while 

now at the same season it is in Ke (^£) y 

Sagittarii)'; seethe |_ 
^ PH— Ij^ (read yuh) is with Ch*ing« pij , 
'inside,' and with K*ungB=a ^^, 'house,' 'apart- 
ment.' In winter the people keep mostly within, 
in the warmest places. 

Par. 8. The verifications in the four prec. parr, 
are supposed to have been made ; and now the 
emperor addresses either the two chiefs of the 
He and Ho families, or all their members whose 
services had beeil employed, on the important 
subject of making the calendar complete by an 

intercalary month. ^^ —= p|&, an interjec- 
tion, * ah!' ^^—^i^and.' ^^ 

"Q >^ -i^ 'hJ is quoted by Heu Shin, under 
jffl^, which is defined -^ jsl. fli, *a revolu- 
tion of the time.' Oan-kwd defines it — [j|| 

P9 B^ ^' "^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ *^*® ^^^ 
seasons is called ^£.' Taou does not speak 

scientifically, but says that the round year 
consists of 866 days. On this Gaubil observes 
(Le Chou-king, p. 7, n. 4), * We see that Yaou 
knew the Julian year of 865| days ; the fourth 
year consists of 366 days. We see also that 
they then intercalated some months to divide 
the year into four seasons.' But there is no- 
thing in the text to indicate that every fourth 
year was reckoned Z^Q days. If it had been so, 
Yaou's calendar would have been the same as 
the Julian, and there would have been no neces- 
sity for the intercalation of a month at certain 
regular periods which is indicated. We may 
well be surprised to find this ancient emperor 
of China speaking as he does here, in the 24th 
century before Christ, with so close an approxi- 
mation to the correct length of the year. On 
this as gradually ascertained in China with 
an increasing exactness, I shall quote the follow- 
ing note by the editors of Yung-ching's Shoo: — 

' Wiien it is said that the year consists of 366 
days, we are to understand that Yaou was 
speaking in round numbers. The period in 
question is now called the value of the year. 
It has been differently estimated by the astrono- 
mers of successive dynasties. 

' In the Books of the Han dynasty ' [ended a.d. 
263], * the circuit of the heavens is divided into 
865|<> ; and a degree of the heavens is made to 
correspond to a day of the calendar. At that 
time it was taken for granted that a circuit of 
the heavens' [a sidereal year] 'was the samo 
as a circuit of the year ' [a tropical year]. 

♦Under the eastern Tsin dynasty' [a.d. 818 
—420], 'Yu He' [died about the middle of the 
4th century. Ts'ae Chin says that he was the 
first to distinguish the sidereal year from the 
tropical, and to bring forward the doctrine of 

Digitized by 





month do you fix the four seasons, and complete the detei^nnation of 
the 3'ear. Thereafter^ in exact accordance with this, regulating the 
various officers, all the works of the year will be fully performed." 

Yaou, which constitutes it the model for all 

Yaou certainly commanded his officers to use 
intercalations ; — how they did so we cannot tell. 
Previous to the Han dynasty, Chinese history 
does not furnish us with details on the subject 
of intercalation. In the time of that dyii., 
however, we find what is called the Metonic 
cycle well known. It is not mentioned as any 
discovery of that age. Sec the * History of tl>e 
Former Han' by Pan Koo (J^ [g), finished 

about A.D. 80, in the ^gg ^v ^ — ^l^, 

where the whole process is fully described. No 
doubt it came down to the Han from the Chow, 
and was probably known in China long before 
Meton reformed the Athenian calendar according 
to its principles, b.c. 432. I abstract the foUow- 

the precession of the equinoxes, which he 
estimated at one degree in 50 yearsj * reckoned 
the circuit of the heavens ' [-= the sidereal year} 
*at 3G5">.26, rather more than 866J, and the 
circuit of the year* [=the tropical year] *at 
865.24 days ; rather less than 365^. 

* Under the Sung dynasty ' [i.«., the northern 
Sung, which succeeded the TsinJ, *Ho Ching- 
t*een' [about the middle of the 5th centnryl 
* made another alteration in these reckonings, and 
estimated the circuit of tlie heavens at d65°.255, 
and the tropical year at 3G5.245 days. 

* Under the Yuen dynasty, Kwoh Show-king ' 
[died A.D. ISIB, at the age of 86j, *on a com- 
parison of ancient and modern observations, 
fixed the circuit of the heavens at 365*^.2575, and 
the tropical year at 365.2425 days. The accumu- 
lation of decimal figures, however, in both of 
these quantities' [while the degree was made to 
correspond to a day] *made all calculations 
founded upon them difficult. 

'But the philosopher Shaon' \^^ ^ ^ ; 
died A.D. 1017; his tablet has a pl«ce in the 
temples of Confucius], *in his TH'S'jfi jjh , 
adopted the number 360 as an arbitrary stand- 
ard, the circumference of the heavens being the 
basis of his calculations. That being once 
fixed* [at 360**], *it became comparatively an 
easy matter to deal with the other fractional 
quantities.* [It must be observed that the 

phrase ^ ftj, circuit or circumference of the 

heavens, here changes its meaning; and the value 
assigned to it, in its former sense, of 365.2575, 
now to be reckoned in days, is as necessary to as- 
tronomical calculations as ever.] * Accordingly, 
the calendar now published by authority deter- 
mines the circumference of heaven to be 360* (a 
degree|containing60 minutes, a minute 60 seconds 
and all the parts below continuing to be reckoned 
by 60); and the tropical year consists of 365 
days, 5 hours, 48 minutes, 45 seconds (365. 

'Through successive ages, though the frac- 
tional parts have been now a little more and 
now a little less, the determinations have all 
been based on the round number in this Canon 
of Yaou, aud have served to illustrate it. As 
to the conjunctions of the sun and moon, deter- 
mining the changea and first days of months, 
and the conjunctions of the sun and ' (various 
fixed stars in) Hhe heavens, determining the 
equinoxesand solstices, — whereas the solar period 
and the lunations do not correspond, so that 
there arise what are called the surplus of the 
former and the deficiency of the latter, there is 
required the use of intercalation to make the 
four seasons come eflch in its proper place. 
This is the practice indicated in this Canon o^ 

ing account from Woo Ch*ing (^ *j^) of the 
Yuen dynasty's Work on the Shoo :— A common 
year of 12 months of 30 days each, or 860 days, 
is assumed. Not that there ever was such a 
year in China, as Medhurst says by mistake 
(Shoo King, p. 8, note); but it is convenient to 
lay down that as tlie length of the year in order 
to exhibit the process of intercalation. Now, 
the sun makes his circuit of the heavens in 365 
days and ^, or 365 days and 235-940ths (a day 
being divided into 940 parts). The year as 
determined by the sun, therefore, is 5 days and 
2d5-940ths over 860, which excess is denomi- 
nated jS^ ^^. A synodic revolution of the 
moon, again, takes place in 29 days and 499- 
940ths, so that 12 months =r 354 days and 348- 
940ths, short of 360 by 5 days and 592-940ths, 
which deficiency is denominated t^ Jg^. 
Adding the excess and the deficiency, we have 10 
days and 827-940ths, the difl*erence of the two 
from 360 in one year. 

In the third year this amounts to 32 days 
and 601-940ths, when the first intercalation 
of one synodic period is supposed to be made, 
leaving 3 days and 102-940th8 unabsorbed. 

In the sixth year there have accumulated 35 
days and 703-940th8, which a second intercnla- 
tion reduces to 6 days and 204-940th8. A third 
intercalation in the ninth year would leave 9 
days and 306-940ths, which by the eleventh 
year would amount to 31 days and 80-940th8, 
reduced by intercalation to 1 day and 521- 

A fifth intercalation in the fourteenth year 
would leave 4 days and 623-940th8. 

A sixth in the seventeenth year would leave 
7 days and 725-940th8, which in the nineteenth 
year would amount to 29 days and 499-940ths, 
which the last intercalation would exactly 
absorb. > 

Digitized by 


Cu.m.9, 10. 




o H B^,^ MM o 



III. The emperor said, " Who will search out for me a man ac- 
cording to the times, whom I may raise and emploj^ ? " Fang-ts'e 
said, " There is your heir-son Choo, who is highly intelligent." The 
emperor said, "Alas! he is insincere and quarrelsome:— can he do." 

The emperor said, " Who will search out for me a man equal to 
the exigency of my affairs?" Hwan-tow said, "Oh! there is the 
minister of Works, whose merits have just been displayed in various 

It is to be observed that the above division 
of a day into 940 parts was different from that 
of the Han dynasty, and indeed only began to 
obtain in the time of the great 8ung dyn. 
l*ractically, moreover, a month must be estima- 
ted by a wliole number of days ; and hence tlie 
Chinese have so many short months in the year 
of 29 day«, while the rest are of 80 days. 

•vreli given by Sze-ma Ts'een— '{g ^ B^^» 

hundred' (i.e. all, the various) 'officers,' each 
office having its special department of work. 
It is not said that He and Ho had any further 
charge of the officers beyond supplying them 
with a correct calendar. 

Ch. 111. The anxibtt of Yaou to tind 
tue uigiit men fob the exigencies of the 
times, and especially the best man, on whom 
to devolve tue throne: — ^all illustrating 
his freedom from evert selfish considera- 
TION. The events described in the prec. 6 
parr, are referred by the compilers of Chinese 
history to the 1st and 2d years of Yaou's reign ; 
but we really cannot say when they took place. 
Par. 12 belongs to the 70th year of his reign ; 
par. 11 is referred with some probability to the 
61st ; the lOlh must be of about the same date. 

P. 9. Yaou inoutres — prob, in open court— for 
an officer whom ne way empluy in high affairs. 
What the affairs were we cannot know. Ma 
Yung thinks that by this time the four Hes 
and Hos were dead, and that one was wanted to 
enter on their duties as ministers of the four 

seasons. A meaning is thus found for Qop as 
B= Ij[Q gip ; but the view is to be rejected at 
once. Gan-kwO takes pi as «= ^&, < these,* 

and connects the par. with the 8th, making the 
inquiry to befor a premier todirect all theofficers, 
and all the works of the year, (so also Ts'cen) ; 
but the only connection between the parr, is 
of fragments brought together into the present 
The .matter must be left i^dcflmtc. 

P^ » ^^, ' who.' ^ is here not a particle 

of exclamation, as hitherto, but a verb, — gjfr 

P^, * to inquire for.' ^^ as in p. 8, 'to accord 
with.' It is observed that in those times of wise 
antiquity, forceful control was not the way of 
sovereigns and ministers, but a cautious accord- 
ance with nature and circumstances. 1^ 

== ^, * to use.' Fang-ts*e (Ying-ttt makes 

i?jj^ in the 2d tone) only appears here. He 
must have been a minister. Sze-ma Ts^n 

for j^ -^ has j^ -^, ^^«*to contmue, 
to succeed ;' and I have translated accordingly. 
Gan-kwd takes j^ for the State so called, (see 

Ft. IIL iv.), and ^ for the title of its ruler, — 
'count;' and Ying-tS says it seems to him un- 
natural for the emperor's son to be recommended 
and spoken of as here. But that only serves to 
exalt the character of Yaou, who was fVee fh>m 
the partialities of common men, that * do not 
know the wickedness of their own sons' (Great 
Learning, Comm. viii. 2). The difficulty would 
disappear, if we could suppose that Yaou is here 

proposing to resign his throne. P^ is a 

particle of exclamation, iBtimating the speaker's 
decided dissent. 

P. 10. Yaau again makes inquiry for a minister 
who might be equal to the management of his affairs. 

Such seems to be the meaning of ^&, which is 
given by Gan-kwO assaS^- Ma Yung ex- 
plains it by 1g , * officers,' as if it were a prime 
minister to be over all the other ministers, who 
was wanted. Hwan-tow and the K*ung- 

kung appear in the next Book, p. 12, as two of 
the four great criminals whom Shun dealt with. 

^^ m " **>® *^*™^ ^^ *^® ^^^** office. In the 
next Book, p. 21, Shun calls Ching to the same. 
It is about s= Minister of Works. Ch'ing sup- 

Digitized by 





B.^ %K fl].^ ^i^ Pf.AI 

ways." The emperor said, "Alas I when unemployed, he can talk; 
but when employed, his actions turn out differently. He is respect- 
ful 07ily in appearance. See I the floods assail the heavens." 
11 The emperor said, "Oh! cA/^/ 0/ the four mountains, destructive 
in their overflow are the waters of the inundation. In their vast 
extent they embrace the mountains and overtop the hills, threaten- 
ing the heavens with their floods, so that the inferior people groan 
and murmur. Is there a capable man, to whom 1 can assign the 
correction of this calamity ? All in the court said, " Oh ! there is 

poses that the Knng-kung here was the yv^ g , 

* ofBcer of the Waters.' He Ifitid no doubt, as we 
shall sec, been employed to relieve the distress 

occasioned by the prevailing floods. ^[K is 

an exclamation, the opposite of P^, indicating 
approval and commendation. Choo He says 
that ■"jt jjA (K In cannot be understood, 
but that the old view — as in the transl. — 
may be allowed to stand. Sze-roa Ts'een gives 
H wan-tow's reply :-^ X 5^ ^ ^ ^ 
PJ y^, |fflS, *to be still,' s=9 unoccupied. 

Gan-kw5 explains it by ^^, * to plan ;* but that 
meaning only arises from the context here. 

VH 5^ " joined by Gan-kwO to the prec. 
characters : — * He appears to be respectful, but 
liis heart is full of pride as if it would inundate 
the heavens.* Dissatisfied with this, Ts*ae Clrin 
declares the two characters to be unintelligible, 
and that they dropt into the text here somehow 
from the next par. In the transl. I have follow- 
ed an art. on the passage in the J^ ^^ J-, 

Wi ^ Mj iE' ^*"^'* ^^""" ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ 

of the ^ '^ ^ f5$' "^^ ^^^^ •**'^^ 
from an intimation in the * Annals of the Bam- 
boo Writings' (^ ^ ^^ >{^), that Yaou 
in his 19th year appointeil the Kung-kung to 
the management of the Ho. That management 
had been on the whole unsuccessful. The result 
was the existing state of inundation, to which 
Yaou in the text points as evidence of the 
officer** incompetency. 

P. 11. TTie appointment of K^wSn to remedg 
the distress occasioned by an oversowing flood. 
This overflow of waters has been called by some 
western writers * the deluge of Yaou ;* and it has 
been endeavoured to identify it with the deluge 
of Noah. The descriptions m the classic, how- 
ever, will not permit this ; see on Ft. III. i. 

The emperor addresses himself to the UQ -^ (or 

ig^), literally *The four Mountains : '—those 

mentioned in the next Book, par. 8, Tae-tsung or 
Mount T'ae on the east (in the present Shan- 
tung); Mount Hwftng in the south (in Hoo- 
nan); Mount Hwa in the west (in Shan-se); 
and Mount Hftng, in the north. Those were 
central points in the empire, to which different 
quarters of it were referred. In the text does 
Yaou address one great officer styled the chief 
of the four Mountains, or does he address the 
body of great officers in charge of the different 
quarters ? Gan-kwO held that the four Y6 were 
four individuals, the successors of the Hes and 
Hos, parr. 4-7. K*ang-shing thought that at the 
time of Yaou's reign to which this par. belongs, 
the places formerly held by those Hes and Hos 

were filled by eight chiefs i/\. ^H)» ^^o *r® 
addressed. Choo He determined that only 
one man was intendetl, the president of all the 
nobles of the empire, regulator of the relations 
between the court and its feudal retainers. To 
this opinion I must give in my adhesion. It 
has its difficulties ; but when Taou proposes to 
the yVi J^, in the next par., to take his place 
upon the throne, it is impossible to suppose that 
more than one individual is denoted. ^& 

(read 5&n,) f^^^y^C:^ f ij.-j^ i^ 
*^y\C ^ ^^1 *the ai^arance of water in 

Digitized by 


Ch. IIL 11, 12. 




K^wSn.** The emperor said, " Alas! no, by no means ! He is disobe- 
dient to orders, and tries to injure his peers." His Eminence said, 

" Well but -. Try him, and then you can have done with him." 

The emperor said to K'wJtn, "Go; and be reverentl" For nine 
years he laboured, but the work was unaccomplished. 

The emperor said, *' Oh ! you chief of the four mountains, I have 
been on the throne for seventy years. You can carry out my ap- 
pointments; — I will resign mv throne to you." His Eminence said, 
" I have not the virtue ; I should only disgrace the imperial seat." 

abundance,' a sheet of water ) Htf, a« in prec. 
par^ — ^, 'on aU sides;* ||ij *to cut with 
a knife/ hence generalljr * to injure/ yS 

is expl. by vS, 'great water,' 'water flooding, 
and destroying tilings.' T\ ^^ it ^ti 

""T^ ^ " ^P- ^y ^^ ^*^°«' Ml^^ 
K JP^ B^, 'the people who lire in the low 

places' ; but the phrase, of not unfrequent occur- 
rence in the mouths of great men in the Shoo, 
denotes simply the people, in distinction from 

themselves. Observe the use of iHl, com- 

ploting the rhythm of the clause, and giving 

the force of a double nominative to the verb. 

^mcn^, «all;' t^., all in the court, 

not the [JQ -j^ only, but the other nobles with 
him. Of coarse it may be said that as the 
inquiry was addressed only to the Y6, and the 

answer is prefaced by ^>, this character shows 
that Y6 was a designation not of one but of many. 
But tho' there were 4 or 8 Yfi, I should under- 
stand ^^ of others beside them ; — so does Ying- 
ti, yet believing that the Y5 were four. 
K^wftn was a minister of Yaou, the father of the 
great Yu ( ^ ), and chief of the state of Ts'ung 

(^^ I H)» corresponding to the present Hoo- been 

(^^ 1^) in the dep. of Sc-ngan in Shen se. 

^ ^'-^-]ft(C' '^ di»regard, 
neglect.' Ch'ing and Ma Yung both take the 
cbaraater so, And Ch^ing would also read it as 

VOL. uu 

"tij^, 8d tone. It is merely a conceit, which it 

given in tlie ^^"iS) ^^<^ 'what is round moves, 

and what is square C~J9^ ) stops^' so that jt* comes 

to mean * to disregard,' or 'to disobey!' Sf 

^,-the ^ ^ defines ^i by J^ a 
meariing which I don't see how to understand 
here. Ts'ae Chin says he does not understand 
the character. The rest of the Yo's reply is 

given more fully by Sze-ma Ts*een, — gjP ^^ 

ISj ^ jiflj 2i' Ch Hug's view is not so good 
— *Try him. He is fit for this, though not for 
other duties, in which you need not to employ 

him.' m^, 'a year. For this, ace. to Ying- 
tft, in the Headyn. they subsequently used ^g ; 
in the Shang, iml ; and in the Chow, ^£. 

j[^ M ^ J^'"""^® ™*^ suppose that the 
force of Efl merges in that of «S, «» "Jat. 

P. 12. Yaouj having been 70 years on (he 
throne, w'slies to resign the administration of affairs 
to the tvort/iiest, and Shun appears on the stage, 

H^y the imperial We, was anciently simply 

■«I, used both by superiors and inferiors. It 
was one of the characteristic actions of tlie 
founder of the Tsin dyn. to appropriate it 

to the sovereign. j^ (""ffl^ "WTI'"" 

'use, carry out my orders,* SB — 

^&y 'to yield, to resign.' Ch4ng takes ite» 

y^, 'to enter into.' He interprets Yaou's in- 
quiry thus, — 'Among, all you princes is tliore 


Digitized by 







The emperor said, "Point out some one among the illustrious, or set 
forth one from among the poor and mean." All in the court said to 
the emperor, "Tliereisan unmarried man among the lower people, 
called Shun of Yu." The emperor said, " Yes, I have heard of him. 
AVhat is his character?" His Eminence said, "He is the son of a 
blind man. His father was obstinately unprincipled; his 5f^-mother 
was insincere; his half brother Seang was arrogant. He has been 
able, hoAvever, by his filial piety to live in harmony with them, and 
to lead them gradually to self-government, so that they no longer 
proceed to great wickedness." The emperor said, " I will try him! 

one, who, acting in harmony with things and 
obeying the orders of Heaven, can enter in and 
occupy my throne, discharging the duties tliat 
devolve on tlie emperor?* This is very far- 

fetclied. It is foand in a note in the S^^ gP, 
whose own version of the passage is decisively 
in favour of what is now the common view : — 

— ^I's^een has ^K ^^, with substantially the 
same meaning. BB (a verb)"= JS, *to 

recommend;' BH (an adj.>=& ^JS*» * those 
already high and distinguislied.' 'jBll Kl^**^ 
^wJ7 HS jp^ A , * men small and mean.* Yaou 
wants to find the worthiest, in whatever social 
position. ^jp =» ^^ in the former par., 

*' all,* and not as Ch^ng thinks, * the chiefs of 
the princes.* ^St^* expl. by BS.; — * AH said to 
the emperor.* Ts'e^n has it ^ *^ "^ j^ 
^g 0* J^^^r-— see on the title of next 

Part. b£ -?- — * the son of a blind man.' j 

Gan-kwO says that Shun's faither was not phy- 
sically blind, but mentally and morally, so that 
people 8i>oke of him as if he were really blind, 
and he received the designation of Koo-sow 
(y9 B®-)* ^* "^*y ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^' ^^^ t**® general 

are not to be received in other than their natural 
significancy on mere surmise. "fir, — 

Another;' not Shun's real mother, but his 
step-mother. Sze-ma Ts'cen says so in express 

terms. gg — = 5ftl» * harmony.* It is not 

easy to say whether we should take it actively 
— *to bring them to harmony,' or intransitively — 

* to live in harmony with them.* The usage of 
the term in the next Book is in favour of the 

former view. ^^ properly ,«=8team.* But 

steam ascends and moves forward ; hence here 

^f^ ^j^ ^^ = *to move by gradual progress to 

self-government.* The account here given of 
the influence which Shun had produced on his 
parents and brother is not borne out by the 
statements in Mencius, Book Y. Pt. I., i. and ii. 

'H -^ M. n^'-'i ''"' "=»* •"'""•' "' 

* Let me test him.* Tlie h! has a peculiar force, 

which neither Premare in his Grammar, nor 
Morrison, Medhurst, or Williams, in their Dic- 
tionaries, has pointed out. The usage is speci- 
fied in K*ang-he'8 dictionary, but with no further 

explanation than that ^Sl i« then * a particle, 

helping the sense.' It gives to the whole sen- 
tence a Imlf hortatory, half imperative force. 
Yaou would test Shun, and a very strange 
trial it was to which he put him. It impresses 
my mind with grave doubts as to the trustwor- 
thiness of the whole history. As it stands, it 
shows us one thing, — that polygamy had at this 

belief of antiquity, and the language of the text ; curly time obtained among the Cluncae* 

Digitized by 


^. ra. 12. 



I will wive him, and then see his behaviour with ray two daughters." 
On this he gave orders, and sent down his two daughters to the 
north of the Kwei, to be wives in the family of Yu. The emperor 
said to tliem^ "Be reverent! " 

From *S|* R to the end, I have translated 
according to Choo He's view of the passage : — 
that down to jjfj] ^ Zl "^ ^^ !»»▼« Yaott*8 
words ; from ^ Ij^ to ^ J^, what he did; 

and that the ^j^ ^ at the end were addressed to 
his daughters. The construction is not easy; 
but the interpetation of Gan-kw6, and that of 
Keang Shing in the pres. dyn-, mak^ confusion 

worse confounded. ^(^ (ad tone),—* to give 

a daughter to a man to wife.' ^j «» J^, 

•example,' •beha\iour.* The names of 

Taoii*s two daughters are said to have been 
Wowang (^ ^) and Nwying (^ i^). 
*The former,' says Woo Ch*ing, 'became Shun's 
wife, and the other his concubine.' But this is 
said, applying the waya (^ subseq^ueot times to. 

Yaou's age. We cannot acknowledge any in- 
feriority of the one to the other. ^fM (=^|(^» 
• to be wife to)' applies equally to both. . The 
JK is a.smaU stream in Shan-se, rising where 
the two depp. of P4ng-yang (2p ^) and 
P*oo-chow (^S JJJ) border on each other, and 

flowing southwards to the Ho %3j is 

defined *the north of a stream ;' or it may be, 
there was a smaller stream so called, which 
flowed into the Kwei, not Car from its junction 
with tlie Ho. A note on the 4fe g^ in Yung- 
ching's Shoo says that there is such a stream 
so called, but that people may have been led by 
the text of the Classic to give it that name. 
Here was the dwelling-place of Shun. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 







I. Examining into antiquity, we find that the emperor Shun was 
called Ch'ung-hwa. He corresponded to the former emperor ; was 
profound, wise, accomplished, and intelligent. He was mild and re- 
spectful, and entirely sincere. The report of his mysterious virtue 
was heard on high, and he was appointed to occupy the imperial 

TiTLB ov THB Past. j^ ^.— Yu is the 

djoastic deBignation of Shun, asT'ang was that 
of Taou. It does not appear so clearly, how- 
erer, how it came to be so. Ts^ Chin, after 

K*ang-shmg, says that J^ was the ^ or 
family name of Shun. Wang Suh said that it 
was the name of a place or country (j/j^ /O^ 
held to have been the pres. district of ^^ S^ 

in the dep. of ^L Ml in Shan-se. Some think 
that Taou, after marrying his daughters to 
Shun, appointed him chief of this State (see the 

^ ^, quoted in the ^^IPI g, on 

the 70th year of Yaou's reign); but this is in- 
consistent with the first mention of Shun to 
Yaou, in the prec. Book. It is commonly held 
that Shan's ancestors had been lords of the 

principality of Yu to the time of his father, who 
somehow lost his patrimony and was reduced to 
tlie rank of a private man. It may hare been 
so, and the old title would continue to be che- 
rished, though without the accessories that made 
it valuable. As to the history of the family of 
Yu, there is much difficulty in tracing it. Men- 
cius. Book IV. Ft. II. i., tells us that Shun was 
of the wild tribes of the east, bom in Choo-fUng. 
Sze-ma Ts^een makes him descended from 
Hwang-te through the emp. Chuen-hetth. But 
as Yaou was also descended from Hwang-te 
through the emp. K^h, Yaou and Shun must 
have had the same surname, and the idea of the 
one marrying his daughters to the other is so 
abhorrent to Chinese notions of propriety, that 
•Choo He denounces Ts'een's genealogy as highly 
iigurious to the fame of the sages. As Shun 
and the ladies would be cousins about ten 
times removed, a foreigner cannot sympathize 

Digitized by 





with the horror exprossed at the thought of 
their union. From the ^ ^, ^ ^ ^, 

and the ^fe #' flS -^V A ^' »' *PP«*" 
that there was, or at least tliat in the time of 
the Chow dyn. it was believed there was, high 
up among Shnn's ancestors, one of the name of 
MOh (^t), who has no place in Ts^een's gene* 
alogy ; and some, discrediting entirely the ac- 
count in the " Historical Records," would fix on 
this Mfth as being the progenitor of Shun, chief 
of the principality of Yu, and not of the lineage 
of Hwang-te. — I have given these details to 
illustrate the many uncertainties that attend 
questions relating to Chinese antiquity. 
Title of, and Disputes about, the Book. 

* The Canon of Shun.' For the charac- 

ters themselves, see on the title of the Canon 
of Yaou, and on par. 1 of that Book. This Canon 
is all found, with the exception of the first par., 
both in the texts of Fuh-shang, and of Gan- 
kw5. Fuh-shang, however, taught it as a part 
of the preceding Canon; and those who now 
deny the authenticity of the Books additional 
to his have no Canon of Shun in their editions. 

On this question it may be observed : — ^First, 
the ancient preface to the Classic shows that 
there were originally two Canons — that of Yaou, 
and that of Shun — distinct from each other. 

Secondly, about one half of the Book, as we 
have it, might very well belong to the Canon 
of Yaou, the parr. 2-12 being all occupied with 
the trial of Shun and his doings as acting 
emperor, while Yaou was yet alive. Par. 2, 
moreover, follows naturally the last par. of the 
prec. Book. 

Thirdly, firora par. Uth to the end we have 
the doings of Shun as emperor, which can with 
no propriety form a part of the Canon of Yaou. 

The natural conclusion from these points is, 
that in the Canon of Sliun we have the whole 
or a part of what was anciently and properly so 
called, and another portion which has been 
improperly separated from the Canon of Yaou. 
The Shoo has still its two Teen, but the point 
of division between them has been incorrectly 

It accords with this conclusion, that Mencius, 
Bk. V. Pt. I. iv, quotes par. 13, as from the 
Canon of Yaou. Other similar quotations of 
portions of the first part of the Book are 
adduced. No quotation of any par. of the 
second part, as belonging to the Canon of Yaou, 
can be found. 

In the * Historical Records * (3£ *^ ^ 

gff), immediately after the account of Yaou's 
death, as in par. 13, there follow various accounts 
of Shun, — legendary, indeed, in their character, 
but having the sanction of Mencius, Bk. V. Pt. 
I. i., et ah — which are not now found in the Canon 
of the Classic. No doubt, the original and less 
gossiping version of those accounts formed, before 
the dyn. of Ts*in, part of the Shoo ; and so much 
of the Canon of Shun I believe to be lost. See 
an attempt by Maou K*e-ling to reconstruct^ 

the whde, appended to his liS^ wj^^^§^^' 

It is more difficult to come to a conclusion on 

another question, with which that about the 

Division of tlie Canons has been unnecessarily 
complicated, — the question of the 

Genuineness of tue FfBST paraobaph. 
These twenty-eight characters have a history 
of their own. Fuh-shang knew nothing of 
them, nor is it clear that Gan-kw6 did. Had 
he found them among the other portions of the 
Shoo which were recovered from the wall of 
Confucius* house, the two Canons must have 
been from the first accurately divided by them. 

Wlien the work of Gan-kwO was first present- 
ed to the Government, as containing the Shoo 
in larger measure than Fuh-shang*8 Books, by 

Mei Tsih (ji& l^)? sometime in the beginning 
of the eastern Tsin [unfortunately, the Histories 
of the Tsin dynasty are some of them lost. The 
*Book of Tsin* from which K'ung Ying-t& 
quotes his account of Tsih does not now exist ; 
and it does not seem possible to ascertain the 
year when Gan-kw6*s work was authoritatively 
recognized], this paragraph was wanting. ^^ 
During the dyn. of the Southern Ts'e (^ 

^), in A.D. 497, one Yaou Fang-hing {j0^ 

-^j J^\ found *in a large ship* C^ ^ ^ 

^ :M; so, Ung-tft; in the 'Books of the 
Suy dynasty [a.d. 689-617], however, it is said 
that Fang-hing ^ ;^ ffj ifj > * bought it 
in a large j^j. That character is given in the 
diet, as used synonymously with ffij[) a copy 
of Gan-kw6*s Canon of Shun with the par. 
complete. He memorialized the Government 
on his discovery, and ace. to Maou K*o-ling, 
divided the Canons as we now have them. Not 
even yet, however, was the par. publicly recog- 
nized. Soon after the presentation of his 
memorial, Fang-hing was put to death ; and the 
matter continued undecided till the early part 
of the reign of the first Suy emperor, when 
another copy was found containing the sentences 
in question. 

This late recognition of the introductory 
portion of Shun's Canon justifies a suspicion of 
its genuineness. On the other hand, Ying-tft 
says that, while Mei T8ih*s copy wanted this 
par., they supplied it from Wang Sub and Fan 
Ning, the former of whom had written on all 
the classic, and the latter specially on this 
Canon. (See the list of Books on the Shoo, in 
the time of the Suy dyn.) Now Wang Suh died 
A.D. 259, himself an adherent of the House of 
Wei (^fi), yet before the final extinction of the 
Han. The industry of critics has also discover- 
ed portions of the par. in the remains of writers 
prior to Suh. Maou K*e-ling quotes especially 

from Wang Ts*an (^ ^), who died a.d. 21C, 

and from Wang Yen-show (^ ^ ^^), more 
than half a century earlier ; and contends that 
the par. must have been with tlie rest of the 
Canon deciphered by Gan-kw6. Against this 
conclusion has to be put the fact of the improper 
division of the Canons, which I have pointed 
out. My own opinion is that some such par. 
did originally belong to the Canon of Shun. 
The fact of the Canon of Yaou, and the Counsels 
of Kaou Yaou (to say notliing of the Counsels 

Digitized by 


Bn. I. CH. n. 



=r mM ^.=f ^.^ ^. 


f 3 J^\ 

2 II. Shun carefully set forth the beauty of the five cardinal duties; 
and they came to be universally observed. Being appointed to be 
General Regulator, the affairs of each department were arranged in 
their proper seasons. Having to receive the princes from the four 

of Yii), being so prefaced, renders it all bnt 
certain that this Book had a similar introduc- 
tion% Portions of this floated about among 
sdtolars from one source and another, and 
gradually coalesced into the par. which we now 
have. Maou K*e-Ung is the best defender of 
its genuineness, in tlie second chapter of his 

"ir !^ f^ ^ % 1^' Against it, see the 

60th art. in the |Sj ^ "j^ "^ ^ ^ of 


Contents of tuk Book. Tlie meagre and 
misleading account of the Book given in the pre- 
fatory notice of it has been point^ out. Looking 
at Uie Canon as it is now edited, we may con* 
Teniently divide it hi to six chapters ; — the first, 
cout. par. 1, describing Sliun*s virtues and 
advancement; the second, cont parr. 2^, de- 
scribing Yaou's trial of Shun, and resignation 
to him of tlie administration of affairs; the 
third, cout. parr. 5-11, describing the acts of 
Shun as Yaou's vicegerent; the fourth, parr. 13 
and 14, describing the demise of Yaou, and ac- 
cession of Shun to the throne ; the fifth, parr. 
15-27, describing Shun*s choice of ministers, 
and other arrangeiuentb ; and the sixth, par. 28, 
recording his death. As Yaou was the subject 
of the last Book, so is Shun of this. 

Ch. I. The saoelt virtues of Shun, and 


the constr. of R ^^ JfM "jfr, and on 3ffi 

^£ ^^' ^^ ^^ *^® ^*** Book, p. 1. When 

"Wi a£ is taken as descriptive of Shun, and 

not as his name, the interpretation is — 'there 
was anew a display of virtue in him equal to that 

of Yaou.' 1^ -^ *^,— the ^ of course 

is Yaou. yj^ ^^, — ^g * to stop up ;* then, 

*fill up,* and hence, *what is solid,' * solidity.' 

It is observed by Chin Tih-show (^ ^^^ ^, 

of the Sung dyn.), that in the times of T'ang 

and Yu they had not yet the character guK 

sincerity, and that that is the meaning conveyed 

here by ;^^ ^^-3^ = ^ 

^iS^, ' dark and hidden.' An obj. is taken to the 

genuineness of the whole par. from the phrase, 
which belongs to the sc1hx>1 of Taouism. Ko 
doubt it is a common phrase with Taouists, but 

1 do not see why other writers might not use it 
also to express the idea of * mysterious virtue.' 

^ ^, * ascended and was heard vl* 

ue,, came to the ears of Yaou. yh '^ 

j/j[ 'w, — ace. to T8*ae ChHii, 4\j^ is simply 

Soflr, 'office,' or 'offices,* with reference to 
various posts in which Shun was tested. 
Such an interpr. supposes the par. to be in its 
proper place; but it has been shown that it 
should stand after par. 18, and ^j^ -« the throne, 
the imperial Seat. 
Cii. II. Shun fully batisftino Yaou's 


supposed that Shun, after receiving the empe- 
ror's two daughters in marriage, ruled his house 
well, and Yaou proceeded to try him, first as min- 
ister of Instruction. ^^'^^^ * ^ beau- 
tify.' Some expl it by ^ftj* * *o harmoniste.' 
35l ^^» * t'^6 five Canons,'— what ar« 
elsewhere called 3l ^t> * ***® ^^^ lessons,' and 
-fl *&, * the five constant duties,' the virtues 
belonging to the five social relations of husband 
and wife, father and son, sovereign and subject, 
elder and younger brother, and friends. 

Thereafter Shun j^-^ Q :K|, * was intro- 
duced into the office of General Regulator.' 
is, * to consider,' * to calculate,' ™»^¥. Q 

expresses the regulation of the business of all 
the officers.' The office of General Regulator 
is not heard of in subseqent dynasties. That 

of ^1^ ^£ or premier corresponded to it under 
the Chow. It is said in the 'Historical 

Records' that in discharging the duties of 
minister of Instruction, Shun employed the 

services of * the eight good men ' (y^ "7n)» 
descended from Kaou-sin (^ ^£: j^) or the 

enip. K*uh, whom Yaou had not been able to 
employ; and in the office of prime minister, 
that he availed himself of the help of the ' eight 

triumphant ones' (y^ t^)* descended from 
Kaou-yang (^ j& ^), or the emp. Chuen- 
heah. The same thing is found in the ^rr 'fS. 
Why may we not suppose that such legends, 
existing in the ancient documents, were pur- 
posely rejected by Confucius himself? 

Digitized by 




PAST n. 

quarters of the empire, they all were docilely submissive. Being 
sent to the great plains at the foot of the mountains, amid violent 
wind, thunder, and rain, he did not go astray. 

The emperor said, " Come, you Shun. I have consulted you on 
all affairs, and examined your words, and found that your words 
can be carried into practice ; — now for three years. Do you ascend 
the imperial throne. " Shun wished to decline in favour of some 
one more virtuous, and not to consent to be successor. On the first 
day, of the first month, however^ he received Yaou's retirement /ra/u 
t/ie impei'idl duties in the temple of the Accomplished ancestor. 

Shun was finally tried afl the president of 
the nobles, in the office of the Sze Y5 (pCi 

and also ' to reccire a guest,* * to act the host.' 
Tills is its sense here. Ch4ng read it in the 3d 

tone, as if it had been ^. DQ f^—' to act 
the host at the four gates,' ix^ to receive the 
nobles coming from the different quarters. So, 
Ma Yung. Keang Shing says ingeniously that 

the four gates were those of the ^ ^^, or 

Hall of Audience. The 'Historical Records* 
have a legend of Shunts banishing away ' the 

lour bad ones' (DQ ^), in connection with 
the duties of this office. It is difficult to 

know what to think of the last part of the 

par. j^ is expl. by Chlngas jjj J^, 'the 

foot or a mountain.' The * Historictil Kecords ' 
take the account literally as in the transl. 

Looking at the plirase ^fff^ ^ ^ ^, follow- 
ing so close upon ^ -^ ^ :^, it is natural 
to interpret it in the same way, as indicating 
8hun*s appointment to some office. This Gan- 
kw6 has done, and after him Wang Suh. They 

*Luh means to record. Yaou appointed Shun 
to an honourable and distinguished office, that 
he might record the govt, of the empire with 
its myriad springs.' Tliis might be admitted 
as a good enough explanation of the phrase, 
but the sequel about the wind and rain cannot 
be made to harmonize with it. ISee in the 

^^Wt '^^oxu attempts to explain the passage^ 
all unsatisfactory. 
P. 8. gQ=i."^^, 'toconsult about.' J^ 

is in the sense of fhr, *yon.* |j£ =■ ^, 

* to come to, result in.' The paraphrase of the 

'Daily Lessons' puts g6t and ^^ in the past 

complete tense : — * Formerly, when I called you 
to employment, I consulted you on what you 
would do, and examined the plans you laid be- 
fore me.' But why should we suppose that the 
two liad not been in frequent intercourse all 
along ? Ch*ing strangely takes the * three years ' 
to be three years subsequent to Shun's receiving 
the nobles of all quarters. The last clause 

might also be translated — ' Shun declined on the 
ground of his virtue's not being equal to the 

P. 4. This demission of the actual conduct 
of affairs is referred to the 73d year of Yaou's 

reign. jj- ^ Jj^ Q ,— see on p. 14. 

Here Yf^ (in this sense often, but not necessarily, 

read in the 1st tone) H=i*the first month;' 

p 0«i*the first day.' This has been dis- 
puted but without reason ; see the remarks of 
Lin Che-k'e (;J5Jj ;^ ^) io the ^ |^. 

Certainly, if this natural interpr. of Jh be re- 
jected, we are altogether at sea as to its mean- 
ing. ^^ ^^ intimates that 'now Yaou 
ended his imperial administration, and Shun 
undertook it' (so, Ts*ae Ch*in). ^ "^ 

jjrB must be understood 'in the temple of,' or 

Digitized by 


bk. I. cii. m. s, 6. 




±mo A:i>i^mox 

5 III. He examined the gem-adorned turning sphere, and the gem 
transverse tube^ that he might regulate the seven Directors. 

6 Thereafter, he sacrificed specially, but with the ordinary forms, to 

* before the shrine of, the accomplished ancestor.' 
By this ancestor must be intended the individual 
to whom Yaou traced his possession of the 
throne, — perhaps Hwang-te. Ma Yung under- 
stood by "^ fi^ Heaven, saying that * Heaven 

is the Father ( jf§^) '^ho beautifies all things, 

and therefore is called ^ ^.' This would 
give a good meaning ; but had it been intended, 
Uie text would have been different. K'ang- 
shing thought that Yaou had a Hall of audience 

and worship, called Jj. j^^ corresponding to 
the VR ^ of the Chow dynasty, the several 
parts of which were dedicated to * the five Tes,* 
the Gods or divine powers presiding over nature ; 

and that "^ wj^ was the name of the hall of the 

^^ '^^ C^lfj 'fS*)' ^^^ ^® "^^ ^^^^ * P^* ^°' 
t)»e whole, intending the whole structure. This 
tiew comes to be substantially the same with 
that of Ma Yung. The belief of five Tes was 
loM)f posterior to the times of Yaou and Shun. 


Yaou. P. 6. Astronomical labours, > ^. 

•a^^, *to examine/ as in the Canon of Yaou, 

p. 7. ]^ is the name of some kind of 

gem ; the particular kind can hardly be ascer- 
tained, i^ is given in the diet, as being 
5& ^, «the name of an instrument,' with a 
reference to this passage. Ts'ae Ch*in takes 
tliechar. as«=»;^, *a spring,' * a contrivance.' 

We can easily understand tliat the ^^ was an 
addition of subsequent times to both characters, 
f uh-shang seems to have read "j^ ^^, 'the 
turning contrivance' (see his *rrcface to the 
8hoo,' and Keang Shing, wi loc.). There is no 
difference about the reading of the next two 
characters, which mean Hhe gem transverse,' 
and the ^C there will justify the same in the 
two previous characters. Acconling to T8*ae 
Ch*in, following the ancient interpreters, Gan- 
kw6, Cli*ing, and Ma Yung, the four characters 

describe a kind of armillary sphere, the {^ i^ 

represontinj? the revolution of tlie heavens, and 
the * transverse ' being u tul^e made of a precious 
stone, and placed athwart the sphere, for the 
purpose of celestial observation. Earlier than 
(Jun-kw6, adifftTcntview sccm3tohavcol)t^incd. 

VOL. m. 

Fuh-shang says :—'Wliat was the J|5|:^? j^ 

means to revolve; and ^^ means a spring, 

what is minute. That whose own motion is 
very small, while the movements which it 

produces are great, is what is called here ^gjg 

;|^. The words denote the north pole ' (fm 

^£ yC lM). Keang-shing says he approves 
of this view, but taking the four characters to 
be a description of the * Great Bear,' called in 

Chinese the 'Northern Peck' ^^ i^). The 

' handle ' is the * transverse ' of the classic. ^^ 

]^^ is the name still given to « Dubhe of Ursa 

Major ; ^ ;^ to jB Dubhe ; and 3E "^J ^ * 
Alioth. Tliis explanation is marked by simpli- 
city, but the text of the classic will not admit 
of it. ITie writer must have had some con- 
structed instrument in his mind's eye. De 
Gnignes observes that the details are very 
singular for the time to which they refer, and 
asks whether astronomy had then made so 
much progress (Le Chou King, p. 13, note). 
But the existence of instruments of the chnr- 
acter indicated is in accordance with the as- 
tronomical knowledge which we have seen that 
Yaou possessed. With regard to the form of 
Shuu's sphere, it was no doubt very simple. 
The figure in Yung Ching's Shoo, said to repre- 
sent it, is all of modem device. 
The object of Shun's labours on the sphere and 

tube was *to regulate (^K» "make uniform") 
the seven Governments.' By these J^ j&t Ma 

Yung understood the seven stars of the Great 
Bear. K'ung-shing said they meant * spring, au- 
tumn, winter, and summer, astronomy, geogra- 
phy, and anthropology' (see Keang Shing, iw ioc). 
These opinions may be set aside at once. The 
consent of later times is all but universal to the 
view of Gan-kw6, that the seven governments 
were the sun, the moon, and the five planets, 
Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, each 
of which had its own rules of government. 

According to this, we ought to translate ^|^|R5^, 

* the seven repilarly governed Bodies.' But we 
have seen that the study of astronomy in those 
early times was all for practical purimses. The 
motions of the heavenly bodies were ascertained, 
to be a help to the movements of the govern- 
ment on earth. I prefer thei*efore to render the 
terms by *■ the seven Directors.* 

P. 6. Acts of religious worsliip, ^^«»jj|^, 

'uiwn this,' * thereafter.' Gan-kw6 (espc«ii*iliy 

Digitized by 





7^ ^ S o ^ ^ Uf 


God; sacrificed purely to the six Honoured ones; offered their ap- 
l)ropriate sacrifices to ike hills ^and rivers.; and ext^nd^d liis worship 
to the host of spirits. 

He called in all the five tokens of gem; and when the month was 
over, he gave daily audience to the chief of the four Mountains, and 
all the Pastors, /na//y returning the tokens to the several nobles. 

as expounded by Ying-4&) make^ the char, 
follow in logical sequence from the prec. par., 
as if Shun had discovered by his examination 
of the heavenly bodiss, U\At Yaeu's urging him 
to occupy the throae was from Heaven, and 
immediately he proceeded to announce his 
compliance to all superior spiritual powers. 

^1^, fflSS* and ^^ are the names of different 

sacrifices, ^m denotes a sacrifice offered to the 
Highest, on an extraordinary occasion, wh4cli 
characteristic is faintly indicated in the name, 

^feS being «=» *of a sort,* ' a class.' Hence K'ang- 

shing says that Shun now sacrificed to Shang 
Te at the round mound, t.e., at the place and 
with the ceremonies appropriate to the imperial 
worship of Heaven at the winter solstice. By 

_t 'fil* ^'® ^^® ^ understand God, the supreme 
Ruler. It is not till we come down to the 
times of the Chow dyn. that anything can be 
discovered to lead us to think of Shang Te as 
other than one and supreme. During the Chow 
there grew up the doctrine of five Tes, some- 
times represented as distinct from Shang Te, 
and sometimes as difl^erent manifestations of 
Him. It has not, however, maintained itself. 
K'ang-shing's view of the name here has been 
indicated above. Ma Yung held that Shang Te 

■was *The supreme One* (Hj^ — '); see the 
Record of Rites, jjj^ j|g, Pt. iv. 4. The whole 
of his comment isi—J^ *^ ^ ', )p^ ^ 

Te is the great One; his spirit occupies the 
palace of Tsze-wei * [a celestial space about the 
pole], * the most distmguished of the heavenly 
Powers.' The blending of astrological fancies 
with the classical truth appears in it. Wang 
Suh made Shang Te here simply to be synony- 
mous with Heaven ; and Gan-kw6 himself had 
defined the name as = ' Heaven and the five 

Tes* (^ ^ jE 'r?|0- I cannot doubt but 
Shang Te is here the name of the true God ; 
but the truth concerning Him and His worship 
had been perverted even in this early time, as 
appears from the other clauses of the paragraph, 
j^ is supposed by Clring K'ang-shing 

to bo connected with y^, * smoke,' and have 
reference to the burql sacrifices which were 

presented-; but this view oamiot be sustained. 
The wonl applies to a sacrifice offered * with 
jmrity and reverence.' Who the *8ix Honoured 
ones * were, it is not possible to ascertain. Fuh* 
shang and his earlier followers held that, though 
six were mentioned, only one Being or Power 
was intended, — a sort of plastic influence, work- 
ing between heaven and earth and the four 
cardinal points (see Sun Sing-yen, iw loc.) Subse- 
quently etery interpreter had his own view, as 
may be seen in Ying-tA. Ace. to Gan-kwft, 
followed by Wang Suh, the six Honoured ones 
are * the seasons, cold and heat, the sun, the 
moon, the stars, and drought.' Of course we 
nmst understand that the emp. sacrificed to 
certain spirits, ruling over these phenomena and 
things, and residing probably in different stars. 

^^ is the name of sacrifices offered to the 

hills and streams. The sacrificer would proba* 
bly iook towards the quarter where each mountain 
or stream was situated. We are to understand 
that * the hills and rivers ' were all throughout 
the empire, not the more famous of them only, 
but all, with their presiding spirits. 

Finally, Shun did homage to *the herd of 
spirits,' — all spirits of heaven, earth, and men, 
not included in the above three clauses ; — ' to 
mounds, dykes, plains, forests, and the sages 
and worthies of ancient times.' So says Ying- 
t&, who points out also how, in thus sacrificing 

to *{U1 spirits* (S^ jpft)* ^^^^ ^*« exercising 
an imperial prerogative. Such was the 

solemn worship of Shun, a sage, a perfect man, 
according to the Chinese ideal. It was offered 
in the year b.c. 2283, so soon had men departed 
from the trnth of God, and added to His 
worship of their own inventions. 

P. 7. Shun gives audience to the nobles of ih^ 

empire, and confirms t/iem in their fiefs* ^ 

JnS, — * the five gem-signets. ' — It is diflacult to 

get a word exactly corresponding to JflS. Med- 
hurst transl. it by * sceptre.' The fiefs of the 
empire were divided into five classes, the chiefs 
of ^vhich were known respectively by the titles of 
Kung, How, Pih, Tszc, and Nan (see Mencius, 
Bk. V. Pt. II. ii.); so it was in the Chow dyn., 
and there was an arrangement, the same or 
similar, in the earliest times. Each ruler, on 
obtaining his appointment from the emperor, 
received a token, differing in size and form 
according to tho rank. This he kept, and 
brought with him whenever he appeared at 

Digitized by 


bk. I. cu. in. 8. 


8 In the second month of the year, he made a tour of inspection 
eastwards^ as far as Tae-tsung, where he presented a burn t-ofFeriiij; to 
Heaven, and sacrificed in order to the hUls and rivers. Thereafter 
he gave audience to the nobles of the East, putting in accord their 

court. The separate tokens were- so constructed 
that they fitted into a sort of frame kept in the 
imperial treasury, by which their genuineness 
was tested, so that an impostor might in this 
way be detected. The token held by the Kunf/, 
or nobles of the highest rank, was called 
>@ -^ ; that of the How, ^ ;^ ; of the 
i^ j|§ ;^ ; of the Tsze, ^^ ;and of the 

yfC 1p» •)• ^" Slmn's accession to the 

adhiinistration of the empire, it waa necessazy 
that all the nobles should have their appoint- 
ments confirmed by him. 
There is a difficulty with the interpretation 

the phrase =' when a month was completed.* 
That month la understood to be the first month 
of the year after his accession. The summons 
had been sent to the nobles^ and at the expiry 
of a month they began to arrive. The ^^ 

q^ were the chiefs of the nobles in the different 
provinces, the lord-Iieutenanis, whose official 
chief again was the ^ ■^. To them Shun 
gave daily audience on the subject of the diflnt. 
nobles, whom they would introduce, and who 
wete then sent ba«k with their tokens to their 
various ftefsy to mahitain the authority of the 

P. & Taws of Insp^cHofL ^ tjjS ap- 

pear* ia Mencius, I. Pt II. ir. 5, H al, as ^ 

|5jfi, «* perambulated the Charges of the nobks: 
To what year this first tour is to be referred 
cannot be determined. Ma Yung held tliat it 
was the 6th year after Shun undertook the 
jrovt. Gan-kw6 again makea it the same as that 
m which he confirmed the nobles. The arranged 
chronoL places it in the year after, the 74th 
of Ydou's reigiK Perhaps it was so. In 

making the circuit, Shun first travelled east as 
far as JQ ^, called elsewhere and now ^^ 
[Jj, 6 & to the north of the district city of 
T*ae-gan (^ ^) in the dop. of the same name 

in Shan^tung [Lat. Se^SCi N., Lon. l^ E., Med.] 
This mount, was deemed the first of all the 
hills of China, and therefore it has the epithet 
of ^^ or * Honourable.' When his work was 
done here, Shun went to the South. 
^T^^y—Gaxi'kwd and Ma Yung take ^ 
actively ;— ' he returned the five instruments of 
gem.*^ I have Allowed them. K'ani^-shing 
takes it intrans^ and supposes that Shun re- 
turned to the capital and sacrificed a single vic- 
tim at the end of each tour. Choo He, foil, of 
course by T^•ae Ch*in iind others, also takes it 
kitrans.,. but without suppos. a return to the 
cap. Shun simply turns back from his eastward 
course, and goes in anotlier direction. They 
also suppose that the text has got transposed, 
and read ^3g, = ^, — ^, — ^g, 

^*, immediately after "^ ^. There is no 
necessity for such a violent measure, if we take 
^^ actively, as I ha^e done. From mount 

T*ae,. Shun proceeded to the Southern mountain, 
generally supposed' to have been mount liwftng 

(^^), 30 l^ to the north of the dis. city of 

Hwang-san (^j [Jj), in HwSngchow dep. 

(^J^), Hoc-nan [Lat. 37^0', N., Lon. 4n5', 
W., Med.] This has been thought too remote, 
and other hills not so far south have been fixed 
on. From mount Hw&ng, Shun trav. west 

to the Western mountain, or nK>unt Hwa (ISS 
|_[f ), called T'ae-hwa (^ ^) in the * Tribute 
of Yuh* It i» 10 h south of the dis. city of 
Hwa-yin (^ j^), in Shen-se, dep. of Se-ngan. 
|Xat. 34*30',. N:,fLon. 6'>30', W., Med.]. From 
the west, he proc. north, to the Northern moun- 
tain, or moimt H5ng ('^ iM), considered, in 
the sacrificial statutes of the pres. dyn., to be 
20 k to the south of Ilw^n-chow dis. (^ j»|»|), 
dep. of Ta-t<ang (-^ ^), in Shan-se [Lat. 
37-30', N., Lon. 2o30', W., Mcd.l From the 

north he ret. to- the cap., which was at no 
great distance, in the pres. dep. of r*injr-ya»ig 
(^ ^) in Shan-sc -^ and there he sacrificed a 

Digitized by 





1;J}.T m ^ =f -^ 7^ Hn ^.^. 

seasons and months, and rectifying the days ; he made uniform the 
standard tubes, the measures of length and of capacity, and the steel- 
yards ; he regulated the five classes of ceremonies. As to the several 
arti(*les of introduction, — the five instruments of gem, the three 
kinds of silk, the two living animals, and the one dead one, when 
all was over, he returned the five instruments. In the fifth month, 
he made a similar tour to the south, as far as the southern moun- 
tain, observing the same ceremonies as at Tae. In the same way, in 

bull (i9p = -^ 4*)» ^^ *^® temple of the 
Cultivated ancestor, announcing the completion 
of his circuit. ^^ flA is probably the same 
as 'AjT jjlg^, p. 4. So, Gan-kw6 and K*ang- 

On arriving at each of his halting places, 
8hun first pres. a burnt-offering to Heaven. 

^S^, lit., e— * firewood.' On the altar a pile of 
"wood was ^reared, on which the victim and 
other offerings were placed. The practice is 
the same at the pres. day. The old interp. 

placed no comma after ^^, but placed one after 
^^. Choo He pointet^ at -^^j and then read 
on to l||. I put a comma both at ^^ and 

* acc. to their onler.' Difft. ranks were assigned 
to the hills and rivers, and the ceremonies paid 
to them varied accordingly. 

Shuu's business at the various points, after 
giv. audience to the nobles was : — Ist, to see that 

they had the calendar correct— jj2^ fji (•="P3 

n#)^(||.^:t;A:^Jv.>.. which 

months were long and which short. So, Gan- 
kw6 ; and tliis would imply a process of inter- 
calation like the present) R (gS Q ^P^ 

fH ^, t.€., the names of the days, their 
designation by the cycle-characters); 2d, to see 
that the weights, measures, &c., of tlie diill. 
States were uniform. |s| ^^&i — *l»e made 

uniform the reguhition*tubes.' iSt is defined 

by ^n^, * that which divides.* The name was 

given to twelve tubes, originally made of bamboo, 
then of soiue gem, and in the time of the Han 
dyn. of brass or copper. They were a little 
more than tliree teath^ of an inch in diameter, 

and the circumference of the bore was exactly 
nine tenths. The longest was c^ed * the yellow 

cup ' (^r ^^)) 9 in. long, and the shortest < the 
responsive cup' (J^ ^), only 4.66 in. The 

name of ISl more especially belonged to six of 

them, which gave the sharped notes in music. 
The others, giving the fiat notes, were called 

S . The twelve together about formed, I believe, 

a cliromatic scale. But besides their applica^ 
tion to music (see on p. 24), the kwanp chunq 
was the standard measure of length. The 90th 

part of it was 1 /tin (43^)» ^^ /*"» ^^^ ^ *°c^ 

(TT*); 10 inches were 1 foot (^); 10 feet were 

1 chang C^) ; and 10 chang were 1 ^n ( H I ) [It 
is said that the breadth of a grain of millet 
( — ' ^ ^ ^) made a fun, and that 90 of 
them determined the length of the 1st tube. 
See the * Commentary of Ts*ae niustrated' (^S 

# 51 M>> '•y ch'in s^s-k-w* (^ giji iij) 

of the Yuen dyn. (pub. a.d. 1321)]. The 

same tube was the standard for measures of 
capacity. 18^ millet grains filled Ajvn of it, and 
1200 grains filled the whole. So much made a 
yoh ('^); 2 yoh made a kdk (^); 10 k6h, I 

^i^ ( JFf-); 10 «^^i 1 *o^ i^)i 10 tow, 1 hoh 
Qftil). The tube, again, supplied the stan- 

dard for weights. 100 grains of millet weighed 
a choo (^); 24 choo; 1 Hang (^) or tael ; 16 
taels, 1 kin ifr*)* or catty ; 30 catties, 1 hem 

i^^)i and 4 keun, 1 ahih (^)i or stone. 
From all these applications of * the yellow cup ' 
we find it spoken of as * the root of all human 

Digitized by 


Bk. L Ch. III. 8. 9. 



the eighth month, he travelled westwards, as far as the western 
mountain ; and in the eleventh month he travelled northwards, as 
far as the northern mountain. When he returned to the capital^ he 
went to the temple of the Cultivated ancestor, and offered a single 

In five years tliere was one tour of inspection, and four appear- 
ances of the nobles at court. They set forth a report of their govern- 
ment in words. This was clearly tested by their works. They 
received chariots and robes according to their services. 

Shun would carry with him from the capital 
standard tubes, measures, steelyards and beams, 
and weights. There was a 3d subject to 

occupy him. He had also * to regulate the five 
ceremonies.' By these Ch4ng understood the 
ceremonies to be observed in appearing at court 
and in their intercourse with one another by 
the five classes of nobles indicated in the last 
par. Gan-kwd and Ma Yung take the cere- 
monies to be the same with those recognized 
under the Chow dyn., — the various ceremonies of 

irorship ( - 

I); the ceremonies appropriate 

to calamity and mourning ( b(J ^9\ the cere- 
monies appropriate to guests of State C^^) ; 
the ceremonies appropriate to war (^S^ mfi) ; 
and festive ceremonies (^L SB) impropriate 
to marriages and other occasions of joy. This 
latter interpretation is to be preferred. 

The nobles in waiting upon Shun brought 
with them their tokens of investiture, — the 

35l iSB ^^ ^*** P*"^*> called here ^L rtt ^^^ 
Ht^ :g^ ; and also various articles which pre- 
pared the way for their audience, and are here 
called %^. <A man's gift maketh room for 
him, and bringeth him before great men.' This 
obtains in the east more than elsewhere, and 
obtained from the earliest times. The statutes 
enacted even in Shun's days recognized it, and 
endeavoured to regulate it and prevent its 

abuse. ^£ ^,—* three fabrics of silk.' 

Ch*ing says they were red silk t^ ^^), on 

which the descendants of ICaou-sin presented 
their signets ; black silk, on which those of 
Kaou-yang presented theirs; and white silk, 
used by the other nobles. Gan-kwd and Wang 
Suh, again, say that they were silks of a deep red, 
brought by the eldest sous of princes; dark 

azure silks, brought by —^ ^^ ^ 3jJ ; and 
yellow silks, brought by the chiefs of small 
attached territories. ^ jtfl , * two living 

aninuils,' — ^lambs or kids, brought by the highest 
officers in the various States (^|^); and geese, 
brought by inferior officers (-^ 7^)' 
"^* ^^, 'one dead animal,* — pheasants brought 
by the smaller officers, and scholars expecting 
employment (J;;). ^[0 HL^'^^ 

the five instruments,* Le^ the signets. Those 
who would transpose this clause (see above) are 
obliged to expL "bfj by |h|> ' to make uniform.' 

This year of inspection must have been a 
busy one to Shun. Many commentators have 
doubted the possibility of his accomplishing all 
the work. Some things indicated have been 
pushed up, I must suppose, from the practices 
of a subsequent age. 

P. 9. Regular periods of tours of inspection and 
appearances of ttie nobles at courts with the results 
of such appearances. After the circuit detailed 
in last par., it was probably enacted by Shun 
that such a tour should be made every five 
years. During the intermediate four years, the 
nobles and princes of the difit. divisions of the 
empire presented themselves at court. Ma and 
K*ung suppose that the * four appearances * were 
those at the four points of meeting during the 
year of the imperial circuit. The other view- 
more in accord with the phrase UQ ^J)^is 
given by Ch4ng. He says Hhe nobles came 
separately,' intending, we may suppose with 
Ts*ae Chin, that the first year those of the east 
came, those of the south on the second, &c. 

set fortli;' ^-"^ **<> present,'«to re- 
present. In want of any expressed nominative 

Digitized by 




PART n. 



Shun instituted the division of the empire into twelve provinces, 
raising altars upon twelve hills in them. He Iikeioise deepened the 

He gave delineations of the statutory punishments, enacting 
banishment as a mitigation of the five great inflictions; with the 
whip to be employed in the magistrates' courts, the stick to be em- 
ployed in schools, and money to be received for redeemable crimes. 

to these verbs, we may take tbem indefinitely. 
— * There waa setting forth and representation 
by means of words.' So with the otlier clauses. 

^ft, * meritorious service,* is specially 
applied to ^service to the State* (^); while 
^H ^ ^^ 57* * ®®'^^® rendered to the people * 
like the teaching them agriculture (see the B^ 

^m)^ j^,-8ee the She King Pt. 
II., Bk, VII., viii. J^ is here somewhat 

diflHt. from its use in the prec clauses, ande=: 
* according to.* 

P. 10 Division of (he empire into twelve pro- 
vinceSf and attendant circumstances. This 

division must hare taken place several years 
after Shun's accession to the administration. 
While Yu was labouring on the flooded pro- 
vinces, their number was only nine, and the 
rearrangement of them as twelve must have 
been subsequent to the conclusion of his work. 
It is referred by the Annalists to the 81st year of 
Yaou. Fuh-shang in his Preface assigns it to 
the first year of Shun's independent reign, which 
would seem to be more likely. For the 

provinces, see next Part, Bk. I. Shun divided 

K'e into the three provinces of Ping iff'), 
K'e C^) and Yew (^); and Ts^ng into 

Ts'ing ( ^ ) and Ying (^). See Ying-tft in loc. 
This division into twelve provinces did not last 
beyond Shun*s reign. ^^ -|- -^IH [Jj > 

— ^*» * to raise a mound,* here «» m* -f^ 
^^ J@, ' to raise up earth for an altar * (Keang 
Shing)r In every province Shun selected a 
mountain, — the largest probably, — and made it 
the * guardian * of the territory (^p LlJ)* ^^ 

f^* in p. 1, * profound,* * deep ; * here a 
verb, =5 ' to deepen.* Tlie mention of this leads 
us to refer the whole of this par. to Shun's own 

relgTi, some yeara after tlie completion of Yu*8 
P. 11. Punishments, Compw p^ 20; and Ptu 

v., Bk. XXVII. ^ t^^^M'~ 

^^, ' to delineate ; ^ as in the Canon of Yaou, p. 

3. There is much dispute about the meaning 
of the char. here. Gan-kw6 takes it as<=3 

^g-, * laws,* and expl. — * according to the laws, 
he used the regular punishments^ not going 
beyond the lawsw* Thi* view may at once be 
set aside. Ts^ae Ch*in says we are to under- 
stand it as in the phrase — * Heaven hangs out 

its appearances to show to men * (^^ ^. ^^ 
j/j[ 71^ A ) ; which gives «8 the idea of pic- 
torial representation. ^^ Jf|j, — * regular 
punishments,' said to be five in th« next clause. 
Those were branding (on the forehead) (^g); 
cutting off the nose (3lj)) cutting off the feet 
(Q|]); castration (^&)'t and death [which 
might be by various modes of execution] iyC 

It is maintained by some Chinese scholars 
that Yaou and Shun did not use those severe 
punishments. They did not need to do so, it is 
said. Ma Yung says on the text : — * Kaou Yaou 
instituted these five punishments, but none 
made themselves obnoxious to them. There 
were the representations (JSl ^^)> but not the 

criminals* (IH! A ). Fuh-shang speaks of per- 
sons liable to these punishments being dressed 
so as to attract attention, which made a greater 
impression than the infliction of the penalties 
would have done. These objections were made at 
a very early time, and answered by Seun K4ng, in 
the dd cent, before Christ. Others allowing that 
Yaou and Shun had the punishment of death, 
say that the other four penalties in the flesh 

(RM flilj) originated with the Hea dyn.; but 
neither la this correct. Sec Maou K*e-liug*s ^ 

Digitized by 


BK.LCfl.ra. 11, 12. 




Inadvertent oflFences and those which might be caused by misfor- 
tune were to be pardoned, but those who offended presumptuously 
or repeatedly were to be punished with death. " Let me be reve- 
rent ; let me be reverent," he said to himself. " Let compassion rule 
in punishment." 

He banished the minister of Works to Yew island; confined Hwan- 
tow on mount Tsung; drove the chief of San-meaou and his people 

-r^ _,J?» — •» «» ^' Branding and the cutting 
off of the nose and feet were aholished hy tlie 
emp. Wan ("^ 'j^) of the Han dynasty (b.c. 
178-156). Castration, however, remained on 
the statute book till the first emperor of the 
Suy dyn. (a.d. 679-600). From that time to 
the present the five punishments have been — 
beating with the bamboo C^); with the cudgel 
(^); the shorter banishment (^); the longer 

(5^)» ^^^ (^) ^eath [which may be by de- 
capitation, strangulation, cutting or slicing to 
pieces, &c.] K*e-ling observes that in this 
respect the ways of modern times are more 
humane than the ways of the ancient sages were. 

jjfc ^ -S. ^J "^ * banishment to mitigate 
the five severe penalties.' $S»~~** whip,* 

*a piece of leather tied to a stick.* ik 

(/)*wA),— *to beat;*-— the Diet, says *with a 
stick* 0^)\ Gan-kwd, *with bramble-twigs, 
or with branches of the iHa.* The crimes 

punishable with the whip and stick are sup- 
posed to be slighter offences, not only below the 
penalty of the five inflictions, but also below 
banishment. The whip was employed against of- 
ficers in the courts ; and the stick against officers 
in the schools. Medhurst, indeed, translates — 
• the birch for the flagellation of scholars.* But 
if the next cltiuse be correctly taken as apply- 
ing to offences under these two heads, which is 
tlie conmion view of it, a conmmtation of the 
birch for a fine in schools becomes absurd, — to 
say nothing of Shun*8 condescending to such 
matters. :^»~"* metal,* here «= * copper.* 

See Sun Sing-yen, in he. ^ ^^ ^ j[^ 


^^, * offences by mishap are called ijS}'^ 
see the Q ^^. The old interpreters joined 

the two logcthcr-— 'injuries done without pur- 

^ ^J,-Ch'ing expands !-Mf ^ 5fe jflj 

those who persist in their villainy, and all 
their lives are criminals, are to be punished.' 
It is better, with Gan-kw6, to take ^ « ^, 
and i|^ as in the translation .Ij^^'y^ JJ*, 

It 18 best to take these two sentences as address- 
ed by Shun to himself. 

P. 12. How Shun dealt with the four great 
criminah of the enwire. We do not know 

when the transactions here mentioned took 
plaee. Sze-ma Ts*een, I mentioned above, has 
a legend of *four villains* (|[^ ^), banished 
by Shun while Yaou was testing him ; but he ha« 
also incorporated the present par. with his 
Work, so that he must have considered the 
P^ ll and the gg ^ to be different in- 

The minister of Works, Hwan-tow, and 

K*wan have all occurred in the Canon of Yaou. 

EH W ^*® ^^® name of a country. This 

appears clearly from a passage in the Tt'^fi, 

fl3 7C ^' *"*^ especially from the ^ g| 

:!' # + pg* ^^^"^ w^ ^'^ (^ i^) 

tells one of the princes of Wei (^fi) that * San- 
meaou had on its left the waves of the P*ang-le 
(^ ^), and on its right the waters of the 
Tung-t'iug C^l^ J^X Mount Wan C^ jjj) 
on the South, and Mount Hwftng (^|) on the 

* offences without intention ^, , mi. .., .. •'** 

<4 north.* This agrees with other accounts of its 

situation. It possessed the territory now occu- 
pied by the depp. of Woo-ch'ang (^ S) in 
Hoo-pih, Yd-chow (J^ ^) in Hoo-nan, and 
Kcw-keang (^ yj^) in Keang-se. Why it was 

Digitized by 




1»ART n. 

^ jH. A o ^ lUM wmn 

called the * three Meaou,' it is only attempted to 
account for by foolish legends. 

From the ^ ^, ^k ^, "TT , we see it was 

thought in the Chow dyn. that Yaou had been 
in hostilities with the people of Meaou, and we 
shall see in the next Book that Yn had like* 
wise to proceed against them. Shun's measure 
seems to have been to remove their Chief and 
probably a portion of his people to another part 
of the country. We must suppose that their 
chief is specially intended, to make one in the 

quaternion of four great cjriminalB. J^ <» 

* to banish.* "fc 

confine there.* | 

into San-wei, and kept them there; held KSyftn till death a prisoner 
on motmt Yu. These four criminals being thus dealt with, universal 
submission prevailed throughout the empire. 
13 IV. After twenty-eight years the emperor demised, when the peo- 
ple mourned for him as for a parent for three years. All within the 

east, in the pres. Shan-tung, 70 k to the north- 
east of the dis. city of T*an-8hing ($tj ^^), in 

EKrhow(]^ j^). 

[Jfn f^,— the chaf. S^ originally was JSl, 
for which the founder of the Ts^in dyn. ordered 
S^ to be used, disliking its similarity to the 

char. J^ . After CfH 9^ we must understand 

some characters equal to-—* being thus discrimio 
natingly dealt with.' 

Ch, IV. The death of Yaou and acoessiow 
OF Shun to the throne. P. 13. Zl"f"^^ 

/V ^S»""** aeeros to me that every unpre- 
judiced reader of the classic must understand 
this as meaning 28 years, reckoning from Shun's 
accession to the administration of aifairs, men- 
tioned p. 4, so that Yaou's death would occur 
in the 100th year of his reign, b.c. 2257. The 
matter is complicated, however by wliat is 
related in the * Historical Records,' that Yaou, 
getting Shun in the 70th year of his reign, 
employed him for 20 years, and only then re- 
signed to him the administration, dying himself 
8 years after. This account would make Yaou's 
reign extend over 98 years. The conclusion we 
draw from the classic is all against this view. 

5fl. ^^ together « * to deceaae.' Ts'een 
has £^ . Choo He says that at death the omi- 
mus goes to heaven, and the anima to the earth. 
In this case, M[ ought to denote * to ascend,' 

but it simply == >H^y * to go away,' ^ jj|^, 
—as in last Bk., p. 2, the P3 j^ correspond- 
ing to the 3£ ^ and ^^ ^ there. Keang 
Shing remarks that the mourning for three 
years proves that 'S jfA^ must be confined to 

officers; but tliis assumes that ^p is to be 
understood in the sense of * wearing mourning,' 
and not in that of lamenting' generally. Be- 
sides, the people of the imperial domain had to 

bar a» < to put in a place and 

^3 ai< to drive to, and keep 

OS in prison.' j ^ would seem to moan ' to 

put to death,' and Ching and Ma Yung expl. it 
by ^$, * to take out of the way ;' but Gan-kw6 
says that every one of the four criminals was 
dealt with in the way of §*. A lighter mean- 
ing therefore is given to the term ; and indeed, 
it is not easy to suppose that while Yu was his 
right hand, and rendering the greatest services 
to the empire. Shun would put his father to 

death. WooChlngsays,^!!^^^ 

1^ ^jtl must originally have been 1^ 444, 

the -^C being a subsequent addition. This place 

was somewhere in the north ; — it is said outside 
Ctiih-le province, to the north east of Meih-yun 

(36 ^&) dis., dep. of Shun-t*een. I am not 

sure, however, whether it is right to translate 

jfyji], by ♦ island.' ^ [Jj was in the south, 

in the pres. Hoo-nan, in the dis. of Yung- ting 

was a district in the west, deriving its name 
from a hill of the same name. * It rises,' says 
the Statistical Account of the empire under the 
pres. dyn., *in the south-east of the dep. of 

Gan-se (4^ ^) in Kan-suh, with three pre- 

cipitoufi summits, which seem threatcuing to 

Digitized by 


Bk, I. Ch. V* 15. 



four seas, the eight instruments of music were stopped and hushed. 

14 On the first day of the first month, Shun went to the teniple of the 
Accomplished Ancestor. 

15 V. He deliberated with the chief of ilie four Mountains, how to 
throw open all the doors of communication between the court and the 
emjnre^ and sought to see with the eyes and hear with the ears of all. 

wear mourning for three months (^^ oMt ni 
loc.); and here they extended of themselves the 
rule to three years. ^^=3 a father, de- 

ceased; f(^, a mother, deceased. [[Q m^, 

— 'the four seas.* Anciently, the territories 
occupied by the nine E (^&)} the eight Teih 
(3tt ), the seven Jung i^^^i and the six Man 

(^g)> ^®™ called * the four seas.' All within 
the four seas was divided into the 'nine pro- 
vinces.' Within the nine provinces there were 
arranged the *flve domains,' divided into three, 
— the imperial, the nobles', the peaceful, — called 
the 'Middle Kingdom,' and two, — the domain 
of restraint, and the wild domain, — called the 
country of the 'four wild tribes;' — see Hoo 

Ming-king's (^ ^ j^) Introductiou to his 
Work on *Tlie Tribute of Yu.* According to 
this view, which is that of the ancient Diction- 
ary, the ^B 9S^f * the four seas ' is a designation 

having nothing to do with the seas. The scho- 
lars and thinkers of the Sung dyn. did not un- 
derstand how it could have arisen, and rejected 
tills account of it. The phrase must have had its 
origin in some idea of the habitable territory as 
bounded on every side by water (see Con. Ana., 
XII. v., note). Yen Jd-keu, in his 'Topogra- 
phy of the Four Books,' art. 00 J^, says 

that the phrase has two meanings ; generally it 
is to be taken in accordance with the ancient 
view, but sometimes it has a vast and vague 

signification, and^a ^^~n> *all under heaven.' 
Practically, this account is correct, but it says 
nothing of the origin of the phrase. — In the 
text, we must take the phrase vaguely, com- 
prehending the empire. Kven allowing the ac- 
count of the ^ !|i, P9 ;^ must— ^ j^ 
JP^ ro> or j^ wj. The writer could not 

have the barbarous territory beyond the empire 
in his mind. 

f\ "h"*""' *^® ®'8*»t sounds,' i.€., all musical 
instruments, made of metal, of stone, of silk, 
of bamboo, of a gourd, of eiurtli, of leather) or 
oX wood. 

VOL. uu 

P. 14. Shun*8 accession to the throne* This did 
not take place the year that Yaou died, nor the 
year after, but when the three years' mourning 
was expired. Nor did Shun then immediately 
occupy the throne. He allowed time for tho 
expression of opinion from the nobles and 
people, and was willing that Yaou's son Choc 
should succeed to his father. Neither nobles 
nor people, however, would have any other 
but Shun to reign over them. See Mencius, 
Bk. V. Pt. I. V. 7. The date of the accession 

was B. c. 2254. H jj ttj Q ,--comp, 

P- ^-^ jE ^ Jt Ef • Gan-kw6 and Wang 
Suh supposed the two passages identical, and 
that El 7F . *"^d yH ^^ t^® one and YP H 
and \\ in the other are only variations of 

style, which a writer may indulge in without 
any great reason. Ching on the other hand 
contends that the changes teach an important 
fact, — that Shun on his accession to the throne 
changed the first month of the year, from the 
month after the winter solstice, to the month 
beginning with it. It is slender ground on 
which to build such a conclusion. Suh says 
that it was only the Yin and Chow dynasties 
which changed the beginning of the year, and 
that the Hea dyn. and all previous times made 
it commence with the third month after the 
winter solstice ; see on Con. Ana. XV. x. An 
expression in Pt. HI. Book. II. p. 3. may be 
pressed in support of Ching's view. I do not 
know that there is any other evidence of it, and 

must here leave the point undetermined. A^ 

T ^ M - ot wK^ ^^^ ^" p- ^- s*'"*^ 

went now to the temple to announce his acces- 
sion to the throne; but henceforth he would go 
to the temple of his own ancestors. 

Ch. V. Acts of Shun as emperor. With 
this par., or the prec, commences what is i)ro- 
perly the Canon of Shun, or rather a fragment 
of that Canon. It wants the beginnincr, and we 
may say it wants the end also ; — hardly carry- 
ing us beyond the events of one year. 

P. 16. Measure of Shun to cull forth thcfjoodnnd 
able to public service, and make hiviself acquainted 

with the state of tite empire gm is here more 

than 'to inquire;' it conveys the idea of plans 


Digitized by 






^ m,m m it m ^t n^^^u 



z: o 

He consulted vdth the twelve Pastors, and said, "The food! — it de- 
pends on observiTig the seasons. Be kind to the distant, and cultivate 
the ability of the near. Give honour to the virtuous, and your 
confidence to the good, while you discountenance the artful: — so 
shall the barbarous tribes lead on one another to make their sub- 
17 Shun said, "Ah! chief of the four Mountains, is there any one 
who can vigorously display his merits, and give wide development 

adopt such a meaning, Interpreted : — * give re- 
pose to the remote, and then you can do so 
to the near.' It does not appear to me that we 
need to depart from the usual meaning, only 

giving the term a h^U force. yr^ «= t! JS 

Jr^ ^\j *men of henevolenoe and generosity.' 

fi ^ — ^ A' '^^^^^ people,' espe- 
cially in speech. The standard interpretation 

ot -fi i» 'fe ^ ^ M Z, A> '«»«" "'«» 

treasure irickeduess in their bosoms.' Instead 
of 'f^E* ^e *»*▼© -^ "^ B^» Il^» 2. [The Diet, 
gives the ^^ of the text in the 8d tone, which 
must be a mistake.] i@ft ^^, — < the wild 

tribes of the south and the east,* used for such 
tribes generally. ^ « ;;|;g ^, ' lead ou 

one another.' 

P. 17. Appointment of Yu to be General Rt' 
ffulator to jSAur, as Shun had fomterly been to 
Yaou. ^E ,--the use of ^S here would 
seem to be purposely to mark that Shun was 
now the emperor. Hereafter the phrase is 

^rfj* 0- ^ — fe* *^ P»t forward.' 

It gives the idea of vigour. Ma Yung explains 
it by ^, * to illustrate,'— wrongly. j^«I^, 

* services,' * merits.' |5E , — as in the Canon 

of Yaou, p. 8. 'ffi* j^ S»"-^® ®">P" o^ 

course is Yaou; ^^, as in Doctr. of the Mean, 
xxxiii. 6. ^B :E^, — see par, 2. ^Wj 

^^'""^u '^ 4ff ' * ^ awist,' * to ac t as minister 
to' (see note by Lin Clie-k*e in the ^^ ^tt) ; 
^ «, .^, as in the Can. of Yaou, p. 10. 

S P#>-B = ilM' **^ *^^'^ *'^^^' P^- 

and measures (see the ^^ jB^ "fim "qV 

pS E[Q P^,— ' to open tlie four gates,' U,, to 

open the gates of the four quarters, remove every 
hindrance obstructing the access of worth and 
ability, wherever situated, to the notice of tlie 
sovereign and his service. K^ang-shing supposes 
an allusion to the audience given by the emperor 
to his officers Mn the gate.' Keang 8hing 
brings in his favourite idea of * the four gales 
of the Hall of Audience.' It is not necessary 
to be so minute. All agree in the general mean- 
ing, that Shun's object was — @ ^^ jjf^, *to 
widen the way of the worthy.' There is 

more difficulty in apprehending precisely the 
remaining two phrases—^ t/Q ^ , ^^ l/H 

Hg[. Gan-kwC's expl. of them will suffice ; — 

^S ^^, *to enlarge his seeing and hearing 

throughout the four quarters, that nothing in 
the empire might be shut up or hid irora him.' 
Good officers, in sympathy with him, would be 
eyes and ears to him. 

P. 16. Counsels to tJie twelve pastors of pro- 
vinces. 4^f ' pastor,' * shepherd,' was a name 

given in the times of Yaou and Shun to the 
chief or superintendent of all the princes and 
nobles in a province; indicating that the nourish- 
ment of the people should be his chief concern. 
This is the reason why * food ' is here mentioned 

first. ^^^ a^ -*>^oodl~0nly the 
seasons.' This is tlie second tune we find the 
part, 're (see p. 11), which is of very frequent 
occurrence in the Shoo, and of varied usus. As 
to the sentiment, see Mencius, I. Pt. I. iii. 
iti jH'—H^ ^ ^^^^ ^y K'ang-shing a««=» 
^^, * to be indulgent to.' So also the modem 
cumm. Gan-kw6 aad Wang Suh, unwilling to 

Digitized by 


Bk. L Cli. V. 17, 18. 



Q '^ T ^ 

mmik So^ w m 

# B.^.# 

^/JC 0.f6 ^Z 

to the undertakings of the emperor, whom I may make General Re- 
gulator, to aid me in all affairs, and manage each department accord- 
ing to its nature?" All in the cowpt said, "There is baron Yu, the 
superintendent of Works." The emperor said,. " Yes. Ah ! Yu, you 
have regulated the water and the land. In this neio office exert 
yourself." Yu did obeisance with his head to the ground, and wish- 
ed to decline in favour of tl>e minister of Agriculture, or See, or 
Kaou-yaou." The emperor said, " Yes; but do you go, and under- 
take the duties. " 
18 The emperor said, " K'e, the black-haired people are*5ii/? suffering 

"i^^ there are specified nine ^£, of which the 
first i» IS^ "g, * laying the head to the ground.' 

^B ia the name of an office, that of 

the minLBter of Agriculture. The individual 
licre inentione<l had rendered, it is supposed, 
such senricee to the State in his office, tliat he 
came to> be distinguished by it, and not by liis 

own name which was K*e (^^)- He was a sou 

of the emp. K*uh ( j^ ^ ^) ; and to him 

tiie emperors of the Chow dyn. referred as their 
progenitor. See the wonders of his birth and 
infancy, and- the achievements of his life, in the 
She King, Pt. II. Bk. II. i., et ah During 
Stiun*s administration of the empire, K*e had 

been apointed ruler of the state of T*ae (^Qx 

to wliicli his mother had belonged. Vt 

(S^SJ was a half-brother of K^ and had been 
appointed ruler of Shang ( mj). From him tho 
emperors of the Shang dyn. were descended. See 
tbe accounts of hi» birth, &c., in the last portion 
of the She King, the * Praise-songs of Shang/ 

J^ 1^,-aee on Bk. UI. 

P. 18. Confirmation of K^e aa minister of 
Agriculture. This is the confirmation of K*e, 
not Tris appointment. As Yu had mentioned him 
with S'eS and Kaou-yaou, the emperor turns 
to them, and praises them for their services, 
which they were to continue. All the old 

ittterpreters put the verbs in the past tense : — 

' a class.' The meaning of the phrase, so far 

as it can be ascertained, is given in tlie transl. 

tin Che-k'e M7«;-|| ^ 7* •^ ^' =^ 

iii^ ^'*l^ P-tfc' 'The ""wning i., 

that all the aflTairs of the empire should be ma- 
naged naturally, each according to its nature and 

Glass.' ^h p^,— aa in the Can. of Yaou, 

p. 11. ^^ ^,— Baron Yu. Yu must by 

this time have superseded, or succeeded to, his 
father, aa chief of Tsung ; see on Can. of Yaou, p. 

11. •^^,— 8eePt.V.Bk.XX.12. ITie 

^ >gC w*» one of the great officer* of tho 
Chow dyn.; but only here do we find the name 
in connection with earlier times. In Yaou's 

time the minister of Worka was styled ^^ T* 
(Can. of Yaou, p. 10), and we find the same 
designation continued in this Bk., p. ^. K'ang- 
thing supposed that ^ ^^ was a special 
designation given for the time to Yu. It cer- 
tainly had to do with his labours on the moun- 
tains and streams of the flooded empire. 
Hi B# ( « ;^) ^ ^ -* now in this exert 
yourself!' Ma Yung takes ^^'^^^ '^ 
beautify ;' but the meaning in the transl. is to 
be preferred. ^ # H "t--^ 

B is exegetical of the ^E, which signifies 
*^to do obeisance,' '•to pay one's respects.* In 

Digitized by 







the distress of hunger. It is yours, prince, the minister of Agri- 
culture, to sow for them these various kinds of grain." 

The emperor said, "See, the people continue unfriendly with one an- 
other, and do not observe docilely the five orders of relationship. It 
is yours, as the minister of Instruction, reverently to set forth the 
lessons of duty belonging to those five orders. Do so with gentle- 

The emperor said, " Kaou-yaou, the barbarous tribes disturb our 
bright great land. There are also robbers, murderers, insurgents, and 
traitors. It is yours, as the minister of Crime, to employ the five 

•The people were suffering/ &c. Perhaps we 
should so translate ; but it seems more natural 
to render as I have done, — after Woo Ch4ng, 
and the * Daily Explanation.' BB."^ ISt 

' to be straitened.' For BQ^ Sze-ma Ts'een has 
x^, from which some suppose the original 
reading was jj|[, which, indeed. Ma Yung 
gives. Rather we may suppose that originally 
there was sunply ^. ^ ^,— K*e 

was J^, 'prince,' as being chief of T*ae; as 

minister of Agriculture he was called ^1, 
' millet,' that being considered the best of the five 
principal grains (Woo Ch*ing.) B^*" 

•j^,—' these.' Ch*ing would haye it read as 
jUp,' 'to transplant.' "g" ^, — the 

hundred grains,' t.6., all the various kinds of 
grain. Fan Sze-lin (|^ -^ J^, Ming dyn.), 
indeed, makes out 1 00 in this way : — under the 
name of kaug (^^), including millet, wheat, 

&c., 20 kinds; of taou (jKS), including rice, 
and all grains that grow in water, 20 kinds; 
of ^^, Le., beans, peas, &c., 20 kinds; of vege- 
tables (^), 20 kinds ; and of fruits (S), 20 

P. 19. Confirmation of S'i^ as miniater of In- 

sti-uction, ^ Jfg^ is here plainly the peo- 

ple. Tlie comnien. who have hitherto insist- 
ed on the phrase denoting 'the oflacers,* say 

nothing about it here. >j^ ?^'""^ ^^^^ 

said ^continue unfHendly,' to indicate the re- 
ference to the past services of See, which is 

properly supposed. ^ jS^^—jSp •=■ '* 

class/ *a rank;' 3£ |5a» *'*^6 ^^® ranks,* 
under which human society may be arranged ; 
— ^parent and child, sovereign and subject, nus- 

band and wife, brothers, and friends. y^fr, 

'the five lessons of duty, belonging to those or- 
ders. See Mencius, III. Pt I. iv. 8, who puts his 

seal to the meaning of ^£ ^L and 5t ^T^ 

There need be no hesitation, therefore, in re- 
jecting K^ang-sliing's view, that the <five SL * 
are 'father, mother, elder brother, younger bro- 
ther, and son,' and the five ^T the duties be- 
longing to those. ^ ^,— lit., 'it is in 

gentleness,' i^^ the people must be drawn, they 
can't be forced, to those duties. 
P. 20. Confirmation of Kaou-yaou as mints- 

terof Crime. 3(f ^.-^ "M,''^ 

throw into confusion.* Ch'ing expL it by '^ 

Si , 'to invade and throw into confusion.' JM, 
is a name for ' the middle country,' conveying 
the ideas of 'brightness and greatness.' The 
character ^£ is generally found with it. 

'external troublcrs are called ^^; internal, 

w.' The latter arc traitors, members of one's 
. household or State; the 'former are iusitrgenta. 

Digitized by 


Bk. I- Ch. V. 20, 21. 




punishments for the treatment of offences, for the infliction of wliich 
there are the three appointed places; and the five banishments, with 
their several places of detention, for which three localities are as- 
signed. Perform your duties with intelligence, and you will secure 
a sincere submission." 

The emperor said, " Who is equal to the duty of superintending 
my workmen?" All in the court said, "There is Suy." The emperor 
said, "Yes. Ahl Suy, you must be minister of Works." Suy did 
obeisance, with his head to the ground, and wished to decline in 

or invaders. 4^i '^y — Ch*ing exp. -£^ 

as *one who presides over the examination of 
civil and criminal causes'; Ma says he was 
'the chief of such judges.' During the Chow 

dyn. there was the ^^ ^j^, or chief criminal 

judge, but he was only a subordinate to the 
minister of Crime. Kaou-yaou's office was that 

of t^e ;^ ^J ^ of the Chow dyn. On the 

i 1^ ^ ^' i ^ :=! ^' ophUons 
are much divided. The five punishments, we 
may assume, are the branding, castration, &C., 

mentioned on p. 11. B^, says Woo Ch'ing, 

indicates the application of the punishment to 
tlie body, as a garment is put on'. I do not think 
we can translate in English more closely than 
if we say — * There are the five punishments 
which are to be undergone, and for the undergo- 
ing of them there are th ree places to be resorted to.' 
VfhAt those three places were, cannot be deter- 
mined.— Ching says— * the open country (15 

1^); the market-place and court Cfjj ^^; 

and the phice where the >{^ ^j^ ^ executed 

his functions ' [more privately, on members of 
the imperial House]. Ma Yung takes the same 
view. Gan-kw5 had determined the three places 
to be the open country, the market place, and 
the court, — from misunderstanding a passage 

J^ -^ -y^. Dissatisfied witli those explana- 
tions, T8*ae suggested that it may have been 
that capital sentences were carried into eff*ect 
in the market place, castration, in some place 
corresponding to the 'mulberry apartment' 

(^gk ^) P^ the Ban dyn., and the other 

three punishments, in some other place, screened 
from the windw — We must leave the subject un- 

The five severe inflictions might be commu- 
ted for banishments, — to a greater or less dis- 
tance. Each banishment was undergone in a 

certain place (^); but those five localities 
were comprehended within three larger divi- 
sions of territory. Tliis is the extent of tlio 
conclusion to which we can come on this part of 
the passage. Gan-kwo says the lei»8er banishment 
was to a distance of a thousand /«: the second 
was beyond the limits of the nine provinces; 
and the third was to the remotest region of 
barbarism. ChHng has a strange view. He 

would read ^ as pE^ (cA*a), and tlilnks it 
means handcufls, fetters, &c^ with which the 
criminals were secured. t^ BB ^&^ 

y|[^,— does this mean, * Be intelligent and you 
will secure the acquiescence of the people,' 
or 'Be intelligent and your sentences will be 
in accordance with the truth of the cases ?' The 
characters will admit of either meaning. Ts^ae 
Ch4n joins them together, but a translation 
can only admit one of them. 

P. 21. Appointment of Sujf to be miniate^ oj 
Workn. This office was vacant in consequence 
of Yu's appointment to be General ReguLitor. 
Tlie minister of Works, it would appear,had lo 
look after all the workers, or guilds of workers, 
in earth, stone, metal, leather, &c. 

5^ "?• T,— see on ^*, in Can. of Yaou, p. 
9. ^ (read Sm/, like "^ ; see the Diet.), 

— mention is made of *the bamboo arrows of 
Suy,' preserved as precious relics in the times of 
the Chow dyn. ; see Pt. V. Bk. XXII. 19. The 
Taouist philosopher Chwang also speaks of * the 
finger of Suy' (|g); see the ^^^|^ j^, 
^p ^^). Suy would appear from this to have 

Digitized by 





favour of Shoo, Ts'eang, or Pih-yu. The emperor said, "Yes; but 
do you go and undertake the duties. Effect a harmony in all the 
22 The emperor said, "Who is equal to the duty of superintending 
the grass and trees, with the birds and beasts, on my mountains and 
in my marshes." All in the cowr^ said, "There is Yih." The emperor 
said, "Yes. Ah! Yih, do you be my Forester." Yih did obeisance, 
with his head to the ground, and wished to decline in favour of 
Choo, Hoo, Heung, or Pe. The emperor said, " Yes; but do you go, 
and undertake the duties. You must manage them harmoniously." 

been himself a skilful worker. ^^^ ilfr, 

1^ Ah M. are three men in the ^ ^, the 
two first being supposed to have got their names 
from their skill in making the weapons which 
the characters denote. The old interpr. made 
them two men— ^^ ijlJ and A^ .^, which 

Keang Shiog would identify with -^^ jjff and 

'f 6 ^§^'"^ *^®lfr '^y^ ^^^^ *^® Former Han. 
lio doubt it was the object of Pan Koo there 
to mention the names in this par. tTT gg, 

is perhaps simply = * make things go on harmo- 
niously.' Yang Shaou-fang (^ -^ ^, 

Ming dyn.) says : — * Under Suy and Yih there 
were many departments, which were to be 

carried on harmoniously.' Some take gg •'^'fo > 
'together with/ and make it refer to Choo, 
Ts*eang, and Pih-yu, who were to be Suy's 
assistants, and in concert with whom he was 
to manage his duties ; — so, Woo Ch'ing. 
P. 22. Appointment of Yih to be forester, 

Jr "TCi — in the Can. of Yaou, p. 6, these char- 
acters were equiv. to * heaven and earth ;' here 
they«=f(j Jyjj, * hills and forests,* on liigh 

ground, and jSBgjri * marshes and fens,* in low. 

^i, — Yih had assisted Yu in his labours 

upon the flooded provinces. We are told that 
* Shun then committed to him the direction of 
the fire to be employed, when he set fire to the 
forests and vegetation of the mountains and 
marshes, so that the birds aud beasts ficd away 
to hide themselves (Men. UL Bk. I., iy. 7). 

Some make him a son of Kaou Yaou, but this is 
not likely (see the ^^ p^, m foe.). According 
to Sze-ma T8*een he was descended fVom Chuen- 
heuh, and , rec eiving from Shun the surname 

of Ying (j^), became the progenitor of the 
rulers of Tsin ^^;)< Ts'een gives his name 

pS iX ^ Yi^ ^^ *^^" associated 

with Yu, this may be the reason why Ch*ing, 
Ma, and Wang Suh all read ^ B ^ ^ 
instead of ^- D ^i ^|/. This is consider- 
ed a flagrant proof of the falsehood of the com- 
mon text. The * Historical Records,* however, 
for ^ g read ^ Q. Tlie text from 

which Sze-ma copied must have had ^f 

B' ^- Ui ^ ;^ W' '** °««" 

of the hills and marshes.* In the time of the 
Chow dyn. each department had its superin- 
tendent, and the office was of smaller importance. 

J^ means * to consider,* * to calculate ' and the 

warden of the forests* was so styled, it is said, 
because he had so much to think about ! Some 
would also make the name of the office to bo 

fir,* *the tiger,* *the bear,* *the grisly bear.' 
These were four officers, brothers, it is said, the 
sons of Kaou-sin. Their names, and those in 
the last par., might make us compare Shun's 
court to a council of Red Indians. The His- 
torical Records add that these four men became 
Yiirs assistantd. This agrees with the meaning 

Digitized by 







O # # S. ^ 0.)fiio-S^.I§o# 

^ ^ *^ f6 'It ^^ %M ^ n. 

The emperor said, "Ah! chief of the four Mountains, is there any 
One who can direct my three religiovs ceremonies? " All in the court 
said, ''There is the baron E." The emperor said, '-Yes. Ah! baron, you 
must be the Arranger of the ancestral temple. Morning and night 
you must be respectful. Be upright, be pure." The baron did obeisance 
with his head to the ground, and wished to decline in favour of 
K'wei or Lung. The emperor said, " Yes; but do you go, and un- 
dertake the duties. Be reverential." 

The emperor said, "K'wei, I appoint you to be Director of music, 
and to teach our sons, so that the straightforward may yet be mild, 

which I said on last par. some give to the diff. 

word pg. 

P. 23. Appointment of Pih-t to he minister of 

Beligion, The l/Q -j^ is specially consulted 

with reference to the appointment of Yn, p. 17, 
and theapp. here; — showing, it is supposed, the 
superior importance of the two offices of General 

Begulator and minister of Beligion. ^^, 

^— here a verh,«aip, *to preside over,' *to di- 
rect.' "^^ j^Sy — *the three ceremonies.' 

There is no difference of opinion as to the un- 
derstanding of these. They are all the obser- 
vances in the worship of the spirits of heaven 

(^ M^ *^® "P""^ ^^ ®*^ ^^ <ft)' ^^ 
the spirits of men (^ JS ). Tlie ceremonies 

of the first went by the name of jifP ; of the 

second by that of ^^ ; of the third by that of 

jy.. The minister of religion under the Chow 

dyn. was called -^ ^^4n, and the duties of his 
office will be found described at length under 
that name in the 'Bites of Chow' (^ *^), 

'ffi ^''~* *^® baron E, Ati being his title 
(^» Woo Ching). How it is that the em- 
peror addresses liim simply by the title, and 
that the historian describes him simply by it 
18 a difficulty, which has not been solved (soe 

191 3E i^' ■ Work, in loc.). The 'Historical 
Records ' do not use Api alone, but always say 

arrange,' * to dispose in order'; ^^ = jjjB ^S, 

Hhe ancestral temple' (this is the proper mean- 
ing of the character). ITiat this — ^Arranger of 
the ancestral temple — should be the name given 
to the minister of Religion, shows strikingly 
the chief place occupied by the worship of their 
ancestors in the religion of China, from the 

earUeat times. M^ It H. it ^ 

, — Choo He says: — *From reverence 

come uprightness, and from upright- 

new purity' (If ^ j^ |t, if ]t j^^ 

'^). I suppose it is so, but it is very difficult 

to discover in the text the grammatical nexus 
of the different clauses. 

P. 24. Appointment of K^wei to be minister of 
Music, It is singular how great an importance 
is here attributed to training in music, and that 
this should have been a special department re- 
gulated by imperial statutes from the earliest 
times. Lnder the Chow dyn., the minister of 

Music was styled yr 3 ^K ; see the chapter 
on his duties in the ' Rites of Chow,* ^^ ^^, 



is the 

name of a monstrous animal, * a dragon with one 
leg.' I can find no other information about the 
officer thus designated^ besides the notice here 

Digitized by 





# ^M %%M W.# MM =f. 

the gentle may yet be diOTified, the strong not tyrannical, and the 
impetuous not arrogant, r oetry is the expression of earnest thought ; 
singing is the prolonged utterance of that expression. The notes 
accompany that utterance, and they are harmonized themselves by 
the pitch pipes. In this xoay the eight different kinds of instruments 
can all be adjusted so that one shall not take from or interfere with 
another, and spirits and men will thereby be brought into harmony." 

utterance' (^ ^ ^ Ifij li|> '^^^ 

fiye notes (^^) constitute the imperfect 

scale, common perhaps to all nations in their 
early attempts to form a musical system, into 
which no interval of less than a tone is admitted. 

Tlieir names are kimg (^), diang (^j^X ^^ 

(-m ), cAe (^(9 gen. read chmg^ but not in this 

sense), and yw (^). The tubes (:^) which 

produce and subsequently harmonize (5|^) 
these notes, are said to measure, in ninths of aa 
inch, 81, 72, 64, 54, and 48 respectively. ITie 
next number in this series, corresponding to 
the octave to kunq, should of course be ^ of 80 
s40^; and we have thus according to our 
notation O, A, B, D, £, g. The series is con- 

and in Bk. IV., p. 9. S ^ ^^^' ^^ ^^^* 

k w6 by ^^, ' eldest,' and he adds — * meaning the 

eldest son of the emperor, and the younger 
branches of the families of the nobles and of- 
ficers.' He had before him a passage in the Le 

Ke,— the ^ '^J, Pt, iv. p. 4, where we are 

told the minister of Music {^^ JF ) taught 
* the poems, ceremonies, and music of the for- 
mer kings,' and was resorted to by the eldest 
and other sons of the king, the eldest sons of 
all the feudal princes, the eldest sons (by their 
proper wives) of the nobles and officers, and by 

the promising youth of the kingdom.' S , how- 
ever, denotes descendants generally; and there 
was at an early time another reading of pT for 

S , leaving the -7* quite unqualified. In 

pjf^ J^, * that to which the mind moves,' and 
hence it is translated by * will,* * aim,' * purpose.' 
It denotes thought, but thought earnest and 
ardent, which seeks display and development. 
Shun's definition of poetry is not nmch amiss. 
^ is, lit., * water flowing on long and 

unbroken.* Ch*ing explains it here by -^, * to 
prolong.' Singing is the poetic language *in 
linked sweetness long drawn out.* ^L A^ 

^* # 5RI ^ -fl!j w 'to rely on,' -to 
be according to,* * to keep close to.' Its force 
is well bronght out in the * Daily Explana- 
tion:' — *This singing gives rise to the distinc- 
tion of notes into high and low, treble and 
bass, — the five notes of music, indeedjWhich 
all come out in connection with the prolonged 

structed, starting ft>om 81 as a basis, by making 
perfect fifths ascending (3:2), and perfect 
fourths descending (8:4). Thus from 81 is 
obtained 54 ; 54 gives, by the second proportion, 
72 ; 72 again gives 48 ; and 48 gives 64. Carry- 
ing on this process, increasing or decreasing 
each time, as the case requires, the following 
set of twelve is obtained :--81, 75§, 72, 674, 
64, 59f, 56f, 54, 50§, 48, 44§, l2f. (The 
fractions are not very accurate.) -Twelve 
tubes of these several lengths constituted 
what I have called * the standard tubes, ' 
whose various application has been pointed 
out above. As regards the theory of music, 
could we be sure that the details which have 
been given, had really been wrought out in 
Shun*s time, we could not refuse them our 
meed of admiration. The progress of the Chi- 
nese in music has not corresponded to such 
beginnings. A theoretical difficulty and a prac- 
tical one have hindered them. They have found 
it impossible in theory for A to hold the same 
proportion to D as D to g; and in practice 
they have found that while their calculatons 
might be applied to stringed instruments, the 

Digitized by 


Bk. L Ch. v. 25. 



[K'wei said, "Oh! I smite the stone; I smite the stone. The various 
animals lead on one another to dance.'*]. 
25 The emperor said, " Lung, 1 abominate slanderous speakers, and 
destroyers of right ways, who agitate and alarm my people. I ap- 
point you to be the minister of Communication. Early and late give 
forth my orders and report to me, seeing that every thing is true." 

the more natural intexpretation, — to take the 
claosei as coordinate. j^j^na.^^, as in 

Can. of Yaou, p. 12, but does it mean *all the 
people,' or 'all those in office'? Ch*ing re- 
stricts it to * ministers' (^ |^); we may 

take it more generally. jjfjh "^ is the 

name of the office, which may be translated — 
* Communicator of words.' It is perhaps easier 
to describe the office, than to translate the 

terms, or those of the sentence below — HJ 

^j^'^- Gan-kwC says :-*|^^ was 
the officer of the throat and toneue. Hearing 
the words of those below, he brought them before 
the sovereign ; receiving the words of the sove- 
reign, he proclaimed them to those below : — ^in 

either case there was required fidelity ' (^^ ^ 

Here at the end of Shunts appointment of min- 
isters, Woo Ch*ing has the following note: — 
'Shun gave nine commissions, of which four were 
new appointments: — those of Yu, Suy, Yih, and 
the baron £. On occasion of their wish to decline 
the appointments, he confirmed five ministers in 
their old offices: — ^Tseili, See, Kaou-yaou, K*wei, 
and Lung. Some have thought, from the words 
" I appoint*' standing before the designation of 
these two last, that they likewise were new 
men. But this is wrong. When the emperor 
asks advice and then appoints, and the desig- 
nate makes obeisance and wishes to decline, the 
appointment is new. When he appoints with- 
out asking advice, and the designate does not 
make obeisance nor wish to decline, there is 
only a confirmation. Can we suppose that 
K*wei and Lung would not have made obei- 
sance, on first receiving their appointments? 

The commentator Wang Yen (^ 4^) has 

observed : —"The General Begulator was the 
head of all the ministers, and therefore Yu first 
received his appointment. The nourishment of 
the people is the beginning of royal government, 
and therefore the minister of agriculture was 
next appointed. When people are well off; 
instruction may be given them ; hence there 
followed the apix^tment of Sc^ Punishment 

tube g must be made considerably less than half 
the length of the tube G in order to sound the 
octave to it. Their division of the tubes into 6 
iSt and 6 5 , moreover, has complicated the 
subject, andrtirown around it the perplexity of 
their reasonings about the ym and yang prin- 
ciples. A # 5£ f^'-"*^ p- ^^• 

jj^ ^ JjJj[ ^,-K)n tills the 'Daily Expla- 
nation' says: — *The instruments thus in har- 
mony being pUyed at the sacrifices to Heaven 
and in the ancestral temple, the spirits are all 
harmonious ; being played in the court, men are 
all harmonious : — what then must be t he p ower 

of music in teaching our youth !' ^g Q , 

•^•^,— see Bk. IV. 9. There can be no 

doubt the reply of K*wei is out of place here, — 
appears here in fact fh)m some displacement of 
the ancient tablets. 

P. 25. Appointment of Lung to he minister of 
ConmunictUion. We are in ignorance of Lung 

just as we are of K^eL SD**^^^> *^ ^^ 
test.' In the * Historical Records* we have in- 
stead of it •& j^^f ' to fear and suspect.' 

^A §^ — * slanderous speeches.' The Taouist 

Chwang defines ^9 as * the liking to speak of 

the erU of other.' (j^ <;^ j^). ^- 

j^, * to subvert.' *to make an end of;'^^ f^ 

(3d tone) — * to subvert the conduct.* The 
question arises, — Is the conduct subverted that 
of the individuals themselves ? or that of others, 
so that this clause is an appendix to the former, 
a description of the object of the slander? Gan- 
kw5 and Ma Yung take the Utter view, and 
are followed by the modem interpreters (the 

* Daily Explanation' expands~j|^ j^ ^ 

keep out of view the actions of good and supe- 
rior men'). ChHng takes the former view and 

explains the two phrases ^A 1^ and 1^ ty 
by a reference to the words of Ana. XII, xx. 
6. — * assuming the appearance of virtue, wliile 
opposing it in conduct.' This J4>pears to me 

VOL. Ill, 

Digitized by 





o ^ ji I* ^ ^M =-'^o 

26 The emperor said, "Ah! you, twenty and two men, be reverent, 
and so shall you aid me in performing the service of Heaven." 

27 Every three years there was an examination of merits, and after 
three examinations the undeserving were degraded, and the deserving 
promoted. By this arrangement the duties of all the departments 
were fully discharged. The people of San-meaou were discriminated 
and separated. 

Ch'ing 18 obliged to leaTe them out altogether, 
and says the 22 were the 12 presidents of pro- 
vinces, with Yu, Suy, Yih, Pih-e, K*wei, Lung, 
Shoo-t8*eaBg, Pih-yu, Choo-hoo, and Heung- 
pe; and Wang Ming-shing argues, in his ^^ 

3^f that this view should not be changed I 
Gan-kw6 and Ma Yung leave out Tseih, Se5, 
and Kaou-yaou, and say the 22 men were Yu, 
Suy, Yih, Pih-e, K*wei, Lung, the 12 presidents 
of provinces, and the four ministers called UO 

■ j^ . This view is followed by Keang Shing. 

asinpir. Sze-maTs'eenhas^^^^ 

p. 27. Institvtum of examinations ; andfiirtJier 
discipline of the Meaouites, QBH Imf Vg^ Bh > 

^«- SSI ^ P ^' 1^' '»»>* ^••'^'=*« 

idle and undeserving; BB is the opposite of 

8- :^ ^& H '^'-ili (re'dp'^V 8d 

tone), * to separate.* Keang Shing would read 
it pek, contending, that the original character 

was two /^, one over the other, the old form 

of B|j. In what year the Meaou were thus 
dealt with we cannot tell. Wang Suh thinks 
that after the discipline of them mentioned p. 
12, those who were left in their original seat 
again proved insubordinate, and another separa^ 
tion and banishment of them had to be made. 

Ch. VI. Sdmmabt of Shuk's life ; and death. 
There is no dispute about the first clause ; all 
allow that Shun, when he was thirty, was call- 
ed to employment by Yaou, and the testing 
of him began. The reading of ^ -^ 

is intended to help instruction ; hence followed 
the appointment of Kaou-yaou. Workers make 
implements and utensils for the benefit of the 
people ; — this is the conclusion of government ; 
hence Suy was appointed, and so far as men are 
concerned, the organization of the government 
was pretty well complete. Shun then proc^eeded 
to care for the grass and trees, for birds and 
beasts, appointing Suy. This done, the time 
came for the cultivation and development of 
ceremonial observances and music. These two 
things are the grand consummation of govern- 
ment, by which service is done to Heaven, to 
earth, and to spirits, and all things are brought 
to harmony and order; hence there were the 
appointments of E and K'wei :— of E first and 
then of K^wei, because music must be a sequel 
to the ceremonial observances. With music 
the work of government might be supposed to 
be ended, but notwithstanding the abundance 
of able ministers, let slanderous dividers once 
go abroad, and the men of worth and ability 
would be made restless, and what had been done 
would come to nought. On this account the 
appointment of Lung was made last of all. The 
design of this was the same with that of Shun*s 
concluding charge to the pastors of the twelve 
provinces, that they should make it hard for the 
artful; and with Confucius' concluding lesson on 
the administration of a country — to keep far from 
specious talkers'^* (Ana. XV. xx. 6). 

P. 26. General address to all his principal min- 
■Uter.. ^ Zl -h # n A -Who 

were these 22 men? There ought to be but 
one answer to the question, — that which we 
find in Ts^ae Ch*in. They were the chief of 
the four Mountains, the twelve presidents of 
the provinces, and the nine ministers, whose 
appointments or confirmations have been related. 
The old interpreters, thinking that the D[D & 
were four individuals, mistook the meaning. 

Digitized by 


Bk, I. Ch. VI. 28. 




28 VI. In the thirtieth year of his life Shun was called to employ- 
ment. Thirty years he was on the throne with Yaou. Fifty years 
after, he went on high and died. 

A* ^ toT U much disputed. Ch*ing read '^^ 

*4-', making Shun's life to have amounted alto- 
gether to 100 yean. And there wa» a reading 
of ^ -4- for ^^ -^. Wang Ming-shing 

and Twun Ynh-tsae adduce many proofs of it. 
But on p. 13 we saw that the 28 years there 
could only be understood of the years during 
which Shun acted as Yaou*s vicegerent. Adding 
to them the three years of his testing, p. 8, we 
should have 81 years; but one of those three 
may naturally be considered the year in which 
he was called from his obscurity. \Ve shall 

thus have the "^^ -4^ of the text. As to the 

50 years on the throne, these must include 
the two years Tthree, including the year in 
which Taou died; of mourning for Yaou, when 
opportunity was given for tlie accession of 
Yaou*s son. Altogether then, Shuu was on the 
throne, with universal recognition, 48 years, 
his life extended over 110 years; and he died 
B.O. 2202. Gan-kw5, not deducting the two 
years after Yaou*s death, makes Shun*s age 112. 

^)^~)j 7^ ^»""^ ^*^® translated this 
clause after Ts'ae Ch*in, who relies chiefly on 
the usage of the ' Bamboo Annals,' where ^^ 
is used of the death of the emperors, anda 
j|m . The Hhr after it is a difficulty, and so is 

^^^ SL ^B' '^' *^® i^^^9 on high should be 
mentioned after the death, and not before it. 
Gan-kwd, to avoid these difficulties, takes Hb* in 

the sense of region, and says fi. *h[ ra jj 

h||K ^ij^ ^0. *he went up the way towards the 
southern region, on a tour of inspection, and 
died.* Maou K*e-ling argues for this view ; but 
it is inadmissible as an explanation of the text 
of this paragraph. He builds principally on 
the account of Shun*s life and death in the 
* Historical Records.' It is there said : — * When 
Shun was 20, he waa heard of for his filial j)iety ; 
at 30, he was promoted by Yaou; at 50 he 
undertook the administration of affairs for 
Yaou, and when he was 58, Yaou died. At 61, 
he took his place, and occupied the imperial 
throne 89 years, after which, being on a tour 
of inspection in the s outh, he died in the wil- 
derness of Ts'ang-woo {^jsr i^\ and was buried 

at Kew-e (^/JT |^) of Reang-nan, in LmgUng.' 
Ling-ling is the name of a district in the pres. 
dep. of Yung-chow (5S{ JJ4) in Ho-nan, where 
they still show, or pretend to show, the grave 
of Shun. Mencius (IV. Pt. II. i.) gives another 
name to the place of his death. 

Digitized by 





1 I. 'On examining into antiquity, we find that the great Yu was 
called W&n-ming. Having arranged and divided the empire^ all to the 
four seaa, in reverent response to the inquiries of the former emperor, 

TiTLB OP THE Book.— ^ ^ ^, *The 

Counsels of the great Tu.* The Books of the 
Shoo have been arranged in six classes, accord- 
ing to the nature of their subject-matter. Of 
those classes the 'Counsels' form the second, 
containing the wise remarks and suggestions of 
high officers on the subject of government. In 

one of the Writings ascribed to K'ung Foo (^\j 

A^), Confucius is made to say — *In the Counsels 
of the great Yu, I see the loyalty and diligence, 
the service and merits of Yu ' (^ ^ -^, ^ 

— ' f^ # M> il-^^' 'P**"''^' ^"* '^ 
is implied that the plans are the result of delibe- 
ration. Heu Shin defines it 'plans of delibera- 
tion ;' and his expounder adds: — *The thoughtful 
consideration of a subject, and the description 
of a plan in consequence, is what is indicated 
by gM.' Yu, it has been seen in the prev. 

Book, was the son of K'wftn, the chief of Tsung. 
According to Sze-ma Ts'een, K*wftn was a son 
of the emp. Chuen-heuh, so that Yu was the 
great-great-grandson of Hwang-te. He is here 
called * the Groat,* * because of the greatness of 
his merit* (Gan-kw6), — the services he render- 
ed on occasion of the great inundations which 
devastated the empire. 

Into the question which is agitated about the 
Gbnuin ENB8S of the Book I do not here enter ; 
the reader is referred to what has been said on the 
subject in the proleg,, and to the remarks that 
will be found on particular passages in the an- 
notations. The * Counsels of Yu* were a portion 
of the Shoo edited by Confucius. The preface, 
and many references to it in other books, suf- 
ficiently prove this. It was not among the 
portions recovered and taught by Fuh-shang, 
but it was among those recovered by K'ung 
Gan-kw6. Jn the words of Ts'ae Chin:— * The 
modem text wants it ; the ancient text has it ' 

Contents. The Book may be divided into 
three chapters: — the first, embracing 8 parr., 
and containing various counsels of Yu and Yih 
on principles and methods of good govt. ; the 
second, parr. 9-19, occupied with Shun*s resign- 
ing the administration of the govt, to Yu, and 
cont. many sage observations and maxims ; the 
third, parr. 20, 21, describing Yu*s measures 
against the people of Meaou. The style differs 
from that of the Canons. It is sententious as 
befits the subject : and we observe in it a ten- 
dency to fail into rhythm. 


ON oovbbnment; compliments between the 


achievement of Yw, and occasion of deiivering his 

Digitized by 


Bk.1I. On. 1. 2, 3. 



>*^fe -dt^ r-t 

o 7^ E 0^ 

7i ^ f^. # w 

^.m#c:fc^ E. 


2 he said, "If the sovereign can realize the difficulty of his soye- 
reignship, and the minister can realize the difficulty of his min- 
istry, government will be well ordered, and the people will sedulously 

3 seek to be virtuous." The emperor said, " Yes; let this really be the 
case, and good words will nowhere lie hidden; no men of virtue and 
talents will be neglected away from court ; and the myriad States 
will all enjoy repose. But to ascertain the views of all; to give up 
one's own opinion and follow that of others; to refrain from oppress- 
inc^ the helpless; and not to neglect the straitened and poor: — ^it 

aJt ^, Gan-kw6, followed by Ts'ae Ch*in, 
takes "^ '^ u two nouns, the subject of the 
Terb Sjy, — 'his accomplished yirtue and the 
lessons of his teaching were spread abroad to 
the four seas,' according to what is said in the 
last par. of the * Tribute of Yu.* The conimen. 
Soo Shih (^^), or SooTung-po, moreover, 
asks to what ^ ^ g^ *^ can be referred, 
if A^ ^. be taken as thejiame of Yu. The 
first words of the 'Tribute of Yu* enable us 
to answer the question,— ^ ^ Jl' *^^ 
diyided the land.' To the same effect, in the 
She-king, Pt. IV., in the 4th of the Praise-songs 
of Shang, we haye ^ ^"|^ it >^' ^^^^ 
S^ is explained by '/§, *to regulate.' The 
meaning therefore may yery well be as I hare 
given it in the transhition. ^ jf^,— see 

Bk.I.p.l8. |ft(-^)^T'^'~*^*^ 

reverently received — ^took it up — ^frora the em- 
peror.' Wang K'ang-t*ang(^-^^, Ming 
dyn.) says: — *The emp. with his love of ques- 
tioning and delight in excellence addressed his 
inquines to his minister, who reverently re- 
sponded to his sovereign, laying oa him what 
was difficult and setting forth what was excel- 

F. 2. Good govt deptnds on Bovertign and 
mniittr not shrinking from the difficuities of their 

position, Comp. Con. Ana^, Xn. xv, J§«" 
*the sovereign,' * ruler.' ^^, 'active,' 

'ert,' here as a verb, «= * to follow earnestly.' 
It is better to take the char, thus, than to 
interpret, — *will quickly be virtuous,' though 
earnest endeavours will speedily attain their 

P. 3. Shunts response to Yu^s sentiment, and 

disclaimer of such merit in himseff, ^»«-" ^9 
'truly.' ^-jS^;|^#»*nowhere.' 'Good 
words willnowhere lie hidden,' !>., all capable 
of giving lessons of good will find their way 
to notice. |R, 'the wilds,' 'the fields,'-* 
away from court. 'The myriad Stat^ will 
enjoy Vepose,' being ruled and directed by the 

wise and good. ^ S ^ >^'"~*®® ^^^'^ 
n. Pt. I. viU. 8. >f^ ^ ^ o** ^ 

E^. It is argued that the text is forged from 
these passages. I cannot but draw the opposite 
conclusion. In the chapter of Mencius, especi- 
ally, he is evidently quoting ftpom various 
books, in no case specifying thei/jiames or 
sections ; the 2d par^— ^ ^ $ WM'J ^ 
— is taken fh>m the Counsels of Kaou-yaou, p. 
1 ;— shall we say that Book of the Shoo is also 
forged ? ^^f^ ^.-<^e emperor 

is Yaou; B$ -= J^ ; Ying-tft paraphrases:— 

Digitized by 




PART n. 

4 was only the emperor Yaou who could attain to this." Yih said, 
"Oh! your virtue, O emperor, is vast and incessant. It is sagely, 
spiritual, awe-inspiring, and adorned with all accomplishments. 
Great Heaven regarded you with its favouring decree, and suddenly 
you obtained all within the four seas, and became sovereign of the 

5 Yu said, '^Accordance with the right is good fortune; the fol- 
lowing of evil is bad: — the shadow and the echo." Yih said, 

6 "Alas! be cautious! Admonish yourself to caution, when there 

was only Yaou in these matters who could act 

P. 4. Yih repudiates Shun*8 disclaimer, and 
celebrates his virtue, I can by no means agree 

with Gan-kw(J and Ch*in, that the *J^* in ^ 
it& refers to Taou. ChHn observes, indeed, 

that to take *S^ as some do, as referring to 

Shun himself, would make the whole plain, and 
is in harmony with the style of * The Counsels,' 

^S^ in the mouth of Shun being Taou, but ^f^ 

in the mouth of Shun's ministers being Shun. 
He decides against it, however, because in the 
simple honesty of those early times Yih would 
not have praised Shun so to his face ! But this 
is no more than what Kaou-yaou does in this 

same Book, p 12. ^gjL — see on Can. of 

Yaou, p. 8. Choo He here says that ^ji mean- 
ing the capital, the place where superior men 
assemble, when used as an exclamation, it con- 
Teys the idea of admiration (see the ^^ 1^)* 

j||, *to revolve,' here — ^j^]^ 
J& , * to move without ceasing.' y^ ^B 

TJr f $»— 8®« Men. Vn. Pt. n. xxv. 7, S. 
jTjr ^ TJf ^•~'*" *^® ^^ ^^C^ always 
takes precedence in China of the military (^^)» 
it is thought necessary to note here that Uie 
terms are inverted from the necessity of 
the rhythm (note in the ^ "tt). ^, <to 
look round to,' — with the idea of kindly regard. 

^^ is taken by. Qan-kwO as »» |^, of 

which I can't make sense. Ch4n explains it by 
^, * entirely.' * the whole of.' The meaning 
which I have foil, seems more natural ; and the 
rise of Shun might very well be thus described. 

the end), we find a portion of th is par. quoted 
from 'the Books of Hea.'— ^ ^ Q, ^ 

Wang Ming-shing argues that the par. of the 
text was made from this, the maker inserting 

7^ ^^ before Jh JpA, to complete the rhythm 
and flow of the whole passage. But is it not 
more natural to suppose that Leu quotes the 
Classic incorrectly? 

P. 5. The certain connection between the right 
and happiness, between the wrong and misery, 

^e= MS, 'to follow,' <to accord with,' as in 
Bk. n. p. 17. ^, *to advance,' * to go for- 
ward,' and here opposed to ^, 'going back 
wards,' * rebelliousness,' aHhe right way.' 

lli^ ^^^ff ^"'^^ °^^ iXi^^Wt'^ ^^ emphatic 
way of representing the truth of the two prec. 
statements ; so, to say ' is good fortune,* rather 
than Meads to good fortune' is not only a literal 
rendering, but is necessary to give exactly Yu's 
sentiment. *,We are not to look,* says Ch*in King 

( 1^ j^, Sung dyn.) ' for good fortune or bad, 
beyond the complacency or displacency of the 
mind.' Yu's object by this remark was to 
deepen the impression of his previous observa- 
p. 6. Exhortation founded on Yti's woposition, 
PJ,— see Can. of Yaou, p. 10. -^ 

Digitized by 





seems to be no reason for anxiety. Do not fail in due attention 
to the laws and ordinances. Do not find your enjoyment in 
indulgent ease. Do not go to excess in pleasure. In your em- 
ployment of men of worth, let none come between you and them. 
Put away evil without hesitation. Do not try to carry out 
doubtful plans. Study that all your purposes may be with the 
light of reason. Do not go against what is right to get the praise 
of the people. Do not oppose the people to follow your own desires. 
Attend to these things without idleness or omission, and from the four 
quarters the barbarous tribes will come and acknowledge your sove- 

Yu said, "Oh! think of these things^ O emperor. Virtue is seen 
in the goodness of the government, and the government is tested 

(Cboo He says the original read, was ]^) '^R 

^te ^£> — *l>e reverently cautious where 

there is no calculating/ no forecasting, ix^ no 

occasion for anxiety. J^ J^, — not only 

* the laws of State and ordinances of ROTt.,' but 
all the rules for the regulation of conduct, be it 
even in eating and drinking (see a note in the 

M #)• *^' '^ ^ beyond,'-«like 

water orerflowing and not returning.' B|>, 

— ' in employing men of worth, to let mean men 

come between you and them is called @^ ' (-^S 

#). W V^> fi RB,-'yo«r hundred 

movements of mind, — let them be bright.* It 
is observed by She Lan (Q^ £9, Sung dyn.): 

— *The movements of the sages are accordant 
with reason. Whithersoever their spirits and 
mental exercises carry them, these are brightly 
intelligent and great ; hence it is said ^ J^ 

outside the provinces did not come regularly 
to court, but eyety chieftain of a tribe came 
once, on his taking the rule, to acknowledge the 

imperial supremacy ; this was called yB^ ^ . 
So it was in the Chow dyn. See a note by Ch4n 
Sze-k*ae in the ^ ^. 

In a pass, in the ^ ^, the clauses ^^ 

the Shoo in an inverted order ; — a proof, it is 
said, that the pres. * Counsels * is a forged com- 
pilation. But such arguments have no force. 
Irregular quotations from the acknowledged 

Books are not uncommon. The clause ^ffi J^ 

^ ]^ i« ^ound in the Books of the After 

Han, 4S ^ -|- J^, near the end of the 

sketch of -^ gg, only we have ^ for J^. 
But there are other passages of the classics in 
the same sketch, without any specific acknowled. 
See Maou K*e-ling and Wang Ming-shing, in loc, 
P. 7. Further exhortations and details hy Yu 
on the subject of government Choo He observes 
that parr. 2 — 6 were all one conversation, but 
whether what follows was spoken at the same 
time cannot be known. P. 7 is gen. connected 
with the prec. in the manner indicated in the 

trausL, but the ^ ^ may — *think of 

Digitized by 





56t ;^ ;^ if IE ± 7lc 

by its nourishing of the people. There are water, fire, metal, 
wood, earth, and grain, — ^these must be duly regulated; there are 
the rectification of tlie peoples virtue, the conveniences of life, and 
the securing abundant means of sustentation, — these must be har- 
moniously attended to. When the nine services thus indicated have 
been orderly accomplished, let that accomplishment be celebrated 
by songs. Caution the people with gentle words; correct them 
with the majesty of law; stimulate them with the songs on those 
nine subjects, — ^in order that your success may never suffer diminu- 


what I am now going to say.* J^ O^ooX — 

as in Can. of Taon, p. 2 ^[ ^^ S m^i"" 
^jk oonnecta the two parts of the clause ; but I 

bare spoken before of the difficulty in deter* 
mining exactly the force of the particle. * Virtue 
—just M good government;' — this is expanded 
in the Daily Explanations: — * Virtue does not 
exist ineffectively in one's own mind merely. 
It should be seen in the conduct of affairs, mak- 
ing the govt, entirely good, and then * it is real 
Tirtue.* Now follows a description of good 

govt, as consisting in the nourishment of the 
people, — not the bare support of their bodies, 
but the sustenance and development of their 
whole being. We must wish, however, that the 
description were given in plainer terms. 

First, to get food for the people, water, fire, 
metal, wood, earth [see V. Bk. IV. 6, which 
purports to be part of Yu's teaching], and grain 
must be regulated. The gnon is the principal 
thing here, and the result of the whole process 
of regulation. Fire acting on metal melts it, 
and metal implements may be fashioned. These 
act on wood, and wooden implements are made. 
We have now the plough, &c., to act upon the 
earth, and by-and-by there will be the grain. 
But what use of water has been made in this 
process ? Here is a difficulty. Chin Sze-k*ae 
says, 'Water acts on fire — subdues it, makes 
it subservient — for cookery ' I 

Second, food being provided, govt, goes on to 

7P ^S,— not, as Gan-kwo would make it, the 
rectification by the ruler of his virtue as an 
example to the people, but the getting the peo- 
ple to be virtuous — ^fathers kind, sons filial, &c. 

To this succeeds ^J j^, ' the facilitating of 
things used,' attained by the promotion of arts 
and commerce; and also J^ ^b, * the enrich- 
ment of living/ abundant comforts and luxuries. 

These three great objects, it is said, 4^ ^f^, 

are to be harmonious,' to be attained by the 
measures appropriate to each, without any col- 
lision between them. 

Third, the aid of song is to be called in, ^^ 

^jlj,— -*the nine services,* referring to the man- 
agement of water, of fire, &c., and tlie other 
things just detailed. ^K » the (& and ^|^ 

above. j^ ■=» ^0' ']^, * to urge and re- 

In the i -151. ^ -b #■ we find- J 


^ZMZ^^^l^lO:- Here. 
It is said, are four clauses quoted from the 
Shoo, and then the author of tlie Chronicle 
gives his own explanations of their meaning, 
wliich the compiler of the present Book has 
taken and fashioned into part of the classic I 
come to a different conclusion. There is so 
much quotation, and so much explanation;-* 
and the writer of the jtp ^M is fond ol such a 
style. But the explanation would be absurd, 
if it were not founded on other passages of the 

Classic. To my mind the ^ ^ testifies to 
the whole of this paragraph and the next. 

Digitized by 


bk. n. Cfl. u 8, 10. 



8 The emperor said, " Yes. The earth is now reduced to order, and 
the injlnences of heaven operate with effect; those six magazines and 
three businesses are all truly regulated, so that a myriad generations 
may perpetually depend on them: — this is your merit." 

9 IL The emperor said, "Come, you, Yu. 1 have occupied the 
imperial throne for thirty and three years. I am between ninety 
and a hundred years old, and the laborious duties weary me. Do 

10 you, eschewing all indolence, take the leadership of my people." Yu 
said, " My virtue is not equal to the position; the people will not repose 
in me. But there is Kaou-yaou, with vigorous activity sowing 

toils ofgovemment. Ninety years of age is called 

^fr ; a century, jffl. Shun describing himself 

by both the terms, we are to understand that he 
was between 90 and 100, which, indeed, must 
have been the case after he had been on the 

throne ^ years. >f& -J* |||j|,— Leu Tsoo- 
J^^"" ( S ift Wt^ Sung dyn.) says, jj; ^ 

exactly our distinction ; — * weary in the service, 

not weary o/it/ ^ ^ jglj,--* gather 

together* retake the lead of) * my multi- 
tudes' (including both ministers and people). 
The language differs from that of Yaou to bhua 

^fk 1^^ '^ 'fe* ^^' ^' P- ^' ^<^^^^^ Yaou 
wished then to resign the throne altogether. 

P. 10. Yu wishes to decline tfte proposal in 
favour of Kaou-yaou. M^ ^ ^v — ^ 

P. 8. CompUmientary response of Shun, Yu 
has urged Shun to a certain style of govt^ and 
Shun responds that the possibility of its reali- 
zation was all owing to him. j>lfa ^^, — 
this refers to Yu's labours on the inundated 
proTincea. ^ jjjJ', — * Heaven completes.' 

The meaning is that there could now be seed- 
time and harvest. Gan*kw5 foolishly says' — 

3l ^ ^ J|J^, * the five elements act- 
ing in order is what is called JjU* ; and Ying-t& 
more foolishly expands the ' five elements ' into 
the spirits of the five elements * ( j£ ^x J^ 

jpm). We find this sentence quoted as from 

the 'Books of Hea ' in the ;^ ^, ^, 21 

-|- ^ 4p. -^ j^'""' '^^ treasuries * 

(see Con. Ana. XI. xiii). Those are the water, 
fire, &C., of the prec. par., the six treasuries ' or 

magazines of nature. ^I^ S., —three 

businesses,' uc, the rectification of the people's 
virtue, &c. B?JF=-;^,*thi8.' J^-^-f^ 

* you.* This par. prepares the way for the pro- 
posal in the next. 


ground of his ape requests Yu to relieve him of tite 
vot. Uh 

a Kh, giving * the idea of bold movement and 

strong action ; ' jSg ^fi is ' to sow virtue,' to 
exhibit it so as to awaken responsive feeling in 
othw i^t^^ ^ >-i° transl. 

these difficult sentences I have followed the 
view given of them in the ^6 Y|B. A diflFt. 

view was taken by Gan-kw6: — *If you would 
think of this (=«any) man (i.e., to employ him), 
it must be on the grouncl of this (=ssomo) 


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abroad his virtue, which has descended on the black-haired people, 
till they cherish him in their hearts. O emperor, think of him I 
When 1 think of him, my mind rests on him, as the man for this ofiice; 
when I would put him out of my thoughts, they still rest on him; 
when I name and speak of him, my mind rests on him for this; the 
sincere outgoing of my thoughts about him is that he is the man. 
emperor, think of his merits!" 

The emperor said, " Kaou-yaou, that of these my ministers and 
people, hardly one is found to oflFend against the regulations of my 
government, is owing to your being the minister of Crime, and intel- 
ligent in the use of the five punishments to assist the inculcation of 
th€ five duties, with a view to the perfection of my government, and 

merit ; if you would not employ him, it must be 
on the ground of some fault/ As to his expl. 
of the next clauses, I can really not get hold 
of it with sufficient definiteness to attempt to 

describe it. The whole passage from j^ ^ 
to the end is found qiioted in the ^^ ^|S, |S, 

"^^ -4^ — • ^E, and an explanation of it 
different both from Gan-kw5's and from Ch4n's, 
but so Yague that I cannot adopt it. 
The words of the par., ^ |^ ^ JQ 

^' ^ ^ 1^' *^ *^'^ ^^^"^ *" *^® ^ 
'^» ^» /V ^» *"^ ^* " argued that this 
portion of the pres. * Counsels of Yu * was evi- 
dently plagiarized from that place. We hare 
Too Yu's (>Ml jte, Tsin dyn.) commentary on 
the "t 'ffifc, ace. to which the words of the 
Shoo King are only ^ [^ ^ 5|S ^» and 

the 4& "pj j^ are an observation of duke 

Chwjing. Here, it is said, the ignorance of the 
forger has betrayed him. He found a quotation 
from the Shoo, and he incorporated it with his 
compilation, but he incorporated with it what 
was not a portion of the Shoo. But it may bo 
that it was Too Yu who was in error here. He 
had not seen the *old text' of Gan-kw6; he 
had not seen our present £ook } and from his 

own reading of the f^ ^SL he supposed the 

quotation from the Shoo terminated at V^ and 

not at 1^. From a study of the "j^, I am 
persuaded he was in error. Looking at the 
whole passage where the quotation occurs, I 

conclude that :^ "Pj |^ is a portion of the 

* Books of Hea,' whether ^S& be read heavg^ or 
keang^ about which there is some unnecessary 

Parr. 11 — 13. Shun^ not listening to Yu*8 re- 
commendation of Kaou-yaou to t^ his vicegerent^ 
yet praises the latter for his merffs as minister of 
Crime. Kaou-yaou disciaims the w^iV, and attributes 
it to the emperor. 11. j^ ^ -^ -^ jE' 

— 13 m?> * none, perhaps,* = our * hardly 
any*; "^""^[^j'^o offend against,* diff. from 
its use in p. 6 ; |p is by Ying-tft expounded 
fp ^ , 'right ways,* but it is better with 
Ch*in to makeit>«]g^, 'government,* 'regu- 
lations of govt.' BQ, in both instances, 
has the force of * aiming at.* The ^^ ^flt der 

fine. weU:-.^ ^ m ^ 'ji^ Z U 

* anticipating the issue beforehand.' Gan-kw6 

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Bk. n. Ch. n. 12, 13. THE COUNSELS OF THE GREAT TU. 


that through punishment there may come to be no punishments, but 
the people accord with the j^^^tli of the Mean. Continvbe to be strenu- 

12 ous. ' Kaou-yaou said, *' Your virtue, emperor, is faultless. You 
condescend to your ministers with a liberal ease; you preside over 
the multitude with a generous forbearance. Punishments do not 
extend to the criminals heirs; while rewards reach to after genera- 
tions. You pardon inadvertent f&ults, however great; and punish 
purposed crimes, however smalL In cases of doubtful crimes, you 
deal with them lightly ; in cases of doubtful n^erit, you prefer the 
high estimation. Rather than put to death an innocent person, 
you will run the risk of irregularity and error. This life-loving 
virtue has penetrated the minds of the people, and this is why 
they do not render themselves liable ta be punished by your 

13 officers." The emperor said, " To enable me to follow after and 

badlj takes it in the first case asc»^. ^ 
^ "F* ^''■"* aiming at my govt* The 
^/j^ is in the 8d tone^ with aa. intensive mean- 
ing, as in the transL ^-^^t|r^— 

Wang Ming-shing qnotes from the ^^ ^^ ^h 

as in p. S. 12; ^ and |^ are both terms 

of imperial application. .'When a superior 
▼isits an inferior, E^ designates the act'; 

'^wherever the son of Hearen stops is^ called 4Jffl' 
(see the Diet.). The dlff. between them is in- 
dicated by the emplojrment of them in the text. 

Eg describ. Shun in his relation to his min- 
isters ("TC), and '^jSjX in hia relation to the peo- 

ple. j|S and j^ are here synonjrmsyo* 

tJ^, 'descendants.* iQ, i> equal to 

y Bk. p. 11 ^ jw it^ dimes done ' on purpose.' 

gular^' not according to tlie standard. ^^ 

^ — J^ |j^, ^-therefore,' 4t U hereby that' 

^6" ^ ,— * the oflElcers/ * an official ; ' see 

Ana. xk. ixZ^et al I cannot but think that 
Kaou Yaou intended himself by the phrase, 
and feel inclined to translate i—* this is why 
they do not render themselves liable to be pun- 
ished by ms, who am hut an officer.' 

i» *« i -fil- iS^n -h 5^ #. ''^ 

find quoted from the 'Books of Hea'— M lit 
reiterates his sense of Kaouyaou's merits. 4^ 

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m T m. 

^^ t. m. 


obtain what I desire in my government, the people everywhere re- 
sponding as if moved by the wind; — this is your excellence." 
14 The emperor said, "Come, Yu. The inundating waters filled 
me with dread, when you realized all that you represented, and 
accomplished your task,— thus showing your superiority to other 
men. Full of toilsome earnestness in the service of the State, and 
sparing in your expenditure on your family; and this without being 
full of yourself or elated ; you (tgain show your superiority to other 
men. Without any prideful presumption, there is no one in the 
empire to contest with you the palm of ability; without any boast- 
ing, there is no one in the empire to contest with you the claim of me- 

lence.' In the Works of the philosopher Seun, 
-^ J^ j^, we find the first part of this par. 

irith a slight change. He says— ^E Q, M^ 

Parr. 14-19. Shun returns to inxtst on Yu*s 
becoming his vicegerent ; delivers various admoni' 
tions to him; disallows his repeated attempt to 
decline the dignity ; and finally Yu undertakes the 
government. 14. ^ ^» ^^ ^K '(^ 

-^— see in Men. HI. Pt II. ix. 8, ^ ^ 
^ ^ ^ ^. Ts*ae Ch*in says the old 

text read }f&\ and according to that char., Gan- 

kw6 explains-^* the waters flowing down.* No 
doubt the text of Mencius has prevailed to 

change |^ into ;^. ^ yfc ^ ^ 

is literally — *you accomplished sincerity, you 
accomplished merit/ I have translated accord- 
ing to the expansion of the meaning in the 
4fe ^/S. There can be no doubt that by the 
'merit' which Yu accomplished is intended his 
management of the inundating waters. The 

passage i«j quoted in the 'jh^ ^flS, flC, -^ ^E, 

and explained in harmony with the case which 
it is adduced to illustrate r-«^* when one*s good 
faith is established, he can accomplish his 
service..' ^ ^-^ ^^ K 

'you are superior to, you surpass others;' see 
this meaning of ^ ip Ana. XL xy^ et oL 

Ana. VIII. xxi. "f^i"^"* the tense of n^, 

♦great.' ^ 'j^,-*' making one's-splf great,' 

being eUted, ^ is defined Q ^, 

' making oneVself superior,' and '^t ^ ^, 
* arrogating to one's-self merit/ There is some- 
thing like the four clauses beginning fit j^ 

;;f; ^ in Seun's ^ -^ j^, and also in 

Laou-tsze's ^^ ^^M M^ ; but we ueed not as* 
sume that the pres. text was compiled from 
those passages. ^HH[ is properly ' to urge,' 

it may be to urge another, or to exert one's-self, 
and Ting-t4 makes the meaning her^^' I urge 
your virtue,' But this is quite unsuitable, and 
hence Choo He says that WJJ and tipL were 
anciently ipterahauged, and so understancjs it iu 

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rit. I see how great is your virtue, how admirable your vast achieve- 
ments. The determinate appointment of Heaven rests on your per- 
son; you must eventually ascend the throne of the great sovereign. 
15 The mind of man is restless,— prone to ei*r\ its affinity for the right 
way is small. Be discriminating, be undivided, that you may sin- 

the sense of * great,' * to consider great' ^^ 

^MWl^^ ^'-^ ^"- ^"••' 

XX. i. 1, where this and other parts of the pres. 
parr, are given as having been spoken by Yaou 
to Shun, though it is added that Shun ujied the 
same language in giving charge to Yu. 15* 

Warning on the proneness of man to err, 
Medhurst translates the first two clauses:— 
*The carnal mind is treacherous, while the 
virtuous feeling exists only in a small degree.' 
Gaubil says:-** The heart of man is full of 
slioals (ecueils); the heart of Taou is simple and 
thin (aelie) *; and adds in a note : — * The heart of 
man is here opposed to that of Taou. The 
discourse is of two hearts,— «ne disengaged (?) 
from passions, the other simple and veiy pure. 
Taou expresses the right reason. It is very 
natural to think that the idea of a God, pure, 
simple, and Lord of men, is the source of these 
words.' Neither translation is good, and the 
note is altogether fanciful. The first clause 
•does, indeed, sug^gest to a Christian reader of the 
classic what is said in the New Testament of 
the 'carnal mind;' but that phrase is not the 

correspondency of ^ f^, j^, moreover, is 
not * treacherous,* but insecure,' 'tottering,' 
'threatening to fall.' When the statement in 
this clause is taken in connection with that in 
the next, we have the idea of ' the carnal mind.' 
i^ j\]^ is, indeed, a difft. expression ; and we 

Beem to want in ^? •ome entity or being oor* 

responding to K, But that cannot be. The 

^ i^ is stiU the \ j\^\ the mind of man 
in its relation to the imth of duty. The two 
clauses together tell us very truly that the mind 
of man, uncertain, unstable in what is good, is 
ever more likely, without a careful self-govern- 
ment, to fall into the way of evil. 

Ting-tS, in paraphrasing Gan-kwO, seems to 
take ^ ass.^^, as if Shun were cautioning 

Tu only about the proclivities of the peopk. 
But the term is of universal application* Cnoo 
He and other philosophers cf the Sung dyn. 
have written much on this text. One of the 
scholars Chlng says: — *The heart of man which 
is restless denotes the desires of man ; the reason 
to which it has little affinity is heavenly prin- 

ciple ' (^ g^). Choo He says :— ' The mouth, 

the nose, the ears, the eyes, and four limbs all 
belong to one's own body ; they are the things 
which are of one's self, and are nut like the con- 
viction of riglit and duty (l^)t which belongs to 
one with all others. Thus we have at once the 
root of selfishness, and there is a proneness to 
it moreover ; yet this is not in itself bad ; — it is 
only the root of what is bad.' * Take what is 

here called the A^ f(^f and regulate and 
control (jj^ ^) it, and you have the |^ /(^ ; 
take the iM j|^, and leave it uncared for ("bJT 

^), and you have the ^ /(^.* Putting the 

question, whether it could be said of the mind 
of the sages, that it was also restless and prone 
to err, he repUes that the affinity for the right 
in them completely predominated so as to rule 

the other. (See the ^ |f^). ||^ 

4|^ — *,«Hheie denote the exercise of mind and 
force of will by which the ^l /(^ can be kept 

from disturbing the ^£ f(^ and there will 

result in practice the strict adherence to the 
Mean,— 'the course which neither exceeds nor 
oomes short of what is right. 

^Ci ^t Wt ^ " found in the Con. Ana., 
XX. i. 1. The rest of the par., it is said, was 
made up in the time of the Tsin dyn. by Mei 

Tsih from Sean K'ing's ^ ^ j^- We 
certainly find there^ and quoted as from «^ jj^ 
the passages ^ j^i^ ^ ^' ^ iVj> ^ 
1^. There is also much in the context about 

^»"fi^ /IS ^ M' ^"^ — ' ^ ^- ^^ 

KHng has written nothing which he was not 
likely to do, if he had the Shoo with this passage 
in his mind. And, on the other hand, it must 
be allowed that a forger might have compiled 
the first three clauses of the par. from him. His 

quoting from the ^ j|^ can hardly be said 
to be decisive in the question, for as we refer 
to the Bible often as ' The word of Truth,' 
'The book of Truth,* the phrase in question 

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16 cerely hold fast the Mean. Do not listen to unsubstantiated words.; 

17 do not follow undeli berated plans. Of all who are to be loved, is 
not the sovereign the chief? Of all who are to be feared, are not the 
people the chief? If the multitude wevemthoui the sovereign, whom 
should they sustain aloft? If the sovereign had not the multitude^ 
there would be none to guard the country for him. Be reverent* 
Carefully demean yourself on the throne which you will occupy, 
respectfully cultivating tlie virtues which are to be desired in you. 
If within the four seas there be distress and poverty, your Heaven- 

may denote the Shoo under a similar designa- 
tion. One thing is certain, — the sentences were 
put together before the time of Mei Tsih, for 

Ma Yung io hi. ^ jj^ quoted-^ ^ |f| 

in he). He who has found reason to accept 
these ^ Ck>unsels ' as genuine on other grounds 
will not have his faith disturbed by the difficul- 
ties connected with this passage. 

It has been impugned not only on the critical 
grounds which I have indicated, but as contain- 
ing heretical doctrine. Wang Ch*ung-yun (^C 
>fe ^) of the Yuen dyn., and Mei Tsuh (j^ 
>w) of the Ming, especially, haye contended 

that the idea of human nature which it gives is 
quite contrary to the orthodox truth ; but even 
Ming-shing condemns them for being carried so 
far by their detestation of Mei Tsih. 

16. An adtnonition io prudence and caution in 

coun$el and action, )^"*" ^7 ^|^> * ^ ^^' 

amine and attest' < Unsubstantiated words' 
are counsels for which no precedents can be 
adduced. ^ Undeliberated plans ' are plans that 
have not been submitted tor general considera- 

'^^ IE ^ j^ ^^ ^^™ ^^ing concludes 
with a sentence which would seem to have been 
suggested by this paragraph :— ^ j^ ^ 

17. Shun intimates his determined purpose that 
Yu should undertake the duties of the govt,, and 
impresses on hint various important considerations. 

The first clause, Pf ^ ^ jSf^ «nd 

the next are to be taken interrogatively. The 

H M f^""^ themj-M ^ ^ #. ^ 

•3^. Comp. a somewhat similar construction 
in Mencius, II. Pt. l.ii.22,etaL jq 6^, 

—as in p. 14 ; jQ — ;^, * great.* We find the 

^, ^ ^ ^ ^, quoted from the 
'Book, of H«s' in the ^ ^, ^ ^. Jl- 
J^,— • to carry on the head ; * and thence^ 
* to respect,' * to honour.' ^ J^ '^ j^. 
I take a.--^ jf^ !f^ ;^ ;^ >gr. a„d the 
next clause al so as addressed ta Yu in his owm 
person. 'pX Jp[ is very much the same 

as P]' :g^ in Men., VH. Pt. II., xxv. 8. 

XX, i. 1. I have adhered to the translation of 
this sentence which I gave in the Analects. 
Gan-kw5 takes quite a different view of it. 

*By ^ ^,' he says, 'are intended the suf- 
ferers of distress through the empire, who have 
none to appeal to. Let the emperor cultivate the 
virtues appropriate to him, and care for these^ 
and the possession of the throne wilT abide for 
oyer in hi. perwn • ( ^ ;^ j^ H, -g ^ 

TW ^). Maou K'e-ling shows that previous 
to the time of the * Eastern Tsin * this was the 

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Bk. n. Cb. n. 17, 18. THE COUNSELS OF THE GREAT TU. 



conferred revenues will come to a perpetual end. It is the mouth 
which sends forth what is good, and gives rise to war. My words 
I will not repeat." 
18 Yu said, " Submit the meritorious ministers one by one to the 
trial of divination, and let the fortunate indication be followed." 
The emperor said, " Yu, the officer of divination, when the mind 
has been made up on a subject, then refers it to the great tortoise. 
Now, in this matter, my mind was determined in the first place. I 
consulted and deliberated with all my ministers and people, and they 
were of one accord with me. The spirits signified their assent, the 
tortoise and grass having both concurred. Divination, when for- 
tunate, may not be repeated." Yu did obeisance, with his head to 
the ground, and firmly declined the throne. The emperor said, "Do 

receired interpretation of the language while 
that which I have followed (and which ia much 
more likely and natural) prevailed Arom that 
time ; and he argues that if the commentary of 
Oaii-kwfi were indeed a forgery of Mei Tsih he 
would not have given the explanation which 
had by his time gone into disuse. ^^ {3 

Mih quotes the words as fh>m * The Books of 
the former Kings/ a usual formula with him 
when quoting from the Shoo King. It is not 
easy to trace what connection the truth declared 
in them has with the other remark of Shun. 

18, 19. Yuj stiU wishing to decline^ and to have 
his appointment submitted to the trial of divination^ 
is overruled by Shun^ and finally enters on the duties 

of the administration, JMj^ K ift ^, — 

Tkj^, * the stalk of a plant ; ' used also for a tally 
in reckoning things. From this comes its 
use in the text— ;k^ |> , ' one by one divine 

about.' K, — *to divine;* properly, by 

means of the tortoise. Here it would seem, to 
Big. ' to divine gcnorally/ inclading both the ^|a 

and ^* below. ^^ |fc , — |fc , composed 
of K and pt , indicates the answer supposed 
to be returned to the divination. 1^ J^ was 
the officer who determined this. ffl^,— ia 

the sense of ^jf , * to determine.' ^r~^ 

the sense of ^^, 'afterwards.' Wang Shih* 
p*ftng (J -J- JIQ, Sung dyn.) observes, *The 

ancients understood ^ as the elder brother; 
he is after the father : — ^hence the character is 
explained by ^.' -^ "^ 7C H' '^***® 
Chin and others explain '^ by '^, He says 

-^ ^ -^ #^, * charges it to the tortoise.* 
This I do not well understand. Whatever we 
make of the '^, the general meaning is evi- 
dently that given in the transl. We find the whole 
sentence, with the alteration of one character, 

quoted from the Books of Hea. in the ^^ jB, 

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PAKT n. 


phrase H^jjjlp. 19. )|j^ ^ is explained 

by Ts'ae Ch4n, as being * the ancestral temple 
of Yaou/ But tills would be contrary to all 
analogy. Shun received this appointment in 
the temple of Taou*s ancestors, and Tu would 
receive his in the temple of Shun*s ancestors. 
That Shun had established such a temple appears 
from CJonfucius' words, Doct. of the Mean, xvii. 
1. ChHn was led into the error by misunder- 
standing a passage in the |g |£, ^ j^, 
where Shun is spoken of as having ^^ ed 

Taou i-^ Maou'. fS^ # Jf ^^, & &« 

This accession of Yu to Uie administration 
took place bx. 2222. 


BtJLTS. P. 20. Yuy being charged to act. 

against the prince of MeaoUy cusemblea his host, and 
makes a speech to it. t^;^(«^)^^ 

19 not do so. It is you who can suitably occupy my place.'' On the 
first morning of the first month, Yu received the appointment in the 
temjyie of the spiritual Ancestor, and took the leading of all the 
officers, as had been done at the commencement of the emperor's 

20 III. The emperor said, ** Alas! Yu, there is only the prince of 
the Meaou, who refuses obedience; — kIo you go and correct him/' 
Yu on this assembled all the princes, and made a speech to the host, 
saying, "Ye multitudes, listen all to my orders. Stupid is this 
prince of Meaou, ignorant, erring, and disrespectful. Despite- 
ful and insolent to others, he thinks that all ability and virtue are 
with himself. A rebel to the right, he destroys all the obligations 

^^ -^ ]55f -:^ ]5S ;$: ^; such is 

generally the force of >o before the name of a 

country throughout the Shoo. We might render 
the charr. literally — * the possessor of Meaou.' 

^ is here-*^ or ^jjfe, *to honour* *to bo 

obedient.' It has been said that as Shun 

had twice dealt with the Meaouites (see Bk. I., 
pp. 12 and 27), there was nothing left for. Yu 
to do with them. But there is no one chapter, 
perhaps, in the Shoo King which is so abun- 
dantly corroborated by citations from it and 
references to it in books of the Chow and Han 
dynn. as the present; — see the ^^ ^S, in foe. 
The prince of Meaou against whom he proceeded 
would not be the one whom Shun banished to 
San-wei, but some chieftain of ihe whole or a 
portion of the tribe who had been left in their 
native Seat. That Yaou, Shun, and Yu were 
all obliged to take active measures against them 
only shows the restlessness of the people, and 
the difficulty which those sage emperors had in 
establishing their sway over the country. 

^f -f^ jjjfi,— *made a speech to the host.* 
This is the proper meaning of ^^, throughout 
the Shoo. Formed from :^ and '^, * t^ 

on Pt. V . Bk. IV., pp. 20-81, It is observed by 
Chin Tih-sew (^ ^ '^\ that we have 
here the first occurrence in the classics of the 

" h. 19. 

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Bk. n. Ch. m 20, 21. THE COUNSELS OF THE GREAT YU. 

^. # H. R :^ W W "^ A 

Tj '^ % ^. tk — ±.t'^, 

If V 


^ o 7^^#.K 

_ ll>7Ci^ — i-iU* ^ ^ ^ 

# ills T ^. ;^. « ^ 7i 

(?/ virtue. Superior men are kept by liim in obscurity, and mean 
men fill all the offices. The people reject and will not protect him. 
Heaven is sending calamities down upon him. On this account I 
liave assembled you, my multitude of gallant men, and bear the 
instructions of the emperor to punish his crimes. Do you proceed 
with united heart and strength, so shall our enterprize be crowned 
with success." 

At the end of thrc? decades, the people of Meaou continued rebel- 
lious against the emperors commands, Avhen Yih came to the help of 
Yu, saying, " It is virtue which moves Heaven ; there is no distance 
to which it does not reach. Pride brings loss, and humility receives 
increase: — this is tlie way of Heaven. In the early time of the 

decide * by * words,' it often = * an oath ;' but in 
the classic its application is to the solemn charge 
laid upon his soldiers by a general, a speech 

delivered to a host. It is said in the mfi gP, 

j^ B, TC, p. 11, tliat ^ were first made 
in the time of the Yin or Shang dyn. ; but in- 
correctly, as the present instance is sufficient to 
show. The speech of Yu is given by Mih Tcih, 
with some omissions and alterations, in the last 
part of his chapter ou * Universal Love.' 3E 
i& is given in the Diet, as meaning *the 

appearance of multitudes '( ^ ^ ;^ ^), 
to which T8*ae Ch'in would add, *and of mar- 
shaUed order,' ^^ simply =. ^ ^. This 
use of ^, in sententious, half rhythmical 

passages, is not uncommon. ^|, from 

.* summer ' and * insects,' signifies * insects mov- 
ing about,' brought to all their activity by the 
summer heat. *To be insubordinate,* and *to 
be stupid,' are secondary significatitms. It is 
here a term of contempt, applied to the chief of 

•Meaou, buzzing, heedless, as an insect. ^^ 
't« f^, ^calamities ' ;— this is the meaning given 

VOL. in. 

to the character in the g^ aA. ^ 

= ^K *m* ^ ^E» * ^^^^ t^i® words— instruc- 
tions — of the emperor.* ^tW — '-TJt 
(« y^ ^ ^^ ^^—-^ is defined in the Diet., 
and by Ts*ac, ««*==J[ff ^* I' has the force 
of exhortation and entreaty. Hing Ping (JfR 
^3) says, 4t indicates the hope of the mind' 

— JSl, * this,' I.6., such union and energy being 

realized. 21. ^ ^ ^ 'f^,-T8'ae 

explains, "^^^^Z^^^^ ' the prhce 
of Meaou obstinately still refused to submit.* 
The most natural conclusion is that Yu's ex- 
pedition was unsuccessful, and that the |>eople 

of Meaou were too strong for him. 1[=^ ^^, 

— Y'ih assisted Yu when laltouring to retrnlate 
the waters. Here we find him also in Meaou. 
Afterwards he was his chief minister. Thero 
seems to have been a iK^culiar intimacy be- 
tween the two. ^=^^ or H)j|, * to assist.* 

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PART n- 

A:mMnmmMi^ urn 

emperor, when he was living by mount Leih, he went into the fields, 
and daily cried with tears to compassionate Heaven, and to his par- 
ents, taking to himself and bearing all guilt and evil. At the same 
iimej with respectful service, he appeared before * Koo-sow, looking 
grave and awe-struck, till Koo also became truly transformed by his 
example. Entire sincerity moves spiritual beings ; — ^how much more 
will it move this prince of Meaou!" Yu did homage to the ex- 
cellent words and said, " Yes." lliereupon he led back his army, hav- 
ing drawn off the troops. The emperor also set about difFusmg his 
accomplishments and virtue more widely. They danced with shields 
and feathers between the two staircases of the court. In seventy days 
the prince of Meaou came to make his submission. 

%"" ^7J T M |l['-*^« ^7J ^^^ 5« 

fdw&ya referred to Sliun's early life, before lie 
was taken notice of by Yaou. ITie O ^S 

here expands it-'j^ ll^^^M^ 
ijl -j^ ^ |Jj, * early in the emperor's life, 
■when he was in a low Hud private station, he 
plouKhed upon mount Leih.' In opposition to 
thi^, however, Mencius says the weeping and 
crying to heaven and his |>arents took place 
when Shun was 50 years old. See Men. V. Pt. 
I. i. 5. There is no way of reconciling these re- 
presentations. Mount Leih is referred to a 
hill, 30 le south of P*oo^how (^ j»|«j), dep. of 

Pnng.yang (^ ^), in Shan-se. |^ 

'&1^^%^^ #>-«- Men., loc 
">, P 1. ^ ^ ^ -/t^^ ~««e Men. 
V. Pt. L iv. 4. Tlie f-f ^ expl. ^ ^ by 

Wci^M^^^^ *^^ reverently per- 
formed the service of a son.* In Men. I trans- 
lated jf^ -i^ by * believetl him and conform- 
ed to virtue,' but parag. 3 may satisfy us that 
yQ is to ba taken adverbiallyw S& f£ 

= ,— see Men. II. Pt. I. viii. 2. 

^(]] jj^ j^,— Ts^ae and others take i^ in the 

sense of ^&, * to adjust/ * to trim,' and mako 

the whole equal to *he withdrew his army in 
good order.' Ts'ae gives also another view, 
without disapproving of it, according to which 

jW 0^ intimates the quitting Meaou, and j^^ 
jS^ describes what was done on their re-entering 

the capital. We find the phrase ;^ m^, how* 

ever, in the She King, Pt. II., Bk. III., iv., st. 
3, where it means ' to draw off the troops.* With 
reference to that passage, the Diet, explains it 
by Jj- , and so I have translated it here. 

^^ ^jfi is explained by Ts*ae Ch*in by "aT 

mf fS ^^' ^ ^**^® * persuasion myself that 
the best translation would be — *the virtues 
of peace,* ^ being used in opposition to "Sr- 
War had been tried, and found ineffectual ; they 
would now see what effect would be produced 
by an exemplification of the blessings of peace* 

I m.i. The 

was more a postuie-making 

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Bk. n. Cu. IIL 21. 



than what we call dancing. ^- 

-f pj^ j^ ;^ Pp^, 'between the two stair- 
cases/ that appropriated to the sovereign as 
host, and that employed bj his guests. The ex- 
pression a the jk^ J^ of the Analects, The 
shield was a weapon of war appropriate to a 
war-dance. On this occasion Shun wanted by 

this exhibition in the court to show how he 
disliked war. And the consequences, we are told, 
justified yih's advice. The prince of Meaou 

caiue and made his submission. From the 

whole of this 3d. chapter, I conclude that Tu's 
exx)edition against Meaou was unsuccessful. He 
had to retreat. The advice of Yih, with the 
subsequent measures, and their result, eerre 
merely to gloss over the real fact. 

Digitized by 




I. On examining into antiquity, we find that Kaou-yaou said, 
"If a sovereign sincerely pursue the course of his virtue, the coun- 
sels offered to him will be intelligent, and the aids of admonition will 
be harmonious." Yu said, " Yes ; but explain youi'self." Kaou-yaou 

Title of the Book.— ^ ^j ( Yaou) g^, 
'The Counsels of Kaou-yaou.' * Coiuisels/— see 
on the title of the Inst Book. Kaou-yaou 

was minister of Crime to Shun (Bk. I^ p. 20). 
Tsze-hea has recorded his merit, saying, * Shun, 
being in possession of the empire, selected from 
among all the officers and employed Kaou-yaou, 
on which all yi\\o were devoid of virtue disap- 
peared * (Ana. XII. xxii. 6). There are few or 

no reliable details of his history. In the "jh 
^IS he appears with the style of T*ing-keen 
(^! J^ ^^), one of the * eight able sons* 
(^^ -4^ /^ A ) of the emp. Chuen-heuh; 
and Wang P'oomeih (^"^|^)» o^ t^^e Tsin 
dyn., says, in his *i^ 3E fi ^£' *^** ^"^^' 
ynou was born in K'euh-fow ( dfa .&, still the 
name of a district in Yen-^ow dep. f^JjW]* 
Shan-tung). in the country of Yen .iS)) whence 
he was sumamed Yen. Sze-ma Ts*een in his 
Record of the sovereigns of Hea (^W 7k g^ 

"^X says that Yu, on hiii accession to the throne, 

made Kaou-yaou his chief minister, with the 
view of his ultimately succeeding him, but the 
design was frustrated by Kaou-yaou*s death, 
and that then his son was appointed to the prin- 
cipality of Ying-luh (3^ -^^ in the prov. 

of Gan-hwuy. We have still the dis. of iffi 
l^lj, in the dep. of -^ ^), which was extin- 
guished under the Chow dyn, by the power of 
Ts'oo (^^), and an end was made of the re- 
presentatives of Kaou-yaou. See a note on 
Kaou-yaou in "'o pj ^ j^ gj ^ |f , 

Ana. XII. xxii. Iriere is still a clan of the 

surname Kaou which traces its origin to Kaou- 
yaou (aee the ^ j^ |g, ^ ^ ) ; but Kaou 

and yaou are to be taken together as tlie minis- 
ter's name. 

Contents. The Book is found in the texts 
both of Fuh-shang and K*ung Qan-kwQ, so that 
tliere is no question of its genuineness. I have 
divided it into four chapters. The first, pp. 1, 
2, enunciates the principle that in govt the 
great thing is for the prince to pursue the 
course of his virtue, which will be seen in his 
knowledge of men, and giving repose to the 
people. The second chap., pp. 3 — r>, is designed 

Digitized by 


Bk nl Cm. I. I. 



said, "Oh! let him be careful about his personal cultivation, with 
thoughts that are far-reaching, and then he will effect a generous 
kindness and nice observance of distinctions among the nine classes 
of his kindred; all the intelligent ako will exert themselves in his 
service; and from what is near he may reach in this way to what 
is distant." Yu did reverence to the admirable words, and said, 

to illustrate the former of tliese things, — the 
knowledge of men ; and the third, pp. 6, 7, treats 
of the repose of the people. In the fourth 
chap., p. 8, Kaou asserts the reasonableness of 
his words, and humbly expresses his own desire 
to be helpful. 
Ch. I. The duty of a soveretgn to be 

KATCUE; its grand EV!I>ENCES; and ITS DIF- 
FICULTY. 1. Kaou-yaou and Yu on t/ie 
nature and consequences of a sovereign's course of 

virtue, R ^g* JRg "gT,— see on the Ist 

par. of the previous Books. Those who would 

accept K^ang-shing's expl. of iS^ ~^, as applied 

to Taou, allow that it is not admissible as 
applied to the minister ; and they say that we 
must not obstinately think that the same words 
have alw ays the same meaning in the classics 

we go on to the next clause-—^ Eg Q y|^ 

^[ -jT "TTi however, we cannot explain ac- 
cording to the analogy of the corresponding 
passages. Tung-po asks — * Will those who take 
Fang-lieun, Ch*ung-hwa, and Wfinming, as the 
names of Yaou, Shun, and Yu, say that Yun- 
teih (^yj^ ^) was the name of Kaou-yaou'? 
This certainly cannot be said, but we are in no 
better case if we take Fang-heun and the other 
expressions as descriptive epithets. Yun-teih 
is neither the name of Kaou-yaou, nor any hon- 
ourable description of his doings or character. 
In whatever way we interpret the passages in 
the other Books, ^ ||^ (or, as Keang Shing 

and others edit, ^if^) Q must be translated, 
' Kaou-yaou said.' yfc ^ M ^' 1^ 

I pS) — it is not easy to understand this 
passage. In the * Historical Records ' it appears 

lieving his path of duty and virtue, his plans 
will be intelligent and his aids harmonious/ 
yf^ being taken as an active verb, «== Yg , and 

^H-^^^i* as in the last Book, p. 5. Keang 
Shing and Sun Yen adopt the same view. But 

if this were the correct view, we should have 
read— yjl^ J® j^ ^»- All suppose, it will 
be seen, that Kaou-yaou is speaking of the sove- 
reign. Gan-kwO takes ^^ **"==" Sfi» *^<^ 
tread on,' *to walk,' so that J^ ^^v'^**^ 
pursue the course of virtue.' He takes a peculiar 
view, however, of BS, which is with him not=a 

* his,' but * their,' and JBS toL is * the virtue of 

the ancients ;* and he expounds the whole : — * A 
sovereign ought sincerely to tread the path of 
the virtue of the ancients, planning how to 
enlarge his intelligence in order to assist and 
harmonize his govt.' Woo ChHng has a 

view of his own, and takes y^ ^fy jKfr H^ aa 

descriptive of a minister's duty to his sovereign. 

He defines ^^ by ^[, < to lead forward,' and 

^ hy ^ ^ ;^ ^, 'intelligent men.* 
His expos, is: — 'The duty of ministers to their 
sovereign is truly and really to stimulate and 
promote his virtue. In taking their counsels, 
he must strive that he have the intelligent to 
assist him, and must harmonize them.' None 
of these interpretations is satisfactory, and 
unable to suggest one more so, I have followed 
in the transl. the view of Ts*ae Ch4n, who 
expounds : — ' If the sovereign really pursue the 
course of his virtue, what his ministers counsel 
will be intelligent, and wherein they would aid 
him, they will be harmonious.' 

This agrees better with what is said in the 
sequel, though it has its difficulties. An in- 
genious note by Wang Kflng-t'ang (^C "S* 

*^ ; Ming dyn.) is given in the ^fe ^H ; 

— *gM indicates the setting forth of counsels 

and 2S, the exercise of correction. ^S and 

2ffl belong to the ministers ; ffi and g^, to 

the sovereign. When they offer oonnsels on 
occasion of occurring affairs, he can understand 
their mind, without any doubts ; when they dif- 
fer from him and offer admonitions, he can har- 
monize with their words, and not put himself 
against them.' This is ingenious, but too re- 
fined. While approving of Kaou's words, Yu 

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PART n. 

" Yes." Kaou-yaou said, " Oh! it lies in knowing men, and in giving 
repose to the people." Yu said, "Alas! to attain to both these things 
was a difficulty even to the emperor Yaou. When a sovereign knows 
men, he is wise, and can put men into their proper offices. When 
he gives repose to the people, he is kind, and the black-haired people 
cherish him in their hearts. When a sovereign can be thtis wise and 
kind, what occasion will he have for anxiety about a Hwan-tow ? 
what to be removing a prince of Meaou? what to fear any one of 
fair words, insinuating appearance, and great artfulness?" 

II. Kaou-yaou said, " Oh! there are in all nine virtues to be discov- 
ered in conduct; and when we say that a man possesses any virtue, that 

might well ask— ^p 'j^, ' what do jou mean ? * 

understood as a sort of explanation of what is 
intended by J^ jB ^&. Tlie remaining 
clauses describe the eflFects of such a course of 
virtue. First, there will be J^ ^ ^ j^, 
* the niaking generous, and nicely observant of 
discriminations, the nine classes of his kindred,' 
equivalent to the regulation of the family or 
clan, in the Great Learning ; second, there will 

be J^ ||^ m^ 1^, 'all the inteUigent exert- 
ing themselves as wings,* equiv. to the govt, of 
the State : thirdly, there will be the good order 
of the whole empire, j^ , * the near,' being the 

Family and the State, and j^, * the distant,' 

being the empire. — In this way it is attempted 
to interpret the text, — not very satisfactorily. 

2. Kaou-yami ejcplains hy what p-ocesses surh 
effects are realized, and Yu enlarges on their dif- 
jiculty. The concluding 'Yes* of the last 

par. was pronounced, we may suppose, in a tone 

equiv. to another ^JJ 1^- j^ /^ H$ 

(■»-^),— *aU as this,' i.c., to attain to both 

these tilings. |^ '^ fi || ;^ -Gan- 

kwft, followed by Ts*ae Cli'in, supposes the emp. 

intended to be Yaou, — correctly, I think. Woo 
Ch'ing and Keang Shing suppose Shun is re- 
ferred to. The former gives a hortatory turn 
to the clause: — 'the emperor should feel the 
difficulty of this.' The latter supposes the force 
of the jbl i« to insinuate an advice: — *tbe 
emperor — yes, perhaps, — ^he feels the difficulty 
of this.' The clause is to me declarative simply. 

men into the offices for which they are fit. 

By ^^ W ^ ^ |li(i.<^o™p-fi 

^, Bk. I., p. 16) it is supposed the ^IC ^^ 
the Can. of Yaou, p. 10, is intended. Thia 
would give three of 'the four criminals' of 
Yaou's reign, whom Shun punished, leaving only 
K'wftn, Yu's father, unmentioned, *Yu,' saya 
K'ang-shing,' purposely concealing his name.* 
Ch. II. On knowing men: — thb virtues 


fr ^ A ^,-* Actions (ff , 8d tone) 
have nine virtues.* There is a difficulty with 
the :^ before fj. Ts'ae defines it by )^, 
' altogether,' 'in all ;' and expounds :— 'Speakmg 
comprehensively of the virtues which appear 
in conduct, thoy are in all nine' 1 don't see 

Digitized by 


bk. m. Cm. n. 8, 4. 





Mi^^.'a rfij W ffii W lifti B. 5 

is as much as to say — he does such and such thinprs." Yu said, "What 
are the nine virtues?'^ Kaou-yaou said, "Affal3ility combined with 
dignity; mildness combined with firmness; bluntness combined with 
respectfulness; aptness for government combined with reverence; 
docility combined with boldness; straightforwardness combined with 
gentleness; easiness combined with discrimination; vigour combin- 
ed with sincerity; and valour combined with righteousness. When 
these qualities are displayed, and that permanently, have we not the 
good officer? 

When there is a daily display of three of these virtues, their pos- 
sessor could early and late regulate and enlighten the Family, of 

vhat else the char, can mean here, bnt this 
signification of it is not in the Diet., nor have 
I seen any other example of it. Keang Sbing 
argning from the definition of "^K in the g^ 

"aT, says that "^K and J^ were anciently, 
interchanged. They were so in the sense of 
the 'armpit.' I^ has a secondary mean. — *to 
uphold,' * to sustain,' and attributing that also 
to ^^, he interprets — * supporting the actions 
of men, there are nine virtues.' I cannot ac- 
cede to this view. The 'IJjK which follows 
has its common meaning of * and,' *and more- 
over.' Wb ^& ^&, — *IIe does such and 
such things.' The Historical Records read, in- 
stead of these characters, -^ S> ^P; ftod 
Woo Ch*ing and Keang Shing both interpret 
^£ here by if^. It is certainly easier to take 

it with 6an-kw5 a8«=3^^, Ying-tft says:— 
* Sv has the signification of transport and move- 
ment (iS 4nf ^^ ^5)» ^^^^ ^® define it by 
^: ^«^, as in Can. of Yaou, p. 10. 

*Mt ifij ISI'~"» '" ^^- ^- P- **• So also 

|&), see Ana. VIIT., xvi ; XVII. xiii ; and esp., 

licii. VII. Pt. II. xxxvii. 8, 9. I translate it 
here by * bluntness,' ace. to the account of it by 

g[=»/j^, 'to govern,' here '/^ :^, an 

aptness for government, often associated with 
a spirit of lightness and self-confidence. 

__ , where I have translated ^ by 'impetu- 
ous.' The impetuous will overlook many tilings, 
and in their hot haste not discriminate. The 
same want of discrimination may result from an 

easy indifference, which is the force of fiffi here. 

The pairs of difierent qualities specified 
are understood to constitute the unity of the 
virtue ; it is not that the one compensates for 
the other. "^ =» ^ , « good.' 

4. This par. is specially illustrative of 4:)f, 

]g^ ^ ^ in p. 2. It sets forth the know- 

ledge of men turned to the right account by 
employing them according to their capacity and 
aptitude. Perhaps as close a translation of 

the first portion of the par. as can be given (to 
be intelligible) would be: — *The daily displaycr 
of three virtues troufdbe eRT\y and late -a regula- 
ting and brightening holder of a Family.' The 

'Daily Explanation' expands it t*iu»*— ^^^ 

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PART n. 

7chich he teas made chief. Where* there is a daily severe and reve- 
rent cultivation of six virtues, their possessor could brilliantly con- 
duct the affairs of the State, to tchich he icas constituted ndei\ When 
such men are all received and employed, the possessors of these nine 
virtues will all have their services. Then men of a thousand and 
men of a hundred will fill the offices of the State; the various minis- 
ters will emulate one another; all the officers will accomplish their 
duties at the proper times, observant of the five elements-refjulaied 
seasons: — and thus their various duties will be fully accomplished." 
" Let not the eniperar set to the rulei^s of States an example of 

BB */Q ^^, ^ When a man haa three of these 
virtues, and can daily display and enlarge them, 
making them still more conspicuous, he is a 
man of whom those three virtues are a perma- 
nent characteristic. Let him be made a great 
officer, the head of a Family, and he will be 
found early and late ruling that Family with 
all diligence, and its affairs will all be brilliantly 
regulated.' '^ is here taken, after Ts'ae, as «=■ 

yjq^. The second portion might be similarly 

translated and expanded. ^^ is here best 

defined by ^. ^ ^ §L M -*'» 

is spoken of the supreme authority, — of the 
emperor. ^^^. ^ M^'ilj ffi 
M ^- "^X^ '^-^'^ Wang, 

and ChMng, all describe ^^ as being men in 

ability and virtue beyond a thousand, and ^^ 
as men exceeding in the same way a hundred. 

W 1t ^fli eifi.-lf W B 1^. 

* those who are in office together are called 'w ; * 
hence the term is often s= ♦ companions,* * col- 
leagues.* ^jfi gjfi ,— * the one will make the other 

his model.' "g" X ti B^i-the ^g" X 

are the same as the "5* fflF, called J^ ^**^ 
reference to their duties, the work they had to 
do. •j^ pi, — comp. the same phrase in Bk, 

II. p. 16. :^Ti:j^.-^=iijg. 

* obedient to,' 'accordant with j* j^ is defined 
t in the Diet, with ref. to this passage, by ^4, 

I and Ch<in says 3£ J^' P9 ^^ "tfei* '*^® ^^'° 

I J^ are the four seasons.' Of the five elements, 

I wood predominates in the spring; fire in the 

summer ; metal in the autumn ; and water in the 

winter ; while earth is to be recognized equally 

in all the seasons. We read in the Lc Ke 

* the five elements are distributed over the four 
seasons;' and in the context of that {uutsage 
much is said on the doctrine of the Yin and 
Yang, the five elements, five virtues, five tones, 
&C., much of which is mystical, and nmch 

absurd. In the Historical Records, after ^^ 

X ^ 1§^ ^« '"'^•' ""'J' ^,MM pi- 

The rest ofthe paragraph is wanting ; — possibly, 
because Ts'een and his father did not well 

understand this plirase. \\f j^ ^ ^^ 

(«=» jJJT),— comp. in Can. of Yaou, p. 8, jlf f^ 

^^ EE, which follows after the settlement of 
the seasons, and the regulation of the officers in 
accordance with them, which is perhaps all that 

is meant here by "g" '^ f^ H#. 1^^ 3l 

j^. 5. JIow the emperor tnusi himsj/stt the 

Digitized by 


Bk m. Ch. UL 6. 



indolence or dissoluteness. Let him be wary and fearful, remember- 
ing that in one day or two days there ma^ occur ten thousand 
springs of things. Let him not have the various officers cumberers 
of their places. The work is Heaven's; — it is men's to act for it." 
IIL "From Heaven are the social arrangements with their several 
duties; to us it is given to enforce those five duties, and then we 
have the five courses of generous conduct! From Heaven are the 
social distinctions with their several ceremonies; from us proceed 
the observances of those five ceremonies, and then do they appear 
in regular practice 1 When sovereign and ministers show a common 

txcanpU of carefid attention to his duties^ cmd so 
get cUl his officers and nobles to give the same* 

idleness and desires to the holders of States.' 
$&"^. G»n-kwa explain. .-% "^ ^ 

*I>o not practise the lessons of idle pleasure 
and inordinate desires, which is the constant 
way of the holders of States.' He does not 
suppose the counsel giren to the emperor for his 
personal benefit, but to concern generally princes 
and officers ; but his interpretation altogether is 
inadmissible, ^jr is the teacliing of example ; 

^ (Ts'ae Ch'in). ^, * that which is small 
and minute,' «a;^, <the spring' or motive 
force, which, indeed, is Keang Shing's text. 
Gan-kw5 explains H|^ by ^X» * empty.' 
The phrase in the transl. gives its force. 
^ X. A ^ f^ ;^»-Keang Shing says 
that ^ is the sovereign. So it is, but embra- 
cing the officers employed by him ; — * the king as 
supreme, and governors that are sent by him.' 
Ch. III. On giving repose to the people : 


ment OP Heaven's purposes for them. 6. 
^ # ^ ;^.-Keang Shing reads 5; ^ 
after Ma Yung ; but as we have below— ^ ^^ 

>& ||g, Ac, >o ^^ is here probably the 
correct text. And, ace* to the same analogy) 

"^ !^ must •=» a concrete noun, under the govt. 
of ^, like :^ H, :^ ^^, under the govt. 

of gH* and '^^. We might render therefore : 

— * Heaven arranges in their orders those who 
have the cardinal duties.' The orders are of 
course the constituent relations of society, — 
sovereign and minister, father and son, brothers, 

husband and wife, and friends. ml ^P^ 

-ft ^^» — * charges on us the five duties.' j]^ 
is accepted by all the commentators as tlie ex- 
planation of wn here. A much better mean- 
ing comes from the ordinary signif. of the char. 
By ^p is intended the sovereign and his minis- 
ters and officers, — the sovereign specially, as 
the head of govt. j^ ^^,— as in Bk. I. 

p. 2, et al, ^^ ite[ ^g|r,— perhaps we should 
give this clause as nearly literally as our lan- 
guage will permit, if we said ; — * and to the five 
there is a large obedience 1 * ^^ ^)|J ^W 

nj5, — * Heaven arranges in their ranks those 

who have the ceremonies.' The ^^ belong to 

the essential constituents of society; the ^g 
have their foundation also in the mind, which 
seeks for an outward recognition of the different 
ranks that actually obtain in society. Q 

^fe 5Gl Hi§' — * ^^"* us'— that is, the sovereign 
and his ministers — *are the definition and order- 
ing of the five ceremonies.' But what are ' tho 
flv« ceremonies?* Keang Shing supposes the 

vol. ui. 


Digitized by 






reverence and respect for these, do they not harmonize the moral 
nature of the people? Heaven graciously distinguishes the virtuous; 
— are there not the five habiliments, five decorations of them? 
Heaven punishes the guilty; — are there not the five punishments to 
be severally used for that purpose? The business of government! 
— ought we not to be earnest in it? ought we not to be earnest iii 

" Heaven hears and sees as our people hear and see; Heaven 
brightly approves and displays its terrors, as our people brightly 
approve and would awe: — such connection there is between the up- 
per and lower worlds. How reverent ought the masters of the 
earth to be!" 

ranks spoken of to be the different orders of 
nobility, and that the SS <ure the ceremonial 
distinctions appropriate to each. But this can 
hardly be correct, though K^ang-shingaiid Wang 
Suh both give a partial sanction to it. Down to 

^S ^|r« Kaon-yaou seems to have before him 

the iunuence of govt on the mass of the people. 

I take myself ^ ^ as-^g. ^ j^ ^, 

all the ceremonies belonging to the distinctions 
of rank in connection with the five constituent 
relations of sow'iety. This is the most natural 
view in the connection. I have hesitated be- 
tween it and an interpretation in accordance 
with the use of the phrase in Bk. II. p. 8, which 

indeed may be harmonized with it. >^ 

M ^ "^^'^ ^* ^^"« j^*^ 5Gl ^» 

wTiich should probably be adopted, on the same 
ground that ^^ ^^ should be sastained,~the 
analogy, namely, of the other clanses. (^ 

'M Wt # ^'" M ^'-^ ^"^ '»"'"'«» 

Choo He and Ts^ae in translating this clause 
Keang Sliing, in ace. with his view of the prec. 
one to which I have referred, explains: — *all 
who advance together to position in the court 
will be respectful both in body and mind.' He 

takes ^ a8=jlfe ; t^ ^f reverence of the 
body ; and pra) ^^, reverence of the mind. The 
view is quite inadmissible. ^^ -gSj >«' 

^»'— ^^^ ^> *^^ regard and appoint,' 

i.€^ to distinguish graciously. j^ RB ^^ 
^ ^,— see on next Book, p. 4. ^ Jfjj 
i P^ ^1— »e© on Bk. 1. 11. The com- 
mentator She Lan (Q^ vB9) observes:— * In 
connection with the distinguishing of the 
virtuous, and punishment of the guilty, there 
is no reference to anything to be done by us 
C^ -jrr ^Jz)» ^ ^^^^ *^** reward and punish* 
ment are to be simply in harmony with the 
mind of Heaven. The social arrangements and 
ceremonial distinctions have indeed their founda- 
tion in the mind of Heaven, but^an is necessary, 
with his help and regulations, to complete them. 
But in the matter of rewards and punish- 
ments, man may not introduce one jot or tittle 
of his own/ This is a good instance of the way 
in which Chinese critics refine upon the letter 
of the classical texts. 

7. The sjftnpathjf between Heaven and the peo- 
pie. — A warning to rulers, that they strive to 

give repose to the people. ^ ^ ^ j^ 

^ ^ (Ma Yung read j^ in both i^laces),- 
comp. Ft. V. Bk. I. i. p. 11 ; ii. 7. ^ ^ 

Jh "7^,— *M« reaches to above and below.' 
Here h refers to heaven, and "TC to the 

Ying-ta quotes IJrom K*ung-»hing: — 'Ihe cm- 

Digitized by 




S * ^ "p! 7^ ^ pT Jie ^s 

8 IV. Kaou-yaou said, "My words are reasonable, and may be put 
in practice." Yu said, " i es ; your words may be put in practice, 
ana crowned with success." Kaou-yaou said, " -4^ to that I do not 
know, but 1 wish daily to be helpfuL May tJie government be per- 

peror, the princes, high nobles, and great officers, 
—all who have their domains— are styled S* ; 
and fVom the great officer npwards all may be 
comprehended in the >« J^ ^^^ though its 
chief reference is to the emperor.' 
Or. IV. Kaou-taou*8 coirFiDBircs in his 


jfe^ ]||, 'accordant with reason;' comp. the 

JB. It H H ^>-*^ '"^^'^^ 

Records* have here simply ^^^ ^ ^. 
Qtn-kwd and Ting-tS join the J& to the upper 

clause: — *A8 to that I do not know nor think 
about it.' On the Q they make no remark. 
Keang Shing supposes there may be a transposi* 
tion of J^^ Q for Q JQ^. and then he would 

Uke as— ^. It is certainly an easier 
solution of the difficulty to say with Ts^ Ch*in 
that Q is here a mistake for Q . ^>'~" 
as in the last Book., p. 21. It is repeated, to 
show that Kaou-yaou would be helpful in any 

way (J^ ^* ^ — ' ^)- ^^ ^^« "^cond 
^SB^ I put a comma, and read |£ ^ by itself, 

taking |K as«-06*. For other interpreta- 
tions, iseKeang Shing and Wang Ming-shing. 

Digitized by 




1 I. The emperor said, " Come Yu, you also mitst have admirable 
words to bring before me.'* Yu did obeisance, and said, "Oh! what 
can I say after Kaou-yaou^ emperor? I can only think of main* 
taining a daily assiduity." Kaou-yaou said, "Alas! Will you 

Title of thb Book. — i 

<Tih and 

Tseih.* The names Yih and Tseih occur in the 
first paraRraph, and occasion is thence taken 
so to entitle the whole Book. But without good 
reason ; — for those worthies do not appear at 
all as interlocutors in it. Yu is the principal 
speaker; the Book belongs to the class of 
* Counsels.* 

Yiiig-tft says that Ma, Ch*ing« and Wang 
edited this Book as a portion of the * Counsels 
of Kaou-yaou,' and tliat, in the preface to the 
Shoo which they made use of, this Book, or, 
rather, what they considered to be another Book, 
was called =tte ^fi, and not :^ ^S. Eeang 
Shi ng, acting on this note of Ying-tft*s, gives 
the 4th par. of the preface— :i^ ^:S 4^ J^ 

f^ ^ ^ Jl ^. •^' ^' ^ Z' 

reading there the combination ^£ ^^, I con- 
cluded there was a misprint, on tne ground 
tliat it was most unnatural to join together the 
name and the office of the same man in such a 
way. This is the very point urged by Ying-tft 

against Cb'ing and the others. He says : — ' ^^ 

and ^^ are one man. It is improper to give 
his name, and then besides to give his oflBce. 

Those scholars were mistaken ' (^£ ^jSL — - 

^|| ]^}. As to incorporating the Book 

with the preceding one, that had been done by 

Fuh-shang; and the 'modem text' (-A. "aT) 

is always published with this Book as the con- 
clusion of the * Counsels of Kaou-yaou.* 

Contents. These have been divided into 
three chapters. The first, embracing parr. 1— 
9, relates a conversation between Yu and the 
emperor, in the presence of Kaou-yaou. Yu 
relates his own diligence and achievements as a 
model to the emp., and administers various 
advices ; and Shun on the other hand insists on 
what his ministers should be. The second 
chapter, parr. 9, 10, has no apparent connection 
with the former. K^ei appears in it as minister 
of Music. In the third chapter, p. 11, Kaou- 
yaou and Shun sing to each other on the mutual 
relations of the sovereign and his ministers. 

Cu. I. P. 1. Yu^ urged hjf the mnperor to 

counsel him^ describes his oum diligence and labours 
to remedu the calamity of the inundating waters, 

'tusoj* connects this Book closely with the prec; 
— so closely, indeed, tliat many contend it is 
only a portion of it, and should not stand by 
itself as a division of the Shoo. But the expres- 

Digitized by 


Bk. IV. Cii. 1. 1. 



T mm PT. 

m )\\Mr^ m lU ^ mM B. 

describe it?" Yu said, "The inundating waters seemed to assail 
the heavens, and in their vast extent embraced the mountains and 
overtopped the hills, so that people were bewildered and overwhelm- 
ed. I mounted my four conveyances, and all along the hills 
hewed down the woods, at the same time along with Yih showing 
the multitudes how to get flesh to eat. I also opened passages 
for the streams throughout the nine provinces, and conducted them 
to the sea. I deepened moreover the channels and canals, and con- 
ducted them to the streams, at the same time along with Tseih 

0ion in the prefatory notice, ^^ ^p ^ ^, 
whicli is all there is of introduction to the * Yih 
and Tseih,* quite agrees with this dose connec- 
tion between it and the other * Counsels.* 
Hp 4S ^'i'"* ^^*t can I say ? * All commen. 
understand here something equivalent to the 
* after Kacu-yaou* of the translation. ■+• 

JH O "ik^ J5^»— comp. the dosing words of 
last Book. ^,— the |^ ^ defines ^ by 
Wi ^' 'unceasingly assiduous.' The His- 
torical Records give ^ ^. ^1^0' 
Pf , ^ 'jnj',— the Historical Records read— 

troubled Yu with the question,' &c ^^ ^f^ 

Can. of Yaou, p. 11, from which Yu would 

almost seem to be quoting. NB^*^^^ 

— E^ang-shing defines -S by V^^, * to sink in 

the water,' so that it and the next character have 
the same meaning. I have followed the better 

expl. of Gan-kwO, who defines !& by ^^. 

^ ^ [[9 ^1— the Historical Records give 
this sentence at much greater length, and Yu is 
made to say : — 'To travel along the dry land, I 
used a carriage (^ ^)f to travel along the 

water, I used a boat ( ^ ^) ; to travel through 
mfary placet, I used a sledge {^ ^ ^ ]^. 
[il'soou]. To designate this sledge several otC& 

characters are used. It is described as being 
like a sieve, and slid easily over the surface of 
the soft and marshy ground) ; to travel on the 
hiUs, I used spikes' (^ ||| IheuK], Thit 
contrivance is also expressed by various chsr- - 
acters. It was only a shoe with a spike, * like 
an awl,' under it, to prevent the feet fh>m slip- 
ping). ^ li[ fij >^.-H ^ defined 

by ^. It is better to take it as — 'along,* 
^M, written also^GE and SS, ace. to older forms, 
— * to hew down,' * to remove.* ^S ^i ^^ 

Jl^ i^ :^*-&- 1^* '^^^^ ^*^*' # 

-jig, *to introduce;' J[ft-^ or ^, *the 

people ; ' Ma Yung defines jSbE by /p , meaning, 

as appUed to meat, <raw,' Afresh.* jf|^ ^ it 
flesh meat, the flesh of birds, beasts, fishes, turtlee, 
&c. But it is not to be supposed that this waa 
eaten raw. Mencius tells us that Shun, in 
connection with Yu's labours, entrusted to Yih 
the direction of the fire to be employed, and 
Yih consumed the trees and tangled vegetation 
of the forests and marslies, so that the birds 
and beasts were driven away. In this way the 
people, unable yet to cultivate their inundated 
fields, had in the capture of animals a resource 

.gain.t.tanr«tion, ^^^M'k'M^ 
Bi ~4 WIf ^^' ^°*® V^^ to expand it — 

a passage for a stream ;' oomp. Men. VI. Ft. I. 
ii. yt Jil ^* ^^^ U^ea^ after Wang Suh, 

Digitized by 





sowing grain^ and showing the multitudes how to procure the food 
of toil in addition to flesh meat. 1 urged them further to exchange 
what they had for what they had not, and to dispose of their ac- 
cumulated stores. In this way all the people got grain to eat, and 
all the States began to come under good rule." Kaou-yaou said, 
" Yes; we ov^ht to model ourselves after your excellent words." 

Yu said, "Oh! be careful, emperor, of the manner in which 
you occupy the throne." The emperor said, "Yes." Yu said, 
" Find your rest in your resting-point. Attend to the springs of 
things, study stability; and let your assbtants be upright: — then 

as ^ ^ ;^ jil* *^^® streams of the nine 
provinces.' Some have ennmerated * nine rivers/ 
as intended by the phrase; but in fact, the 
rivers on which Yn laboured, as will be seen in 
the next Book, were many more than nine. 

* to the four seas.* But what were those *four 
«eas?' This passage shows to my mind that 
this phrase, in the mouth of Yu and others, 
with reference to his labours, has more sound 

than sense. ^ (as in Bk. I. p. 10) ^ ^ 

^E Jil'^Bli^^^l^ were artificial channels 
cut in the fields for the purposes of agriculture. 
The Bk was the smallest of such channels, a 

foot deep and a foot wide ; the *» was the 
largest, 16 feet wide, and as many deep. Be- 
tween them there were ^^, j^, and jn . So it 
was at least in the Chow dynasty ; — see the 
Rites of Chow, :^ X IB ^ P9- ' To the 
streams' is definite enough, and we ought to 
have as substantial a meaning in the * four seas.' 

, must be taken as«> 

^ ^S i ^^» * *o ^^ the various kinds of 
gndn.'^'ang-shing, indeed, will have the sowing 
and cultivating h^re to be only of vegetables, 
such as oo«ild be grown in marshy ground. 
in ^^>~"' ^^ ^^^ ^^ toil,' a good name for 
the produce of agriculture. Ma Yung read ;|^ 
^. «root^wn food.' ^M^ M 

-^ J§»— Keang Shing reads ^, principally 

on the authority of a passage in Fuh-shang% 
Introduction to the Shoo, which is now lost. It 
would give a good enough meaning, j^,— 
to remove,' * as,' says Lin Che-k*e, * to convey 
fish and salt to the hilly country, and bring the 
lumber of the woods to the low grounds.' JS 
is defined in the Diet., with reference to this 
P«8^ by ^ ^, ^ ^, 'stores,' *accumu- 

Uted materiaU ' ^-^ ^ )|db 

'rice food is called ^.' The rice is eaten 
whole, and not ground. But we should not 
confine the meaning of )rQ[ to rice. 

P. 2. Yu tidmonishes the emperor on the wca/ to 
secure the bheeing and favour of Heaven. S{ 

-^^ ^ 75r i ^.-^p-^73r if 

>^, in Bk. n. p. 17, noting the diff . of Ij^g 

and ^. 4f ^ ^,— comp. the Great 

Learning, T,2,etaL But after this reference, it 
is diflBcult to say exactly what Yu means. ^^ 

m It Jt'Ht-B> '*» *'«*«'' ^; I"- 

mediately below, however, in oK nf> it is the 
particle, whose rarious application is so difficult 
todetermine. ^M^M^M 

is expanded in the Daily Explanation thus : — 

■^ ■S§' ^, 'on the occasion of »ny more- 

Digitized by 


Bk. IV. Cu. I. 2-4. 



will your every movement be greatly responded to, as if the people 
only waited for your will, and you will brightly receive gifts from 
God. Will not Heaven renew its favouring appointment, and give 
you blessing?" 

3 The emperor said, "Alas! ministers! associates! Associates! 
ministers!" Yu said, "Yes." 

4 The emperor said, " ilfy ministers constitute my legs and arms, 
my ears and eyes. I wish to help and support my people; — ^you 
give effect to my wishes. I wish to spread the influence of my go- 

ment, when you send forth yonr orders about it 
throughout the empire, they vill with one acconi 
greatly respond to them, as if they had first 
been waiting for the intimating of your will.' 

flS ^ Jl *Sl*'""*^^'* ^^ brightly 
receive God/ We must understand Jh ♦S* 
^ '^» ^^ •*'™® »iiniUr phrase. ^ Jlt 

^ '^ ffl '^ -the force of the ^— < wiU 

it not be that'—? Woo Ch4ng well expanded 
the clau«,:-5e ^^M^tiB 
^'^KiiM^^- 'Heaven Ukewiie 
will renew its existing regard, and indicate its 
favour and esteem.' He interprets the prey, 
clause, however; — *you will brightly respond 
to the favour which you have received from 

P. 8. The emperor enlarges on his dependence 

on his ministersy and the services which they render. 

8. H-,— * alas ' I Shun speaks, it is said, 

under excitement, unable to receive all that Tu 

had just said, and with special reference to 

^ 5S5 ^' '^•'•® "y* *"■* £ ^°<=^cates the 
men; ||X indicates the office.' Woo Ching 
makes them two classes, & being Uie ministers 

in the administration of business, and '^SL those 
IB personal attendance on, and intercourse with, 
tlie emp. The ^ and the ^ must be the 
same persons, the former term express, their of- 
ficial station, and the latter the personal in- 
timacy of the erop. with them ;— see a note by 

Chang Wang (^ ^, Sung dyn.) in the ^ 

—the emp. himself is the head,— "ttJ "^ ; see 

beio^p.ii. ig5&^K.-;^5fr 

— ^, *to assist' Ma Yung says:— ^^ -j^ 

^, *to assist on the left hand and the right.' 

# K-l^ ^>^ ^ ;$: S. '*>»« people 
which I have,' — my people. S»~"* wings ; ' 
to serve as wings to; tlien, metaphorically, *to 
assist,' *to give effect to' (J^). The literal 
meaning is lost in the text. *^ ^»'"* ^ 
prodaun my strength.' 0an-kw5 defines "ff 
by y^ ^, * the services of govt.' "j^ J^ 
^ ^^, — *the ancients.' Oaubil observes:— > 

* It is remarkable that Shun, who is so ancient, 
speaks of the figures on the dresses of the 
ancients' (Le Chou-king, p. 86, note). In the 
first supplement to the Yih King (|^ ^ "iC 
^1^, Oh. IL p. 5) we read that Hwang-te, Yaou» 
and Shun let fall their robes, and the empire 
was governed (^ '^, '^, ^, 1^ ^ ^ 
flp 3^ "]\ J^). By *the ancients,' there- 
fore, we may be conducted to Hwang-te, *the 
Yellow emperor,' the inventor of the cycle, b.c. 
2687, but not beyond him. There were 
twelve figures, six painted on the upper garment 
or robe (1^), and six embroidered on the lower 
garment (^> They were called altogetlier 
' the twelve ornaments ' (-4- ^ ^^). Thosa 

Digitized by 




PABT n. 

vemment through the four quarters; — ^you are my agents. I wish to 
see the emblematic figures of the ancients, — the sun, the moon, the 
stars, the mountain, the dragon, and the flowery fowl, which are 
depicted on the upper garment; the temple-cup, the aquatic grass, 
the flames, the grains of rice, the hatchet, and the symbol of distinc- 
tion, which are embroidered on the lower garment: — I wish to see 
all these displayed with the five colours, so as to form the official 

on the robe were the «un, the moon, stars (Gan- 
kwft would place a comma in the text after 

&j and make the j^ refer to the three prec 

nouns, and be in apposition with them. Ch4n 

Ts'eang -taou [ ^ J^ ^] says the S^ were 

the fiye planets, and J^, the twelye zodiacal 

•paces. But ]^ J^ go together, and simply a. 
stars), a mountain, a dragon, and a pheasant 
(iSe ^, * the variegated animaL' ^^ is often 
used not for insects only, but for living creatures 
generally. These figures — ^prob. two of each — 

were painted ('^ W*. ^^ is used for j»}* 
The figures on the lower garment were a cup, 
used in the services of the ancestral temple (of 
the temple cups, one had the figure of a tiger on 

it [J^ ^S], add another of a kind of monkey 

^SS ^^' ^^^ ^' ^^^ ^ these was on the 
^^), some kind of water plant, flames, grains of 

rice, an axe-head (^Sj^* This character denotes 
a texture of black and white stripes, orna- 
mental. The Diet, says that an axe or hatchet 
IS so called fh>m its white head and black handle. 
I should rather suppose that l|^ was used for 

^^, from their agreement in sound), and what 

I have called the symbol of distinction (8^* 
Tills is defined as a texture of black and azure 
stripes. As applied to the embroidered or- 
nament, that was made in the form HS, or two 

F^ placed back to back). These figures were 
embroidered (^^ Ching takes ^ to be 
for ipi^, * toembroider,' syn. with ^S. Gan-kwd 
would take it in its ordinary sense of ' fine cloth 
made of the fibres of the "&* I do not see how 

it is then to be construed). IM ^ ^^ 

^ Jfi ^ i -g^,-Ch4ng says that ^ 

and "m refer to the same thing, only ^^ is the 

substance of the various colours, unused, and 

ft\ those colours employed in painting and 

embroidery. The sacrificial robes of the 

emperor had all these 12 figures painted or 
embroidered upon them, emblematic of various 
attributes, which I will not attempt to specify. 

The j^ or highest nobles were restricted from 

the use of the sun, moon, and stars ; the <£^ and 

4h were further restricted from the mountain 
and dragon; and, by a constantly decreasing 
restriction, five sets of official robes were made, 
indicating the rank of the wearers. See last 

Book, p. 6,-^ ^ :^ ^ 3t m i 

"Ts^ ^&. [The practice of the earlier times in 
the use of these ornaments was a good deal al- 
tered during the Chow dynasty. The subject is 
often perplexed, ftom not bearing this in mind.] 

>^ #. i S A#»-*^ ^^' ^ 

p. 24. AstowhatfoUows-:j^*/j§^,|^ 
HJ ^|3b 3^ "S", I am far from clearly under- 
standing it. 2\^ is supposed to-Er^S, < to ex- 
amind,' as in Bk. L p. 5. j^ is taken as * the 
opposite of yjp^,-» misrule. 35l ^^ ^' made 
■™ jEl ^5" ^® 'Daily Explanation' para- 
phrases the passage thus :— 'q'^|<D |^ )& ^ 


Digitized by 


Bk IV. Ch. L 4, 6. 



robes; it is yours to adjust them clearly. I wish to hear the six 
pitch-tubes, the five notes determined by theniy and the eight kinds 
of musical instruments, regulated again by these^ examining thereby 
the virtues and defects of my government, according as the odes 
that go from the com% and the ballads that come in from the people 
5 are ordered by those five notes: — it is you who hear for me. When 
1 am doing wrong, it is yours to correct me ; — do not follow me to 
my face, and when you have retired, have other remarks to make. 
Be reverent, ye who stand before and behind and on each side 

flff 1^^ ^ g ^-Ifc, 'The harmony 
of all musical instruments is owing to the happy 
order of the govt., and their dissonance to its 
being ill attended to. The method of examining 
into the matter is to look upon the elegant 
compositions which proceed from the court, and 
the songs and ballads which are brought iu 
from the people,— all pieces, in fact, which are 
put together in harmony with the five notes, 
and set to music, as evidence of the sovereign's 
virtue and the people's manners ; and I am not 
able to hear them all for myself.' Oan- 

kw5 gives substaiitlally the same view of .^ 
as the above, but he takes the clause 


y_ "^S differently, and explains: — 

''Moreover, the use of music, thus regulated, is 
to communicate instructions about the tLY^ 
virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, 
knowledge, and faith, giving them forth to the 
people to accomplish their transformation.' 

The reading—^ft* ^j6 ^^ is by no means 

certain. The * Historical Records * give, instead 

of it, yB^ */Q ra', which is unintelligible. 

ThHng read Ij^ y^ ^ and took ^ as« 

^f, a writing-tablet of gem, ivory, or other 

material, according to the rank of the bearer. 

The nobles and officers carried this with them I ^gj — 'I am opposing;' i.e,, going contrary to 

into the court. *The sovereign also,' says ! '^ m^ „^ . ^ , . ^x*. % » ^^^ 

Ch*ing, * was provided with one, to communicate the right C^ jg ^^ ^ ^g ). JTjf ij|ji|, 

to the principal officers (^ ^) the lessons of —with reference to ^ ^fl? iS ^° P* ^' 5^ 

cfTkvt.* Tin^ vrttof. hava fli/\ao faKlnfa t/\ Hrt urifTi ^J^ — * ^ 

has the idea of correction, ^^ ^ = after 

and other words. gg/J RD .^|K,— I have 

translatcil pU ^feR after Gun-k w6, in illustration 
of whose interpr. Ying-tft refers to 'j^^ -P* 

^g. No doubt this was a current reading in 

the early times of the Han. It makes the whole 
clause refer somehow to the subject of music, 
without introducing the matter of examining 
about the govt., and so far it is to be preferred. 

But what are we to understand by the ^i^ z[^, 

or ' seven beginnings ? ' Pan Koo, the historio- 
grapher of Han, says they are ' heaven, earth, 
man, aud the four seasons.' So far as I can 
understand Woo Ch*ing, he understands by 
them the complete musical scale, containing 

the five notes (_^ ]g^) and two semitones. 

They are no doubt terms with some musical 
significance. A sinologue, understanding the 
theory of music, and having some practical 
acquaintance with the art, might succeed in 

elucidating the subject. Fan Koo takes Hj 

j^ 5E ^? *** *^ ^*™® ^^y ** ^^^' ^^^' jBl 

next par., wishing that the second part of this 
were more apprehensible, or tliat we understood 
it better. 6. The duty of vnnisters freely and 

openly to correct the soverelgtCs fcudts. "^y* 

music? Chang's reading does not make the 
passage any plainer. The reading— ^& jfir j^ 
has had its advocates, but its meaning would 
not differ fVom that of the textus receptus. 
In the Books of the * Former Han ' dyn., how- 
ever, ^m Sc ^R» t^, we have tlie passage— 



Digitized by 

i ti ni U 



TART n. 

^ ^k « k ^fc ^1 ^» ^1 BJk gS» O 

of me. As to all the obstinately stupid and calumniating talkers^ 
who are not to be found doing what is right, there is the target 
to exhibit their true character; the scourge to make them remember; 
and the book of remembrance ! Do we not wish them to live along 
with us? There are also the masters of music to receive the com- 
positions wliich they make, and continually to set them forth in 

Bk. XXVJ^p. 3. Fuh-8liang and K*ang-8hing 
after him supposed tliat there were four luinis- 
ters attendant on the penouof theenip., special- 
ly called ^feK,— *a helper ou the left, a corrector 
on the riglit, a solver of doubts before, and a 
stimulator of purpose behind.* There is no 
evidence that there were such oflBcers. |^ is 

here equivalent to K , as in p. 8. 6. That 

ministers are not only to be strictly faithful to their 
sovereign^ but are to ttse stringent measures to cor- 
rect oUicrSy and provide a supfjly of good men for 
the use of the State, jff ^ ^ |^,— 

those are the ^ ^ ^ ^ of Bk. I. p. 25. 

Wc are to understand these words not of the 
people generally, but *of the sons of officers, 
and youths of greatest promise of ability, who 
may Ix? expectctl to discharge hereafter the 
functions of the State* (see Woo Ch'ing, in loc). 

^*^:f -j^B^.-thoB^-;!. Can- 

kwu takes it as the ^^ emphatic, b=s< what is 
right.' Woo Ch'ing, with ref. to his observation 
on the prcc. clause, says X\ j^ ^ft ^S6 ^5", 
* who are not in this selection,* «.e., selection to 
office. ^ l^^ ;^,—* there is the 

tari,'et to show them clearly.' Archery was 
made much of anciently in China; see the 

M la- # A M + 0- WanK Ming- 

shing, quoting from the w[ .^g, says, *The 

archers must advance, retreat, and move round, 
according to the proper rules. Where the aim 
of the mind is right, the adjustment of the body 
will be correct ; and thus archery supplies an 
evidence of character. Unworthy men will not 
be found hitting frequently. There were three 
i'l'ienionial trials of archery, l>elonging to the 
emperor, the princes, the high ministers and the 
great officers. First, there was the Great arch- 
ery, used to bclect those who should assist at 
the sacrificial bcrvices. Second, there wiib the 

Guests ' archery, used on occasion of the prin- 
ces appearing at court, and their visiting among 
themselves. Third, there was the Festive arch- 
ery, used at entertainments generally. From 
the first kind expectant scholars were excluded; 
but they could take their part in the other 
trials.' He then goes on to dedcril)e the vari- 
ous targets used at those trials. What we call 
the * buirs-eye,* was the figure of a small bird 
(Si^ See Doctr. of the Mean, xiv. 6). Confu- 
cius more than once spoke of archery as a dis- 
cipline of virtue (see Ana. III. xvi., et a/.). 
Certain vices will of course unfit men for the 
successful practice of archery, but to lay down 
success in archery as a test of moral character 
is tearing a subject to tatters. The most famous 
archers of Chiuese antiquity were very bad men: 
see Men. IV., Pt. U., xxiv. ^ J^ fB 

^P^,— 'there is the scourge to make them 
remember.* The archery field was, according 
to this, truly a place of discipline. This illus- 
trates the ^|> f^ ^ ^j of Bk. I. p. 11. 

* there is the bookj* not, it must be borne in 
mind, a book of paper and printing, but a re- 
cord made on cloth or on a tablet. It does not 
appear that the record should be confined to the 
result of the trials in archery; — see the Sn 

IBS.1* W- B] ^.^ n ;t Pg. wl«.ro 

the Heads of districts are all supposed to keep a 
register of the characters of the people, in refe- 
rence to the laws generally. ^&x iffi. /p 
^t,— the object of the trial, the punishment, 

and the record, is to ettcct a reformation. The 
characters may be translated — *OhI we wish 
them to live together with «*-.' Keang Shing 

defines /t by jfA, * to advance ; ' and explains it 

by ' to advance to goodness.* This is far-fetched. 

"T* '^^i no doubt, c=; ^6^ 'g , ' an offitefof mu* 

Digitized by 





song. If they become reformed, they are to be received and em- 
ployed; if they do not, let the terrors of punishment overtake them." 
Yu said, " Yes, but let your light, O emperor, shine all through 
the empire, even to the grassy shores of the seas, and in the 
myriad States the most worthy of the people will all wish to be 
your ministers. Then, emperor, you may advance them to of- 
fice. They will set forth, and you will receive, their reports; you 
will make proof of them severally by their merits; you will confer 
chariots and robes according to their services. Who will then dare 

sic' All commentators agree in this. As to 
tlie interpretation of the whole clause, I have 
followed Ts*ae Ch*in, as in the concluding part 
of p. 4, without feeling sure of being right* To 
quote here again from the * Daily Explanation/ 

we have there tliis paraphrase:— A/^ ijh ^B 

^ j|i ^ j(|^> '^^^ i^ ^^^^ ^ ^^^ ^^^ 
ther they really reform or not. The officers 
of music must also be charged to take the 
words which they present and send in, and set 
them to music, continually rehearsing them. 
If their words are harmonious and mild, it is 
^n evidence of their reformation.' On the other 
hand, Ghin-kw6, foil, by Woo Ch*ing and others, 
thinks the use of the musical officers in the 
matter was to bring their songs and sentiments 
to bear 'on those who had undergone the dis- 
cipline described, in order to complete their 
Reformation. This is, perhaps, the preferable 

Tiew. 4^ ^Ij ^ ;^,-^, M in Ab«. 

n. iii. 7. Yu suggests to the emperor that 

his chief dependence must be on himself, and not on 
ang assistance or correction of his ministers, -^^ 

^,— *Yes!' Tung-po saya that while this 

l^rase expresses the assent of the mouth, it 
indicates that the mind does not quite consent. 
But this is hypcrcriticism, suggested by the 
design apparent in the sequel of the paragraph. 

'jar ^^ is given in the * Daily Explanation* 
as equivalent to |^ ^, * all the people } * and 

this is a meaning now often attached to th» 
phrase. But it is contended that it w as no t so 
understood before the Tsin dynasty, -jg^ pro- 
perly denotes tlie green colour of grass, and 
Gan-kwo connects the phrase with j^ |S| as 

in the translation (^ ^ j^ jS^ ^ ^ 

*the worthy,* *tbe wise,* as in Ana. III. ix, 
^S. may be taken asea^all;* or in the sense we 
have hitherto attached to it : — * the wise of the 
black-haired race.* fl^ :^>— H^"=^:J^- 

The whole clause «=' and your Majesty will 
simply have to employ tliem.* S& l^b LM 

comp. Bk. I. p. 9. Ting-t& explains the slight 
difference between the two passages, saying 
that the first is descriptive of Shun*s dealings 
with the princes, wbo^ standing was recognized, 
and this speaks of the first selection and em- 
ployment of officers. Hence wo have here ^Sa 

and jRBF, ^A denoting the receiving and choice 
of them, and Jff, the distinction of them from 
their feUow, Ij^M^MZ^BM 
^ S| ^). This is ingenious, though tlie 
|QF has to me a suspicious appearance. Choo 
He would read ^f , Keang Shing reads the 
whole according to a quotation firom the ^Bookg 
of Hea ' (which, however, may possibly be of the 
passage in the Can. of Shun) in the j^ jtt, 

Digitized by 





not to cultivate a humble virtue? Who will dare not to respond 
to you with reverence? If you, emperor, do not act thus, all 
your rrmiisters together will daily proceed to a meritless character. 
8 " Do not be like the haughty Choo of Tan, who found his pleasure 
only in indolence and dissipation, and pursued a proud oppression* 
Day and night, without ceasing, he was thus. He would make boats 
go where there was no water. He introduced licentious associates 
into his family. The consequence was that he brought the honours 
of his House t^ an end. I took warning from his course. When I 

lecturing Shun, and warning him not to be like 
Choo of Tan.^ — Dared a minister to speak so to 
the sage emperor? This diffi. is somewliat got 

over by introducing the cliaracters ''j^ H, 
which again necessitate the ^ Q below. 4^ 
^,-it is stated, in the ^^ # # ^ ^, 
that ^Taou placed his son Choo in ;|^^3/ from 
which it is concluded that Tan was the name 
of a State to which Yaou appointed his son* 

appearance of unceasingness.' Cli4ng connects 
the phrase with the clause below, and says : — 
* Choo liaving seen people moving about in boats 
during the inundation, after the waters were 
reduced, would still live in a boat, and made 
men unceasingly push it along.' W<ing Ming- 
shing argues for a metaphorical explanation of 

1^ ?JC ^ ;^» making it = Mencius ^ 
Mlk^ (^- ^*- ^^' *^- n-absurdly. it 
appears to me. Hjj J^ ^ Sj, — tliis ia 

illustrated from the orgies of Kee, the last emp. 
of the Hea dyn., wlio dug a pool, and made a 
night palace, where men and women lived pro- 
miscuously together, and where he once remain- 
ed himself for a whole month.' B9 j^ 

IR %-^-% '^ extinguish.' Ts^ao 
Chin says lit ^lil:^;^^-7;-tJ^, 

' fMr '^^a'^* making hereditary — handing down 
to future generations — ^the empire of Yaou.' 

wound inflicted by a knife;' liere=a8 in tlie- 
ttanaL Gan-kwd defines it by ^C, ' to repreai/ 

is taken a8c=» W' [3, *all together,' t.*., even 
tlie ministers ot good character whom you at 
present employ, to say nothing of the calumni- 
ating parties whom you talk about our reforming. 

We read in the * Historical Records ' — '^ j^ 

compiler of these would seem to have under- 
stood Sv 13 in the sense of — * if you employ 

together the good and the bad.' 8. Yu 

proceeds to warn Shun hy the example of himself. 

S/iun in reply compliments both Yu and Kaou-yaou, 

In the ^ Historical Records ' this par. appears 

introduced by a W* R, wliile after the equiva- 
lent there for -?• j&lj ^g- ^&, we have the 

addition of ffi 0« Keang Sliing follows 
Ts'een, and edits liis text accordingly. He 
adduces other evidences of the reading, as in the 
^ 7[J ^ ^A, in the Books of the Former 
Han, where we find (in the acct. of [Sj "T'lfi^) 

Tliere must have been the readings of *3£* Q 

and ^ ^ in some copies of the Shoo during 

the Han dyn. But, if we are to judge in the 
matter by the cimon that the more difficult 
reading is to be preferred, we shall adhere to 
the ttxtus receftus. It is startling to find Yu 

Digitized by 


Bk. IV- Ch. I. 8. 



married in T'oo-shan, / remained with my taife only the days sin^ jin, 
kwei, and ked. When my son K'e was wailing and weeping, I did not 
regard him, but kept planning with all my might my labour on the 
land. Thus I assisted in completing the five tenures, extending 
over 5,000 le; in appointing in the provinces twelve Tutors; and 
in establishing, in the regions beyond, extending to the four seas, 
five Presidents. These aU pursue the right path and are merito- 

* to reprove ' and Ting-t& says : — * jpj and ^C 

have both the meaning of seeing wickedness, 
and stopping one's-self from a similar course.' 

Ts'een gives, for this clause, *-jp» '^ ^ \M 

"j fe , which is quite inane. The cknse is natural 

in the mouth of Tu, unnatural fVom Shun. I do 
not see how with this clause we can adopt the 

reading ^'j^ Q st the begin, of the par. 

^ ^ i uj -^ \U ^*" *^® "^^'^ *^^ 

a principality, the daughter of the ruler of 

which was married by Yu. A lull called ^ , 

gave its name to the territory, and is identified 
with one in the pres. prov. of Gan-hwuy, 8 /e to 
the south-east of the dis. city of Hwae-yuen 

says that Tu was married on the day ^^, and 

got the emperor's command to undertake the 

remedy of the inundation on the day Bi, so 

that he spent only three nights in his house. 
But I suppose he was already engaged in his 
great work, and could only spare four days fk'om 

it for the business of his marriage. 

roj^,— JBjf was Yu's son who afterwards suc- 
ceeded to the throne. The two other characters 
express the sound of an infant's crying. 

^ -^, ' did not son him,' t.e., did not regard 

him. Mencius tells us (III. Pt. I. iv. 7) that 
Tu, when engaged upon the waters, was eight 
years away ft^m his family, and though he thrice 
pas&ed the door of his house, did not enter it. 

^j^-;;^:. great,' greatly.' -f^ 1^, 
* the service of the land,' ix^ all the work which 
he had to perform in regulating the waters. 

2ffi gBj ^£ ^»""*®® <*° *^® ^^^^ Book, Part 
ii., parr. 18 — 22. Tu speaks of himself here, it 
is said, as only 'assisting,' (S^\ because he 
would attribute the great merit to the emp. 

Woo Ch'ing, however, considering 2ffi to mean^ 
primarily, the effort employed in forming tlie 
figure of a bow, explains the text of the figure 
and formation of the di§t. tenures; — a very 
likely explanation. ^ -p ^ Zl |&i5»-" 
Medhurst has translated this clause:— < In every 
district I appointed twelve officers,' and then he 
has a note to the effect that over every province 
there was established only one nobleman, as 
officer. Gaubil translates the text in the same 
way as Medhurst : — * Chaque Tcheou eut douze 
chefs.' It is a vexed question whether in each 

province there was only one ^jfj, or whether 

there were eleven. The old interpreters, not 
without differences among themselves, yet all 
maintain the larger number. It will be sufficient 
here to give an abridgment of the views of 

Ch*ing.— 'Inside the tenure of llestriction (^E> 

JJ^) were the nine provinces ( ^ 444), con- 
taining altogether a space of 49,000,000 square 
k. Deducting from these the imperial domain, 
there remain 48,000,000; or 6,000,000 square le 
to each pro?ince. Now, when Tu assembled the 

princes of the empure at Uwuy-k^ ( ^ j^), 

they amounted to 10,000. Such was the number 
of the States of the nine provinces. Over every 

province was a Pastor (Jr^)* And the worthiest 

of the princes were selected to be tutors or 

counsellors (0jfi) to him. For every hundred 

States there was one ^|p, and 12 j^j^ would 

suppose 1200 States. Each province contained 
of States 100 le square, 200 ; 70 le square, 400 ; 
50 le square, 800 :— altogether 1400. Deduct 
200 of these, as an allowance for waste lands, 
and there remain 1,200 States. Multiply these 
by 8 ; we have 9,600, and allowing 400 for States 
within the imperial domain, we have the 10,000 
States forming the empire.' The value of these 
statements and figures will have to be considered 
in connection with the next Book. In the mean- 
time, according to these views there were in ail 

Digitized by 





rious; but there are still the people o/Meaou, who refuse to acknow- 
ledge their duty. Think of this, emperor." The emperor said^ 
"That my virtue is followed, this is the result of your meritorious 
services, so orderly displayed. And now Kaou-yaou is respectfully 
carrying out your arrangements, and employing the represented 
punishments with entire intelligence." 

96 Tutors or Counsellors in the empire. The 
ancient commentators agree in this view, and 
many of the moderns ibllow them, — ^I's^ae Ch'in 
for instance, and the authors of the * Daily Ex- 
planation.' On the other hand, many scholars 

maintain that, the 12^jg are the same as the 12 

^1^ of Bk. I., p. 16 ; and that the appointment 

of them here is not to bo referred to the time 
when Yu reduced the waters of the inundation, 
and the provinces were nine in number, but to 
the subsequent period, when Shun had altered 
that division, and made twelve provinces (Bk. 
I. p. 10.) This was the prevailing opinion in 
the Yuen dyn. Woo Ch*ing advocates it, and 

Qo does Wang Kang-yay (J jHt |^). I 

may quote the language of the latter : — * Twelve 
Tutors in provinces were the same officers as 
those elsewhere denominated pastors. It was 
their duty to nourish the people, and therefore 
they were called pastors ; it was their duty also 
to be the instructors of the people, and therefore 
they were called tutors. Don*t let it be supposed 
that, besides the 12 pastors, there were other 12 
princes appointed in every province to be their 

tutors' (see the^ ^ ^ ^, ^ J^. « 

he,) This was the view which occurred to 
myself on the study of the classic, without 
reference to commentaries, and I am inclined 
still to prefer it. I have made the translation 
80 literal that it will admit of either view. 

ficult to know the exact meaning here, as much 
is in the prec. clause, ^k must be ^ jti 
j?^ ^r» * beyond the nine provinces.' fm. 
Cp'Sh)^^, * reacliing to.' ^ g^ }^ i« a 
▼ague expression, indicating all the territory 
beyond the nine provinces, which partially 
acknowledged the imperial sway. Medhurst 
translates the clause : — * Beyond these districts, 
even to the four seas, everywhere I established 
the Ave elders.' and in a note, translated Arom 
Ts*ae, he says: — * Beyond the nine regions, 
bordering on the four seas, in every part he sepa- 
rately established five eldors as superiors, to take 

the general charge of the country.* The transla- 
tion of Gaubil is entirely incorrect :~Joining 

the foil. ^^ ^ :^ 2l^ closely with the clause 
immediately preceding, he translates the whole: 
— *Au dehors je renfermai dans leurs bornes les 
quatre mers, cinq autres choses furent etabliee, 
et je reussis dans mon entreprise.' This is 
evidently not the meaning ; what the meaning 
is, it is not so easy to determine. According to 
my interpretation, it is that there were five 
chiefs to whom was given the superintendence 
of all this outlying territory. I do not find this 
view, however, supported by Chinese authorities. 
Ch*ing said : — * Outside the nine provinces over 
five States was appointed a chief, to cause' each 
of them — ».«., the rulers of each— to observe 

their duties' (^[. M^^^M'B 
^^^^). This view is supposed to be 
confirmed by a passage in the Le Ke, ^ ^j^^ 

ii. 2, where it is said that * five States formed a 
connection, and every connection had a chief* 

(51^1^^®.)®=^:^). Suchaa. 
arrangement, however, belonged to the Chow 
dynasty, and it prevailed all beyond the imperial 

domain. Woo Ch*ing makes the ^E ^^"^ 
^^0§ ^, *the five kinds of princes,' 

the kung, how, pih, &c. He adds that the ^j^ 
were leaders of all princes in a province, the 
-Mr presided each over one State.— Neither of 
these interpretations appears to me so likely as 
the one which I suggest ^S'^'^ 5?f '"^ 

I take y^ as in the last Book p. 1, only that 

jl^ is here intransitive, unless we take >« "jA 
together, as a noun governed by it. The mean- 
ing adopted in the former passage of ^^*» ^£ 
by Woo Ch*ing would answer here. He of 
course adheres to it, and Keang Shing here 

adopts it, making ^ )^^ ^«^ jg 

Digitized by 


Bk. IV. Ch. II. 0. 



11. K^wei said, ^' When the sounding-stone is tapped or strongly 
struck; when the lutes are swept or gently touched; to accompany 
the singing : — ^the imperial progenitors come to the service, the guest 
of Yu is in his place, and all the nobles show their virtue in giving 

Elace to one another. Below there are the flutes and drums and 
and-drums, which join in at the sound of the rattle, and cease at 
the sound of the stopper ; with the calabash organs and bells : — all 

^i^B^'Si^H 5?' *To strike 

lightly is called ® ; heavily, ^.» The strik- 
ing iu both ways was applied to the stone, and 
not, Gan-kw8 supposes, also to tlie TiO^ and &f 
mentioned below, which he thinks regulated 
the music in the raised part of the hall, as 
well as that in the lower. JS ifj" ^^ |^, 

— I call the 5$ ?^ httes^ whlthout having for 
myself definite ideas of the instruments. [I 
hope to be able to describe them fully and 
correctly in the next volume, upon the She 
King], They were stringed. Ch*ing K*ang- 
shing says the Ar'in had five strings, and the shih 
twenty-five. There were different sizes and 

forms of them. A note in the S^ 1^ says : — 

* The kHn was 5.6G feet long, with five strings 
to which ocher two, called the civil and mar- 
tial, were subsequently added. The Great shih 
WM 8. 1 feet long, and 1. 8 ft. broad, with 27 
strings ; the Elegant shih of the same size, had 
28 strings, and one in common use only 19; 
the Praise shUi of the same brdadth, but near- 
ly a foot shorter, had 23 strings. Some ascribe 
th " 

^r '2r>"~*'* '^® Historical Beoords we read for 

:^ -4^ BB . The meaning is substantially the 
same as that which I have given, witli the 
exception of the view which is taken of the 
concluding •|^ BB. It will be seen also that 
the compiler of the Becords supposed Slmn's 
words to terminate with 4^ ^^' ^"^ ^^^^ ^^^^ 
followed was historicaL The first "it is certain- 
ly more natural, considered as narrative ; as to 
the second, one would gladly follow Keang 
Shing, and take it as'=i|^. 

Ch. II. K^wei celebrates the power of the mu- 
sic which he superintended, Ts*ae Ch*in observes 
that this chapter is to be considered by itself, 
and has no connection with the previous or 
subsequent portions of the Book. Shun, lie 
observes, reigned more than 50 years, and must 
have had many conversations in which Kaou- 
yaou, K*wei, and Yih took part. Tlie historian 
has preserved the most remarkable of their 
remarks, but not in the sequence of tlieir con- 
versiitions. Ts*ae blames, therefore, the eflforts 
of scholars to force a connection between this 
and the context. It is as well to admit this 
view, though the mind naturally likes to think 
that we have in the various ^ Counsels * so many 

integrals. ^ $ H^ ^-^ » 

defined as ' the sonorous gem-stone ( -f^ Wf^^ 

and also as * a fine gem * (^^ 3E^' ^* ^^ °® 
doubt, used here in the former application. I 
have seen a kinff, brought in 1861 from the 
* Suniiuer palace,* that had been made for the 
emp. K*cc'n-lung of jade stone fully an inch 
thick, and like a ship- builder's' knee, the form 
in wliicli the instrument is commonly rcpre- 
senteil. When 8usi)cnded and struck with a 
piece of metal, it emitt^ a rich ringing sound. 

the invention of the k'^in to Fuh-he; some, 
to Shin-nung: and some to Shun. 1b§ [ is 

a forcible striking of the strings ; and ;M*, a 
slighter. W gijc ^ expanded in the * Daily 
ExpUnation' to ^ >A. ^ ^ ^ ;^ 
^J, *to accord with the singing of the hu- 
man voice.* jl^ :^,— 'grandfather and 
father,' -ancestors. M # 5|5 ^==18. 

-^ ^ W^ 5|{ ^» * ^^^ «pJrit» of ancestors 
come.' The whole of the service is supposed to 
take plac« in the ancestral temple of Shun. 

• The guest of Yu * is Choo of Tan, the son of 
Yaou; comp. are ^ ^"f ^ ^» ^t. V. 

Bk. VIII. 1. T^^ ^ ^ T"? * *" *''^ 

lower part of the hall.' We understand from 
tja« that the soiwding-etuuc and lutes were io 

Digitized by 




PART n. 

m. m m m ^. m m.m m. 

filling up the intervals; when birds and beasts fall moving. When the 
uine parts of the service according to the emperors arrangements 
have all been performed, the male and female phoenix come with 
their measured gambollings into ilie court''' 

made of reeds or tubes (19 in large instruments, 
and 1 3 in smaller), placed upright in an emptied 
calabash, with a cross piece of metal at the 
mouth of each tube. G. T. Lay, Esq., in his 

* The Chinese as they are,* p. 88, lias called the 
shang JubaFs organ, and says: — *This seems to 
be the embryo of our multiform and magnificent 
organ, consists of several tubes varying in 
length, so as to utter sounds at harmonic intervals 
fVom each other. These tubes arc inserted into 
a bowl * (were originally placed in a calabash)^ 

* which must be taken as the humble representa- 
tive of the wind chest, while the office of 
bellows is of course discharged by the human 
breath.* The invention of this primitive organ 
has been ascribed to a fabulous female sovereign 

^iKM ^)» '^^'^ ^^"^^ ^^-**®- II- 

^ ^, * a large belL' The invention of the bell 
is carried up to Koo-ycn (j^ ^£ ), a grandson 
of Ftth-he. Uj[ ^ is expanded in the 

*DaUy Explanation* to J^ |^ ^ J^ ^ 

Ij^, If 5^ ^ f^, *to strike up at the 

intervals, in their turns with the instruments in 
the higher port of the halL* Ts^ae says: — 

^ 1^ ^ 5^ ^' 'striking up in their 
turn with ' (after) ' the singing.' The meaning 
is the same. ftg ^g is defined ^^ ||b 

>w ^@' **^® appearance of moving.' Ts*ae 
says: — *The music hot only moved spirits and 
men; but even birds and beasts — ignorant 
creatures — led on one another to gambol to it.' 

B IS A JllC'-M IS ««« t» •« *«ken to. 

gether as the name of the music of Shun, said 
to Imve been made by him in the 5th year of 

||.^;^r.)- For^we.houldread 
§?], meaning a sort of castanets, held by the 

dancers as they kept time to the music; but 
the two characters lose their individual mean- 
ings, and represent the music of Shun, mf is 

defined by Ying-tft as ^ }^ j^, * the comple- 
tion of the music and souff.* He adds that 
when one song was concludcu, another wjus sung 
to a different tunc; and this was rcpeatetl in 
Shun's music 9 times, with reference to what is 
said ill Bk. II. p. 7, — ' when the nine services 

the higher or raised portion of the hall. 
^ ^ qJ^>— the i^ was a kind of flute, 
originally made of bamboo. Accounts differ as 
to its exact form. It is generally figured as 
double, two tubes, each with a mouth-hole and 
fire other holes. It is difficult to see how the 
two could be blown together. Other flute in- 
struments were the ^^ and the i^. ^^ 
^^.— gj^ is the general name for drums. The 

^^ was a small drum, held by a handle, with two 

strings fixed to the sides and terminating in knobs. 
When twirled by the hand, those knobs struck 
on the ends, and produced the sound. Pedlars 
now carry a small instrument of this kind about 
with them, and by the noise it makes attract 
the public attention, Ts^ae supposes that the 
two characters of the text belong to the one 
instrument, the t^aou. Woo ChMng, with whom 
I rather agree, takes them to signiiy the small 

hand-drum and the large drum. '^ jJl^fl 
Sjr,— the jf^y it is said, was a lackered box, a 
foot deep and 2. 4 ft. square (other dimensions 
are assigned), with a handle going down to the 
bottom, and moveable so as to strike against the 
sides when turned round. At the sound of this 
tlie other instruments struck up. The ^a 

is represented as a couchant tiger of wood, with 
27 teeth along the ridge of his back, which 
wJten r««ped against by a handle gave the signal 
for the music to stop. This is the common 
account of these instruments and their use, 
which however does not go higher than the Uan 
dynasty. Woo ChHng calls it in question, and 

with him agrees Sun Ke-yew (J^ v^ ^^; 
Ming dyn. See the ^g mt^' According to 
them, the ^kt was made of earth, an instrument 

similar to the j:§. In this way all the J\ ^, 

or eight kinds of musical instruments are 
mentioned by K'wei. This explanation is not 
unlikely; but I cannot make out fully wliat 

Woo ChHng says about ^ \\^ (>^ Jf|; ^ 

Digitized by 


Bk. IV. Ca, m. 11. 





K'wei said, " Oh I when I strike the stone or tap the stone, all 
kinds of animals lead on one another to gambol, and all the chiefs 
of the officers become truly harmonious.*' 

III. The emperor on this made a song, saying, "Being charged 
with the favouring appointment of Heaven, we must be careful at 
every moment, and in the smallest particular." He then sans:, 



" When the members work joyfully, 

The head rises flourishingly ; 

And the duties of all the officers are fully discharged I" 
Kaou-yaou did obeisance, with his head to the ground, and with a 
loud and rapid voice said, *' Oh ! think. It is yours to lead on, 

have been orderly accomplished, let that ac- 
cotuplislituent be celebrtited in songs.' 

K^ang-lic's dict^ char, jm, several descrip- 
tions of the bird will be found. ^{^ "w =1 

^ ^ ^ ^ '^i as in the transl. Ching's 
expl. is different, and to me hardly intelligible. 

nC* I suppose he means that they came and 

bred in the court. K*ung Ying-ti observes 

that though the descent of the spirits of ances- 
tors is mentioned iu connection with the music 
high up in the hall, and the movements of 
Animals in connection with that below, and the 
appearance of the phoenix in connection with 
the wliole service, we are not to suppose that 
the particular effect was owing to the whole or 
particular part of the service as specified. Ts'ae 
notices also the opinion of some who explain 
the statements away, and ask how we can 
suppose that birds and beasts and phoenixes 
really came gambolling in the court. He replies 
that such suspicions merely show ignorance of 
the power of music, and then he adduces in- 
stances duly recorded ( H j^^m^), quite as 

marvellous as those in the text. It was the mu- 
sic of Shun, as preserved in Ts*e, which so affected 
Confucius that for three months he did not know 
the Uste of flesh (Ana. VII. xiii.). P. 10. 

TOL. uu 

See Book I. p. 24. I said the passage was out 

of place there. It would almost seem to be the 

same here, though the concluding clause, — f(f 
-^^ _^ /)«•• 

^* yti PH' **^^* * particular point to the 

efl^ects of music, not mentioned in the prec. par. 

^* is defined, both by Gan-kw5 and 

Ch*ing, by j]C, which again c=^ ^, «the 

heads of the officers,' i.«., the directors of the 
various official departments. The * stone • 

is here mentioncnl by K*wei (for particular 
reasons, which exercise the ingenuity of com- 
mentators), by sjmecdoche, — one of the kinds of 
musical instruments for all the eight kinds. 

Ch. III. Songs of the emprror and Kaou- 

HIS MINISTERS. This par., if the two prec. did not 
intervene, might well be takenas a sequel to parr. 
4 — 6 on the part of Shun, and parr. 7, 8, where 
Yu tells him that his dependence must be on 

himself, and not on his ministers 1^ b* 

^H ; but we cannot tell with what reference it 
is used. It indicates that the reflection and 
song of Shun were consequent on something 
previously mentioned, being = ' on this.* There 
is nothing in the parr, inmiediately prec. to 

which the tJiis can be referred. WW ^^ j^ 

-^1^,— • wn, as in p. 6. of the last Book : — * being 
charged with tlie favouring appointment of 


Digitized by 





and to originate things, with a careful attention to your laws. Be 
reverent 1 Oh ! often examine what you have accomplished. Be re- 
verent ! " With this he continued the song, saying, 

"When the head is intelligent, 

The members are good ; 

And all business will be happily performed!" 
He again continued the song, saying, 

*' When the head is vexatious, 

The members are idle; 

And all affairs will go to ruin !" 
The emperor said, "" Yes ; go ye, and be reverently cUtentive to your 
duties V 

woald be a good example to the officers to 
attend to their duties. ' Examine what you 

have accomplished;' — t.e., that you may carxy 
on your undertakings and govt, with the same 

success. § ^ ^ B^-^-^^ 

*to continue.* ^ is taken by Ch*ing as«s^, 
making the meaning,—* he continued and sung 
hiB Jir$t song/ with ref . to ^ ^ below. Gan- 
kw5 takes it as » J^, * to complete.' making 
the meaning — *he continued and completed the 
meaning of the emperor.' gj^ ^^ -^, — 

Ch-tag oxptain. gfc Sf ty jgH ^ yj> yj> 

J^^S'1 '<^ general collection of small aff^rs.' 
To the same effect, substantially, are the views 
of Gan-kw6 and Ma Yung. * Vexatious,' as in 
the transl., seems to give the idea, though it is 
not easy to collect it from the several charac- 
ters. JI§ (read to) = ^, * to fall in ruins.' 

Heaven.' ^^ ^*— comp. ^t 

B|,Bk.I.p.l6. ^J^,— eep.4. 

yT2 "gf — the sovereign is evidently intended 
by this phrase. In Ying-t&'s paraphrase (foil, 
by K*ang-he's diet., char. yn)> yti w taken as 
■B n ; but it Is rather an adj., with some eulo- 
gisti c me aning, =3 ' the great,' ' the superior.' 
"5* J2 IfiB ^» — con^P '^ Can. of Taon, 

iH W^' ^^ ^-Qan-k^S define, j^ 
^^ >^ W iffj ^J *with great words and 
**«pid.' j^ ^& is evidently addressed to the 
enip. Cliing says that they are a summons to 
all the ministers to give heed to the warning 
just uttered by the emperor ; and Miug-sliing 
and Keang Shing, in their prejudice, endorse 
the view, ^g c=a i^^ * the laws.' A care- 

ful attention to tliese on the part of the emp. 


"g^,— see Can. of Yaou, p. 11, 

Digitized by 




Digitized by 





1 1. Yu divided the land. Following the course of the hills, he 
hewed down the woods. He determined the high hills and great 


Namb op thb Part. — ^S ^^ *The Books 

of Hea.* jM 18 the dynastic designation under 

which Tu and his descendants possessed the 
empire, b.c. 2,204—1,700, a period of 439 years. 
Hea was a small territory, which still retains 

the name of Yu (Yu-chow [3£ J»j4], dep. of 
K^ae-fung in Ho-nan), to which he was appoint- 
ed after the conclusion of his lalwurs on the 
inundated empire. Hwang- poo Mlh ( S* ffl 

»&), in his * Chronicle of Emperors and Kings/ 
says : — * Yu was constituted Chief of Hea, south 
of Yu-chow, the present Yang-chih (^ i^) 
of Ho-nan' (Mih wrote dur. the Tsin dyu.); *and 
afterwards, when he 'succeeded to the throne 
which Shun resigned in his favour, he took the 
dynastic designation of Hea.' I have not, indeed, 
found the appointment of Yu to Hea in the 
* Historical Records;* but the tradition of it was 

current during the Cliow dynasty. In the ^Q 
pj» ^ ^ "P» ^^^^^ ^^ y®*' " ^« ^^» ^^^ 

a long rambling account of Yu*s labours, it is 
said that * Great Heaven was pleased with him, 
and gave him the empire, whUe there was 
conferred on him' (we must understand by 
Yaou) ' the surname of Sze (^ j^ Q ^X 
and the clan-name of Holder of Hea (^ Q 

^3^Sy TW» P*rt of the Shoo King never 
consisted of more than the four Books, which 
compose it at present — a fact difficult to be ac- 
counted for ; and the first of them, much more 
extensive than all the others together, is descrip- 
tive of what took place during the vice-gerency 
of Shun, before the death of Yaou. Ying-ti says 
that originally it was among the Books of Yu^ 
but that the historiographers of Hea placed it 
among those of their dynasty, or perhaps Con- 
fucius was the first to assign to it its present 
place. Whensoever it was first placed among 
tlie Books of Hea, there can be no doubt that 
Ts^ae ChHn gives the true reason for that 
arrangement, when he says that the merit here 
described was the ground of Yu's advaucement 
to the imperial seat. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Digitized by 




From the Work of Hoo H'c/. 

Each equaro 700 /c. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by 


Bk. I. Ch. 1. 1. 



Name of the Book.— ^ "§*, * The Tribute 

of Yu.* Tribute, however, is not here to be 
understood in tlie sense of a contribution paid 
bif one vation to another in acknowledgment of 
subjection and testimony of fealty, but as the 
contribution paid by subjects to tlieir pro])cr 
rulers. The barbarous tribes round about the 

' Middle Kingdom' bring here, indeed, their '»', 

and the attempt by the rulers of the present 
Manchow dynasty to give the same name to the 
presents sent to them from Great Britain and 
other countries was an assumption wliich need- 
ed to be repressed and rebuked; but such 
ofierings occupy a very inferior place, as com- 
pared with the ^1^ or contribution of revenue, 
levied from each province. Wo might rather 
expect that the Book should be called ^ ^^. 

B , however, has the general signification of 

*an offering made by inferiors *("T\ ^ fjjr 

^^^ Wi^ *"^ ^^^ embrace the ^, 
while that term is more restricted and could not 
be employed to comprehend the "^ properly so 

called. This is the account given by Ying-tfi of 
the name of the Book, and I think correctly. 
Ts^ae Cli*in endorses a view somewhat different : 

— ' In the Book we have both "^T and ffiK and 
yet it is called only by the Jonner. Mencius 
observes that the sovereign of the Hea dynasty 
enact^l the 50 mow allotment, and the payment 
of a proportion of the produce (S^ IS j^ 

i + rfil ^' Bk. m. Pt I. iii. 6). Tliis 
proportion wasdetermined by taking the ave- 
rage of several years, so that, accord, to this 

acct., €* was the general name for the revenue 

levied under the Hea dynasty from the land.' 

Contents. The name,— * The Tribute of Yu,' 
gives a very insuflScient aiMiount of the contents. 
The determination of the revenue, and of the 
various articles of tribute was, indeed, very 
important, but the Book describes generally 
the labours of Yu in remedying the disasters 
occasioned by the overflowing waters. Having 
accomplished that, he went on to define more 
accurately the boundaries of the different pro- 
vinces, and to divide the empire into ftre 
tenures. It may be regarded as a domesday 
book of China in the 23d century before Christ : 
but when we consider that it is contained in the 
compass of a few pages, we cannot expect very 
nmch information from it. Choo He says in 
several pUices, that much of what is said about 
tlie geography of thecountry — ^the mountains and 
rivers —cannot be understood, in consequence 
of the changes of names, and the actual changes 
ill nature which have taken place. This is 
doubtless the case ; but when we shall have an 
accurate and scientific survey of China, and it 
is known to us in the length and breadth of its 
provinces as any of the countries of Europe is, 
this ancient document will be invested with a 
new interest, and have a light thrown upon it, 
for want of which we can at present in many 
places only grope our way. The division 

■oi the Book into two parti, which is found in 

Yung Cliing's Shoo, and I have here followed, 
is convenient, but of modem device. It is still 
unobserved in many editions, of which I need 
only mention the ^ Daily Explanation.' The 
first part is conveniently arranged in ten chap- 
ters, the first containing only one paragraph ; 
and each of the others containing the account 
of one province in a good many paragraphs. 
On the title of *The Counsels of the Great Yu' 
it was observed that the Books of the Shoo 
have obtained a sixfold classification i^ord. 
to their subject-matter. This Book has been 
referred with reason to the class of the Canons. 

Chang Kew-ching (g^ ^ ^, Sung dyn.) 

has the following observations on the authorsliip 
of it : — ' Are we to suppose that it was composed 
by the historiographers? But they could not 
have known all the minutiss which we find in 
it about the regulation of the waters. I venture 
to give my opinion in this way : — ^There are the 
first and last paragraphs, about Yu*8 dividing 
the land, &c., and returning his mace ; — these 
are from the historiographers. But all between, 

from ^ j^ down to gj) -^ gB y^, is the 

narrative by Yu himself of his various labours, 
— his narrative as presented to the emperor, and 
kept in the bureau of history, whence it was 
edited by the proper officers with some modifica- 
tions of the style.' 


is the general opinion that this par. lays down 
the plan on which Yu proceeded to his task; 
and though there is nothing in the language to 
determine absolutely in fav. of this interpret., I 
think it is the most likely. First, he divided the 
land into nine provinces, and arranged in what 
order they should be taken in hand. {vText, he 
travelled along the hills, and possessed himself 
with a general idea of what was to be done to 
afford a vent for the waters, and conduct them 
by their natural channels. Lastly, the waters 
being carried off, he defined the boundaries of 
the provinces more accurately than had been 
done before, by reference to the principal moun- 

tafns and streams. ^ ^ dt'""^ Jl* 

comp. 'Counsels of Yu,' p. 1. Ch4ng defines 
&[ by ^, ' to spread out,' * to arrange,' adding 

"ffj^J^hj^ ^ TK dt' 'hearrangedand 
reduced to order tlie water and land of the nine 
provinces.' Ma Yung says that SJj[**' "^ ; and 
in Gan-kw6 we find all these terms together : 

j^ ■+*, *amid the overflowing of the inundi^ 

ting waters, Yu divided, arranged, and reduced 
to order the land of the nine provinces.' It 

may be questioned whether the division of 
China into nine province! originated with Yu* 
The flrst territorial arrangement of the country 
is referred to Hwang-te, who, it is said, ' mapped 
out the country, and divided it into provinces, 
making in all 10,000 States of 100 le each (^ 

see the ^ f^ U ^ ^, under Hwang-te). 

Digitized by 






2 II. With respect to k^e-chow, — he did his work at Hoo-k^ow and 

5 took effective measures at Leang and K*e. Having repaired the 
works 071 T'ae-yuen, he proceeded on to the south of mount Y6. He 

6 was successful with his labours on Tan-hwae, and went on to the 
stream of Chang. 


In the accounts of Chuen-heuh, the grandson of 
Hwanjir-te, we read that he * established nine 
provinces/ the names of which are the same as 
those of Yu. The * Historical Records ' give 

'^S 4 instead of W(y and introduces this par. 

thus : — * Yu, along with Yih and Tseih, received 
the emperor's commands, and ordered the princes 
and people to call forth labourers to divide and 
arrange the land.* I introduce tliis passage be- 
cause it helps us to understand how Yu accom- 
plished his great work. We are too apt to 
tliink of him alone in connection with it. He 
had the merit of suggesting, dire<tting, and 
superintending ; but all tlie talent and strength 
of the empire were helping. Yih and Tseih are 
mentioned by himself as his coadjutors. Passages 
from the Shoo itself, the * Historical Records,' 
&c., indicate that he was also in correspondence 
with Kaou-yaou, the Sze-yn, Pih-e, and the pas- 
tors of the provinces, and so had all the resources 
of the empire at his disposal. This has 

suggested to Hoo Wei ("SR yS) Another in- 
genious view of the meaning of ^ SJf A^, 
Taking ^»>|||[c»^, « to give,' * to assign,' 

he says: — * What is expressed by fi^ took place 

before Yu went over his door. K'e-chow was 
to be assigned to so and so ; Yen-chow to so and 
so ; and soon. This was simply the choice and em- 
ployment of men for the several portions of the 

work.' ^ [Jj ^ ^,— see 'Counsels 

of Yu,' p. 1. Sze-ma Ts^een gives ^y |J^ ^ 
^1^, and Keang Shing inclines to interpret ^F|J 

by 3^ ; but we cannot admit this. The woods 

were hewn down to open up paths for men, and 
channels for the waters. Mencius tells us 

that Yih employed fire to destroy the forests 
and rank vegetation. We may suppose that 
fire was had recourse to, when peculiar difilcul- 

ties opposed the use of the axe. la J^ 

LU ^ jll»-||-^» '**> «*•' He fixed 
the great rivers and mountains ;— but for what 
purpose? Ts*ae Ch'in answers: — *To distin- 
guish accurately the boundaries of the different 
provinces.' Y6h Mung-tih (^ ^ ^M-; early 
in the Sung dyn.) answers : — * As guiding marks 

to determine the application of the forces neces- 
sary to accomplish the work in hand ' Gan- 
kw6 and Ma Yung answered : — * To determine 
their order and degree, with reference to the 
sacrifices that should be offered to them.* This 
last view has found a vigorous advocate in 

Maou K'e-ling, who argues that Km denotes the 

preliminary sacrifices at the commescement of 

the work, and j^, those offered at the conda- 

sion of it, so that the W, ^ ijj here is iu 
correlation with the ^ (Jj "flj J^ "* P*^ 
11., p. 14. But with what is the ^ ^ j\\in 
correlation? If it be said— with the ^ j\\ 

9, there is no notion of sacrifice there. 

e might accept either the view of Ch*in or 
that of Mung-tih, but not that advocated by 

Ch. n.^ The account op K*b-chow. i^. 
2 — 6. Engineering labours on the rivers and country. 

P* ^- M j^' The old interpreters all 
read on ^L J44 |^ ^, and placed a comma 

at ^C, making the meaning to be<»*A de- 
scription of the work to be done in K*e-chow 
was first prepared.' No doubt it seemed to 
them that ffiP, being generally equivalent to our 
sign of the perfect tense, presupposed a subject 
already mentioned. But in p. 5, j^ (& ^^ 

Ij^, it introduces a clause in an absolute man- 
ner. It is much more in consonance with the 
analogy of the commencing parr, of the other 
chapters on the other provinces to put a stop at 
j^. The only difference is that those others 
are all defined by certain boundaries, whereaa 
no boundaries are assigned to this. The reason 
may be, as Ts*ae says, that all the others being 
defined, the boundaries of this might thence be 
known ; or, as it said by others, it is left unde- 
fined, a mark of distinction, as containing the 
imperial seat, the capital of the empire. 
Hwang-te is said to have had his capital in 

Choh-luh (JIC ]B|)J Chuen-heuh, his in Te- 
k*ew (^ ^) J Kaott-sin, his in Poh (^) ; 

Digitized by 


Bk. I. Ch. II. 2—6. 



Yaou, his in P^ing-yang ; and Shun, his in P^oo- 
fan (3m ij^) ; — all of which places were within 
K*e-chow. As to the actual boundaries of 

tlie province, it had the Uo^-'what is called the 
Yellow River— on three sides of it, the west 
south, and east. On the west, between it and 
Yuns-chow, was all that portion of the Ho, 
which forms the present dividing Une of Shen-se 
and Shan-se, in a course of about 500 miles, 
according to Williams (The Middle Kingdom, 
vol. I., p. 16). At the south-western comer of 
Shan-se, the Ho turns to the east, and first 
dividing that province from Ho-nan, flows 
through Ho-nan on to the south-west point of 
Shan-tung, and afterwards traverses Keang-soo, 
with a southerly incline, finally disembogueing 
itself in about lat. 84^ At any rate, one would 
have so described its coarse a few years ago ; it 
is said now to pursue a nortli-easterly course 
from somewhere in the border between Shan- 
tung and Ho-nan. It did this in the time of 
Yu. It turned north at about the place where 
Chih-le, Shan-tung, and Ho-nan all touch, and 
its waters flowed north and east into the present 
gulph of Pih-chih-le. The southern boundary 
of K*e-chow, therefore was the Ho in its south- 
eastern flow, which divided it from Yu-chow ; 
and its eastern boundary was tlie Ho in its 
north-eastern flow, which divided it from Yen- 
chow. [This north-eastern portion is often 
called the Ho of Yu ; — the flrst change in its 
direction to a more southerly course took place 

in the 5th year of the emp. Ting (^ ^^) of 

the Chow dyn. b.c. 601.] The northern boundary 
of K^chow must be left altogether indefinite. 
From this account of the province, it will 
be seen that Medhurst is in error when he 
speaks of it as corresponding to the present Shan- 
S3.(Shoo King, p. 83). It was of much larger 
extent. As stated in *The Boundaries of the 
empire in Successive Dynasties,' K'e-chow em- 
braced the present provinces of Chih-le and 
Shan-se, with the three departments of v^hang- 

*^^ (^ ^> Wel-hwuy (|^ ))^;, and 

Hwae-king (^ffi jg|) in Ho-nan, and the 

western portion of Shing-king or Leaou-tung. 

—If ^ W be joined, as by the old scholars, 
^^^^ WL ttI* ^^ ^ ^^^ possible to construe ^^ 
P . They have said nothing, however, which 
would indicate that they saw the difiSculty. 

^ is best taken as »» ^, *to perform ser- 
vice.* T8*ae and others would combine the mean- 
ings of ^ ' first,' and ^. He says i-jj^^ 
^ ; but this is not necessary. 

^y pl is the name of a hill which we 
might translate * Pot's-mouth.* It is 70 ^ to 
the south-east of the small dep., city of Keih 

(•i), in Shan-se. Medhurst gives its position 
as in lat. Se^lS', N., long, e-^S', W. of Peking. 
The Ho passes it in its soutliward flow, * seeth- 
ing like a boiling pot * (see a note in the ^& 

"A^t and I suppose that in the time of Yu 

some spur of the momitain encroached upon 
the stream. South of Hoo-k^ow was the Lung- 
mun (^ p^) or * Dragon Gate,* an import- 
ant point of the Ho, so called from a hill of 
that name ; and north of it was the 3: P^, or 

Great Gate,' also an important point. Before 
Yu's labours, the waters of the Ho not finding 
fVce course from M^ng-mun downwards, there 
overflowed, and inundated both K*e-chow and 
Yung-chow. By what he did on Hoo-k*ow, 
and his immediately subsequent operations on 
mount Leang, he achieved one of the most 
notable of his * labours,' and * opened the 
Dragon-gate.' Leang and K'e are the names 
of two hills, — ^belonging, say the scholars oi 
the Sung dyn. to K'e-chow ; belonging, siid the 
older interpreters, to Yung-cliow. Ace. to Ts*ae, 

Leang was the Leu-leang ( S ^S) hill, cor- 
responding to the present * Spine hill' ('»* 
^^ LIJ)> >» th© north-east of the small 
dep. of Yung-ning (^ ^), belong, to the 

larger one of Fun-chow (^ )!*H)'» *"^^ ^*® 
was the Hoo-k»e, or 'Fox-peaks,' hill in the 
same dep. of Fan-chow, in the west of Heaou-e 
district (^ ^ I^). Ts'ae says that tlie 

waters of the Ho passed at the base of both 
these hills. But it is objected by Hoo Wei 
that « Spine hill' is fully 160 U from the Ho, 
and * Fox-peaks ' more than 330. I must con- 
clude tliat while it was natural for the Sung 
scholars to look for Leang and K^ in K*e-chow, 
they have not been successful in finding them 
there. Turning to the old interpreters, who 
refer the hills to Yung-chow, Leang is the pros, 
mountain of that name, 90 le to the north-west 
of the dis. city of Han-shing (^^ $£)> ^^P- 
Se-ngan, in Shen-se ; and K*e, called also * Hea- 
ven's pillar ' (^^ ijg^) IB 90 k north-east from 

E%-san (||Ry MJ) dis. city, dep. of Fung- 

Ts^eang ( JS |^)- ^^^ former was not far 
from the western bank of the Ho, and near to 
Lung-mun. We can easily see how some opera- 
tions on it should have been necessary to 
complete the accomplishment of the object con- 
templated in beginning at Hoo-k*ow. But why 
should he have gone westward to mount K'e ? 
Hoo Wei answers : — *By dealing with mount 
Leang, a free passage was made for the Ho, and 
the calamity of inundation was removed ifrom 
the country on the right and left of this western 
portion of it. But that country still remain- 
ed unfit for the purposes of agriculture, covered 
with pools, undrained, nnd it was for Yu, ace. to 
his own words, * to deepen the channels and canals, 
and conduct them to the rivers, that Tseih might 
proceed to his business. But why should he 
defer proceeding at once to his work on T*ae- 
yuen and Yft-yang, which were near the imperial 
seat? If he had now gone at once eastward, 
not a few years must have elapsed before he 
could come hack to this point; and we may 
conclude also that it whs of great import- 
ance to the capital itself that tliis part of 
the country should be regulated without de- 

Digitized by 




PART ni. 

lay.* Thwe obscrrntion* seem to give 

a 8iif9cicnt explHnatiou of Vii*8 tuniiiiK aside 
a little from K*e-chow to the ndjolnin;; pror. on 
the west. There remains still another point 
to be touched on, before we proceed to the next 
par. — We get the impression that Yu*8 labours 
e<»nimenced at IIoo-kH>w and mount Leang. But 
Choo He has questioned this. Kefeiring a- 
gain to Hoo Wei, he observes : — * Choo in his 

^a'^{ says that he cannot fully cretlit the 
common view as to the commencement of Yu's 
labours, for that if he had opened the passage 
of the * Dragon Gate ' without previously clear- 
ing the channels below, the out-rush of the Ho 
would only have been more disastrous than 
before. It was Yu*s plan to connnence at the 
lowest iK>int, and therefore iu K*e-chow he must 
have begun at Kefi-shih, and the nine Ho. These 
views have been followed, especially by Foo 

T*ung-shuh ('{tt 1^ -Jj^) ; and it is generally 

concluded that Yu began to deal with the 
waters in Yen-chow. But let us attend to the 
aspect of the inundation, as it presented itself 
to Yaou. He said : — " Destructive is the over- 
flow of the waters. In their vast extent, they 
embrace the mountains and overtop the liills, 
threatening the heavens.** Mencius' account 
is:— **Iu the time of Yaou, the waters flowing 
out of their channels, inundated the Middle 
kingdom. Snakes and dragons abounded, and 
the people had no place where they could settle 
themselves. In the low grounds they made 
nests for themselves, and in the high grounds 
they made caves.*' This was the aspect of the 
inundation as it appeared to Yaou, and frighten- 
<^d him ; it is described by him acconlingly. It 
was occasioned chiefly by the outburst of the 
Ho above MAng-mun, and no other place so 
urgently required that measures should be 
taken with it. If Yu could manage the Ho at 
Lung-mun and mount Leang, he would find no 
insurmountable difficulties elsewhere; if he 
could not do this, the capital must have become 
the home of fishes. But without reference to 
the capital, here was the spot where it was 
necessary to take the first measures to remedy 
the terrible evil.* K'ung Ying-ti reasons 

in a similar way, and insists that the waters of 
K*e-cliow did not flow through Yen-chow. 

ffit ^^, * having repaired.* This is understood 
to have reference to the labours of K*wan, Yu*s 
father, which had not been altogether ineffectual. 
Choo Hoh-Hng (:^ in ^ ; of the pres. dyn.) 

has said : — * On the north of the Ho there are 
many of K*wAn*s dykes. The capital being 
within the space here indicated, K^wftn had 
wrought with peculiar energy to defend it from 
the wau»rs. Yu entered into his labours, availed 
himself of them and completed them. But there 
was this difference between the father and the 
son. Yu went first to the source of the evil, 
and made a free cimrse for the Ho; whereas 
K*wftn had confine<l himself to a branch of it. to 
the course of the Fun in those parts.* 

Hj^ |j^, — lit., *the great plain;* but the name 
still exists as that of the principal prefecture of 
8han-se, and also of a district of the same. 

The city of T'ae-yuen is in lat 37'»45', N., Ion. 
8"55', W. of Peking. J^ ^»— '*'»® •o"^** 

of Y5.* Yft, ca11e«1 also T*ae-yr», was the principal 
mountain in K*e-chow. It is now the Holi-t*ae 

(^ -JQ hill, 80 fc to the east of Hoh^how 

city, belong. t4> the dep. of P*ing-yang. It is 
said to be 2(M> It in circumference, and its 
southern skirts touch on the two districts of 

Yoh-yang (J^ ^r)) and Chaou-shing (^ 

^^). Hereabouts Taoo, it is said, had his 

principal city when marquis of T^ang; but 

this is doubtful The ^ ^, ]ndic4ite 

continuousness of operation, and indeed this 
paragrapli is descriptive of Yu*s regulation <if 

the river Fun (]^)i which rose in T*ae-yuen, 
pursued a devious course to Yoh-yang, and 
afterwards joined the Ho. 

— ^Yu is now operating on the borders of the Ho 
in its eastward course from the south-wedtern 
comer of the pres. 8han-se. The name of Tan- 
hwae still partly remains in that of the dep. of 

Hwae-klug ('H |s)t ^^ Ho-nan, whose prin* 
city is in lat. 86°G', N., 8°28', W. of Peking, 
llie territory was low and level, easily inunda- 
ted therefore, and requiring more toil to lie 
spent on it. The toil and the eventual success 

are indicated iu the phrase Ij^ jn ; — comp. 
Can. of Shun, p. 8, and Coun. of Kaou-yaou, p. 
8. Having done all that was necessary 

for the present on the southern portion of the 
Ho, Yu went on to the junction of the Chang 
with the Ho; or, as Lin Che-ke says, we may 
suppose that he crossed over the country, 

across the mountain ranges of -fr* ij, to the 
sources of the Chang, and regulated its course, 
and the country which it drained, all the way 
to the Ho. I^J is taken a8«»;|^, and 

^T yET is ' the cross-flowing Chang,* so called 
with reference to its course from east to west, 
or the contrary ; a course from north to south 
or from south to north being described as natu- 
ral (:^);-see the ^ ^. Ma Yung 
and Wang Suh were of opinion that -#j was the 
name of one river, and ^£ that of another, but 
there is no evidence to support their view. It 
appears, however, that the W^ ^a ^** formed 
by the union of a * clear* (*^ ]^) and a 

* muddy (>S ^) Cliang.' The foil, account 

of them is taken from the J^jj ^| -^ >^, or 

* Modern Geography:*— * The Clear Chang rises 
80 h to the south-west of the district city of 
L«-p'ing, (lat. 87»35', N ; Ion. 2^W, W.), dep. 
T*ac-yuen. Flowing south-east* to the dig. of 

She-been {^ ^\ dep. Chang-tili (^ ^^h 
Ho-nan, it is there joined by the muddy Chang, 
at " the Meeting of the Chang.** Thence it flows 
north-east to Cbih-le, and in the dis. of Kwaug- . 

Digitized by 


Sk. I. Ch. II. 7, 8. 



7, 8 The soil of this province was whitish and mellow. Its contribu- 
tion of revenue was the first of the highest class, with some propor- 
tion of the second. Its fields were the average of the middle class. 

p<ing (^ ^), in the dep. of the same name, 
it throws off a branch which joins the Wei, (^ 
J^), while the main stream, skirting the bor- 
ders of Shan-tong, in the dis. of K<ew-heen (pR 
ISS ; dep. TsHng-chow) again divides, and sends 
off a branch northwards to the marsh of Ta-lnh 
(-^ K| jS)» passing on itself through the 
dep. of Ho-keen (f^ ^) »« Chih-le, into dep. 
of T*een-tsin, where, in the dis. of TsHng-heen 
(^ jp^), it unites with the Wei. Thence 
flowing northwards as far as Sekoo of T*een- 
tsin, it receives various streams, and holds 
an eastward course to the sea. At this quarter 
it is called the Old Chang, to distinguish it 
from the branch of itself which went off to Ta- 
luh, and rcgoins it at Se-koo, under the name 
of the New Chang.' (Se-koo, * the western Koo' 
Cffi jf^], to distinguish it from Ta-koo (;^ 
j^), a name become sufficiently familiar of 
late years). * The muddy Chang has its rise 
in the dis. of Ch*ang-Uze (^ •^), dep. of 
Loo-ngan (^ ^), Shan-se, and also fol- 
lows a southeastern course to the "Meeting 
of the Chang.*" Of course, in Yu*s time, 

the Chang, being absorbed in the Ho, had no 
subsequent course of its own to the sea. Its 
junction with the Ho took place in the pres. 
dep. of Ho-keen, dis. of Fow-shing (.^ ^ ; 
lat. ST^SS'. N., Ion. about 15', W.). 

Pp. 7, 8. Soil and Revenue. 7. J^ ^^'^ 

denotes the soil or ground, with general refe- 
rence to the wliole province ; and it is described 
by regard both to its colour and nature. Its 
colour was * white,' = whitish, and its nature 

was jA. This term may be interchanged with 
-f^ in the general sense of soil or ground ; — see 
the ' Rite* of Chow.' J^fc ^, f| ^. ^ Zl 
^^ Z!l» ^•P* PP* 28,24. Here, however, where 
it denotes a particular kind of soil, the word 
mellow, signifying, in this application, 'soft, 
easily pulverized,* very well represents its mean- 
ing. Gan-kwO defines it by ^ ij^ < without 

famps,* •»<! the 1^ ^ by ^ -^, *ioft 


earth.* In the portion of the * Rites of Chow • 
just referred to, we have much said about the 
practical uses to which a knowledge of the 
different soils should be turned, but the simple 
statement of the text does not require that I 
should enter on that subject. 8. Both the 

revenue and the fields — that is, the cultivable 
ground — were arranged in three classes (see 
Part ii., p. 15j), and under each class were three 
divisions. Thus the value of the ground ran- 
ged from tfie 1st to the 9th degree; and the 
amount of revenue did the same, the general 
rule, I apprehend, in regard to it being that it 
should he a tenth of the produce. The amount 
of revenue would be very much regulated by 
the character of the ground, but not entirely sp, 
A poor tract of country well cultivated would 
produce more than a rich one, left to go to 
waste. Tlie actual produce depended on many 
other circumstances in addition to the character 
of the soil, such as the density or sparscness of 
the population, the system of irrigation, manu- 
ring, &c. Here in K*echow, the revenue 
was the highest of the highest class, (JS^ ^^ 

^^ JI2 Jt^ ''^^ •^ admixture of the second 
degree of the same. Such is said to be the force 
of ^S' Gan-kwO and K*ang-shing both define 

that term in this connection by ^^. Gan-kwd 

«y:-|| m ^ ::! ^ ^' ''* '^''"^y 

produced the revenue of the second degree.' 
Ma Yung took a different view (J4b >^ Jh 

"F ©M ^ ^ — ^>J ^""^ aUowing their 
meaning, we are still unable to say when and 
where the reduction from the highest amount 
of revenue was admitted. In the account 

of the other provinces, the description of the 
fields always precedes that of the revenue, as is 
proper, the revenue chiefly depending on the 
ground; but here the order is reversed. The 
revenue is mentioned first, and the quality of 
the fields follows. The most likely explanation, 
perhaps, of this is that suggested by Lin Che-k'e, 
that K*e'Chow being the imperial domain, its 
income would be derived not only from the 
fields, but (Vom a groundrent, and imposts on 
gardens, orchards, &c., as well. In the oUier 
provinces, again, mention is made of ^ , * arti« 
cles of tribute,* in addition to the * revenue.* 
Those were expressions of their fealty presented 
by the princes. There was no occasion for them 
in the imperial domain. 


Digitized by 





9 The waters of tlie Hang and Wei were brought to their proper 
channels ; and Ta-luh was made capable of cultivation. 

10 The wild people of the islands brought dresses of skins. Keeping 

11 close on the right to the rocks of Kee, they entered the Ho. 

^""^ (^ M^ ^^P- ^' Paou-ting {^ ^5 
tliat of Keuluh, dep. of Shun-tib ()|^ ^); 
those of Lung^p'ing (1^ ^|^), and Ning-tsin 
(j2a1 ^P*) in Chaou-chow ; and Shin*cbow :-* 

see a note in the ^^ ^M, and the description 

of the lake in the ^ Statistical Account of the 
Empire of Ta-ts*ing,* under Shun*tih fooA The 
Hang and the Wei vere to the north of Ta-luh, 
and I suppose that their waters OTcrflowing and 
running south into the lake made the country 
difficult of cultiration. Still the repetition of 

tl>e Ht-^. #' WC ft-i'npli** that « 
good deal of independent labour had to be ex- 
pended on Ta-luh, — the country, I suppose, all 
roiind the lake, before it was possible to cultivate 
it, which is the meaning of ijp. 

Pp. 10, 11. Ti I'buie brought by barbarous tribes^ 
and their route to the capital, 10 ^^ Sa 

^ ^,— The 'Historical Records* read ^j^ 
^ ; as did Ch'ing, Ma, Wang, and others of 
the Han dynasty. Gan-kw5 determined that 
Jj^ was the proper reading, which was subse- 
quently introduced into the text. He defines the 
character by j^ ^, 'bends of the sea,* Ce., 
bays, with islands in them that could be in- 
habited. But the proper definition of ^ is 

*an island* C)^ PJ^ Pf JS ^ ^)- 

^^ .1^ ^ ^^® proper reading, then ^|^ ^, or 
*Bird barbarians,* would be the name of a tribe 
of wild people, for whom we are to look in the 
islands or mainland, north and east iVom K'e^ 
chow. Assuming that Gan-kw6 was right in 
thinking we should read ^, we are restricted 
from the mainland. Hoo Wei thinks that only 
the Japanese and the people of San-ban (^=^ 

Bffl (see a long, but extravagant description of 
this trilHi or tribes in the Books of the * After 
Han,* ^ -^ -f^ 5£) can be intended. But 
I cannot suppose that, if Japan was then occu- 
pied, its people had any intercourse with Chma, 
far less acknowledirod its sovereignty. The 

*skin dresses,* no doubt = furs, rather lead our 
thoughts to the mainland, to the regions north- 
east from K'CK:how, ^^ ^ >& ^ 

P. 9. Other engineering labours. It is difficult 
to say why this par. does not immediately 
follow the 6th. AVe may reasonably suppose 
that the country was all rescued from the in- 
undation before measures were taken to fix the 

' to follow 


their old channels.* ^tit has a hophal signification. 

The llSng river takes its rise from a valley of 
the hill of the same name, in the pres. dis. of 

Keuh-yang ( ^ ||^ ; Ut. 88'*89', N. ; long. r-iO*, 
W.), dep. Chin-ting (S ^, called also ^ 
wl). Near its source it is called the 'Long 
Streamlet* (-Mf }^)i it pursues an eastern 
course, to the borders of K*e Chow (tkR «H4 ), dep 

Paou-tiiig (|B ^^)» receiving difft. names in 
its progress. At this point it unites with the 
Tsze (]^ |^J\ and by-and-by fiows into the 
T*ang water (^ ^), called also the Kow 
( !^). The Wei, under the name of Luy-kow 
(^3 J^)i rises in the district of Ling-show 



lat. SS'IS', N., long. TST', W.), and 

flowing to the south, enters the Hoo-t*o (yrg 

*^!^). Hoo Wei contends that by the Hang 

of the text we are to understand the Kow, and 
by the Wei the Hoo-t'o. The Kow and the 

Hoo-t*o now unite their streams, and travelling 
eastwards pass the city of T^een-tsin, and on to 
the sea. The HSng and the Wei in Yu*s time 
poured their united waters into the Ho. 

:h^MWc f^ -K'ang-shing says that ^ 
[^ is * the name of a marsh or lake, on the 

north of Keu-luh * (^JJ^ ; lat., sr 17', N., Ion., 
l"!?', W.). Modern writers incline to consider 
it the name of a large tract of flat ground, 
* embracing,* says the Daily Explanation, * the 

district of Hing-t'ae ( Jf^ ^^), and the smaller 

dcpp. of Chaou (^ »|||), and Shin C|^)-* I 

apprehend the modem view is correct, [ ^ 

having the signification, given in the 98 J^, 
of ' what is high and level.* As to the lake of 
Taluh, called also Kwang-o (^ KS*), it is still 
very considerable. It touches the dis. of Shuh- 

Digitized by 


Bk. I Ch. ni. 12—20. 



nm -f ffl 'It ±o#s^ o 



III. Beiiveen the Tse and the Ho was Yen-ciiow. 

The nine branches of the Ho were conducted by their proper 
channels. Luy-hoa was formed into a marsh ; in which the waters of 
the Yung and the Tseu were united. The mulberry grounds were 
made fit for silkworms^ and then the peopk came down from the 
heights, and occupied the ground behti^. 

The soil of this province was blackish and rich; the grass in it 

18 became luxuriant, and the trees grew high. Its fields were the 
lowest of the middle class. Its revenues just reached what could 
be deemed the correct amountj but they were not required from it 
as from the other provinces, till after it had been cultivated for 

19 thirteen years. Its articles of tribute were varnish and silk; the 
baskets from it were filled with woven ornamental fabrics, 

20 They floated along the Tse and T*a, and so reached the Ho. 

j]^>— we might traiulate almoftt literally—* they 
hngyed on the right the rocks of KeP.* Evidently 
these were somewhere on the northern shore 
of the gulph of Pih-chih4e ;— though some have 

supposed that ^Sg .^^ might be the name of a 
hill, some distance inland, which served as a 
land-mark to boats — for we can hardly use 
another term for the craft of those times — 
entering the Ho. But this Tiew afibrda no 

explanation of the expressive phrase ^^ "j^. 
In the time of the founder of theTs'in 
dynasty, the rock or rocks of Keg were well 
known. He visited them, and had an inscrip- 
tion engraved — we may suppose on the most 
conspicuious. Subsequently, tlie emp. Woo (^^) 
visited the place in the year b.c. 109. It is 
generally re^rred now to the coast of the dis. of 

Foo-ning (jj^ ^; lat. 89"56', Ion. 2''52', E.) 
in the dep. of Yung-pHng (^ 3^). No traces 
Of such a rock or r«cks are now to be found 

there \ but thk may be accounted for by en- 
croachments of the sea. See again on Part ii. 
p» 1. The Ho in ITu's time must have entered 
the sea in not much iesa thaD 40^ N. lat. 

xV "j jSr»-"*W* i« evidently descriptive of 
the route of the wild people with their tribute 
of furs« The Ho ia mentioned ojb tlie grand 
chamiel by which commuaication was held with 
the capital in connection with the tribute of 
every province. There can be no other meaning 
here; and when Qan-kwn says that it was Yu who 
returned by the Ho to tlie capital, to report his 
kbours, and ChHng K^ang-shlng also interprets 
tlie words of Yu, though somewhat differently, 
we feel that the old interpretera may be very 
unsafe guides to the understan^ng of the text. 

Cii. in. The Accouxt of Yen-ciiow. 
P^ 1. Hie boundaries. Those were the river 
Tse on the south and east, and the Ho on the 
north and west. The former separated it from 
Yu-chow and Tsing-chow ; the latter, from 
K^e-chow. The ^tL anciently called also the 

V^ had its origin, under the name of the ^^, 

Digitized by 





in «King'8-hotifle' hfll (J ^ |Jj), in the 

pres. Tse-heen (fiK jS)> ^^^P of Hwae-k'ing, 
Ho-nan ; — see Part ii. p. 10. This would give 
its rise in about lat 36*»5', N., Ion. 4°46', W. 
Flowing eastwards it now enters the sea, as the 

/J\ ?^, at about lat. 8ri5' N., Ion., V55', 
£. Its name appears in its course in that of 
Tse-nan (!»E ^S% the principal dep. of Shan- 
tung. Yeu-chow did not commence at or near 
Its source. We must place the boundary point 
between Yen and Tu in the pres. Ts*aou-cbow 

(■ffi ^);_gee Hoo Wei, in he The 

same critic says on the Ho as the boundary-line 
of Yen on the west and north : — * At the pres. 
dis. of Tsoo-shing (lat. 86*»20', N. ; Ion. 2'*6', W.), 
dep. Wei-hwuy of Ho-nan, the Ho proceeded 
north-east towards the dep. of Ta-ming in 
Chih-le, and at the hill of Ta-p*ei (-^ 1^), in 

the dis. of Seun-heen (^ M ; Ut. 85''45', N. ; 

Ion. l^SS', W.), it made a bend to the west, 
and flowed northwards past the dep. of Chang- 
tih in Ho-nan. Then turning eastwards again, 
it flowed through various depp. of Chih-le — 
Kwan^-p'ing, Shun-tih, Chin-ting, and Ho-kien, 
on to the sea. This was the old course of the 
Ho of Yu, the same as the course of the Chang 
described in the Han dynasty.* According to 
this account, the Ho of Yu must have disem- 
bogued where the Pe-ho ( Jk 9^, * the north- 
em Ho') now does. With these boun- 
daries, Yen-chow (<^£ is sometimes called yff) 
may be said to have contained — of the pres. 
Shan-tung, the dep. of Tung-ch*ang (^& S ), 

the northern portion of Tse-nan, and western 
of Yen-chow; and of Chih-le, the dep, of Ta- 
ming, with portions of those of Ho-keen and 

T'eentemr-i^the^f^H^^. It 

was not a large province. 

Pp. 13—16. Engineering laboun, 13. T[^ 

^ Wt ^'^Wt M, •^'"' properly ex- 
plained by Ts*ae— ^ jfB ^ j^, *were 

made to follow their courses.' The whole sen- 
tence gives the idea that the nine streams or 
branches were already existing, and that Yu's 
work was to clear and direct them. K*ang-shing 
seems rather to have thought that the nine 
channels were opened by Yu, to diminish the 

force of the mighty stream (|^ y^C, 6 \\ 

a view cannot be thought of. The truth seems 
to be that the Ho discharged itself into the sea by 
many branches, in addition to the main stream 
described in the last note. These all occupied 
the northern part of Yen-chow, which formed 
the delta of the Ho, and Yu, selecting eight or 
nine of the streams, cleared tlieir course, and by 
means of them drained the country. It has 

always been, and still is, a curious inquiry 
among Chinese scholars, to determine, if pos- 

sible, the nine Ho. The ^ |J||, as if they had 
all been existing in the Cliow dyn., gives their 
names as T<oo-hae (:^ J|^); T*ae-she (^ 

It) ; Ma-kge (,^ ^) ; Fuh-foo i^^; 
Hoo-soo ( ^ p)« df^M); Kow- 
pSran (^ ^); Kih-tsm (^ ^). These 

are only eight names; and some therefore divide 
tlie sixth name into two, making the KSen one 
stream, and the KeS another, wliUe others, more 
probably, make out the nine by adding to those 
eight the *Ho of Yu,' or the main stream, already 
described. As early as the Han dynasty, it 

was the opinion of many that it was of no use 
trying to identify these various streams, the 
face of the country being so much altered from 
the time of Yu. Some, indeed, were of opinion 
even then, that the whole of the delta of the 
Ho of those early days had been swept away 
into the sea. Others, however, thought that 
the Keen-ke'e, the Kow-p*wan, and the Kih-tsin 
were then determinable ; and the researches of 
the scholars of the T^ang dynasty are said 
to have determined other three; — but these 
matters are very doubtful. It is sufficient for 
us to know that the northern part of Yen-chow, 
the delta of the Ho, was rescued f^m the inun- 
dating waters by Yu. 14. In the south-east 

of the small dep. of Puh (}§^ sub. to Ts*aoa- 
chow (& j^)j is the marsh of Luy, still 

retaining part of the ancient name. It was in the 
waters of Luy-hea that Shun fished, according 
to the ' Historical Records,' and hereabouts also 

Yaou is said to have rambled ('^ 4^ ]^ fX^ 

D|r ; J^ |Sr has been the name of Puh-chow 

under various dynasties). * Luy-hea was 

marshed ; ' — we are not to suppose that Yu now 
for the first time formed a marsh at this point, 
but that by draining and embanking he reduced 
and confined the waters to their proper limita. 

Ts*ae quotes a story from the |[j jf^ jj^ 
about a spirit of thunder with a dragon's body 
and a man's head, which dwells in the lake and 
makes a noise like thunder by thumping on its 
belly. * Thus,' concludes Ts'ae, * the lake, origi- 
nally called tlie Hea, got its name of Luy-hea» 

the Thunder-hea.' One Le Che-tsaou (^ 

^ w^), of the Ming dyn, ridiculing this story, 

says that at certain seasons the waters seem to 
be sucked through some passage at the bottom 
with a loud noise. 15. I do not think that 

the Yung and the Tseu have been distinctly 
identified. Hiey were streams in the neiglv- 
bourhood of the Luy-hea, and it seems proper 
to join this par. with the prec, and to read that 
the two streams were united in the marsh. 
Yet it may not have been so. Both Oan-kwO 
and K^ang-shing thought so. The latter, indeed, 
as if he were describing what he had seen, says 
that the streams first met each other from 
opposite directions, and then entered the lake 

in one stream (^^ [so he reads for ^%] yjC 
On the other hand, we read in the * Daily 

Digitized by 


Bk. 1. Cu. m. 12—20. 



Bxplanation:' — *The Yung issuing fVora tlie 
11 o, and the Tseu issuing from the Tse, when 
the Tse was regulated, the Yung flowed into 
the Tseu, and they were conducted in one stream 
to thello.' 

^^ ^ ih ^ 1§5»"~*^^®" *^*® mulberry 
country was sifhuortn-ed ;* — Medhurst translates 
— * supplied with silkworms;' but the meaning 
must be rather as I have given. The silkworm 
dislikes moisture; — as the country was drained, 
and the waters confined to their proper places, 
the people could attend to it with success. 
What particular tract of the country was in- 
tended by ^& -\^ we do not know. The whole of 
Yen-chow was distinguished for its mulberry 
tr^es and silkworms, but especially the region 
about Puh. K^ang-shing quotes, in illustration, 


£: ^ i»-£. <>' ^ i» defined by yJ^ 
j^, 'a small mound' (see the j^ J^); by 
i *fet Q ^, 'the natural formation of 
the ground ' (.j^ jj^). In Yen^ow the hills 
were few, but the mounds or rising grounds were 
many. While the inundation prevailed, the 
people were driven to these, but now they could 
descend from the heights, and dwell on the 
level ground. ^ Jl— ^^ ^ Jl* 

Pp. 17 — 19. &oilj revenue, and tribute. 17. 

The colour of the soil was the opposite of that 
of K*e-chow, being ' black,* or blackish. I find it 
difficult to determine exactly the meaning of 
^ (2d tone). Ma Yung defines it by ^ 
^g, 'rich and fat;' Gan-kwtt, by J^ ^, as 
if it meant rising up in mounds or ridges. It is 
better to abide by Ma's meaning. E^ [^ 

It H-^-jSI' '»--''•»*' The 19: 

"^ quotes the passage under ^^ with the 

expL of :^ j^ j^. ^ J^, • UlL' 

Lin Che-k*e observes that the provinces 
on the north and west were very hilly, and 
naturally rich in grass and forests, so that there 
was no occasion to speak of these things in 
connection with tliem. Tlie provinces in the 
south and east, however, were low and wet; 
they sufiTered especially from the inundation; 
all vegetation in them was stunted or unnatu- 
rally rank ; and therefore the grass and trees of 
Yen, Sen, and Yang are all made meution of. 
Hoo Wei observes that this account of 
the grass and trees of Yen-chow, growing lux- 
uriantlv and tall after Yu's labours, would seem 
to be inconsistent with Mencius' observation 
that the inundation made all vegetation more 
luxuriant (Bk. III., Pt. L, iv. 7); and replies 
that Mencius' idea is that the overflowing 
waters caused everywhere a rank jungly growth, 
whereas here the description is of the country 
under the hand of man, drained of the excessive 
floods, and responding readily to the toil put 
forth on it. 

18. Tlie fields of this province were ranked 
in the 6th degree, — the lowest of the middle 

claPs. Its revenue was ^. Tliis char, 

is defined, both by the ancient and modem in- 
terpreters as «=■ ijp , * correct,' * exact,' and fur- 
ther thoy all agree in saying that the revenue 
of this province was the lowest of all. Ts^ae 

brings this meaning out of ^p thus: — *The 

revenue of Yen was the lightest of all ; and the 
sovereigns of the empire consider that the 

lightest revenue is the correct thing' (J^ ^^ 
it^iE>- Therestofthepar.,-f^-^ 
^^ ^£ w Tjr H» ^^ considers an addition- 
al circumstance. Not only was the revenue 
fixed at the lowest degree, but even that amount 
was not levied till after 18 years of cultivation, 
so much more had Yen suffered fh>ni the over- 
flow of the waters than the other provinces. 
This interpretation is upon the whole the best 

that has been proposed. To take ^^ as des- 
criptive of the cultivation of the laud is in 
harmony with its meaning ererywhere else in 
this Book. The old interpreters,— 6an-kw 5, 

Ch*ing, and Ma Yung,— all took 'jpfe -J- ^ 

^^ WS, ^ descriptive of the length of time 
that it took to deliver Yen from the inundating 
waters, so that it was the very last of the pro- 
vinces on which the work could be reported 

as completed. Gan-kwd gets a meaning for ^ 

— TP. ^^^ ^^ this circumstance: — 'Yen was the 
ninth rescued from the flood, and so its revenue 
was flxed the ninth or last in degree.* Ch4ng 

read on ^ «> Jp with the next characteri^ 
with an adverbial meaning, as* just,' This may 
be done, but then there is nothing in the sen- 
tence to indicate that the revenue was fixed 

at the lowest rate. 18, J^ €^,— Choo 

He says :— ' ^ denotes the offerings presented 

by the princes to the emperor | therefore in aljl 
the eight provinces, beyond the imperial domain^ 
we have mention of them.' Under the Chow 
dyn., those ofiTerings were of nine kinds : — • Ofr 

f erings available for sacrifice * (S^ "b"), vio- 

tims, &c ; ' offerings for the ladies of tnenarenv' 

(^^ S)* ^ '^ '^^ hemp ; ' offerings available 

for vessels,' (9^ *€*)» metal, sounding stones, 

varnish, &c.; 'ofleriugs available for presents 

(^^ €"), gems, silks, horses, &o. ; ' building 

materials' (;kl* '€'); 'offerings of comroodi- 
ties' (^ $)* 'cli^^s^ lu^ materials for 
ilresses' (JK$)i 'feathers and hair' (]^ 
"WT) ; ' sundries ' (AjjJ ^), as fish, fmits, Ac; 
(see the 'Rites of Chow,' ^^ ^» ^ ^ 
^ — ' ;^ ^.) The articles from Yer.- 

chow consisted of varnish, the province produ- 
cing largely the trees which yield it, and silk* 

Digitized by 




PART ni. 


o o %mMM o ±o W 


21 IV. The sea and the Tae mountain were the boundaries of Ts*ing- 


23 The territory of Yu-e Avas defined ; and the Wei and Tsze were 
conducted by their proper channels. 

24 The soil of this province was whitish and rich ; near the sea were 

25 wide tracts of salt land. Its fields were the lowest of the first class, 
and its contribution of revenue the highest of the second. 

26 Its articles of tribute were salt, fine grass-cloth, and the pro- 
ductions of the sea, of various kinds ; with silk, hemp, lead, pine- 
trees, and strange stones, from the valleys of the Tae. The wild 
tribes of Lae Avere taught tillage and pasturage, and brought in 
.their baskets the silk from the mountain mulberry. 

27 They floated along the WSn, and reached the Tse. 

Wi al ^f, ^»~'^^*^ Wi ^^re round bamboo 
baskets, in which manufactured fabrics were 
sent to the capital. The h^ "yT would be 

various kinds of silks, flowered or ornamented ; 
— but not, some say, woven with various colours. 
P. 20. Course to the IIoj en route for the capital. 
To pass from one river into anotlier, without 
having to take the land and cross the country, 

is what is denoted by i^. Some think they 
passed from the Tse into the T*&, and then into 
the IIo. It might be so in some cases, but not 
always. The T*a (in the |^ ^ we find *^, 

and not \S) had its rise in the pres. dis. of 

Chaou-shing (^ ^ ; iat. 36" 8', N., Ion. 48', 
W.), dep. T8*aou-chow, and entered the sea 
near the pres. dis, city of L6-ngan (^ ^r-j 
Iat. 87«6', N., Ion. 2nO', E.) dep of TsMng-cliow. 
Yu is said to have made a junction ^tween 
one of the brandies of the Uo, which he led 
away from Ta-p*ei, and the T'fi. By this the 
tribute bearers could reach the Ho ; and thence 
their course to the capital was well defined. 

Ch. IV. The Account of T8*ing-chow. 
P. 21. Its boundaries. These are gtreu very 

indefinitely,— the sea and Tae. Tae is the same 
as Tae>t8ung, Can. of Shun, p. 8, the well known 

T'ae-shan (^^ Qj). In the note on that pass., 

the district of T^ae«ngaa, where the mountain 
is, is said to belong to the dep. of Tse^nan. 
formerly did ; but T*ae-ngan is now constituted 
itself an independent department. The position 
of T^ae-ngan city is given from Medhurst m 
the same place as d6''30', N. Iat., l** £. Lou. 
According to Biot, the Iat. is SG^'U', X.^ and tiie 
Ion. 45', £. Tae must be understood in the 

text as defining the boundary of TsHng on the 
west and south. A line drawn in the same Iat. 
would soon reach the Ts^e on the west, and the 
sea on the east, dividing Ts*ing from Sou-chow. 
In the time of the Chow dynasty, we find refe* 

renccs to a wall (-^ "Mf^) built by princes of 
Ts*e, to mark this division, and protect them- 
selves from encroachment on the south. See the 

^ ^^ w^ nj§> *'* ^ '^'^^ ^^^ Ag&in, formed 
the boundary on the north and east ; it would 
do so on the nortli so far, to the point where it 
received the Tse, wliich would then become the 
dividing line between Ts'ingand Yen-chow. As 
to the boundary on the oust, tlie text would 
never give the idea ttiat it passed beyond the 
sea which washes the north and east of the 

Digitized by 


Bk. I. Cm. IV. 21—2?'. 



pres. Shan-tunfT, bo that the territory of Ts*ing- 
ehow extended indefinitely into Leaou-tung, and 
Chaou-seen or Corea. So it would appear, how- 
ever, to have done. When Shun extended Yu's 
nine provinces to twelve (Can. of Shun, p, 10), 
he divided Ts'ing-chow into T&*ing and Ying 

(^) ;— he tut ofiP, that is, from Ts'ing all the 
indefinitely extended portion lying north and 
east across the sea, from the present Shan- 
tung ; and constituted it into a new province. 

In confirmation of this, the ^ !^ may be 
referred to, where, in the enumeration of the 
nine provinces, we do not ha ve t he name of 
T8*ing-chow, but read instead— ^C Q ^)ff|* 
•TB*e was called Ying-chow/ Now Ts'e em- 
braced nearly all of Ts^ing-chow west of the 

sea. The calling it ^^ proves how Tsing and 
Ying were connecteoTand is a sufficient answer 
to the view of some who contend that the 
Ying-chow of Shun was a section of K*e-chow, 
and not of T8*ing-chow. The * Boundaries of the 
Empire in successive Dynasties ' says : — * Tsing- 
chow embraced the three departments of TsMng, 
Ting, and Lae, with the western portion of 
Ttie-nan, extending also to all the parts of 
Leaou-tung and Ting-leaou.' 

Pp. 22, 28. Engintering labours. 22. |i|^ 

H Wt Bl&»-0«n-^w6 defines Bg- by ^ 
^h A\y *to expend a little labour upon ;' but 

the term — used only here in the description of 
Yu's operations — has probably a more definite 
signification. In the first meaning given to 

^ in Uie diet., it is coupled with j^,HJ^ 

Jj&y meaning * to define * — or, perhaps to survey 

— * the boundaries.* T8*ae adopts this meaning, 

and adds '^. ^^ ^J* U^, * to raise dykes and 

boundaries about it.' Yu-e is the same as the 
Yu-e, to which Yaou sent the second brother He, 
to observe the rising sun (Can. of Yaou, p. 4). 

The name K^ f| » writen also itj^ f|t P| 
^ ; *^ ^ (evid. a mistake for ^), and 
perhaps in other ways. Those who confine 
Ts*ing-chow within the pres. Shan-tung refer 

this place to the small dep. of Ning-hae (^S, 

j^ j^l lat. 80"86', N., Ion 4"18', E.) in T&ng- 
chow. But as Yaou would send He to the re- 
motest point eastwards, which was witliin the 
limits of the empire, and we have seen that 
T8*ing-chow extended to the pres. Corea, it is 
more natural to conclude that Yu-e was some 

tract in that region. ^8. |^ yg ^ jg, 

— lU^ • the Wei and the Tsze, their channels,' U^ 
were conducted by their proper channels. iM] 

^—^ ^, p. 8, T8*ae says, indeed, that 
^- ^A ^^^^^^ *bat Yu led the rirers here 
to their proper channels, while ffit *^ shows 

that they were new channels which he made to 
divide the force of the Ho ; but we saw reason 
to question this view of that portion of Yu's 
labours. The river Wei n»ci> iu the uortU- 

east of Keu-chow (lat^ 35'*3B', N.; Ion. 2*»52', 
W.), dep. of E-chow (^ »|||), and flowing east 
passes by Choo-shing (^ ^) in Ts*ing chow. 
Thence proceeding north, it enters the sea, 50 le 
to the north-east of Ch*angyih(S S i^; 
lat., 8C'*52', N.; Ion., 2«15', E.). The Tsze 

( J^ is not found in the g^ '^. Keang-shing 

edits ^, with which "^ was interchanged) 
rises in the northern slope of Yuen hiU (1^ 
jjj), 25 & to the West of Poh-san dis. city (|||[ 
1 1[); thence it flows north-eastwards past the 
districts of Yih-too (:^ -^^ Lin-tsze (^ 
y^), Loh-ngan (^ ^), and Show-kwang 
(^ ^),— all in Ts*ing-chow. Not far from 

this last city Hat. 36^55', N.; Ion., 2'*32', E.), it 
enters the sea by the embouchure of the Ts4ng 

water C^ y!^f^)* With the Wei and 

Tsze, Yu's labours in Ts*ing-chow terminated ; 
—he had less to do here than in other provinces. 

Pp. 24 — 26. Soil, revenue^ and tribute. 
2*- M ± Q i^-t^ pp. 7 and 17. '^ 

descriptive of a country which is salt.' Accord, 
to the ij^ "^, Jj: and [^ are synonyms, salt 

tracts in the east being described as FfT) ^^^ 
similar tracts in the west as t^ . The country 
intended in the text was doubtless the coast 
of the two departments of Tfing and Lae, where 
there is an active preparation of salt at the 
present day. The ancient kingdom of Ts*e 
was noted for its advantages of salt and flsh. 
25. The fields of this province were only 
second in the empire to those of Yung and Seu. 

26. 4ffi, — this char, denotes a fine fabric made 

of the fibres of the ^S, or doUdum tvberosu$. A 

coarser fabric of the same kind was called ^^>. 
Hoo Wei observes tliat in subsequent ages these 
fabrics were required only from the southern 
regions, with the single exception of 15 pieces 
of j^ ]S, which continued to be required 

from Lin-tsze (B§ J^)*""* ^^^^ ^^ ^°*' *^* 

rangements. ;^^ f^ ^'""i^ ^» 

' things of the sea,' i.e., fishes, crabs, oysters, 
&c. Gan-kwd here defines ^^t m in p. 8, by 
^^ ^fe — * ^1^, 'mixed, not of one kind 
only.' In opp. to this, Lin Che-k*e says that j^ 
Mn sufficiently declares the variety of the 

articles, without the addition of t^ ^^ to 
convey the same idea. Comparing the sentence 
with II :^ ^ ^ fl 7(^, p. 44, he 
Argues tlmt ^ must be something dififereot 

Digitized by 





o:fHo# It m ^ ^ mi 

28 V. The sea, the Tae viountain^ and the Hwae were the boundaries 
of Ts'ku-chow. 

all uniting their waters. T)i9 course of the main 
stream may be thus described. It took its rise 
in the dis. of Lae-woo (^ ^^ ; lat., 86'*16', N., 
lon^ 1*»26', E.), dep. of T'ae-ngan. Flowing 
past the districts of T*ae*ngan, Fei-shing (J9|£ 

^), and Ning-jang (^ ^), on to tho 

subordinate dep., of TungwpMng {^S ^P; iat.» 
36^)7', N., Ion., 03, E.\ it entered the Tse. This 
ancient course of the Wftn cannot now be traced. 
It was direrted, during the Yuen and Ming 
dynasties, to feed the Grand Canal. 

Ch. V. Thb account of Seu-chow. 
P. 28. Boundaries. Three boundaries of Ihli 
province are mentioned, while of the other 
proTinces only two are siiecified. There was 
the sea on the east ; the Tae mountain on the 
north ; and the river Hwae on the south. For 
the Hwae see on Part ii., p. 11. It is sufficient 
here to state that it takes its rise in the dis. of 

T*ung-pih (jjl^ jjffy, lat. 82''20', N., Ion. S'lO', 

W.), dep. Nan-yanjr, of Ho-nan. Flowing east, 
the main stream of it joins the Yellow river in 

the dis. of T84ng ho cM ^; lat. 33'*36', N., 

Ion. 2^84', E.), dep. Hwae-ngan (^ ^\ in 

Keang-soo. In Yu's time it held its own way 
to the sea, and was the dividing line between 
Seu-chow and Yang-chow. The Tae moun- 

tain is as indefinite a boundary for the north of 
Sen, as we saw it was for tlie south of Tsing- 
chow. The north-east dividing-line of the 
two was where the two depp. of E-chow and 
Tsing-chow now touch. No western boun- 

dary is mentioned, in the time of Chow, ac- 
cording to the S^ !^, 'westward from the 

Tse to the sea was Seu-chow * {S^ ^ ^ 

1^ wj). We may conclude, therefore, that the 

Tse was, to some distance at least, the boundary 
between Seu-chow and Yu-chow. Accord- 

ing to the * Boundaries of Successive Dynasties,' 
Seu-chow embraced the territory of the pres. 
dep. of Yen-chow in Shan-tung and all the 
country south to Seu-chow in Keang-soo ; and 

from the small dep. of Suh-chow (^m 444) in 

Fung-yang, and Sse-chow ]^ 444, (both in 
Ngan-hwuy), eastward through Keang-soo, by 
Seu-chow and the north of Hwae-ngan dep., on to 
the dep. of Hae-chow (y& 4»U). A more 

detailed account given in a note in the ^S l3, 
from the * Geography Modernized,* (^jjj ^^^^ 
3^), is to the e£fect that the present Seu-chow 
(in Keang-soo); the four districts of Hwae-yuen 
(^ i£), Woo-ho (3l M>' H^«-l*^n (At 

from "^Sm^ and — 'grinding stones.' Woo 
Ch4ng iidopU the same view, and argnes that 
kfk in the middle of a clause is a conjunctive 
particle, meaning 'and.' The interpretation 
itself is not imlikely, but the meaning given to 
4^ cannot be sustained;— as, e^g^ in p. 21. 

here — ^Ql, 'valleys,' diflPt from its use in the 
*Yih and Tseih,' p. 1. The 'strange stones' 
are very perplexing to commentators. Ts*ae 
gets over the difficulty by supposing they were 
articles indispensable in the making of certain 
Tessels, and not curiosities, merely to be look- 

•^ **• ^ H ft i^.-the note of 

Gan.kw6 on this is:-^ fl Jlfe^' ^ 
IM -fcAr /t^, 'Lae-e is the name of a country, 
adapted for the pasturing of fl jcks.' This must 
be a mistake. ^ ^ can only be ' the wild 

people of Lae.' Yen Sze-koo (j§^ j^j^ "^) 
said they were * the wild people of mount Lae ;* 
and this mountain is referred to the dis. of 
Hwang-heen (^ ^) In T&ng^how. No 

doubt their name remains in tliat of the dep. 
of Lae-chow. We may suppose they were spread 
over the country embraced now in the two depp. 
of Tang-chow and Lae-chow. They continued, 
notwithstanding Yu's discipline and teaching of 
them, wild and intractable down into the Chow 
dyn. They figured at the famous interview be- 
tween the princes of Loo and Ts'e at Ke&-kuh, 
where Confucius distinguished himself (vol. I. 
proleg. pp. 78, 74). Qan-kw5, and Ts'ae after 

him, make ^^ ijA^ one thing, and so did Sze-ma 

Ts'een who reads ^ ^ ^ ^- The view 
In the transl. is more in ace. with the usage of 
^ in this Book. \^o Ch'ing and Hoo Wei 

both approve it. S|| is the name of a moun- 
tain mulberry tree. SiiKworms fed on its leaves 
produced a very tough silk, which made good 
strings for lutes. We can hardly read the text 
otherwise tlian that the baskets of this silk were 
brought by the wild people of Lae. I make this 

note because some would extend the j|^ to the 

"Whole province, like the j|S '^ at the begin- 
ning of the par. 

P. 27. Route of conveyance to the capitaL 
Arriving at the Tse, the tribute-bearers would 
go on to the Ho ; and thence to the capital. This 
we readily infer from the former notices of the 
routes of conveyance. The subject of the 

Win river is a good deal perplexed. Tliere were 
five streams so called, fluoUy, it would appear, 

Digitized by 


Bk. I. Ch. V. 29—85. 



± 4»„4».o ®.o o o o 

O 1 

30 The Hwae and the E rivers were regulated. The hills of Mung 

31 and Yu were brought under cultivation. The lake of Ta-yay was 

32 confined within its proper limits. The country of Tung-yuen was 
successfully brought under management. 

33 The soil of this province was red, clayey, and rich. The trees and 

34 grass became more and more bushy. Its fields were the second of 
the highest class; its contribution of revenue was the average of 
the second. 

35 Its articles of tribute were earth of five different colours ; with 
the variegated feathers of pheasants from the valleys of the Yu; 

ttS^), and Ling-peih (^g ^), in the dep. of 
Fung-jang, with the small depp. of Sze and 
Suh (all in Ngan-hwuy); the aix districts of 
T*aou.yuen (;g^ -Jg), TsMng-ho (>^ ffif), 
Ngan-tung (^ ■^), Suh-ts'een (^ ^), 

Suy-ning (||| ^), and Kan-yu (^ jf^), 
in the dep. of Hwae-ngan, with the small dcpp. 
of P*ei-chow (35K *|^H) find Hae-chow (all in 
Keang-soo); and the whole of Yen-chow, the 
south of P-ing-yin (3^ jj^) district, and Tung 

Ping (^ ^ jlj), in T*ae-ngan, the dep. of 

E-chow, and portions of Tse-nam and T8*ing- 
chow (all in Shan-tung) ; — all these were com- 
prehended in the Seu-chow of Yu. 

Pp. 29—32. En</meering laboum. 29 "Ml 

p(^,~comp. ^ Jg, p. 28. X"/^' '^ 

bring to order/ ' to regulate.' On the Uwae, 
see the prec note and below, Part ii., p. 11. 

Ts*ae quotes from Tsllug Yen-ho C^^^'^ 
like T8*ae, of the Sung dyn., but earlier) a 
remark that the Hwae came out of Yu-chow, 
and when it reached the borders of Sou and 
Yang, its stream was large, and the injury it 
did was specially great in Seu, so that the 
respilation of it is only mentioned in conn, 
with that prov. It is observed on this, in the 

Wt S" ^|l 'j^* **^ft* the^country of Yang 
was loweir than Sen ; the overflow of the Hwae 
could not be less injurious in the more southern 
proYince; and that Yu, no doubt, employed a 
portion of his assistants at the same time upon 
the Yang side, and delivered both provinces at 

once from the evil. Compare what was said on 

'/o M ^ |l^' P- *• ^^^ ^ "^® '"^ *^® 

dis. of E-shwuy C^/jif -^j h.t 86°46', N., Ion. 

2^82', E. ; diflft. hills ^ [Jj, ]^ jjj, &e., are 
assigned as its source. Probably difft. streamlets 
from the same mountain range coalesced in one) 
of E-chow, and passing through that ot T'an- 
shing (>fin ^^)» it enters Keang-soo. There in 
the sub. dep. of P*ei (^K) in Seu-chow, it unites 

with the See (yM)t and proceed, south-east 
to the dis. of Ts'ing-ho, it enters the Hwae. 
[There were other rivers called £ in Seu-chow. 

That mentioned Ana., XL xxv. 7 (y^ -^ 

HJT^ was one of them.] 30. The hill of 

Mung is 40 le to the south of the district city 
of Mung-yin (^ B^ ; lat. 35^50', N., Ion. l'*42', 
E.)t extending to the borders of the dis. of I'e 
( pg). It is the same with that called by Con- 
fucius the eastern Mung (Ana. XVI. i. 4). It 
is mentioned in the Statistical Account of tho 
present dynnsty, that K-een-lung, who several 
times passed the mountain in his visits to 
Keang-soo and ChP-keang, wrote some pieces of 
poetry on the sight of its snow -covered sum- 
mits. Monnt Yu is /e to the north of 
the dis. city of T*an-8hing, hit. 34'»45', N., Ion. 
2'*17', E. This is said to have been the hill 
where Shun kept K*wan a prisoner (Can. of 
Shun, p. 12). The * Statistical Account* says 
there can be no doubt on the point, for on the 
^p of the hill there are two springs which Unite 

VOL. uu 


Digitized by 




PART in. 

and form a deep pool (^W yS), and we are told 

in the "i^ ^m, that the spirit of K^fta was 
changed into a yellow bear, which sprang into 
the gulf of Ya (^ *^ ) ! Hoo Wei, howerer, 
and not without apparent reason, would refer the 
place of K'w&n*8 banishment to a mount Yu, far- 
ther to the east, in the dis. of Fung-lae ( ^ ^ ; 

in Tang-chow. iS ^, * were planted/ 

Hoo Wei observes : -)f^ H # 5 ^ ^ 
B ^S» * J^'t ploughed is called ^Ac. ; already 
planted is called .wk* Wlien the E was re- 
flated, the country on the west of it to Mung, 
and on the east of it to Yu, would be so far 
drained that Yu could proceed to whatever other 
labours were necessary upon it. 81. y^ 

1^ ^ 1^,— Sze-ma Ts'een reads :-^ ^ 
j^P jSk. He avoids, as is common with him, 
the unusual and difficult character. Gan-kw5 
defines :-;|C J^jf ff^ H ^' '^^^^ water 
rests is called ^.* To the same effect is Wang 
Sub', definition -.-j^ ^Jf f? it '^ ^ 
PI 3^. The waters overflowed the borders 
of the lake ; by reducing them and by embank- 
ments, Yu succeeded in confining them within 
their proper limits. We can only speak, it 

will be seen, of the Ta-yay lake or marsh in the 
past tense. It was in what is now the district 
of Keu-yay, lat. 85^*27', N., Ion. 12', W., of the 
dcp. of Ts*aou-chow. In subsequent times it 
was often called the lake of Keu-yay, ^^ and 

^& having the same signification of ' great.' It 
had a connection on the south with the Choo 
(r^) and the Sze, and on the north with the 
Ts'ing and the Tse, so that it must have been 
liable to risings of its waters. The country all 
al>out it has been liable to inundations of the 
Ho. A great one happened a.d. 181, which it 
took more than 20 years to remedy. Repeated 
inundations from the time of the Han dyn. 
obliterated all traces of the labours of Yu. In 
A.D. 1344. the Ho spread over all the districts 
of Keu-yay, Kea-ts'eang(^£jja&). Wfin-shang 

(9^ J^), and Jin-shing i^^ ifi)j ""*^ yf\\^'^ 
it retired south again, this lake was left quite 
dry, a tract of level ground ; — see the ^ ^ 

^|l -ra* '« ^' fThese notices are interesting 
They show tliat the state of the country which 
calleil forth Yu*8 services was not peculiar to 
his time.] 32. Tung-yuen, *the eaatern 

plain,' is now the sub. dep. of Tung-p4ng, and 
some adjacent territory, in the dep. of T*ae-ngan. 
It was in the north of Seu-chuw, but is spoken 

of as eastern, with reference to its position east 
of the Tse. Jfj^ 31,— the J[j£ as has been 
observed before, implies the putting forth of 
effort. The two characters «= * could be levelled ; ' 
but we must understand ^BSL as Gan-kwd did. 

He says •— ^' ^ ^^t* * the meaning is that 
it could be cultivated.' Wang Yen (^ -4J^) 
observes:— * The confining the waters of Ta- 
yay, and then bringing Tung-yuen under ma- 
nagement, were things of which the one was 
the sequel of the other* (^ WQ- 

Pp.83— 86. Soil, revenue, and tribute, 88. 

it ^S S ^^ * ®*^^ adhesive is called day.* 
There can be no doubt of the meaning, dicing 
inate.doftt««<l^. ^y^M"^ 

— *^*® ^^ ^C quotes thia sentence as Ib ^k^ 

^^ 'bL* 'To ^^ ^i ^*^ ^^® signification, 
as applied to trees or shrubs, of * bushy.' Wang 

Sul. explain,,:-^ ;ffi 'fe H ifc' '^ 

means embracing one another,*-'showing that lie 
read ^jSl, and an intelligible description of a 
bushy shrub. j^ -=i * gradually,' * advan- 

cing by degrees.' 34. Tlie cultivable ground 

of Seu ranked in the second grade, and its re- 
venue was only in the fifth, 86. ^^ ^ 

m , — the soil of Seu-chow was red. Such wa« 
its general character, but in different parts 
earth of different colours must have been found ; 
especially was the country about the pres. dis- 
tricts of Choo-shing ia&^A^y^^^ T*ung-shaB 
( jB Llf) ^^ Seu-chow, famed for its coloured 
earths. The meaning of this tribute is thus 
expanded by Ying-tfc fVom Gan-kwQ : — * The em- 
perors raised a mound of earth of the five 
colours, as an altar to the spirits of the land. 
On the investiture of any prince, a quantity of 
earth, of the colour characteristic of the region 
where his principality lay, was cut away and 
given to him, which he took home to build an 
altar with. All the altars thus built, however, 
were covered with yellow earth. The earth 
was given to each prince, in bundles covered 
with white rushes, emblematic of purity.' Ying- 
ti quotes also from Han Ying's preface to 
the She King, to the effect that the emperor's 
altar was five cubits square, green on the east, 
red on tlie south, white on the west, black on 
the north, and all covered with yellow earth. 
[Comp. Naaman'sj^equest to Elisha, 2 Kings, v. 

J^, p. 26. The diet., with reference to this 
passage^ defines ^S by J^ ^.i * having the 

Digitized by 


Bk. I. Ch. V. 35, 56. 





the solitary dryandra from the south of mount Yih ; and the sound- 
ing stones that seemed to float near the banks of the Sze. The wild 
tribes about the Hwae brought oyster-pearls and fish ; and their 
baskets full of deep azure silks, ana other silken fabrics, chequered 
and pure white. 
They floated along the Hwae and Sze, and so reached the Ho. 

Hve colours,* variegated, and we ma y ac cept 
this meaning, though some would make jS 3^ 
together the name of a pheasant found about 
the Yu, S| O^ih) alone means a long- tailed 
pheasant. The ancient Chinese made great use 
of feathers on their flags and banners, and for 
ornament generally. *! ^ ^ 1^'— 

ll^ ^» *^**® *°^*^ °' ^*^* TUcTQ were two 
mountains of this name, one north in the pres. 
dis. of Teow (^^ WL) in Yen-chow, and the 

other south, called ^ML ||^ in the sub. dis. of 

P*ei (3K) in Seu-chow. It is the latter which 
is intended in the text. The wood of the dry- 
andra is always considered good for making 
lutes. The older and loftier the tree, the better 
for the purpose. One that stood solitary on the 
hill-side or top, having outlived all its compeers, 
would possess a special value. This is, I sup- 
pose, the force of the Bjj^, or * solitary.* ypj 
]^ j$ ^t,— -the Sze, which rises in the dis. 
of Sze-shwuy(^ -^ ; lat. 86"48', N., Ion. l^ 
E. The dis. takes its name from the stream, and 
that again, named from the fact that it is 
formed by /our streamlets, each with its separate 
spring, in Yen-chow, is now one of the feeders of 
the Grand canal. In Yu*s time it flowed into the 
Hwae in the country of the present Seu-chow. 
It was after its entrance into the pres. Keang- 
•oo, in the pres. district of Thing-shan (^^ ijt ), 
that the sounding stones of the text were found. 
The reason why they are spoken of as * floating ' 
seems to be that suggested in the translation by 
the addition of * seemed to.* At any rate, that 
is the explanation of the older interpreters. 
Other views may be seen in the ^ "S* ^^ 

ir^ pS can only mean * the wild people about 
the Hwae.* They continued rebellious and in- 

tractable long after Yu*s time;— see Confucius' 
Preface, parr. 40, 55. Gan-kw5 blunders here, 
as we saw lie did upon ^ ^, p. 26. He says 

that Jw and B& are tlie names of two rivers. 
Wang-Sub and Ma Yung agreed with him ; but 
Ch*ing explained as in tlio translation, mg la 

another name for ^£, the common term fur 

thepearloyster. MM^MB^- 

here these baskets of silks would seem to have 
been brought also by tlie wild tribes of the 
Hwae, and so the Daily Explanation expressly 

^^MtfUM .■^)'-«<»'»p- «° p- 2«. 

Still, BB gg may refer to the whole province, 

descriptive of three kinds of silken fabrics: — 
the first expressing the colour as being ^n B ^ 
* red and black,' a deep azure ; the second in- 
dicating a chequered silk, with a black warp 
and white woof (M ^ ^ /$^)> '^^ ^^*® 
third, a fabric wliite and uuornamented. Other 
accounts of these characters may be found in 
Hoo Wei. 

P. Z6. RouU of conveyance to (he Ho. ^^ 
•^ |fp|*,-Keang Shing edits j|| ^ ^* 
after the §fr "^T; but the analogy of the cor- 
responding par. in the account of the other 
provinces is sufficient to justify the reading of 
the text. We have |^, moreover, in the ' His- 
lorical Records.* As to the route itself, it will 
suffice to give the paraphrase of the * Daily 
Explanation:*— * The tribute was conveyed 
northwards from Sen. First, they floated in 
boats along the Hwae, and ft-om the Hwae 
entered the Sze. Proceeding then still north, 
tliey went on to the Ho from the Sie» either by 
the Yung (jStt) or by the Tse.* 

Digitized by 





_ _ Bm.m o 


% mi 

O ^f 

37 VI. The Hwae and the sea formed the boundaries of Yang-chow. 

38 The lake of P'ang-le was confined to its proper limits; and the sun 
40 birds had places to settle on. The three Keang were led to enter 

the sea; and it became possible to still the marsh of Chin. 

Ch. VI. The account of Yang-chow. 

P. 87. BoundaruB, The Hwae wa« the bound- 
ary on the north, and it is natural to suppose 
that the other boundary mentioned, the sea, 
should be referred to the south of the province. 

This was the view of Gan-kwo (;J[^ |^ ^ 

"^ 5£ 1^)- ^ i* ^^'^ really so, Yang-chow 
must have extended along the coast as far as 
Cochin-china, and not a few Chinese scholars 
are ready at the present day to argue that it 
did so. Others restrict it to more likely di- 
mensions. Hoo Wei contends that the sea 
which has been specified as a boundary of the 
provinces of TsHng and Seu was that along 
their east coast, and similarly ought we to 
think of the sea as a boundary of Yang. K'ang- 
shing had said, rather indefinitely, that * the 
boundaries of Yang-chow were from the Hwae 

southwards to the sea along the east (J& m 

have caught the exact meaning of his words, — 
^ 1^ J:^ .^'""^ think the amount of his 
interpretation is all that we can conclude from 
the text. Yang-chow extended from the Hwae 
southwards along the coast, but how far is not 
said. No other province was beyond it in 
the south, but that it did not extend to the 
southern shores of the pres. Kwang-tung we 
may be sure;— where it really did terminate 
we cannot tell. The articles of tribute and 
revenue in Yu*8 time, and the hills and waters 
mentioned in the account of the empire under 
the Chow dynasty, lead us to conclude that 
the imperial dominions did not then extend 
beyond what is called the * southern mountain- 
range,* and the ' five mountains ' (JSa 4^ and 

y ^). Williams in his < Middle Kingdom,' 

p. 127, says of this: — *The Nan Ling runs 
along the north of Rwang-tung, between it 
and Keang-se and Hoo-nan. The chain takes 
forty or fifty names in its course from Kwang- 
sc to Fuh-keen, but no part of it is so well-known 
as tlie road, twenty four miles in length, which 
crosses the Mei ling, between Nan-ngan and 
Nan-heung * [The names of the * Five ling,* in 

Hoo Wei's charts, are ^^ ^^ on the west, ^ 

east.l Of course the territory of China 

proper gradually extended south and west; 
but it was the ambition of the founder of the 
Ts'Hi dynasty, which first formally incorporated 
the southern regions with it. Anjong the forty 

tracts (5§)J) into which he divided his empire, we 

have those of Nan-hae (^^ jf'jfe), Kwei-lin (;j^ 

/jki\ and Seang (^.)> embracing Kwang-tung 
and Kwang-se on to An-nam or Cochin-china. 
Hoo Wei, tracing the eastern border of Yang- 
chow along the coast of Keang-soo, Cb6-keang, 
and Fuh-keen, extends it to Ch'aou-yang (^8 

^; lat. 23'^22'. N., Ion, 18', E.) dis., of Ch*aou- 

chow dep., in Can. province. This is certainly 
bringing it far enough south. 

The western boundary of Yang-chow is left 
quite undefined. Along the greater part of 
its course it was conterminous with King-chow, 
and in the north-west with Yu-chow. 

The 'Boundaries of Successive Dynasties' 
speaks within bounds, when it assigns to Yang- 
chow the present Che-keang, Keaug-se, and 

•^ ^^). To those three provinces the * Daily 

Explanation' adds Kwang-tung, of which only 
a small portion, if any, can be assigned to it. 
And neither of these accounts carries the pro- 
vince so far west as it went, nor do they give 
the more northern portion of it. A note in 

the ^fe 'jtt, from * Geography Modernized/ 
gives the area more in detail. Modernizing 
its statements a second time, we may say that 
Yang-chow contained— of Keang-soo, the de* 
partments Keang-ning (]^ ^^)> Soochow 
^M ^H^' Sung-keang {^ j^), Chang- 
chow {j^ j^\ Chin-keang {^fL\ an4 
Yang-chow (Q|r ^), with the districts of 
Shan-yang(|J4 g|r), and Yen-shing(^^), 
in the dep. of Hwae-ngan (^^ ^') ; of Ngan- 
hwuy, the departments Ngan-k4ng {^r j|^)» 
Hwuy-chow (jj^ ^|»j), Ning-kwO (^ g> 
Ch'e-chow (]^ 4|), T'ae-p4ng {-j^ 2^\ 
Leu-chow (|S Ml), with the smaller depp. 
of Ho Chow (^). Seu Chow (j|^), and 
Kwang-tih ( |^ ^[X together with the small 
dep. of Show Chow (^a)t snd the districts of 
Fung-yang (J^ ^), Ting-yuen (^ j^), 

Digitized by 


Bk. I.Cu/VI 37— 40. 



and Ling-peih (^g -^), in Fung-yang dep., 
the districts of Hoh-k'ew (^ ^R) and T*ae- 
ho (^ 5(<nX ill ^^'?- of Ying.chow (^ »||j), 
and those of Yu-ch*e (^ 0^), and T'een- 
ch'ang (^ -^), in Sze Chow (]^ jf|)i of 
Ho*nan, the districts of Kwang-shan (^^ 1 1[), 
and Koo-ch*e (^ i[^) in the small dep. of 
Kwang (-T^ jl^H^* and of Hoo-pih, the small 
4ep. of Ke (^K j\\) an^ the districts of Lo- 
feen (^ gj), Ke-shwuy (^ ;;^), Kwang. 
t«e (^ ^), and Hwang-raei (^ ^), in 

the dep. of Hwang-chow (^^r »|*j^). The above 
may be considered the northern portion of the 
province. Southwards, accoi"ding to the same 
detail, were Che-keang, Keang-se, Fuh-keen, and 
the dep. of Ch*aou-chow in Kwang-tuug. 

Pp. 38 — 41. Enyineering labours. 88. 

1^ ^ — see p. 31. The P»ang.le is the 

famous lake well known as the Po-yang, so 
called from the name of an island in it ( 

1 1[). It is in the northern part of K^ng-se, 
and is stated to be 450 le in circumference, its 
waters lapping the coast of 4 diflfk. depp., — Nan- 

ch*ang (^ ^ ; lat. 28''87', N. Ion. 38', W.), 

whose chief city isdis. from it to the south-west 

150 ^; JaoU'Chow on the east (^^ Ml ; lat. 

28'»59', N., Ion. 14', E.) distant from it40/€/ 

Nan-k*ang in the north-west (^ J^; lat. 29** 

81', N., Ion. 27', \V.) distant 6 le; and Kew- 

keang, also on the northwest ( "^ y]2; lat. 

29«54', N., Ion. 24', W.), dis. 90 le. The P'ang- 
le marsh or lake received many streams. (Lew 
Hiu, of tlie Han. dyn., enumerated nine\ The 
services of Yu were required to regulate its 
banks, and keep the waters within their proper 

limits. 89. ^ ,%j^ Jg,— one scholar, 
Lin Chc-k'e,.snpposes that ^ JgL may be the 

name of a place. Tliis view might come sub- 
stantially to the same as the common traditional 
interpretation, which there is the less reason, 

therefore, to call in question. |£r "^ Q * ^ the 
Bun,' as the great source of energy and bright- 
ness. ^ ^1^, 'sun birds,* are wild geese, 

who follow the course of the sun. *In the 
winter months they live upon the islets of this 
lake, in flocks which may be counted by hun- 
dreds and thousands. The sun in summer travels 
south, and in winter nortii. The geese come 
south in the 9th month, and in the first month 
go north again. Thus tlicy avoid the cold and 
repair to the regions of heat, and are therefore 
called sun birds* (Woo Ch'ing). The overflow- 
ing and disarrangement generally of the lake 
had driven these birds from their K)rmer haunts, 
to which they could now return after Yu's 
operations. It does seem a trivial circum- 

stance to mention in such a condensed account 

of Yu*s labours ; and it was not unnatural for 
Lin Ciie-k'e to cast about for another explana- 

Pp. 40, 41. ^ 2ll Wt A»""^^® disputes 
about the three Keang are endless ; and I do 
not think it is possible to settle them so as to 
place the meaning of the text beyond dispute. 
It seems proper to join the par. with the next, — 

^S[ y§^ JU^ ^p ; and there is an agreement In 
the opinion that the * Shaking Marsh ' was what 
is now called the * Great Lake,* ("^ |^), in 
the south-west of the dep. of Soo-cliow, and in 
the borders between Keang-soo and Che-keang. 
It would seem Uiat it was owing to the opera- 
tions on the three Keang that it became possible 
(Jfj^) *to settle* the disturbed waters of the 
lake. This would take us away from the great 
Keang, the Yang-tsze, which flows through 
Kiiang-soo to the sea considerably north of S(K)- 
chow. Accordingly, Ts*ae Ch4n follows the 

authority of Yu Chung-ch*oo (jffi ^^ ^0; 

Tsin dynasty. Died about the middle of the 
4th century), who mad? the three Keang to be the 

Sung-keang ( Jf^ /I)» ^>th the two branches 
into which it separates 70 le after issuing from 
the lake, the L*ow Keang (M [in this sense 
read low] /XX lowing north-east into the sea, 
and the Tung Keang (^^ ^Il)» flowing south- 
east. The place where the Sung divided, was 
called the 'Mouth of the three Keang,' (IH^ 

21 O )> ^^ ^® ^^*^® ®^^^ ***® •*'"® name, in 
the north of the dis. of Woo-keang (^ *^), 
This view would seem to satisfy the require- 
ments of the text, but it is objected to it that 
the existence of the Tung Keang has never been 
proved ; — see Maou K*e-ling, in loc. The Sung 
and the Low might be accepted as one of the 
three Keang, but cannot be the whole three. 

When we turn, moreover, to the ^ ^^, we 

find in the jj^ ^' mention made more than 
once of the *■ three Keang.* It is said paticularly 
in one place that * the three Keang surrounded ' 
(ss traversed in various directions) * the States 

of Woo and YuS' (^ ;^ ^ ;^, 1^ ^ 

^ 3^)- The three Keang of Chung-ch'oo by 
no means answer to this description. 

The oldest view of the passage—and it is that 
followed by SooTTung-po, which Ts'ae mentions, 
but only to argue against it — considered the 
'three Keang* to be only anotlier name for 
the * Great Keang,* — the Yang-tsze. It was 

founded on the expressions "^a }\ HP jj^ 

^ fjL^ P- ^' Ching K*ang-shing said :— * On 
the left uniting with the Han, it became the 
northern Keang, and after meeting with the 
P*ang-le it became the southern Keang; between 
these wns the Min Keang, which was the middle 
Kvaug ;— so at least it was called after issuing 

Digitized by 





42 The bamboos^ small and large, then spread about ; the grass grew 
long and thin, and the trees rose high ; the soil was all miry. 

43 The fields of this province were the lowest of the lowest class ; its 
contribution of revenue was the highest of the lowest class, with a 
proportion of the class above. 

44 Its articles of tribute were gold, silver, and copper; yaou and 

Batisfactoiy explanation of the different order 
observed here. M M Wt WC'-B 

is the name of a small-stemmed bamboo. Oan- 
kwd explains it by ^nf ^ct ; but we are not 

to interpret SS by * arrow.' It is merely here 

a synonym of the term in the text. ^C is the 

name of a large species of bamboo, * the joints 
of whose stem are a fathom apart'; — so said 

Le Seun (^ ^ ; Han dynasty). ^=-^. 

Gan-kwd expands :—^pJ^ -^ Q^ ^^ jtpj 
* when the water was removed, they spread about 
and grew.* "^T, — comp. the quotation from 
the She in the Great Learning, comm. ix. 6, — 
^fe j^ ^c* ^f*. Gan-kwtt explains it here 
by A^ -^, the meaning of which I have en- 
deavoured to giye in the translation. ^S- 

1^ ^define. '^ by H-t^^K^ 

ySi ^ black earth in the midst of Water.' 
We can hardly accept this as a description of 
the soil of a province so large as we have seen 
Yang-chow described to be. It shows, however, 
how greatly the country, where Yu had been, 
had suffered from the overflow of the rivers. 
43. The fields were of the lowest or ninth 
grade ; the revenue was of the seventh, with a 
proportion of the sixth. ^ ^q ,— see on par. 8. 

Tliis \\ is in the second tone, meaning * going 

up' into the class above, 44. ^^ ^^ 

iJl,— * the three grades of metal.' Those were 
gold, silver, and copper. In the 'Historical 
Records,' i^ ^ -f"» ^ '2^ §» we read: 

from the P*ang-le. The three Keang separating 
at the P»ang-le into three openings (or orifices) 

entered eastwards into the sea*; — see the ^^ 

^S . This account is not very intelligible. One 

part of it would seem to make the one stream of 
the Yang-tsze, called by three names in three 
parts of its course, to be the ' three Kcang,' and 
again this stream would seem to have separated 
into three at the P'ang-Ie. As, however, the 
one or the three entered into the sea, without 
approaching the * Shaking Lake.* we do not see 
how the settlement of that should be connected 
with the * three Keang.' Gan-kw6 thought 

* that the three Keang* were the * Great Keang,* 
and said, with Ch-ing, tliat it divided into three 
after leaving the P*ang-le, but those three 
branches he conducted aU to the * Shaking Lake,* 
from which again they proceeded by three 
courses to the sea. This cannot be the true 
view. It would oblige us to suppose an altera- 
tion fVom the ancient channel of the grand 
stream to that which it now pursues of which 
we have no evidence. As I said, at the 

beginning of the note, we do not know what 
rivers the three Keang were. Ch'in Sze-k*ae, 
in his notes upon T8*ae's commentary, says at 
this place: — *If we would interpret the text 
without reference to views which have been 
urged, and would look over Yang-chow for the 
rivers of most advantage or capable of being 
most injurious to it, we shall find none equal to 
the Great river, — the Yang-tsze, the Sung Keang, 
and the Che Keang. Maou K^-ling, again, 
makes them out to l^ the Sung Keang, the Ch6 

Keang, and the P'oo-yang (^ jj^). The 

Yang-tsze is too far removed from the others, 
and too vast in itself, to allow us to couple it 
with them. The ChC Keang, from which Che- 
keang province takes its name, and the Sung 
Keang were perhaps two of the three Keang ; 
but I cannot hazard a conjecture about the 

Pp. 42 — 44. Vegetation; soil, revenue^ and 
tribute, 42. Ace. to the analogy of parr. 

17 and 33, we should expect the acitount of the 
vegetation to follow, and not to precede, the 
-description of the soil. I have not found n 

Digitized by 


Be. I. Cu. VI. 34. 



Iceun stones; bamboos small and large; elephants' teetb^ hides, fea- 
thers, hair, and timber. The wild people of the islands brought 
garments of grass. The baskets were filled with woven ornamented 

the nticients there were three degrees of metal : 
— the yellow metal, the highest in value; the 
white metal, the next ; and the red metal, the 
lowest.* I don*t know how or where K*ang-8hing 
got his idea that the text meant *the three 
colours' (bs qualities) *of copper' (^^ ^£ 
'ft ). Hoo Wei has collected a mass of evi- 
dence to show that gold was found in Jaou-chow 
dep. ; that silver also was found there, and in the 

dep. of Lin-keang (^ yX)» *°^ ***** ^^^^ 
were copper mines in various parts of Keang- 
soo. [It IS to the western provinces of Yun-nan 
and S2e-ch*uen that we are now commonly 

referred for the precious metals.] ]^ 3^ 

are said hy Gan-kw5 to be * beautiful gems' 
(^fe -|^) . Wang Suh, however, describes them 
as * fine stones inferior to gems.' He is supported 
^y **^® Ift ^yC expressly in his account of the 
second, and probably also in that of the first ; — 
see the >^ ^. The ^| were used for arrow- 
shafts. One statement says they were solid, 
which I do not know that any bamboo can be. 
The ^K were used,— the larger of them for 
small packing and other cases, the smaller for 
flutes and similar instruments. "m "ST^^ 

^ ^^?K'"''fl^ ^* ^^^ * connective particle, 
«3 ^, *'and.' See note on par. 26, upon ^^ 
^^, Lin Che-k*e says that *by teeth, hides, 
feathers and hair we are to understand whatever 
about animals was available for articles of use or 
for ornament.' More specially, Gan-kwft under- 
stood by * teeth ' the teeth of elephants, and by 
'hides' (]M[ supposes the hair to be taken 
oflO t^e hides of the rliinoceros. This view is 
generally acquiesced in. Are we to suppose 
then that the rhinoceros and elephant were 
found in Yung-chow in Yu's time? They 
may very well have been so. Hoo Wei 

observes that from the mention or supposed 
mention of these animals some argue for the 
extension of the limits of the province beyond 
the southern mountain-range to Kwaug-tung, 
Kwang-se, and An-nam, and replies that the 
princes might be required to send articles of 
value and use purchased fi-om their neighbours, 
as well as what they could procure in their own 
territories. ^ ^ j^ ^,— Keang 

Shing here reads & ^, as in p. 10. The 
liistorical Rcwrds read as in the text. The 

occurrence of the name again confirms the 
ordhiary reading. One tribe of wild people, 
north or south, might have been called the 
* Bird barbarians ;' but when the name is applied 
equally to the two extremities of the empire 
along the sea-board, we must take the phrase 
as having nothing special in its signification. 
Hoo Wei would carry us chiefly to Japan for 
the people here intended ; but that is too remote. 
Possibly the name may include tlie inhabitants 
of Formosa, and the Chusan arehipelago, as well 
as of the islands generally along the east coast. 

#:^-^j^;g. Jf i.«general 
name for grasses.' Ts'ae would extend it to 
' cotton,* the production of a plant, so that jti* 

ff^ should include dresses of cotton ; but the 
cultivation of cotton was flrst introduced into 
China during the Sung dynasty. The Jlf HB 
were garments, I apprehend, made of gniss or 
straw, manipulated indeed, but not having 
undergone any operations of machinery, however 
rude. ^J£K ^i,— Gan-kwd takes these for 

two things,— * fine woven fabrics,* and *fine 
shells.' Those shells, it has been supposed, were 
to serve as pieces of money, for purposes of 
exchange. But such a use of shells cannot 
be proved to have existed in the time of Yu. 

would rather seem to be the name of 

some kind of silken manufacture. So this phrase 
is generally taken. Ching, on the authority of 
a passage in the She King, defines S by ^9 

^Z, * the name of variegated silks.* Woo Ch*iDg 

says : — * When the silk was dyed of various col- 
ours, and then woven into patterns, the fabric was 

called iSb ^i ; where the patterns were made 

with silk not so dyed of various colours, the 

fabric was called j^ yC'* ^'^^^ ^ra '* ^ 

small orange, the citrus mandarinus. It grows 
farther north than the common orange. The 
MB or pummelo seems to grow best in Fuh-keen. 

~ yf\ *^ 4b^, *when the order was given, 

they were sent ; this was not a regular tribute.' 
Wang Suh gives the same explanation, and 
adds that these fhiits were only required from 
Yang-chow as a supplement to those of King- 
chow. K*ang-shing took a diffl. view, but what 

he understood exactly by ^St can hardly be 
known. He says;— 'When there was ^t, it 

Digitized by 





silks. The bundles contained small oranges and pummeloes: — 
rendered when specially required. 

45 They followed the course of the Keang and the sea, and so reach- 
ed the Hwae and the Sze. 

46 VI 1. The King m(?wntoVi and the South o{ the mountain Hwang 
were the bowidaries of King-chow. 

meant by * the south of H9ng ? * Yinj?-tl replies : 
— * Sonth of Hang there was no otlier famous 
mountain or large river which could l>e named 
as bounding the province. The specification of 
** the south " shows us that the province extend- 
ed beyond, southwards from the mountain.' I 
think it likely that King-chow extended towanis 
the southern range, mentioned in speaking of 
the boundaries of last province. On the east 
King-chow and Yang-chow were conterminous, 
and on the west there was L'eang-chow. 

The * Boundaries of Successive Dynasties' 
says: — 'The present Hoo-kwang' (ue.^ Hoo-pih 
and Hoo-nan); the dep. of Tsun-e (.jgL ^§> 
now belongs to Kwei-chow) in Sze-ch*uen, with 
the south of Chung-k*ing (^? ^g) dep ; the 

depp. of Sze-nan (^g^ ^), T*ung-jin (^ 
>^), Yin- chow (J^ j^ ) and Sldh-td'een (^ 
|ff), in Kwei-chow ; the whole of Kwang-se ; 

and Leen-chow ^B yU) dep. in Canton:— all 
these territories ' were comprehended in King- 
chow.' As this authority gare the extent of 
Yang-chow too limitedly, it thus extends King- 
chow too much. The Jih ]^ -^ J^ gives 
the following detail : — * King-chow em braced — of 
the pres. Hoo-kwang the eleven depp. of Woo- 
ch'ang (^ ^ ), Han-yang (yS ^), Ngan- 
luh (^ ill), King-chow (^^), YC-chow 
(-^ j]]\ Chiang- sha (-^ £j?), Hftng-chow 
(tij j\\\ Chang-tih (^ fj§), Shin-chow 
(J^ j'H)* P«o«-k»ing (^ J^), and Yung- 
chow(^ T|i)i *l80 the two small depp. of 
Ch*in (MIJ) and Tsing ( J^), and the wards of 
Sze-chow (f^ Wl i&), together with the dis. 
of Nan-chang, dep. Scang-yang, the five district! 
of Ngan-luh (4^ |^), Yun-mung (^ ^X 

Heaou-kan (^ ^), Ying-shing (^ ^). 
and Ying-shan (J^ |Jj), and the south of the 
sub. dep. of Suy (||§),— all in dep. of Tih-ngaa 

was sent ; when there was none, it was not sent 
as tribute. It is with ^St that we soften metal ' 

has the nieaning of tin ; but any mineral article 
of tribute would not be mentioned here in 
connection with the fruits. We must adhere 
to the view of K'ung and Wang. 

V. 45. Moute of conveyance to the capital 

^Jfl* seems to have the meaning of going with the 

current and keeping along the shore. The 
tribute-bearers so passed down the Keang to 
the sea, and then turning north proceeded along 
the coast to the mouth of the Hwae, which 
stream they ascended to the place where 
it received the Sze. By the Sze they would 
go on to the Ho. This par. would seem 

to show that there is an error in Mencius* ac- 
count of Yu's labours, Book HI., Part I., 
iv. 7. He there says that * Yu opened a vent 
for the Joo and Han, and regulated the 
course of the Hwae and Sze, so that they all 

flowed into the Keang' (^ J^ If^'^^ ^ 

^> rffi /i ^ */ll)- ^'*^' ^® ^"^^ ^* "^^ 
not till the Chow dynasty, that a channel or canal 
was cut across the country to connect the Hwae 

and the Keang ; — see the itp 4JB ra "ff^ ^fe. 

Mencius does appear to have made a mistake. 

Ch. VII. The account of King-chow. 
This province was bounded on the north by the 
mountain King, — the southern King as it is 

termed (^ ^ ^ ^J |Jj)' *® distinguish 
it from the mount King of Yung-chow (p. 76). 
It is mentioned again. Part ii., par. 8. It is in 
Hoo-pih, 80 le east and north from the dis. city 
of Nan Chang (^ ^; lat. 3r47', N., ion. 

4'*46', W.), dep. of Seang-yang (^ |^). East 
and west f^om it were other hills, and barrier- 
passes ( ^B among them, which separated King 

from Yu-chow. On the south the prov. was 
bounded by the south of mount H^ng, which is 
a very indefinite expression. Hftng(or HwSng)- 
shan itself is 30 /ie to the west of the dis. city of 
H&ng-shan (so called from the mount.; lat. 
27''14', N., Ion. 3"51', W., BiotX dep. lUng- 
chow, Hoo-nan. It is the southern mountain 
of the Canon of Shan, par. 8. But wliat is 

(^ ^), the four districts of Hwang-kaiiff 

Digitized by 


Bk. I. Ch* VTI. 47—49. 



47 The Keang and the Han pursued their common course to the sea, 

48 as if they Avere hastening to court. The nine Keang were brought 

49 to complete order. The T'o and Ts'een were conducted by their 

(^ ^ ), Ma-sbing (jj^ljjg), Hwang^pe (^ 
1^), and Hwang-ngan (t^ ^) of the dep. of 
Uwang^chovr ; of SEo-ch*ueii) th e di s. of Keen- 
ch*e (t^ ^) in K*weiHjhow (^ jjj) dep. ; 
and of Kwang-se) dep. Kwei-lin) the dis. of that 
ikame, and the north of Uing-ngan (^L ^r) 

Pp. 47-50. Ennineenng hbowri, 47. The 

Keang, and the Han, — see oh Part ii^ parr. 8 
and 9. Tlie K.eang entered King-chow in the 

pres. dig. of Pa-tung (g^ ^; lat. 8lX N., 
Ion. 6^1', W.), dep. of EnOi^ang (^ g), and 
pursuing an eastern course to the dep. city of 
llan-yang, receires the waters of the Han (lat. 
50-34', N., Ion. 2n8', W.). The Han flows from 
Shen-se into Hoo^pih in the dep. of Yun-yang 

(IB ^ J ^^P- ^^*J^» ^*- ^^"^9'* N^ Ion., S'-sr, 
W.), and then holds a south-eastern course to 
its junction with the Keang. We may 

suppose that Yu expended no small amount of 
labour on the two rivers, fh>ra their entrance 
into King-chow on to the point of their junction. 
Particularly is he said to have operated on a 
narrow pass in the dis« of Pa-tung (called 

B ^ 1^ and = 1^); but aU such 
achievement is passed orer in the text. Wang 
Ts'eaou (^ ;j»||; Ming dyn.) says:— * The six 
characters of the par. bring the mighty stream 
of the united rivers rushing to the sea before 
our eyes. I have looked at it from \Voo-ch*ang, 
and the vast flood dashing on brought to my 
mind the idea of a roan hurrying with all his 
speed on some special mission without a thought 

of anything else.' ^ ^ "J* ;^,«=sacc. 

to Gan-kw6 and K'ang-shing, * with the rever- 
ence for the sea that is seen in court for the 
sovereign.* Ts*ae gives the view of them which 
is seen in the translation. The appearance of 
the princes at court in the spring, he says, was 

called gQ; their appearance in summer was 

called ^^. There is little to choose between 
Uie interpretations. The phrase itself, with a 
similar application, is found in the She King, 
Part II., Book lU., Ode ix. 48. jl^ yj^ 

lf\^ J^,— whatever opinion be come to about 

the ' nine Keang,' I do not see that ^T jlS can 
with any propriety hare a diffl. meaning assign- 
ed to them from that in the translation, which 

is after Ts'ac Ch'in^ who says that i^«a!^, 
VOL. uu 

^^ 15* jE' ^^^r^-jl tL ^ ^f 

@ ^ ^ J£, *The channels of the nine 
Keang were made to be greatly correct.' K*ang* 
shing took j|j^°^^^ and thought that the 
par., — * the nine Keang were very many,* showed 
simply the difficulty which Yu had in regulating 
them. Gati-kwd, again, took j|j^«»pb, and 

Understood the par. to say that <the nine Keang 
occupied all the middle of the land.* On the 
subject of the nine Keang, a hundred pages 
would not contain the discussions on one side 
and another* I will confine myself here to 
the summary given of them by Maou K'cling 

< There are two accounts of the nine Keang. 
The first is that the Great Keang, on arriving at 
King-chow, separated into nine streams ;— and 
this is the nine Keang of the *' Tribute of Yu,'* ' 
(that is, this is the view which Maou himself 
prefers.) 'The second is that the nine Keang is 
another name for the P*ttng-le lake j— and this 
is the nine Keang of the Han and Tsin dynas- 
ties. As to the Tiew of the Sung scholars, 
that the lake of T^ng-t'ing is the nine Keang, 
it is a mere speculation* 

* On the first view it may be remarked that 

the par.— ^ /X ^ j^* standing where it 
does, proves clearly that the nine Keang were 
within the boundaries of King-chow. Now the 
comment of Gan-kw6 is :— " In this province the 
Great Keang separated into nine channels,*' 
which Ying-ti expanded into — "The Great 
Keang divided and became nine, just as the 
Great Ho separated itself into the nine Ho.*' 
In accordance with this is the statement of 

Shwang Yin in his work on "The Waters'* (^ 

;— Shwang Yin belonged to the 
closing times of the Han dynasty. He is a great 
authority in geographical matters. His work 
is always published with the commentary of Le 
Taou-yuen [^ j^ 7^], of the ^ After Wei' 

[^ S^] dyn.), that the nine Keang were in 
the north-west of Hea-sun in Ch'ang-sha" 

(^Mii^l^M B5 ^ii)- Their position 
must thus have been somewhere to the west of 
the present King-chow (^J j^^ ^ gg) and 

the north of Y6-chow (-^ j|| ;^ :j(i). To the 
same effect is the account of Chang Ching (^^ 
y^), that .they began in Ye-ling (^|^)} an^ 


Digitized by 




PART in. 

ended at Keang-k*ow (y^ p| ), meeting in 

8hwang-loh (^^ ^^)* ^^^ these names would 
not take us far f^in the pres. dep.of King-chow. 
And yet, since the time of Tu, these nine branches 
of the Great Keaug have disappeared, leaving 
only their names. They cannot be traced any 
more than **tlie nine Ho.** All the earlier 
scholars agree in this account. Tlie names of 
the streams, moreover, are given, and though 
no two enumerations agree in all the nine, about 
seven will be found the same in all of them. 

* As to the second view, that the nine Keang 
is another name for the P*ang-le lake, it took 
its origin from an expression of Sze-ma Ts^ecn 
in his Historical Kecords— " I ascended the liill 
of Leu," and saw where Yu separated the nine 

yT). After him Lew Hin said that the nine 
streams entered into the P*ang-le ; and at last, 
in Pan Koo*s Geography of the Han dynasty, 
under the district of Sin-yang (^^ ^r) in 

Leu-keang dep. (^^ yX ^BR)) ^® '**^® *^® 
note : — " The nine Keang of the Tribute of Yu 
were in the south of this. They all united east- 
wards of this, and became the Great Keang." 
But this view is easily disposed of. According 
to the classic, the nine Keang were in King-chow, 
and the P*ang-le was in Yang-chow ; — the two 
had nothing to do with each other. Moreover, 
the classic says that the Keang, after passing 
the nine Keang, went on to Tung-ling, and then 
flowing gently eastwards united in the north 
with the P*ang-le TPart. ii., p. 9), so that not 
only were the nine keang and the P*ang-le not 
identical, but Tung-ling and a tract of country 
lay between them. It is quite clear that Sze- 
nm Ts'een and all who followed him were in 

* The divisions of the country got their names 
very much from those of the waters in them, 
and mistakes, like that which has been pointed 
out, came to be stereotyped on the face of the 
land, giving rise to endless discussions about the 
original site of places. Tlie tract of Kew-keang 

( 7L ^I SB^ ** originally established by the 
Ts'in dynasty, was in King-chow between Se- 
ling and Ke-chun (^^j^^}^^ 
5g^ ^^ l^^' ^^ *^® commencement of the 
Han dynasty, it was taken away and afterwards 
reappointed, but was placed near to Show-ch^n 
(^^ ^^), made to approach, that is, to Yang- 
chow. During the usurpation of Wang-mang 
(^p ^K)) the Kew-keang of Show-ch'un was 
changed into the tract of Yen-ping (jt ^T^ 

^), and the tract of Yu-chang (^ ^) in 

Keang-nan was changed into Kew-keang ; and 
thus it was that the Kew-keang of King-chow 
passed into the P*ang-le of Yang-chow,* 

Maou goes on to relate other changes in the 
geographical position assigned to Kew-keang, 
but that last narrated finally asserted itself; 
and we have still the dep. of Kew-keang in 
Keang-sc, near tlie Po-yang lakei the old P^ang- 

le, AS was noticed in the note on par. 88. iTie 
demonstration is complete that m the time of 
Yu the nine Keang and the P^ng-le had no 
relation together, but were in different pro- 
vinces, a long way removed from one another. 
On the opinion now generally followed, that 
we are to think of the T'ung-ting lake when 
we read here of the nine Keang, Maou observes 

that it commenced with Hoo-tan (]|fl ^, earlj 
in the Sung dynasty) He was followed by 
Chaou Shw6-che, ( M |ft ^)) TsEng Yen-ho, 
and others, especially Choo He, whose advocacy 
of the view has secured for it its present general 
acceptance. There are differences of opinion, 
in the details of it, as to the nine streams having 
their common receptacle in the T*ung-t*ing. It 
is difficult also to reconcile it with Part ii. par. 
9. I have less difficulty, however, in supposing 
that the lake is what now corresponds to the 
nine Keang of Yu than in believing the view of 
Gan-kw6 which Maou endorses. If the Great 
Keang had ever separated its main stream, and 
become nine streams, history would not be silent 
as it is as to their disappearance, and traces of 
their former existence would still be discoverable 
on a geological survey of the country. Such a 
survey may yet throw some new light on the 
meaning of the text. 

49. yi^ ^ ^ ^,— the same words occur 
again, p. 64, in connection with Leang-chow. 
There must have been streams with these names 

in both the provinces. The ^S ^^ says:— 
' Streams issuing from the Keang are called V^ ; 

those issuing from the Han are called ^fS** 

Gan-kw5, says that * T*o is another name for 
the Keang.' The likeliest view seems to be that 
at an island in the middle of the great stream, 

in the present dis. of Che-keang (jk^ J^JQ, * the 

branching of the Keang;' lat. 80^24'. N., Ion. 
B^G', W.), dep. of King-chow, its waters separa- 
ted, and flowed for a time in two channels, one 
north and one south, meeting again near the 
T*ung-t*ing lake. The northern of these chan- 
nels was called the T^o. Hoo Wei insists also 

on another stream called the *E, water' (^£ 
yfC)i which took its rise in the present dis. of 
Woo-San (^^ Qf) of K*wei-chow dep. in Szo- 
ch^uen, and after entering King-chow, joined the 
Keang in the pres. dis. of £-too (^ ^|^), aa 

also to be accounted one of the Y>^) which en- 
gaged the labours of Yu. For the Ts*een we 
are referred to the dep. of Ngan-luh in Hoo-pih, 
where the name is preserved in that of the dis. 

of Ts*een-keang (f^ JX, 5 ^*- ^"^8', N., Ion. 
8^40', W.) As the character jB also signifies 

'to abscond,' 'to lie hidden,' Hoo Wei sup- 
poses that the Ts'een of the Han flowed from it 
under ground in the flrst place, and then coming 
to the surface their way back to ^the 
parent stream. Among the branches of the 

Han now there is one called Leu-fuh (jSt fffO* 

in which name we have a reference to an uuder-^ 

Digitized by 


B«. I. Cb. VIL 50-^2. 



50 proper channels. The land in the marsh of Yun became visible^ and 
that of Mung was brought under cultivation. 

The soil of this province was miry ; its fields were the average 
of the lowest class j its contribution of revenue was the lowest of 
the highest class. 

Its articles of tribute were feathers, hair^ ivorj% and hides ; gold, 
silver, and copper ; the ch'un tree^ wood for bows, cedars and cypress- 
es; grindstones, whetstones^ arrow-head stones, and cinnabar. There 
iverealso the kSvSn and loo bamboos, and the wood of the hoo tree, of 
which the three regions were able to contribute the best specimens. 
The three-ribbed rush was put in cases, which again were wrapped up. 



groBnd curremt (^^l^iftM^tM^ 
This, he suppNoses^ may be the Ts'een of the text. 
The ^Statistical Account^ of the prese&t dyn. 
confirms this yiew. 50. The reading of 

this par. is not certain.. In the Han dyn. the 

prevailing reading waa ^^ ^C -l^ 4^ ^. 

The founder of the Thing c^masty issued a 
proclamation settling the reading to be that now 
published. The reading depends to my mind 
on the question of whether there were two 
marshes, the Tun and the Mung, or only one, — 
the Yun-mung. £a«K side of thk is rery 
plausibly maintained. On the whole I am in- 
clined to agree with the authors of the * Daily 
Explaiiation,' that the marshes were two, *the 
Tun on the north of the Keang, spreading over 
thecountry of the present depp. of Ngan-luh and 
Tih-ngan, and all about the sub. dep. of Meen- 

yang (vPE }&); and the Mung, on the south of 
the Keang, spreading over the districts of 
Keang-heaC/l W)and Hwa-yung (||^). 
We can understanohow these might be spoken 
of sometimes aa one lake without reference to 
the Keang between them, and how it might be 
called sometimes the Tun, and sometimes the 
Hung. If, indeed, it was only one, then I can 
make no meaning of the text. Tlie necessity 

of the case would make us read ^^ ^^ -f" . 

If the two portions were spoken of separately, 
-—about which there is to me no doubt, — then 
we may interpret as in the translation. The 
large tract of country covered by the marshes 
was very much drained by the other labours 
which have been detailed ; north of the Keang 
the water 9Auk till the ground appeared in 

places ; and south of the Keang, portions of the 
country were left dry, and could be cultivated. 

Pp. 51, 52. Soil, reveaus, and tribute, 
6U The soil of thi» province was of the same 
character as that of the last, — ^ all miry'; which 
we can well believe of the portion of it, not far 
removed from the courses of the Keang and Han. 
Itafielda were one degree higher in equality thaii 
those of Tang-chow ; and ita revenue was 
much higher, owing, we may suppose, to ita 

bekig more thickly peopled. 52. ^ ^ 

supposed that the articles from the two pro- 
vinces are mentioned in the order of the quali- 
ty which distinguished thenu Thus, Tang'^^ow 
waa most noted for its precious metals, and 
they are therefore mentioned first in p. 44. 
^^^ i^ ~^ Tang-chow we 
have only ^^ y|^. Here variousi kinds of 
wood are enumerated. There are four trees, 
as Gan-kw5 and Ch'ing unite in saying, and 

not three only, aa we find in the ^ '^. Ts'ae 
joins the two first characters together, and 
says—* The wood of the Chnin tree was fit for 
making bows.' But I have no evidence that 
it had such a quality. The wood preferred 

for bows was that of the JJS^, by whidi Oan- 
kw6 here defines^. Was it the yew tree? 
I cannot say exact^ "^^at tree the CAStn was. 
It has got the various names of j^ i|||[, ^, 
and ;j^ and was good for making musical 
instruments, and the thills of carriages, and 

Digitized by 






The baskets were filled with deep azure and purple silken fabrics, and 
with strings of pearls that were not quite round. From the country 
of the nine Keang the great tortoise was presented. 

They floated along the Keang, the T'o, the Ts'een, and the Han ; 
crossed over to the L6, and proceeded to the most southern part of 
the Ho. 

Dw that 

for pillars. Wai it the dammar? 
probably the cypress ; but I do not know 
I am right in calling the i^ the cedar. It Is 
described as having the leaf of the if|£|, and 

the stem of the ;^, or common pine, growing 
very large, enduring cold, and good for making 
coffins and boats. ^ |[fi(; ^ firy" 

the h and che were both stones abounding in 
the hills of King, adapted for purposes of grind- 
ing. The former were of a coarser substance ; 
the latter closer and finer. The noo were 
stones, by their natural shape and quality 
fitted for being made into arrow-heads. The 
best are said to be found far north, on the 
banks of the Hih-lung, where they are called 
'water fiowers, hard and sharp, approaching 

to the character of iron (;g ^ 10^ ^g", ^ 
MA^^ ;|^«;|^^, 'dmiabar.' 

I'^ ii $§f jl®»— t*>e^'^®'®«^ 800^ 
for making arrows. The hvdn and loo grew 
about the marsh of Yun*mung (Gan-kwd). The 
hoo was a tree. We know that it was famed for 
the arrows made from it, because Confucius, 
on one occasion, being asked about a bird which 
lighted on the palace of the prince of Ch*in 
and died, pierced with a hoo arrow, declared 
that it was transfixed with one of tlie famous 
arrows of Suh-sin; — see the references in the 

note to par. 56 of the Preface. ^^ ^R 

jfj^ ^ 1^ ^'"^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^* "^^'^ natural to 
connect this clause with the one immediately 
preceding, and to suppose that it has reference 
only to the three articles just sp^ified. Many, 
however, extend it to all the articles of tribute 
enumerated^ What the three countries were, 
we cannot telL Tung-po would make the 
phrase out to mean all tha States of King, 
— Uarg^ small and middling.' Qan-kwd, 
understanding the par. to extend only to the 
kwdn^ loo, and hoo, which he thinks grew 
fLbout the Yun-mung, naturally takes the three 
eountries to have been three States in the neigh- 
bo«irhood of that marsh, f^ ^ ^ ^ 

—so, Chang Kew-shlng (gg ^ J^. K*aiig. 
shing very strangely puts a point at S*, and 
reads j^ ^ as part of the next clause. 
'TO El W 3P»~*^^® ^^^^ ^^^ spoken of, 
described as having ^ 3j^, le^ three-ribbed, 

was used for straining the wine at the imperial 
sacrifices. It was packed in small cases, which 
again were covered over, — showing the value 
of the article by the care which was taken of 
it. This seems to be the meaning of the char- 
acters. Oan-kwd and Wang Suh put a stop 

at 'TO , and understand by it * bundles ' of fruit, 
as in the case of Yang^chow. The former also 
takes ^ and -^ as being two different ar- 
ticles. E'ang-shang defines ^ by j||^ j^, 

*to tie or wrap round.* These explanations 
are all erroneous. I prefer also the meaning 

which I have given to >^ ^^ to another which 

is common, and which » * bundles in cases.' 

name for j^. The silk has received three 

dippings in the dye^fluid. Hm j Bfl are to be 
taken together. The former character denotes 
* pearls that were not round * (^t J^ \^ ^, 

ace to the §fr "^) ; these were strung, and 
put into the baskets, as I read the text. Some 
say they were carried by themselves, and not 

in the WkeU. ilU'^^AI^ 

— 'the great tortoise' attained the siee, aoc. 
to the 'HUtorical Becords,' (^ ^ '^) ^^ 
two cubits and a half* Such a creature would 
be esteemed yery valuable, where divination 
was much relied on. Gan^kwO explains the 
^^ as having the same force with the ^^ 'S* 

in par. 44. He says ;.-|| ;f: '^ ^, ^ 

-^ nfn >S^ ^* *'^® tortoise was not a re- 
gular article of tribute, but was presented when 
roijuired by express command.* Put the pliraseo- 

Digitized by 


Bk. I. Ciu VIII. 54—59. 




IT o ^ ^ A ftlll 

54 VIII. The King mountain and the Ho were the boundaries of Yu- 


55 The E. the Lo, the Ch^een, and the Keen, were conducted to the 

56 Ho. The marsh of Yung-po was confined to its proper limits. The 

57 waters of the marsh of Ko were led to that of Mang-choo. 

58 The soil of this province was mellow ; in the lower parts it was 

59 in some places rich, in others dark and thin. Its fields were the 
highest of the middle class ; its contribution was the average of the 
highest class, with a proportion of the very highest. 

partments of Ho«nan, K'ae-fung (ffl ^J*)! 

Kwei-tih (^ ^), Nan-yang (^ ^), and 

Joo-ning (ttT Si), with the small dcp. of Joo 

(J^ »|»j«j) ; of Chih-le, the two districts of Tuiig- 

ming (^ ^) and Ch*ang-hwan (^ j^), 

dep. of Ta-ining (^ ^)» ®^ Slian-tung, the 

four dUtricts of Ting-faou (^ |J|^), Shing- 

woo (^ ^), T8*aou (&% and Tan (||.), 

dep. of Ts'aou-cliow (Wjl*!); of Ngan-hwuy, 

the four districts of Fow-yang (J^ |Sr), Ting- 

shang (M Jl)> T*ae.l»o (;;fc5f^), and Mungw 

shing (^ ^), with the sub. dep. of P)) (^), 

in the dep. of Ting-chow (^S j^); and of 

Hoo-pih, the five districts of Seang-yang (, JS 

H), Kwang.hwa (^ >f(^), E-shing (^ 

^), Tsaou-yang (^ ^\ and Kuh-sliing 

(^^); with the sub. dep. of Keun (^ 

M|\ in the dep. of Seang-yang, the district of 

Tun (30) in the dep. of Tun-yang, and the 

northern part of the sub. dep. of Suy (R^) in 

the dep. of Tih-ngan (^ ^). 

Pp. 65—57. Engineering labours. 55. 

Comp. Part ii., par. 18, from which it appears 
that the four streams or rirers here mentioned, 
did not separately enter the Ho. 

logy is ditf'erent, and the nature of the 
case was different also. The tortoise might 
not be found, even when specially called for. 
It is better to take ^& as a synonym of ^^, 

-r^ meaning which it often has. The people 
presented the tor. whenever they met with it. 
It was always a welcome contribution. 

P. 53. Boute of conveyance to the capital. 
They floated along the Keang, the T^o, and the 
Ts*een, — not necessarily ftom the one of these 
to the other, but rather, I suppose, according 
to the place where the various articles were 
being brought from. It was necessary, how- 
ever, to reach the Han, which took them to 
the borders of Tu-chow, where they had to 
leave their boats, and cross over the country 
to the LO, by which they might proceed to the 
southern portion of the Ho, the boundary be- 
tween Tu-chow and K*e-chow. 

Cn, VIIL The jlccount of Tu-chow. 
P. 54. Boundaries, On the south was mount 
King, which has been spoken of as the northern 
boundary of King-chow. On the north was the 
Ho, that is, the southern portion of it which 
^owed with nearly a direct course fh>m west to 
ea«t. On the north-west, this prov. touched on 
the northern slopes of mount Hwa^ which is 
sometimes described as belonging to it. On the 
east it was conterminous with the provinces c€ 
Yen, Sen, and Tang. Tu-chow, indeed, was the 
central one of Tu's nine divisions of the empire, 
and was conterminous, for a greater or less 
distance, with all of them except Ts*ing-chow, 
which lay off in the east by itself. 

The * Boundaries of Successive Dynasties' 
says: — * Tu-chow comprehended the present 
Ho-nan with the department of Tun-yang in 
Hoo-pih.* The more detailed and exact account 
of the * Geogniphy Modernized * is : — * Tu-chow 
eu>braced>-of the present Ho -nap, the five de- 

The L5 
received the waters first of the Keen and the 

Digitized by 





Ch^een, and last those of the E, and theu pro- 
ceeded, with them all to the Yellow river. In 
the text we arc told, I suppose, the order in 
which Yu operated upon them. First, he took 
in hand the £, and having cleared its course 
to the L^, continued his la^urs on that stream 
on to the Ho, after which he turned to do what 
was necessary for the Ch*een and Keen. 

The £• water ("ffl* yK} has its source in 
Bear's-ear hill (W^ S jjj), in the dis of Loo- 
she (J^ ^) Ut 84^01', N. Ion. 6''32', W.), in 

the small dep.of Shen-chow(|^ j\\^ Ho-nan. 
Passing into the dep. of Ho-nan, it flows east, 
close hy the dis. city of Ts'ung C'jjSKf)* Bending 
towards the north, it passes through the dis- 
tricts of E-yang (^ ^) and L5-yang (*^ 

1^), into that of Yen-aze (<^ g j^ ; lat. 
84-45', N., Ion. 8'*45', W.), 5 & to the south-west 
of whose dis. city it enters the L6. The 

L5 rises in the Ts4n range (^ ^\ 50 Id to 

the north of the dis. city of L5-nan (^ or ^ 

^ ; lat. 84"06', N., Ion. 6*22', W.), in the small 

but independent dep. of Shang (p§f ^1'|)> ^ 
8hen-8e. It enters Ho-nan in the dis. of Loo- 
she, and flows north and east through Shen- 
chow, on to Ho-nan dep. Proceeding north- 
east, through the south of the dis. of Yung-ning 
(^ ^), and the north of E-yang (^^), 
it traverses the dis. of LiS-yang, where it 
receives the Ch*eeu and K§en. Going on east- 
wards through Yen-sze, wliere it receives the 
£, its course is through the north-west of Kung 

(^1^), into the dis. of Fan-shwuy (yJJ 

JfOi ^®P K*ae-fung, where it enters the Ho. 

The Ch*een and the Keen are both on 

the north of the L5. The former rises in the 

west of the dis. of Mftng-tsin (^^ ^^) ; lat 

84»62', N., Ion. d^oC. W.). and flowing south to 
that of LO-yang, it runs south-east into the Ld. 

The Keen rises in White-stone hill (^ ^ 

\\\\ in the north of Min-ch'e district (^^ '^; 
lat. 84'»46', N., Ion. 4H7', W., and flows east, south 
of Sm-ngan (^Sf ^^} district city, to the west 
of Lo-yang dis., where it joins the Ho. 

Another Yu has often been wanted since 
Tu's time to remedy the devastations done by 
these four streams. In b.c. 184, the E and L5 
overflowed and carried away nearly 2000 families. 
In 1..D. 228, the same streams occasioned im- 
mense loss of life and property. In a.d. 722, a 
rising (tf the E destroyed a portion of the city of 

^ng-too (^[ ^); and another in 800 was 

equally calamitous. Injuries quite as grreat are 
recorded from risings of the Ch'een and Keen ; 

-seethe ^^^:;J|[,mfoc 

66. Ts*ae Ch*in says that the Yung and the 
Po were *two waters,' the former connected 
with the Tse and the latter with the LO. This 

view is followed in the ' Doily Explanation ; ' 
but it has been satisfactorily refuted by Hoo 
Wei and others. An older view now commands 
general acceptance, for it was Yen Sze-koo of 
the T*ang dynasty, who first advocated the 
opinion adopted by Ts'ae. Gan-kwO, K'ang- 
shing, and Ma Yung all hold tliat the two char- 
acters should go together (^ "^ or ^ t&% 

as the name of a marsh, mat formed by tne 
waters of the Tse, rising up remarkably out of 
the ground, as described Fart ii., par. 10. The 
name partly remains in those of the districts 

Yung-tsih (^ JP) and Yung-yang (^ ^) 

in the dep. of K^ae-fUn^. The marsh itself in 
the dajrs of K^ang-shing was dried up, and 

become so much level ground C*^ |^ ^^ ^^ 

j^). 57. Following the course of the 

Tse, Yu proceeded on to the marsh of Ko, taking 
its name from the hill of Ko, near Uie pres. dep. 
city of Ts*aou-chow in Shan-tung, lat. 35^20', 
N., Ion. 52', W. It was also formed by the 
waters of the Tse, and unable to bring it entire- 
ly under management by itself, Yu led off* the 
excess of its waters to the marsh of MAng-choo. 

This name is variously written,— ^& ^^, ^^ 

^ in the <Rites of Chow,' ^ |^ by Sse-ma 
Ts^een. A memorial of it remains in the tower 
of Mftng-choo (^ ^ ^ ), 10 fe to the nortli- 

east of the dis. city of Yu-ching ( j^ ^|^ ; lat. 

84'*38', N, Ion. 19*, W.) dep. of Kwei-tih in Ho- 
nan. The marsh itself cannot now be traced, 
and Hoo Wei observes that repeated overflow- 
ings of the Ho, which commenced a.d. 1266, and 
laid the country about Kwei-tih under water, 
have obliterated all traces of Yu's labours in 
that quarter. Whether there was a connection 
between the marsh of Ko and that of Mftng- 
choo which he only cleared, before Yu's time, or 
whether he opened such a connection in order 
to carry off the excessive waters of the former, 

we cannot tell. 3jJ««^W, as in Can. of Yaou, 
par. I. As the Ho might be considered one 

of the rivers of Yu-chow and beyond comparison 
the greatest of them, we may be surprised that 
nothing is said of any labours performed upon 
it. We must suppose that when Yu was opera- 
ting on the northern bank of it, about mount 
Yoh, and Tan-hwae Opp. 5,6), he had sent de- 
tachments over to Yu-chow, and finished at 
once all that was necessary to be done for the 
great stream. This left him free to direct his 
attention first to the Ld and its tributary streams 
in the west of the province, and then to the 
Tse and the evils it gave rise to in the east. 
Pp. 58—60. SoUf revemte, and tribute* 
58. ^|, — see per. 7. K*e-chow and Yuchow 
agreed in the general character of their soil, 
but no colour is assigned to that of Yu-chow, 
because, we are to suppose, no uniformity char- 
acterised it in this respect jM ^St — ^a* 
see par. 17, where I adopted Ma Yung's meaning 
of the term as = *rich.' This places it in direct 
opposition to Ts'ae's definition o^i^a ^*="^^ 
* thin/ 'poor. ;' such also was K'ang-shing's ac- 

Digitized by 


Bk. i. Cn. IX. 60-64. 





60 Its articles of tribute were varnish, hemp, a finer hempen cloth, 
and coarser hempen cloth. The baskets were filled with fine silken 
fabrics, and fine floss-silk. Stones for polishing sounding-stones 
were rendered, when required. 

61 They floated along the Lo, and reached the Ho. 

62 IX. The south of viount Hwa and the Black-water were tJie houn-' 
daries of Leang-chow. 

64 The hills Min and Po were brought under cultivation. The T^o 

ocmnt of it The ^t "^ defines the char, by 

S|^|-J2, 'black, hard, earth.' I bare done 

t)ie^be8t I could with the two terms. 59. If 

we look only at the revenue of the province, we 
should expect its fields to rank much higher than 
they do ; the reason of the disproportion, accord- 
ing to Foo T'ung-shah {^^ ^ ;^), was that 
the black hard tracts in the lower parts of it were 
unfit for the cultivation of grain. The student 

will observe how the place of the ^^ is different 
fh>m what it occupies in parr. 8 and 48. 

«>• ^%m ^'-^ «« p"- J»' 

^L and ^^ see par. 26 ; j|^ is a coarse kind 
or hemp, — a perennial plant, aoc. to Luk Ke 

llb» M ^ § ^> ^ J^nd of cloth was 
made ftrom it which was called by the same name. 
Ts*ae says he cannot tell whether we should 
understand here the raw material, or the manu- 
factured article. We must suppose, I think, 

that» as the character follows ^^ we are to 

understand the doth. 

as in the translation. ^A ^',— see par. 44. 
There the phrase follows the articles so contri- 
buted, they being sufficiently marked off fh>m 
the other articles by the K^ >^ which precede. 
Here it precedes the articles, because, if it fol- 
lowed them, its force might be extended to the 
others previously mentioned. The ^s wore 

stones used for polishing other stones and gems, 
differing from the griuding-stones and whet- 
stones of King-chow, the use of which was to 
polish articles of metal. 

P. 61. Rouit of conveyance to the capiiah From 
the eastern parts of Yu-chow they could At once 

reach the Ho. From the western, they reached 
it by means of the Ld. 
Ch. IX. The account op Lbakg-chow. 
P. 62. Boundaries. There is no dispute 
about the former of the boundaries mentiuned. 
Mount Hw« is Hhe western mountain' (pS 

•fe) of the Canon of Shun, par. 8, standing 8 
teon the south of the dis. city of Hwa-yin 
(0 (^ ; lat. 34''85', N. Ion. 6''81', W., Biot), 
in the dep. of T*ung-chow (|^ }W)i ace to 
the latest arrangement of Shen-se province. 
In the small adjacent dep. of Shang (]^) is the 

dep. of Shan-yang([Jj^), which is said to be 
identical with the Hwa-yang of the text. Mount 
Hwa served as boundary mark to three of Tu*8 
provinces --Leang, Yu, and Yung. On the 

other boundary,— the BUick- water, — there is not 
the same unanimity of opinion. Gan-kwO said : 
— *0n the east this province reached to the 
south of mount Hwa, and on the west to the 
Blackwater.' If, indeed, the Blackwater was 
the boundary of Leang-chow on the west, we 
are led to identify it with the river of the same 
name, also the western boundary of Yung-chow, 
and described in Part ii., p. 6, as * flowing into 
the southern sea.' This view leads to great 
difficulties, quite as great as those attending 
the extension of Yang-chow round the sea-coast 
to Cochin-China. The first distinctly to con- 
trovert it appears to have been Se€ Sze-lung 

(^ -^ j|^ ; Sung dy n.), who took the bound- 
aries mentioned in the text as the northern 
and southern, and not those on the east and west: 
— * The northern boundary of Leang-chow was 
the south of mount Hwa, and on the south it 
stretched along the Blackwater, the present 

^k ii^)'' '^^^ ^"^^ ^^ ^^® ^^^^ ^^ tAken 
the place of the Blackwater in the Han dynasty, 
aud subsequently to the T'ang, the stream bM 

Digitized by 





been called the < river of the Gk)lden Sands' 
( j^*^ jtL) » ^"' ^* " sufficiently proved that 
this stream, or at least that portion of it from 
its junction with the Shing-shwuy (j|^ y^C) 

end the J6-shwuy (^g- yfC) to their merging 

tn the Min Keang, was c^led the Blackwater. 

Combining the statements of the * Geography 
Modernized,* and the ' Statistical Account of 
tlie present dynasty/ we have the following 
description of the southern boundary of Leang- 
chow : — * Tlie present Golden Sands of Yun-nan 
is the Black water of Leang-chow. Its sources 
Are very remote, fartlier off than those of tlie 
Yellow river, in 27"30', west Ion.' (this must 
surely be an error, as it would take us to about 
tlie long, of Calcutta), and between So** and S^^* 
north lat. Flowing south-east, it enters Yun- 
nan, near the pass of Tft-shing (^^ "m.), in the 
border dep. of Le-keang (lat. 26''51', N., Ion. 
le-X)!', W.). Flowing through the northern 
part of this province, it enters Sze-ch*uen in 
the dep. of Ning-yuen (^^ 1^), and, bend- 
ing more northwards, enters the Keang in the 
south of the dep. of Seu-chow ' (^ jU : hit. 

28'»88', N., Ion. l^GS')*. 

After the Junction of the Loo and the Keang, 
the latter great stream would continue the 
southern boundary of Leang on to King-chow. 
On the east it was conterminous with Yu-chow 
and King-chow. Its western boundary cannot, 
I think, be laid down with any certainty. 

It is worthy of remark that neither of the 
twogreat dynasties which followed Yu, — neither 
tlie Yin nor the Chow, included the province of 
Leang. Portions of it were embraced in their 
provinces of Yu and Yung, but the greater part 
was considered as wild, savage territory, beyond 
the limits of the Middle Kingdom. We can 
hardly suppose that the territory of China ever 
diminished so greatly. It is more reasonable 
to think that Yu pushed his labours in this 
direction, not so much because the country was 
really included in Yaou's empire, as because 
it was necessary for him to operate upon it for 
the benefit of the more eastern parts. 

The * Daily Explanation' says: — * Leang- 
chow embraced the present provinces of Sze- 
ch^uen, Kwei-chow, and Yun-nan, with the dep. 

of Han-chung (]^J| pb ) in Shen-se, and the 

small dep. of Kcae (|^ ^) in Kan-suh.' 

This representation is beyond the truth; and 
that in the * Boundaries of Successive Dynas- 
ties,' — that *Ix>ang-chow extended over the 
present Sze-ch'uen, and the dep. of Han-chung 
in Shen-se,' seems to be too narrow. 

The following is the detail in the * Geogra- 
phy Modernized : * — * Leang«chow embraced— of 
Shen-se, the dep. of Han-chung, and the small 
depp. of Hing-ngan (]& ^r) and Shang ( i^ 
ym ) ; of Kan-suh, the small dep. of Keae, and 
the two districts of Hwuy {^Sr) and Leang- 
tang (pl ^), in dep. of Ts*in (^ j^)\ot 
Hoo-pih, the three districte of FaDg(^), Chuh- 

san (^Yf |1|) ^^^ Chuh-k*e (>^ ^% and the 

west of Yun-se dis. (^jJ^S^ ^^^' ^^ Yun-yalig 

^^R ^) ; and the prov. of Sze-ch*uen.' 

Pp. 63 — 66. Engineering laboufg, &^ 

see on par. 80. |1(^ |I||fe,— see Part ii , parr. 

3, 4« 8 and 9. In these mountains were the 
springs of branches of the great streams of the 
Keang and Han. Mount Min (the * Historical 

Records ' read 9^ instead of |||^) is in the most 

nortli-westem part of SBe-ch*uen, called the 

T4ng of Sung-p*wan (:3^ ^ J^), given by 

Biot as in lat. 82*'38', N., Ion. 12''52', W. The 
' Geography of the Shoo Modernized ' says that 

< from the small dep. of Min (^ j\^ ) in Kung- 

ch*Ang (3f M ) ^ Shen-se [now of Kan-suh], 
a range of lofty mountains with deep valleys 
stretclies westwards to the western borders of 

the department of Cbing>too (^ ^). The 

snowy ridges of Mow-chow(,g^ 444) and other 

famous elevations are to be reckoned to this 
range. Where Yu began his operations was at 

the mountain of Lang«kea (^^ 2S) on the 

Very borders on the north-west of Sung-pHram 
Mount Po, called Po-ch*ung in Part ii, p. 
8, was not so far west* lliere were two moun- 
tains of tlie name i — one 00 /c to the north of the 

presetit sub. dep. of Niug^keang (^^ ^ j^ $ 
hit. 82**42', N., Ion. 10", W.), in Han-chung dep. 
of Shen-se, whence the waters of the eastern 
Han issued. This was the Po-ch*ung of Part 
ii. The other was in the pres. small dep. of 

TsHn (^ ^l"! ; kt. 84"36', N., Ion. 10"42', W.) 

of Kan-suh; and from it tlie waters of the 
western Han issued. The two were distant 
from each other, north and south, between three 
and four hundred le / but they are to be con- 
sidered as belonging to the same range. Yu's 
work on these two mountains is described as 

* the clearing the springs of the Keang and the 

Han'OtLlil^a^-ag;^*)- The text 
tells us that the country about the foot of the 
mountains themselves was brought under cultiva- 
tion. 64. See on par. 46. Gan-kw5 thought 
that the T*o and the Ts*een here were the same 
as those of King-chow, the upper portion of 
their courses being here referred to. But this 
view cannot be adopted. Woo Ch*ing says: — 

* These were the separately flowing branches 
of the Keang and Han that were in Leang- 
chow. In the east of the pres. district of Pe, 
(fap 1^) lat. 80''4r, N. Ion. 12**32', W.) dep. 
of Chlng-toowasaT*o, which flowed westwards 
into the Keang. In the south-west of the dis. 
of Taou-keang (^ yX) ^^ P*ang-chow ' (^ 
4iM) [these are names of former territorial 
divisions; we have now the dis. of P*ang in 
Ching-too dep., and the dis. of Kwan (^ Jp^) 
in the same corresponds to Taou-keang J* there 
was another T'o which flowed cast into the Keang. 

Digitized by 


Bk. I. Ch. IX. 65—6 








MoM il M h' 

65 and the Ts'een were conducted by their proper channels. Sacrifices 
were offered to the hills Ts*ae and Mung, on the regulation of the 
country about them. 

66 The country of the wild tribes about the Ho could now be suc- 
cessfully operated on. 

67 The soil of this province was greenish and light. 

68 Its fields were the highest of the lowest class; its contribution of 
revenue was the average of the lowest class, with proportions of 
the rates immediately above and below. 

69 Its articles of tribute were musical gem-stones, iron, silver, steel, 
stones for arrowheads, and sounding-stones; with the skins of bears, 
great bears, foxes, and jackals, and articles woven with their hair. 

Again, in the die. of Chin-foo (^^ jl^) in 

Yang Chow (|3E ji\) [we have now the dis. of 
Tang in the dep. of Han-chung, in Shen-se], 
there wa« the water of T8*een-kuh (*^B >&i% 
which was a Ts^een. But the branchesnowing 
fh>m the Keang and Han, whether large or 
small, long or short, all went by the names in 
the text, and are to be looked for in yarious 
places. When the mountains Min and Po were 
brought under cultivation, the upper parts of 
the two streams were regulated ; and now their 
courses through all the province were cleared 
by the measures taken with the various T*o 
and T8*een.' 65. The hills of Ts^ae and 

Mung are both referred to the present dep. of 

of Ya-chow (^ j^ ; lat. SO'S', N^ Ion. 18'*26', 

W). Mount Mung seems to be sufficiently well 
ascertained. The * Statistical Account ' of the 
pres. dynasty says that it stands on the borders 

of the three districts of Ya-ngan( ^^'), Ming- 

■*" (^ lif )' *"*^ ^^**° (M UJ)' ""^ *^® 
above department, and that the best tea of all 

Sze-ch*uen is grown upon it. Mount Ts'ae is 

not so well determined. The * Geography of 

the Shoo Modernized ' identifies it with the hill 

of Chow-kung (^ ^ |Jj), 5 & to the east 

of Ya-chow city, and the Statistical Account of 
the Ming dyn., adopting that view, adds that 5 
le further off there is a place called Leu-p4ng 

^^i^^M^^ ^^«" '^ '* probable 
that Yu offered his sacrifices. But this Leu- 
p*ing was not heard of till modem times, and, 
indeed, Yeh Mung-tih (^ ^ ^), of the 

VOL. nu 

Sung dyn^ was the first to say that the hill of 
Chow-kung was the Ts^ae of the Shoo. Tlie 
Qeography of the Han dyn. does not mention 
the Ts^ae at all. Hoo Wei inclines to the 
opinion that we are to look for it in one of the 

famous Ngo-mei hills (||^ ^ ijj) in the dis. 

of the same name (Int. 29^32', N., Ion. 12''50', 

W.), dep of Kea-ting (^ ^). |g 2|£, 

— jra^ i* applied to designate sacrifices offered 
to mountains ; — see Ana. III. vi. The * Daily 
Explanation' expands the whole paragraph 
thus : — * The Mei-water had flowed between the 
hills of Ts^ae and Mung with a rapid and de- 
structive course, but now all this was remedied, 
and Yu sacrificed to the mountains, and announ- 
ced the completion of his work * (^^^g '. f jl 

66. Ts^ae gives two views of the meaning 
of this paragraph, neither of which he ac- 
cepts as quite satisfactory, though he rather in- 
clines himself to the former of them. It is 
that propounded by Oan-kwd, that the two 
characters were the name of a tract of country. 
The other is that Ho and £ were the names of 
two streams. A more natural interpreta- 

tion is that of K'ang-shing, that ^ ^ — =1^ 

\\ j^ Ha, *The wild people upon the Ho,' 

though, taking the two characters in connection 
with the rest of the par., we must understand 
them of the territory occupied by those people. 


Digitized by 




PART in. 

The 4$p yjc i« another name for the mjf tJ^, 
which came throagh the pres. Mow Chow ("m 

4W), and, after a long course of about 3,000 U, 

flowed into the Keang in the dep. of Kea-ting. 
But we can hardly think that the tribes men- 
tioued dwelt along all the stream, even in that 
portion of it which was in Sze-ch^en. 
Pp. 67 — 69. Soil, jtvenue, and tribute. 

67. In interpreting this par., Ts'ae follows 

Gan-kwS, who gives ^as«S^, 'black,' a 

meaning which it often has, but which does 
not seem appropriate here. We should thus 
be told only the colour of the soil, and nothing 
about its nature. Gan-kwQ adds, indeed, to 

M the charr. fRf ^ ^ *and rich and 
mellow;' but this cannot be all indicated by 
^^, and the next par. is inconsistent with 
such a view of the soil of Leang. The * His- 
torical Records' read Mffi for ^^, which 
vai'iation does not assist us at all in determi- 
ning the meaning. In these circumstances we 
must look about for another meaning of J^, 
and Ma Yung, followed by Wang Sub, has sug- 
gested that which I have adopted in the trans- 
lation. He defined the character by >J> ^^, 

* small and thin.' This suits the passage well 
enough. The difficulty with it is tliat we do 
not find such a meaning of the term elsewhere, 
and hence it is not given in the Dictionary. 

68. Its fields were ranked in the second 
grade, and the revenue in the 8th, though 
this sometimes, or perhaps in some places, 
rose to the 7th, and again fell to the 9th. 'i'he 

< Daily Explanation ' says :— Ji ^ ^ "J^ 

l^^il^'^^W Then^venue 
of this province was thus only not so low as 
■ that of Yen-chow. On this Tsftng Yen-ho has 
observed that Leang-chow was very mountain- 
ous, while the prow, of Yen and Yang hiid suf- 
fered and were still suffering more than others 
from the overflow of water, and in consequence of 
these circumstances their revenue was so small. 
These circuunistances would have their influen- 
ces on the revenue, but still more powerful would 
be the denseness or sparseness of the populati<m. 

In the course of time, the States of Woo (-^) 

Yue (^), Min (^), and Shuh (^),-all 
belong, to Yang-chow and Leang-chow, became 
the most famous for their fertility of all in the 
empire. 69- ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^.- 

Ts*ae adopts the meaning of ^^ as ^^ rat, 

* musical stones of gem,' taking the char, as a 
synonym of J»fc. Gan-kw6 simply defines it 

by ^^ ^Z, * the name of a gem.' Either of 
these meanings suits the passage well enough ; 
.but K*anii-shing read 

which he defiucs— 

^ :^ ^ ^ ^» 'the finest gold,' and 
this, could it be fully established, would suit the 
passage still better. The regions of Leang-chow 
have always been famous for their gold, while the 
situations and excellence of their gems are un- 

chronicled. By ^) we are to understand ' soft 

iron,' and by ^g, *hard iron,' or *steeL' The 

latter character is often used for 'to cut and 
engrave,' with reference to the hardness of the 
tools necessary for such a purpose. In the time of 

the Han dynasty, * Iron-masters ' (^ ^) 

were appointed in several districts of the old 
Leang-chow to superintend the iron works. 
Ts*ae refers to two individuals mentioned in 
the 'Historical Records,' .one of the surname 
^'^ (.S. ]^)y <^d ^h^ other of the surname 
Ch'ing (j^), both of this part of the empire^ 
who became so wealthy by their smelting that 
they were deemed equal to princes. {S& ia 

the * white metal,' or silver. ^^ 
on previous paragraphs. 

j& rip, — HE is * the bear ; ' the gS is describe 
ed as 'like the bear, of a yellowish white ' (m 

9||) ; 'like the bear, with along neck, and long 
legs, very fierce and strong, able to pull up 
trees ' (SK Se)» * there are yellow pe, and red 
(mi) P^—it is larger than the M^, and the 
grease is coarser.' I do not think we can at 
present determine exactly the species of the 
pe. The ^ is ' like a dog, but with a long tail;' 

the ^1 are ' a small sort of 3b|^.' Ts'ae, after 
Soo Tung-po, takes ^ ^ as two different 

things, the former denoting a sort of felt ((p<|T)» 
made from the hair of the animals ; the latter 
denoting fur, (I^^iMBM'^^^ 
ri^). Other commentators make the two 
characters to denote only one thing — a fabric 
woven from the skins tanned, and cut into very 
small and thin strings (Woo Ch'ing). The view 
adopted by Ts'ae is to be followed. Quite un- 
natural is the view of K'ang-shiug, who puts 
a stop at ^jm, as if they were the living animals 
which were sent as tribute, and then takes ^^ 
rit as the name of a barbarous territory : — ( g§ 

5^ ^ @|). Tliere is more reason in the 

opinion of Woo Ch'ing, Hoo Wei, and others, 
who instead of stopping at Wj, carry the para- 
graph on to ^. The furs and hair-cloth are 
thus the tribute from the wild tribes lying west 
and north of the province, and the description 
of the route of conveyance commences in the 
same way as in the previous provinces. 

Digitized by 


Bk. 1. Ch. X. 70-74. 



70 From Se-k'ing tliey came by the course of the Hwan ; floated 
along the Ts'een ; crossed the country to the Meen ; t/ten entered the 
Wei ; and ferried over the Ho. 

71 X. The Biackwater and the Western Ho were the boundaries of 


73 The Weak-water was conducted westwards. The King was led to 

74 mingle its waters with those of the Wei. The Tseih and the Ts'eu 

p. 70, Route of convet/ance to the capitaL 
05 'j^ ^ ;^ ^ ~*^ ^^® conclusion 
of last note. ^^ "jS is the name of a moun- 
tain, which belonged to Yung-chow ; its southern 
slopes, however, passed into Leang. It is often 
identified with the mountain of the same name 

in the district of Chang (^ i^ ; Ut. 84''40', 
N., Ion. ir50', W.), dep. of Kung-ch'ang in 
Kan-suh ; — see below, Part ii., p. 2. The river 
Hwan took its rise on the south of the moun- 
tain. It is also called the Whitewater (Q^), 
and flowing into Sze-ch*nen, in the dis. of 
Ch*aou-hwa (flg >([^; lat. 32''16'. N., Ion. 10'* 

88', W.), dep. Paou-ning, it proceeds to join the 
western Han. This western Han was the Ts'een, 
and going up it thej should have been able to 
pass iato the Meen, another brancli of the Hnn, 
for it flows out of the pres. dis. of Led-yang 

C(& |Sr), dep. of Han-clmng, and running 

south-east into the dis. of Meen, called after it, 
it there joins the great stream. Perhaps there 
were shallows in the course of the Ts*een, which 
rendered il necessary to leave their boats, or it 
may have been a saving of time and labour to 
leave the water at some point, and go across 
the country to the Meen (see a note in the 

^ WL, by Foo Yin [^ ^]). From 

the Meen it was necessary to get to the north, 
into the Wei, which was in Yung-chow. From 
the text, — y^ -^ yH,— we should conclude 
that this was accomplished without taking the 
land again. But this was impossible, their be- 
ing no water-communication between the Han 
and the Wei. In the dep. of Fung-t8*eang 
( J3 B^), however, of Shen-se, and dis. of Mei 

mountain of ^^fjnj^f)' ^^^ which the stream 
of Paou (j^ ^) flows south into the M€cn, 

while another stream on the north side, the 
Seay (^ j||), flows into the Wei. Probably, 
the tribute-bearers ascended Uie Paou as far as 
they could, and then went overland to the Seay. 
For the Wei, see Part ii., p* 12. It enters the 
Ho, and of course brought the travellers to that 
stream, which they ferried across at some suita- 
Me point, le^ifij^a gl- 

Cir. X. The Account of Ycng-chow. 
P. 71. Boundaries, The western boundary is 
here assigned and the eastern. The former — the 
Black-water — is diffY. from the river of the 
same name, which formed the southern bound- 
ary of Leang-chow ;— see on par. 62. It is no 
doubt the same with the Black-water of Part 
ii., p. 6, which see. It will be sufficient here to 

quote from the ^ "a* ^^ ijjg : — * According 
to Shwang Yin's work on the Waters, with the 
comment, of Taou-yuen, **Tbe Black-water 
issued from Fowl-hill in Chang-yih ( Hj ^ 
^)^|^|Jj ; Chang-yih is now the principal 
dis. in the dep. of Kan-chow (-U- »|*U, lat. 89*, 
N., Ion. 15'*32', W.), and flowing south to T*un- 
hwang (ySJy jg>), the prin. dis., dep. of Ngan-se 

(^T S)» P"wed by the hill of Sao-wei (~^ 
"m^ LIJ)) *^^ flowed on to the southern sea." 
Ace. to the Compilation of Geography (i^* 

ijjj ^ ; a work of the T'ang dynasty), " The 
Black- water rose 120 /e to the north of £-woo 
district in E-chow (^ ^ >^ ^ J^), 
and flowing south was lost about the hill of 
San-wei, in Sha-chow (^ j^\ 46 & to 
the south-east of the district city of T*un- 
hwang." We cannot tell which of these accounts 
is correct. The T*ung-teen (^ :5^ ; *»y >J5t 
4jby of the Tsin dynasty) say;* ;—** Accomplish- 

Digitized by 




TART nr. 

td scholars like K^ong snd CbHng did not Imow 
where the Black-water was, because, perhaps, 
in the lapse of time, it had become dried 
up.**' About the eastern boundary, — 

the western Ho, —there is no uncertainty. This 
was the Ho, where it runs from north to south, 
between the present Shan-se and Shen-se; — 
called the * western,' as being the western bound- 
ary of K*e-chow, the imperial province. The 
length of its course from the point in Yu-lin dep. 

(;|m KK), where it enters Shen-se, to the district 

of Hwa-yin, amounts, it is said, to 1,700 le. 

On the south, Yung-chow was conterminous 
with Leang-chow, from mount Hwa westwards, 
on to Se-k4ng, and again westwards on to 
Tseih-shih, from which Yu traced the course of 
the Ho (Part il>, par. 7), and thence again to 
the Black-water. The northern boundary 

of the prorince is not at all intimated in the 
Shoo, but it must have extended from the 

rition of the pres. city of Yu-lin, lat 38^18', 
Ion., 7**7'. W., westwards along the north of 
Shen-se and Kan-suh as far as the south bound- 
ary did. Hoc Wei says that of Yu's nine 
prorinces this was the largest, and that next 
to it were K^ ai d Leang. 'The extent of Yung, 
from east to west^ was about 8,700 le, and from 
north to soutli, about 2,500 /e, while in all this 
great space there was not much of unoccupied 

Pp. 72 — 78. Engineering labours. 72. 

The Weak-water, — see Part ii., p. 5. In the 
* Statistical Account of the present dynssty,* 
under the dep. of Kan-chow in Kan-suh, we find 
the following account of the Jd, or Weak-water : 
— *It rises in the south-west of San-tan district 

(^J ^), and flows north, west of the city, 
into the district of Ch*ang-yih. Passing that 
district city on the north, it enters, going 
on still to the north-west, tlie borders e( Kaou- 

**»e (|^ ^) i"» Suh-chow (^ j^ ; Ut. 89" 
45', N., Ion. 17-^1', W.) This is the Weak- 
water of the Tribute of Yu/ Some accounts say 
that it can be crossed in coracles of skin, while 
yet a piece of straw thrown upon its surface 
would sink to the bottom. To this feeble slug- 
gishness of its stream its name is ascribed. 

^t BS'""*^** conducted westwards.* This 
was its natural course, and in this it is unique 
among the rivers mentioned in this Book, all 
the rest flowing east, with the exception of the 
Black- water of this province, whose course was 
south. In the general disorder, which had 
prevailed, however, we may suppose that It had 
taken a direction to the south-east, and mingled 
its waters with those of the Ho. 78. j^ 

""^16 ^B* '^ ^ connected together.* Qan- 
kw6 defined it by ^— ^S^ ; and Ma Yung by 

y^. These meanings are all connected, and it 
is strange th