The Chinese Classics Translated Into English

129 003

THE CHINESE CLASSICS:

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH,

PRELIMINARY ESSAYS AND EXPLANATORY NOTES.

(REVISED AND REPRODUCED FROM THE AUTHOR'S WORK
CONTAINING THE ORIGINAL TEXT, &C )

JAMES LEGGE, D,D,,LLD.

VOL. IL

THE LIFE AND WORKS OF MBNCTUS

LONDON:
TBtTBNEB & CO., 07 & 59, LTJDQ-ATE HILL.

1875
\_AU XhffMe reserved 3

THE

LIFE AND WOEKS

M E N C I TJ S

WITH ESSAYS AND NOTES.

JAMES LEGGE, D.D,, LL.D.

LONDON:

TR1JBNEB & CO., 57 <fe 59, LTJDG-ATE

1875.

Rights reserved 3

JOHN 1 CHlLDb ATXD BON,

PREFACE.

WHEN the author, in 1867, published " The Life and Teachings of
Confucius," he intimated that it would be followed by the present
volume, " as soon as the publisher should feel authorized "by public
encouragement to go forward with the undertaking " It was not
long till the publisher gave him notice that he was ready to go
to press with an edition of Mencius, which might therefore have
appeared in 1868. By that time, however, the author was occupied
with the fourth and fifth volumes of his larger "Work, containing
the ancient poetry of China, and the history of the feudal kingdom
of Chow from BO 721 to 480 , and ]t was not till towards the
end of 1S72 that the publication of the fifth volume was com-
pleted

The author then began to take Mencius in hand, and to give
the translation and notes in the second volume of his larger
Work a careful revision That was published in 1861, and, as a
result of his studies during the intervening years, he saw that
some improvement might be effected in his earlier labours. He
therefore wrote out afresh the translation of the seven Books of
Mencius, and the notes also with a special view to their suitability
to an edition of the Chinese philosopher for general readers.
The volume thus prepared is now submitted to the Public

In the preface to the former volume the author referred to a
re-publication of his translation of the Chinese Works contained
zn it in the United States, and mentioned that the appearance of
that re-publication was a principal reason why his publisher had
asked him to issue a popular edition of the Chinese Classics in
his own name. The title-page of the volume, moreover &ara ex-

IV PEEEACE.

pressly that it was *' reproduced for general readers from the author's
"Work, containing the original Text, &c." If Dr John Heinnch
Plath of Munich had taken the trouble to read the preface or
even the title-page, he would hardly have done the injustice to the
author which appears in his " Confucius und Seiner Schulcr Loben
und Lehren " There, in his " Leben des Confucius, 1," on p. 15, he
has said that " The Life and Teachings of Confucius is a delusion
practised on the Public, being a mere repnnt of tho author's
Translations in his Chinese Classics, without the Chinese Text,
and with his short Life of Confucius " The author cannot
suppose that Dr Plath does not understand plain English suffici-
ently well to have saved him from such a misrepresentation,
He did not practise any delusion on the Public, and it ought
not to have been even insinuated that he had been guilty of
such a thing

London, 1st Marcfi y 1874.

CONTENTS.

PEOLEGOMEKA^

CHAPTER I
OF THE WORKS OF MBNOITJS

SECTION PAGE

I. THEIR RECOGNITION UNDER THE HAN CRUSTY, AND BEFOBE

IT . ]

II CHAOXT K'B AND UTS LABOURS UPON MENCTCTS . 4

HI OTHER COMMENTATORS , 7
IV INTEGBITT, AUTHORSHIP, AND RECEPTION AMONG- THE

CLASSICAL BOOKS .. . . . ... . . 9

OUAPTEB n

MBNOIUS AJsTP HIS OPnS103SrB.

I LIPS Off MENOTTTS .. .,. . 1*

II. HIS INFLTTENCH AND OPINIONS . . . . . 87

APPBNBIX

I THAT THB NATTH1BJ IS EVIL BY THE PHILOSOPHER SEtJN 77

II, AN EXAMINATION OP THE NATtJBB QTF MAN. BST HAN "WAN-

.... ... .88

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER III
OF YANG- CHOO ANI> MIH TEIII

SECTION PAOj

I. THE OPINIONS OF YANG- CHOO . . 01

II THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIE , 0')

UNIVEESAIj LOVE, PAST I. 100

UNIVERSAL LOVE, PART II . 102

TTNIVERSAL LOVE, PART HI. , .107

THE WOftKS OF MENCIUS

BOOK I.

KING- HWUY OF LEANG, PART I. ... ... .123

KINO HWITY OF LEANG, PART H . . 139

BOOK IT
Ktmo-sxiN cn'ow, PART i , , l%v

EtING-SUN CH'OW, PART II. ... ... , , * 178

BOOK HI.

T ( ANG WAN KUNG, PABT I ... ,,, ... 1%

WAN KtTNG, PABT H . . 215

BOOK IV

LBS LOW, PABT I. . . , . ..232

LE LOW, PABT II, ... ... t ... ... 253

U V\ C'HANO, PART T
V <N CHANG, PAKl n.

K VOU-TS/IF, PART I
IvAOU-TSZK, PART II

TfcJST SIBT, PART I
'["-IN SIN, PART TI

BOOK V

BOOK VT

BOOK VII

INDEXES
INDEX I

Ol' SUBJECTS UN THE WORKS OF MENOIUS

INDEX II.
Ol PROPER NAMES IK TH WOEKS OF MENCIUS

283

30b
324

S43

3CG

396

PROLEGOMENA.

CHAPTER I

OF THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS

SECTION I

THEIK RECOGNITION TTNDBE THE HAN DYNASTY,, AND BEFOKE IT.

]. IN tho third of tlio catalogues of Lew Hin/ containing
a list of the Works of Scholars which had "been collected
up to Ins time (about AD 1)., and in tho first subdivision.,
devoted to authors of the classical or orthodox School, we
have tlie cntiy cc Tho Woiks of Mcncms, in eleven Books "
At that date, therefoie, Mcncius' waitings were known and
registered as a pait of the literatuie of Uhina.

2 A hundred years before Hin, we have the testimony
of the historian Sze-ma TVeen In the seventy-fourth.
Book of his ft Histoncal Records/' there is a brief memoir of
Mencias, where lie says that the philosopher, having- with-
drawn into private life, " with his disciples, Wan Chang and
othois, prefaced the Sho and the Shoo, unfolded the views
of Confucius, and made 'The Works of Mencius, in seven
Books > "

The discrepancy that appears between these testimonies,
ID regard to tho number of tho Books which, went by tho
common namo of Mencius, will be considered in the sequel.
In. the mean, while it is slxown that the writings of Men cms
were recognized by scholars a hundred years bofore the
Christian era, which takes us back to little more than a
century and a naif from tbo date assigned to Ms death..

1 See Yol I, Proleg , pp 4, 5,
voi,. IT. l

2 THE WOEKS OF MENCITJS.

8 Among wnteis of the Han dynasty earlier than Sze-ma
Ts'een, there were Han Ymg,, and Tung Chung- shoo, con-
temporaries, in the reigns of the emperors Win, King, and
Woo, (B o 178 86) Portions of their Works remain, and
in them are found quotations from Mencius Later than
these there were Yang Heung (B c 53 A D 18), who wrote
a commentary on Mencius, which was existing under the
Sung dynasty, and Wang Ch/uiig (died about AD 100),
who left a chapter of animadversions on our philosopher,
which still exists

4. But we find references to Mencius and his Works
anterior to the dynasty of Han. Between him and the rise
of the Ts f in dynasty nourished the philosopher Seun K f mg,
of whose writings enough is still preserved to form a large
volume By many he is regarded as the ablest of all the
followers of Confucius. He several times makes mention of
Mencius, and one of his most important chapters, " That
Human Nature is Evil/ J seems to have boon wntten ex-
pressly against Mencms' doctrine of its goodness He
quotes his arguments, and endeavours to set them aside

5 I have used the term recognition in the headmg of this
section, because the scholars of the Han dynasty do not
seem to have had any trouble in forming or settling the
text of Mencius such as we have seen they had with the
Confucian Analects

And here a statement made by Chaou K'e, whose labours
upon our philosopher I shall noiice in the next section,
deserves to be considered He says " When Ts'm sought
by its fires to destroy the classical books, and put the
scholars to death in pits, there was an end of the School of
Mencius His Works, however, were included under the
common name of c Philosophical/ and so the tablets con-
taining them escaped destruction *' Ma Twan-lin does not
hesitate to say that the statement is incoireot, 1 and it
seems strange that Mencius should have been exempted
from the sweep of a measure intended to extinguish the
memory of the most ancient and illustrious sovereigns of
China and of their principles. But the same thing is
affirmed in regard to the writings of at least one other
author of antiquity, the philosopher Yuh , and the frequent

1 See Ms great work, Bk clxxxiv., upon Menoiua.

THEIR EABLT EECOGNITION. 3

quotations of Mencius by Han Ting and Tung Chung-shoo,
indicating that his Works were a complete collection in
their times, give some confirmation to KVs account

On the whole, the evidence seems rather to preponderate
in its favour. Mencius did not obtain his place as " a
classic " till long after the time of the Ts'm dynasty ; and
though the mfuiiate emperor would doubtless have given
special orders to destroy his writings, if his attention had
been called to them, we can easily conceive their being-
overlooked, and escaping with a mass of others which were
not considered dangerous to the new rule.

6. Another statement of Chaou K f e shows that the Works
of Mencius, once recognized under the Han dynasty, were
for a tune at least kept with a watchful care He says that,
in the reign of the emperor Heaou-w&n (B o 178 154),
"the Lun-yu, the Heaou-king, Mencius, and the Urh-ya
were all put under the care of a Board of c Great Scholars,*
which was subsequently done away with, only ' The Five
Kong * being left under such guardianship " Choo He has
observed that the Books of the Han dynasty supply no
evidence of such a Board; but its existence maybe inferred
from a letter of Lew Hin, complaining of the supineness
with which the scholars seconded his quest of the scattered
monuments of literature. He says " Under the emperor
Heaou-witn, the Shoo-king reappeared, and the She-king
began to sprout and bud afresh. Throughout the empire,
a multitude of books were continually making their appear-
ance, and among them the Records and Sayings of all the
Philosophers, which likewise had their place assigned to
them in the Courts of Learning, and a Board of Great
Scholars appointed to their charge/' x

As the Board of Great Scholars in charge of the Five
King was instituted BO. 135, we may suppose that the pre-
vious arrangement hardly lasted half a century That it
did exist for a time, however, shows the value set upon the
writings of Mencius, and confirms the point which I have
sought to set forth in this section, that there were Works
of Mencius current in China before the Han dynasty, and
which were eagerly recognized and cherished by the scholars
under it, who had it in charge to collect the ancient literary
productions of their country.

1 See the same work, Bk olxnv. pp 9, 10.

4 THE WORKS OF DdMNCIUS

SECTION II

CHAOTJ K'E AND HIS LABOUES UPON MENCIUS

1 IT has been shown tliat the Works of Mencms were
sufficiently well known from, nearly the beginning of the
ILin dynasty 3 but its more distinguished scholars do not
&eem to hare devoted themselves to their study and elucida-
tion The classics proper claimed their first attention There
was much labour to be done m collecting and collating the
fragments of them , and to unfold their meaning was the chief
duty of every one who thought himself equal to the task.
Mencius was but one of the literati^ a scholar like them-
selves He could wait We must come down to the second
century of the Christian era to find the first great comment-
ary on his writings.

In the Prolegomena to the Confucian Analects, Section
i 7, I have spoken of Ch'mg Heuen or Ch/mg K f ang-shing,
who died at the age of 74 some time between A.D 190 220,
after having commented on every ancient classical book
It is said by some l that he embraced the Works of Mencius
in his labours If he did so, which to me rs very doubtful,
the result has not come down to posterity To give to our
philosopher such a treatment as he deserved^ and compose
a commentary that should descend to the latest posterity^
was the Work of Chaou K f e.

2 E?e was born A D 108 His father was a censor about
the court of the emperor Heaou-gan, and gave him the name
of Kea, which he afterwards changed into 1L C Q for the pur-
pose of concealment, changing also his original designation

1 IB the "Books of the Suy dynasty" (AT> 589 617), Bk xxxix , we find
that there weie then in the national Ilepositoiies three Works on Mencms,
Chaou K'e's, one by Ch ing Heuen, and one by Lew He also a scholar of
Han, "but pi obably not earlier than Chaou K'e The same Works, were existing
under the T'ang dynasty (624 907), seethe " Books of T'ang," Bk xlix By
the rise of the Sung dynasty (AD, 975), ho-wever, tlie two last ^ere both
lost The entries in the Records of Suy and T'ang would seem to prove that
Ch'ing Heuen had written on Mencius, but in the sketches of his life which I
have consulted, and that in the " Books of the After Han dynasty " must be
the basis of all the re&t, there is no mention made of his liaviiig done so.

CHAOU Z'E AND HIS LABOUBS TTPON MENCIUS 5

of T f ae-k f mg into Pin-k f mg. It was his boast tliat he could
trace his descent from the emperor Chuen-heuh, B c 2510

In his youth K'e was distinguished for his intelligence
and diligent study of the classics. He married a niece of
the celebrated scholar and statesman Ma Yung, but bore
himself proudly towards him and her other lelatives A
stern independence and hatred of the sycophancy of the
times were from the first chaiactenstic of him, and proved
the source of many troubles

When he was over thirty, K'e was attacked with some
severe and lingering illness, in consequence of which he lay
upon his bed for seven yeais At one time, thinking he was
near his end, he addressed a nephew who was with him in
the following teims "Born a man into the world, in
retirement I have not displayed the principles exemplified
on mount Ke, 1 nor in office achieved the merit of B and
Leu 3 Heaven has not granted me such distinction. What
more shall I say ? Set up a round stone before my grave,
and engrave on it the inscription, c Here lies a recluse of
Han, by surname Chaou, and by name Kea. He had the
will, but not the oppoitunity. Such was his fate Alas ' ' "

Contrary to expectation, K f e recovered, and in AD 154
we find him again engaged in public life, but in four years
he is flying into obscurity under a feigned name, to escape
the resentment of l v ang Hang, one of the principal minis-
ters, and of his partizans He saved his life, but his family
and relatives fell victual s to the vengeance of his enemies,
and for some time he wandered about the country of the
Keang and Hwae, or among the mountains and by the sea-
coast on the north of the present Shan-tung. One day, as
he was selling cakes in a market-place, his noble presence
attracted the attention of Sun Ts f ung, a young gentleman
of Ga,n-k'ew, who was passing by in a carnage, and to him,
on being questioned, he made known his history. This
proved a fortunate rencontre for him Sun Ts'ung took
him home, and kept him for several years concealed some-
where, " in the centre of a double wall " Ajid now it was
that lie solaced his hard lot with literary studies. He wooed

1 It waa to monnt Ke that two ancient worthies are said to have withdrawn,
when Yaou wished to promote them to honour

9 These are the well-known E Yin and T'ae-kung "Wang, ancestor of the
lords of Ta'e.

6 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS

the muse in twenty-three poetical compositions, which, he
called ' f Songs of Adversity,-" and achieved Ins commentary
on Mencius

On. the fall of the T'ang faction, when a political amnesty
was proclaimed, K*e emerged fiom Ins friendly confinement,
and was employed in important offices, but only to fall a
victim again to the intrigues of the time The first year of
the emperor Ling, AD 168, was the commencement of an
imprisonment which lasted more than ten years , but nothing
could crush his elasticity, or daunt his perseverance In
185, when he had nearly reached fourscore, he was active
as ever in the field of Apolitical strife, and wrought loyally to
sustain the fortunes of the falling dynasty. He died at last
in A D 201, in King-chow, whither he had gone on a mission
in behalf of his imperial master Before his death, he had
a tomb prepaied for himself, which was long shown, or
pretended to be shown, in what is now the district city
of Keang-hng in the department of King-chow in Hoo-
pih

3 From the above account of Chaou B/e it will be seen
that his commentary on Mencius was prepared under gieat
disadvantages. That he, a fugitive and in such close hid-
ing, should have been able to produce a woik such as it is
shows the extent of his reading and acquirements in early
days I have said so much about him, because his name
should be added to the long roll of illustrious men who have
found comfort in sore adversity from the pursuits of litera-
ture and philosophy As to his mode of dealing with his
subject, it will be sufficient to give his own account

e 'I wished to set my mmd on some literary work, by
which I might be assisted to the government of my thoughts,
and forget the approach of old ago. But the six classics
had all been explained and carefully elucidated by previous
scholars Of all the orthodox school there was only
Mencius, wide and deep, minute and exquisite, yet obscure
at tunes and hard to see through, who seemed to me to
deserve to be properly ordered and digested. Upon this I
brought forth whatever I had learned, collected testimonies
from the classics and other books, and divided my author
into chapters and sentences My annotations are given
along with the original text, and of every chapter I have
separately indicated the scope. The Books I have divided

OTHER COMMENTATORS 7

into two Parts, the first and second., making in all fourteen
sections

' t On the whole, with regard to my labour, I do not venture
to think that it speaks the man of mark, but, as a gift to
the learner, it may dispel some doubts and resolve perplexi-
ties It is not for me, however, to pronounce on its excel-
lencies or defects Let men of discernment who come after
me observe its errors and omissions and correct them;
that will be a good service."

SECTION HI.

OTHER COHMEOTATORS.

1 AiL the commentaries on Mencius made prior to the
Sung dynasty (A D 975) having perished, excepting that of
Chaou K f e, 1 will not therefore make an attempt to enumer-
ate them particularly Only three names deserve to be
mentioned, as frequent reference is made to them in Critical
Introductions to our philosopher. They were all of the
T f ang dynasty, extending, if we embrace in it what is called
" The after T'ang/' from A D 624 to 936. The first is that
of Luh Shen-king, who declined to adopt Chaou K'e's
division of the text into fourteen sections, and many of
whose interpretations, differing from those of the older
authority, have been received into the now standard com-
mentary of Choo He. The other two names are those
of Chang Yin and Ting Kung-choh, whose principal object
was to determine the sounds and tones of characters about
which there could be dispute. All that we know of their
views is from the works of Sun Shih and Choo He, who have
many references to them in their notes

2. During the Sung dynasty, the commentators on Men-
cius were a multitude, but it is only necessary that I speak
of two.

The most distinguished scholar of the early reigns was
Sun Shih, who is now generally alluded to by his posthumous
or honorary epithet of " The Illustrious Duke " "We find
him high in favour and reputation in the time of T'ae-tsung
(977997), Chin-tsung (9981022), and Jm-tsung (1023

8 THE WOEKS Off MEtfCIZJS.

1063) By imperial command, in association with several
other officers, he prepared a work in two parts under the
title of " The Sounds and Meaning of Mencms," and pre-
sented it to the court Occasion was taken from this for a
strange imposture In the edition of " The Thirteen King,"
Mencius always appears with ee The Commentary of Chaou
KV and "The Correct Meaning of Sun Shih " Under
the Sung dynasty, what were called "correct meanings"
were made for most of the classics They are commentaries
and annotations on the principal commentator, who is con-
sidered as the expounder of the classic, the author not hesi-
tating, however, to indicate any peculiar views of his own
The genuineness of Shih's cc Correct Meaning of Mencius"
has been questioned by few, but there seems to be no doubt
of its being really a forgery, at the same time that it contains
the substance of the true Work of " the Illustrious Duke," so
far as that embraced the meaning of Mencius and of Chaou
K'e. The account of it given in the preface to " An Exam-
ination of the Text in the Commentary and Annotations on
Mencius/' by Yuen Tuen of the present dynasty, is " Sun
Shih himself made no ' Correct Meaning,' but some one I
know not who supposing that his Woik was ically of that
character, and that there were many things m the com-
mentary which were not explained, and passages also of an
unsatisfactory nature, he transcribed the whole of Shih's
Work on e The Sounds and Meaning , ' and having interpo-
lated some words of his own, published it under the title of
f The Annotations of Sun Shih ' He was the same porson
who is styled by Choo He * A scholar of Shaou-woo. 93>

In the 12th century Choo He appeared upon the stage,
and entered into the labours of all his predeccssois. He
published one Work separately upon Mencius, and two upon
Mencius and the Confucian Analects. The second of these,
" Collected Comments on the Analects and Mencius/' is
now the standard authority on the subject, and has been tho
test of orthodoxy and scholarship in the literary examinations
since A D 1315.

8 Under the present dynasty two important contributions
have been made to the study erf Mencius. They are both
published in the " Explanations of the Classics under the
Imperial dynasty of Ts'ing " * The former, bearing the title

1 See Vol. I, Prolog ,p 21.

THEIR INTEGRITY AND AUTHORSHIP. 9

of ef An Examination of the Text in the Commentary and
Annotations on Mencius/' forms the sections from. 1039 to
1054 It is by Yuen Yuen, the Govern or- general under
whose auspices that compilation was published Its simple
aim, is to establish the true reading by a collation of the
oldest and best manuscripts and editions, and of the remains
of a series of stone tablets containing the text of Mencius,
which were prepaied in the reign of Kaou-tsung (A D 1128
1162), and are now existing in the Examination Hall of
Hang-chow. The second Work, which is still more import-
ant, is embraced in the sections 1117 1146 Its title is
ff The Conect Meaning of Mencius, by Tseaou Seun, a Keu-
nn of Keang-too " It is intended to be such a Woik as Sun
Shih would have produced, had he really made what has
been so long current in the world under his name, and is
really valuable

SECTION IV

INTEGRITY, AUTHORSHIP, AND RECEPTION AMONG THE CLASSICAL

BOOKS.

have seen how the Works of Mencius were cata-
logued by Lew Hm as being in cc eleven Books," while a
century earlier Sze-ma Ts^een referred to them as consisting
only of " seven." The question has very much vexed
Chinese scholars whether there ever really were four addi-
tional Books of Mencius which have been lost

2. Chaou E?e says in his preface te There likewise are
four additional Books, entitled f A Discussion of the Good-
ness of Man's Nature/ *"An Explanation of Terms/ 'The
Classic of Filial Piety/ and ' The Practice of Government/
But neither breadth nor depth marks their composition. Ifc
is not like that of the seven acknowledged Books. It may
be judged they are not really the production of Mencius,
but have been palmed upon the world by some subsequent
imitator of him.'" A_s the four Books in question are lost,
and only a very few quotations from Menoius, that are not
found in iiis Works which we liave, can be fished up from

10 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

ancient authors,, onr best plan is to acquiesce in the conclu-
sion of Chaou K f e. The specification of " Seven Books,"
by Sze-raa Ts'een is an important corroboration of it. In
the two centimes preceding our era the four Books
whose titles are given by him may have been made and
published under the name of Mencius, and Hm would only
do his duty in including them in his catalogue^ unless their
falsehood was generally acknowledged K'e, devoting him-
self to the study of our author, and satisfied from internal
evidence that they were not his, only did his duty in reject-
ing them There is no evidence that his decision was called
in question by any scholar of the Han or the dynasties im-
mediately following, when we may suppose that the Books
were still in existence

The author of " Supplemental Observations on the Four
Books," l says upon this subject " f It would be better to
be without books than to give entire credit to them ;* 2 this
is the rule for reading ancient books laid down by Mencius
himself, and the rule for us after men in reading about what
purport to be lost books of his The seven Books we have
f comprehend [the doctrine] of heaven and earth, examine
and set forth ten thousand topics, discuss the subjects of
benevolence and righteousness, reason and virtue, the nature
[of man] and the decrees [of Heaven], misery and happiness/ 3
Brilliantly are these things treated of, in a way far beyond
what any disciple of Kung-sun CL/ow or Wan Chang could
have attained to What is the use of disputing about other
matters ? Ho Sheh has his ' Expurgated Mencms/ but
Mencius cannot be expurgated Lin Km-sze has his * Con-
tinuation of Mencius/ but Mencius needs no continuation.
I venture to say Besides the Seven Books fhete were no oilier
"Works of Mencw.i& yy

3. On the authorship of the Works of Mencius, Sze-ma
Ts'een and Chaou K f e are agreed They say that Mencius
composed the seven Books himself, and yet that he did so
along with certain of his disciples The words of the latter
are "He withdrew from public life, collected and digested
the conversations which he had had with his distinguished
disciples, ELung-sun Ch'ow, Wan Chang, and others, on the
difficulties and doubts which they had expressed, and also

1 See Vol I, Pro! eg , larger Work, p 182 * Menoius, VH. Pt II 111.

3 This is the language of Chaou K'e

THEIR INTEGRITY AND AUTHORSHIP 11

compiled himself his deliverances as ex cathedra; and so
published the Seven Books of his writings "

This view of the authorship seems to have been first
called in question by Han Yu, commonly referred to as
" Han, the Duke of Liteiature/' a, famous scholar of the eighth
century (AD 768 821), under the T'ang dynasty, who ex-
pressed himself in the following terms " The books of
Mencius were not published by himself After his death,
his disciples, Wan Chang and !Kung-sun Ch'ow, in commu-
nication with each other, lecorded the words of Mencius 3 *

4 If we wish to adjudicate in the matter, we find that we
have a difficult task in hand One tlnng is plain, the book
is not the work of many hands like the Confucian Analects
C{ If we look at the style of the composition/-' says Choo
He., " it is as if the whole were melted together-, and not
composed by joining piece to piece." This language is too
strong, but there is a degree of truth and force in it No
principle of chronology guided the arrangement of the dif-
ferent parts, and a foreigner may be pardoned if now and
then the "" pearls " seem to him " at random strung , " yet
the collection is characterized by a uniformity of style., and
an endeavour in the separate Books to preserve a unity of
matter. This consideration, however, is not enough to de-
cide the question Such as the work is, we can conceive it
proceeding either from Mencius himself, or from the labours
of a few of his disciples engaged on it in concert

The author of the " Topography of the Four Books " 1 has
this azgument to show that the works of Mencius are by
Mencius himself " The Confucian Analects/* he says,
' c were made by the disciples, and therefore they record
minutely the appearance and manners of the sage But
the seven Books were made by Mencius himself, and there-
fore we have nothing in them excepting the words and
public movements of the philosopher " This peculiarity is-
certainly consonant with the hypothesis of Mencius' own
authorship, and so far may dispose us to adopt it

On the other hand, as the princes of Mencius' tune to
"whom any reference is made are always mentioned by the
honorary epithets conferred on them after their death, it is
argued that those at least must have been introduced by his
disciples. There are many passages., again, which savour more

1 See Vol I , Proleg , larger Work, p 132

12 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

of a disciple or other narrator than of tlie philosoplier him-
self There is, for instance, the commencing sentences of
Book III Pt I When the Duke Wan of T'&ng was
crown-prince, having to go to Ts'oo, he went by way of
Sung, and visited Mencms (lit,, the philosopher Many]
Mencius discoursed to him how the nature of man is good,
and when speaking, always made laudatory leference to
Yaou and Shun When the ci own-prince was returning
from Ts'oo, he again visited Mencius Mencius said to him,
( Pi nice, do you doubt my words'' The path is one, and
only one 3 "

5. Perhaps the truth after all is as the thing is stated by
Sze-ma T& f een, that Mencius, al&nq ivith some of his disci-
plea, compiled and composed the Work It would bo in
their hands and under their guardianship after his death,
and they may have made some shght alterations, to prepare
it, as we should say, for the press Yet allowing this, there
is nothing to prevent us fiom accepting the sayings and
doings as those of Mencius, guaranteed by himself

6 It now only remains here that I refer to the reception
of Mencius' Works among the Classics We have seen how
they were not admitted by Lew Hin into his catalogue of
classical works, Mencius was then only ono of the many
scholars or philosophers of the orthodox school. The same
classification obtains in the books of the Suy and T f ang
dynasties, and in fact it was only under the dynasty of
Sung that the works of Mencius and the Confucian Analects
were authoritatively ranked together The first explicitly to
proclaim this honour as due to our philosopher was Ch c m
Chih-chae, 1 whose words are ef Since the time when Han, the
Duke of Literature, delivered his eulogium, ' Confucius
handed [the scheme of doctrine] to Mencms, on whose death
the line of transmission was interrupted/ a the scholars of

The name and the account I take from the " Supplemental Observations
on the Four Books," Art I on Mencms Chih, I appiehend, is a misprint for
Che, the individual referred to being probably Ch'in Foo-leang, a gieat
scholar and officer of the 12th century, known also by the designations of
Keun-keu and Che-ohae

2 This eulogy of Han Tuis to be found subjoined to the brief introduction
in the common editions of Mencms The whole of the passage there quoted
is " Taou handed [the scheme of doctrine] down to Shun Shun handed it
to Yu , Yu to T'ang, T'ang to Wan, Woo, and the Duke of Chow , Wftn,
Woo, and the Duke of Chow to Confucius , and Confucius to Mencius, on

THEIR RECEPTION AS CLASSICS. 13

the empire have all associated Confucius and Mencius to-
gether. The Books of Mencms are certainly superior to
those of Seun and Yang, and others who have followed
them. Their productions are not to be spoken of in the
same day with his " Choo He adopted the same estimate
of Mencius, and by his " Collected Comments 3> on him and
the Analects bound the two sages together in a union which
the government of China, in the several dynasties which
have succeeded, has with one temporary exception approved
and confirmed.

whose death there was no farthei transmission of it In Seun and Yang
there are snatches of it, but without a nice disci immation they talk about
it, but without a definite paiticulanty "

14 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

CHAPTER II

HENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS

SECTION I

LIFE OF MENCIUS.

1 THE materials for a Memoir of Mencius are very scanty
The birth, and principal incidents of Confucius' life are
Paucity and duly chronicled in the various annotated editions
SSSH* f of the Ch/un Ts'ew, and in Sze-ma Ts'een It
is not so in the case of Meiicms Ts'een's account of him
is contained in half a dozen columns which are without a
single date That in the fc Cyclopaedia of Surnames" only
covers half a page Chaou K'e is more particular in regard
to the early years of his subject, but he is equally indefinite
Our chief informants are K f ung Foo, and Lew Hea,ng in
his " JJecord of Note-worthy Women," but what we hnd in
them has more the character of legend than history

It is not till we come to the pages of Mencius him self
that we are tieading on any certain ground. They give the
principal incidents of his public life, extending ovei about
twenty-four years We learn from them that in the course
of that time he was in such and such places, and gave expres-
sion to such and such opinions 3 but where he went fiist and
where he went last, it is next to impossible to determine.
I have carefully examined three attempts, made by compe-
tent scholars of the present dynasty, to construct a Har-
mony that shall reconcile the statements of the te Seven
Books " with the current chronologies of the time, and do
not see my way to adopt entirely the conclusions of any
one of them 1 The value of the Books lies in the record

1 The three attempts are one "by the authorof " Supplemental Observations
on the Four Books," an outline of which is given in his Notes on Mencius,
Art. UX , one by the authoi of the " Topography of the Four Books," and

LIFE OF MEtfCTCJS 15

winch, they furnish of Mencius' sentiments., and the lessons
which, these supply for the regulation of individual conduct
and national policy It is of little importance that we
should be able to lay them down in the strict order of time

With Mencius J withdrawal fiom public life, all traces
of him disappear All that is said of him is that he spent
his latter years along with, his disciples m tke preparation
and publication of his Woiks

Fiom this paragraph it will be seen that there is not
much to be said in this section. I shall relate, fiist, what
is reported of the early years and training of our philo-
sopher, and then look at him as he conies befoie us in his
own pages., in the fall matunty of his character and powers.

2 Mencms is the latinized foim of Mang-tsze., <e The
philosopher Mang yy His buiname thus connects him with
the Mang or Miing-sun family., one of the three Hls surn<une
great Houses of Loo, whose usurpations were b ^^" pla g pa ~
such an offence to Confucius in his day Their 3 ^us birtVsT
power was broken in the time of duke Gae (B c. sa
493 4i67)j and they thenceforth dwindle into comparative
insignificance Some branches remained in obscurity in
Loo, and others went forth to the neighbouring States

The branch fiom which Mencius spiang found a home in
the small ad]acent principality of Tsow, which in former
times had been made known by the name of Choo It was
absoibed by Loo, and afterwards by Ts'oo, and its name is
still retained 111 one of the districts of the department of
Yen-chow in Shan-tung. Confucius was a native of a dis-

formmg the 24th section of the " Explanations of the Classics under the IB mg
dynasty , 1> and one prefixed to the Woiks of Menoiua, in " The Four Books,
with the Relish of the Eadical Meaning " (Yol I , Prolog , laiger Woi k, p 13J )
These thiee critics display much ingenuity and reseaioh, hut their conclusions
are conflicting I may be paidoned in saying that then leained labours have
affected me just as those of the Haimonizerb ot the Gospel Narratives Ubed
to do informer years, bewildeimg more th^n edifying Most coidially do I
agree with Dean Alford (New Testament Vol 1 , Proleg , I vii 5) If ( ?
since) the Evangelists have delivered to us truly and taithfully the Apostolic
Nanatives, and it (? since) the Apostles spoke as the Holy Spnifc enabled
them, and brought events and sayings to their recollection, then we may be
sure that, if me knsfi the real pf ocess of tlie transactions th&msehes^ that
knowledge would enable us to give an aooowit of the d^B698^t^68 of narration
and cvrrangoin&nt wliwli the Gospels tww present to *. But wvtlwut woh
knowledge, all attempts to accomplish this analysis in minute detail must be
me? ely congecttvral, and must tend to weaken the Evangelic testimony rather
than to strengthen it."

16 MENCITTS AND HIS OPINIONS

trict of Loo having tlie same name, which many contend
was also the birth-place of Mencius, making 1 him. a native
of Loo and not of the State of Tsow To my mmd the
evidence is decidedly against such a view l

Mencms' name was K'o His designation does not appear
in his Works, nor is any given to him by Sze-ma Ts'een or
Chaou K f e The latter says that he did not know how he
had been styled , but the legends tell that he was called
Tsze-keu, and Tsze-yu The same authorities if we can
call them such say that his father's name was Keih, and
that he was styled Kung-e They say also that his mother's
maiden surname was Chang Nothing is related of the
former but that he died when his son was quite young, but
the latter must have a paragraph to herself. " The mother
of Mencius " is famous in China, and held up to the present
time as a model of what a mother should be

The year of Mencius* birth was probably the 4th of the
emperor Leeh, B c 371 He lived to the age of 84, dying in
in the year B c 288, the 26th of the emperor Nan, with
whom terminated the long sovereignty of the Chow dynasty
The first twenty-three years of his life thus synchronized
with the last twenty -three of Plato's Aristotle, Zeno, Epi-
curus, Demosthenes, and other great men of the West,
were also his contemporaries When we place Mencius
among them, he can look them in the face. He does not
need to hide a diminished head.

3 It was his misfortune, according to Chaou E?e, tf to
lose his father at an early period , 2 but in his youthful years

1 Yen Joh-keu and Ts'aou Ohe-shing stoutly maintain thediffeient sides of
this question the latter giving five arguments to show that the Tsow of Men-
cius was the Tsow of Loo Aa Mencius went fiom Ts'e on the death of his
mother to bury her in Loo (Bk II. Pt II vii ), this appears to piove that
he was a native of that State But the conclusion is not necessary Loo was
the ancestral State of his family, and on that account he might wish to intei
his paient there, according to the custom of the Ohow dynasty (see the Le
Ke, Bk II Pt I i 26) The way in which Tsow always appears as the
residence of Mencius, when he is what we should say " at home," appears to
me decisive of the question, though neither of the disputants presses it into
hiB service Compare Bk III Pt I n , Bk VI Pt II. i and v The
point is really of no importance, for the States of Tsow and Loo adjoined
** The lattle of the watchman in the one was heard in the other "

a The legend writers are more precise, and say that Mencius was only three
yeais old when his father died This statement, and K'e's as well, are diffi-
cult to reconcile with what we read ua Bk I. Pt II. am , about the style in

LIFE OF MENCIUS 17

he enjoyed the lessons of ins kind mother, who Meaoww mo-
thrice changed her residence on his account 3} &er

At first they lived near a cemetery, and Mencina amused
himself with acting- the various scenes which he witnessed
at the tombs " This," said the lady, <f is no place for my
son , " and she removed to a house in the market-place.
But the change was no improvement. The boy took to
playing the part of a salesman, vaunting his waies, and
chaffering with customers. His mother sought a new house,
and found one at last close by* a public school. There her
child's attention was taken with the vanous exercises of
politeness which the scholars were taught, and he endeav-
oured to imitate them The mother was satisfied <( This., 55
she said, fc is the proper place for my son 3 '

Han ITmg relates another story of this period Near
their house was a pig-butcher's One day Mencius asked
his mother what they were killing the pigs for, and was told
that it was to feed him Her conscience immediately re-
proved her for the answer She said to herself, fc While I
was carrying this boy in my womb, I would not sit down if
the mat was not placed square, and I ate no meat which was
not cut properly , so I taught him when he was yet unborn x
And now when his intelligence is opening, I am deceiving
him , this is to teach him untruthfulness ' " With this she
went and bought a piece of pork in order to make good
her words ^^

As Mencius grew up, he was sent to school When he
returned home one day, his mother looked up from the web
which she was weaving, and asked him how far he had got
on. He answered her with an air of indifference that he
was doing well enough, on which she took a knife and cut
the thread of her shuttle The idler was alarmed, and asked
what she meant, when she gave him a long lecture, showing
that she had done what he was doing, that her cutting
her thread was like his neglecting his learning. The ad-
monition, it is said, had its proper effect; the lecture did
not need to be repeated.

There are two other narratives in which Chang-she figures,

tvhich Mencius buried his parents If we accept the legend, we are reduced
there to great straits

1 See Choo He's " Education tor the Young," at the commencement of the
chapter on u Instruction," which begins with the educational duties of the
mother, while the child is yet unborn
VOL. ix. 2

18 MENCITJS AND HIS OPINIONS

and though they belong to a later part of Mencius' life, it
may "be as well to embrace them in the present paragraph.

His wife was squatting down one day in her own room,
when Mencius went in He was so much offended at find-
ing her m that position, that he told his mother, and ex-
pressed his intention to put her away, because of '* her want
of propriety " te It is you who have no propriety/' said his
mother, " and not your wife Do not ' the Rules of Pro-
priety ' say, ' When you are about to ascend a hall, raise
your voice , when you enter a door, keep your eyes low ? *
The reason of the rules is that people may not be taken un-
prepared , but you entered the door of yonr private apart-
ment without raising your voice, and so caused your wife to
be caught squatting on the ground The impropriety is with
you and not with her " On this Mencius fell to reproving
himself, and did not dare to put away his wife

One day, when he was living with his mother in Ts'e, she
was struck with the sorrowfulness of his aspect, as he stood
leaning against a pillar, and asked him the cause of it. He
lephed, " I have heard that the superior man occupies the
place for which he is adapted, accepting no reward to which
he does not feel entitled, and not covetous of honour and
emolument. Now my doctrines are not practised in Ts'e .
I wish to leave it, but I think of your old age, and am anxi-
ous " His mother said, fc It does not belong to a woman
to determine anything of herself, but she is subject to the
rule of the three obediences When young, she has to obey
her parents ; when married, she has to obey her husband ;
when a widow, she has to obey her son. You are a man in
your full maturity, and I am old Do you act as your con-
viction of righteousness tells you you ought to do, and I will
act accoiding to the rule which belongs to me Why should
you be anxious about me ? "

Such are the accounts which I have found of the mother
of Mencius. Possibly some "of them are inventions, but they
are devoutly believed by the people of China ;- and it must
bo to their profit We may well believe that she was a wo-
man of very superior character, and that her son's subse-
quent distinction was m a great degree owing to her influ-
ence and training,

4 From parents we advance to be under tutors and
governors. The moulding hand that has wrought upon us

LIFE or MENcnrs. 19

in tla.e pliant years of youth always leaves inef- g^^toS 13 ' a?d
faceable traces upon the character Can any- early life
thing- be ascertained of the instructor or instructors of
Mencius ? The reply to this inquiry must be substantially
in the negative, though many have affirmed that he sat as a
pupil at the feet of Tsze-sze, the grandson of Confucius
We are told this by Chaou K f e, whose words are " As he
grew up, he studied under Tsze-sze, acquired all the know-
ledge taught by ' The Learned/ and became thoroughly
acquainted with * The Five King/ being more especiallv
distinguished for his mastery of the She and the Shoo "
A reference to dates, however, shows that this must be in-
correct. From the death of Confucius to the birth of Men-
cius there were 108 years, and supposing what is by no
means probable that Tsze-sze was born in the yeai his
father died, he must have been 112 years old when Mencius
was born The supposition of their having stood to each
other in the relation of master and scholar is inconsistent,
moreover, with the style in which Mencius refers to Tsze-
sze He mentions him seven times, showing an intimate
acquaintance with his history, but never once in a manner
which indicates that he had personal intercourse with him.

Sze-ma Ts'een's account is that " Mencius studied with
the disciples of Tsze-sze " This may have been the case.
Thei e is nothing on the score of time to make it impossible,
or even improbable ; but this is all that can be said about
it. No famous names from the school of Tsze-sze have been,
transmitted to posterity, and Mencius nowhere speaks as if
he felt under special obligation to any instructor

One short sentence contains all that he has said bearing
on the point before us <e Although I could not be a disci-
ple of Confucius myself, I have endeavoured to cultivate [my
virtue] by means of others [who were] " * The chapter to
which this belongs is rather enigmatical The other member
of it says . " The influence of a sovereign sage terminates in
the fifth generation The influence of one who is merely
a sage does the same " By " one merely a sage *' Mencius
is understood to mean Confucius; and by extending his
influence over five geneiations, he shows no wit was possible
for him to place himself under it by means of others who
had been in direct commum cation with, the Master.

1 See Book IT. Pt IL xxiu

20 MEHCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS

We must leave tlie subject of Mencius' early instructors
in the obscurity which, rests upon it. The first forty years
of his life are little more than a blank to us. Many of them,
we may be sure, were spent in diligent study He made
himself familiar during them with all the literature of his
country Its classics, its histories, its great men, had re-
ceived his careful attention. Confucius especially became
to him the chief of moital men, the object of his untiring
admiration , and in his principles and doctrines he recog-
nized the truth for want of an appreciation of which the
bonds of society all round him were being relaxed, and the
empire hastening to a general anarchy

How he supported himself in Tsow, we cannot tell. Per-
haps lie was possessed of some patrimony, but when he first
comes forth from his native State, we find him accompanied
by his most eminent disciples He probably imitated Con-
fucius by assuming the office of a teacher, not that of a
school-master in our acceptation of the word, but that of a
professor of morals and learning, encouraging the resort of
in quiring minds, in order to resolve their doubts and inform
them on the true principles of virtue and society. These
disciples would minister to his wants, though we may pre-
sume that he sternly maintained his dignity among them, as
he afterwards did towards the princes of the time, when he
appeared among them as a lecturer in another sense of the
term. In Book VII Ft II xlm , and Book VI. Pt II. u.,
we have two instances of this, though we cannot be sure that
they belonged to the earlier period of his life

5 The state of China had -waxed worse and worse during
the interval that elapsed between Confucius and Mencius
state of china m The elements of disorganization which were rife
Mencius time in t ^ e times of the earlier sage had gone on to
produce their natural results One feeble sovereign had
followed another on the throne, and the dynasty of Chow
was ready to vanish away Men were persuaded of its
approaching extinction The feeling of loyalty to it was
no longer a cherished sentiment ;. and the anxiety and ex-
pectation were about what new rule would take its place.

Many of the smaller fiefs or principalities had been re-
duced to a helpless dependence on, or been absorbed by, the
larger ones. Of Loo, Ch'ingj Wei, Woo, Ch/in, and Sung,
conspicuous in the Analects, we read but little in Mencius.

LIFE or MENCITJS 21

Tsin Lad been dismembered, and its fragments formed tiie
nuclei of three new and vigorous kingdoms, Wei,, Chaou,
and Han Ts'e still maintained its ground, but was barely
able to make head against the States of Ts f m in the We^t
and TB'OO in the South The struggle for supremacy was
between these two, the former, as it was ultimately success-
ful, being the more ambitious and incessant in its aggiessions
on its neighbours

The princes were thus at constant warfare with one
another. Now two or more would form a league to resist
the encroaching Ts'in, and hardly would that object be ac-
complished before they were at war among themselves.
Ambitious statesmen were continually mdaming their
quarrels The recluses of Confucius' days, who withdrew
in disgust from the world and its tuimoilj had given place
to a class of men who carae foith, fiom their letirements
provided with arts of war or schemes of policy which they
recommended to the contending chiefs They made no
scruple of changing their allegiance, as they were moved by
whirn or interest Kung-sun Yen and Chang E may be
mentioned as a specimen of those characters. " Are they not
i eally great men ? " it was once asked of Mencius ef Let them
once be angry, and all the princes are afraid Let them live
quietly, and the flames of trouble are extinguished through-
out the kingdom " 1

It is not wonderful that in such times the minds of men
should have doubted of the soundness of the ancient princi-
ples of the acknowledged sages of the nation. Doctrines,
strange and portentous in the view of Mencms, were openly
professed. The authority of Confucius was disowned The
foundations of government were overthrown, the founda-
tions of truth were assailed. Two or three paragraphs
fiom our philosopher will verify and illustrate this represent-
ation of the character of his times.

" A host marches [in attendance on the luler], and stores of provisions are
consumed The hungry aie depnved of their food, and there is no rest for
those who are called to toil Maledictions are uttered by one to another with
eyes askance, and the people pioceed to the commission of wickedness
Thus the royal ordinances are violated, and the people are oppressed, and
the supplies of food and drink flow away like water The rulers yield them-
selves to the [bad] ounent, or they urge their [evil] way [against a good
one] , they are wild , they are utterly lost " 2

1 Bk ni Pt IL 11 * Bk I Pt IL iv. 6

22 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINION'S

" The five cLiefs of the princes were sinners against the three kings The
princes of the present day are sinners against the five chiefs The gieat
officers of the present day are sinneis against the princes The crime of

him who connives at and aids the wickedness of his prmoe is small, but the
crime of him who anticipates and excites that wickedness is great The
offioeis of the present day all go to meet their soveieigns' wickedness, and
therefoi e 1 say that they are sinners against them " '

" Sage kings cease to arise, and the princes of the States give the reins to
their lusts Unemplo>ed scholars indulge m unreasonable discussions The
words of Yang Ohoo and Mih Teih nil the empne If you listen to people's
discourses, you will find that they have adopted the views eithei of Yang 01
of Mih [Now ] Yang's pimciple is ' each one for himself/ \vhich does not
acknowledge [the claims of] the sovereign Mih's pimciple is ' to love all
equally,' which does not acknowledge [the peculiar affection due to] a father
But to acknowledge neither king nor fatner is to be in the state of a beast
Kung-miDg E said, ' In their kitchen^ theie is fat meat. In then stables
there aie fat horses But their people have the look of hunger, and on the
\v ilds there are those who have died of famine This is leading on beabtb to
de\our men * If the principles of Ying and Mih are not stopped, and the
punciples of Confucius not set forth, those perverse speakings will delude the
people and stop up [the path of] bene\olence and nghteousness When bene-
volence arid righteousness aie stopped up, beastt* will be led on to devour men,
and men will devour one another " 2

6 It is in Ts f e that we first meet with Men cms as a

counsellor of the prances/ and it was in this State that he

Mencius the spent much the greater part of his public life

fiist time m His residence in it, howevei, appears to have

Ta e Borne time , TJJJ.J. J.T i

between BC 332 been divided, into two portions^ and we know
and 823 n<) j. fco w j lic ] 1 o f them to refer many of the chap-

ters which describe his intercourse with the prince and his
ministers , but, as I have already observed, this is to us of
little moment Our interest is in what he did and saicl Is
matters little that we cannot assign to each saying and
doing its particular date

That he left Ts/e the first time before B c 323 is plausibly
inferred from Bk II Pt II xiv 4 , * and assuming that the

1 Bk VI Pt II vn 1, 4 a Book III Pt II ix

3 In the "Annals of the Empire "(Vol. I ,Pioleg ,iaigerWork, p 1 K), Men-
ciua* visit to king Hwuy of Leang is sot down as having occuired in B c iH5,
and under BO 318 it is said " Menoiue goes fiom Leang to Ts'e " The viait to
Leang is placed too early, rind that to Ig'e too late. The disasters of king
Hwuy, mentioned Bk I Pt I v 1, had not all taken place m B 318 , and if
Mencius lemained 17 years in Leang, it is strange we have only five conversa-
tions between him and king Hwuy So fai fiom his not going to Ts*e till
BO 318, it will be seen from the next note that he was leaving Tb*e before
B C 323

4 Menoius 1 woids are " From the commencement of the Chow dynasty

LEPE OP MENCIUS. 23

conversation in the same Book, Pt I. 11 , took place immedi-
ately before or after His arrival,, 1 we can determine that he
did not enter the State before B c 331, for he speaks of
himself as having attained at forty years of age to " an un-
perturbed mind" The two chapters contain the most re-
markable esrpressions indicative of Mencius' estimate of
himself In the first, while he glorifies Confucius as far
before all other men who had ever lived, he declines having
comparisons drawn between himself and any of the sage's
most distinguished disciples. In the second, when going
away sorrowful because he had not wrought the good which
he desired, he observes ' ' Heaven does not yet wish that
the empire should enjoy tranquillity and good order. If it
wished this, who is there besides me to bring it about ? "

We may be certain that Mencius did not go to Ts'e unin-
vited His approach was waited for with cunous expecta-
tion, and the king, spoken of always by his honorary
epithet of Seuen, " The Illustrious/' sent persons to spy
out whether he was like other men. 2 They had their first
interview at a place called Ts'ung, which was so little satis-
factory to the philosopher that he resolved to make only a
short stay in the State Circumstances occurred to change
this resolution, but though he remained, and even accepted
office, yet it was only honorary , he declined receiving any
salary 3

From Ts'ung he appears to have retired to P'mg-luh,
where Ch*oo, the prime minister, sent him. a present, wish-
ing, no doubt, to get into his good graces. I call attention
to the circumstance, though trifling in itself, because it
illustrates the way in which Mencius carried himself to the
great men. He took the gift, but subsequently, when he
went to the capital, he did not visit the minister to acknow-

till now more than 700 years have elapsed." It was to the purpose of his
aigunaent to make the time appear as long as possible Had 800 years
elapsed, he would surely have said so But as the Chow dynasty commenced
in B o 1121, the 5 ear B 322 would he its 800th anniversary, and Mencius'
departuie fiom OVe did not take place later that the year before B C 323

1 This chapter and the one befoie it ht-ve veiy much the appeaiance of
having taken place on the way fi om Taow to Ts'e Mencius has been invited
to a powerful court He is emerging fiom his obscurity His disciples
expect great things for him Kung-sun Ch'ow sees him invested with the
government of Ts'e, and in the elation of his heart makes his inquiries

* Bk IV. Pt IL -gyTii. 3 Bk H Pt IL xiv.

24 MENCIDS AUD HIS OPINIONS.

ledge it His opinion was that Ch f oo might have come in
person to P f mg-luh to see him f< There was a gift, but no
corresponding respect " 1

When Mencius presented himself at the capital of the
State, he was honourably received by the king Many of
the conversations with the sovereign and officers which are
scattered through the seven Books, though the first and
second are richest in them, must be referred to this period.
The one which is first in place/ and which contains the full-
est exposition of the philosopher's views on government,
was probably first likewise in time 8 It sets forth the grand
essential to the exercise of royal government, a heart on
the part of the sovereign impatient of the sufferings of the
people, and eager to protect them and make them happy ,
it brings home to king Seuen the conviction that he was not
without such a heait, and presses on him the truth that his
not exercising it was from a want of will and not from any
lack of ability, it exposes unsparingly the errors of the
course he was pursuing , and concludes by an exhibition of
the outlines and happy issues of a true royal sway.

Of this nature were all Men cms* communications with
the sovereign , but he lays himself open in one thing to
severe censure Afraid apparently of repelling the prmco
from him by the seventy of his lessons, he tries to lead him
on by his very passions ee I am fond of beauty/ J says the
king, " and that is in the way of my attaining to the royal
government which you celebrate y) ec Not at all/* replies
the philosopher " Gratify yourself, only do not let your
doing so interfere with the people's getting similar enjoy-
ment for themselves." 4 So the love of money, the love of
wai\ and the love of music are dealt with Mencius thought
that if he could only get the good of the people to be
recognized by Seuen as the gieat aim which he was to pur-
sue, his tone of mmd would be so elevated, that the selfish
passions and gratifications of which he was the slave would

1 Bk VI Pt n v. * Bk I Pt I. 7ii

3 I judge that this was the first set conversation between king Seuen and
Menoins, because of the inquiry -with which the king opens it, " May I be
informed by yon of the transactions of Hwan of Ts'e, and Wan of Tain ? "
A very brief acquaintance with our philosopher v, ould have taught Tuna that
he was the last person to apply to about those characters

4 Bk I Pt II i iii v ; ft oil

LIFE OF MENCIUS. 25

be purified or altogether displaced. Ajud so it would liave
been Where lie fails, is in patting His points as if benevo-
lence and selfishness, covetousness and generosity, might
exist together. Chinese moralists nghtly find fault with
him in this respect, and say that Confucius never conde-
scended to such a style of argument

Notwithstanding the apparent cordiality of the king^s re-
ception of him, and the freedom with which Mencius spoke
his mind at their interviews, a certain suspiciousness appears
to have "been maintained between them Neither of them
would bend to the other Mencius would not bow to the
royal state Seuen would not vail bonnet to the philosopher's
cloak We have one amusing instance of the struggles to
which this sometimes gave rise One day Mencius was pre-
paring to go to court of his own free will, when a messenger
arrived from the king, saying he had intended to come and
see him, but was prevented by a cold, and asking whether
Mencius would not appear at fche audience nest morning.
Mencius saw that this was a device on the part of the king
to avoid stooping to visit him, and though he had been about
to go to court, he replied at once that he was unwell He
did not hesitate to meet the king's falsehood with one of his
own.

He did not wish, however, that the king should be ignorant
of the truth, and went out next morning to pay a visit of
condolence He supposed that messengers would be sent
from the court to inquire about his health, and that, when
they took back word that he had gone out visiting, the king
would understand how his sickness of the day before was
only feigned

It happened as he expected The king sent a messenger,
and his pKjpsician besides Mencius being out, they were
received by Mang Chung, either his son or cousin, who com-
plicated the affair by an invention of his own. f{ To-day/ J he
said, "he was a little better, and hastened to go to court. I
don't know whether he has reached it by this time or not "
No sooner were the visitors gone with this story, than he
sent several persons to look for the philosopher, and urge
him to go to the court before he returned home

It was no^ necessary that a full account of the matter should
reach the royal ears ; and to accomplish this, Mencius neither
went home nor to the court, but, spent the night at the house

26 ' MENCITJS AND HIS OPINIONS.

of one of the high officers. They had an animated discussion.
The officer accused Mencras of showing disrespect to the king
The philosopher replied that no man in Ts f e showed &o much
respect for the sovereign as he did, for it was only he who
brought high and truly royal subjects under his notice.

"That," said the officer, "is not my meaning The mle is 'When the
prince's order calls, the carnage must not be waited for ' You were going
to the court, "but when you heard the king's message, you did not do so
This seems notin accordance with that rule " Mencius explained " There
are three things universally acknowledged to he honourable, nobility, age,
and virtue In courts, nobility holds the first place , in villages, age , and
for helping one's generation and presiding over the people, the othei two are
not equal to virtue The possession of one of the three docs not authorize
the despising of one who has the other two

" A prince \vho is to accomplish great deeds will have ministers whom he
does not call to go to see him When he wishes to consult with thent, he
goes to them The prince who does not honour the virtuous, and delight in
their ways of doing, to this extent, is not worth having to do with

"There was T'ang with El Yin he fiist learned of him, and then made
him his ministei , and so without difficulty he became sovereign Theie was
the duke H^v an with ELwan Chung he first learned of him, and then made
him his minister , and so without difficulty he became chief of all the punces

" So did T'ang behave to E Yin, and the duke Hvvan to Kwan Ohung, that
they would not ventuie to call them, to go to them If Kwan Chung might
not be called to him by his prince, liow much less may I be called, who would
not play the part of Kwan Chung 1 " l

We are to suppose that these sentiments were conveyed
to the king by the officer with whom Mencius spent the
mght It is a pity that the exposition of them could only be
effected in such a loundabout manner, and was preceded by
such acts of prevarication But where the two parties weie
so suspicious of each other, we need not wonder that thoy
separated before long. Mencius resigned his honorary ap-
pointment, and prepared to return to Tsow. On this occa-
sion king Seuen visited him, and after some complimentary
expressions askod whether he might expect to see him again.
tc ~L dare not request permission to visit you [at any particular
time]," replied Mencius, "but, indeed, it is what I desire " a

1 Bk n. Pt n 11

3 Bk H. Pt II x I consider that this chapter, and others heie leferred
to, belong to Mencius 1 fi^t depaituie fiom Ts'e I do so becaube we can
haidly suppose that the king and his officers would not have understood him.
better by the end of his second residence Moreover, while Mencius letires,
his language m x 2 and xi 6, 6 is of such a nature that it leaves an opening
for him to return again.

LIFE OE MENCITTS 27

The king made another attempt to detain him, and sent an
officer, called She, to propose to him to remain in the State,
on the understanding that he should have a house largo
enough to accommodate his disciples, and an allowance of ten
thousand measures of grain to support them. All Mencms'
efforts had not sufficed to make king Seuen and his ministers
understand him They thought he was really actuated like
themselves by a desire for wealth He indignantly i ejected
the proposal, and pointed out the folly of it, considenng
that he had already declined a hundied thousand measures
in holding only an honorary appointment

So Mencias turned his back on Ts f e 3 but he withdrew
with a slow and lingering step, stopping three nights in one
place, to afford the king an opportunity to recall him on a
proper understanding Some repioached him with his hesi-
tancy, but he sufficiently explained himself. "The king," he
said, "is, after all, one who may be made to do good If he
were to use me, would it be for the happiness of Ts'e only ?
It would be for the happiness of the people of the whole em-
pire. I am hoping that the king will change , I am daily
hoping for this

"Am I like one of your little-minded people ? They will
rernonstiate with their prince, and on their remonstrance not
being accepted, they get angry, and, with their passion dis-
played in their countenance, they take their leave, and travel
with all their strength for a whole day, before they will
rest/' 1

7. After he left Ts'e, Mencius found a home for,some time
in the small puncipality of T'&ng, on the south of Ts'e, m the
ruler of which he had a sincere admirer and Menmusm
docile pupil He did not proceed thither imme- bi^^?5?se
diately, however, but seems to have taken his way to B c 818
to Sung, which consisted mostly of the present department
of Kwei-tih in Ho-nan * There he was visited by the heir-
son of T f &ng, who made a long detour, while on a journey to
Ts'oo, for the purpose of seeing him. The philosopher dis-
coursed on the goodness of human nature, and the excellent
of Yaou and Shun His hearer admired., but doubted.

1 Bk II Pt H xu

3 This is gaijieied from Bk III Pt I i 1, where the crown-prince of
T'Sng visits Mencius and fiom Bk II Pfc IT 111 , where his accepting a
gii t in Sung appears to have been subsequent to his refusing one in Ts*e.

28 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS

He could not forget, however, and the lessons winch he re-
ceived pioduced fruit before long

From Sung Mencius returned to Tsow, by way of Seeh
In "both Sung and Seeh he accepted large gifts fioni the rulers,
which help us in some measure to understand how he could
maintain an expenditure which must have been great, and which
gave occasion also for an ingenious exposition of the princi-
ples on which he guided his course among the princes

" When you were in Ts'e," said one of his disciples, " you refused 100 yih of
fine gold, which the king sent, while in Sung jou accepted 70 yift, and in Seeh
50 If you TV ere light in refusing the gift m the fiiot case, you did wiong m
accepting it in the other two If you weie light in accepting it in those
two cabea, jou weie wiong in refusing it in Tb'e You must accept one
of these altei natives " "I did right m all the cases," replied Mencius
"When I was in Sung, I was about to undei take a long jouiney Tiavel-
leis must lie piovided with what is necessaiy for then expenses
The punce s message was *a present against travelling-expenses , '
why should I have declined the gift ? In Seeh I ^as under appre-
hensions for my safety, and taking measmes for my pi election The
message was * I have heaid you are taking measures to piotect yourself,
and send this to help you in pioourmg arms * Why should I have declined
the gift ^ But when I was in Ts'e, I had no occasion foi money To send a
man a gift when, he has no occasion for it is to bube him How is it possi-
ble that a eupeiior man should be taken with a bube ? " !

Before Mencius had been long in Tsow, the crown-prince
of T'dng succeeded to the rule of the prmcipahtyj and, call-
ing to mind the lessons which ho had heard in Sung, sent
an officer to consult the philosopher on the manner in which
he should perform the funeral and mourning sei vices for his
father 2 Mencius of course advised him to carry out in the
strictest manner the ancient regulations The new prince's
relatives and the officers of the State opposed, but ineffectu-
ally Mencius' counsel was followed, and the effect was
great Duke Wan became an object of general admiiation

By and by Mencius proceeded himself to T'ang. "Wo
may suppose that he was invited thither by the prince as
soon as the rules of mourning- would allow his holding free
communication with him The chapteis which give an
account of their conversations are really interesting Men-

1 Bk II Pt II in

2 Bk III Pt I 11 The note of time which is relied on as enabling us
to follow Menoius here is the intimation, Bk L Pt II xiv , that " Ts*e was
about to fortify Seeh " This is refeired to B c 820, when king Seuen ap-
pointed his brother T'een Ymg over the dependency of Seeh, and took
measures to fortify it

f

fo

LIFE OF MENCIUS. 29

ems recommended tliat attention should be chiefly directed
to the encouragement of agriculture and education. He
would have nourishment secured both for the body and the
mind of every subject x When the duke was lamenting- the
danger to which he was exposed from his powerful and en-
croaching neighbours, Mencius told him he might adopt one
of two courses , either leave his State, and like king T f ae
jo and find a settlement elsewhere, or be prepared to die
br his patumony "If you do good," said he, "among
your descendants in after-geneiations there will be one who
shall attain to the Royal dignity But results are with
Heaven. What is Ts'e to you, O pnnce ? Be strong to do
good That is all your business " 2

After all, nothing came of Mencius' residence in T'iing.
We should like to know what made him leave it Confucius
said that, if any of the princes weie to employ him, he should
achieve something considerable in twelve months, and in
the course of thiee years the government would be per-
fected 3 Mencius taught that, in his time, with half the
merit of former days double the result might be accom-
plished 4 Here in T'ang a fair field seemed to be afforded
him, but lie was not able to make his promise good. Pos-
sibly the good purposes and docility of duke W&n may not
have held out, or Mencius may have found that it was easier
to theorize about government, than actually to carry it on.
Whatever may have been the cause, we find >mr> m B c. 319
at the court of king Hwuy of Leang

Before he left T f &ng, Mencius had his rencounter with tie
disciples of the " shrike-tongued barbarian of the south/*
one Heu Hing, who came to T ang on hearing of the reforms
which were being made at Mencius' advice by the duke
W&n This was one of the dreamy speculators of the time,
to whom I have already alluded He pretended to follow
the lessons of Shin-nung, one of the reputed founders of the
empire and the father of husbandry, and came to T'ang with
his plough upon his shoulder, followed by scores of followers,
all weaung the coarsest clothes, and supporting themselves
by making mats and sandals It was one of his maxims
that " the magistrates should be labouring men " He
would have the sovereign grow his own rice, and cook his

1 Bk HL Pt I in * Bk L Pt II. xiii. xiv. xv

3 Confucian Analects "XT IT a; 4 Bk II Pt I. i. 13.

30 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

own meals Not a few of " The Learned " were led away
by his doctrines,, but Mencius girt up his loins to oppose
the heresy, and ably vindicated the propriety of a division
of labour, and of a lettered class conducting 1 the government
It is just pos&ible that the appearance of Hen Hing, and the
countenance shown to him, may have had something to do
with Mencius' leaving the State

8 Leang was another name for Wei, one of the States
mto which Tsm had been divided King Hwuy, early in
Mencius in hi s reign, B c 86 4<, had mado the citv of Tae-
rfis ~~ B ' leang, in the present department of K'ae-fung,
his capital,, and given its name to his whole principality.
It was the year before his death, when Mencius visited him l
A. long, stormy, and disastrous rule was about to tei ruinate,
but the king was as full of activity and warlike enterprise
as ever he had been At his first interview with Mencius,
he addressed him in the well-known words, ' { Venerable Sir,
since you have not counted it far to come here, a distance of
a thousand Is, may I presume that you are likewise provided
with counsels to profit my kingdom?" Mencius in reply
starts from the word profit, and expatiates eloquently on the
evil consequences that must ensue from n-aking a zegard to
profit the ground of conduct or the rule of policy As for
himself, his theme must be benevolence and righteousness
On these he would discourse, but on nothing else, and in
following them a prince would obtain true and sure advan-
tages

Only five conversations are related between king Hwuy
and the philosopher. They are all in the spirit of the first
which has just been described, and of those which he had
with king Seuen of Ts f e There is the same freedom of
expostulation, or, rather, boldness of repioof, and the same
unhesitating assurance of the success that would follow the

1 There are various difficulties about the reign of king Hwuy of Leang
Sze-ma Ts'een makes it commence in 869 and terminate m 334 He is then
succeeded by Seaug whose leign ends in 318 , and he is followed by Gae till
295 What are called " The Bamboo Books " extend Hwuy*s reign to B o.
318, and the next 20 yeai s ai e assigned to king Gae " The Annals of the Em-
pire "O" nic b are compiled from "The General Mirror of History") follow the
Bamboo Books in the length of king Hwuy's reign, but make him followed by
Seang , and take no note of a king Gae From Menoius we may be assured
that Hwuy was succeeded by Seang, and the view of his Life, which I have
followed m this sketch, leads to the longer period assigned to his reign.

MHNOItrS A2JTD HIS OPINIONS. 31

adoption of his principles. The most remarkable is the
third, where we have a sounder doctrine than where he tells
king Seuen that his love of beauty and money and valour
need not interfere with his administration of royal govern-
ment Hwuy is boasting of his diligence in the govern-
ment of his State., and sympathy with the sufferings of his
people, as far beyond those of any of the neighbouring
rulers, and wondering how he was not more prosperous than
they. Mencius replies, fc Your Majesty is fond of war,
let me take an illustration from it The drums sound, and
the weapons are crossed, when suddenly the soldiers on one
side throw away their coats of mail, trail then 1 weapons be-
hind them, and run. Some of them run a hundred paces,
and some run only fifty What would you think if those
who run fifty paces weie to laugh at those who run a hun-
dred paces?" "They may not do so," said the king,
" they only did not run a hundred paces, but they al&o ran "
" Since your Majesty knows this/* was the reply, t( you need
not hope that your people will become more numerous than
those of the neighbouung kingdoms 33 The king was thus
taught that half measures would not do Royal govern-
ment, to be effectual, must be carried out faithfully and in
its spirit

Bang Hwuy died in B c 319, and was succeeded by his
son, the king Seang. Mencius appears to have had but one
interview with him, When he came oat from it, he observed
to some of his friends : " When I looked at him from a
distance, he did not appear like a sovereign , when I drew
near to him, I saw nothing venerable about him " l

It was of no use to remain any longer in Leang , he left
it, and we meet with him again in Ts'e

9 Whether he returned immediately to Ts'e we cannot
tell, but the probability is that he did, and remained in it
till the year BO 311 2 When he left it about Menaua the
seven years before, he had made provision for o^l^Y?
his return in case of a change of mind in king 811

1 Bkl PtI vi

4 This conclusion is adopted because it was in 311 that Ten replied, -when
the king said that he was very much ashamed when he thought of Mencius,
who had strongly condemned his policy towards the State of Yen This is
another case in which the ohionology is differently laid down by the author-
ities, Sze-ma Ts'een saying that Yen was taken by king Min the son and
successor of Houen

32 LIFE OF MENCIUS

Seuen. The philosopher, I apprehend, was content with an
insufficient assurance of such an alteration. Be that as it
may, he went back, and took a-n appointment again as a
high noble

If he was contented with a smaller reformation on the
part of the king than he must have desired, Mencius was
not himself different from what he had been. In the court
and among the high officers his depoitment was equally un-
bending , he was the same stern mentor

Among the officeis was one Wang Hwan, called also
Tsze-gaou, a favourite with the king, insolent and presum-
ing Him. Mencius treated with an indifference and even
contempt which must have been very provoking A large
party were met one time at the house of an officer who had
lost a son, for the purpose of expressing their condolences
Mencius was among them, when suddenly "Wang Hwan
made his appearance. One and another moved to do him
honour and win from him a smile, all indeed but'Mencius,
who paid no regard to him The other complained of the
rudeness, but the philosopher could show that his conduct
was only in accordance with the rules of propriety *

Now and then he became the object of unpleasant remark
and censure At his instigation, an officer, Ch f e Wa, re-
monstrated with the king on some abuse, and had in conse-
quence to resign his office The people were not pleased
with Mencius, thus advising others to their harm, and yet
continuing to retain his own position undisturbed " In
the course which he marked out for Ch/e Wa/ 7 they said,
"he did well, but we do not know as to the course which
he pursues for himself. " The philosopher, however, was
never at a loss in rendering a reason He declared that,
as his office was honorary, he could act ff freely and without
restraint either in going forward or retiring " 2 In this
matter we have more sympathy with the condemnation than
with the defence

Some time dating these years there occurred the death
of Mencius' excellent mother She had been with him in
IVe, and he earned tlie coffin to Loo, to bury it near the
dust of his father and ancestors The funeral was a splen-
did one. Mencius perhaps erred in having it so from his

' Bk IV, Pi n autvii a Bk H. Pt IL v.

LIFE OF ME2TCIUS. 33

dislike to the Mihists, who advocated a spare simplicity lu
all funeral matters 1 His arrangements certainly excited
the astonishment of some of his own disciples/ and were
the occasion of geneial remark 3 He defended himself on
tlie ground that "the supenor man will not for all the world
be niggardly to his parents/' and that, as he had the means,
there was no reason why he should not give all the expi es-
sion in his power to his natural feelings

Having paid this last tribute of filial duty, Mencius re-
turned to Ts'e, but he could not appear at court till the
three years of his mourning' were accomplished * It could
not be long after this when trouble and confusion arose in
Yen, a large State to the north-west of Ts'e, in the present
Chih-le Its prince, who was a poor weakling, wished to go
through the sham of resigning his throne to his prime
minister., understanding that he would decline it, and that
thus he would have the credit of playing the part of the
ancient Yaou, while at the same time he retained his king-
dom The minister, however, accepted the tender, and, as
he proved a tyrannical ruler, great dissatisfaction arose.
Shin T'ung, an officer of Ts'e, asked Mencius whether Yen
might be smitten He replied that it might, for its pnnce had
no right to resign it to his minister, and the minister no right
to receive it (e Suppose," said he, f{ there were an officer
here with whom you were pleased, and that, without in-
forming the king, you weie privately to give him your
salary and rank , and suppose that this officer, also without
the king's orders, were privately to receive them from you
would such a transaction be allowable ? And where is
the difference between the case of Yen and this ? " 6

Whether these sentiments were reported to king Seuen
or not, he proceeded to attack Yen, and found it an easy
prey Mencius was charged with having advised the
measure, but he ingeniously lepudiated the accusation " I
answered Shin T'ung that Yen might be smitten If he
had asked me f Who may smite it ? * I would have

i Bk UI Pt I, v 2 a Bk II Pt II vn

a Bk I. Pt n xvi

4 Some are of opinion that Mencnw stopped all the period of mourning m
Loo, but the more natural conclusion, Bk II Pt n vn 1, seems to me that
he returned to Ts'3, and stayed at Ting, without going to court

Bfc II Pt IT. viu.

VOL n. 8

34 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

answered liim c He who is the minister of Heaven may
smite at 3 Suppose the case of a murderer, and that one
asks me e May this man be put to death ? ' I will answer
him f He may 3 If he ask me ' Who may put him to
death ? ' I will answer him ' The chief criminal judge
may put him to death ; But now with one Yen to smite
another Yen how shonld I have advised this ? 9> This
reference to cc The minister of Heaven" strikingly illustrates
what was said about the state of China in Mencius* time
He tells ns in one place that hostile States do not correct
one another, and that only the supieme authority can punish
its subjects by force of arms 1 But theie was now no
supreme authority in China, He saw in the emperor but
" the shadow of an empty name y> His conception of a
minister of Heaven was not unworthy He was one who,
by the distinction which he gave to talents and virtue, and by
his encouragement of agriculture and commerce, attracted all
people to him as a parent Ho would have no enemy under
heaven, and could not help attaining to the Royal dignity a

King Seuen, after conquering and appropriating Yen,
tried to get Mencius' sanction of the proceeding, alleging
the ease and rapidity with which he had effected the con-
quest as an evidence of the favour of Heaven But the
philosopher was true to himself The people of Yen, he
said, had submitted, because they expected to find in the
king a deliverer fiom the evils under which they groaned
If they were pleased, he might retain the State, but if he
tried to keep it by force, there would simply be another
revolution 3

The king's love of power prevailed He determined to
keep his prey, and ere long a combination was formed
among the neighbouring princes to wrest Yen from him
Full of alarm he again consulted Mencius, but got no com-
fort from him. "Let him restore his captives and spoils,
consult with the people of Yen, and appoint them a ruler
so he might be able to avert the threatened attack/' 4

The result was as Mencius had predicted The people of
Yen rebelled The king felt ashamed before the philoso-
pher, whose second residence in Ts'e was thus brought to
an unpleasant termination.

1 Bk YIL Pt H ii * Bk U Pt I v

3 Ek I Pt IL x. 4 Bk I Pt IL 33.

LIFE OP MENCIUS 35

10. "We do not know that Mencius visited any of the
princes after this On leaving Ts'e, he took his way again
to Sung, the duke of which had taken the title Mencms m
of king in BC 317. A report also had gone L-BC so&
abroad that he was setting about to practise the true loyal
government but Mencms soon satisfied himself of its m-
coirectness *

The last court at which we find him is that of Loo, B.C
309 The duke P'mg had theie called Yoh-chmg, one of
the philosopher's disciples, to his councils, and indeed com-
mitted to him the admmisti ation of the government When
Mencius heard of it, he was so overjoyed that he could not
sleep 2

The first appearance (in point of time) of this Yoh-chmg
in the Seven Books is not much to his credit He conies to
Ts c e in the train of "Wang Hwan, the favourite who was an
offence to the philosopher, and is veiy sharply reproved for
joining himself to such a character "for the sake of the
loaves and fishes " 3 Other references to him are more
favourable Mencius declares him to be c ' a good man/' " a
real man " * He allows that "he is not a man of vigour,"
nor " a man wise in council," nor " a man of much informa-
tion/' but he says " he is a man that loves what is good,"
and <f the love of what is good is more than a sufficient
qualification for the government of the kingdom, how
much more is it so for the State of Loo ' " *

Either on his own impulse or by Yoh-chmg' s invitation,
Mencius went himself also to Loo, hoping that the prince
who had committed his government to the disciple might bo
willing to listen to the counsels of the master The duke
was informed of his arrival by Yoh-chmg, and also of the
deference which he exacted. He resolved to go and visit
him and invite him to the court The horses were put to
the carriage, and the duke was ready to staifc, when the in-
tervention of his favourite, a worthless creature called Tsang
Ts'angj diverted ham from lua good purpose When told
by the duke that he was going to visit the scholar Mdng,
IVang said, " That you demean yourself to pay the honour
of the first visit to a common man, is, I apprehend, because

1 See Bk HI. Pt II y vi 9 Bk VI Pt IL sail.

s Bk IV Pt I xxv < Bk VII. Pt II xxv. 6 Bk VL Pt 1L xiu

36 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

you think that he is a man of talents and virtue. From
such men the rules of ceremonial proprieties and light pio-
ceed , but on the occasion of this Hang's second mourning,
his observances exceeded those of the former. Do not go
to see him, my prince " The duke said, " I will not , y>
and carnage and horses were ordered back to their places

As soon as Yoh-ching had an audience of the duke, he
explained the charge of impropriety which had been brought
against Mencius , but the evil was done The duke had
taken his course "I told him," said Yoh-clnng, " about
you, and he was coming to see you, when Tsang Ts f ang
stopped him " Mencius replied to him, cf A. man's advance-
ment is effected, it may be, by others, and the stopping
him is, it may be, from the efforts of others. But to advance
a man or to stop his advance is really beyond the power of
other men , my not finding in the prince of Loo a ruler who
would confide in me, and put my counsels into practice, is
fiom Heaven How could that scion of the Tsang family
cause me not to find the ruler that would suit me ? " *

Mencius appears to have accepted this intimation of the
will of Heaven as final He has a remarkable saying, that
Heaven controls the development of a man's faculties and
affections, but as there is an adaptation in his nature for
these, the superior man does not say t( It is the appoint-
ment of Heaven " 2 In accordance with this principle he
had striven long against the adverse circumstances which
threw his hopes of influencing the rulers of his time again
and again, m the dust On his first leaving Ts'e we saw
ho\v he said " Heaven does not yet wish that the empire
should enjoy tranquillity and good order " For about fifteen
years, however, he persevered, if peradventure there might
be a change in the Heavenly councils Now at last he
bowed in submission. The year after and he would reach
Ins grand climacteric We lose sight of him He retired
from courts and great officers We can but think and con-
jecture of him, according to tiadition, passing the last
twenty years of his life amid the moie congenial society of
his di&ciples, discoursing to them, and compiling the Works
which have survived as his memorial to the present day.

1 1 . I have endeavoured in the preceding paragraphs to

1 Bk I Pt II xvi, * Bk IH Pt II xiv

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS 37

put together the principal incidents of Mencius' histoiy PS
they may be gathered from his TTii tings There is" no
other source of information about him, and we must regret
that they tell us nothing of his domestic life and habits In
one of the stones about his mother theie is an allasion to
his wife, from which we may conclude that his marriage
was not without its bitternesses. It is piobable that the
M5ng Chung, mentioned in Bk II Pt II 11 , v/ L is his son,
though this is not easily leconcileable with what we lead in
VI Pt I v y of a Ming Ke, ^ ho was,, according to CLuiou
K f e, a brother of Maiig Chung We must believe that he
left a family, for his descendants form a lar^e clan at the
present day He-wan, the 5Gth in descent from Mencius,
was, in the period Kea-tsmg (AD. 1322 1566), constituted
a member of the Han-hn college, and of the Board in charge
of the five King, which honour was to be hereditaiy m the
family, and the holdei of it to preside at the sacrifices to his
ancestoi * China 5 s appreciation of our philosopher could
not be more strikingly shown Honours flow back in thi<3
empire The descendant ennobles his ancestors But in
the case of Mencius, a& in that of Confucius, this order is
reversed. No excellence of descendants can extend to
them; and the nation acknowledges its obligations to them
by nobility and distinction conferred thiough all generations
upon their posterity

SECTION II

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS.

1 CCVNFCTCIUS had hardly passed off the stage of life before
his merits began to be acknowledged The duke Gae, who
had neglected his counsels when he was alive, was the first
to pronounce his eulogy, and to older that public sacrifices
should be offered to him. His di&ciplea proclaimed their
estimation of him as superior to all the sages whom China
had ever seen Before long this view of him took possession

1 See Morrison* s Dictionary, on Menoius

38 MUtfCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

of the whole nation , and since the Han dynasty, lie has been
the man whom sovereign and people have delighted to honour

The memory of Mencius was not so distinguished. We
have seen that many centuries elapsed before his Writings
Ackno-wiedg-- were received among the classics of the empire
Sent? b^the"*' I* was natural that under the same dynasty
government when this was done the man himself should be
admitted to share in the sacrifices presented to Confucius

The emperor Shm-tsung/ in A D. 1083, issued a patent,
constituting Mencius " duke of the State of Tsow," and
ordering a temple to be built to him in the district of Tsow,
at the spot where the philosopher had been interred In
the following year it was enacted that he should have a place
in the temple of Confucius,, next to tlia,t of Yen Yuen, the
favourite disciple of the sage

In A D 1330,, the emperor Wan/ of the Yuen dynasty,
jiiade an addition to Mencius J title, and styled him fc duke
of the State of Tsow, Inferior Sage ** This continued
till the use of the Ming dynasty, the founder of which
had his indignation excited in 1372 by one of Mencius'
conveisahons with king Seuen The philosopher had
said " When the ruler regaids his ministers as hi's hands
and feet, the mimstcis regard then rnler as their belly and
heart , when he i k egards them as his dogs and horses, they
regard him as any other man, when he i eg aids them aa
the ground or as grass, they legard him as a robber and an
enemy " 3 To apply such names as o obhei and encmi/ m any
ca&e to rulers seemed to the imperial reader an unpaid onablo
outrage, and he ordered Mencius to bo degraded from Ins
place in the temples of Confucius, declaring also that if any
one remonstrated on the proceeding he should be dealt with
as guilty of " Contempt of Majesty "

The scholars of China have never been slow to vindicate
the memory of its sages and worthies Undeterred by the
imperial threat, Ts'een T'ang, a president of the Board of
Punishments, presented himself with a remonstrance say-
ing ef I will die for Mencius, and my death will be crowned
with glory " The emperor was moved by his earnestness,,
and allowed him to go soathless. In the following year,
moreover, examination and reflection produced a change of

1 A,0 10681085 2 A D. 13301333

3 Bk IV Ft II m.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS 39

mind He issued a second proclamation to the effect that
Mencius, by exposing heretical doctrines and ovei thro wing 1
perverse speakmgSj had set forth clearly the principles of
Confucius^ and ought to be restored to his place as one of
his assessors. 1

In 1530, the ninth year of the period Kea-tsing, a geoeral
revision was made of the sacrificial canon for the sage's
temple,, and the title of Mencius was changed into cc The
philosopher M3.ng, Inferioi Sage " So it continues to the
present day His place is the second on the west,, next to
that of the philosopher Tsang-. Originally, we have seen^ he
followed Yen Hwuy, but Hwuy, Tsze-sze, Tsang, and Liang
were appointed the sage's four assessors, and had their
relative positions fixed, in 12G7

2 The second edict in the period Hung-woo, restoring
Mencius to his place in the temples of Confucius, states faiily
enough the sei vices which he is held to have rendered tohia
country. The philosophers own estimate of Estimate of
himself has partly appeared in the sketch of S'SStyiSS-
his Life, He seemed to start with astonish- Lus

1 I have taken this account from " The Sacrificial Canon of the Sage's
Temples" (Vol I Pioleg p 103) Dr Monison in his Dictionary, under
the character Hang, adds that the change in the empeior'b mind was pro-
duced by his reading the remarkable passage m Bk VI Pt II. xv , about
tuals and hardships as the \vay by which Heaven prepares men foi great
servicets He thought it was descriptive of himself, and that he could digue
from it a good title to the cro\\n , and so he was mollified to the philo&o-
pher It may be woith while to give here the concluding lemarks in 'The
Paraphia^e tor Daity Lessons, Explaining the Meaning of the Four Books"
(Vol I Pioleg of laigei Woik, p 131), on the chapter of Mencius which -N as
deemed \>y the irnpei ial reader so objectionable *' Mencius wished that &o\ e-
leigns should ti eat then ministers accoiding to propriety, and nouribh them,
with kindness, and theiefoze he used thebe perilous* wordb in order to alaim and
rouse them As to the othei side, the pait of ministers, though the sovereign
regaid them ab hit* hands and ieet, they ought notwithstanding to dibcharge
mot>t eame&tlythen dutieo oi loyalty and love Yea, though he regard them at*
doge and hoit.es, 01 as thegiound and giass, they ought btill more to peiform
their i> 11 1 in bjute of all difficulties, and oblivious of their peison They m i> on
no account mike the manner in which they are i egai ded, whether it be ot ap-
preciation oi contempt, the standaid by \vhich they regulate the measure of
then gt ttetul bervice Ihe -woids of Confucius, that the ntler should foliate
to /A/A unm^tett ttctordwig to propriety, and tJ^e minister 1 * terve their soie-
t etgtti /uitkfaitfifulnebitt contain the unehangmgruleforall ages " The authors
of tiie Daily Lemons did their woik by imperial ordei, and evidently had
the fear of the oomt before their eyes Their language implies a censuie of
our philosopher Theie will ever be a grudge against him in the minds of
debpots, and their creatures will be ready to depreciate him

40 MIKC1US AND HIS OPINIONS.

ment when bis disciple Kung-sun Ch/ow was disposed to
rank him as a sage , l but ho also said on one occasion
" When sages shall use up again,, they will not change my
words" 2 Evidently , he was of opinion that the mantle of
Confucius had fallen upon him A work was to be done in
his generation, and he felt himself able to undertake it
Aftei describing what had been accomplished by the great
Yu, by Chow-kung, and Confucius, he adds "I also wish
to rectify men's hearts, and to put an end to those perverse
doctrines, to oppose their one-sided actions, and banish away
their licentious expressions ; and thus to carry on the work
of the three sages 3> 3

3. The place which Mencius occupies m the estimation of
the literati of China may be seen by the following testimonies
selected fiom those appended by Choo He to the pietatory
notice of his Life in the cf Collected Comments yj

Han Yu * says, " If we wish to study the doctnnos of tho
sages, we must begin with Mencius " He also quotes tho
opinion of Yang Tsze-yun, 6 " Yang and Mih were stopping up
the way [of truth] , v* hen Mencius refuted them, and scattered
their delusions without difficulty , " and then remaiks upon
it fc When Yang and Mih walked abioad, the tiue doctim 3
had neaily come to nought. Though Mencius possessed
talents and virtue, even those of a sage, he did not occupy
the throne He could only speak and not act With all
his earnestness, what could he do ? It is owing, however, to
his words, that learners now-a-days still know to i evoi o-
Confucius, to honour benevolence and righteousness, to es-
teem the true sovereign and despise the mere prctondei
But the grand lulesaad laws of the sage and sage-empeiois
had been lost beyond the power of redemption ; only one
in a huudied ot them was preserved Can it be said in
those circumstances that Mencius had an easy task ? Yet
had it not been for him, we bhould have been buttoning the
lappets of our coats on the left side, and our discourse would
have been all-confused and indistinct, it is on this account
that I have honouied Mencius, and consider his meut not
inferior to that of Yu "

One asked the philosopher Ch/ing * whether Mencius might

1 Bk II, Pt I n 18, 19. a Bk III Pt II ix 10.

8 Ib , par. 13 * See above.

5 Died A D 18. e See Vol I , Piole^ , p. 24

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 41

oe pronounced to bea sage. He replied, " I do not dare to
say altogether that he was a sage, bat his learning had
reached the extremest point. >} The same great scholar also
said " The merit of Mencius in regard to the doctrine of
the sages is more than can be told. Confucius only spoke
of benevolence, but as soon as Mencius opens his mouth, we
hear of benevolence and i icjliteonsness Confacius only spoke
of the will or vivid, but Mencius enlarged also on the
nourishment of the passion-native. In these two lespects
his merit was great " " Meucms did great service to the
world by his teaching the goodness of man's nature 3}
" Mencius had a certain amount of the heroical spirit, and
to that there always belong some jutting coiners., the effect
of which is very injurious Yen Yuen, all round and com-
plete, was different fiom this He was but a hallos-breadth
removed from a sage, while Mencius must be placed in a
lower rank, a great worthy, an inferior sage " Ch/mg was
asked wheie what he called the heroical spirit of Mencius
could be seen ff We have only to compare his words with
those of Confucius/' he said, " and we shall perceive it It
is like the comparison of ice or crystal with a precious stone
The ice is bright enough, but the precious stone, without so
much brilliancy, has a softness and richness all its own." 1
The scholar Yang Kwei-shan 2 says cc The great object of
Mencius in his wntings is to rectify men's hearts, teaching
them to preserve then heart and nourish their nature, and to
recover their lost heart When he discourses of benevolence,
righteousness, propriety, and knowledge, he refers to the
principles of these in the heart commiserating, feeling shame
and dislike, affected with modesty and complaisance, approv-

1 This is piobably the original of what appears in the "Meraoires concern-
ant les Chinois," in the notice of Mencius, vol 111., and which Thornton
(vol 11 , pp 216, 217) has faithfully translated therefrom in the following
terms " Confucius, through pi udence or modesty, often dissimulated , he
did not always saj what he might have said Mdng-tbze, on the contrary,
was incapable of constiammg himself , he spoke ^tvhat he thought and with-
out the least fear or reseive He resembles ice of the puiest water, thiough
which we can see all its delects a* well as its beauties Confucius, on the
othei hand, is like a piecious gem, which though not so pellucid as ice, has
more stiength and solidity " The former of these sentences is quite alien,
fiom the style of Chinese thinking and expression

a One of the great scholars of the Sung dynasty, a fiiend of the two Ch'rog.
He has a place in the temples of Confucius

42 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

ing and disapproving- When he speaks of the evils springing
from perverted speakings, he says ' Growing first in the
mind, they prove injurious to government 3 Wlien he
shows how a prince should be served, he says c Correct
what is wrong in his mind Once rectify the prince, and
the kingdom will be settled ' With him the thousand
changes and ten thousand operations of men all come from,
the mind or heart If a man once rectify his heart, little
else will remain for him to do In e The Gieat Learning/
the cultivation of the person, the regulation of the family,
the government of the State, and the tianquillization of the
empire, all have their root in the lectifymg of the heart
and the making the thoughts sincere If the heart bo
rectified^ we recognize at once the goodness of the nature
On this account, whenever Mencius came into contact with
people, he testified that man's nature is good When Ow-
yang Yung-shuh 1 says, that, in the lessons of the sages,
man's nature does not occupy the first place., he is wrong
There is nothing to be put before this Yaouand Shun aro
the models for ten thousand ages simply because they fol-
lowed their nature And to follow our nature is just to
accord with Heavenly principle To use plans and arts,
away from this, though they may be successful in great
achievement, is the feelnshness of human desires, and as fat
removed from the mode of action of the sage, as eaith is
from heaven " I shall close these testimonies with a sen-
tence from Choo He himself He says " Menem s, when
compared with Confucius, always appears to speak in too
lofty a style , but when we hear him proclaiming the good-
ness of man's nature, and celebrating Yaou and Shun, then
we likewise perceive the solidity of his discourses "

4 The judgment conceining our philosopher contained
in the above quotations will approve itself to every one \vho
correctness of has carefully perused his Works The long

the above tosti * J r ^y _ _ ,-

momes Men- passage from Yang Kwei-shan is especially
SfoeTappSr valuable, and puts the pimcipal characteristic
in his oxpoBi- of Mencms J teachings in a clear light. Whether

tione of doc- & a

tame those teachings have the intrinsic value which is

ascribed to them is another question. But Meuciut/ posi-

1 Also one of China's greatest scholars He has now a place in the tem-
ples of Confucius

HIS rarPLTTENCB AND OPINIONS 43

tion with reference to cf the doctrines of the sages " is cor-
rectly assigned We are not to look for new truths in him
And this does not lead his countrymen to think less highly
of him I ^entuied to lay it down as one grand cause of
the position and influence of Confucius, that he was simply
the preserver of the monuments of antiquity^ and the exem-
phfier and expounder of the maxims of the golden age of
China In this Mencius must share with him

But while we are not to look to Mencius for new truths,
the peculiarities of his natural' character were more striking
than those of his master There was an element of " the
heroical " about him He was a dialectician, moreover If
he did not like disputing, as he piotested that he did not,
yet, when forced to it, he showed himself a master of the
art An ingenuity and subtlety which we cannot but enjoy
often mark his reasonings We have more sympathy with
him than with Confucius He comes closer to us He is not
so awe-ful, but he is more admirable. The doctrines of the
sages take a tinge from his mind in passing through it, and
it is with that Mencian character about them that they are
now held by the cultivated classes and by readers generally.

E will now call attention to a few passages illustrative of
those lemarks Some might piefer to search them out for
themselves in the body of the volume, and I am far from
intending to exhaust the subject There will be many
readei s, however, pleased to have the means of forming an
idea of the man for themselves brought within small com-
pass My next object will be to leview his doctrine con-
cerning man's mental constitution and the nourishment of
the passion-nature, in which he is said to have rendered
special service to the cause of truth. That done, I will
conclude by pointing out what I conceive to be his chief
defects as a moral and political teacher. To the opinions
of Yang Choo and Mih, which he took credit to himself for
assailing and exposing, it will be necessary to devote another
chapter

5 It was pointed out in treating of the opinions of Con-
fucius, that, he allowed no f 'right divine" to a sovereign,
independent of his exercising a benevolent rule, specimens of
This was one of the topics, however, of which JJ^
he was shy. With Mencius, on the contrary, it ner of
was a favourite theme. The degeneracy of the ili

44 MENCITTS AND HIS OPINIONS

times and the ardour of his disposition prompted him equally
to the free expression, of his convictions about it.

** The people," he said, " are the most important element [m a country] ,
the spirits of the land and gram aie the next , the ruler is the lightest

When, the ruler endangers the altaia of the spmte of the
ment Thepeo- land and ralrj j ne 1S changed, and another appointed in hia
plemoieim- place When the sacnficial victims have been peifect, the
fh li rS t than millet in its vessels all puie, and the sacrifices offered at their

pioper seasons, if jet theie ensue drought, or the waters over-
flow, the altars of the spirits of the land and giain aie changed, and otheis
appointed 11 l

ff The people are the most important element in a country,
and the i tiler is the lightest , " that is certainly a bold and

Aa unworthy ringing affirmation Mencius was not afraid to
i&Sd^^S foilow it to the conclusion that the ruler who
tod^th was exercising an injurious rule should be de-

throned His existence is not to be allowed to interfere
with the general good Killing in such a case is no murder
King Seuen once asked, " Was it so that T f ang banished
Keeh, and that king Woo smote Chow ? " Mencius replied,
"It is so in the records " The king asked, " May a min-
ister then put his sovereign to death ? J ' Our philosopher's
reply was " He who outrages the benevolence proper to
his nature is called a robber , he who outrages righteousness
is called a ruffian The robber and ruffian we call a meie
fellow I have heard of the cutting off of the fellow Chow,
but I have not heard in his case of the putting a ruler to
death " 2

With regard to the ground of the relation between ruler
and people, Mencius refers it very clearly to the will of God

The ground of In one place he adopts for his own purpose the
eeuS?ad language of king Woo m the Shoo-kmg
people < < Heaven, having produced the inferior people,

made for them rulers and instructors, with the purpose
that they should be assisting to God, and therefore gave
them distinction throughout the four quarters of the land " 3
But the question arises How can this will of Heaven be
known ? Mencius has endeavoured to answer it. He says
fs Heaven gives the empire, but its appointment is not
conferred with specific injunctions. Heaven does not speak.

1 Bk VII Pt H xiv s Bk I Ft IT. vm

3 Bk I Pt H. in 7.

HIS IOTLTTENCE AND OPINIONS. 45

It sliows its will bv a man's personal conduct and his con-
duct of affairs 3 * The conclusion of the whole matter is
" Heaven sees according as the people see , Heaven heais
according as the people hear," 1

It may not be easy to dispute these principles I for one
have no hesitation in admitting them Their application,
however, must always be attended with diffi- AH unworthy
culty Here is a sovereign who is the very "

reverse of a minister of God for good He * elatlves
ought to be removed, but who is to remove him ? Mencms
teaches in one passage that the duty is to be performed by
his relatives who are also ministers.

King Seuen of Ts'e asked him about the office of chief ministers.
Mencms said, ""Which chief ministers is jour Majesty asking about''*
" Are there differences among them f " inquired the king " There are,"
was the leply , ' theie are the chief minister* who are noble and relatives of
the ruler, and there aie those who are of a diffeient surname " The king
said, " I beg to ask about the chiet ministers who are noble and relatit es
of the ruler " Mencms anvneied, " If the ruler have great faults, they onght
to remonstrate with him, and if he do not listen to them wlien they have
done so again and again, they ought to appoint another in his place " Tha
king on this looked moved, and changed countenance Mencius said, c Let
not your Majesty think what I say strange You asked me, and I did not
dare to reply but coirectly " 2

This plan for disposing of an nnworthy sovereign has
been acted on in China and in other countries. It is the
best that can be adopted to secure the throne
in the ruling House. But where there are no
relatives that have the virtue and power to play
such a part, what is to be done ? Mencius has or
two ways o meeting this difficulty. Contrary to his gen-
eral rule for the conduct of ministers who are not relatives,
he allows that even they may, under certain conditions, take
summary measures with their sovereign.

His disciple Kung-sun Ch'ow said to him, "E Ym said, *I cannot be near
so disobedient a person,* and therewith he banished T"ae-keah to T'ang
The people were much pleased When Tae-keah became virtuous, he
brought him back, and the people were again much pleased When worthies
are ministers, may they indeed banish their rulers in this way when they
are not virtuous " Menoius rephed, " If they have the mind of B Yin,
they may. If they have not that mmd, it would be usurpation " s

* Bk Y. Pt L v. * Bk V Pt IL ix.

3 Bk VII Pt I

46 MENCITTS AND HIS OPINIONS

His grand device, however, is what lie calls " the minister
of Heaven " When the sovereign has become worthless
and useless, his hope is that Heaven will raise up some one
for the help of the people , some one who shall so occupy
in his original subordinate position as to draw all eyes and
hearts to himself x Let him then raise the standard, not of
rebellion but of righteousness, 2 and he cannot help attain-
ing to the highest dignity So it was with the great T'ang,
so it was with the kings Wan and Woo Of the last Men-
cius says " There was. one man " -i e , the tyrant Chow
tc pursuing a violent and disorderly course in the land, and
king Woo was ashamed of it By one display of his anger,
he gave repose to all the people " s He would have been
glad if any one of the princes of his own time had been
able to vault in a similar way to the royal throne, and he
went about counselling them to the attempt ec Let your
Majesty " said he to king Seuen, c ' in like manner, by one
burst of anger, give repose to all the people of the empire "
This was in fact advising to rebellion, but the philosophei
would have recked little of such a charge. The House of
Chow had forfeited in his view its title to the kingdom
Alas ' among all the princes he had to do with, he did not
find one who could be stirred to so honourable an action

"We need not wonder that Mencius, putting forth the
above views so boldly and broadly, should not be a favourite
with the rulers of China His sentiments, professed by the
literati, and known and read by all the people, have oper-
ate dpowei fully to compel the good behavioui of " the powers
that be " It may be said that they encourage the aims of
selfish ambition, and the lawlessness of the licentious mob.
I grant it They are lessons fox the virtuous, and not for
the lawless and disobedient,, but the government of China
would have been more of a grinding debpoti&m, if it had not
been for them

On the readiness of the people to be governed Mencius

only differs from Confucius in the more vehement style in

The influence which he expi esses his views. He does not

of personal cha- in r i , -i n r- i

rooter in a ruler dwell so much on the influence of personal
virtue, and I pointed out, in the sketch of bis Life, how he

1 Bk H Pt I Y

2 " Raise righteous soldiers , " this is the profession of all rebel leaders
m China 3 Bk L Pt IL in. 7.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 47

all but compromised his character in his communications
with king- Seuen, telling him that his love of women, of war,
and of money might be so regulated as not to inteifere with
his exercise of true royal government Still he speaks at
times correctly and emphatically on this subject He quotes
Confucius' language on the influence geneially of supenors
on inferiors, that ct the relation between them is like that
between the wind and grass , the grass must bend when the
wind blows upon it , " 1 and he says himself " It is not
enough to remonstrate with a luler on account of the mal-
employment of ministers, nor to blame errors of government
It is only the great man who can correct what is wiong in
the ruler's mind Let the luler be benevolent, and all his
acts will be benevolent Let the ruler be righteous, and all
his acts will bo righteous. Let the ruler be correct,, and all
his acts will be conect Once lectify the ruler, and the State
"will be firmly settled " 2

But the misery which he saw around him, in consequence
of the prevailing anarchy and constant wars between State
and State, led Mencius to insist on the necessity
of what he called fc a benevolent government " government)
The king Seang asked him, " Who can unite all and lts effect "
under the sky under one sway ? " and his reply was, fc He
who has no pleasure in killing men can so unite it " 3 His
being so possessed with the sad condition of his time like-
wise gave occasion, we may suppose, to the utterance of
another sentiment, sufficiently remarkable. " Never/' said
he, " has he who would by his excellence subdue men, been
able to subdue them Let a ruler seek by his excellence to
nourish men, and he will be able to subdue all under heav-
en. It is impossible that any one should attain to the
true royal sway to whom the hearts of all nndei heaven
are not subject " * The highest style of excellence will of
course have its outgoings in benevolence. Apart from that,
it will be powerless, as Mencius says His words are akin to
those of Paul . ' ' Scarcely for a righteous man will one die :
yet perad venture fora goodman some would even dare to die."

On the effects of a benevolent rule he says :

^ Keeh and Chow's losing the kingdom arose fiom their losing the people ,
and to lose the people means to lose their hearts. There is a way to get the

1 Bk m Pt I n 4 2 Bk IY Pt I xx

3 Bk L Pt L vi 4 Bk IV. Pt n xvl

48 3OJNCITTS AND HIS OPINIONS.

kingdom get the people, and the kiDgdom is got There is a way to get
the people get their heaits, and the people are got There is a way to get
their hearts it is simply to collect for them, what they desire, and not to
lay on them what they dislike The people turn to a benevolent lule as
\vater flows downwaids, and as wild beasts run to the wilds As the otter
aids the deep waters, driving the fish into them, and as the hawk aids the
thickets, driving the little birda to them, so Keeh and Chow aided T'ang and
"Woo, driving the people to them If among the present rulers throughout
the kingdom theie were one who loved benevolence, all the othei ruleis
would aid him by driving the people to him Although he wished not to
exercise the royal sway, he could not avoid doing so "

Two principal elements of this benevolent rule., much
insisted on by Mencius, deserve to be made prominent.
They are to be found indicated in the Analects, and in the
older classics also, but it Tras reserved for our philosopher
TO make the to set them forth, sharply defined in his own
s *yl e J an( l to show the connexion between them
^key are that the people be made well off,
and that they be educated, and the former is
necessary in order to the efficiency of the other.
Once, when Confucius was passing through Wei m com-
pany with Yen Yew, he was stiuck with the populousness
of the State. The di&ciple said, " Since the people are thus
numerous, what more shall be done for them ? 33 Confucius
answered, " Ennch them " ' f And when they have been
enricbed, what more shall be done for them ? " The reply
was tc Teach them/" % This bnef conversation contains
thegerms of the ideas on which JVLencius delighted to dwell.
* We read in one place

" Let it be seen to that their fields of grain and hemp are well cultivated,
and make the taxes on them light so the people may be made rich

" Let it be seen to that they use their resources of food seasonably, and
expend them only on the'prescnbed. ceremonies . so they will be moie than
can be consumed

* The people cannot live without water and fire , yet if you knock at a
man's* door ui the dusk of the evening, and ask for water and fire, theie is
no man who will not give them, such is the great abundance of them A
sage would govern the kingdom so as oauc,e pulse and grain to be as abundant
as water and fire When pulse and giam are as abundant as water and fiie,
how shall there be among the people any that are not vutuoub ? " 3

Again he says

** In good years the children of the people are moat of them good, and in
bad years they are most of them evil " *

1 Bk IV Pt I ix, Con. Ana T XIIT ir.

T*V VTT T>* T -rviii * Bk "VX Pt L VU.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 49

Tt is in Ins conversations, however, with king Seuen of
Ts f e and duke W&DL of T'3ng, that we find the fullest expo-
sition of the points in hand

** They are only men of education -who, without a certain livelihood are
able to maintain a fixed heart As to the people, if they have not a certain
livelihood, it follows that they will not have a fixed heart And if they ha\ e
not a fixed heart, theie is nothing which they will not do in the way of self-
abandonment^ of moral deflection, of depravity, and of wild licence "When
they have thus been involved in crime, to iollow them up and punish them
this is to entrap the people Theiefore an intelligent ruler will regulate
the livelihood of the people, so ab to make faure that, above, they shall have
sufficient wherewith to serve then parents, and, below, sufficient where-
with to suppoit their wives and children, that in good \earsthey snail
always be abundantly satisfied, and that in bad years they shall escape
the danger ot perishing After this he may urge them, and they \vill pro-
ceed to what is good, for in this cate the people will follow after that with
readiness " *

It is not necessary to remark here on the measures which
Mencius recommends in oider to secure a certain livelihood
for the people They embrace the regulation both of agri-
culture and commerce 2 And education should be directed
simply to illustrate the human relations 8 What he says on
these subjects is not without shrewdness,, though many of
his recommendations are inappropriate to the piesent state
of society in China itself as well as in other countries But
his principle, that good government should contemplate and
will be seen in the material well-being of the people, is
worthy of all honour Whether government should inter-
fere to secure the education of the people is questioned by
not a few. The religious denomination to which I have the
honour to belong has distinguished itself by opposing such
a doctrine in England, more zealously perhaps than wisely. 4
But when Mencius teaches that with the mass of men edu-
cation will have little success where the life is embittered
by a miserable poverty, he shows himself well acquainted
with human nature. Educationists now seem generally to
recognize it, but I think it is only within a century that it
has assumed in Europe the defimteness and importance
with which it appeared to Mencius here in China two thou-
sand years ago,

1 Bk I Ft I vzi. 20, 21 , Bk III Pt I in 8
J Bk HL Pt J. ni , Bk I. Pt II iv , Bk H Pfc I v. et at
* 3 Bk III Pt I. In. 10. * Its views are now, in 1874, very different.

VOL. 11. 4

50 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

We saw how Mencms, when lie was residing in T'&ng-,
came into contact with a class of enthusiasts^ who advocated
a return to the primitive state of society,

" When Adam delved and Eve span "

They said that wise and able princes should cultivate the
ground equally and along with their people, and eat the
Necessity for a fruit of their lab our, that "to have granaries,
bo^and f tiiat arsenals, and treasuries was an oppressing of
fonduoS^by^a ^ e P e P^ e " Mencius exposed these errors
lettered class very happily, showing the necessity to society
of a division of labour, and that the conduct of government
should be in the hands of a lettered class

" I suppose," he said to a follower of the strange doctrines, " that Heu
Hmg 80t\s gram and eata the produce Is it not so 1 " " It is so," was the
answer " I suppose that he also weaves oloth, and wears his own manufac-
ture Is it not so ? " " No , Heu wears clothes of haircloth," " Does he
wear a cap''* "He wears a cap " "What kind of cap?" "A plain
cap " " Is it woven by himself ' " " No ; he gets it in exchange for gram "
11 Why does Heu not weave it himself ' " " That would injure his hus-
bandry " ic Does Heu cook his food in boilers and earthen- ware pans, and
does he 'plough with an iron shai e ' " " Yea " " Does he make those aitioles
himself ? " " No , he gets them in exchange for grain n On these admissions
Mencius proceeds te The getting those various articles m exchange for
giain is not oppressive to the potter and the founder, and the potter and the
founder in then tuin, in exchanging their vanous articles for gram are not
oppressive to the husbandman How should such a thing be supposed I
But why does not Heu, on his principles,} act the potter and founder, supply-
ing himself with the articles which he uses solely fiom his own establish-
ment * Why does he go confusedly dealing and exchanging with the handi-
ciaftamen ' Why does he not spare himself bo much trouble ? " His oppo-
nent attempted a reply "The business of the handicraftsman can by no
rneanb be earned on along with the business of husbandry " Mencius resum-
ed " Then, is it the government of the empire which alone can be carried
along V, ith the practice of husbandry ? Great men have their proper busi-
nes<i, and little men have their proper business Moreover, in the case of
any single individual, whatever articles he can require are ready to his hand,
"being pi oduced by the various handicraftsmen , if he must fiist make them
for his own use, this way of doing -would keep all the people running
about upon the roads Hence theie is the saying * Some men labour with
their minds, and some with their strength Those who labour with their
minds govern others , those who labour with their stiength are govern-
ed by others Those who are governed by others support them , those
who govern others are suppoited by them ' This is a principle universally
recognized," x

1 Bk in. Pt iv.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 51

Sir John Davis lias observed tliat this is exactly Pope's
line,

" And those who think still govern those who toil " l

Mencius goes on to illustrate it very clearly "by referring to
the labours of Yaou and Shun His opponent makes a
feeble attempt at the end to say a word in favour of the
new doctrines he had embraced .

"If HeiTa doctrines weie followed there would not be two prices in the
market, nor any deceit in the kingdom If a boy were sent to the market,
no one would impose on him , linen and silk of the same length \vould be
of the same price So it would be witti bundles of hemp and silk, being of
the same weight with the different kinds of gram, being the same m quan-
tity , and with shoes which were the same in size " Mencius meets this with
a decisive reply " It is the nature of things to be of unequal quahtj ,
some are twice, some five times, some ten tunes, some a handled times
some a thousand times, some ten thousand times as valuable as others
If you reduce them all to the same standard that must throw the empire
into confusion If large shoes were of the same price with small shoes,
who would make them ? For people to follow the doctrines of Heu
would be for them to lead one another on to practise deceit How can they
avail for the government of a State 7 "

There is only one other subject which I shall here notice,
with Mencius* opinions upon it, the position namely, which
he occupied himself with reference to the princes Menciua' pom-
of his time He calls it that of "a Teacher/' *?*"'**'<*-
but that term in our language very inadequately represents
it. He wished to meet with some ruler who would look to
him as "guide, philosopher, and fnend/' regulating him-
self by his counsels, and thereafter committing to him the
entire administration of his government. Such men, he
insisted, there had been in China from the earliest ages.
Shun had been such to Yaou , Yu and Kaou Yaou had been
such to Shun , E Yin had been such to T'ang , T'ae-kung
Wang had been such to king WSn ; Chow-kung had been
such to the kings Woo and Smug ; Confucius might have
been such to any prince who knew his merit ; Tsze-sze was
such, in a degree, to the dukes Hwuy of Pe and Muh of
Jjoo. 1 The wandering scholars of his own day, who went
from court to court, sometimes with good intentions and
sometimes with bad, pretended to this character, but Men-

1 The Chinese, voL tu p 56.
*SeeBkV Ft II ill. vu etal.

52 MENCIUB AKD HIS OPINIONS.

cms Held them in abhorrence They disgraced the charac-
ter and prostituted it, and he stood forth as its vindicator
and true esempliiier.

Never did Christian pnest lift np his mitred front, or
show his shaven crown, or wear his Geneva gown, more
loftily in courts and palaces than MenciuSj the Teacher, de-
meaned himself. We have seen what struggles sometimes
arose between him and the princes who would fain have had
him bend to their power and place.

"Those, 7 ' said he, "who give counsel to the great should despise them,
and not look at their pomp and display Halls several fathoms high, with
beams projecting several cubits these, if my wishes were to be realized, I
would not have Food spread before me over ten cubits square, and attend-
ant girls to the amount of hundreds these, though my wishes were i ealiaed,
I would not have Pleasure and -wine, and the dash of hunting, with thou-
sands of chariots following after me these, though my wishes weie realized,
I would not have What they esteem are what I would have nothing to do
with , what I esteem are the rules of the ancients. Why should I stand in
awe of them ? " 1

Before we bring a charge of pnde against Mencius on
account of this language and his conduct in accordance with
it, we must bear in mind that the literati in China do in reality
occupy the place of pnests and ministers in Christian king-
doms Sovereign and people have to seek the law at their
lips. The ground on which they stand, " the rules of the
ancients/' affords but poor footing compared with the
Word of God , still it is to them the truth, the unalterable
law of life and duty, and, as the expounders of it, they have
to maintain a dignity which will not compromise its claims
That ff scholars are the first and head of the four classes of
the people/' is a maxim universally admitted I do desi-
derate in Mencius any approach to humility of soul, but I
would not draw my illustrations of the defect from the bold-
ness of his speech and deportment as <e a Teacher. 1 "

But in one respect I am not sure but that our philosopher
failed to act worthy of the character which he thus assumed,
charge The great men to whom he was in the habit of
referring as his patterns nearly all rose from
deep poverty to their subsequent eminence.

1 Bk TEC Pt II xxxiv This passage was wiitten on the pillars of a
hall in College street, East, where the gospel was first preached publicly in
their own tongue to the people of Canton, in February, 1858

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS 53

tc Shun rose to the Empire from among the channeled fields , Foo Taeh
was called to office from the midst of hia building-frames , Kaou Kih from
his fish and salt " 1 " E Tin was a faimer in Sin When T'ang sent persons
with presents of silk, to entreat him to enter his service, he said, with an air
of indifference and self-satisfaction, ' What can I do with those silks with
which T'ang invites me ' Is it not best for me to abide in the channeled
fields, and there delight myself with the principles of Yaou and Shun? ' " 2

It does not appear tliat any of those worthies accepted
favours while thejr were not in office, or from men whom
they disapproved " TTith Mencius it was very different he
toot largely from, the princes whom he lectured and de-
nounced. Possibly he might plead in justification the ex-
ample of Confucius^ but he earned the practice to a greater
extent than that sage had ever done^ to an extent which
staggered even his own disciples and elicited their frequent
inquiries. For instance .

P'ang Kang asked him, saying, " Is it not an extravagant procedure to
go from one prince to another and live upon them, follow ed by several tens
of carnages, and attended by several hundred men ? " Mencius lephed, " If
theie be not a proper ground foi taking it, a single bamboo-cup of rice may
not be received from a man If there be such a proper ground, then Shun's
receiving the empire fiom Yaou is not to be considered excessive Do you
think it was excessive ? M " No," said the other, " but foi a scholai per-
forming no service to receive his support notwithstanding is improper "
Mencius answered, "If you do not ha\e an mtercommumcation of the pio-
duotions of labour, and an interchange of men's services, so that one from
his oveiplus may supply the deficiency of another, then husbandmen, will
have a superfluity of grain, and women will have a superfluity of cloth If
you have such an interchange, carpenters and can lage-w rights may all get
their food from you Here now is a man who, at home, 13 filial, and, abroad,
respectful to hie elders, and w ho watches over the principles of the ancient
kings, awaiting the rise of future leainers, and yet you will refuse to sup-
port him How is it that you give honour to the carpenter and carriage-
vmght, and slight him who practises benevolence and righteousness ? "
P'ang Kang said, " The aim of the carpenter and carriage- wnght is by their
tiades to seek for a living. Is it also the aim of the superior man in his
practice of principles to seek for a living? " "What have you to do," re-
turned Mencius, " with his purpose ? He is of service to you He deserves
to be supported, and shduld be supported And let me ask Do you remu-
nerate a man's intention, or do you remunerate his service ? " To this Kang
replied, " I remuneiate his intention " Mencius said, " There is a man here
who breaks your tiles and draws unsightly figures on your walls , his pur-
pose may Be thereby to seek for his living, but will you indeed remunerate
him ? " * No, 1 * said K&ng , and Mencius then concluded " That being the
case, it is not the purpose which you i enumerate, but the work done " 3

- 1 Bk VL Pt IL xv. 1, 3 Bk V Pt I vii. 2, 3.

3 Bk nx pt n. iv.

54 MEWCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

The ingenuity of Mencius in the above conversation will
not be questioned The position from which he starts in his
defence., that society is based on a division of labour and an
interchange of services, is sound, and he fairly hits and over-
throws his disciples on the point that we remunerate a man
not for his aim but for his work done But he does not
quite meet the charge against himself This will better ap-
pear from another brief conversation with Kung-sun Ch/ow
on the same subject.

" It is said, in the Book of Poetry," observed Chow,

" ' He will not eat the bread of idleness '

How is it that we see superior men eating without labouring ? " Mencms
replied, "When a superior man resides in a country, if the sovereign
employ his counsels, he comes to tranquillity, wealth, honour, and glory , if
the young- in it follow his instructions, they become filial, obedient to their
elders, true-hearted, and faithful What greatei example can there be than
this of not eating the bread of idleness ? " *

The argument here is based on the supposition that the
superior man has free course, is appreciated by the sovereign,
and venerated and ob eyed by the people But this never was
the case with Mencius Only once, the short time that he was
in T f ang, did a ruler listen favourably to his counsels His
lessons, it may be granted, were calculated to be of the
greatest benefit to the communities where he was, but it is
difficult to see the " work done/' for which he could claim
the remuneration His reasoning- might very well be applied
to vindicate a governments extending its patronage to
literary men, where it recognized in a general way the advan-
tages to be derived from their pursuits Still more does
it accord with that employed in western nations where ec-
clesiastical establishments form one of the institutions of a
country. The members belonging to them must have their
maintenance, independently of the personal character of the
rulers. But Mencius' position was more that of a reformer
His claims were of those of his personal merit. It seems
to me that P f ang King had reason to doubt the propriety
of his course, and characterize it as extravagant

Another disciple, Wan Chang,, pressed him very closely
with the inconsistency of his taking freely the gifts of the
princes on whom he was wont to pass sentence so roundly.

PtI

HIS INFLUENCE AtfD OPINIONS. 55

Mencras liad insisted that, wliere the donor offered his gift
on a ground of reason and in a manner accordant with pro-
priety., even Confucius would have received it

" Here now," said Chang, " is one who stops and robs people outside the
city-gates He offers his gift on a giound of reason and in a proper manner ,
would it he right to receive it o acquired by robbery ? " The philosopher
of course said it would not, and the othei pursued " The rulers of the
present day take from their people just as a robber despoils his victim.
Yet if they put a good face of propnety on their gifts, the superior man
receives them, I venture to ask you to explain this " Mencius answered
ll Do jou thank that, if theie should arise a tiuly royal soAeieign, he \vould
collect the rulers of the present daj and put them all to death 1 Or T\ould
he admonish them, and then, on their not changing their ^ays, put them to
death ? Indeed to call every one -who takes what does not properly belong
to him a robber, is pushing a point of resemblance to the utmost, and insist-
ing on the most refined idea of i ighteous=ness " l

Here again we must admire the ingenuity of Mencius ;
"but it amuses us more than it satisfies It was very well
for him to maintain his dignity as f{ a Teacher/* and not
go to the princes when they called him, but his refusal would
have had more weight, if he had kept his hands clean fiom
all their offerings I have said above that if less awe-ful
than Confucius, he is more admirable Perhaps it would be
better to say he is more brilliant There is some truth in
the saying of the scholar Ch/mg, that the one is the glass
that glitters, and the other the gem that is truly valuable.

Without dwelling on other characteristics of Mencius,, or
culling from him other striking sayings, of which there are
many, I proceed to exhibit and discuss his doctrine of the
goodness of human nature

6 If the remarks which I have just made on the inter-
course of Mencius with the princes of his day have lowered
him somewhat in the estimation of my readers, jiencius' v^^.
his doctrine of human nature, and the force with ^Sre^tsidon
which he advocates it, will not fail to produce tity Wh that of
a high appreciation, of him as a moralist and BMih< * ) Butler
thinker In concluding my exhibition of the opinions of
Confucius in the former volume, I have observed that <f he
threw no light on any of the questions which have a world-
wide interest " This Mencius did The constitution of
man's nature, and how far it supplies to Trim a rule of con-

1 Bk V, Pt H iv

56 MENCIUS AITD HIS OPINIONS

duct and a law of duty, are inquiries titan winch there can
hardly be any others of more importance They were large-
ly discussed in the Schools of Greece A hundred vigorous
and acute minds of modern Europe have occupied themselves
with them It will hardly "be questioned in England that
the palm for clear and just thinking on the subject belongs
to Bishop Butler, but it will presently be seen that his views
and those of Mencms are, as nearly as possible, identical
There is a difference of nomenclature and a combination of
parts, in" which the advantage is with the Christian prelate.
Felicity of illustration and charm of style belong to the Chi-
nese philosopher. The doctrine in both is the same

The utterances of Confucius on the subject of our nature
were few and brief The most remarkable is where he says :

v 1Q w of con- " Man is born" for uprightness If a man be
fucius without uprightness and yet live, his escape

[from death] is the effect of mere good fortune/' * This is
in entire accordance with Mencius' view, and as he appeals
to the sage in his own support, 2 though we cannot elsewhere
find the words which he quotes, we may believe that Con-
fucius would have approved of the sentiments of his follower,
and frowned on those who have employed some of his say-
ings in confirmation of other conclusions 3 I am satisfied
in my own mind on this point. His repeated enunciation,
of " the golden rule/' though only in a negative form, is suf-
ficient evidence of it.

The opening sentence of " The Doctrine of the Mean/'
" What Heaven has conferred is called THE MATURE , an ac-

viewofTszeHM cordance with this nature is called THE PATH ;
the regulation of the path is called INSTEUOTION," finds a
much better illustration from Mencius than from Tsze-sze
himself. The germ of his doctrine lies in it. We saw
reason to discard the notion that he was a pupil of Tsze-sze ;
but he was acquainted with his treatise just named, and
as he has used some other parts of it, we may be surprised
that in his discussions on human nature he has made no re-
ference to the above passage

What gave occasion to his dwelling largely on the theme
was the prevalence of wild and injurious speculations aboufc

1 Ana , VI rvii a Bk VI Pt L vi 8 , viii 4.

3 See the annotations of the editor of Yang-teze's workb in the " Complete
Works of the Ten T&e "

HIS DOLmENCE AND OPINIONS 57

it In nothing did the disorder of the age prevalent
more appear. Kung-too, one of his disciples, SLe 0f m *
once went to him and said C1US time

" The philosopher Kaon says f Man's nature is neither good nor bad '
Some say * Man's natuie may be made to practise good, and it maj be
made to practise evil , and accordingly, under TTan and "VVoo, the people
loved what was good, while, under Yen and Le, thev loved TV hat was cruel '
Others say ' The natuie of some is good, and the nature of otheis is bad
Hence it was that under such a sovereign as Yaou there yet appeared Seang ,
that with <*uch a father as Koo-sow theie 3 et appeared Shun , and that with
Chow for their sovereign, and the son ot their elder biother besides, there
were found K 4 e, the viscount of Wei, and the prince Pe-kan ' And now you
say ' The nature is good ' Then are all those opinions wrong * " l

"The nature of man is good " this was Mencius' doctrine.
By many writers it has been represented as entirely antagon-
istic to Christianity , and, as thus "broadly and briefly enun-
ciated, it sounds startling enough As fully explained by
himself, however, it is not so very teriible Butler's scheme
has been designated "the system of Zeno baptized into
Christ." 2 That of Mencius, identifying closely with the
master of the Porch, is yet more susceptible of a similar
ti anstormation

But before endeavouring to make this statement good, it
will be well to make some observations on the opinion of the
philosopher Kaou He was a contemporary of view of the

M 3 j.i j_ i .. i plulosopher

encius, and they came into argumentative col- Kaou

lision One does not see immediately the difference between.
his opinion, as stated by Kung-too, and the next. Might
not man's nature, though, neither good nor bad, be made to
piactise the one or the other ? Kaou's view went to deny
any essential distinction between good and evil, virtue and
vice. A man might be made to act in a way commonly called
virtue and in a way commonly called evil, but m the one ac-
tion there was really nothing more approvable than in the
other. "Life," he said, "was what waa meant by nature ** s
The phenomena of benevolence and righteousness were akin
to those of walking and sleeping, eating and seeing This
extravagance afforded scope for Mencius' favourite mode of
argument, the reductw ad absurdum He showed,

1 Bk YL Pt I VL 14

* Wardlaw's Christian Ethics, edition of 1833, p. 119.
8 Bk VI Pt I. m,

58 MEtfCITTS AND HIS OPINIONS

principles, that ee the nature of a dog was like the nature of
an ox, and the nature of an ox like the nature of a man "

The two first conversations 1 "between them are more par-
ticularly worthy of attention, because, while they are a con-
^lencius- ex- fixation of his opponent, they indicate clearly
posureof Kaoua our philosopher's own theory Kaou compared

enois. and \ , * . ,, . ^ -, -, *,

statement of his man's nature to a willow tree, and benevolence
own doctrme ^ ^ghteousness to the cups and bowls that
might be fashioned from its wood. Mencius replied that it
was not the nature of the willow to produce cups and bowls ,
they might be made from it indeed, by bending and cutting
and otherwise injuring it , but must humanity be done such
violence to in order to fashion the virtues from, it ? Kaou
again compared the nature to water whirling round in a cor-
ner ; open a passage for it in any direction, and it will flow
forth accordingly. "Man^s nature," said he, {i is indifferent
to good and evil, just as the water is indifferent to the east
and west " Mencius answered him et Water indeed will
flow indifferently to the east or west, but will it flow indiffer-
ently up or down ? The tendency of man's nature to good
is like the tendency of water to flow downwards There are
none but have this tendency to good, just as all water flows
downwards By striking water and causing it to leap up,
you may make it go over your forehead, and, by damming
anil leading it, you may force it up a hill ; but are such move-
ments according to the nature of water ? It is the force ap-
plied which causes them. When men are made to do what
is not good, their nature is dealt with in this way."

Mencius has no stronger language than this, as indeed it
would be difficult to find any stronger, to declare his belief
in the goodness of human nature To many Christian readers
at proves a stumbling-block and offence. But I venture to
think that this is without sufficient reason He is speaking
of our nature in its ideal, and not as it actually is, as we may
ascertain fiom the study of it that it ought to be, and not as
it is made to become. My rendering of the sentences last
quoted may be objected to, because of my introduction of the
term tendency ; but I have Mencius 3 express sanction for the
representation I give of his meaning Replying to Kung-
too's question, whether all the other opinions prevalent about
man's nature were wrong, and his own, that it is good, cor-

1 Bk VI Pt I. i u.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS 59

rect, lie said "From the feelings proper to it, we see that
it is constituted for the practice of what is good. This is
uhat I mean in saying that the nature is good. If men do
what is not good, the blame cannot be impnfced to their na-
tural powers " * Those who find the most fault with him,
will hardly question the truth of this last declaration "\Vhen
a man does wrong, whose is the blame, the sin 9 He might
"be glad to roll the guilt on his Maker, or upon his nature,
which is only an indirect charging of his Maker with it ,
but it is his own burden, which he must bear himself

The proof by which Mencius supports his view of human
nature as formed only for virtue is twofold First, he main-
tains that there are in man a natural principle Proofs that
of benevolence, a natural principle of righteous- gJSS gjf" u
ness, a natural principle of propriety, and a JJJJJ^^J^
natural principle of apprehending moral truth constituents
f ' Thebe," he says, e< are not infused into us from without
We are certainly possebsed of them; and a different view
is simply from want of reflection " 2 In further illustration
of this he argued thus

" All men have a mind -which cannot bear to see the sufferings of others.
My meaning may be illustrated thus Even no^-a-days," t <?, in thete
degenerate times, " If men suddenly see a child about to fall into a \vell, thev
will without exception experience a feeling of alaim and distress. They \ull
feel so, not as a ground on \vhich they may gain the favour of the child's
parents, nor as a ground on "which they may seek the piaise of their neigh-
bours and friends, nor from a dislike to the reputation of having been un-
moved by such a thing From this case we may see that the feeling of
commiseration is essential to man, that the feeling of shame and diblike is
essential to man, that the feeling of modesty and complaisance is essential to
man, and that the feeling of approval and disapproval is essential to man
These feelings are the pimciples respectively of benevolence, righteousness,
propnety, and the knowledge [of good and evil] Men have these four
principles just as they have their four limbs " 3

Let all this be compared with the language of Butler in
his three famous Sermons upon Human Nature. He shows
in the first of these e ' First, that there is a natural princi-
ple of benevolence in man ; secondly, that the several pas-
nous and affections, which are distinct both from benevolence
and self-love, do in general contribute and lead us to public
good as really as to private, and thirdly, iihat there is a

1 Bk YL Pt I vo. 5, 6 a Bk VI Pt I vi. 7

3 BkH.Pt L vi. 8, 4, 5, 6.

60 MENCIUS AKI> HIS OPEbnOlTS.

principle of reflection in men, by which they disting-uish
between, approve and disapprove^ their own actions " l Is
there anything more in this than was apprehended and ex-
pressed by Mencius ? Butler says in the conclusion of his
first discourse that " men follow their nature to a certain
degree but not entirely 3 their actions do not come np to
the whole of what their nature leads them to 3 and they
often violate their nature " This also Mencius declares in
his own forceful manner "When men having these four
principles, yet say of themselves that they cannot develops
them, they play the thief with themselves, and he who says
of his prince that he cannot develope them, plays the thief
with his pnnce " a ff Men differ from one another in regard to
the principles of their nature,, some as much again as
others, some five times as much, and some to an incalculable
amount it is because they cannot carry out fully their
natural powers *' 3

So much for the first or preliminary view of human
nature insisted on by Mencius, that it contains principles
which aie disinterested and virtuous But there wants
something more to make good the position that virtue

1 I am indebted to Butler for fully understanding Mencius' fouith feeling,
that of approving and disapproving, -which he calls " the punciple of know-
ledge," or wisdom In the notes on II Pt I vi 5, 1 have said that he gives to this
term, f *a moial sense" It is the same with Butler's piinciple of reflection,
by which men distinguish between, and appiove or disappiove, theii own.
actions I have heard gentlemen speak contemptuously of Mencius' case in
point, to prove the existence of a feeling of benevolence in man " This,'*
they have said, " is Mencius* idea of virtue, to sa^ e a child from falling into
a well A mighty display of virtue, truly 1 " Such language arises from
misconceiving Mencius' object in putting the case ct If tbeie be," says But-
ler, " any affection in human nature, the object and end of which is the good
of another, this is itself benevolence Be it ever so short, be it in ever so low
a degiee, or ever so unhappily confined, it proves the assertion and points
out what we were designed tor, as really as though it were in a higher degi ee
and more extensive " " It is sufficient that the faeeds of it be implanted in.
our natuie." The illustration from a child falling into a well must be pro-
nounced a happy one How much lower Menciua could go may be seen fiom
hi 5 conversation with king Seuen, Bk I. Pt I vii , whom, he leads to a
consciousness of his commiserating mind from the fact that he had not been
able to bear the frightened appearance of a bull which was being led by to
be killed and ordeied it to be spared The kindly heart that was moved by
the suffering of an animal had only to be earned out, to suffice for the love
and protection, of all within the four seas

3 Bk JL Pt I TI 6 Bk VI Pt I vi. 7.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OriXIONS 61

ought to be supreme, and that it is for it, in second proof
opposition to vice, that our nature is formed SJure"i?formed
To use some of the " licentious talk" which for v*ue -that

. , . it is a constitu-

Butler puts into the mouth of an opponent tion, where the
' ' Virtue and religion require not only that we do SoSS SSISe 68

food to others, when we are led this way, by ^er
enevolence and reflection happening to be stronger than
other principles, passions, or appetites , but likewise that
the whole chaiactet be formed upon thought and reflection;
that every action be directed by some determinate rule, some
other rule than the strength or prevalence of any principle
or passion. What sign is there in our nature (for the in-
quiry is only about what is to be collected from thence) that
this was intended by its Author ? Or how does so various
and fickle a temper as that of man appear adapted thereto ?
. . As brutes have various instincts, by which they are
earned on to the end the Author of their nature intended
them for, is not man in the same condition, with this dif-
ference only, that to his instincts (i e , appetites and pas-
sions) is added the principle of reflection or conscience ?
And as brutes act agreeably to their nature in following
that principle or particular instinct which for the present is
strongest in them , does not man likewise act agreeably to
his nature, or obey the law of his creation, by following
that principle, be it passion or conscience, which for the
present happens to be strongest in him ? . . . . Let every
one then quietly follow his nature, as passion, reflection,
appetite, the several parts of it, happen to be the strongest ;
but let not the man of virtue take it upon him to blame the
ambitious, the covetous, the dissolute ; since these, equally
with him, obey and follow their nature/ 7 1

To all this Butler replies by showing that the principle of
reflection or conscience is " not to be considered merely as
a principle in the heart, which is to have some influence as
well as others, but as a faculty, in kind and in nature,
supreme over all others, and which bears its own authority
of being so , " that the difference between this and the
other constituents of human nature is not " a difference in
strength or degree/' but " a difference in nature and in
"kind , " that " it was placed within to be our proper
governor ; to direct and regulate all under principles, pas-

1 See Sermon Second.

62 ME1TCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS

sions and motives of action thia is its right and office ;
thus sacred is its authority " It follows from the view of
human nature thus established, that cc the inward frame of
man is a system or constitution, whose several parts are
united, not "by a physical principle of mdividuation, but "by
the respects they have to each other, the chief of which is
the subjection which the appetites, passions, and particular
affections have to the one supreme principle of reflection or
conscience.'-* 1

~Now y the substance of this reasoning is to be found in
Mencius Human nature the inward frame of man is
with him a system, ot constitution as much as with Butler.
He saySj for instance

" There is no part of himself which a man does not love , and as he loves
all, so he should nourish all There is not an inch of skin which he does
not love, and so there is not an inch of skin which he will not nourish

FOE TCYA-vroTTTTA WHETHEE HIS WAY OF NOtJBISHINQ BE GOOD OB NOT,
WHAT OTHER ETJLE IS TELEBfi BCTT THIS, THAT HE DETEBME&TE BY BEFLECT-
INQ ON HIMSELF WHEEE IT SHOULD BE APPLIED ?

" Some parts of the body are noble, and some ignoble , some great and
some small The great must not be injuied foi the small, nor the noble for
the ignoble He who nourishes the little belonging to him is a little man,
and he who nourishes the great is a great man " 3

Again

" Those who follow that part of themselves which is gieat are great men ,
those who follow that part which is little are little men " 3

The great part of ourselves is the moral elements of our
constitution ; the lower part is the appetites and passions
that centre in >elf. He says finely

" There is a nobility of Heaven, and there is a nobility of man Benevo-
lonoe, righteousness, self -consecration, and ndelity, with unwearied joy in the
goodness [of these virtues] these constitute the nobility of Heaven To
be a duke, a minister, or a great omcei , this constitutes the nobility of
man" 4

There is one passage very striking

** For the mouth to desire tastes, the eye colours, the ear sounds, the nose
odours, and the four limbs ease and rest these things are natural But
there is the appointment [of Heaven] in connexion with them , and the
superior man does not say [in his pursuit of them], * It is my nature '

1 See note to Sermon Third. * Bk VI Pt I xiv.

3 Ib , ch. rv * Ib t oil xvi.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 63

[The exeicise of] love between father and son, [the observance of] right-
eousness between ruler and minister, the rules of ceremony between host and
guest, the [display of] knowledge in [recognizing] the able and -virtuous
and [the fulfilling] the heavenly course by the sage these are appointed
[by Heaven] But there is [an adaptation of our] nature [for them] , and
the superior man does not say, [in leference to them,] ' Theie is a [limiting]
appointment [of Heaven] ' " l

From tliese paragraphs it is quite clear that what Mencius
considered as deserving propeily to be called the nature of
man, was not that by which he is a creature of appetites
and passions, but that by which he is lifted up into the
higher circle of intelligence and virtue By the phrase,
" the appointment of Heaven/' most Chinese scholars under-
stand the will of Heaven, limiting in the first case the
gratification of the appetites, and in the second the exercise
of the virtues To such limitation Mencius teaches there
ought to be a cheeiful submission so far as the appetites are
concerned, but where the virtues are in question, we are to
be striving after them notwithstanding adverse and op-
posing circumstances THEY AEE OUR NATURE, what we were
made for, what we have to do I will refer but to one other
specimen of his teaching on this subject cc The will/' he
said, using that term for the higher moral nature in activity,
e( the will is the leader of the passion-nature The pas-
sion-nature pervades and animates the body The will is
first and chief, and the passion-nature is subordinate to it." 2

My readers can now judge for themselves whether I ex-
aggerated at all in saying that Hencius' doctrine of human
nature was, as nearly as possible, identical with that of
Bishop Butler Sir James Mackintosh has said of the ser-
mons to which I have made reference, and his other cognate
discourses, that in them Butler " taught truths more capa-
ble of being exactly distinguished from the doctrines of
his predecessors, more satisfactorily established by him,
more comprehensively applied to particulars, more rationally
connected with each other, and therefore more worthy of
the name of discovery y than any with which we are acquaint-
ed, if we ought not, with some hesitation, to except the
first steps of the Grecian philosophers towards a Theory of
Morals '* 3 It is to be wished that the attention of this

1 Bk VII Pt IL xxiv 3 Bk II Pfc n. 9

3 Encyclopaedia Biitanmoa, Second Preliminary Dissertation , on Butler.

64 MENCIUS. AND HIS OPINIONS

great scholar had "been called to the writings of our philo-
sopher. Mencius was senior to Zeno, though a portion of
their lives synchronized. Butler certainly was not indebted
to him for the views which he advocated , but it seems to
me that Mencius had left him nothing to discover.

But the question now arises " Is the view of human na-
ture propounded by Mencius correct ? " So far as yet ap-

Theproperuse pears, I see not how the question can be an-
^ews n t5'far swered otherwise than in the affirmative Man
considered was formed for virtue Be it that his conduct

is very far from being conformed to virtue, that simply fast-
ens on him the shame of guilt Fallen as he may be,
fallen as I believe and know he is, his nature still bears its
testimony, when properly interrogated, against all unright-
eousness Man, heathen man, a Q-entile without the law, is
still a law to himself So the apostle Paul affirms , and to
no moral teacher of Greece or Rome can we appeal for so
grand an illustration of the averment as we find in Mencius.
I would ask those whom his sayings offend, whether it would
have been better for his countrymen if he had taught a con-
trary doctrine, and told them that man's nature is bad, and
that the more they obeyed all its lusts and passions, the more
would they be in accordance with it, and the more pursuing
the right path ? Such a question does not need a reply.
The proper use of Mencius^ principles is to reprove the Chi-
nese and ourselves as well of the thousand acts of sin of
which they and we are guilty, that come within their sweep
and under their condemnation

From the ideal of man to his actualism there is a vast de-
scent. Between what he ought to be and what he is, the

Ho-wMenoius contrast is melancholy. cc Benevolence/' said
admitted nmeh our philosopher, " is the characteristic of

actual evil, and f, . T r ' , -. 1 , i i j_i

bow he account- man " x It is " the wide house in which the
edforit ^ world should dwell," while propriety is "the

correct position in which the world should ever be found/*
and righteousness is cc the great path which men should ever
be pursuing." a In opposition to this, however, hatred, im-
proprieties, unrighteousness, are constant phenomena of
human life We find men hateful and hating one another,
'quenching the light that is in them, and walking in darkness
,to perform all deeds of shame. " There is none that doeth

1 Bk YIL Pt H xvi * Bk m Pt II u 3.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 65

good ; no, not one " Mencms wonld Lave denied this ]ast
sentence, claaraing that the sages should be excepted fi om
it ; but he is ready enough to admit the fact that men in
general do evil and violate the law of their nature They
sacrifice the noble poi tion of themselves for the gratification
of the ignoble , they follow that part which is little, and not
that which is great He can say nothing further in explan-
ation of the fact He points out indeed the effect of injuri-
ous circumstances, and the power of evil example, and he
has said several things on these subjects worthy of notice -

" It is not to be wondered at that the king is not wise ' Suppose the
of the most easily growing thmg m the world , if you let it ha\e one day's
genial heat, and then expose it foi ten days to cold, it will not be able to grow
It is but seldom that I have an audience of the king, and when I retire, theie
come all those who act upon him like the cold Though I succeed in bringing
out some buds of goodness, of what a\ail is if" 1 "In good years the
children of the people are most of them good, while in bad years the most of
them abandon themselves to evil It is not owing to their natural powers
conferred on them by Heaven that they are thus diffeient the abandonment
is owing to the circumstances through which they allow their minds to be
ensnared and drowned in evil There now is barley let it be sown and
covered up , the ground being the same, and the time of sowing likewise the
same, it grows rapidly up, and when the full time is come, it is all found
to be ripe Although there may be inequalities [of produce], that is owing
to [the difference of] the soil as rich or poor, the unequal nourishment afford-
ed by the rains and dews, and to the different ways in which man has pei-
formed his business " a

The inconsistencies in human conduct did not escape his
observation. After showing that there is that in human na-
ture which will sometimes mate men part with life sooner
than with, righteousness, he goes on : et And yet a man will
accept of ten thousand ckwng without any consideration of
propriety and righteousness. What can they add to him ?
When he takes them, is it not that he may obtain beautiful
mansions, that he may secure the services of wives and con-
cubines, or that the poor and needy may be helped by him ? **
The scalpel is used here with a bold and skilful hand. The
lust of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of
life are laid bare, nor does he stop till he has exposed the
subtle workings of the delusion that the end may sanctify
the means, that evil may be wrought that good may come.
He pursues . ( e In the former case the offered bounty was

1 Bk YL Ft I ix a 25 oh. vii

VOfc U 5

66 MEffcnrs AND HIS OPINIONS.

not received though, it would have saved from death, and
now tlie emolument is taken for the sake of beautiful
mansions The bounty that would have preserved from
death was not received, and the emolument is taken to get
the services of wives and concubines. The bounty that
would have saved from death was not received, and the
emolument is taken that one's poor and needy acquaintance
may be helped Was it then not possible likewise to decline
this ? This is a case of what is called ( Losing the proper
nature of one's mind * >J 1

To the principle implied in the concluding sentences of

this quotation Mencius most pertinaciously adheres He

Original bad- will not allow that original badness can be pre-

pSdiSSd^m dicated of human nature from any amount of

actual evii actual wickedness.

a The trees " said he, " of the New mountain were onoe beautiful
Being situated, however, in the suburbs of [the capital of] a large State,
they were hewn down -with axes and bills and could they retain then
beauty ? Still, through the growth from the vegetative life day and night,
and the nomishing influence of the ram and dew, they were not without
buds and sprouts springing forth, but then came the cattle and goats,
and browsed upon them To these things is owing the bare and stnpt
appearance [of the mountain], and when people see this they think it was
never finely wooded But is this the proper nature of the mountain ? And
so even of what properly belongs to man shall it be said that the mind
[of any man] was without benevolence and righteousness ? The way in
which a man loses his proper goodness of mmd is like the way in which
those trees were denuded by axes and bills Hewn down day after day, can
the mind retain its excellence ? But there is some growth of its Me day
and night, and in the [calmj air of the morning, just between night and day,
the mmd feels in a degree the desires and aversions which are proper to
humanity ; but the feeling is not strong, and then it is fettered and destroyed
by what the man does during the day This fettering takes place again
and again , the restorative influence of the night is not sufficient to preserve
[the proper goodness of the mmd} ; and when this proves insufficient for
that purpose, the nature becomes not much different from that of the irra-
tional animal^ and when people see this, they think that it never had those
powers [which I assert] But does this condition represent the feelings
proper to humanity ? " 2

Up to this point I fail to perceive anything in Mencius'
view of human nature that is contrary to the teachings of
our Christian Scriptures, and that may not be employed with
advantage by the missionary in preaching the Gospel to the

Bk VI Pt I aoi 7, 8. * Bk VL Pt I oh vm 1, 2

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. G7

Chinese It is far from covering what we know to be the
whole duty of man, yet it is defective rather than erroneous
Deferring any consideration of this for a brief space, I now
inquire whether Mencius, having an ideal of the goodness
of human nature, held also that it had been and could be
realized ? The answer is that he did. The The actual
actual realization he found in the sages, and perfection of
he contended that it was within the reach of posMfbie perfec-
every individual tlfln of ^

" All things which are the same in kind," he says, " are like one another ,
why should we doubt in regard to man, as if he were a solitary exception
to this ? The sage and we are the same in kind The feet, the mouths,
the eyes of the sages weie not different from those of other people, neither
were their minds " l "Is it so," he was once asked, "that all men may be
Yaous and Shuns ? " and he answered, " It is," adding by way of explana-
tion " To walk slowly, keeping behind his elders, is to perform the part
of a younger brother, and to walk quickly and piecede his elders is toMolate
that duty Now, is it what a man cannot do, to walk slowly ? IT is
WHAT HE DOE** NOT DO The course of Yaou and Shun was simply that of
filial piety and fiaternal duty Do jou wear the clothes of Yaou, repeat the
words of Yaou, and do the actions of Yaou , and you will just be a Yaou," *

Ajoaong the sages, however, Mencius made a distinction
Yaou and Shun exceeded all the rest, unless it might be
Confucius Those three never came short of, never went be-
yond, the law of their nature The ideal and the actual
were in them always one and the same. The others had
only attained to perfection by vigorous effort and culture.
Twice at least he has tojd us this. "" Yaou and Shun were
what they were by nature , T'ang- and Woo were so by re-
turning [to natural virtue] " 8 The actual result, however,
was the same, and therefore he could hold them all up as
models to his countrymen of the style of man that they
ought to be and might be What the compass and square
were in the hands of the workman, enabling him to form
perfect circles and squares, that the sages, <( perfectly ex-
hibiting the human relations," might be to every earnest
individual, enabling him to perfect himself as they were
perfect *

Here we feel that the doctrine of Mencius wants an ele-
ment which Revelation supplies He knows nothing of the

1 Bk VI Pt I ch vii 3 * Ib Pt IL 1L 1, 4, 5.

* Bk VII. Pt I. r. 1 , Pt H xxxiu. 1. * Bk IV, Pfc I ii 1.

68 M-ENCIITS AND HIS OPINIONS.

fact that C( by one man sin entered into the
world J aa* death by sin ; and so death passed "
ent of the um- (passed on, extended. di??\0z>) "to all men,

Dorsal proneneas -, v ^ ' -. ., ' -m- / -, ' T , *

to evil Hia because all sinned.' } We have our ideal as
well as he , but for the living reality of it we
rausfc go back to Adam, as he was made by
God in His own image., after His likeness In
him the model is soon shattered, and we do not discover it
again, till God's own Son appears in the world, made in the
likeness of sinful flesh, yet without sin While He died for
our transgressions. He left us also an example, that we
should walk in His steps ; and as we do so, we are earned
on to glory and virtue At the same time we find a law in
our members wamng against the law in our minds, and
biingrng us into captivity to sin However Hve may strive
after our ideal, we do not succeed in reaching it. The more
we grow in the knowledge of Christ, and see in Him the
glory of humanity in its true estate, the greater do we feel
our own distance to be from it, and that of ourselves we
cannot attain to it There is something wrong about us , we
need help from without in order to become even what our
nature, apart from Revelation, tells us we ought to be.

When Mencius therefore points us to Yaou, Shun, and
Confucius, and says that they were perfect, we cannot
accept his statement Understanding that he is speaking
of them only in the sphere of human relations, we must yet
believe that in many things they came short One of them,
the greatest of the three in Menc*as J estimation, Confucius,
again, and again confesses so of himself He was seventy
years old, he says, before he could follow what his heart
desired without transgressing what was right * It might
have been possible to convince the sage that he was under
a delusion in this important matter even at that advanced
age; but what his language allows is sufficient to upset
Mencms' appeal to him. The image of sagely perfection is
broken by it It proves to be but a brilliant and unsub-
stantial phantasm of our philosopher's own imagining.

When he insists again, that every individual may become
what he fancies that the sages were, ^.0 , perfect, living in
love, walking in righteousness, observant of propriety,
approving whatsoever is good, and disapproving whatever is

1 Con Ana , II iv. 6.

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 69

evil, he is pushing his doctrine "beyond its proper limits , he
is making a use of it of which it is not capable. It supplies
a law of conduct, and I have set it forth as entitled to our
highest admiration for the manner in which it does so , but
law only gives the knowledge of what we are required to do :
it does not give the power to do it We have seen how when
it was necessary to explain accurately his statement that the
nature of man is good, Mencius defined it as meaning that
" it is constituted for the practice of that which is good 3>
Because it is so constituted, it follows that every man ought
to practise what is good But some disorganization may have
happened to the nature , some sad change may have come
over it. The very fact that man has, in Mencius* own
words, to recover his " lost mmd/ J I shows that the object
of the constitution of the nature has not been realized.
Whether he can recover it or not, therefore, is a question
altogether different from that of its proper design

In one place, indeed, Mencius has said that fc the great
man is he who does not lose his child* s-heart " 2 I can only
suppose that, by that expression ff the child's-heart," he
intends the ideal goodness which he affirms of our nature.
But to attribute that to the child as actually existing in it
is absurd. It has neither done good nor evil. It possesses
the capacity for either. It will by and by awake to the
consciousness that it ought to follow after the one, and
eschew the other , but when it does so, I should rather say
when he does so, for the child has now emerged from a mere
creature existence, and assumed the functions of a moral
being, he will find that he has already given himself to
inordinate affection for the objects of sense ; and in the
pursuit of gratification he is reckless of what must be
acknowledged to be the better and nobler part, reckless also
of the interest and claims of others^ and whenever thwarted
glows into passion and fury. The youth is more pliant than
the man in whom the dominion of self-seeking has become
ingrained as a habit , bnt no sooner does he become a sub-
j'ect of law, than he is aware of the fact, that when he would
do good, evil is present with him. The boy has to go in
search of his ef lost heart," as truly as the man of fourscore.
Even in him there is an " old man, corrupt according to the
deceitful lusts/' which he has to put off.

1 Bk VI Pt I si. 4 * Bk IV. Ft IE. xru

70 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS

Butler Lad an immense advantage over Mencms, arising
from liis knowledge of the truths of Revelation Many, ad-
Butier's ad- miring his sermons, have yet expressed a mea-
SSS,2d sure of dissatisfaction, because he does not in
^ke h Sie Se 0t ^em make explicit reference to the condition
application of o f m an as fallen and depraved That he fully

their common - ,, i ,-,<, i r i-r i T J

pnnapiea admitted the fact we know. He says elsewhere

"Mankind are represented in Scripture to be in a state of
ruin, 1 " "If mankind are corrupted and depraved in their
moral character, and so are unfit for that state which Chri&t
is gone to prepare for his disciples , and if the assistance of
God's Spirit be necessary to renew their nature, in the de-
gree requisite to their being qualified for that state , all
which is implied in the express, though figurative declara-
tion, Except a man be Lorn of the Spvtit } he cannot see the
kingdom of God " . 1 How is it, then, that there is no
mention of this in the sermons ? Dissatisfaction, I have
said, has been expressed on account of this silence, and it
would have taken the form of more pointed utterance, and
more decided condemnation, but for the awe of his great
name, and the general appreciation of the service he ren-
dered to Christianity in his work on Tlie Analogy of Religion
to the Course of Nature But, in truth, dissatisfaction at all is
out of place Butler wrote his sermons as he wrote his
Analogy, in consequence of the peculiar necessity of his
times More particularly against Hobbes, denying all moral
sentiments and social affections, and making a regard to per-
sonal advantage the only motive of human action, it was his
business to prove that man's nature is of a very different
constitution, comprehending disinterested affections, and
above all the supreme element of conscience,, which, "had it
strength as it has right, would govern the world " He proves
this, and so accomplishes his work He had merely to do
with the ideal of humanity. It did not belong to him to
dwell on the actual feebleness of man to perform what is good
He might have added a few paragraphs to this effect , but
it was not the character of his mind to go beyond the task
which he had set himself What is of importance to be ob-
served here is, that he does not make the application of their
common principles which Mencms does He knows of no
perfect men ; he does not tell his readers that they have
1 The Analogy of Behgion , Part H chap L

HIS INFLUENCE AND OPINIONS. 71

merely to set about following their nature, and, -without any aid
from without., they will surely and easily go on to perfection
Mencius is not to be blamed for his ignorance of what is
to us the Doctrine of the Fall He had no means of becoming
acquainted with it. We have to regret, however^ that his
study of human nature produced in him no deep Mencms* ]*!-
Jeeling on account of men's proneness to go mg m humility

. TT T-L f and sympathy

astray. He never betrays any consciousness of \Mth inmun
his own weakness. In this respect he is again error
inferior to Confucius, and far fiom being, as I have said of
him in another aspect of his character, " rnoie admiiable"
than he. In the former volume I have shown that we may
sometimes recognize in what the sage says of himself the ex-
pressions of a genuine humility He acknowledges that he
comes short of what he knows he ought to be We do not
meet with this in Mencius His merit is that of the specu-
lative thinker. His glance is searching and his penetration
deep , but there is wanting that moral sensibility which would
draw us to him, in our best moments, as a man of like passions
with ourselves The absence of humility is naturally accom-
panied with a lack of sympathy. There is a hardness about
his teachings He is the professor, pei forming an operation
in the class-room, amid a throng of pupils who are admiring
his science and dexterity, and who forgets in the triumph of
his skill the suffeung of the patient The transgressois of
their nature are to Mencius the "tyrants of themselves/* or
" the self-abandoned " The utmost stretch of his commi-
seration, is a contemptuous "Alas for them I" 1 The radical
defect of the orthodox moral school of China, that there only
needs a knowledge of duty to insure its performance, is m
him exceedingly apparent Confucius, Tsze-sze, and Mencius
most strangely never thought of calling this principle in ques-
tion. It is always as in the formula of Tsze-sze . " Given
the sincerity, and there shall be the intelligence, given the
intelligence, and there shall be the sincerity "

I said above that Mencius 7 doctrine of human nature was
defective, inasmuch as even his ideal does not coveV the
whole field of duty. He says very little of what we owe
to God There is no glow of natural piety m Menciua' ideal

T i * i /-V7.L of human nature

his pages. Instead of the name God, contain- does not embrace
ing in itself a recognition of the divine person- duty to Go<L
1 Bk IT Ft I x

72 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

ahty and supremacy, we liear from him more commonly, as
from Confucius, of Heaven Butler has said <c By the
love of God, I would understand all those regards, all those
affections of mind, which are due immediately to Him fiom
such a creature as man, and which rest in Him as their
end/ 5 1 * Of such affections Mencius knows nothing In
one place he speaks of cc delighting in Heaven,-" 2 but he is
speaking, when he does so, of the sovereign who with a
great State serves a small one, and the delight is seen in
certain condescensions to the weak and unworthy Never
once, where he is treating of the nature of man, does he
make mention of any exercise of the mind as due directly
to God The services of religion come in China under the
principle of propriety, and are only a cold formalism , but,
even here, other things come with Mencius "before them.
We are told ' c The richest fruit of love is this, the
service of one's parents , the richest fruit of righteousness
is this, the obeying one's elder brothers ; the richest fruit
of wisdom is this, the knowing those two things, and not
departing from them , the richest fruit of propriety is this,
the ordering and adorning those two things.'" 3 How dif-
ferent is this from the reiterated declaration of the Scrip-
tures, that " the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom ' "
The first and great commandment, "Thou shalt love the
Lord, thy God, with all thy heart and soul and mind and
strength," was never thought of, much less delivered, by
any Chinese philosopher or sage Had Mencius appre-
hended this, and seen how all our duties to our fellow- men
are to "be performed as to God, he could not have thought
so highly as he did of man's powers; a suspicion might
have grown up that there is a shadow on the light which he
has in himself

This absence of the recognition of man's highest obliga-
tions from Mencius' ideal of our nature is itself a striking

1 First Sermon Upon the Love of God

a Bk I Ft H 11 3

3 Bk IV Pt I. xxvii My friend, the Bev Mr Moule, of Nmgpo, has
supplied me with the following interesting coincidence with the sentiments
of Menoius in this passage, from one of the letters of Charles Lamb to
Coleridge, dated Nov 14th, 1796 " Oh, my friend, cultivate the filial feel-
ings , and let no one think himself relieved from the kind charities of rela-
tionship , these shall give him peace at the last , thdse are tlie best founda-
tion for ffiery s

HIS INFLUENCE AOT OPINIONS 73

illustration of man's estrangement from God His talking
of Heaven Has combined with the similar practice of his
master to prepare the way for the grosser conceptions of the
modern literati, who would often seem to deny the divine
personality altogether, and substitute for both God and
Heaven a mere principle of order or fitness of things It
has done more . it has left the people in the mass to become
an easy prey to the idolatrous fooleries of Buddhism Yea,
the unrehgiousness of the teachers has helped to deprave
still more the religion of the nation, such as it is, and
makes its services a miserable pageant of irreverent forms.
It is time to have done with this portion of my theme
It may be thought that I have done Mencms more than
justice in the fiist pait of my remarks, and less than justice
at the last, but I hope it is not so A very important use
is to be niade both of what he succeeds in, and where he
fails, in his discoursing upon human nature His principles
may be, and, I conceive, ought to be, turned against him-
self. They should be pressed to produce the conviction of
sin There is enough in them, if the conscience be but
quickened by the Spirit of God, to make the haughtiest
scholar cry out, cc O wretched man that I am ! who shall
deliver me from this body of death ? " Then may it be
said to him with effect, " Behold the Lamb of God, who
taketh away the sin of the world ' " Then may Christ, as a
new and true exemplar of all that man should be, be dis-
played, " altogether lovely/' to the trembling mind ' Then
may a new heait be received fiom Him, that shall thrill in
the acknowledgment of the claims both of men and God,
and girding up the loins of the mind, address itself to
walk in all His commandments and ordinances blameless !
One thing should be plain In Mencius' lessons on human
duty there is no hope for his countrymen If they serve as
a schoolmaster to bnng, them to Christ, they will have done
their part ; but it is from Christ alone that the help of the
Chinese can come.

7 Besides giving more explicit expression to the doctrine
of the goodness of man's nature than had been done before
him, MenciHS has the credit also of calling attention to tJie
noum&hment of the passion-nature. It may be questioned
whether I translate his language exactly by this phrase.
What I render the passion-nature, Juhen renders by <c wtcdis

74 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS.

spu itus " The philosopher says himself that it ia difficult
to describe what he intends Attempting such a descrip-
tion, he says . " This is it It is exceedingly great and
exceedingly strong Being nourished by rectitude,, and
sustaining no injury, it nils up all between heaven and
earth. This is it It is the mate and assistant of righte-
ousness and reason Without it man is in a state of starva-
tion It is produced by the accumulation of righteous
deeds 3 it is not to be taken, as by surprise, by incidental
acts of righteousness If the mind does not feel com-
placency in the conduct, this is starved " x From such pre-
dicates we may be sure that it is not anything merely or
entirely physical of which he is speaking "The righteous/" 7
said Solomon, " are bold as a lion " The Hebrew saying is
very much m Mencius J style That boldness is the result
of the now ishment for which he thought he had a peculiar
aptitude Strong in it and in a knowledge of words, a
faculty of discovering the moral aberrations of others from
their forms of speech, he was able to boast of possessing
" an unperturbed mind; " he could (t sit in the centre " of
his being, " and enjoy bright day," whatever clouds and
storms gathered around him

The nourishment, therefore, of c< the passion-nature/*
ef the vital spirit," or whatever name we choose to give to
the subject, is only an effect of general good- doing This
is the practical lesson from all Mencius' high-sounding
words He has illustrated it amusingly .

" There was a man of Sung, who was grie\ed that his growing corn was
not longer, and pulled it up Having done this, he returned home, looking
very weaned, and said to his people, ' I am tiled to-day I have heen help-
nig the corn to giow long ' His son ran to look at it, and found the corn
all withered There are few in the world, who do not assist the corn [of
their passion-nature] to grow long Some considei it of no benefit to them,
and let it alone they do not weed their corn Those who assist it to grow
long, pull out then corn What they do is not only of no benefit to the
nature, but it also injures it " 2

This portion of Mencius' teaching need not detain us
He has put a simple truth in a striking way That is his
merit It hardly seems of sufficient importance to justify
the use which has been made of it in vindicating a place for
him among the sages of his country

1 Bk II Pt I ii 1815 * Bk n Pt I 11, 16.

HIS INPLrENCE AND OPINIONS. 75

8 I said I should end tlie discussion of Mencius' opin-
ions by pointing out what I conceive to be his chief defects
as a moral and political teacher. His defects, however, in
the former respect have been already not lightly touched
on So far as they were the consequence of his ignorance,
without the light which Revelation sheds on the whole field
of human duty, and the sanctions, which it discloses, of a
future state of retribution, I do not advance any charge
against his character That he never indicates any wish to
penetrate into futurity, and ascertain what comes after death ;
that he never indicates any consciousness of human weak-
ness, nor moves his mind (Jodward, longing for moie light .
these are things which exhibit strongly the contrast
between the mind of the East and the West His self-
sufficiency is his great fault. To know ourselves is com-
monly supposed to be an important step to humility ; but
it is not so with him. He has spoken remarkably about
the effects of calamity and difficulties He says "When
Heaven is about to confer a great office on a man, it first
exercises his mind with suffering, and his sinews and bones
with toil , it exposes his body to hunger, and subjects
him to extreme poverty , it confounds his undertakings.
By all these methods it stimulates his mind, hardens IPS
nature, and supplies his ^competencies " * Such have
been the effects of Heaven's exercising some men with
calamities , but if the issue has been a fitting for the highest
offices, there has been a softening of the nature rather than
a hardening of it Mencius was a stranger to tho humbling
of the loffcy looks of man, and the bowing down his haughti-
ness, that the Lord alone may be exalted.

His faults as a political teacher are substantially the same
as those of Confucius More than was the case with his
sayings of a political character, the utterances of Mencius
have reference to the condition and needs of his own age.
They were for the time then being, and not for all tune.
H6 knew as little as Confucius of any other great and inde-
pendent nation besides his own; and he has left one maxim
which is deeply treasured by the rulers and the people of
China at the present day, and feeds the supercilious idea
which they are so unwilling to give up of their own supen-
onty to foreigners fe I have heard," said he, <f of men

1 BkYT. PtILxv.

76 MENCIUS AND HIS OPINIONS

using [the doctrines of] our great land to change bar-
barians, but I have never yet heard of any being changed
by barbarians" "I have heard of birds leaving dark
valleys to remove to lofty trees, but I have not heard of
their descending from lofty trees to enter into dark val-
leys }y x Mongol and Tartar sway has not broken the
charm of this dangerous flattery, because only in warlike
energy were the Mongols and Tartars superior to the
Chinese, and when they conquered the country they did
homage to its sages During the last four-and-thirty years,
Christian Powers have come to ask admission into China,
and to claim to be received as her equals They do not
wish to conquer her territory, though they have battered
and broken her defences With fear and trembling their
advances are contemplated The feeling of dislike to them
anses from the dread of their power, and suspicion, of their
faith. It is feared that they come to subdue ; it is known
that they come to change. The idol of Chinese superiority
is about to "be broken. Broken it must be ere long, and a t
new generation of thinkers will arise, to whom Mencius
will be a study but not a guide

1 Bk IH. Pt I. iv 12, 15

APPENDIX.

thought it would be interesting to many readers
to append here the Essays of two distinguished scholars of
China on the subject of Human Mature The one is in di-
rect opposition to Mencius* doctrine ; according to the other,
his doctrine is insufficient to explain the phenomena. The
author of the first, Seun BL f mg, was not much posterior to
Mencius He is mentioned as in office under king Seang of
Ts'e (BO 271-264), and he lived on to the times of the
Ts'in dynasty His Works which still remain foim a con-
siderable volume. The second essay is from the work of
Han Yu, mentioned above, Ch. I Sect TV S I shall not
occupy any space with criticisms on the style or sentiments
of the writers If the translation appear at times to be in-
elegant or obscure, the fault is perhaps as much in the
original as in myself A comprehensive and able sketch of
sf The Ethics of the Chinese, with special reference to the
Doctrines of Human Nature and Sin/* by the Rev Griffith
John, was read before the North- China Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society, in November, 1859, and has been published
separately. The essays of Seun and. Han are both reviewed
in it.

T THAT THE NATURE IS EYXL.
BY THE PHZLOSOPHEB SBUN

THE nature of man is evil , the good which it shows is
factitious. There belongs to it, even at his birth, the love
of gain, and as actions are in accordance with this, conten-
tions and robberies grow up, and self-denial and yielding to

78 THE PHILOSOPHER SEUN

others are not to be found ; there belong to it envy and dis-
like, and as actions are in accordance with these, violence
and injuries spring up, and self-devotedness and faith are
not to be found, there belong to it the desires of the ears
and the eyes, leading- to the love of sounds and beauty, and
as the actions are in accordance with these, lewdness and
disorder spring up, and righteousness and propriety, with
their various orderly displays, are not to be found It thus
appears, that the following man's nature and yielding obedi-
ence to its feelings will assuredly conduct to contentions and
robberies, to the violation of the duties belonging to every
one j s lot, and the confounding of all distinctions^ till the
issue will be in a state of savagism , and that there must be
the influence of teachers and laws, and the guidance of
propriety and righteousness, from which will spring self-
denial, yielding to others, and an observance of the well-
ordered regulations of conduct, till the issue will be in a
state of good government. From all this, it is plain that
the nature of man is evil , the good which it shows is fac-
titious.

To illustrate. A crooked stick must be submitted to the
pressing-frame, to soften and bend it, and then it becomes
straight , a blunt knife must be submitted to the grindstone
and whetstone, and then it becomes sharp , so, the nature of
man, being evil, must be submitted to teachers and laws, and
then it becomes correct, it must be submitted to propriety and
righteousness, and then it comes under government If
men were without teachers and laws, their condition would
be one of deflection and insecurity, entirely incorrect ; if
they were without propriety and righteousness, their con-
dition would be one of rebellious disorder, rejecting all
government The sage kings of antiquity understanding
that the nature of man was thus evil, in a state of hazardous
deflection, and incorrect, rebellious and disorderly, and refus-
ing to be governed, they set up the principles of righteous-
ness and propriety, and framed laws and regulations to
straighten and ornament the feelings of that nature and cor-
rect them, to tame and change those same feelings and guide
them, so that they might all go forth in the way of moral
government and in agreement with reason. Now, the man
who is transformed by teachers and laws, gathers on himself
the ornament of learning, and proceeds in the path of pro-

THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL. 79

priety and righteousness, is a superior man ; and he who
gives the reins to his nature and its feelings, indulges its
resentments, and walks contrary to propriety and righteous-
ness, is a mean man Looking at the subject in this wav,
we see clearly that the nature of man is evil, the good
which it shows is factitious.

Mencius said, " Man has only to learn, and his nature
becomes good ; " but I reply, It is not so To say so
shows that he had not attained to the knowledge of man's
nature, nor examined into the difference between what is
natural in man and what is factitious. The natural is what the
constitution spontaneously moves to it needs not to be
learned, it needs not to be followed hard after ; propriety and
righteousness are what the sages have given birth, to it is by
learning that men become capable of them, it is by hard prac-
tice that they achieve them. That which is in man, not need-
ing to be learned and striven after, is what I call natural ,
that in man which is attained to by learning, and achieved
by hard striving, is what I call factitious This is the distinc-
tion between those two By the nature of man, the eyes
are capable of seeing, and the ears are capable of hearing.
But the power of seeing is inseparable from the eyes, and
the power of hearing- is inseparable from the ears, it is
plain that the faculties of seeing- and hearing do not need
to be learned Mencius says, ff The nature of man is good,
but all lose and rum their nature, and therefore it becomes
bad;" but I say that this representation is erroneous
Man being born with, his nature, when he thereafter departs
from its simple constituent elements, he must lose it. From
this consideration we may see clearly that man's nature is
evil. "What might be called the nature's being good would
be if there were no departing from its simplicity to beautify
it, no departing from, its elementary dispositions to sharpen
it Suppose that those simple elements no more needed
beautifying, and the mind's thoughts no more needed to
be turned to good, than the power of vision which is in-
separable from the eyes, and the power of hearmg which
is inseparable from the ears> need to be learned, [then we
might say that the nature is good, just as] we say that the
eyes see and the ears hear It is the nature of man, when
hungry, to desire to be filled ; when cold, to desire to be
warmed ; when tired, to desire rest : these are the feelings

80 THE PHILOSOPHER SEUN.

and nature of man But now, a man is hungry, and in the
presence of an elder he does not dare to eat before him,
he is yielding to that elder , he is tired with labour, and he
does not dare to ask for rest,, he is working for some one.
A son's yielding to his fatter and a younger brother to his
elder, a son's labouring for his father and a younger brother
for his elder, these two instances of conduct are contrary
to the nature and against the feelings } but they are accord-
ing to the course laid down for a filial son, and the refined
distinctions of propriety and righteousness It appears
that if there were an accordance with the feelings and the
nature, there would be no self-denial and yielding to others
Self-denial and yielding to others are contrary to the feelings
and the nature In this way we come to see how clear it
is that the nature of man is evil , the good which it shows
is factitious

An inquirer will ask, ff If man's nature be evil, whence do
propriety and righteousness arise ? " I reply, All pro-
priety and righteousness are the artificial production of the
sages, and are not to be considered as growing out of the
nature of man It is just as when a potter makes a vessel
from the clay, the vessel is the product of the workman's
art, and is not be considered as growing out of his nature
Or it is as when another workman cuts and hews a vessel
out of wood , it is the product of his art, and is not to be
considered as growing out? of his nature The sages pon-
dered long 1 in thought and gave themselves to practice, and
so they succeeded in producing propriety and righteousness,
and setting up laws and regulations Thus it is that pro-
priety and righteousness, laws and regulations, are the arti-
ficial product of the sages, and are not to be considered as
growing properly from the nature of man.

If we speak of the fondness of the eyes for beauty, or of
the mouth for [pleasant] flavours, or of the mind for gain, or
of the bones and skin for the enjoyment of ease , all these
grow out of the natural feelings of man The object is
presented and the desire is felt ; there needs no effort to
produce it. But when the object is presented., and the
affection does not move till after hard effort, I say that this
efeot is factitious Those cases prove the difference be-
tween what is produced by nature and what is produced by
art

THAT THE NATTTBE IS EVIL. 81

Thus the sages transformed their nature, and commenced
their artificial "work. Having commenced this work -with
their nature, they produced propriety and righteousness.
When propriety and righteousness were produced, they
proceeded to frame laws and regulations. It appears,
therefore, that propriety and righteousness, laws and regu-
lations, were given birth to by the sages Wherein they
agree with all other men and do not differ from them, is
then nature , wherein they differ from and exceed other
men, is this artificial work.

Now to love gain and desire to get ; this is the .natural
feeling of men Suppose the case that there is an amount
of pioperty or money to be divided among brothers, and let
this natural feeling to love gain and desire to get come into
play , why, then the brothers will be opposing, and snatch-
ing from one another But where the changing influence of
propriety and righteousness, with their refined distinctions,
has taken effect, a man will give up to any other man.
Thus it is that if they act in accordance with their natural
feelings, brothers will quarrel together ; and if they have
come under the transforming influence of propriety and right-
eousness, men wJl give up to other men, to say nothing of
brothers [Again], the fact that men WISH to do what is good,
is because their nature is bad The thin wishes to be thick;
the ugly wishes to be beautiful , the narrow wishes to be
wide ; the poor wish to be nch ; the mean wish to be noble .
when anything is not possessed in one's self, he seeks for it
outside himself But the rich do not wish for wealth , the
noble do not wish for position when anything is possessed
by one's self, he does not need to go beyond himself for it
When we look at things in this way, we perceive that the
fact of men's WISHING to do what is good is because their
nature is evil. It is the case, indeed, that man's natuie is
without propriety and benevolence he therefore studies
them with vigorous effort and seeks to have them. It is the
case that by nature he does not know propriety and right-
eousness he therefore thinks and reflects and seeks to
know them. Speaking of man, therefore, as he is by birth
simply, he is without propriety and righteousness, without
the knowledge of propriety and righteousness Without
propriety and righteousness, man must be all confusion and
disorder , without the knowledge of propriety and righteous-

82 THE PHTLOSOFHEB 3TSUN.

ness, "there must ensue all the manifestations of disorder
Man, as He is born, therefore, has in him nothing but tKe
elements of disorder, passive and active. It is plain from
this contemplation of the subject that the nature of man is
evil , the good which it shows is factitious

When Mencius says that ce Man's nature is good," I affirm
that it is not so. In ancient times and now throughout
the empire, what is meant by good is a condition of correct-
ness, regulation, and happy government , and what is meant
by evil, is a condition of deflection, insecurity, and refusing
to be under government in this lies the distinction be-
tween being good and being evil And now, if man's nature
be really so correct, regulated, and happily governed in itself,
where would be the use for sage kings? where would be the
use for propriety and righteousness ? Although there were
the sage kings, propriety, and righteousness, what could
they add to the nature so correct, regulated, and happily
ruled in itself ? But it is not so , the nature of man is bad. It
was on this account, that anciently the sage kings, under-
standing that man's nature was bad, m a state of deflection
and insecurity instead of bemg correct, in a state of rebellious
disorder instead of one of happy rule, set up therefore the ma-
jesty of princes and governors to awe it , and set forth
propriety and righteousness to change it, and framed laws
and statutes of correctness to rule it, and devised severe
punishments to restrain it so that its outgoings might be
under the dominion of rule, and in accordance with what is
good This is [the true account of] the governance of the sage
kings, and the transforming power of propriety and right-
eousness Let us suppose a state of things m which there
shall be no majesty of princes and governors, no influence
of propriety and righteousness, no rule of laws and statutes,
no restraints of punishment what would be the relations
of men with one another, all under heaven ? The strong
would be injuring the weak, and spoiling them ; the many
would be tyrannizing over the few, and hooting them , a uni-
versal disorder and mutual destruction would speedily ensue.
When, we look at the subject in this way, we see clearly
that the nature of man is evil ; the good which it shows is
factitious.

He who would speak well of ancient times must have cer-
tain references in the present ; he who would speak well of

THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL 83

Heaven must substantiate what he says out of man. In dis-
course and argument it is an excellent quality when the
divisions which are made can be brought together like the
halves of a token. When it is so, the arguer may sit down,
and discourse of his principles , and he has only to rise up,
and they may be set forth and displayed and earned into
action. When Mencius says that the nature of man is good,
there is no bringing together in the above manner of his
divisions. He sits down and talks, but there is no getting
up to display and set forth his principles, and put them in
operation is not his error very gross ? To say that the
nature is good does away with the sage kings, and makes an
end of propriety and righteousness , to say that the nature
is bad exalts the sage kings, and dignifies propriety and right-
eousness. As the origin of the pressing-boards is to be
found in the crooked wood, and the origin of the carpenters
marking line is to be found in things 5 not being straight ;
so the rise of princes and governors, and the illustration of
propriety and righteousness, are to be traced to the badness
of the nature It is clear from this view of the subject that
the nature of man is bad ; the good which it shows is fac-
titious.

A straight piece of wood does not need the pressing-
boards to make it straight; it is so by its nature A
crooked piece of wood must be submitted to the pressing-
boards to soften and straighten it, and then it is straight , it
is not straight by its nature So it is that the nature of
man, being evil, must be submitted to the rule of the sage
kings, and to the transforming influence of propriety and
righteousness, and then its outgoings are under the domin-
ion of rule, and in accordance with what is good. This
shows clearly that the nature of man is bad, the good
which it shows is factitious.

An inquirer may say [again], fc Propriety and righteousness,
though seen in an accumulation of factitious deeds > do yet
belong to the nature of man , and thus it was that the sages
were able to produce them/' I reply, It is not so A potter
takes a piece of clay, and produces a dish from it ; but are that
dish and clay the nature of the potter ? A carpenter plies his
tools upon a piece of wood, and produces a vessel ; but are
that vessel and wood the nature of the carpenter ? So it is
with the sages and propriety and righteousness , they pro-

84 THE PHILOSOPHER

duced them, just as tlie potter works with the clay It is plain
that there is no reason for saying that propriety and right-
eousness, and the accumulation of their factitious actions,
belong to the proper nature of man Speaking of the nature
of man, it is the same in all, the same in Yaou and Shun,
and in Keeh and in the robber Cmh, the same in the superior
man and in the mean man If you say that propriety and
righteousness, with the factitious actions accumulated from
them, are the nature of man, on what ground do you pro-
ceed to ennoble Taou and Yu, to ennoble [generally] the
superior man ? The ground on which we ennoble Yaou,
Yu, and the superior man, is their ability to change the
nature, and to produce factitious conduct That factitious
conduct being produced, out of it there are brought pro-
priety and righteousness. The sages stand indeed in the
same relation to propriety and righteousness, and the facti-
tious conduct resulting from them, as the potter does to his
clay we have a product in either case This representa-
tion makes it clear that propriety and righteousness, with
then- factitious results, do not properly belong to the nature
of man. [On the other hand], that which we consider mean
in Keeh, the robber Chih, and the mean man generally, is
that they follow their nature, act in accordance with its feel-
ings, and indulge its resentments, till all its outgoings are
a greed of gain, contentions, and rapine It is plain that
the nature of man is bad , the good which it shows is
factitious

Heaven did not make favourites of Ts&ng, K'een, and
Heaou-ke, and deal unkindly with the rest of men How then
was it that they alone were distinguished by the greatness
of their filial deeds, that all which the name of filial piety
implies was complete in them ? The reason was that they
were subject to the restraints of propriety and righteous-
ness.

Heaven did not make favourites of the people of Ts'e and
Loo, and deal unkindly with the people of Ts*"in. How
then was it that the latter were not equal to the former in
the rich manifestation of the filial piety belonging to the
righteousness of the relation between father and son, and
the respectful observance of the proprieties belonging to
the separate functions of husband and wife ? The reason
was that the people of Ts'm followed the feelings of their

THAT THE NATURE IS EVIL 85

nature, indulged its resentments, and contemned propriety
and righteousness We are not to suppose that they were
different in their nature

"VYhat is the meaning of the saying, that ct Any traveller
on the road may become like Yu ? " I answer, All that
made Yu what he was was his practice of benevolence,
righteousness, and his observance of laws and rectitude.
But benevolence, righteousness, laws, and rectitude, are all
capable of being known and being practised. Moreovei,
any traveller on the road has the capacity of knowing these,
and the ability to practise them it is plain that he may
become like Yu If you say that benevolence, righteous-
ness, laws, and rectitude, are not capable of being known
and practised, then Yu himself could not have known, could
not have practised them If you will have it that any tra-
veller on the road is really without the capacity of knowing
these things, and the ability to practise them, then, in his
home, it will not be competent for him to know the
righteousness that should rule between father and son, and,
abroad, it will not be competent for him to know the recti-
tude that should rule between ruler and minister. But it is
not so. There is no one who travels along the road but
may know both that righteousness and that rectitude it
is plain that the capacity to know and the ability to practise
belong to every traveller on the way Let him, therefore,
with his capacity of knowing and ability to practise, take
his ground on the knowableness and practicableness of
benevolence and righteousness ; and it is clear that he
may become like Yu. Yea, let any traveller on the way
addict himself to the art of learning with all his heart and
the entne bent of his will, thinking, searching, and closely
examining , let him do this day after day, through a long
space of time, accumulating what is good, and he will pene-
trate as far as a spiritual Intelligence, he will become a
ternion with Heaven and Earth. It follows that [the charac-
ters of] the sages were what any man may reach by accumu-
lation.

It may be said <e To be sage may thus be reached by
accumulation, why is it that all men cannot accumulate [to
this extent ? ] " I **ply> They may do so, but they cannot
be made to do so. The mean man might become a superior
man, bat k ja not willing to be a superior man. The supe-

86 THE PHILOSOPHBE SETO.

rior man might become a mean man, but he is not willing to
be a mean man It is not that the mean man and the supe-
rior man may not become the one the other ; their not be-
coming the one the other is because it is a thing which may
be, but cannot be made to be. Any traveller on the road
may become like Yu the case is so , that any traveller on
the road can really become like Yu . this is not a necessary
conclusion. Though any one, however, cannot really become
like Yu, that is not contrary at all to the truth that he may
become so One's feet might travel all over the world, but
there never was one who was really able to travel all over
the world There is nothing to prevent the mechanic, the
farmer, and the merchant, from practising each the business
of the others, but there has never been a case when it has
really been done. Looking at the subject in this way, we
see that what may be need not really be , and although it
shall not really be, that is not contrary to the truth that it
might be It thus appears that the difference is wide be-
tween what is really done or not really done, and what
may be or may not be It is plain that these two cases may
not become the one the other.

Yaou asked Shun what was the character of the feelings
proper to man. Shun replied, c ' The feelings proper to man
are very unlovely ; why need you ask about them ? When
a man has got a wife and children, his filial piety withers
away , under the influence of lust and gratified desues, his
good faith to his friends withers away , when he is full of
dignities and emoluments, his loyalty to his ruler withers
away. The natural feelings of man ! The natural feelings
of man ' They are very unlovely. Why need you ask about
them ? It is only in the case of men of the highest worth
that it is not so "

There is a knowledge characteristic of the sage , a know-
ledge characteristic of the scholar and supenor man , a
knowledge characteristic of the mean man , and a knowledge
characteristic of the mere servant. In much speech to show
his cultivation and maintain consistency, and though he may
discuss for a whole day the reasons of a subject, to have a
unity pervading the ten thousand changes of discourse ,
this is the knowledge of the sage To speak seldom, and in
a brief and sparing manner, and to be orderly in his reason-
ing, as if its parts were connected with a string , this is the

THAT THE NATT7EE IS EVIL. 87

knowledge of the scholar and superior man. Flatteiing
words and disorderly conduct, with undertakings often fol-
lowed by regrets ; these mark the knowledge of the mean
man. Hasty, officious,, smart, and swift, but without consist-
ency ; versatile, able, of extensive capabilities, but without
use ; decisive in discourse, rapid, exact, but the subject un-
important , regardless of right and wrong, taking no account
of crooked and straight, to get the victory over others the
guiding object this is the knowledge of the mere servant.

There is bravery of the highest order , bravery of the mid-
dle order ; bravery of the lowest order. Boldly to take up
his position in the place of the universally acknowledged
Mean ; boldly to carry into practice his views of the doctrines
of the ancient kings , in a high situation, not to defer to a
bad ruler, and, in a low situation, not to follow the current of
a bad people , to consider that there is no poverty where
there is virtue, and no wealth where virtue is not ; when ap-
preciated by the world, to desire to share in all men's joys and
sorrows , when unknown by the world, to stand up grandly
alone between heaven and earth, and have no fears this is
the bravery of the highest order To be reverently observ-
ant of propriety, and sober-minded , to attach importance
to adherence to fidelity, and set little store by material
wealth , to have the boldness to push forward men of worth
and exalt them, to hold back undeserving men, and get them
deposed , this is the bravery of the middle order To be
devoid of self-respect and set a great value on wealth - 3 to
feel complacent in calamity, and always have plenty to say
for himself; saving himself in any way without regard to
right and wrong , whatever be the real state of a case, mak-
ing it his object to get the victory over others . this is
the bravery of the lowest order.

The fan-joh 9 the Jceu, and the shoo were the best bows of
antiquity ; but without their regulators, they could not adjust
themselves The tsung of duke Hwan, the keueh of T*ae-
kung, the luh of king W8n, the hwuh of prince Chwang, the
Toan-tseang, moti^yay keu-Tceueh, and p'eih-leu of Hoh-leu
these were the best swords of antiquity ; but without the
grindstone and whetstone, they would not have been shaip ,
without the strength of the arms that wielded them, they
would not have cut anything

The hwa> the lew, the le, the Tt f e, the seen,, the lei, the Ivih,

88 HAN WAN-KTJNG.

and the urJi these were the best horses of antiquity , but
there were still necessary for them, the restraints in front of
bit and bridle, the stimulants behind of cane and whip, and
the management of a Tsaou-foo, and then they could
accomplish a thousand le in one day

So it is with man granted to him an excellent capacity
of nature and the faculty of intellect, he must still seek for
good teachers under whom to place himself, and make choice
of friends with whom he may be intimate. Having got

food masters and placed himself under them, what he will
ear will be the doctrines of Yaou, Shun, Yu, and T'ang ;
having got good friends and become intimate with them,
what he will see will be deeds of self-consecration, fidelity,
reverence, and complaisance he will go on from day to
day to benevolence and righteousness, without being con-
scious of it , a natural following of them will make him do
so On the other hand, if he live with bad men, what he will
hear will be the language of deceit, calumny, imposture, and
hypocrisy, what he will see will be the conduct of filthi-
ness, insolence, lewdness, corruptness, and greed he will
be going on from day to day to punishment and disgrace,
without being conscious of it , a natural following of them
will make him do so

The Record says, <f If you do not know your son, look at
his fnends , if you do not know your ruler, look at his con-
fidants " All is the influence of association ' All is the
influence of association !

II AN EXAMINATION OF THE NATURE OF MAN.

BY HA2T

THE NATURE dates from the date of the life , THE FEELINGS
date from contact with external things. There are three
GRADES of the nature, and it has five CHARACTERISTICS. There
are also three GRADES of the feelings, and they have seven
CHARACTERISTICS To explain myself The three grades of
the nature are the Superior, the Middle, and the Inferior.
The superior grade is good, and good only } the middle grade

AN EXAMINATION OF THE NATURE OF MAN. 89

is capable of being led it may nse to the superior, or sink
to the inferior ; the inferior is evil., and evil only The five
characteristics of the nature are Benevolence, Righteous-
ness, Propriety, Sincerity, and Knowledge In the Superior
Grade, the first of these characteristics is supreme, and the
other four are practised. In the Middle Grade, the first of
these characteristics is not wanting it exists, but with a
little tendency to its opposite ; the other four are in an ill-
assorted state. In the Inferior Grade there is the opposite
of the first characteristic, and constant rebelliousness
against the other four. The grade of the nature regulates the
manifestation of the feelings in it [Again] The three
grades of the feelings are the Superior, the Middle, and the
Inferior , and their seven characteristics are Joy, Anger,
SOITOW, Fear, Love, Hatred, and Desire In the Superior
Grade, these seven all move, and each in its due place and
degree In the Middle Grade, some of the characteristics
are in excess, and some in defect , but there is a seeking to
give them their due place and degree. In the Inferior
Grade, whether they are in excess or defect, there is a reck-
less acting according to the one in immediate predominance

in reference to them

Speaking of the nature, Mencius said <c Man's nature is
good; " the philosopher Seun said : " Man's nature is bad , "
the philosopher Yang said . ' ( In the nature of man good
and evil are mixed together/* Now, to say that the nature,
^ood at first, subsequently becomes bad , or that, bad at
hrst, it subsequently becomes good ; or that, mixed at first,
it subsequently becomes it may be good, it may be bad
in each of these cases only the nature of the middle
grade is dealt with, and the superior and inferior grades are
neglected Those philosophers are right about one grade,
and wrong about the other two

"When Shuh-yu was born, his mother knew, as soon as
she looked at him, that he would fall a victim to his love of
bribes "When Yang Sze-go was born, the mother of
Shuh-heang knew, as soon as she heard him cry, that he
would cause the destruction of all his kindred. When
Yueh-tseaou was born, Tsze-w&n considered it was a great
calamity, knowing that through him the ghosts of the Joh-
gaou family would all be famished. With such cases before

90 HAN

us, can it be said that the nature of man (i e., all men) is
good ?

When How-tseih was born, his mother had no suffering ,
and as soon as he began to creep, he displayed all elegance
and intelligence. When king W&n was in his mother's
womb, she experienced no distress , after his birth, those
who tended him had no trouble ; when he began to learn,
his teachers had DO vexation with such cases before us,
can it be said that the nature of man (i e , all men) is evil ?

Choo was the son of Taou, and Keun the son of Shun ,
Kwan and Ts'ae were sons of king W&n. They were in-
structed to practise nothing but what was good, and yet
they turned out villains. Shun was the son of Koo-sow,
and Tu the son of K'wan. They were instructed to prac-
tise nothing but what was bad, and yet they turned out
sages. With such cases before us, can it be said that in
the nature of man (i.e., all men) good and evil are blended
together ?

Having these things in view, I say that the three philoso-
phers, to whom I have referred, dealt with the middle grade
of the nature, and neglected the superior and the inferior ,
that they were light about the one grade, and wrong about
the other two.

It may be asked, <e Is it so, then, that the superior and
inferior grades of the nature can never be changed ?" I
reply, The nature of the superior grade, by application to
learning, becomes more intelligent, and the nature of the
inferior grade, through awe of power, comes to have few
faults The superior nature, therefore, may be taught, and
the inferior nature may be restrained , but the grades have
been pronounced by Confucius to be unchangeable

It may be asked, "How is it that those who now-a-days
speak about the nature do so differently from this * " I
reply, Those who now-a-days speak about the nature blend
with their other views those of Laou-tsze and Buddhism ;
and doing so, how could they speak otherwise than differ-
ently from me ?

THE OPINIONS OF YANG CHOO. 91

CHAPTER III

OF TANG CHOO AIS'D Mffl TEIH.

SECTION I.

THE OPINIONS OP TANG CHOO

1 " THE words of Tang Choo and Mih Teih," said Mencms, " fill the
empire If you libten to people's discourses throughout it, you will find that
they have adopted the views of the one or of the other Now, Tang's prin-
ciple is 'Each one for himself,' -which does not acknowledge the claims
of the sovereign Mill's pnnciple is 'To love all equally,' vthich does
t not acknowledge the peculiar atection due to a father. To acknowledge
neither king nor fatLei is to be in the state of a beast If their principles
aie not stopped, and the punciples of Confucius set forth, their perverse
speakings will delude the people, and stop up the path of benevolence and
ughteousness

" I am alarmed by these things, and address myself to the defence of the
doctrines of the formei stages, and to oppose Tang and Mih I drive away
their licentious expressions, so that such perveise fapeakers may not be able
to fohow themselves "When sages shall rise up again, they will' not change
my words " l

His opposition to Yang and Mih was thus one of the great
labours of Mencius' life, and what he deemed the success of
it one of his great achievements His countrymen generally
accede to the justice of his claim , though there have not been
wanting some to say -justly, as I think and will endeavour
to show in the next section that Mih need not have incur-
red from him such heavy censure For Yang no one has a
word to say. His leading principle as stated by Mencius is
certainly detestable, and so far as we can judge from the
slight accounts of him that are to be gathered from other
quarters, he seems to have been about " the least erected
spirit/" who ever professed to reason concerning the life and
duties of man.

1 Bk HL Ft n is. 9, 10.

92 TANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH.

2. The generally received opinion is that Yang belonged
to the period of " The Warring States/' the same era of
Chinese history as Mencms He was named Choo, and
styled Tsze-keu In a note, p. 159 of my larger work, I
have supposed that he was of the times of Confucius and
Laou-tsze, having then before me a passage of the Taouist
philosopher Chwang, in which he gives an account of an in-
terview between Laou-tsze and Yang Choo That interview^
however, must be an invention of Chwang. The natural
impression which we receive from all the references of Men-
cms is that Yang must have been posterior to Confucius, and
that his opinions had come into vogue only in the times of
our philosopher himself This view would be placed beyond
doubt if we could receive as genuine the chapter on Yang,
which is contained in the writings of the philosopher Leeh.
And so far we may accept it, as to believe that it gives the
sentiments which were attributed to him in the 1st century
before our era The leading principle ascribed to him by
Mencius nowhere appears in it in so many words, but the
general tenor of his language is entirely in accordance
with it. This will appear from the following specimens

" Yang Choo said, ' A. hundred years are the extreme limit
of longevity , and not one man in a thousand enjoys such a
period of life Suppose the case of one who does so in-
fancy borne in the arms, and doting old age, will nearly
occupy the half, what is forgotten in sleep, and what is lost
in the waking day, will nearly occupy the half, pain and
sickness, sorrow and bitterness, losses, anxieties, and fears
will nearly occupy the half There may remain ten years or
so ; but I reckon that not even in them will be found an
hour of smiling self-abandonment, without the shadow of
solicitude What is the life of man then to be made of ?
What pleasure is in it ?

{f f [Is it to be prized] for the pleasure of food and dress ?
or for the enjoyments of music and beauty ? But one can-
not be always satisfied with those pleasures , one cannot be
always toying with beauty and listening to music. And
then there are ,the restraints of punishments and the stimu-
lants of rewards ; the nrgings and the i epressmgs of fame
and laws , these make one strive restlessly for the vain
praise of an hour, and calculate on the residuary glory after
death , they keep him, as with body bent, on the watch

THE OPINIONS OP TANGt CHOO. 93

against wliat his ears hear and his eyes see, and attending
to the right and the wrong of his conduct and thoughts. In
this way he loses the real pleasure of his years, and cannot
allow himself for a moment In what does he differ from an
individual manacled and fettered in an inner prison ? The
people of high antiquity knew both the shortness of life, and
how suddenly and completely it might be closed by death,
and therefore they obeyed the movements of their hearts,
refusing not what it was natural for them to like, nor seek-
ing to avoid any pleasure that occurred to them They paid
no heed to the incitements of fame ; they enjoyed themselves
according to their nature , they did not resist the common
tendency of all things to self-enjoyment , they cared not to
be famous after death They managed to keep clear of
punishment , as to fame and praise, being first or last, long
life or short life, these things did not come into their calcu-
lations * "

tc Yang Choo said, c W herein people differ is the mat-
ter of life ; wherein they agree is death While they are
alive, we have the distinctions of intelligence and stupidity,
honourableness and meanness ; when they are dead, we have
so much stinking rottenness decaying away this is the
common lot. Yet intelligence and stupidity, honourable-
ness and meanness, are not in one's power , neither is that
condition of putridity, decay, and utter disappearance. A
man's life is not in his own hands, nor is his death ; his in-
telligence is not his own, nor is his stupidity, nor his honour-
ableness, nor his meanness All are born and all die , the
intelligent and the stupid, the honourable and the mean.
At ten years old some die ; at a hundred years old some die.
The virtuous and the sage die ; the ruffian and the fool also
die. Alive, they were Yaou and Shun ; dead they were so
much rotten bone. Alive they were Keeh and Chow ; dead,
they were so much rotten bone Who could know any dif-
ference between their rotten bones ? While alive, therefore,
let us hasten to make the best of hfe , what leisure have we
to be thinking of anything after death ? * "

" Mang-sun Yang asked Yang-tsze, saying, f Here is a
man who sets a high value on his life, and takes loving care
of his body, hoping that he will not dio. does he do right? *
' There is no such thing as not dying/ was the reply.
'But if he does so, hoping for long hfe, is he right?*

94 TANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH

Yang-tsze answered, f One cannot be assured of long life.
Setting value upon Lfe will not preserve it ; taking care of
the body will not make it greatly better. And, in fact, why
should long life be made of ? There are the five feelings
with their likings and dislikings, now as in old time , there
are the four limbs, now at ease, now m danger, now as in
old time , there are the various experiences of joy and sor-
row, now as in old time } there are the various changes
from order to disorder, and from disorder to order, now as
in old time all these things I have heard of, and seen,
and gone through A. hundred years of them would be
more than enough, and shall I wish the pain protracted
through a longer life ? ' Man g- sun said, e If it be so,
early death is better than long life. Let a man go to tram-
ple on the pointed steel, or throw himself into the caldron
or flames, to get what he desires * Yang-tsze answei ed,
* No Being once born, take your life as it comes, and en-
dure it, and, seeking to enjoy yourself as you desire, so
await the approach of death When you are about to die,
treat the thing with indifference and endure it , and seeking
to accomplish your departure, so abandon yourself to anni-
hilation. Both death and life should be treated with indif-
ference ; they should both be endured . why trouble ones-
self about earlmess or lateness in connexion with them ? y "
"K'm-tsze asked Yang Choo, saying, ' If you could benefit
the world by parting with one hair of your body, would you
do it ? * f The world is not to be benefited by a hair/ re-
plied Yang. The other urged, f But suppose it could be,
what would you do ? J To this Yang gave no answer, and E?m
went out, and reported what had passed to Ma,ng-sun Yang
M&ng-sun said, e You do not understand our Master's mind .
let me explain it to you. If by enduring a slight wound in
the flesh, you could get ten thousand pieces of gold, would you
endure it ? J 'I would/ c If by cutting on one of your
limbs, you could get a kingdom, would you do it ? ' K'IU
was silent ; and after a little, MSng-sun Yang resumed, ' To
part with a hair is a slighter matter than to receive a wound
in the flesh, and that again is a slighter matter than to lose
a limb that you can discern. But consider . a hair may
be multiplied til it become as important as the piece of flesh,
and the piece of flesh may be multiplied till it becomes as
important as a limb. A single hair isj'ust one of the ten

THE OPINION'S OF TANG CHOO 95

thousand portions of the body , why should yon make light
of it ? ' -*. E?in-tsze replied, ' I cannot answer you If I
could refer your words toLaou Tan or Kwan Ym, they would
say that you were right ; but if I could refer my words to
the great Yu or Mih Teih, they would say that I was right.'
Mang-sun Yang, on this, turned round,, and enteied into
conversation with his disciples on another subject. "

"Yang Choo said, c The empire agrees in considering
Shun, Yu, Chow-kung, and Confucius to have been the
most admirable of men, and in considering Keeh and Chow
to have been the most wicked.

' ' f Now, Shun had to plough the ground on the south of the
Ho, and to play the potter by the Luy lake His four limbs
had not even a temporary rest , for his mouth and belly he
could not find pleasant food and warm clothing. No love
of his parents rested upon him ; no affection of his brothers
and sisters When he was thirty years old, he had not been
able to get the permission of his parenta to marry When
Yaou at length resigned to him the throne, he was advanced
in age; his wisdom was decayed, his son Shang-keun
proved without ability; and he had finally to resign the
throne to Yu Sorrowfully came he to his death. Of all
mortals never was one whose life was so worn out and em-
poisoned as his. K*wan was required to reduce the deluged
land to order, and when his labours were ineffectual, he
was put to death on mount Yu,and Yu [his son] had to
undertake the task, and serve his enemy. All his energies
were spent on his labours with the land ; a child was born
to him, but he could not foster it ; he passed his door with-
out entering , his body became bent and withered , the skin
of his hands and feet became thick and callous. When at
length Shun resigned to him the throne, he lived in a low,
mean house, while his sacrificial apron and cap were elegant
, Sorrowfully came he to his death. Of all mortals never
t was one whose life was so saddened and embittered as his
[On the death of king Woo [his son], king Shing was young
and weak Chow-kung had to undertake all the imperial
1 duties. The duke of Shaou was displeased, and evu reports
spread through the empire Chow-kung had to reside three
years in the east ; he slew his elder brother, and banished
his younger , scarcely did he escape with his life Sorrow-
iully came he to his death. Of all mortals never was one

96 TANG CHOO AND MIH TEIF.

whose life was so full of hazards and terrors as Ins. Confu-
cius understood the ways of the ancient emperors and kings
He responded to the invitations of the princes of his time.
The tree was cut down over him in Sung , the traces of his
footsteps were removed in Wei , he was reduced to extremi-
ty in Shang and Chow, he was sunounded in Ch f in and
Ts'ae , he had to bend to the Head of the Ke family , he
was disgraced by Yang Hoo Sorrowfully came he to his
death. Of all mortals never was one whose life was so agi-
tated and hurried as his.

" f Those four sages, during their life, had not a single day's
joy. Since their death they have had a [grand] fame that
will last through myriads of ages. But that fame is what no
one who cares for what is real would choose Celebrate
them , they do not know it Reward them , they do not
know it Their fame is no more to them than to the trunk
of a tree or a clod of earth

te ' [On the other hand], Keeh came into the accumulated
wealth of many generations , to him, belonged the honour of
the imperial seat ; his wisdom was enough to enable him to
set at defiance all below , his power was enough to shake
the empire He indulged the pleasures to which his eyes
and ears prompted him , he carried out whatever it came
into his thoughts to do Brightly came he to his death Of
all mortals never was one whose life was so luxurious and
dissipated as his [Similarly], Chow came into the accumulat-
ed wealth of many generations j to him, belonged the honour
of the royal seat , his power enabled him to do whatever
he would , his will was everywhere obeyed 3 he indulged his
feelings in all his palaces ; he gave the reins to his lusts
through the long night , he never made himself bitter by
the thought of propriety and righteousness. Brightly
came he to his destruction Of all mortals never was one
whose life was so abandoned as his.

<c ' These two villains, during their life, had the joy of grati-
fying their desires. Since their death, they have had the
[evil] fame of folly and tyranny. But the reality [of
enjoyment] is what no fame can give. Reproach them ,
they do not know it Praise them - 3 they do not know it
Their [ill] fame is no more to them than to the trunk of a tree,
or to a clod of earth

tf ' To the four sages all admiration is given , yet were their

THE OPINIONS OP YANG CHOO 97

lives bitter to the end, and their common lot was death.
To the two villains all condemnation is given, yet their
lives were pleasant to the last., and their common lot was
likewise death 9 "

3. The above passages aze sufficient to show the character
of Yang Choo's mind and of his teachings Ifc would be do-
ing injustice to Epicuius to compare Yang with him., for
though the Grecian philosopher made happiness the chief
end of human pursuit, he taught also that tc we cannot live
pleasurably without living virtuously and justly " The
Epicurean system is, indeed, unequal to the capacity, and
far below the highest complacencies, of human nature ; but
it is widely different from, the leckless contempt of all which
is esteemed good and great that denies the pages where Yang
is made to tell his views

We are sometimes reminded by him of fragmentary utter-
ance in the Book of Ecclesiastes , "In much wisdom is much
grief, and he that increaseth knowledge increaseth sorrow "
* % As it happeneth to the fool, so it happeneth even to me,
and why was I then more wise ? Then I said in my heart,
that this also is vanity For there is no remembrance of the
wise more than of the fool for ever , seeing that which now
is, in the days to come shall all be forgotten. And how dietk
the wise man? As the tool Therefore I hated life, be-
cause the work that is wrought under the sun is grievous to
me for all is vanity and vexation of spirit " "There is a
man whose labour ib in wisdom, and m knowledge, and in
equity . All his days are sorrows, and his travail grief, yea,
his heart taketh not rest in the night . this is also vanity.
Thei e is nothing better for a man than that he should eat and
dnnk, and that he should make his soul enjoy good in his
labour " "That which befalleth the sons of men befalleth
beasts , even one thing befalleth them . as the one dieth, so
dieth the other , yea, they have all one breath ; so that a
man hath no pie-emmence over a beast for all is vanity.
All go to one place , all aie of the dust, and all tuin to dust
again Whereloie I perceive that there is nothing better
than that a man should rejoice m his> own works , for that is
nis poition : for who shall bring him to see what shall be
after him?"

But those thoughts were suggestions of evil fiom which.
the Hebrew Preacher recoiled in his own mind , and ae put
VOL ii. 7

98 TANG CHOO AND MIH TEIF.

them on record only that he might give their antidote along
with them He vanquished them by his faith in God , and
so he ends by saying, " Let us hear the conclusion of the
whole matter- Fear God, and keep His commandments
for this is the whole duty of man For God shall "bring every
work into judgment with every secret thing, whether it be
goodj or whether it be evil " Yang Choo has no redeeming
qualities. His reasonings contain no elements to counteract
the poison that is in them He never rises to the thought
of God There are, he allows, such ideas as those of pro-
priety and righteousness, but the effect of them is merely to
embitter and mar the enjoyment of life Fame is but a
phantom which only the fool will pursue. It is the same
with all at death There their being ends After that there
is but so much putridity and rottenness With him there-
fore the conclusion of the whole matter is . "Let us eat and
drink , let us live in pleasure ; gratify the ears and eyes ,
get servants and maidens, music, beauty, wine, when the
day is insufficient, carry it on through the night , EACH

ONE POE HIMSELF "

Mencius might well say that if such "" licentious talk "
were not arrested, the path of benevolence and righteousness
would be stopped up. If Yang's principles had been enter-
tamed by the nation, every bond of society would have been
dissolved All the foundations of order would have been
destroyed. Vice would have become rampant, and virtue
would have been named only to be scorned Theie would
have remained for the entire State only what Yang saw in
store for the individual man f( putridity and rottenness "
Doubtless it was owing to Mencms' opposition that the foul
and dangei ous current was stayed He raised up against it the
bulwark of human nature formed for virtue. He insisted on
benevolence, righteousness, propriety, fidelity, as the noblest
attributes of man's conduct More was needed, but more he
could not supply. If he had had a living faith in God, and
had been in possession of His revealed will, the present state
of China might have been very different. He was able to
warn his countrymen of the gulf into which Yang Choo
would have plunged them , but he could direct them in the
way of truth and duty only imperfectly. He sent them in-
to the dark cave of their own souls, and back to the vague
lessons and imperfect examples of their sages; and China

THE OPINIONS OF 3IIH TEIH. 99

Las staggered on, waxing feebler and feebler, to the present
time. Her people need to be directed above themselves
and beyond the present When stars shine out to them in
heaven and from eternity, the empire will perhaps renew its
youth, and go forward from strength to strength

SECTION H.

THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIH.

1 VERY different from Tang Choo was Mih Teih They
stood at the opposite poles of human thought and senti-
ment , and we may wonder that Mencms should have
offered the same stern opposition to the opinions of each of
them. He did well to oppose the doctrine whose watch-
word was "Each one for himself, " was it right to de-
nounce, as equally injurious, that which taught that the
root of all social evils is to be traced to the want of mutual
love?

It is allowed that Mih was a native and officer of the
State of Sung but the time when be lived is a matter of
dispute. Sze-ma Ts'een says that some made him to be a
contemporary of Confucius, and that others placed him
later He was certainly later than Confucius., to whom he
makes many references, not always complimentary, in his
writings. In one of his Treatises, moreover, mention is
made of WSn-tsze, an acknowledged disciple of Tsze-hed,
so that he must have been very little anterior to Mencius.
This is the impression also which I receive from the refer-
ences to him in our philosopher.

In Lew Hin's thii d catalogue the Mihist writers form a
subdivision. Six of them are mentioned, including Mih.
himself, to whom 71 p'een, or Books, are attributed So
many were then current under bis name , but 1 8 of them
have since been lost. He was an original thinker. He
exercised a bolder judgment on things than Confucius or
any of his followers. Antiquity was not so sacred to him,
and he did not hesitate to condemn the literati the ortho-
dox for several of their doctrines and practices.

100 YANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH

Two of his peculiar views are adverted to by Mencius,
and vehemently condemned The one is about the regula-
tion of funerals, where Mih contended that a spare simpli-
city should be the rule. 1 On that I need not dwell The
other is tlie doctrine of 6C Universal Love " 2 A lengthy
exposition of this remains in the "Writings which go by
Mih's name, though it is not from his own pen, but that of
a disciple Such as it is, with all its repetitions, I give a
translation of it My readers will be able, after perusing
it, to go on with me to con&ider the treatment which the
doctrine received at the hands of Mencius

UNIVERSAL LOVE PABT I.

IT is the business of the sages to effect the good govern-
ment of the empire. They must know, therefore, whence
disorder and confusion arise, for without this knowledge
their object cannot be effected. We may compare them to
a physician who undertakes to cure a man's disease
he must ascertain whence the disease has arisen, and then
he can assail it with effect, while, without such knowledge,
his endeavours will be in vain Why should we except the
case of those who have to regulate disorder from this rule ?
They must know whence it has arisen, and then they can
regulate it

It is the business of the sages to effect the good govern-
ment of all under heaven They must examine therefore into
the cause of disorder ; and when they do so, they will find
that it arises from, the want of mutual love. When a
minister and a son are not filial to their sovereign and their
father, this is what is called disorder A son loves himself,
and does not love his father , he therefore wrongs his
fathei and advantages himself a younger brother loves
himselfj and does not love his elder brother, he therefore

1 Bk nr Pt i v

3 Iu the phrase for this the former character represents a Tiand grasp%ng
ttio ytatks of ffrain, so the phrase denotes, *' a love that giasps or unites
many in its embrace " I do not know how to render it better than by
"umve'sal love" Menciuq and the literati generally find the idea of
equality ia it als>o, and it ifo with them '* To lo\e all equally,"

THE OPINIONS OP MIH TEIH. 101

wrongs Ins elder brother,, and advantages himself, a minis-
ter loves himself, and does not love his sovereign he
therefore wrongs his sovereign, and advantages himself
all these are cases of what is called disorder Though it
be the father who 3s not kind to his son, or the elder
brother who is not kind to his yonnger bi other , or the
sovereign who is not gracious to his minister the case
comes equally under the general name of di^oider The
father loves himself, and does not love his son, he theiefore
wrongs his son, and advantages himself, the elder brother
loves himself, and does not love his younger brother, ho
therefore wrongs his younger brother, and advantages him-
self the sovereign loves himself, and does not love his
minister; he therefore wrongs his minister, and advan-
tages himself How do these things come to pass ? They
all arise from the want of mutual love Take the case of
any thief or robber . it is just the same with it. The thief
loves his own house, and does not love his neighbour's
house ; he therefore steals from his neighbour's house to
advantage his own . the robber loves his own person, and
does not love his neighbour, he therefore does violence to
his neighbour to advantage himself. How is this ? It all
arises from the want of mutual love. Come to the c.i&e of
great officers throwing each other's families into confusion,
and of princes attacking one another's States . it is just
the same with them. The great officer loves his own family,
and does not love his neighbours , he therefore throws his
neighbour's family into disorder to advantage his own : the
prince loves his own State, and does not love his neigh-
bour's , he therefore attacks his neighbour's State to ad-
vantage his own All disorder in the empire has the same
explanation When we examine into the cause of it, it is
found to be the want of mutual love.

Suppose that universal mutual love prevailed throughout
the kingdom ; if men loved others as thev love themselves,
disliking to exhibit what was uniilial , , T And moreovei
would there be those who were unkind ? Looking on their
sons, younger brothers, and ministers as themselves, and
disliking to exhibit what was unkind , . . the want of filial
duty would disappear. And would there be thieves and rob-

1 There are evidently some omissions and confusion here in the Chinese
text

102 YAtfG OHOO AND MIH TEIH.

bers ? "When every man regarded his neighbour's Lease as
his own, who would be found to steal ? When every one re-
garded his neighbour's person as his own, who would be found
to rob ? Thieves and robbers would disappear And would
there be great officers throwing one another's families into
confusion,, and princes attacking one another's States ? When
officers regarded the families of others as their own, what one
would make confusion ? When princes regarded other States
as their own, what one would begin an attack ? Great officers
throwing one ano ther's families into confusion, and princes
attacking one another* s States, would disappear

If, indeed, universal mutual love prevailed throughout the
kingdom , one State not attacking another, and one family
not throwing another into confusion , thieves and robbers
nowhere existing, rulers and ministers, fathers and sons, all
being filial and kind in such a condition the kingdom
would be well governed. On this account, how may sages,
whose business it is to effect the good government of the
kingdom, do other than prohibit hatred and advise to love ?
On this account it is affirmed that universal mutual love
throughout the kingdom will lead to its happy order, and
that mutual hatred leads to confusion. This was what our
master, the philosopher Mih, meant, when he said, " We
must not but advise to the love of others 3>

UJSTIYEUSAL LOYE PAST II.

OUR Master, the philosopher Mih, said, "That which bene-
volent men consider to be incumbent on them as their busi-
ness, is to stimulate and promote all that will be advantage-
ous to the kingdom, and to take away all that is injur-ious
to it. This is what they consider to be their business "

And what are the things advantageous to the kingdom, and
the things injurious to it ? Our Master said, " The mutual
attacks of State on State , the mutual usurpations of family
on family, the mutual robberies of man on man; the want of
kindness on the part of the sovereign and of loyalty on the
part of the minister , the want of tenderness and filial duty
between father and son these, and such as these^ are the
things injurious to the empire/*

THE OPrNIOtfS OP MIH TEIH. 103

And from what do we find, on examination, that these in-
jurious things are produced ? Is it not from the want of
mutual love ?

Our Master said, "Yes, they are produced by the want of
mutual love Here is a prince who only knows to love his
own State, and does not love his neighbour's ; he therefore
does not shrink from raising all the power of his State to at-
tack his neighbour Here is the chief of a family who only
knows to love it, and does not love his neighbour's , he
therefoie does not shrink from raising all his powers to seize
on that other family Here is a man who only knows to love
has own person, and does not love his neighbour's , he
therefore does not shrink from using all his strength to rob
his neighbour Thus it happens that the princes, not loving
one another, have their battle-fields, and the chiefs of families,
not loving one another, have then* mutual usurpations ; and
men, not loving one another, have their mutual robberies ;
and sovereigns and ministers, not loving one another, become
unkind and disloyal , and fathers and sons, not loving one
another, lose their affection and filial duty , and brothers,
not loving one another, contiact irreconcileable enmities
Yea, men in general not loving one another, the strong make
prey of the weak 5 the rich do despite to the poor , the noble
are insolent to the mean, and the deceitful impose upon the
stupid All the miseries, usurpations, enmities, and hatreds
in the world, when traced to their origin, will be found to
arise from the want of mutual love On this account, the
benevolent condemn it "

They may condemn it , but how shall they change it ?

Our Master said, C They may change it by universal
mutual love, and by the interchange of mutual benefits '*

How will this law of universal mutual love and the inter-
change of mutual benefits accomplish this ?

Our Master said, " [It would lead] to the regarding an-
other kingdom as one's own ; another family as one's own ;
another person as one's own. That being the case, the
princes, loving one another, would have no battle-fields ;
the chiefs of families, loving one another, would attempt no
usurpations ; men, loving one another, would commit no
robberies ; rulers and ministers, loving one another, would
be gracious and loyal , fathers and sons, loving one another,
would be kind and filial , brothers, loving one another,

104 TA^Cf CHOO A13V MIH TEIH

would bo harmonious and easily reconciled Yea, men in
g-eneial loving one another, the strong would not make
prey of the weak , the many would not plunder the few ,
the rich would not insult the pooi , the noble would not be
insolent to the mean , and the deceitful would not impose
upon the simple. The way in which all the mi seines,
usurpations, enmities, and hatreds in the world may bo
made not to arise, is universal mutual love On this ac-
count, the benevolent value and praise it "

Yes , but the scholars of the empire and superior men
say, " True , if there were this universal love, it would be
good It is, however, the most difficult thing in the
world."

Our Master said, " This is because the scholars and su-
>erior men simply do not understand the advantagcousness
of the law], and to conduct their reasonings upon that Take
the case of assaulting a city, or of a battle-tield, or of tho
sacrificing one's life for the sake of fame , this is felt by
the people everywhere to be a difficult thing Yet, if tho
sovereign be pleased with ib, both officers and people arc
able to do at how much more might they attain to uni-
versal mutual love, and the intei change of mutual benefits,
which is different from this l When a man loves others,
they respond to and love him , when a man benefits others,
they respond to and benefit him, when a man injures
others, they respond to and injure him when a man hates
others, they respond to and hate him what difficulty is
there in the matter ? It is only that rulers will not carry
on the government on this principle, and so officeis do not
carry it out in their practice

" Formerly, the duke W2n of Tsm liked his officers to
be badly dressed, and, therefore, they all wore ratns ; furs, a
leathern swoidbelt, and a cap of bleached cotton. Thus
attired, they went in to the punco's levee, and came out
and walked through the court. Why did they do this ?
The sovereign liked it, and therefore the ministers did it.
The duke Ling of Ts'oo liked his officers to have small
waists, and, therefore, they all limited them selves to a
single meal They held in their breath in putting on their
belts, and had to help themselves up by means ol the wall
In the course of a year, they looked black, and as if they
would die of starvation. Why did they do this F Tho

THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIH. 105

sovereign liked it, and, therefore, the ministers were a"b]e
to do it Kow-tseen, the king of Yueh, liked his ministers
to be brave, and taught them to be accustomed to be so.
At a general assembly of them, he set on fire the ship where
they were, and to try them, said, " All the precious things
of Yueh are heie-" He then with his own hands beat a
drum, and urged them on When they heard the drum
thundering, they rushed confusedly about, and trampled in
the hre, till more than a hundred of them perished, when
he struck the gong, and called them back

" Now, little food, bad clothes, and the sacrifice of life
for the sake of fame, these are what it is difficult for
people to appiove of Yet, when the sovereign was pleased
with it, they were all able [in those cases] to bring them-
selves to them How much more could they attain to
universal mutual love, and the intei change of mutual
benents, which is different from such, things ' When a man
loves otheis, they respond to and love him, when a man
benefits ochers, they respond to and benefit him; when a
man hates others, they lespond to and hate him; when a
man injures others, they respond to and injure him It is
only that rulers will not carry on their government on this
principle, and so, ofncers do not carry it out in their
practice "

Yes , but now the officers and. superior men say, fc Granted,
the universal practice of mutual love would be good , but it
is an impracticable thing It is like taking up the T r ae
mountain, and leaping with it over the Ho or the Tse "

Our Master said, " That is not the proper comparison for
it To take up the T'ae mountain, and leap with :t over
the Ho or the Tse,, may be called an exercise of most extra-
ordinal y strength , it is, in fact, what no one, from antiquity
to tho present time, has ever been able to do But how
widely diffeient fiom this is the practice of universal mutual
love,, and the interchange of mutual benefits '

" Anciently, the sage kings practised this. How do we
know that they did so ? When Yu reduced the empire to
order in the west he made the western Ho and the Joo-
tow, to carry off the waters of K'eu-sun-wang ; in tho north,
he made the Fang-yuen, the Koo, How-che-te, and the Tow
of Foo-t f o , setting up also the Te-ch f oo, and chiselling out
the Lung-limn, to benefit Yen, Tae, Hoo^ Mih, and the

106 YANG CHOO ANJD MIH TEIH.

people of the western Ho , in the east, lie drained the waters
to Lull-fang and the marsh of M3,ng-choo, reducing them to
nine channels, to limit the waters of the eastern country,
and benefit the people of K'e-chow , and in the south, he
made the Keang, the Han, the Hwae, the Joo, the course of
the eastern current, and the five lakes, to benefit King,
Ts'oo, and Yueh, the people of the wild south These were
the doings of Yu , and I am now for practising the [same]
umveisal [mutual love]

" When king Wan brought the western country to good
order, his light spread, like the sun or the moon, ovei its
four quaiters He did not permit great States to insult
small ones; he did not peimit the multitude to oppress the
fatherless and the widow, he did not peimit violence and
power to take from the husbandmen their millet^ pannicled
millet, dogs, and swine Heaven, as if constrained, visited
king W2n with blessing The old and childless were
enabled to complete their years, the solitary and biothei-
less could yet mingle among the living , the young and
paientless found those on whom they could depend, and
grew up. These were the doings of king Wan , and I am
now for practising the same universal [mutual love].

<f King Woo tunneled through the T f ae mountain The
Eecord says, 'There is a way through the mountain, made
by me, the descendant of the kings of Ohow I have ac-
complished this great work I have got my virtuous men,
and rise up full of reverence for Shang, Hea,, and tho tubes
of the south, the east, and the north Though ho has his
multitudes of relatives, they are not equal to my virtuous
men If guilt attach to the people anywhere throughout
the empire, it is to be required of me, the One man/ This
describes the doings of king Woo, and I am now for prac-
tising the [same] universal mutual love

"If, now, the rulers of the kingdom truly and sincerely wish
all in it to be rich, and dislike any being poor, if thoy
desire its good government, and dislike disorder ; they
ought to practise universal mutual love, and the interchange
of mutual benefits This was the law of the sage kings,
it is the way to effect the good government of the kingdom ,
it may not but be striven after/'

THE OPINIONS OF MIH TBIH 107

TJOTVEKSAL LOVE PAET III.

OTTR Master, the philosopher Mih, said, " The business of
benevolent men requires that they should strive to stimulate
and promote what is advantageous to the empire, and to
take away what is injurious to it."

Speaking, now, of the present time, what are to be ac-
counted the most injurious things to the empire ? They
are such as the attacking of small States by great ones , the
inroads on small families of great ones , the plunder of
the weak by the strong , the oppression of the few by the
many , the scheming of the crafty against the simple , the
insolence of the noble to the mean. To the same class be-
long the ungraciousness of rulers, and the disloyalty of
ministers , the unkindness of fathers, and the want of filial
duty on the part of sons Yea, there is to be added to
these the conduct of the mean men, who employ their
edged weapons and poisoned stuff, water and fire, to rob and
injure one another

Pushing on the inquiry now, let us ask whence all these
injurious things arise Is it from loving others and advan-
taging 1 others ? It must be answered " No , " and it must
likewise be said, " They arise clearly from hating others
and doing violence to others tj [If it be further asked]
whether those who hate and do violence to others hold the
principle of loving all, or that of making distinctions, it
must be replied, et They make distinctions." So then, it is
this principle of making distinctions between man and man,
which gives rise to all that is most injurious in the empire.
On this account we conclude fchat that principle is wrong.

Our Master said, " He who condemns others must have
whereby to change them " To condemn men, and have no
means of changing them, 13 like saving them from fire by
plunging them in water A man's language m such a case
must be improper. On this account our Master said, ' ' There
is the principle of loving all, to change that which makes
distinctions." If, now, we ask, Cf And how is it that universal

103 YA3TG CHOO AND MIH TEIH.

love can change [the consequences of] that other principle
which makes distinctions?" the answer is, "If princes
were as much for the States of others as for their own, what
one among them would raise the foices of his State to
attack that of another ? he is for that othei as much as for
himself. If they were for the capitals of others as much as
for their own, what one would raise the forces of his capital
to attack that of another ? he is for that as much as for his
own If chiefs regarded the families of others as their own,,
what one would lead the power of his family to thiow that
of another into confusion ? he is for that other as much as
for himself If, now, States did not attack, nor holders of
capitals smite, one another, and if families were guilty of no
mutual aggressions, would this boinjunous to the empire, or
its benefit ? " It must bo replied, " This would be advan-
tageous to the empire " Pushing on the inquiry, now, let
us ask whence all these benefits arise Is it fiom hating
others and doing violence to others ? It must be answeiod,
Cf No , " and it must likewise be said, " They arise clearly
from loving others and doing good to others " [If it bo
furthei asked] whether those who love others and do good
to others hold the principle of making distinctions between
man and man, or that of loving all, it must be lephed,
' c They love all " So then it is this principle of umvor&al
mutual love which really gives rise to all that is most bene-
ficial to the empire On this account we conclude that that
principle is right.

Our Master said, a little ago, ff The business of benevolent
men requires that they should strive to stimulate and pio-
mote what is advantageous to the kingdom, and to tako away
what is injurious to it." We have now traced the subject
up, and found that it is the punciple of universal lovo which
produces all that is most beneficial to the kingdom, and the
principle of making distinctions which produces all that is
injurious to it. On this account what our Master said
" The principle of making distinctions between man and
man is wrong, and the principle ot universal lovo is right,"
turns out to be correct as the sides of a square

If, now, we just desire to promote the benefit of the king-
dom, and select for that purpose the principle of universal
love, then the acute ears and piercing eyes of people will hear
and see for one another ; and the strong limbs of people will

THE OPINIONS OP MIH TEIH. 109

move and be ruled for one another, and men of principle
will instruct one another It will come about that the old,
who have neither wife nor children, will get supporters who
will enable them to complete their years 3 and the young-
and weak, who have no parents, will yet find helpers that
shall bring 1 them up On the contrary, if this principle of
universal love is held not to be correct, what benefits will
arise from such a view ? What can be the reason that the
scholars of the empire, whenever they hear of this principle
of universal love, go on to condemn it ? Plain as the case
is, their words in condemnation of this principle do not stop ;
they say, c ' It may be good, but how can it be carried into
practice ? "

Our Master said, " Supposing that it could not be practis-
ed, it seems hard to go on likewise to condemn it But
how can it be good, and yet moapable of being put into
practice ? "

Let us bring forward two instances to test the matter
Let any one suppose the case of two individuals, the one of
whom shall hold the principle of making distinctions, and
the other shall hold the principle of universal love The
former of these will say, " How can I be for the person of
my friend as much as for my own person p how can I be for
the parents of my friend as much as for my own parents ? "
Reasoning in this way, he may see his friend hungry, but
ha will not feed him ; cold, but he will not clothe him ; sick,
but he will not nuise him , dead, but he will not bury him.
Siioh will be the language of the individual holding the prin-
ciple of distinction, and such will be his conduct The lan-
guage of the other, holding the principle of universality, will
be different, and also his conduct He will say, " I have
heard that he who wishes to play a lofty part among mon,
will be for the person of his friend as much as foi his own
person, and for the parents of his friend as much as for his
own parents It is only thus that be can attain Li8 distinc-
tion ? ^Reasoning in this way, when he sees his friend hungry,
he will feed him , cold, he will clothe him , sick, he will
nurse him ; dead, he will bury him Such will be the lan-
guage of him who holds the pimciple of umveisal love, and
such will be his conduct

The words of the one of these individuals are a condemn-
ation of those of the other, and their conduct is directly

110 YAtfG CHOO AND MIH TEIH

contrary Suppose now that their words are perfectly sin-
cere, and that their conduce will be carried out, that their
words and actions will correspond like the parts of a token,
every word being carried into effect ; and let us proceed to
put the following questions on the case Here is a plain in
the open country,, and an officer, with coat of mail, gorget,
and helmet, is about to take part in a battle to be fought in
it, where the issue, whether for life or death, cannot be fore-
known , or here is an officer about to be despatched on a dis-
tant commission from Pa to Yueh, or from Ts'e to King, where
the issue of the journey, going and coming, is quite uncer-
tain on either of these suppositions, to whom will the
officer entrust the charge of his house, the support of his
parents, and the care of his wife and children ? to one who
holds the principle of universal love ? or to one who holds
that which makes distinctions ? I apprehend there is no one
under heaven, man or woman, however stupid, though he
may condemn the principle of universal love, but would at
such a tune make one who holds it the subject of his trust
This is in words to condemn the principle, and when there
is occasion to choose between it and the opposite, to appiove
it, words and conduct are herein contradiction. I do not
know how it is, that, throughout the empue, scholars con-
demn the principle of universal love, whenever they hear it.

Plain as the case is, their words in condemnation of it do
not cease, but they say, " This principle may suffice perhaps
to guide in the choice of an officer, but it will not guide in
the choice of a sovereign "

Let us test this by taking two illustrations Let any one
suppose the case of two sovereigns, the one of whom shall
hold the principle of mutual love, and the other shall hold
the piinciple which makes distinctions. In this case, the
latter of them will say, " How can I be as much for the per-
sons of all my people as for my own ? This is much opposed
to human feelings. The life of man upon the earth is but a
very brief space ; it may be compared to the rapid movement
of a team of horses whirling past any particular spot "
Reasoning in this wav, he may see his people hungry, but
he will not feed them ; cold, but he will not clothe them ;
sick, but he will not nurse them , dead, but he will not bury
them Such will be the language of the sovereign who holds
the principle of distinctions, and such will be his conduct.

THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIH. Ill

Different will be the language and conduct of the other who
holds the principle of universal love He will say, ft I have
heard that he who would show himself a [virtuous and] intel-
ligent soveieign, ought to make his people the first considera-
tion, and think of himself only after them " Reasoning in
this way, when he sees any of the people hungry, he will feed
them , cold, he will clothe them , sick, he will nurse them ;
dead,, he will bury them. Such will be the language of the
sovereign who holds the principle of universal love, and such
his conduct If we compare the two sovereigns, the words
of the one are condemnatory of those of the other, and their
actions are opposite Let us suppose that their words are
equally sincere, and that their actions will be made good,
that their words and actions will correspond like the parts
of a token, every word being earned into effect , and let us
proceed to put the following questions on the case
Here is a year when a pestilence walks abroad among the
people , many of them suffer from cold and famine , multi-
tudes die in the ditches and water-channels If at such a time
they might make an election between the two sovereigns
whom we have supposed, which would they prefer ? I ap-
prehend there is no one under heaven, however stupid,
though he may condemn the principle of universal love, but
would at such a time prefer to be under the sovereign who
holds it. This is in words to condemn the principle, and,
when there is occasion to choose between it and the opposite,
to approve it , words and conduct are here in contradiction.
I do not know how it is that throughout the empire scholars
condemn the principle of universal love, whenever they hear it.

Plain as the case is, their words in condemnation of it do
not cease , but they say, " This universal [mutual love] is
benevolent and righteous That we grant, but how can it
be practised ? The impracticability of it is like that of taking
up the T'ae mountain, and leaping with it over the Keang
or the Ho We do, indeed, desire this universal love, but it
is an impracticable thing 1 "

Our Master said, " To take up the T'ae mountain, and leap
with it over the Keang or the Ho, is a thing which never has
been, done, from the highest antiquity to the present time,
since men were , but the exercise of mutual love and the in-
terchange of mutual benefits, this was practised by the
ancient sages and six kings "

112 TANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH.

How do you know that the ancient sages and the six kings
practised this ?

Our Master said, f e I was not of the same age and time
with them, so that I could myself have heard their voices,
or seen their faces , but I know what I say from what they
have transmitted to posterity, written on bamboo or cloth,
cat in metal or stone, engraven on their vessels "

It is said in "The Great Declaration/' "King Wan was
like the sun or like the moon, suddenly did his bughbness
shine through the four quarters of the western region "

According to these words, king Wan exercised the
principle of universal love on a vast scale He is compared
to the sun or moon which shines on all, without partial
favour to any spot under the heavens , such was the uni-
versal love of king Wan." What our Master insisted on was
thus exemplified in him

Again, not only does " The Great Declaration " speak
thus , we find the same thing in " The Declaration of Yu "
Yu said, " Ye multitudes, listen all to my words It is not
only I who dare to say a word in favour of war , again ot
this stupid piince of Meaou we must execute the punish-
ment appointed by Heaven I am therefore leading your
hosts, and go befoie you all to punish the prince of Meaou "

Thus Yu punished the prince of Meaou, not to increase
his own riches and nobility, nor to obtain happiness and
emolument, nor to gratify his ears and eyes, he did it,
seeking to piomote what was advantageous to the empire,
and to take away what was injurious to it It appears from
this that Yu held the principle of universal love What
our Master insisted on may be found in him

And not only may Yu thus be appealed to, we have
" The words of T'ang" to the same effect T'ang said, " 1,
the child Lie, presume to use a dark-coloured victim, and an-
nounce to Thee, supiomo Heavenly Sovereign Now there
is a great drought, and it is right I should be held respon-
sible loi it I do not know but that I have offended against
the Powers above and below. But the good I dare not koep
m obscurity, and tho sinner I daie not pardon The ex-
amination of this is with Thy mind, O God If tho people
throughout the empire commit offences, it is to bo required
of me. If I commit offences, it does not concern the people. 1 "
From these words we perceive that T'ang, possessing the

THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIH 113

dignity of supreme king, and the wealth of the kingdom, yet
did not shrink from offering himself as a sacrifice which might
be acceptable to God and [othei] spiritual Beings " It
appears from this that T'ang held the principle of universal
love. What our Master insisted on was exemplified in T'ang
And not only may we appeal in this way to the " Declara-
tions/' " Charges/' and " The Words of T'ang/* we find
the same thing in ff The Poems of Chow " One of those
poems says,

"Wide and long is the Boyal way, It is straight as an arrow,

Without deflection, -without injustice It is smooth as a whetstone

The Royal way IB plain and level, The officers tread it ,

Without injustice, without deflection The lower people see it "

Is not this speaking of the [Royal] way in accordance with
our style ? Anciently, "W3,n and Woo, acting with exact
justice and impartiality, rewarded the worthy and punished
the oppressive, allowing no favouritism to influence them
towards their own relatives It appears from this that W3.n
and Woo held the principle of universal love. What our
Master insisted on was exemplified in them How is it that
the scholars of the empire condemn this universal love,
whenever they hear of it ? Plain as the case :s, the words
of those who condemn the principle of universal love do not
cease They say, " It is not advantageous to the entire
devotion to parents which is required, it is injurious to
filial piety " Out* Master said, " Let us bring this objection
to the test A filial son, having [the happiness of] his parents
at heart, considers how it is to be secured Now, does he,
so considering, wish men to love and benefit his parents ?
or does he wish them to hate and injure his parents ? " On
this view of the question, it must be evident that he wishes
men to love and benefit his parents And what must he
himself first do in order to gain this object ? If I first ad-
dress myself to love and benefit men's parents, will they for
that retuin love and benefit to my parents ? or if I first ad-
dress myself to hate men's parents, will they for that leturn
love and benefit to my patents? It is clear that I must
first address myself to love and benefit men's parents, and
they will return to me love and benefit to my parents The
conclusion is that a filial son has no alternative He must
address himself in the nrst place to love and do good to the
VOL. n, 8

114 TAITG CHOO AOT) MIH TEIH.

parents of others If it be supposed that this is an acci-
dental course, to be followed on emergency by a filial son,
and not sufficient to be regarded as a general rule, let us
bring it to the test of what we find in the Books of the
ancient kings. It is said in the Ta Ya,

" Every word find its answer , He thiew me a peach ;

Every action its recompense I returned >nm a plum "

These words show that he who loves others will be loved,
and that he who hates others will be hated How is it that
the scholars of the empire condemn this principle of uni-
versal love, when they hear it ?

Is it that they deem it so difficult as to be impracticable ?
But there have been more difficult things,, which yet have
been done [For instance] , king Ling of King was fond of
small waists. In his time, the officers of King restricted
themselves to a handful of rice, till they required a stick to
raise themselves, and in walking hcbd to hold themselves up
by the wall Now, it is a difficult thing to restrict one's-
self uu food, but they were able to do it, because it would
please king Ling It needs not more than a generation to
change the manners of the people, such is their desire to
move after the pattern of their superiors

[Again], Kow-tseen the king of Yueh, was fond of
bravery. He spent three years in training his officers to be
brave , and then, not knowing fully whether they were so, ho
set hre to the ship where they were, and urged them for-
ward by a drum into the flames They advanced, one rank
over the bodies of another, till an immense number peu&hed
in the water or the flames y and it was not till he ceased to
beat the drum, that they retired Those officers of Yuoh
might be pronounced to be full of reverence. To sacrifice
one's life in the flames is a difficult thing, but they were
able to do it, because it would please their king. It needs
not more than a generation to change tho manners of the
people, such is their desire to move afber tho pattern of
their supoiiors [Once more], duke W&a of Tsm was fond
of garments of coarse flax. In his timo, the officers of Tain
wore wide clothes of that fabric, with ranis' furs, leathern
swordbelts, and coarse canvas sandals. Thus attired, they
went m to the duke's levee, and went out and walked
tiirough the court. It is a difficult thing to woar such

THE OPINIONS Or MIH TEIH. 115

clothes, but they were able to do it, because it would please
duke WS.n It needs but a generation to change the man-
ners of the people, such is their desire to move after the
pattern of their superiors

Now, little food, a burning ship, and coarse clothes,
these are among the most difficult things to endure , but
because the ruler would be pleased with the enduring
them,, they were able [in those cases] to do it. It needs no
more than a generation to change the manners of the people
Why ? Because such is their desire to move after the pat-
tern of their superiors. And now, as to universal mutual
love, it is an advantageous thing and easily practised,
beyond all calculation The only reason why it is not prac-
tised is, in my opinion, because superiors do not take
pleasure in it If superiors were to take pleasure in it,
stimulating men to it by rewards and praise, and awing them
from opposition to it by punishments and fines, they would,
in my opinion, move to it, the practice of universal mutual
love, and the interchange of mutual benefits, as fire rises
upwards, and as water flows downwards -nothing would be
able to check them This universal love was the way of the
sage kings , it is the principle to secure peace for kings,,
dukes, and great men ; it is the means to secure plenty of
food and clothes for tne myriads of the people The best
course for the superior man is to well understand the prin-
ciple of universal love, and exert himself to practise it. It
requires the ruler to be gracious, and the minister to be
loyal; tlie father to be kind, and the son to be filial; the
elder brother to be friendly, and the younger to bo obedient.
Therefore the superior man, with whom the chief desire is
to see gracious rulers and loyal ministers , kind fathers
and filial sons , friendly elder brothers and obedient younger
ones, ought to insist on the indispensableness of the practice
of universal love It was the way of the sage kings , it would
be the most advantageous thing for the myriads of the
people.

2 Notwithstanding the mutilations and corruptions in
the text of the preceding Essay, its general scope is clearly
discernible, and we obtain from it a sufficient account of
Mih's doctrine on the subject of " Universal Love " We
have now to consider the opposition offered to this doctrine

116 TAXG CHOO AND MIH TEIH.

"by Mencius. He was not the first, however, to be startled
and offended by it The Essay shows that it was resented
as an outrage on the system of orthodox belief during all
the lifetime of Mih and his immediate disciples Men of
learning did not cease to be clamorous against it From
the allusions made by Mencius to its prevalence in his days,
it would appear that it had overcome much of the hostility
which it at first encounteied He stepped forward to do
battle with it, and though he had no new arguments to ply,
such was the effect of his onset, that " Universal Love "
has ever since been considered, save by some eccentric
thinkers, as belonging to the Limbo of Chinese Vanity,
among other things ee abortive, monstrous, or unkindly
mixed. 1 "

"We may approach the question conveniently by observing
that Mih/s attempts to defend his principle were in several
points far from the best that could be made His references
to the examples of Yu, T'ang, and the kings W&n and Woo,
are of this nature Those worthies well performed the
woik of their generation They punished the oppressor,
and delivered the oppressed Earnest sentiments of justice
and benevolence animated their bi easts and directed their
course But they never laid down the doctrine of " Uni-
versal Love," as the rule for themselves or others

When he insists, again, that the people might easily be
brought to appreciate and practise his doctrine, if their
rulers would only set them the example, he shows the same
overweening idea of the influence of superiors, and the
same ignorance of human natui e, which I have had occasion
to point out in both Confucius and Mencius His refer-
ences to duke W^n of Tsin, king Ling of Ts'oo, and
Kow-tseen of Yueh, and his argument from what they are
said to have effected, only move us to smile. And when he
teaches that men are to be cuved to love one another "" by
2>unuhments andfines/* we feel that h is not understanding
fully what he says nor whereof he affirms

Still, he has broadly and distinctly laid it down, that if
men would only universally love one another, the evils
which disturb and embitter human society would disappear.
I do not say that he has taught the duty of universal love.
His argument is conducted on the ground of expediency.
Whether he had in his own mind a truer, nobler foundation

THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIH 117

for liis principle,, does not immediately appear. Be that as
it may, his doctrine was that men weie to be exhorted to
love one another, to love one another as themselves. Ac-
cording to him, fc princes should bo as much for the States of
others as for their own One prince should be for every
other as for himself" So it ought to be also with the
heads of clans, with ministers, with parents, and with men
generally

Here it was that llencms pined issue with him. He
affirmed that " to love all equally did not acknowledge the
peculiar affection due to a parent " It is to be observed
that Mih himself nowhere says that his principle was that
of loving all EQUALLY His disciples drew this conclusion
from it In the third Book of Mencius* Works, we find
one of them, E Che, contending that the expression in the
Shoo-king, about the ancient kings acting towards the
people "as if they were watching over an infant/' sounded
to him as if love were to be without difference of degiee, the
manifestation of it simply commencing with our parents.
To this Mencms replied conclusively by asking, " Does E
really think that a man's affection for the child of his
brother is merely like his affection for the child of his
neighbour ? " With still moie force might he have asked,
" Is a man's affection for his father meiely like his affection
for the father of his neighbour ? " Such a question, and
the necessary reply to it, are implied in his condemnation of
Mill's system, as being f without father," that is, denying
the peculiar affection due to a father If Mih had really
maintained that a man's father was to be no more to him
than the father of any other body, or if his system had
necessitated such a consequence, Menems would only have
done his duty to his country in denouncing him, and expos-
ing the fallacy of his reasonings. As the case is, he would
have done better if he had shown that no such conclusion
necessarily flows from the doctrine of Universal Love., or
its preceptive foim that we are to love our neighbour ag
ourselves

Of course it belonged to Mih himself to defend his views
from the imputation. But what he has said on the point is
not satisfactory. In reply to the charge that his principle
was injurious to filial piety, he endeavoured to show, that,
by acting on it, a man would best secure the happiness of

113 YANG CHOO AND MIH TEIH.

his parents as he addressed himself in tlie first place to
love, and do good to, the parents of others, they would
recompense to him the love of, and good- doing- to, his
parents It might be so, or it might not. The reply
exhibits strikingly in what manner Mih was conducted to
the inculcation of tf universal love/' and that really it had
in his mind no deeper basis than its expediency This is
his weak point , and if Mencms, whose view of the consti-
tution of human nature, and the obligation of the virtues,
apart from all consideration of consequences, was more
comprehensive and correct than that of Mih, had founded
his opposition on this ground, we could in a measure have
sympathized with him But while Mih appealed to lose
sight of the other sentiments of the human mind too much,
in his exclusive contemplation of the power of love, he did
not doubt but his principle would make sons more filial,
and ministers more devoted, and subjects more loyal The
passage which I have just referred to, moreover, does not
contain the admission that the love was to be w^thout any
difference of degtee The fact is, that he hardly seems to
have realized the objection with which Mencius afterwards
pressed the advocacy of his principle by his followers If
he did do so, he blinked the difficulty, not seeing his way
to give a full and precise reply to it

This seems to be the exact state of the case between the
two philosophers Mih stumbled on a truth, which, based
on a right foundation, is one of the noblest that can
animate the human breast, and affords the surest remedy
for the ills of society. There is that in it, however, which
is startling, and liable to misrepresentation and abuse.
Mencms saw the difficulty attaching to it, and unable to
sympathize with the generosity of it, set himself to meet it
with a most vehement opposition Nothing, certainly,
could be more absurd than his classing Yang Choo and Mih
Teih together, as equally the enemies of benevolence and
light eousness When he tries to ridicule Mih, and talks
contemptuously about him, how, if he could have benefited
the kingdom, by toiling till he had rubbed off every hair of
his body, he would have done it, this only raises up a
barrier between himself and us It reminds us of the
ha) dness of nature which I have elsewhere charged against
him.

THE OPINIONS OP MIH TEIH 119

3. Confucius, I think, might have dealt more fairly and
generously with Mih In writing of him, I called attention.
to his repeated enunciation of "the golden rule" in a nega-
tive form, "What you do not wish done to yourself, do not
do to others " l In one place, indeed, he rises for a moment
to the full apprehension of it, and recognizes the duty of
taking the initiative, of behaving to others in the first in-
stance as he would that they should behave to him 2 Now,
what is this but the practical exercise of the principle of uni-
versal love ? "All things whatsoever ye would that men
should do to you, do ye even so to them " this ib simply
the manifestation of the requirement, "Thou shalt love thy
neighbour as thyself ^ Confucius might have conceded,
therefore, to Mih, that the rule of conduct which he laid down,
was the very best that could be propounded If he had
gone on to remove it from the basis of expediency, and place
it on a better foundation, he would have done the greatest
service to his countrymen, and entitled himself to a place
among the sages of the world

On this matter I am happy to find myself m agreement
with the "punce of literature," Han Tu " Our literati,"
says he, "find fault with Mih because of what he has said
on *" The Estimation to be attached to Concord/ 3 on { Uni-
versal Love/ on "The Estimation to be given to Men of
Worth/ on 'The Acknowledging of Spiritual Beings/ 4

1 Yol I, Proleg,p 111

a See Pioleg on the Doctrine of the Mean, p 48.

3 This is the title of one of Mih's Essays, forming the third Book of his
"Woika Generalizing after his fashion, he tiaces all evila up to a want of
concord, or agreement of opinion , and goes on to assert that the sovereign,
must be recognized as the "Infallible Head," to lay down the rule of truth,
and right, saying, " What the feovereign appioves, all must approve , what the
sovereign condemns, all must condemn '* It is an unguai ded utterance , and
taken absolutely, apart from its connexion, may be represented veiy much
to Mih's disadvantage See '* Supplemental Observations on the Four Books,"
on Mencms, Book 1 art. lix The coincidence between this saying and the
language of Hobbes is remarkable, "Quod legiblatoi piaecepent, id pro
bono, quod vetuent, id pro malo habendum esse " (Zte we, cap xii 1 )

4 This is found in the 8th Book of Mih. The first and second parts of the
essay, however, are unfortunately lost In the third he tells several queer
ghost stories, and adduces other proofa, to show the real existence of spirit-
ual Beings, and that they take account of men's actions to reward or to
punish them He found another panacea for the ills of the kingdom in this
truth. His doctrine here, however, is held to be inconsistent with Confu-

120 YANG CHOO AND 3T1H TEIH.

and on c Confucius' being in awe of great men, and, when
he resided in any State,, not blaming its great officers ' * But
when the Ch/un Ts'ew finds fault with assuming ministers, is
not this attaching a similar value to concord ? When Con-
fucius speaks of 'overflowing in love to all, and cultivating
the friendship of the good/ and of how ' the extensive con-
ferring of benefits constitutes a sage,' does he not teach
universal love ? When he advises ' the esteem of the
worthy , * when he arranged his disciples into ' the four
classes/ so stimulating and commending them , when he
says that ' the superior man dislikes the thought of his
name not being mentioned after death . J does not this show
the estimation he gave to men of worth ? When f he sacri-
ficed as if the spiritual Beings were present/ and condemned
e those who sacrificed as if they were not really sacrificing/
when he said, c When I sacrifice, I shall receive blessing '
was not this acknowledging spiritual Beings ? The literati
and Mih equally approve of Yaou and Shun, and equally
condemn Keeh and Chow , they equally teach the cultivation
of the person, and the rectifying of the heart, reaching- on to
the good government of the kingdom, with all its States and
families . why should they be so hostile to each other ? In
my opinion, the discussions which we hear are the work of
their followers, vaunting on each side the sayings of their
Teacher ; there is no such contrariety between the real doc-
trines of the two Teachers Confucius would have used Mih f
and Mih would have used Confucius If they would not
have used each other, they could not have been K/ung and
Mih."

4 It seems proper, in closing this discussion of Mill's
views, to notice the manner in which the subject of "uni-
versal love" appeals in Christianity Its whole law is com-
prehended in the one word Love , but how wide is the
scope of the term compared with all which it ever 'entered
into the mind of Chinese sage or philosopher to conceive '

It is most authoritative where the teachers of China are
altogether silent, and commands "Thou shalt love tho
Lord, thy God, with all thy heart, and with all thy soul,

cms* reply to Fan Gh*e, Ana YI xx , that wisdom consists in respecting
Bpmtual Beings, but at the same time keeping aloof from them As between
Confucius and Mih, on this point we would agree rather with the latter He
holda au important truth, mingled with superstition , the sago is sceptical.
1 Han avoids saying anything on thia point.

THE OPINIONS OF MIH TEIH. 121

and with all thy strength, and with all thy mind " For the
Divine Being Christianity thus demands from, all men su-
preme love , the love of all that is majestic, awing the soul ,
the love of all that is beautiful, wooing the heart , the love
of all that is good, possessing and mastering the entire na-
ture Such a love, existing, would necessitate obedience to
every law, natural or revealed Chi istianity, however, goes
on to specify the duties which every man owes, as the com-
plement of love to God, to his fellow-men ff Owe no man
anything, but to love one another, for he that loveth another
hath fulfilled the law For this 'Thou shalt not commit
adultery/ 'Thou shalt not kill/ ' Thou shalt not steal/
'Thou shalt not bear false witness/ f Thou shalt not covet/
andif there be any other commandment the whole is briefly
comprehended in this saying, 'Thou shalt love thy neigh-
bour as thyself } " This commandment is "like to " the other,
only differing from it in not requiring the supreme love which
is due to God alone The rule which it prescribes, such
love to others as we feel for ourselves, is much more de-
finitely and intelligibly expressed than anything we find in
Mih, and is not liable to the cavils with which his doctrine
wag assailed Such a love to men, existing, would neces-
sitate the performance of every relative and social duty, we
could not help doing to others as we would that they should
do to us

Mih/s universal love was to find its scope and consumma-
tion in the good government of China He had not the idea
of man as man, any more than Confucius or Mencius How
can that idea be fully realized, indeed, where there is not the
light knowledge of one living and true God, the creator and
common parent of all ? The love which Christianity incul-
cates is a law of humanity , paramount to all selfish, personal
feelings , paramount to all relative, local, national attach-
ments , paramount to all distinctions of race or of religion.
Apprehended in the spint of Christ, it will go forth even to
the love of enemies, it will energize in a determination to
be always increasing the sum of others* happiness, limited
only by the means of doing 1 so.

But I stop. These prolegomena are the place for dis-
quisition , but I deemed it right to say thus much here of
that true, universal love, which at once gives glory to God
and effects peace, on earth.

THE WOEXS OE MENCIUS.

BOOK I

EOTG- HWUY OP T^A-NTG. PAET i. -

CHAPTER I. 1. Mencius [wont to] see king 1 Hwuy of
Leang:

The title of the Work in Chinese is simply M&ng-tsze, or " The Philosopher
M&ng," thus simply bearing the name, or surname rather, of him. whose
conversations and opinions it lelates, and which, it is aaid, were compiled in
their present form by himself He is always called M&ng-tsze, or Mencius,
throughout the work, and not " the Master," -which epithet A confined to
Confucius See on the Analects, I i See also the sketch of Mencius' life
in the Prolegomena

The title of this JBook in Chinese is "King Hwuy of Leang, in chapters
and sentences Parts I. and n " Like the Books of the Confucian Analects,
those of this work are headed by two or three words at or neai the commence-
ment of them Each Book is divided into two parts This arrangement
was made by Chaou K'e, who has been spoken of in the Prolegomena, and
to him are due also the divisions into chapters, and sentences or paragraphs
containing, it may be, many sentences

CH I BENEVOLENCE AND RIGHTEOUSNESS MENCIUS' OITLY TOPICS WITH

THE FBINUES OF HIS TIME , AJSTD THE ONLY PRINCIPLES WHICH CAN ATATTH-. A
COUNTBY PBOSPEBOTJS

Par I "King Hwuy of Leang" Inthetameof Confucius, Tsin was oneof the
great States, perhaps the greatest State, of the kingdom, but the power of
it was uburped by six great families or clans By B c 452, three of these
were absorbed by the other thiee, the clans, namely, of Wei, Chaou, and Han,
which continued to encroach on the small remaining authoiity of their
princes, till at last they divided the whole territory among themselves King
Wei-leeh, in B o 402, granted to the chief of each family the title of Mar-
quis Wei, called also, fiom the name of its capital, Leang, occupied what
had been the south-eastern part of Tsin, Han and Chaou lying to the west
and north-west of it The Leang, where Menoius visited king Hwuy, is said
to have been m the present district of Ts'eang-foo, department K'ae-fung.
Hwuy '* of soft disposition and kind to the people " was the posthumous or
sacrificial epithet of the kmg, whose name was Tung He had usurped the

124 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS. [BE T.

2 The king said, " "V~eneia"ble Sir, since you have not
counted it far to come here., a distance of a thousand le }
may I presume that you are likewise provided with
[counsels] to profit my kingdom ? "

3 Mencius replied, fe Why must your Majesty use that
word ( profit ' ? 'What I am likewise provided with are
[counsels to] benevolence and righteousness , and these
aie my only topics

4 "If your Majesty say, 'What is to be done to profit
my kingdom ? ' the great officeis will say, ' What is to be
done to profit our families ? 9 and the [inferior] 'officers and
the common people will say, g What is to be done to profit
our persons ? J Superiors and inferiors will try to take the
profit the one from the other, and the kingdom will be en-
dangered In the kingdom of ten thousand chariots, the
murderer of his rulei will be [the chief of] a family of a
thousand chariots. In the State of a thousand chariots, the

title of king, as the princes of many other States did about the same time,
before Mencius visited him, which it is said was in the 85th year of his
government, B o 335 The philosopher, it is supposed, visited him on in-
vitation

Pcvr 2 Mencius, we have seen, was a native of Tsow in Loo, the name of
which still remains in the Tsow district of the department Yen-chow, m Shan-
tung The king m complimentary style calls the distance from Tsow to Leang
a thousand le, though in leality it was not half so much The "venerable Sn,"
with which he salutes the philosopher, should also be taken as compliment-
ary, and we cannot draw any inference fiom it as to the age of Menciua at
this tame The- " likewise " has led to much speculation to bring out its mean-
ing Some think that the king is refemng to the many scholars of that age,
who made it their business to wander from State to State to counsel the
princes, so that has meaning was " You also, like other scholai s," &c Then
when Mencius m leply uses the same term, they think that he is refemng to
the ancient sages as his models " I ulw, like them," &o This is too iar-
f etched. I suppose that the king's " likewise " follows the clause " You have
come a thousand le" and means, ' That is one favour, but you piobably ha\ e
others to confer also " Then Mencius' " likewise " refers to the king's, and =
" You say I likewise have counsels to profit you What I likewise have is
benevolence," &o

Par 3 Benevolence is defined by Choo He as " the virtue of the mind,
the principle of love," and righteousness as" the regulation ot the mind, the ,
fitness of things " Mencius had in mind the benevolent government of which
he speaks at length in many places See especially the 7th chapter of this
Part

Par 4 By " the kingdom of ten. thouband chariots " is meant the royal
domain, which, according to the theory of the kingdom, could send into the
field 10,000 chanotb , and by " the chief of a family of a thousand chanote, 1 '

PT I CH II ] KING HWTJY OF LEANS 125

murderer of his ruler will "be [tlie cluef of] a family of a
hundred chariots To have a thousand in ten thousand,
and a hundred in a thousand, cannot be regarded as not a
large allowance, but if ughteousness be put last and profit
first, they will not be satisfied without snatching all

5 " There never was a man trained to benevolence who
neglected his parents Theie never was a man trained to
righteousness who made his ruler an after- consideration.

6 " Let your Majesty likewise make benevolence and
righteousness your only themes , why must you speak of
profit ? "

H. 1 When Mencms [another day] was seeing king
Hwuy of Leang, the king [went and] stood [with him] by
a pond, and, looking round on the wild geese and deer,
large and small, said, ""Do wise and good [princes] also
take pleasure in these things ? "

2 Mencius replied, " Being wise and good, they then
Lave pleasure in these things- If they are not wise and
good, though they have these things, they do not find
pleasure

3 " It is said m the Book of Poetry :

e When he planned thp commencement of the Marvellous tower,
He planned it, and defined it,
And the people in ci owds undertook the work,
And in no time completed it
When he planned the commencement, [he said], " Be not in a hurry , "

one of the king's principal ministers, whose territory, which was in the rojal
domain, was supposed to be able to send forth a thousand chariots " A State
of a thousand chauota " was> one of the largest of the feudal States, and "the
chief of <i family of a hundred chariots " was one of its principal ministers,
the head of a powerful clan

Pat o In the tl likewise " here Menoms turns the tables on the king Let
him follow the example of the philosopher, confident in the truth of the
positions which he had fatated

CH IT RULEBS MTJST SHARE THEIR PLEASTHtES WITH THE PEOPLE
THBY CAN ONLY BE HAPPY WHEN THEY RTTLE OVEK HAPPY SUBJECTS

Part l, 2 Pat 1 must be supplemented as I haye done Mencms
would go to the court , and then the king would go with him, or have left
orderb for him to be brought to the park. Observe the *' also " in the king's
question, and the " then " in Mencius' reply

Pay 3 Here is an instance of a wise and good prince liappy with his
happy subjects in his park and tower and pond See the Book of Poetry,

126 THE WOKES OP MENCITTS. [BZ I.

But the people came as if they were his children.

The ling was in the Marvellous park,

Where the does were lying down,

The does so sleek and fat ,

With the white birds glistening

The king was by the Marvellous pond ,

How full was it of fishes leaping about I '

Eang Wan used the strength of the people to make his
tower and pond, and the people rejoiced [to do the work],
calling the towei ' the Marvellous tower/ and the pond f the
Marvellous pond/ and being glad that he had his deer, his
fishes, and turtles The ancients caused their people to
have pleasure as well as themselves, and therefore they
could enjoy it

4 " In the Declaration of T f ang it is said, c sun, when
wilt thou expire ? We will die together with thee * The
people wished [for Keeh's death, though] they should die
with him Although he had his tower, his pond, birds and
animals, how could he have pleasure alone ? 3)

III 1. King Hwuy of Leang said, " Small as my virtue
is, in [the government of] my kingdom, I do indeed exert
my mind to the utmost. If the year be bad inside the Ho,
I remove [as many of] the people [as] I can to the east of it,
and convey grain to the country inside. If the year be bad
on the east of the river, I act on the same plan. On exam-
ining the governmental methods of the neighbouring king-

III i YIII The last sentence shows what we aie to understand by a punce's
sharing his pleasure with his subjects

Par 4: Here is an instance of an oppressive prince, and of his discon-
tented subjects They weie weary of their lives, and would die with him,
rather than Irve on as they weie , how could he be happy in such circum-
stances? See the Shoo, IV i 3

CH III HALF MEASURES ABU OF LITTLE USB IF A PRINCE OABET our

PATTHFTTLLY THE GBEAT PRINCIPLES OP ROYAL GOVHENTMENT, THE PEOPLE
WILL MAKE HEM KliNG-

JPar I A pi ince was wont to speak of himself as tl the small or deficient
man," and so king Hwuy calls himself here I have tianslated it by " small
as my virtue is, I , " but hereaftei I will gen ei ally translate the phrase simply
by I rf Inside the Ho " and " Bast of the Ho " were the names of two tracts
in Wei The formei remains in the district of Ho-nuy (meaning inside the
Ho), in the department of Hwae-k'ing, Ho-nan The latter, accoidmg to the
geographers, should be found m the present Heae Chow, Shan-ae , but this
beems too far away from the other

PT I CH III ] KING HWUT OF LEA3*G 127

doms, I do not find there is any [ruler] wlio exerts his
mind as I do And yet the people of the neighbouring
kings do not decrease, nor do my people increase, how
is this ? "

2 Mencius replied, ""Your Majesty lores war, allow me
to take an illustration from war [The soldiers move for-
ward at] the sound of the drum , and when the edges of
their weapons have been crossed, [on one side] they throw
away their buff-coats, trail their weapons behind them, and
run Some run a hundred paces and then stop ; some run
fifty paces and stop What would you think if these, be-
cause [they had run but] fifty paces, should laugh at [those
who ran] a hundred paces ? y> The king said, <c They can-
not do so. They only did not run a hundred paces ; but
they also ran. 1 " [Mencius] said, ef Since your Majesty-
knows this, you have no ground to expect that your people
will become more numerous than those of the neighbouring
kingdoms.

3 ff If the seasons of husbandry be not interfered with,
the grain will be more than can be eaten If close nets are
not allowed to enter the pools and ponds, the fish and turtles
will be more than can be consumed If the axes and bills
enter the hill-forests [only] at the proper times, the wood
will be more than can be used When the grain and fish and
turtles are more than can be eaten, and there is more wood
than can be used, this enables the people to nourish their
living and do all offices for their dead, without any feeling-
against any. [But] this condition, in which [the people]
nourish their hvmg, and do all offices to then* dead without
having any feeling against any, is the first step in the Royal
way.

4. ff Let mulberry- trees be planted about the homesteads
with their five acres, and persons of fifty years will be able

JPar 3 contains the first principles of Royal government, in contrast with
the king's expedients as detailed by him in par 1 The seasons of hus-
bandry were spring, bummer, and autumn The government should under-
take no mihtaiy expeditions or pub ho works in them Close nets would
take the small fish, whereas these, if left untouched, would grow and increase.
Generally the time to take firewood from the forests was when the growth
for the year was over , but there were many regulations on this point

Par 4 oontmues the description of the measures of Koyal government to
secure plenty for the people What I translate by " acre " was anciently a spaca
of 100 paces square, very large paces apparently, of six oubits each, but tho

128 THE WOEKS Off MENCITJS. [BK I

to wear silk In keeping fowls, pigs, dogs, and swine, let
not their times of breeding be neglected, and persons of
serenty years will be able to eat esh Let there not be
taken away the time that is proper for the cultivation of the
field- allotment of a hundred acres, and the family of several
mouths will not suffer from hunger Let careful attention
be paid to the teaching in the various schools, with repeated
inculcation of the filial and fraternal duties, and gray -nan ed
men will not be seen upon the roads, carrying burdens on
their backs or on their heads It has never been that [the
ruler of a State] where these results were seen, persons of
seventy wearing silk and eating flesh, and the black-haired
people suffering neither from hunger nor cold, did not
attain to the Royal dignity

5 " Your dogs and swine eat the food of men, and you
do not know to store up [of the abundance]. There are
people dying from famine on the roads, and you do not
know to issue [your stores for their relief] When men
die, you say, ( It is not owing to me, it is owing to the
year/ In what does this differ from stabbing a man and
killing him, and then saying, { It was not I , it was the
weapon 9 ? Let your Majesty cease to lay the blame on the

cubit was not so long 1 as it is now The land was marked off in squai es of 900
acres, of which we shall read more at length by and by, the middle square
containing what was called * the public field," belonging to the goveinnient
The other eight squares T\eie allotted to eight families, each one having 100
aoies, which it cultivated foi itself, and all uniting in the cultivation of the cen-
tral or government square But from this 20 acres weie cut off, and assigned
in poitions of 2$ acres to the fanneis, to build then huts on, and cultivate
vegetables, &o The same amount of 2$- aciea was assigned to each family
in their villages, wheie they lived m winter when their labouis were not re-
quired in the fields Thus each family had five acres wheie they might build
their dwellings and field-huts, and cultivate their kitchen -vegetables, and
on this space also they reared their mulbeny-trees round their bout-eb and
huts. In this way the large poition of the ground was left for grain pro-
duce, while they could nomish enow of silk-worms to produce the silk
\vhieh they required tor the use of those who were 50 years of age and over.
The saying that persons of 70 yeais might eat flesh means that they might
always have it at their meals, and in no stinted supply On the schools, see
III Pt I 111 10. Education thus completes Mencius' theory of Ro^al gov-
ernment, the elements in which \\ere, provision for the maintenance of all,
the comfort of the aged, and a moral education and training for the young

Pai 5 Application to king Hwuy of the above principles The two
first sentences iefer to the bad ^veais of his opening remarks If he took
proper advantage of the good 3- ears, he would not be obliged to resort to such
extreme expedients in bad ones

FT I CH IV ] KING HWUY OP LEANG. 129

year, and instantly the people, all under the sky, will come
to you."

IV. 1 King- Hwuy of Leang 1 said, te I -wish quietly to
receive your instructions "

2 Mencius replied, <e Is there any difference between
killing a man with a stick and with a sword ? " ef There is
no difference," was the answer

3. [Mencius continued,] ft Is there any difference be-
tween doing it with a sword and with governmental mea-
sures ? " ct There is not," was the answer [again]

4 [Mencius then] said, ff In [your] stalls there are fat
beasts , in [your] stables there are fat horses [But] your
people have the look of hunger, and in the fields there are
those who have died of famine. This is leading on boasts to
devour men

5 tc Beasts devour one another, and men hate them [for
doing so]. When he who is [called] the parent of the
people conducts his government so as to be chargeable
with leading on beasts to devour men, where is that parental
relation to the people ?

6 " Chung-ne said, * Was he not without posterity who
first made wooden images [to bury with the dead] ? * [So
he said,] because that man made the semblances of men and

CH IV A coNmnrATiOTS" OP THE FORMER CHAPTER, AND FTJETHEB

KXPOSUHE Or THi CHABA.CTER OP KING HWUY'S GOVBJttNMENT

Pat 2 The " stick" may be a staft or a club, and ** the sword " any sharp-
edged weapon

Pa? 4 The first sentence is literally " The stalls have fat flesh," and by
stalls we are to understand the house or houses where cattle were fed for the
king's table '* The fields " are htei ally " the wilds ," meaning here the open
country, away from the capital, and generally away from cities and towns.
The * leading on beasts to devour men" is meiely a forcible way of describing
the king's measures, careful foi the good condition of his cattle and horses,
and so negligent ot the well-being of his people

Pat b In high antiquity, it ib said, bundles of straw were formed to re-
present men imperfectly, and then buried with the dead, as attendants upon
them After the rise of the Chow dynasty, wooden figures, with springs in
them by which they could move, were used for those bundles , and this, as Con-
fucius thought, led to the practice of burying living persons with the dead,
and he branded the inventoi of the images as in the text Mencius thought his
words suited nib puipose, and used them accordingly We know that the prac-
tice of burying living persons with the dead existed in China in the time of Con-
fucius, and has been practised even m the present dynasty , and the true
YOL n f 9

130 THE WOEKS OP MENCIUS. [BK I.

used them [for that purpose]; what shall be thought of
him who causes his people to die of hunger ? )3

V. 1. King- Hwny of Leang said, tf There was not in
the kingdom a stronger State than Ts'm,, as you, venerable
Sir, know But since it descended to me, on the east we
were defeated by Ts'e, and then my eldest son perished ,
on the west we lost seven hundred le of territory to Ts f m }
and on. the south we have sustained disgrace at the hands of
Ts*oo I have brought shame on my departed predecessors,
and wish on their account to wipe it away once for all.
What course is to be pursued to accomplish this ? "

2 Mencius replied, fc With a territory [only] a hundred
le square it has been possible to obtain the Royal dignity.

3. " If your Majesty will [indeed] dispense a benevolent
government to the people, being sparing in the use of
punishments and fines, and making the taxes and levies of
produce light, [so causing that] the fields shall be ploughed
deep, and the weeding well attended to, and that the able-
bodied, during their days of leisure, shall cultivate their
filial piety, fraternal duty, faithfulness, and truth, serving
thereby, at home, their fathers and elder brothers, and,
abroad, their elders and superiors, you will then have
a people who can be employed with sticks which they have

explanation of it is very different from that suggested by the sage's words.
Ghung-ne , aee the Life of Confucius in Volume I

OH V HOW A. BTJLER MIGHT BEST MAKE HIMSELF BTEONG, AND BEGABT>
TVTTH ETOIFBIIBENOE AHT EffFOBTS Off HIS EBTBMIBS TO ATTAOK OB JNJTJBET
HIM.

far. 1. In the note on par 1, oh i I have spoken of the "breaking up of
the old State of Tsin into the three States of Wei 01 Leang, Chaou, and Han
They were often called "the three Tsin," and heie king Hwuy appears to
call Wei alone by the name of Tain Ts'e was the moat poweiful State, at
this time styled kingdom, lying north and east from Wei , Ta'in was on the
west of it , and Ts'oo on the south

Par 2 The case which Menoius, probably, had in "view here was that of
king W8,n, the founder of the Chow dynasty

Par 8 Here among the elements of a benevolent government, there ap-
pear a gentle rule and light taxation. These being exercised, the people
would feel fiee to give their strength to agriculture, and have leisure to
attend to their social and moral duties, and would moreover be ruled by a
most powerful gratitude to their ruler Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of
human nature, though it is not expressed, underlies all this

FT I CH VI ] KING HWUT OF LEA2TG-. 131

prepared to oppose the strong "bnff- coats and sharp weapons
of [the troops of] Ts f m and Ts'oo

4 cc [The rulers of] those [States] rob their people of
their time^ so that they cannot plough and weed their fields
in order to support their parents Parents suffer from cold
and hunger , elder and younger "brothers, wires and chil-
dren, are separated and scattered abroad

5 " Those [rulers] drive their people into pitfalls or
into the water, and your Majesty will go to puni&h them.
In such a case, who will oppose your Majesty ?

6 " In accordance with this is the saying, e The benevo-
lent has no enemy 1 ' I beg your Majesty not to doubt
[what I said] "

VI. 1. Mencius had an interview with king Seang of
Leang ^^

2 When he came out, he said to some persons, ff When I
looked at him from a distance, he did not appear like a
ruler , when 1 drew near to him, I saw nothing venerable
about him Abruptly he asked me, f How can the kingdom,
all under the sky, be settled ? '

2 " I replied, ' It will be settled by being united under
one [sway]/

3. " * Who can so unite it ? * [he asked] .

4 " I replied, ' He who has no pleasure m killing men
can so unite it.*

5. " ' Who can give it to him ? ' [he asked],

Par 6 The remarkable saying about * K the benevolent" has a special
reference to a benevolent ruler such as Mencius had sketched , but I have
preferred to retain it in the tranblation without any limitation The con-
cluding remark was designed to caution the king against regarding the philo-
sopher's remnrks as merely transcendental

OH YI DisAppoT^miECTT or MBKOXUB WITH KING SEANG ov "WEI Br

WHAT BtTLEB THE WHOLE KINGDOM MIGHT BE UNITED TTXDEB ONE SWAY

Pea . 1 Seang was the son of king Hwuy. The first year of his reign, is
commonly assigned to B o 317 , but this cannot be regarded as ceitaon
Seang's name was Hih. As a posthumous epithet, Seang has various mean-
ings '* Land-enlarger and Virtuous , " " Successful m aims j '* " Successful
an the conduct of affairs, ' The interview here recorded seems to have ,takeni
place immediately after Hih's accession, and Menoms, it is said, was so dis-
appointed by it that he soon after left the country

Par B ** Who can give it to him ? " is by the Chinese critics understood
as = " Who can go to hmi ? " I prefer ray own meaning, which accord*

132 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS. [BK I.

6 e< I replied, ' All under heaven will give it to him.
Does yonr Majesty know the way of the growing- grain ?
During the seventh and eighth months, when drought pre-
vails, the plants become dry. Then the clouds collect
densely in the heavens, and send down torrents of rain, so
that the gram erects itself as if by a shoot When it does
so, who can keep it back ? Now among those who are
shepherds of men throughout the kingdom, there is not one
who does not find pleasure in killing men If there weie
one who did not find pleasure in killing men, all the people
under the sky would be looking towards him with out-
stretched necks. Such being indeed the case, the people
would go to him as water flows downwards with a rush,
which no one can repress "

"VTI. 1 King Seuen of Ts'e asked, saying, c< May I be
informed by you of the transactions of Hwan of Ts'e and
Wan of Tsui ? "

2. Mencius replied, " There were none of the disciples of

equally well with the scope of the chapter, and is supported by the usage of
the original term in Y. i V

CH vn LOVING ANI FBOTECTTNQ- THE PEOPLE is THE GBAND CHARAO

TEBISTIC OF ROYAL GOVERNMENT , AND THE STTBE PATH TO THE ROYAL
DIG-NITY HOW THls PBINCIPLE WOULD BE BIAZUfESTED

This long and mteiesting onapter has been arranged in five parts In the
first part, parr 1 5, Mencma unfolds the principle of Royal goveinment,
and tells the king of Ta*e that he possessed it In the second, parr 6 8, he
leads the king on to undeibtand his own mind, and how he might exercise
the Royal government In the third, pair 9 12, he unfolds how the king
might and ought to carry out the kiudJy heart which was natural to him
In the fourth, pan 13 18, he shows the absurdity of the king's expecting
to gam his end by the course he was pursuing, and how rapid would be the
response to an opposite one In the last part he shows the government
that loves and protects the people in full development, and crowned with
Royal sway

Pat 1 Seuen was the second of the T'een family who ruled in Ts'e with
the title of king The date oi his accession is not fully ascertained, bufc it is
generally placed in B O 332 His name was P'eih-keang. The epithet
Seuen means "A skilful questioner and umversa'ly informed," 01 " Sage,
good, and universally mfoimed " Hwan of Ts'e and Wan of Tsm were the
gteat^t o the five piesiding princes, who played bo conspicuous a part in the
Gh'un Te'ew period, which Confucius has chronicled From, king Seuen'a
question, it would appear that he wished to distinguish himself as Hwan had
done

Put 2 Mencius, no doubt, could, have discoursed sufficiently about the

PT I CH VII ] ETNia HWUT OP LEASTG 133

Chung-ne who spoke about the affairs of Hwan and "Wan,
and therefore they have not been transmitted to [these]
after- ages, your servant has not heard of them. If you
will have me speak, let it be about [the principles of attain-
ing to] the Hoyal sway "

3 [The king] said, " Of what kind must his virtue be
who can [attain to] the Royal sway ? *' [Mencius] said, fe If
he loves and protects the people, it is impossible to prevent
him from attaining it."

4 [The king] said, ff Is such an one as poor I competent
to love and protect the people ? " " Yes," was the reply.
** From what do you know that I am competent to that ? "
<e I have heard/ 3 said [Mencms] , ft from Hoo Heih the
following incident . * The king/ said he, e was sitting
aloft in the hall, when some people appeared leading a bull
past below ifc The king saw it, and asked where the bull
was going, and being answered that they were going to
consecrate a bell with its blood^ he said, " Let it go, I cannot
bear its fughtened appearance as if it were an innocent
person going to the place of death " They asked in reply
whether, if they did so, they should omit the consecration
of the bell , but [the king] said, ' c How can that be omitted ?
Change it for a sheep." * I do not know whether this inci-
dent occurred."

5. " It did," said [the king], and [Mencius] replied,
" The heart seen in this is sufficient to carry you to the
Hoyal sway. The people all supposed that your Majesty
grudged [the animal] , but your servant knows surely that

affairs of Hwan and W&n, "but he did not wish to do so, and therefore gave
this evasive leply To have a real king was tlie necessity of his tune , but
there was more of loyalty m the idea of a presiding prince than in the
counsels which our philosopher gave.

Par 3 " To love and protect the people " lay at the foundation of the
*' benevolent government " of which Mencius always spoke.

Par 4 Hoo Heih must have been an officer of the court of Ts'e. The
nail here mentioned was probably that where the king was giving audience
to his ministers. In the court below the hall, the parties would appear lead-
ing the bull past "When a bell was cast they killed an animal, and with its
blood smeared over the crevices But the act was a religious one, and a con-
secration of the bell for religious or other important use. Almost all
things connected with their worship were among the ancient Chinese puri-
fied with blood, their temples and the vessels used in them

JPa-7 5 Mencius would thus bring home to the king the conviction that
benevolence waa natural to >"Tn, He often reasons on the constitution of

134 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS [BK I.

ifc was your Majesty's not being able to bear [the sight of
tlie creature^s distress which, made you do as yon did] "

6 The king said, tf You are right , and yet there really
was [an appearance of] what the people imagined, [Bat]
though Ts'e be narrow and small, how should I grudge a
bull ? Indeed it was because I could not bear its frightened
appearance, as if it were an innocent person going to the
place of death, that therefore I changed it for a sheep "

7 Mencius said, " Let not your Majesty deem it strange
that the people should think you grudged the animal.
When you changed a large one for a small, how should they
know [the true reason] ? If you felt pained by its [being
led] without any guilt to the place of death, what was there
to choose between a bull and a sheep ? }} The king laughed
and said, " What really was my nund in the matter ? I did
not grudge the value of the bull, and yet I changed it for a
sheep ! There was reason in the people' s saying that I
grudged [the creature] "

8 [Mencius] said, ff There is no harm [in their saying
so] It was an artifice of benevolence. You saw the bull,
and had not seen the sheep So is the superior man
affected towards animals,, that, having seen them alive, he
cannot bear to see them, die, and, having heard their [dying]
cries , he cannot bear GO eat their flesh On this account he
keeps away from his stalls and kitchen."

9. The king was pleased and said, " The Ode says,

* What other men have in their minds,
I can measuie by reflection.*

This might be spoken of you, my Master. I indeed did
the thing, but when I turned my thoughts inward and
sought for it, I c*ould not discover my own mind When
you, Master, spoke those words, the movements of com-
passion began, to work in my mind [But] how is it that
this heart has in it what is equal to the attainment of the
Royal sway ? 3)

human nature as he does heie He pursues the subject m the parr of the
second paitof the chapter.

Par. 7 The king here is nonplussed, and hardly knows 'what ^as hia
own mind in the matter , but in par 8 Mencma relieves him from his per-
plexity,

far. 9. See the She H v Ode IV 4

FT I. CH. VII ] KING HWUX OF LEAtfG 135

10. [Mencins] said, te Suppose a man were to make tins
statement to your Majesty, ( My stiength is sufficient to
lift three thousand catties, but it is not sufficient to lift one
feather, my eyesight is sharp enough to examine the point
of an autumn hair, but I do not see a waggon-load of
faggots/ would your Majesty allow what he said ? 3J " No/'
was the [king's] remaik, [and Mencius proceeded], " Now
here is kindness sufficient to reach to animals, and yet no
benefits are extended from, it to the people , how is this ?
is an exception to be made here ? The truth is, the
feather's not being lifted is because the strength was not
used; the waggon-load of firewood's not being seen is
because the eyesight was not used, and the people's not
being loved and protected is because the kindness is not
used Therefore your Majesty's not attaining to the Royal
sway is because you do not do it, and not because you are
not able to do it "

11 [The king] asked, "How may the difference between
him who does not do [a thing] and him who is not able to
do it be graphically set forth ? >J [Mencius] replied, ff In
such a thing as taking the T'ae mountain under your arm,
and leaping with it over the North sea, if you say to people,
f I atn not able to do it/ that is a real case of not being
able In such a matter as breaking off a branch from a tree
at the order of a supenor, if you say to "people, 'I am not
able to do it/ it is not a case of not being able to do it.
And so your Majesty's not attaining to the .Royal sway is not
such a case as that of taking the T f ae mountain under your
arm and leaping over the North sea with it , but it is a case
like that of breaking off a branch from a tree.

12. ef Treat with the reverence due to age the elders in

Parr 10, II, contain the famous distinction of physical and moral
ability , and I like Menoius' way of putting it The case of a thing that
might easily be done, and yet ia not done, is very differently undei stood. I
have followed Choo He in taking the terms in what is their natural mean-
ing, " breaking off the branch of a tree " Ch'aou Ke understood them as
meaning "the rubbing or manipulating the elbow or any other joint of the
arm , " a service which wat often required from seivante by their masters.
Maou K'e-ling and others cry out against Ohoo's interpretation, showing there-
by, it seems to me, only their own waut of the critical faculty.

Par 12 Compare with the opening sentence what is said in "The Great
Learning," Comm., Chapters rx, and x * The Ode quoted is the She, m. 1.
VL

136 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [B I.

your own family, so that those in the families of others shall
be similarly treated; treat with the kindness due to youth
the young in your own family, so that those in the families
of others shall be similarly treated do this and the king-
dom may be made to go round in your palm. It is said in
the Book of Poetry,

1 His example acted on his wife,
Extended to his brethren,
And was felt by all the clans and States , *

telling us how [King WSn] simply took this [kindly]
heart, and exercised it towards those parties. Therefore
the carrying out the [feelmg of] kindness [by a ruler] will
suffice for the love and protection of all within the four seas ;
and if he do not carry it out, he will not be able to protect
his wife and children The way in which the ancients came
greatly to surpass other men was no other than this, that
they carried out well what they did, so as to affect others.
Now your kindness is sufficient to reach to animals,, and yet
no benefits are extended from it to the people. How is
this ? Is an exception to be made here ?

13. "By weighing we know what things are hght, and
what heavy By measuring we know what things are long,
and what short All things are so dealt with^ and the mind
requires specially to be so I beg your Majesty to measure it.

14. " Your Majesty collects your equipments of war,*
endangers your soldiers and officers, and excites the resent-
ment of the various princes do these things cause you
pleasure m your mind ? '*

15 The king said, " No. How should I derive pleasure
from these things ? My object in them is to seek lor what
I greatly desire "

16. [Mencius] said., ce May I hear from you what it is that
your Majesty greatly desires ? " The king laughed, and
did not speak. [Mencius] resumed, " [Are you led to
desire it], because you have not enough of nch and sweet
[food] for your mouth ? or because you have not enough of

In Parr 14 IS, Mencius measures or weighs the king's mind for him,
and shows the object he is bent on, with the absurdity of seeking for it by
the course \vhioh he pursued, and also how rapid would be the ie&pont?e to a
different course All the people m the kingdom, high and low, -would wish
to be his subjects

FT I. CH. VII.] KING HVVUV OF LEANG. 137

light and warm [clothing] for your "body ? or "because you
have not enow of beautifully coloured objects to satisfy your
eyes ? or because there are not voices and sounds enow to
fill your ears ? or because you have not enow of attendants
and favourites to stand before you and receive your orders ?
Your Majesty's various officers are sufficient to supply you
with all these things. How can your Majesty have such a
desire on account of them ? " ff No," said the king, tc iny
desire is not on account of them, 1 " [Mencius] observed,
ff Then, what your Majesty greatly desires can be known.
You desire to enlarge your territoiies, to have Ts'm and
Ts f oo coming to your court, to rule the Middle States, and to
attract to you the barbarous tribes that surround them. But
to do what you do in oider to seek for what you desire is
like climbing a tree to seek for fish "

17 " Is it so bad as that ? " said [the king] " I appre-
hend it is worse/ 3 was the reply. " If you climb a tree to
seek for fish, although you do not get the fish, you have no
subsequent calamity But if you do what you do in order
to seek for what you desire, doing it even with all your
heart, you will assuredly afterwards meet with caJamities **
The king said, " May I hear [what they will be] ? " [Men-
cius] replied, " If the people of Tsow were fighting with the
people of Ts'oo, which of them does your Majesty think
would conquer ? " (C The people of Ts f oo would conquer/'
was the answer, and [Mencius] pursued, (f So then, a small
State cannot contend with a great, few cannot contend with
many, nor can the weak contend with the strong. The
territory within the seas would embrace nine divisions, each,
of a thousand le square All Ts'e together is one of them.
If with one part you try to subdue the other eight, what is
the difference between that and Tsow's contending- with
Ts f oo ? [With the desire which you have], you must turn
back to the pioper course [for its attainment]

18, ff Now if your Majesty will institute a government
whose action shall all be benevolent, this will cause all the
officers in the kingdom to wish to stand in your Majesty^s
court, the farmers all to wish to plough in your Majesty's
fields, the merchants, both travelling and stationary, all to
wish to store their goods in your Majesty's market-places,,
travellers and visitors all to wish to travel on your Majesty's
roads, and all under heaven who feel aggrieved by their

138 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS [BZ I

rulers to wish to come and complain to your Majesty
When they are so bent, who will be able to keep them
back?"

19. The king said, ff l am stupid, and cannot advance to
this. [But] I wish you, my Master, to assist my intentions.
Teach me clearly, and although I am deficient in intelligence
and vigour, I should like to try at least [to institute such a
government] "

20 [Mencms] lephed, ff They are only men of education,
who, without a ceitain livelihood, are able to maintain a
fixed heart. As to the people, if they have not a certain
livelihood, they will be found not to have a fixed heart
And if they have not a fixed heart, there is nothing which
they will not do in the way of self-abandonment, of moral
deflection, of depravity, and of wild license. When they have
thus been involved in crime, to follow them up and punish
them, is to entrap the people How can such a thing as
entrapping the people be done under the rule of a benevo-
lent man ?

21 "Therefore an intelligent ruler will regulate the live-
lihood of the people, so as to make sure that, above, they
shall have sufficient wherewith to serve their parents, and,
below, sufficient wherewith to support their wives and chil-
dren , that in good years they shall always be abundantly
satisfied, and that in bad yeais they shall not be in danger
of perishing After this he may urge them, and they will
proceed to what is good, for in this case the people will
follow after that with readiness

22 <e But now, the livelihood of the people is so regulated,
that, above, they have not sufficient wherewith to serve
their parents, and, below, they have not sufficient where-
with to support their wives and children ; [even] in good
years their lives are always embittered, and in bad years
they are in danger of perishing In such circumstances
their only object is to escape from death, and they are afraid
they will not succeed in doing 1 so , what leisure have they
to cultivate propriety and righteousness ?

JPar. 20, brings in the subjects of " a fixed heart," or a mind always firm
to do what is good and of " a certain livelihood," or a sure provision of the
necessaries of life, and of the necessity of the latter to the former. We shall
meet with these topics in Menoius again and again.

FT II CH l] KING HWUT Off LEANG 139

23. ''If your Majesty wislies to carry out [a "benevolent
government], why not turn back to what is the essential
step [to its attainment] ?

24. " Let mulberry-trees be planted about the homesteads
with their five acres, and persons of fifty years will be able
to wear silk In keeping fowls, pigs, dogs, and swine, let
not their times of breeding be neglected, and persons of
seventy years will be able to eat flesh Let there not be
taken away the time that is proper for the cultivation of the
field-allotment of a hundred acres, and the family of eight
mouths will not suffer from hunger Let careful attention
be paid to the teaching in the various schools, with repeated
inculcation of the filial and fraternal duties, and gray-haired
men will not be seen upon the roads, carrying burdens on
their backs or on their heads It has never been that [the
ruler of a State] where these results were seen, the old
wearing silk and eating flesh, and the black-haired people
suffering neither from hunger nor cold, did not attain to the
Royal dignity "

BOOK

KING HYVUY OF LEANS. PART II

CHAPTBB, I 1. C HWANG PAOU, [having gone to] see
Mencius, said to Trim, " I had an audience of the king His
Majesty told me about his loving music, and I was not pre-

Par 23 " The essential step to a benevolent government " is the sure pro-
vision of the necessaries of life, and the elements of moral instruction
Pat 24. Compare par 4 of oh 111 The two axe nearly identical

CH I HOW THE LOVE OF MUSIC MAY BE MADE SUBSERVIENT TO GOOD
GOVERNMENT, AND WHEN BHABED WITH THE PEOPLE LEAD ON TO THE

ROYAL SWAY The chapter is a good specimen of Mencius 1 manner The
moral of it is the same as that of chapter n Part I Mencius slips cleverly
from the point m hand to introduce his own notions, and tnes to win king
Seaen ovei to benevolent government by his vice itself It is on this account
that Chinese thinkers say that Mencius was wanting in the consistency of
a moral teacher, and refuse to rank him with Confucius

Pai 1 The king here was, it is understood, king 1 Senen of last chapter
Chwang Paou must have been a minister or officer about his court. He was
evidently on good terms with Mencius, but his name does not occur in the

140 THE WOEKS OS 1 MENCIUS. t [BZ I.

pared with anything to reply to liim. What do you pro-
nounce concerning [that] love of music ? " Mencius said,
ee If the king's love of music were very great, the kingdom
of Ts'e would be near to [being well governed] "

2. Another day, Mencius had an audience of the king,
and said, "Your Majesty, [I have heard,] told the officer
Chwang about your love of music , was it so ? ** The king
changed colour, and said, ee I am unable to love the music
of the ancient kings , I only love the music that suits the
manners of the [present] age "

3 [Mencius] said, " If your Majesty's love of music were
very great, Ts'e, I apprehend, would be near to [being well
governed] The music of the present day is ju&t lake the
music of antiquity [for effecting that] "

4. [The king] said, " May I hear [the proof of wliat
you say] ? " " Which is the more pleasant/' was the reply,
" to enjoy music by yourself alone, or to enjoy it along
with othei s ? " c{ To enjoy it along with others," said [the
king]. tc And which is the more pleasant/' pursued [Men-
ems'], ce to enjoy music along with a few, or to enjoy it
along with many ? " fe To enjoy it along with many/'
replied [the king] .

5 [Mencius went on], "Will you allow your servant to
speak to your Majesty about music ?

6 <( Your Majesty is having music here The people hear
the sound of your bells and drums, and the notes of your
reeds and flutes, and they all, with aching heads, knit their
brows, and say to one another, e That's how our king loves
music T But why does he reduce us to this extremity [of
distress] ? Fathei s and sons do not see one another ; elder
brothers and younger brothers, wives and children, are
separated and scattered abroad ' Again, your Majesty is
hunting here The people hear the noise of your carnages
and horses, and see the beauty of your plumes and pennons,
and they all, with aching heads, knit their biows, and say
to one another, c That's how our king loves hunting ! But

list of his disciples The king must have been notorious for his love of
music, and Menoms* remark that, if his love for it were very great, Ts'e
would be in a happy state, only commends itself when we find what the
philosopher included in his idea of greatly loving music

Par 2 The king changed colour, being conscious of the charges to which
be was open m connexion with his love of music

FT II. CH. II ] KING HWUT OF LEANG, 141

why does "he reduce us to this extremity of distress ? Fathers
and sons do not see one another , elder brothei s and younger
brothers^ wives and children, are separated and scattered
abroad ' This is from no other cause, but that you do not
give the people to have pleasure as well as yourself

7 " Your Majesty is having* music here The people
hear the sound of your bells and drums, and the notes of
your reeds and flutes, and they all, delighted and with joy-
ful looks,, say to one another, ' That sounds as if our king-
were fiee from all sickness ' What fine music he is able to
have ' ' Again, your Majesty is hunting here The people
hear the noise of your carriages and horses^ and see the
beauty of your plumes and pennons, and they all, delighted
and with joyful looks, say to one another, < That looks as if
our king were free from all sickness ' How he is able to
hunt ' ' This 19 from no other reason but that you cause the
people to have pleasure as well as yourself

8 " If your Majesty now will make pleasure a thing
common to the people and yourself, the Royal sway awaits
you"

II. 1. King Seuen of Ts'e asked, "Was it so that the
park of king W&n contained seventy square le ? " Mencius
replied, ef It is so in the Records "

2 " Was it so large as that ? " said [the king] . " The
people," said [Mencius], " still considered it small " " My
park/' responded [the king], ""contains [only] forty square
7e, and the people still consider it large How is this ? "
<f The park of king Wn/' said [Mencius], "contained
seventy square le } but the grass-cutters and fuel-gatherers

Par 8 This and other similar passages, it is argued, are to be understood
with refeience to the great distress of the times, which made Meueius expiess
himself as he did There was, no doubt, a gieat difference between the
music of antiquity, and that in which king Seuen delighted , but if Seuen
and othei princes could only be led on to make the comiorfc and happiness
of the people their principal object, everything that was wrong would rec- *
tify itself

CH H. THAT A RULEB MUST NOT ESTDULGBI HIS LOVE FOR PABKS AKJ>
HTTNTIKG- TO THE DISCOMFORT OF THE PEOPLE The moraJ of this chapter
is the same as that of the preceding, that a ruler must share hib pleasure*
with the people, or see to it that they have pleasures of a similar kind

Par 1 This is understood to have been the park of king W&n after two-
thirds of the Stated of the kingdom had given in their adhesion to him.

142 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS. [fiZ I.

[had the privilege of] resorting to it, and so also had the
catchers of pheasants and hares He shared it with the
people, and was it not with reason that they looked on it as
small ?

8. "When I first arrived at your frontiers, I enquired
about the great prohibitory regulations before I would ven-
ture to enter [the country] , and I heard that inside the
border-gates there was a park of forty squaie le, and that
he who killed a deer in it, whether large or small, was held
guilty of the same crime as if he had killed a man In this
way those forty squaie le are a pit-fall in the middle of the
kingdom. Is it not with reason that the people look upon
[your park] as large ? " *

TTT 1 King Seuen of Ts'e asked, saying, "Is there
any way [to regulate one's maintenance] of intercourse
with neighbouring States ? " Mencius replied, " There is.
But it requires a benevolent [ruler] to be able with a great
State to serve a small ; as, for instance, T f ang served Koh,
and king Wan served the hordes of the Keun And it re-
quires a wise [ruler] to be able with a small State to serve
a great, as, for instance, king T'ae served the Heun-yuh,
and Kow-tseen served Woo

2. " He who with a great [State] serves a small is one

Par S. Mencuw seems to distinguish here "between what I have called
"the fron tiers " of Ts'e, and the kaon, or the countiy at the distance of a
hundred le from the capital Both at the fiontieis and at the point where
the Ttavii commenced, there were, I believe, barrier gates through which
travellers had to pass He seems to say that the park was inside the cucle
of the kaon These forest laws of Ts'e weie hardly worse than those
enacted by the nrst Norman sovereigns of England, when whoever killed a
deer, a boar, or even a hare, was punished with the loss of his eyes, and
with death, if the statute was repeatedly violated

OH. IIL HOW INT1SRCOT7BSE WITH NEIGHBOURING STATES MAT BE
MAINTAINED, AND THE LOVE OF VALOUB MADE SUBSEBVIENT TO THE
GOOD OF 1HE PEOPLE AND THE GLORY OF THE PRINCE

JPar 1 *' A benevolent luler " here is one who is very slow to shed blood,
and will bear and forbear much betore he will adopt violent measures of
war to endangei the lives of his people On the case of T'ang and Koh, see
III 11 V, on that of Wan and the hordes of the Keun we have not much
information , see the She, ITT i III 8, and YII 2 On king T'ae and
the Heun-yuh, see oh xv below , for Kow-tseen and Woo, see Tso's Chuen,
after 3JJ i 2, et al , and the " History of the various States," Bk Ixxx

Pat 2 Ch.oo He says on the word "Heaven" heie, "Heaven is just

PT II CH III ] KING- HWTJY OF LEANG-. 143

who delights in Heaven ; and he who with a small [State]
serves a great is one who fears Heaven He who delights
in Heaven will affect with his love and protection all under
the sky; and he who fears Heaven will so affect his own
State

3. e< It is said in the Book of Poetry,

1 1 re\ere the majesty of Heaven,
And thus preserve its [favour] * "

4. The king said, " A great saying t [Bat] I have an
infirmity, I love valour "

5 [Men cms] replied, cc I beg your Majesty not to love
small valour If a man brandishes his sword, looks fierce,
and says, c How dare he withstand me ?' this is the valour
of a common man, and can only be used against one in-
dividual I beg your Majesty to change it into great valour.

6 cc It is said in the Book of Poetry,

' The king rooe majestic m his wrath
He marshalled his troops,
To stop the march to Ken ,
To consolidate the prosperity of Chow ;
To meet the expectations of all under heaven *

This was the valour of king "WSn King "Wan, by one
burst of his anger, gave repose to all the people under
heaven

7. " It is said in the Book of History, ' Heaven, having
produced the inferior people, made for them rulers, ana
made for them instructors, with the purpose that they
should be aiding to God, and gave them distinction through-
out the four quarters [of the land]. Whoever are offenders,
and whoever are innocent, here am I [to deal with them],

principle, ^ e , the reason of things, and nothing more." The instance is a
good one of the way in which he and others try to expunge the idea of a
governing power and a personal God from their classics Heaven is here
evidently the loving and directing Powei oi the universe, or the will of that
Power as indicated in the course of its Pi evidence.

Par 3 See the^he, IY i. [i ] VII

Par 4t From this par Mencius deals with Seuen's love of valour just as
in ch i. he deals with his love of music.

Par 6 See the She, III i VII 5 Menoius gavea the third line differently
from the common reading in the She

Par 7- See the Shoo, V i Pt I 7, but the quotation here is still more
different from the classical text. The sentiment that rulers and instructors

114 THE WORKS or MENCirrs. [BKI

How dare any under heaven give indulgence to their re-
fractory wills ? 3 One man was pursuing- a violent and dis-
orderly course in the kingdom, and king Woo was ashamed
of it. This was the valour of king Woo, and he also, by one
burst of his anger, gave repose to all the people under
heaven

8 '*" Let now your Majesty, in one burst of anger, give
repose to all the people under heaven The people are only
afraid that your Majesty does not love valour "

TV. 1 King Seuen of Ts'e [went to] see Mencius in
the Snow palace, and said to him, "Do men of talents
and virtue likewise find pleasure in [such a place asj this ? "
Mencius replied, ff They do. And if people [^general-
ly] do not get [similar pleasure], they condemn their su-
periors

2 " For them, when they do not get that, to condemn
their superiors is wrong, but when the superiors of the
people do not make [such] pleasure a thing common to the
people and themselves, they also do wrong.

3 ff When [a ruler] rejoices in the joy of his people, they
also rejoice in his joy , when he sorrows for the sorrow of
his people, they also sorrow for his sorrow. When his joy
extends to all under heaven, and his sorrow does the same,
it never was that in such a case [the ruler] did not attain to
the Ro;pal sway.

are intended to b aiding to Q-od is the same as that of Paul, in Romans,
xiii 1 i, that "the powers oidamed of God are the ministers of God "

OH IV A BUXER'8 PROSPERITY DEPENDS ON HIS EXERCISING A. RE-
STRAINT ON HIS OWN LOVE OF PLEASURE, AND SYMPATHIZING- WITH HIS
PEOPLE IN THEIR JOYS AND SORROWS , ILLUSTRATED BY THE EXAMPLE
OF DUE.E KING OP TB'E

Par I The Snow palace was a pleasure palace of the princes of Ts*e, and is
said to ha\e been m the piesent distuct of Lm-tsze, depaitrnent Ts'mg-ohow
Most of the critics say that the king had lodged Mencius there and went to see
him m it, and this is the most uatuial inference from the language The king's
question was in the same words as that of king Hwu of Leang in ch. 11
of Pait I , but there it had to be understood of rulers, while here its appli-
cation is to Menoms himself, and theie is m it an undertone of self-congra-
tulation by the king on his handsome treatment of the philosopher Men-
cms, however, starts off from it in his usual way to introduce his great
theme of benevolent government, and benevolent feeling towards the people
in the pnnoe's heart , and this is developed in parr, 2 and 3.

PT II. OH. IV J ETN'G HWUT OP LEANOL 145

4 " Formerly., duke King of Ts f e asked tlie minister Gran,
saying, ' I wish, to make a tour to Chuen-foo and Chaou-
woo, and tlien to bend my way southward, along the shore,
till I come to Lang-yay. "What shall I do specially., that
my tour may be fit to be compared with those made by the
former kings ? '

5 f ' The minister Gan replied^ f An excellent inquiry I
When the son of Heaven visited the feudal princes, it was
called tc a tour of inspection ; " that is, he surveyed the States
under then* care. When the princes attended at his court,
it was called ee a report of office ; " that is, they reported
[their administration of] their offices [Thus] neither of
those proceedings was without its proper object. [And
moreover] , in the spring 1 they examined the ploughing, and
supplied any deficiency [of seed] ; in the autumn they ex-
amined the reaping, and assisted where there was any defi-
ciency [of yield] There is the saying of the Hea dynasty.,

" If our king go not from home,
Whence to us w.ill comfort come ?
If our king make not his round,
Whence to us will help be found ? "

That excursion and that round were a pattern for the
princes

6 ec f ISTow the state of things is different A host marches
[in attendance on the ruler], and the provisions are con-

Par 4u On duke King of Ts'e and his minister G-an, see the Ana XII
xi , V xvi , et al. King was marquis of Ts'e for 68 years, from B C 546 to
489 Menoius here presents his character in a more favourable light than
Confucius does Chusn-foo and Chaou-woo -were two hills which mu^t have
been in the north-east of Ts'e, and looking on the waters now called the
Gulf of Pih-ohih-le Lang-yay was the name both of a hill and an ad-
jacent city, in the present district of Choo-shing, depaitment Ts^ing-chow.
The duke was bent evidently on pleasure, and his last words were simply
intended, to gloss that over

Peer 5 On the royal tours of inspection see the Shoo, IT i 8, 9 Under
the Chow dynasty the kings weie understood to make suoh tours once iu
12 years, and the feudal princes had to present themselves in their court once
in. six years The spring and autumn movements were common to the king
in his domain, and to the feudal princes in their States ; but they are men-
tioned here, as appeal s from the conclusion of the paragraph, with special
reference to the king

Pat 6 What is here called ' a host " was a body of 2,500 men, by which
the ruler of a State was accompanied when he went abroad , but the term
is often used generally of a body of followers or an army. It IB the picture
VOL n. 10

146 THE WOEKS OP MENCItTS []3K I

samed. The hungry are deprived of their food, and there
is no rest for those who are called to toil Maledictions are
uttered by one to another with eyes askance, and the people
proceed to the commission of wickedness. The [Royal]
orders are violated and the people are oppressed , the sup-
plies of food and drink flow away like water The [rulers]
yield themselves to the current or they urge their way
against it, they are wild; they are lost [these things
proceed] to the grief of the [smaller] princes

7 f{ ' Descending along with the GUI rent, and forgetting to
return/ is what I call yielding to it. ' Groing against it, and
forgetting to return/ is what I called urging their way
against it ' Pursuing the chase without satiety ' is what I call
"being wild ' Delighting m spirits without satiety ^ is what I
call being lost

8. " ' The former kings had no pleasures to which they
gave themselves as on the flowing stream, no doings which
might be so characterized as wild and lost

9 " c It is for you, my ruler, to take your course '

10. "Duke King was pleased He issued a grand proclam-
ation through the State, and went out [himself] and occu-
pied a shed in the suburbs From that time he began to
open [his granaries] for the relief of the wants [of the peo-
ple], and, calling the grand music master, said to him, ' Make
for me music to suit a prince and his minister well pleased
with each other/ It was then that the Che Shaou and
Ke'oh Shaou was made, in the poetry to which it was said,

' "What fault is it one's ruler to restrain ? '
He who restrains his ruler loves him "

of a wretched State which, appears in this and the next paragraph The
" smaller princes " in the end of this paragraph denote the lords of the
small, "attached" principalities in the ]arger States, and perhaps also the
governors of the cities, on whom requisitions would be made to supply the
wants Of the ruler and his followers

Par 9 means that his minister would have duke King choose between the
ways of the ancient kings and those of the princes of his time Other
meanings have been assigned to it, but incorrectly.

Par 10 I believe the proper tendering of " issued a grand proclamation "
would be "proclaimed a grand fast , " but I have not ventured to give the
original words a meaning which none of the critics have adopted , though
it is quite allowable The duke's own occupancy of the shed was tho way-
he took to "afflict his soul" Shaou wab the name given to a piece of

FT II. CH. V ] KING HWUY OF LEANG. 147

V 1, King Seuen of Ts'e asked saying, <c People all
tell me to pull down the Brilliant hall and remove it ;
shall I pull it down, or stop [the movement for that
object] ?"

2 Mencius replied, " The Brilliant hall is the hall appro-
priate to the kings. If your Majesty wishes to practise
Hoyal government, do not pull it down "

3 The king said, te May I hear from you what Royal gov-
ernment is ? " "Formerly/' was the reply, "king "W&a's
government of K f e was the following . From the husband-
man [there was required the produce of] one ninth [of the
land] ; the descendants of officers were salaried , at the
passes and in the markets., [strangers] were inspected, but

music said to be transmitted from the ancient Shun, and 33 used here to
signify that made to celebrate the good understanding between King and
his minister It appears to have consisted of two parts one beginning
with the note che, and the other with the note keoh I do not know
enough of music myself to explain these

CH V ON THE PURPOSE TO PULL DOWN THE BRILLIANT HALL IN Ts'E
CERTAIN PRINCIPLES OF ROYAL GOVERNMENT , AND THAT NEITHER
GREED OF SUBSTANCE NOR LOVE OF BEAUTY NEED INTERFERE WITH THE
PRACTICE or IT There can be no doubt that in this chaptei Mencius
suggests, if he does not directly incite to, rebellion It is a giaver charge
against him that, after his usual fashion, he here overlooks the selfish vices
of the rulers of his day, and thinks that, -while still practising them, they
could be transformed into true kings

Pew 1 The " Brilliant hall " was a name given to the principal apartment
of the palaces where the kings m their tours of inspection, spoken of in the
last chapter, received the feudal princes of the different quartet s of the
kingdom See the Le Ke, XIV The one m the text ^as near the foot of
mount T'ae, and had originally been within, the limits of the State of Loo
Now the territory where it was belonged to Ts'e, and as the Royal tours of
inspection, had fallen into disuse, it was proposed to king Seuen to remove
the Brilliant hall

Par 2 Here certainly Mencius suggests to king Seuen the idea of his
superseding the kings of Chow

Par 8 K'e was a double-peaked hill, giving its name to the adjacent
country which formed the old State of Chow, after the removal of the tribe,
under T*an-foo afterwards styled king T f ae, from its older seat in Pin The
mountain gives its name to the present district of K'e-ahan, department
Fung-ts'eang, in the south-west of Shen-se It was in K'e that king Wan suc-
ceeded to his father, and laid the foundations of the Royal sway, to which his
son Woo attained On the 1st point of Wan's government of K'e see under
Pt n in 4 According to the 2nd, descendants of meritorious officers, if
men of ability, received office, and even, if they were not so, they had pen-
sions in acknowledgment of the services of then* fathers The ponds and

148 THE WORKS OF MEN-CIUS. [fiE I.

goods were not taxed , there were no prohibitions respecting
the ponds and weirs , the wives and children of criminals
were not involved in their guilt There were the old and
wifelesSj or widowers, the old and husbandless, or widows ,
the old and childless, or solitaries, and the young and
fatherless, or orphans : these fonr classes are the most des-
titute under heaven, and have none to whom they can tell
[their wants] , and king Wan,, in the institution of his govern-
ment with its "benevolent action, made them the first objects
of his regard It is said in the Book of Poetry,

* The rich may get through,
But alas for the helpless and solitary ' r "

4 The king said, c f Excellent words 1 9y [Mencius] said,
" Since your Majesty deems them excellent, why do you not
put them into practice ?" "I have an infirmity/' said the
king, "I am fond of substance " <c Formerly/* replied
[Mencius], cc duke Lew was fond of substance It is said in
the Book of Poetry,,

' He stored up [the produce] in the fields and in bains ,
He tied up dned meat and grain
In bottomless bags and sacks ,

That he might hold [his people] together, and glorify [his tribe].
Then with bows and anows all ready.
With shields and bpears, and axes, laige and small,
He commenced his march,'

In this way those who remained in their old seat had
then stores in the fields an"d in barns, and those who marched
had their bags of grain It was not till after this that he
commenced his march If yonr Maj esty is fond of substance,
let the people have the opportunity to gratify the same feel-
ing, and what difficulty will there be in your attaining to
the Eoyal sway ? "

5 The king said, Cf I have an infirmity 9 I am fond of
beauty " The reply was, <c Formerly king T'ae was fond

weirs 'were free to the people, with the restriction as to the size of their nets
refeired to in Pt 1. 111 8. It is not said what measures were adopted by
king Wan ior the relief of the four destitute classes who are mentioned
They ifenst have been mainly provisions foi their maintenance

The concluding lines are from the She, II iv. VIII. 13

Par 4 See the She, III 11 VI i

Pai 5. See the She, in i III 2 "We may admire the ingenuity of

FT H. CH. VI Vn] KING HWUY OF LEA5G. 149

of "beauty., and loved his wife. It is said in tlie Book of
Poetry,

' The ancient duke T'an-foo
Came in the morning, galloping his horses,
Along the banks of the \vestern nyers,
To the foot of Mount K'e ;
And theie he and the lady Keang
Came, and togethei looked oat for a site on which, to settle *

At that tune., in the seclusion of the house, there were
no dissatisfied women, and, abroad, there wee no unmarried
men If your Majesty is fond of beauty, let the people be
able to gratify the same feeling, and what difficulty will
there be in your attaining to the Royal sway ? "

"VI 1. Mencius said to king Seuen of Ts*e, (e [Sup-
pose that] one of your Majesty's servants were to entrust his
wife and children to the care of his friend, while he went [him-
self] into Ts'oo to travel, and that, on his return, [he should
find] that [the friend] had caused his wife and children to suf-
fer from cold and hunger, how ought he to deal with him ? "
The king said, " He should cast him off/'

2 [Mencius] proceeded^ " [Suppose that] the chief criminal
judge could not regulate the officers of justice under him,
how should he be dealt with ? " The king said, t( He should
be dismissed "

3 [Mencius again] said, tc When within the four borders
of your kingdom] there is not good government, what is to
e done ? " The king looked to the right and left, and spoke

of other matters.

Vll 1. Mencius,, having [gone to] see king Seuen of

Mencius in the illustrations in these two paragraph , but they -would have
little power with a sensual, self-indulgent man like kmg Seuen,

CH VI BBINGING HOME HIS BAD GOVERNMENT TO THE KING OF TS'E
This is a good specimen of the bold manner in which Mencius was not
afraid to tell the truth to the kings and. princes of his time,

far. 2 For the office of " chief criminal judge tt see under the Analects,

CH. VII. WHAT is MEANT BY AN ANCIENT KINGDOM , AND THE CAUTION

TO BE BXEBOISKD BY A BULEJR IN RAISING MEN TO OFFICE HIS GBEAT
CABE MUST BB TO HAVE THB SYMPATHY AND APPBOYAX OP THE PEOPLE

Par 1 If the king had no intimate muasters, men who had his familiar

150 THE WOKES OP MEtfCIUS. [fiK I.

Ts'e, said to him, "When men speak of c an ancient king-
dom/ it is not meant thereby that it has lofty trees in it,
"but that it has ministers [sprung- from families that have
been noted in it] for generations. Your Majesty has no
ministers with, whom you are personally intimate Those
whom you advanced yesterday are gone to-day, and you do
not know it"

2 The king said, ec How shall I know that they have no
ability, and avoid employing them at all ? "

3 The reply* was, ec A ruler advances to office [new] men
of talents and virtue [only] as a matter of necessity As he
thereby causes the low to overstep the honourable and
strangers to overstep his relatives, ought he to do so but
with caution ?

4 " When all those about you say [of a man], ' He is
a man of talents and virtue,' do not immediately [believe
them] When your great officers all say, e He is a man of
talents and viitue/ do not immediately [believe them].
When your people all say, 'He is a man of talents and
virtue/ then examine into his character , and, when you find
that he is such indeed, then afterwards employ him When
all those about you say, c He will not do,* do not listen to
them When your great officers all say, e He will not do/
do not listen to them When your people all say, ' He will
not do,' then examine into his character , and when you
find that he will not do, then afterwards send him away

5. "When those about you all say [of a man], e He
deserves death,' do not listen to them When your great
officers all say, ' He deserves death/ do not listen to them.
When your people all say, c He deserves death/ then ex-
amine into has case, and when you find that he deserveslieath,
then afterwards put him to death In accordance with this
we have the saying, ' The people put him to death/

6. "Act in this way and you will be the parent of the
people "

confidence and affection, he could not have men of old families m his
service

Pai 3 The " low " are new men who had not previously been in office
** Strangers " means literally " dibtant m relationship " It appears fiom the
Ch'un Ts'ew and Tso Chuen that the ministers in the different feudal States
TV ere nearly all of families which were otfshoote from the ruling Houses,

Par 6, See the Great Learning, Commentary, x. 3

PT II. CH VIII. IX ] KHJG- HWUY OP LEANG. 151

VIII. 1 King- Seuen of Ts'e asked, saying Cf Was it so
that T'ang banislied Keeh, and king Woo smote Ch.ow ? "
Mencius replied, " It is so in the Records 33

2. [Tlie king] said, "May a subject put his ruler to
death?"

8 The reply was, " He who outrages benevolence is called
a ruffian ; he who outrages righteousness is called a villain
The ruffian, and villain we call a mere fellow. I have heard
of the cutting off of the fellow Chow , I have not heard of
the putting a ruler to death [in his case]/"*

IX 1. Mencius, [having gone to] see king Seuen
of Ts f e, said, ce If you are going to build a large mansion,
you will surely cause the Master of the workmen to look
out for large trees , and when he has found them, your
Majesty will be glad, thinking they will be fit for the object.
Should the workmen hew them so as to make them too
small, then you will be angry, thinking that they will not
answer for the purpose Now a man spends his youth in
learning [the principles of right government], and^ when
grown up to vigour, he wishes to put them in practice if
your Majesty say to him, ' For the present put aside what
you have learned, and follow me/ what shall we say ?

2 " Here now you have a gem in the stone Although
it be worth 240,000 [taels], you will surely employ your

OH VTEI KILLING A SOVEREIGN is NOT NECESSARILY REBELLION ITOB
MURDER We have here one of Menems' boldest utterances

Pat 1 T'ang was the founder of the dynasty of Shang, and Keen was the
last of the sovereigns of Hea, a tyrant, whom T'ang defeated and banished
to Nan-ts'aou, wliere he died Chow was the last of the sovereigns of
Shang, alto a tyrant who burned himself to death, after his defeat by king
Woo tn the -wild of Muh

Par 3 In calling Chow " a mere fellow " Menoius probably borrowed
from king Woo, who in the Shoo, V i Part in 4, calls Chow, while still
alive, " this solitary fellow Show "

CH IX THE ABSURDITY OP A RULER s NOT ACTING AOCOBDING- TO THB

COUNSEL OF THE MEN OF TALENTS AND VIRTUE WHOM HE CALLS TO AID
IN HIS GOVEBNMENT, BUT BEQUtBING THEM TO FOLLOW HIS OWX WATS

In one point the illustrations of Menoius here fail A prince is not supposed
to undei stand either house-building or gem-cutting , he must delegate these
to other men who do But government he ought to understand, and he may
not delegate the responsibility of it to any scholars or officers No doubt,
however, there was that about kmg Seuen's procedures which made our
philosopher's lesson to him quite appropriate.

152 THE WOEKS OP HEWCIUS. [B^ I.

chief lapidary to cut and polish it But when you come to
the government of your kingdom, you say, ' For the present
put aside what you have learned and follow me / how is it
that you herein act differently from your calling in the
lapidary to cut and polish the gem ? "

X 1 The people of Ts'e attacked Ten, and conquered
it

2 King Seuen asked, saying, ec Some tell me not to take
possession of it, and some tell me to take possession of
it For a kingdom of ten thousand chariots to attack
another of the same strength, and to complete the conquest
of it in fifty days, is an achievement beyond [mere] human
strength If I do not take it, calamities from Heaven will
surely come upon me : what do you say to my taking pos-
session of it ? "

8 Mencius replied, Cf If the people of Yen will be pleased
with your taking possession of it, do so Among the ancients
there was [one] who acted in this way, namely king "Woo.
If the people of Yen will not be pleased with your taking
possession of it, do not Among the ancients there was
one who acted in this way, namely king Wan

4. "" When with [the strength of] your kingdom of ten
thousand chariots you attacked another of the same strength,

CH X THE DISPOSAL OP KINGDOMS BESTS WITH THE MZNDS OP THE

PEOPLE KO CONQUEST A2OD SUBSEQUENT ANNEXATION CAN BE VINDI-
CATED AS ACCORDING TO THE WILL OF HEAVEN, UNLESS THE PEOPLE OF
THE CONQUEBED KINGDOM ATfR CONTENT AND SATISFIED

JPar 1 Yen lay north-west from Ts'e, foimmg part of the present pro-
vince of Chih-le Its pnnces had in foimei times been maiquibes or earls,
but m the age of Mencius they, hke thote of many other States, had assumed
the title of king At the time to which this chaptei lefers, though the ques-
tion of the chionology ib much dibputed, its king, a poor weakling, had
resigned the throne to his chief nunibter, and gieat confusion endued, so
that the people welcomed the appearance of the tioops of Ts*e and made no
resistance to them

Pai 2 King Seuen by calling both Ts'e and Ten * States of 10,000
ohanots" plainly intimates that their rulers had taken the royal title, and
wished to establish their sway over all the land

Pat 3 The common saying IB that " King Wan bad possession of two
of the three parts of the kingdom *' But he did not think that the people
-were prepared for the extinction of the dynasty of Shang or Yin, and left
the completion of the fortunes of his house to his son Woo

Par 4 Mencius disabuses the king, and gives a natural explanation of
the success lie had met with

PT II CH SI ] KING HWTJT OF LEANG 153

and they met your Majesty's array with baskets of rice and
vessels of congee., was there any other reason for this but
that they [hoped to] escape out of fire and water ? If [you
make] the water more deep and the fiie more fierce, they will
just in like manner make another revolution "

XI 1 . The people of Ts f e having attacked Yen and taken
possession of it, the [other] punces proposed to take mea-
sures to deliver Yen King Seuen said, ff As the princes
are many of them consulting to attack me,, how shall I
prepare myself for them ? " Mencius replied, " I have heard
of one who with seventy le gave law to the whole kingdom, but
I have not heard of [a luler] who with a thousand le was
afraid of others.

2 cc The Book of History says, 'When T'ang began his
work of punishment, he commenced with Koh All under
heaven had confidence in him When the work went on in
the east, the wild tribes of the west murmured. When it
went on in the south, those of the north murmured They
said, " Why does he make us the last ? " The looking of
the people for him was like the looking in a time of great
drought for clouds and rainbows The frequenters of the
markets stopped not; the husbandmen made no change [in
their operations] While he took off their rulers, he con-
soled the people. [His progress] was like the falling of
seasonable rain, and the people were delighted.' It is said
[again] in the Book of History, * We have waited for our
prince- [long] ; the princess coming is our reviving 3

3. ff Now [the ruler of] Yen was tyrannizing over his
people, and your Majesty went and punished him. The
people supposed that you were going to deliver them out of
the water and the fire, and with baskets of nee and vessels
of congee they met your Majesty's host But you have

OH XI AMBITION- AITD GBEED ONLY UAJSE ENEMIES AND BBJNO DISJLS-
TEBS SAFETY AMTD PEOSPEBITY LEE us- BENEVOLENT GOVERNMENT King
Seuen, it appears, was unwilling to give up his appropriation of Yen, on
-which, however, Mencius insists

Pai 1 "When T'ang commenced his operations against Keeh of Shang,
he was the occupant of a small principality, bemg part of the present de-
partment of Kvt ei-tih, Ho-nan,

Par 2 See the Shoo, IV. n 6. But the Book of the Shoo, which gave
a full account of Pan^s dealings with the chief of Koh, has heen lost See
the Preface to the Shoo, Par. 10.

354 THE WOKES OF MENCIUS [BE I

slain their fathers and elder brothers, and put their sons and
younger brothers in chains , you have pulled down the
ancestral temple [of the rulers] , and are carrying away its
precious vessels how can such a course be admitted ? [The
other States of] the kingdom were afraid of the strength
of Ts*"e before , and now when with a doubled territory yon
do not exercise a benevolent government, this puts the arms
of the kingdom in motion [against you]

4 fe If your Majesty will make haste to issue an order,
restoring [your captives] old and young, and stopping [the
removal of] the precious vessels ; [and it then] you will con-
sult with the people of Yen ,, appoint [for them] a [new] ruler,
and afterwards withdraw from the country in this way
you may still be able to stop [the threatened attack] "

XH. 1 There had been a skirmish between [some
troops of] Tsow and Loo, [in reference to whiclx,] duke
Mih asked, saying, " Of my officers there were killed thirty-
three men and none of the people would die in their defence
If I would pus them to death, it is impossible to deal so with
so many , if I do not put them to death, then there is [the
crime unpunished of] their looking on with evil eyes at the
death of their officers, and not saving them : how is the
exigency of the case to be nnet ? "

2. Mencius replied, "In calamitous years and years of
famine, the old and weak of your people who have been found
lying in ditches and water- channels, and the able-bodied
who have been scattered about to the four quarters, have
amounted to thousands. All the while, your granaries, O

CH XH THE AFFECTIONS OF THE PEOPLE CAN ONLY BE SECURED BY

BENEVOLENT GOVERNMENT , AS THEY AEE DEALT WITH BY THEIR RULERS,
O WILL THEY DEAL BY THEM ILLUSTRATED BY A CASE IN THE STATE
OF TSOW

Par 1 Tsow was the principality o which Mencius was a native , see
in the Prolegomena, at the beginning of his Life Its power was much m-
feiior to that of Loo, and theiefore the engagement between their troops is
not called a "battle," but meiely " a skirmibh," or " a noisy brush " Its
ruler's precise rank at this time I have oot been able to ascei tain He is
called here by his honorary or sacrificial epithet of " duke Muh," Muh in
such application meaning, " Dispenser of virtue and maintamer of righteous-
ness, outwardly showing inward feeling "

Par 2 *' Calamitous years ** are years of pestilence, inundations, fiies, &c.
The " ditches and water-channels " were numerous, being much used in
connexion with the system of agriculture The former are characterized

FT II CH XIII XIV ] KINQ HWCTr OJF LEANS 155

prince, liave been stored witli nee and other giam, and your
treasuries and arsenals have been full, and not one of your
officers has told you [of the distress], so negligent have
the superiors [in your State] been, and cruel to their inferiors.
The philosopher Ts&ng said, ' Beware, beware What pro-
ceeds from you, will return to you 9 Now at last the people
have had an opportunity to return [their conduct] , do not
you, O pnnce, hlame them

3. < If you will practise a benevolent govern men fr, then
the people will love all above them, and will die for their
officers **

XIII 1. Duke W^n of T f 2.ng asked, saying, " T'&ig is a
small State, and lies between Ts f e and Ts f oo Shall I serve
Ts'e ? or shall I serve Ts'oo ? "

2 Mencms replied, " This is a matter in which I cannot
counsel you If you will have me speak, there is but one
thing [I can suggest] Dig [deep] your moats , build
[strong] your walls ; then guard them along with the peo-
ple; be prepared to die [in their defence], and [have] the
people [so that] they will not leave you ; this is a course
which may be put in practice "

XIV. 1 Duke WSn of T'Sng asked, saying, "The
people of Ts'e are going to fortify S5eh, and [the movement]

as " long and small," the latter as " deep and large " ' The philcwpher
Tsang " we became familiar with in the Analects as one of the pimcipal
disciples of Confucius

CH XITI IT IS BETTEB FOB A. PRINCE. EVEN THOUGH HIS STATE BE
SMALL, TO EELY ON HIMSELF THAN TO DEPEND ON, OB TBY TO PROPITIATE,
GBEA.TEB POWERS

Par 1 T k ang was a small State, whose lords were Kes, marquises, in early
times, but now only viscounts, in the present district of T*ang, department
Yen-chow. North of it was the kingdom of Ts'e, and, in the time of Men-
cius, Tb'oo had so far extended its power noith wards as to threaten it from,
the south Wan is the posthumous epithet of the viscount of this tune,
meaning " Loyally truthful and courteous "

Par 2 Mencius could have given counsel on the questions proposed by
the prince, but he thought he could give him better advice He says that
the course he suggested might be put in practice, not that it would be
successful

CH XIV. A PBINCE, THBEATJENED BT A. POWERFUL NEK*HBOTTR, WILt
FIND HIS BEST DEFENCE AND CONSOLATION IN DOING WHA.T IS GOOD AND

156 THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS. [BE I

occasions me great alarm ; what is tlie proper course for me
to take in tlie case ? "

2 Mencius replied, "Formerly, when king T'ae dwelt
in Pin, the Teih were [continually] making incursions upon
it He [therefore] left it, and went to the foot of Mount
~K. C Q, and there took up his residence He did not take that
situation as having selected it , it was a matter of neces-
sity.

3 ec If you do good, among your descendants in future
generations there shall be one who will attain to the Royal
sway The superior man lays the foundation of the inherit-
ance,, and hands down the beginning [which he has made],
doing what can be continued [by his successors] As to
the accomplishment of the great result, that is with Heaven
What is that [Ts'e] to you, O prince ? you have simply to
make yourself strong to do good."

XV. 1 Duke W3n of T'cing asked, saying, " T'ang
is a small State. I do my utmost to serve the great king-
doms [on either side of it], but I cannot escape [suffering
from them]. What is the proper course for me to pursue
in the case ? '* Mencius replied, tc Formerly, when king
T'ae dwelt in Pin, the Teih were continually making incur-
sions upon it He served them with skins and silks, and
still he suffered from them He served them with dogs and
horses, and still he suffered from them He served them
with pearls and pieces of jade, and still he suffered from them
On this he assembled his old men, and announced to them,
saying, 'What the Teih want is my territory I have heard

BI&HT Mencms was at his wit's end, I suppose, to give duke Wan an
answer It was all veiy well to tell him to do good, but the piomise of a
royal descendant would hardly afford him much comfoit

Par 1 Seeh was a small principality, adjoining T'ang, and like it referred
to the same present district in department Yen-chow It had long been in-
corporated with Ts'e, which now proposed to foitify its principal .town, as a
basis of operations, probably, against T ang

Par 2 See par 2 of next chapter on king T*ae's i emoval from Pin to K'e
Par 3 In his fiist sentence here, Mencms, no doubt, was thinking, and
would have duke Wa.n +hvn'k j of the kings Wan and Woo, the descendants
of king T'ae

OH XY TWO HONOURABLE OOUEffES OPEN TO A PBINCE THREATENED
BY ENEMIES WHOM HE CANNOT BESIST, BEMOVAL OB ABDICATION, AND
DEATH IN A GALLANT DEFENCE

PT H CH. XVI ] KING HWTTZ OF LBANG 157

this, that the superior man does not injure lus people for
that which he nourishes them with My children, why-
should you "be troubled about having no ruler I will leave
this ' [Accordingly] he left Pin, crossed over Mount Leang,
[built] a town at the foot of Mount K% and dwelt there.
The people of Pm said, f He is a benevolent man , we must
not lose him * Those who followed him [looked] like crowds
going to market.

4. " On the other hand [a prince] may say, ' [ The country]
has been held [by my ancestors] for generations, and is not
what I can undertake to dispose of in my person I will go
to the death for it, and will not leave it/

5 "I beg you, O prince, to make your election between
these two courses."

XVI. 1. Duke P f mg of Loo was about to go out [one
day], when his favourite Tsang Ts'ang begged [to ask]
him, saying, " On other days, when your lordship has gone
out, you have given instructions to the officers as to where you.
were going But now the horses have been put to your
carriage, and the officers do not yet know where you are going.
I venture to request your orders.'' 5 The duke said, ec I ani
going to see the philosopher Mang " ec What I " said the

Par 2 Some of the particulars which Mencius gives here of king T'ae's
dealings with the Teih are also found m Fuh-sang's Introduction to the
Shoo They were no doubt from traditional accounts still floating among
the people towards the end of the Chow dynasty

CH. XVI DISAPPOINTMENT OF MEKCIUS' PROWPECTS OF USEFULNESS tsr
LOO, AND HIS BEJtf ABEB UPON IT. A MAN'S WAY IK LIFE IS OBDEBJED BY
HEAVEN , THE INSTRUMENTALITY OF OTHEB MEN IN FOBWABDING- OB
OBSTBUCTING HIS OBJECTS is ONLY ST7BOBDUTATE Mencius 1 presence m
!Loo at this tune is referred to B c. 809, and he is supposed to hare hence-
forth given up the idea of doing anything for his age by his labours with
its kings and pnuces His prospects of doing anything -with duke P'ing
could not have been great, for Loo had for a considerable tune lost its inde-
pendence, and the descendants of the duke of Chow were suffered to drag
out an unhonouied existence only by the contemptuous forbearance of
Ta'oo

JPar 1 Toh-ohing, mentioned in par 2, was a disciple of Menoius, with,
whom we shall meet again He had found employment at the court of
P'ing, and had spoken to him of hia master, so that now the duke was about
to pioceed In his carnage to invite Mencius to his court, a his counsellor and
guide. Wishing to do him honour, lie would in the first place visit him at
has lodging. Hia favourite Tsang Tsang knew all this, and took measures

158 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [BE I.

other. ee That you demean yourself, O prince, "by what you
are doing, to pay the first visit to a common man, is, I appre-
hend, because you think that he is a man of talents and
virtue [Our rules of] propriety and righteousness must have
come from such men , but on the occasion of this Ming's
second mourning, his observances exceeded those of the
former. Do not go to see him, O prince " The duke said,
"I will not"

2. The officer ~5Toh-ching entered [the court], and had an
audience. { ' Prince," said he, Cf why have you not gone to
see Ming K'o ? " " One told me/' was the reply, " that
on the occasion of Mr Hang's second mourning, his obseiv-
ances exceeded those of the former, and therefore I did
not go to see him/-' [Toh-ching-] said, {f How is this ? By
what your lordship calls c exceeding/ you mean, I suppose,
that on the former occasion he used the ceremonies appro-
priate to an inferior officer, and on the latter those appro-
priate to a great officer , that he first used three tripods,
and afterwards five " c "No," said the duke, fc I refer to the
greater excellence of the coffin, the shell, the grave-clothes,
and the shioud' [Yoh-chmg] replied, " That cannot be
called e exceeding * That was the difference between be-
ing poor and being rich "

3. [After this] the officer Toh-chmg [went to] see Men-
cius, and said, <f I told the ruler about you, and he was con-
sequently coming to see you, when his favourite Tsang
Ts c ang stopped him, and he did not carry his purpose into
effect " [Mencms] said, " A man's advance is effected, it
may be, by others, and the stopping him is, it may be, from
the efforts of others But to advance a man or to stop his
advance is [really] beyond the power of other men My
not finding- [the light prince] in the marquis of Loo, is from
Heaven, How could that scion of the Tsang family cause
me not to find [the ruler that would suit me] ? "

accordingly to pi event the meeting of the duke and the philosopher The
nrst occasion of Mencms' mouinmg wafe, it is said, on the death of his
father But according to the received accounts Mencius' father died when
he was only three j ears old. We must suppose that the favourite invented
the account that he gave

Par 2 The tripods heiemen turned contained the offerings of meat used
in the funeral, sacrificial rites The King used nine, a feudal prince seven,
a great ofncer five, and a scholar or infeuor officer three To each tripod
belonged its appropriate kind of flesh

CE'OW. 159

BOOK n.

KUNG-SUN CH'OW. PART I

CHAPTER I 1 . Ktmg-snn Ch/ow said, ef Master, if you were
to obtain the ordering of tlie government in Ts'e, could you
promise yourself the accomplishment of such successful re-
sults as were realized by Kwan Chung and the minister
Gan * "

2 Mencius said, cc You, Sir, are indeed a [true] man of
Ts'e You know about Kwan Chung and the minister Gran_,
and nothing more

3. " One asked Tsang Se, saying, * To which, my [good]
Sir, do you give the superiority, to yourself or to Tsze-loo ? *
Tsang Se looked uneasy, and said, f ~Be was an object of
veneration to my grandfather ' l Then/ pursued the man,
c do you give the superiority to yourself, or to Kwan
Chung ? 9 Tsng Se flushed with anger, was displeased,
and said, ' How do you compare me to Kwan Chung ? Con-
sidering how entirely he possessed [the confidence of] his
ruler, how long he had the direction of the government of
the State, and how low [after all] was what he accomplished,
how is it that you compare me to him ? '

4 <e Thus," added Mencius, " TsSng Se would not play

TITLE OF THIS BOOK The name of Kung-Bim Ch'ow, one of Mencius 1

disciples, heading the first chapter, the Book is named from him accordingly

CH I WHILE MEN-OUTS WISHED TO SEE A TRUE EOTAL GOVERNMENT,

AND COULD EASILY HAVE REALIZED IT TTAT) HE BEEN" IN OFFICB, SO THAT
THE KING- OF TS'E WOULD SOON HAVE BECOME SOVEREIGN OF THE WHOLE
KINQ-DO^I FROM THE PECULIAR CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE TIME, BE WOULD
NOT HAVE TTAn RECOURSE TO ANT WA1S INCONSISTENT WITH ITS IDEA.

Par 1 It appears from par 2 that Kung-sun Ch'ow was a native of Ts'e
He must have been a cadet of the old ducal family. The sons of the feudal
princes were styled Kung-tsze, and their sons again Rung-sun, "ducal
grandsons " Those two characters might "become the rarname of their de-
scendants, who mingled with the undistinguished masses of the people
Kwan Chung, see on Ana III xxu ; et al He was the chief minister of
duke Hwan, the famous leader of all the feudal princes The minister
Gan, see on Ana V xvi , et al He was mentioned above in Book I 11 IV

Par 8 Tsing Se was, according to some, the son according to others, the
grandson of Tsang Sin, one of Confucius' most famous disciples "With Sin
and with Tsze-loo the readers of the An alec tb must be familiar

160 THE WOKZS OF HENCIUS [fiK II.

Kwan Chung, and is it what you desire for me, tliat I should
do so ? "

5. [Kung-snn Ch/ow] said, ""Kwan Chung raised his
ruler to be the leader of all the other princes, and the minis-
ter Gran made his ruler illustrious ; and do you still think
that it would not be enough for yon to do what they did ? "

6. fc To raise [the ruler of] Ts f e to the Royal dignity
wonld [simply] be like turning round the hand/* was the
reply

7. " So ' " returned the other " The perplexity of your
disciple is hereby very much increased ' And there was
king W2,n, with all the virtue which belonged to him, and
who did not die till he had reached a hundred years , yet his
influence had not penetrated to all under heaven It re-
quired king Woo and the duke of Chow to continue his
course, "before that influence greatly prevailed And now
you say that the Royal dignity may be so easily obtained
Is king Wan then not worthy to be imitated ? 7J

8. [Mencins] said, <: How can king WSn be matched ?
From T'ang to Woo-ting there had arisen six or seven
worthy and sage sovereigns , all under heaven had been long
attached to Yin. The length of time made a change diffi-
cult, and Woo-ting gave audience to all the princes and
possessed the whole kingdom, as if it had been a thing
which he turned round in his palm. [Then] Chow was re-
moved from Woo-ting by no great interval of time. There
were still remaining some of the ancient families, and of the
old manners, of the influence which had emanated [from the
earlier sovereigns], and of then- good government. More-

Pw 6 Here Mencmb states his thesis, according to his fashion, in the
broadest and most unlimited manner , giving him the opportunity to ex-
plain and vindicate it as he does below

Par 7 King Wan died at the age of 97 , Ch'ow uses the round number
100 Accoiding to the representations of Chinese writers two-thirds of the
kingdom then acknowledged his supiemacy His son king Woo continued
his work, and overthrew the dynasty of Bhang, while another son, the duke
of Chow, regulated the constitution and all the ceremonies of the new dynasty ,
and then the principles of Wan received 'their full development

Par 8 From T'ang to Woo-ting theie were altogether 18 sovereigns, or,
according to the Bamboo Annals, 20, exclusive of themselves , and from
Woo-ting to Chow there weie seven In the former period T'ae-keah, T'ae-
mow, Ts'oo-yih, and Pwan-kang aie specified aa " worthy and sage," in addi-
tion to T*ang and Woo-ting From Woo- ting to Chow there elapsed about
a century and a quarter. The viscount of Wei was an elder brother of

FT I CH I.] EUNG-SUN CH'OW. 161

over, there were tlie viscount of "Wei and his second son, his
Hoyal Highness Pe-kan, the viscount of Ke, and Kaou Kih,
all men of ability and vutue, who gave their joint assistance
to Chow [in his government] In consequence of these
things it took him a long time to lose the kingdom There
was not a foot of giound which he did not possess, there
was not one of all the people who was not his subject So
it was on his side, while king TY2n made his beginning
from a territory of [only] a hundred square le, and therefoie
it was difficult for him [immedidtely to attain to the Royal
dignity]

9 < ' The people of Ts'e have the saying, ' A man may
Lave wisdom and discernment, but that is not like embrac-
ing the favourable opportunity , a man may have [good]
hoes, but that is not like waiting for the [favouiable] sea-
sons ' The present time is one in which [the Hoyal dignity]
may be easily attained

10 "In the flourishing periods of the sovereigns of Hea,
of Yin, and of Chow, the [Royal] territory did not exceed a
thousand le and Ts f e embraces as much Cocks crow and
dogs bark to one another all the way to its four borders, so
that Ts f e also possesses the [requisite number of] people.
]STo change is needed for the enlargement of its territory, nor
for the collecting of a population If [its rulei] will put in
practice a benevolent government, no power can prevent his
attaining to the Royal sway.

11 " Moreover, never was there a time farther removed
than this from the appearance of a true king , never was
there a time when the sufferings of the people from op-
pressive government were more intense than this The
hungry are easily supplied with, food, and the thirsty with,
drink

12 cc Confucius said, 'The flowing 1 progress of virtue is
more rapid tlian the transmission of orders by stages and
couriers *

Chow, and many say by the same mother, but she was not queen, but only
ft member of the harem, when he was horn Some antics will hare it that
the next faithful adherent of Chow who is mentioned was the viscount's
brother and not his son The viscount of Ke was a king's* son as Well an
Pe-kan. They were both, probably, uncles of Chow Kaoti Kih did not
belong to the *oyl House of Shsng, hut was a faittful adherent of it

Par & Ability and institrmepte are- gooti , but tbtertf must also be thd
favourable opportunity.

VOL n. 11

162 THE WOEE3 OJF MENCIUS. [BK II.

13 tf At tlie present time, in a country of ten thousand
chariots, let a benevolent government be exercised, and
the people will be delighted with it, as if they were relieved
from hanging by the heels With half the merit of the an-
cients, double their achievement is sure to be realized It is
only at this tune that such could be the case. 1 "

II. 1. Kung-sun Ch'ow asked [Mencius], saying, " Mas-
CH n THAT MENCIUS HAD ATTAINED TO AN UNPERTURBED MIKD , THAT

THE MEANS BY WHICH HE TTAT) DONE BO WAS HIS KNOWLEDGE OF WORDS,
AND THE NOURISHMENT OF HIS PASSION-NATURE , AND THAT CONFUCIUS
WAS THE GREAT OBJECT OF HIS IMITATION, FOE THERE NEVER HAD BEEN
ANOTHER JIAN WHO COULD BE REGARDED AS HIS EQUAL The chapter IS

divided into four parts , the fust, pan 1 8, shoeing geneially that theie are
various ways to attain an unpeiturbed mind , the second, pan 9, 10, exposing
the eiroi of the way taken by the philosopher Kaou , the thud, parr 11 17,
unfolding Mencms' own way , and the fouith, pair IS 28, shoeing that
Mencius followed Confucius, and praismg that sage as the fiifet of moitals
It is in a gieat measure owing to what Mencius says in this chaptei about the
nourishment of the passion-natuie that a place has been accorded to him among
the sages of China, or in immediate pioximity to them His views ate substan-
tially these Man b nature is composite He possesses moial and intellectual
poweis (compi ehended under the terms " lieait" and "mind," mtei changed
with " will"), and active powers (summed up under the teim k'e, and em-
biacmg the emotions, desires, and appetites) The moiahand intellectual
powers should be supreme and govern, but there is a close connexion between
them and the otheis which give eftect to them The active poweis should
not be stunted, for then the whole character will be feeble But on the
other hand they must not be allowed to take the lead They must get their
tone from the mind, and the way to develope them in all their completeness
is to do good Let them be vigoious, and the mind clear and puie, and we
shall have the man whom nothing external to himself can peituib, Horace's
justiwi et tenacem propo^H iimm, In buef, if we take the f>anum corpus
of the Roman adage as not expressing merely the physical body, but the
whole physical and emotional nature, what Mencius exhibits here may be
said to be " irtens sana in, cotpoi e sano "

The attentive leader will find the above thoughts dispersed through this
chapter, and be able to sepaiate them from the irrelevant matter that
especially relating to Confucius with which they are set forth

Par 1 The questioner here is the same who discourses with our philoso-
pher in the piecedmg chapter , see there on par. 1 The one chapter may
indeed be considered as the sequel of the other The disciple allows that
the master could achieve what he had asserted, and asks whether the being
placed in a position to do so would distuib his mind

It was a maxim with the ancient Chinese that a man was in his greatest
vigour at 40, and able to encounter all the difficulties of official service , see
the Le Ele, I Pt X i 27 Compare Confucius' account of himself in
Ana^H IT.

PT I CH n] ETTNG-STJX CH f OW. 103

ter, if you vrere to be appointed a high noble and
prime minister of Ts'e, so as to cany your principles into
practice, though you should thereupon [iaise the ruler to]
be head of all the other princes 01 [even] to be king, it
would not be to be wondered at , bub in such a position
\vould your mmd be perturbed or not ? " Mencius rephed,
c No At forty I attained to an unperturbed mind 3>

2 [Chow] said, cc Then, Master, you are far beyond MSng
Pun/ 3 " [The mere attainment of] that," said [Mencius],
cc is not difficult The scholar Kaou attained to an unper-
turbed mind at an earlier period of life than I did 1 "

3 C Is thei e any [proper] way to an unperturbed mind ? "
asked [Chow] , and the reply was, " Yes

4. "Pih-ktmg Yew had this way of nourishing his valour
His flesh did not shrink [from a wound], and his eyes did
not turn aside [fiom any thrusts at them] He considered
that to submit to have a hair pulled out by any one was as
great [a disgrace] as to be beaten in the market-place, and
that what he would not receive from [a common man in his]
loose garments of hair-cloth, neither should he receive from
the ruler of ten thousand chariots He viewed stabbing the
ruler of ten thousand chariots just as stabbing a fellow in
cloth of hair. He feaied not any of the princes. A bad
word addressed to him. he always returned

5 " The valour which Mfog She-shay nourished spoke
on this wise *"! look upon conquering and not conquer-
ing in the same way. To measure the enemy and then ad-
vance ; to calculate the chances of victory and then engage
this is to stand in awe of the opposing force How can
I make certain of conquering ? I can only rise superior to
all fear *

6. ee M&ng She-shay resembled the philosopher Ts&ng, and

Par 2. M&ng Pun was a celebrated bravo, probably of Ts'e, of whom
various feats of strength and darrng are lecoided. The scholar Kaou is pro-
bably the same who gives name to the sixth Book of Mencius, which see

Par 4. Pih-kung Yew belonged, probably, to the State of Wei, and was a
cadet of one of the principal clans in it, sprung from the ruling House.
There was, however, a clan also in Ts'e with the surname of Pih-ktmg
Yew evidently was a bold and reckless fellow

Par, 6. Of M&ng She-shay we know nothing but what we are told here.
He was evidently a bold and fearless man.

Par 6 Pih-kung Yew thought of others, and was determined to conquer,
if lie could , Mng She-shay thought only of himself, and allowed no

164 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS " [BK II

Pih-kung Tew resembled Tsze-hea I do not know to the
valour of wliicli the superiority should be ascribed , but
Mang She-shay attended to what was of the greater im-
portance

7. " Formerly, the philosopher TsSng said to Tsze-seang,
* Do you love valour ? I heaid an account of great valour
from the Master, [who said that it speaks thus] " If
on self-examination I find that I am not upright, shall I not
be afraid of [a common man in his] loose garments of hair-
cloth ; if on self- examination I find that I am upright., I
will go forward against thousands and tens of thousands " *

8 " What MSng She-shay maintained, however, was his
physical energy merely, and was not equal to what the phi-
losopher Tsang maintained, which was [indeed] of the
greater importance JJ

9. [Ch/ow] said, " May I venture to ask [the difference be-
tween] your unperturbed mind, Master,and that of the scholar
Kaou ? v [Mencius] answered, " Elaou says, c What you do
not find in words, do not seek for in your mind what you
do not find in your mind, do not seek for by passion-effort '
[This last] not to seek by passion-effort for what you
do not find in. your mind may be conceded , but not to

fear to enter his mind It is on this account that Menoius gives M^ng the
preference The basis of the reference to the two disciples of Confucius was
the commonly leceived idea of then several characteis Ts&ng (see on
Ana I iv ) -was reflective, and dealt with himself , Tsze-hea was leained and
ambitious, and would not be inferior to others

Par 1 Tsze-se3,ng was a disciple of TsSng The sentiment of Confucius is
the same as that of Solomon, with a characteristic difference of expression
lt The wicked flee when no man pursueth , but the righteous are bold as
a lion "

Par 8 Here we first meet with the character k'e, so important in this
chapter Originally it was the same in form as another meaning " cloudy
vapour " With the addition of the chaiacter for " rice," or that for " fire," it
should indicate " steam of nee," or " steam " generally The sense in which
Mencius uses it is indicated in the translation and in the preliminary note.
That sense spunga from its being use<l as correlate to *in> "the mind,"
taken in connexion with the idea of "energy" inherent in it fiom its
composition Thus it signifies the lower but active portion of man's con-
stitution and in this paragraph, that lower part in its lowest sense,
animal vigour or courage

JPtzr 9 Eaou's principle seems to have~been this, indifference to every-
thing external and entire passivity of mind Modern writers are fond of say-
ing that m his words are to be found the essence of Buddhism, and that his
aim was to obtain, a sort of Buddhistic nirvana ; and perhaps this helps us

PT I CH. H ] KUNG-SUN CH f OW. 1G5

seek in your mind for what you do not find in words ought not
to be conceded For the will is the leader of the passion-
nature , and the passion-natme pervades and animates the
body The will is [first and] chief, and the passion-nature is
subordinate to it Therefore [I] say, Maintain firm the will^
and do no violence to the passion-nature

10. [Ch'ow observed] , "Since you say that the will is chief
and the passion-natuie suboidmate to it, how do you also
say^ Maintain fiim the will, and do no violence to thepabsion-
nature ? " The reply was, " When the will is exclusively
active, then it moves the passion-nature ; and when the
passion-nature is exclusively active, it moves the will For
instance now, the case of a man falling or running- is an ex-
ertion of his passion-nature, and yet it moves his mind."

11 c c I venture to ask " [said Gh/ow again], " wherein
you, Mastei, have the superiority" [Mencius] said, CC ~L
understand words. I am skilful in nourishing my vast,
flowing, passion-nature "

12 [Ch/ow pursued,] <e ~L venture to ask what you mean
by your vast, flowing, passion-nature " The reply was, " It
is difficult to describe it

13. f This is the passion-nature It is exceedingly great,
and exceedingly strong Being nourished by rectitude and
sustaining no injury, it fills up all between heaven and
earth

14 " This is the passion-nature It is the mafco and as-
sistant of righteousness and reason. Without this [man's
nature] is in a state of starvation

15.* cc It is produced by the accumulation of righteous
deeds, and cannot be attained by incidental acts of nghteous-

to a glimpse at his meaning, which is far from "being evident Mencius*
concession of the second of his instructions is not to be understood as an
approval of it, but simply that he did not consider it BO objectionable as the
other , and he goes on to show wherein he considered it to be defective

JPar 10 Oh*ow did not understand what his master had said about the
relation between the mind and the passion-nature and as the latter was
subordinate, he would have had it disregarded altogether Hence his ques-
tion , but Mencius shows that the passion-nature is really a part of our
constitution, acts upon the mind, and is acted on by it, and ought not to be
disregarded

Parr 11 16 Theie is much vain babbling in the Chinese commentators
about " the vast, flowing, pas&ion-nature," to show how the fre of heai en
and earth is the A'* Also of man. Mencius, it seems to me, has befoie his
mind tihe idea of a perfect man, complete in all the parts of his constitution ;

166 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [BZ II.

ness. If tlie mind do not feel complacency in the conduct,,
[the nature becomes] starved Hence it is that I say that
Klaou has never understood righteousness,, because he makes
it something external

16 '* There must be the [constant] practice [of righteous-
ness], but without the object [of thereby nourishing the
passion-nature]. Let not the mind forget [its work], but
let there be no assisting the growth Let us not be like
the man of Sung- There was a mau at Sung who wag
grieved that his growing corn was not longer, and so he
pulled it up He then returned home, looking very stupid,
and said to his people, ' I' am veiy tired to-day , I have
been helping the corn to grow long ' His son ran to look
at it, and found the corn all withered There are few people
in the world who [do not deal with their passion-nature as
if they] were thus assisting their corn to grow long Some
indeed consider it of no benefit to them, and neglect it ,
they do not weed their corn They who assist it to grow
long pull out their corn [What they do is] not only of no
benefit [to the nature], but it also injures ifc y>

17 [Kung-sun Ch'ow further askedj "What do you
mean by saying that you understand words ? " [Mencius]
replied, " When speeches are one-sided, I know how [the
mind of the speaker] is clouded over , when they are ex-
travagant, I know wherein [the mind] is snared , when they
are all- depraved, I know how [the mind] has departed [from
principle] , when they are evasive, I know how [the mind]
is at its [wit^s] end. [These evils], growing in the mind,

and it is this which gives its elevation to his language There 13 much that
is good and impoitant in what he sayt, A votase of ughteous action, -where
the character is at all heroical, as that of Mencius was, pioduces a wonder-
ful boldness and vigour of character. "While a bad conscience makes men
cowards, a good conscience operates as effectually in the contiary direction.

Par 17 With legard to the fiist giound of Menoius' supeuority over
Kaou, his "knowledge of words," as he ib buefei than on the other, so, to
my mind, he is less satisfactory Perhaps he meant to say that, however
gieat the dignity to which he might be laised, his knowledge of words and
ability to refei inconect and injurious speeches to the mental defects fiom
which they spi ang would keep him. from being deluded, and pieseive his
mind unperturbed One of the scholar^ Ch'ing, uses this illubtiation
"Mencius, with his knowledge of woids was like a man seated in a hall,
who can distinguish all the movements o the people below it, which he
could not do if it weie necessaiy for him to descend and mingle with the
crowd "

PT I CH II ] KUN3-SUST CE. r OW 167

injure the [principles of the] government, and,, displayed in
the government,, are huitful to the conduct of affaiis. When
a sage shall again aiise,hewill certainly agree with [these]
my words "

18 On this Ch'ow observed, ef Tsae Wo and Tsze-kung
were clever in making speeches ; Jen New, the disciple Mm,
and Yen Yuen, while their words were good, were distin-
guished for their vntuous conduct Confucius united both
the qualities, [but still he] said, f In the matter of speeches I
am not competent ' Then, Master, have you attained to be a
sage ? "

19. fMencius] replied, " Oh ' what words are these ? For-
meily Tsze-kung asked Confucius, saying, ' Master, are you
a sage ? 9 and was answered, ' To be a sage is what I cannot
[claim] , but I learn without satiety, and teach without
being tired J Tsze-kung rejoined, 'You learn without sa-
tiety , that shows your wisdom You teach without being
tired , that shows your benevolence Benevolent and wise
Master, you are a sage ' Now, since Confucius would not
accept the position of a sage, what words were those [you
spake about me] ? "

20. [Ch'ow said], "Formerly, it seems to me, I have heard
that Tsze-hea, Tsze-yew, and Tsze-chang had each one
membei of a sage, and that Jen New, the disciple Mm, and
Yen Yuen had all the members, but in small proportions. I
venture to ask with which of these you are pleased to rank
yourself "

21 [Mencius] replied, ef Let us drop [speaking about]
these if you please "

22. [Ch'ow then] asked., " What do you say of Pih-e and

The concluding remark gives rise to the rest of the chapter, it seeming to
Oh'ow that Mencius placed himself "by it on the platform of sages

JPat 18 Compare Ana XI n 2, to the enumeration in which of the
excellencies of several of Confucius' disciplets there seems to be here a refer-
ence. But the point of Ch'ow's question lies in the remark of the sage
about himself, found nowhere else, and obscure enough He thinks that
Mencius is taking more upon himself than Confucius did.

Parr 19 21. Menoius disclaims being regarded as a sage: but does he
indicate that he thought himself superior to all the disciples of Confucius
mentioned by Ch'ow, even to Yen Yuen ? Hardly so much as that ; but
that he would not be content with them as his model

Parr 22 24. Pih-e, see on Ana V. 3331. E Yin, see my note on the
title of Book IV. Part IV. of the Shoa Mencms discourses fully on both

168 THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS. [BE II

E Yin ? " " Their ways," said [Mencius], "were different
[from mine], JSTot to serve a prince nor employ a people
whom he did not approve, in a time of good government to
take office, and in a time of disorder to letiie, this was
[the way of] Pih-e. [To say], ' Whom may I not serve as
my ruler ? Whom may I not emplo7 as my people ? ' In a
time of good government to take office, and in a time of dis-
order to do the same this was [the way of] E Yin. When
it was proper to go into office; then to go into office, and
when it was proper to keep aloof from office, then to keep
aloof, when it was proper to continue in it long, then to do
so, and when it was proper to withdraw from it quickly, then
so to withdraw : that was [the way of] Confucius These
were all sages of antiquity, and I have not attained to do
what they did ; but what I wish to do is to learn to be like
Confucius "

23 [Ch'ow] said, " Comparing Pih-e and E Yin with
Confucius, are they to be placed in the same rank with him ? "
The reply was, " No Since there were living men until
now, there never was [another] Confucius "

24. " Then," said [Ch'ow], " did they have any points of
agreement [with him] ? " " Yes/' said [Mencius] , " if they
had been rulers over a hundred le of territory, they would
all of them have brought all the feudal princes to attend at
their court, and would have possessed all under the sky
And none of them, to obtain that, would have committed one
act of -unrighteousness, or put to death one innocent person
In these points they agreed with him '*

25. [Ch f ow] said, " I venture to ask wherein he differed
from them " [Mencius] replied, u Tsae Wo, Tsze-kung,
and Yew Joh had wisdom sufficient to know the sage

these ancient worthies in V 11 I , et al The different way* of them and of
Confucius have been thus expressed ' The principle of Pih-e was to keep
himself pure , that of E Yin, to take office , and that of Confucius, to do
what the tune requned " But while thus differing, they would equally keep
aloof from whatever was unrighteous, however they might he tempted

Par. 25 Yew Joh, see on Ana I. 11 With parr 26 28 compare the
eulogium of Confucius in the Doctrine of the Mean, chh xxx. xxxn , and also
Ana XTX chh ixiu xxv. It is in vain the western leader tries to quicken,
himself to any conebponding appreciation of the sage We look for the
being whom his disciples describe aa vainly as we do lor the fabulous &'e-lvn
and ph<enix, to which they compare him The k'd is properly the male, anfl
the Un th.9 female of the animal referred to, a monster with a deer's body,

PT I CH III ] KUNG-STO CH r OW 1 69

[Even if we rank them] low, they would not have demeaned
themselves to natter then favourite

26 " Tsae Wo said, f According to my view of the Master,
he is far superior to Yaou and Shun/

27. "Tsze-kung said,, ' By viewing the ceremonial ordi-
nances [of a ruler] we know [the character of] Lis govern-
ment ; aud by hearing his music we know [that of] his vir-
tue Along the distance of a hundred ages, I can arrange,
[according to their merits] , the line of their kings, so that
not one can escape me , and from the birth of mankind
downwards there has not been [another like our] Master y

28 ff Yew Joh said, ' Is it only among men that it is so ?
There is the JSe-hn among quadrupeds, the phoenix among
birds, the T f ae mountain among ant-hills, the Ho and the
sea among ram-pools [Though different in degree], they
are the same in kind. And so the sages among mankind
are the same in kind But they stand out from their fellows,
and rise up above the crowd , and from the birth of man-
kind till now there never has been one so complete as Con-
fucius/ "

III 1 Mencius said, ct He who, using force,, makes
a pretence to benevolence becomes the leader of the princes,,
and he must be possessed of a large State He who, nsing
virtue, practises benevolence becomes the king, and he
need not wait till he has a large State T'ang did it with
[only] seventy le, and king Wan with [only] a hundred Ze,

2 c c When one by force subdues men they do not submit
to him in heart, but because their strength is not adequate

an ox's tail, and a horse's feet, Sec , which appears to greet the birth of a
sage, or the reign of a sage soveieign Bo in fung-hroanff, which I hare
rendered ph&nia; the names of the male and female are put togefchei to de-
note one individual of either sex In the words " nse up above the crowd,"
the image is that of stalks of grass or grain, shooting high above the level
of the waving field

OH. TTT THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A. LEADER OF THE FRINGES AND A.
TBUE SOVEREIGN ARISES FBOM SUBMISSION CQNBTKA TKRP BY FORCE AND
THAT ACCORDED TO VIRTUE AND BENEVOLENCE

Par 1 T'ang was the founder of the Bhang dynasty, as king Wan was
of that of Ohow The size of their States is that of their hereditary pos-
sessions , though we know that those of the House of Chow had Increased
very largely before the final struggle between, it and that of Shang, con-
ducted by fcTng Woo, the son of Wan

1^0 THE WORKS OF MBNCIUS. [BE II

[to resist] WJien one subdues men by virtue, in tlieir
hearts^ core they are pleased, and sincerely submit, as was
the case with the seventy disciples in their submission to
Confucius. "What is said in the Book of Poetry,

' From the west to the east,
Fiom the south to the north,
Theie was not a thought but did him homage,'

is an illustration of this "

TV 1 Mencius said, " Benevolence brings glory, and the
opposite of it brings disgrace For [the rulers of] the
present day to hate disgrace, and yet live complacently
doing what is not benevolent, is like hating moisture and yet
living in a low situation

2 " If [a ruler] hates disgrace, his best course is to esteem
virtue and honour [virtuous] scholars, giving the worthiest
of them places [of dignity] and the able offices [of trust].
When throughout the State there is leisure and rest [fiom
external troubles], taking advantage of such a season, let
him clearly digest the measures of his government with their
penal sanctions, and even great States will stand in awe of
him

Pa/r 2. " The seyenty disciples " is a round number See on the disciples
of Confucius in the Prolegomena to \ ol i of my larger Work The ode
from \\ hich the quotation is made is the last of the hrst Book of the thud Part
of the She, celebiating the kings Wan and Woo The lines quoted lefei
specially to Woo Tsow Haou, a statesman and scholar of the llth centuiy,
sayb on this chapter <c He who subdues men by force has the intention of
subduing them, and they dare not but submit He who subdues them by vntue
has no intention to subdue them, and they cannot but submit Fiom antiquity-
down wards there have been many dissertations on the leader of the pimoea
and the true bovereign, but none t>o deep, incisive, and perspicuous as this
chapter "

CH IV TEE INCONSISTENCY OF A ETTLER'S SEEKING- TO BE GBEAT AND

GLOEIOUB BY ANY OTIIEB COTTRSE BUT THAT OB 1 BENEVOLENCE CALA-
MITY AND HAPPINESS A~ff,TO MEN'S OWN SEEKING

Par 1 " Glory " here is not only the glory of reputation, but specially that
of success and high position.

Par* 2 Oompaie with this the 20th chapter of the "Doctrine of the
Mean"

PT I CH V] KTJSTG-StTN CH f OW. 171

3 " It is said in the Book of Poetry,

' Befoie the sky was daik -with ram,
I ^athcied the roots of the mulbeiry tree,
And bound round and round mj \\mdow and door
Now j e people below,
Dai e any of you despise my house '

" ConfucmssaicL, ' Did not lie who made tins ode understand
tlie \vay [of governing] <* 3 Who will dare to insult him who
is able rightly to govern his State ?

4 " [But] now [the luleis] take advantage of the time
when, throughout their States there is leisure and rest [from
external troubles] to abandon themselves to pleasure and
indolent indifference, thus seeking calamities for them-
selves.

5. cc Calamity and happiness are in all cases men's own
seeking

6 (f This is illustrated by what is said in the Book of
Poetry,

' Always strive to accoid with, the will [of heaven],
So shall you be seeking for much happiness , '

and "by the passage of the T f ae-keah, f Calamities sent by
Heaven may be avoided, but when we bring on the calamities
ourselves, it is not possible to live.' "

V 1 . Mencius said, " If [a ruler] give honour to men
of talents and virtue and employ the able., so that offices
shall all be filled by individuals of the highest distmc-

Pcvr 3 See the She, Pt I xv Ode II , where the. duke of Chow personat-
ing a small hiid addressing an owl, vindicates the vigour of his measures m
suppressing rebellion Mencius adduces the stanza, with the moial of it as
expounded by Confucius, to show how a rulei should strengthen himself by
vigorous and precautionary measures

JPctr? 4 6 Par 4 shows how the rulers of his time took no such
measures, but pursued a thoughtless, reckless course of an opposite tendency,
For ihe poetry quoted in pa-r G see the She, III i Ode I , and ior the
passage fiom the T'ae-keah, see the Shoo, IV v , Pt 11 3.

Co. Y FIVE POINTS OF TBUBJ EOTAL GOVEBISMEKT, THE PRACTICE OF

WHICH WOULD HAVE CABBIED AKTT OP THE PEINCES OF MENCTT7S' TIME TO
THE THBOBTE OF THE WHOLE KINGDOM ON THE TIDE OF TJIUVEBSAL POPT7-

Par 1. Compare the first part of par 2 in the previous chapter The

172 THE WOBKS OF MEtfCIUS, [BE II.

tion, then all tlie scliolars of the kingdom will be pleased,
and wisli to stand in his court

2 fc If in the market-places he levy a ground-rent on the
shops bnt do not tax the goods, or enforce the [proper] regu-
lations without levying a ground-rent, then all traders of the
kingdom will be pleased, and wish to store their goods in his
market-places

3 " If at the frontier-gates there be an inspection of the
persons, but no charges levied, then all the travellers of the
kingdom will be p] eased, and wish to be found on his roads,

4 fc If the husbandmen be required to give their material
aid [in cultivating the public field], and no levies be made

>f the produce of their own], then all the farmers in the
ngdom will be pleased, and wish to plough in his fields.
5. f< If from the [occupiers of the] peopled dwellings he do
not exact the cloth required from the individual [idler] or

point described here would have "brought all the scholais, 01 the official class,
of the different States to the court of the ruler who practised it

Par 2 describes the second point which would have attracted all the
traders and men of business from the four quaiters Aocoiding to Choo He,
the capitals and large cities in those ancient times weie laid out after the
fashion of the division of the land in portions of nine equal squares as in
the figure g], where the cen fetal squaie contained the fields of the State.
The central squaie in the cities contained the palace and buildings connected
with it , that in front of it, the ancestral and othei temples, the #o\ eminent
treasuries, arsenals, &c ; that behind it was the market-place, 01 place of busi-
ness , and the three squares on each side \v ei e occupied by the dw ellmgb of the
people. He adds that when tradeis became too many, a giouud-rent was
levied on then stances or shops , and that when they were few, it was re-
mitted, and only a surveillance of the markets \vas exeicised by the proper
officers That surveillance consisted m the inspection of weights and
measures, legulation of pi ices, &o This view seems to give us a satisfactory
meaning for this paragraph Chaou K'e understands the second clause in
it of the tithe of the produce of the ground, but it is foreign to the object
of Mencius to introduce that subject in speaking of the tiaders in the mar-
ket-place

Pat. 3 See I. Pfc i VII 18 , Pt n V 8 The "travellers," I suppose,
would mostly consist of men moving 1 fipm State to State in the prosecution
of business

Par 4 The levying of a tax, an additional tithe, on the produce of the
fields which by the theory of the division of the land were the piivate pos-
session of the husbandmen, commenced in Loo in the 1 6th year of duke
Seuen see in the Ch<un Ts'ew and the Tao Chuen, on VII xn 8 Other
States, no doubt, had adopted the practice of Loo m the matter

Par 5. It is difficult to deteimme the meaning of this paiagraph Ancient-
ly a fine had been levied on the idleis who neglected to plant mulberry-
trees and hemp about the ground assigned to them for their huts and dwell-

PT I CH. VI ] KUtfG-SUN CH f OW. 173

the quota for residences, then all the people in the kingdom
will be pleased, and wish to he his people

' ' If [a ruler] can truly practise these five things., then the
people of neighbouring States will look up to him as a pa-
rent. From the first birth of mankind until now never has
any one led children to attack their parents, and succeeded
in his enterprise Such [a ruler] will not have an enemy
under the sky,, and he who has no enemy under the sky is the
minister of Heaven Never has there been such a case
where [the luler] did not attain to the royal dignity yy

VI 1 Mencius said, '"''All men have a mind which
cannot bear [to see the sufferings of] otheis

2 " The ancient kings had this commiserating mind; and
they had likewise, as a matter of course, a commiserating-

ings besides the fields -which were de\oted to the cultivation of gram,
being at fitst so much, cloth, and subsequently the equivalent of that in
money Then, some giound-rent was levied perhaps fiom all the husband-
men for the giound so assigned for their dwellings These two taxes appear
in Mencius' time to have been levied fiom all occupying the thiee side-
spaces of the cities to which I have referred in pir 2 , and it is this exac-
tion which Mencius heie condemns Manv of the le^idents in those spaces
would be the mechanics of the States , and thus the five points recommended
in this chapter would secure the good-will of the four classes into which the
population was anciently divided scholars or the official class, husband-
men, mechanics, and tiaders

Par G ** The minister of Heaven" appears again in Pt n VILE 2 On
this designation one commentator observes "An officer is one commissioned
by his lulei , the oflicei of Heaven is he who is commissioned by Heaven.
He who beais his luler's commission can punish men and put them to
death , he may deal so with all criminals He who bears the commission
of Heaven can execute judgment on men and smite them , he can deal so
even with all who are oppressing and misgoverning their States."

CH VI THAT THE PBUTCIPLES OE BISTEVOLEN-OE, BIOHTEOUSNBSS, PBO-

PBIETY, AND KNOWLEDGES BELONG TO MAN AS NATTJBALLY AS HIS POTTO

LIMBS, AND MAT AS EASILY BE EXERCISED This chapter is important in its
connexion with the doctrine of Menoius respecting the goodness of human
nature , but while the assertions of it are universally true, they are to be
understood as introduced here with special reference to the oppressive ways
and government of the princes of his time

Par 1. Compare parr 4, 5, 6 m I Pt i. VII Chaoa 'Sfv and many
others understand the language about " the mind that cannot bear other
men," as if it meant et the mind that cannot bear [to mjtire] others." But it
is not so much canno* bear to inflict suffering, as cannot bear to see
suffering Those paragraphs make this plain, as well as the illustration
which immediately follows here in par, 3.

171 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS [BEIT.

government. When with a commiserating mind there was
practised a commiserating government^ to bring all under
heaven to order was [as easy] as to make [a small thing] go
round 111 the palm

3 " The ground on which I say that all men have a xuind
which cannot bear [to see the sufFeiing of] others is this
Even now-a-daySj when men suddenly see a child about
to fall into a well, they will all experience a feeling of alarm
and distress They will feel so not that they may thereon,
gain the favour of the child's parents , nor that they may
seek the piaise of their neighbours and fuends; nor from
a dislike to the leputation of [being unmoved by] such a
thing

4: " Looking at the matter from this case, [we may see
that] to be without this feeling of distiess is not human, and
that it is not human to be without the ieeling of shame and
dislike, or to be without the feeling of modesty and com-
plaisance, or to be without the feeling of approving and dis-
approving

5. "That feeling of distress is the principle of benevo-
lence , the feeling of shame and dislike is the principle of
righteousness the feeling of modesty and complaisance
is the principle of propriety , and the feeling of approving
and disapproving is the principle of knowledge

6 cc Men have these four principles ju&t as they have
their four limbs When men., having these four punciples,
yet say of themselves that they cannot [manifest them],
they play the thief with themselves _, and he who says of

Par 8 The object here is to prove that the feeling of commiseration is
instinctive, and does not Bpimg up from any consideiations of inteiest or
advantage to be got by it

Part 4, 5 In par 4 -we have Mencius' account of the moral constitution
of human nature <e The feeling of distress, of hhame," &c , is in the original
* f the mind that feels distress, shame," &c The mind is one, but all these
feelings are natural to it, and make it what it is * Principle " in par 6, is
the right translation of the ongmal term, meaning " the "beginning," as Hie
end of a clue, &c The feeling of distress is in itself benevolent, and from
the primary feeling all benevolent feelings and actions may be developed
" Knowledge " is the only term with which I am not satisfied Would
" wisdom '* be a better woid, with the meaning it has in such passages of the
Bible as ct The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom ? "

Parr 6, 7. " To play the thief with one's self, or with one's lulei," oa to

PT I CH VII ] KTOG-STO CH/OW 175

his ruler that he cannot [manifest them], plays the thief with
his ruler.

7. " Since we all have the four principles in ourselves, let
us know to give them all their development and completion,
and the issue will be like that of a fhe which has begun to
burn, or of a spring which has begun to find vent Let them
have their full development, and they will suffice to love and
protect all [within] the foui seas , let them be denied that
development, and they will not suffice for a man to serve his
parents with "

"VII 1 Mencius said, "Is the arrow-maker [naturally]
more wanting in benevolence than the maker of mail? [And
yet], the arrow-maker's only fear is lest [his arrows]
should not wound men, and the fear of the maker of mail
is lest men should be wounded So it is as between the
priest and the coffin-maker [The choice of] a profes-
sion therefore is a thing in which it is very necessary to be
careful.

2 ee Confucius said, ' The excellence of a neighbourhood
consists in its virtuous mannei s If a man, in selecting a re-
sidence, do not fix on one where such prevail, how can he be
wise ? * Now benevolence belongs to the most honourable
nobility of Heaven, and is the quiet home where man should
dwell Since no one can hinder us from being so, if we are
not benevolent, this shows our want of wisdom.

injure and rob one's self or one's luler, taking away from him that which
properly belongs to him In par 7 Menoitls must begin the application of
his principles with an " if " His analysis of human nature is admirable,
but something is the matter with it of which he is not aware

CH. VIC THE PRINCIPLE OF BENEVOLENCE SHOULD DOMINATE IN ALL

THE PROFESSIONS OP LIFE, IN THE BUSINESS OP GO VEHEMENT AND IN
THE ARTS OF LOWEB WALKS THE BENEVOLENT BULEB WELL NETEBBE A.
8EBVANT OF OTHEBS, AND HE WHO IS SO TTAB ONLY HIMSELF TO BLAME

The argument of Mencius in this chapter is more loosely put forth than in his
general practice, and it is more difficult to set it forth concisely.

JPar. I The term which I have translated "priest" here occurs in the
Analects, XIII. xxii , where it is translated by " wizard " See the passage
As opposed to a " coffin-maker," who makes provision for the death of men,
it indicates one by whose prayers and other methods it is sought to procure
life and prosperity for men.

Par. 2. See Ana. IV. i.

176 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS [BK II

3. "He who is [thus] neither benevolent nor wise will
be without propriety and righteousness^ and must be the
servant of [other] men To be the servant of men and
yet ashamed of snch servitude is like a bow-maker's
being ashamed to make bows, or an ai row-maker's being
ashamed to make arrows

4 <c If [a man] be ashamed of being in such a case^ his best
course is to practise benevolence

5 "He who [would be] benevolent is like the archer The
archer adjusts himself, and then shoots If he shoot and do
not hit, he does not murmur against those who surpass
himself he simply turns round, and seeks the [cause of
failure] in himself."

YITI 1 Mencius said, "When any one told Tsze-loo
that he had a fault, he was glad.

2. " When Yu heard good words, he bowed [to the
speaker] .

3. " The great Shun had a [still] greater [quality] he
regarded goodness as the common property of himself and
others, giving up his own way to follow others, and delight-
ing to copy [the example of] others, in order to practise
what was good

4 " From the time that he ploughed and sowed, exer-
cised the potter's art and was a fisherman, to that when he
was emperor, he was always learning from others

Par 3 The first clanse here flows from the previous par , and the next
seems to show what will be the consequence of being devoid of benevolence
and wisdom, and the whole will result in servitude to otheis That icsult
is natuial, and he who grieves under it has only himself to blame

Par 5 Compare Ana III vn and xvi.

OH YIII HOW SAGES AKD WORTHIES DELIGHTED IN WHAT WAS GOOD
3*O HELP OTHERS TO PRACTISE GOODNESS IS A GREAT INSTANCE OF VIRTUE

Par 1 Tsae-loo's ardour in pursuing his self -improvement appeaiu in Ana
Y. xiii., and other places , but the particular point mentioned here is not
mentioned anywhere else

Par. 2 See the Shoo, II iii 1

Par. 8 Shun's distinction was that he did not think of himself as" Tstfe-
Ido did, nor of others' as To did, but only of what was good, and was na-
coiawiusly cirtied to it wherever he saw it

Par. 4 It is related of Shun that in his early days lie ploughed At the
foot of the Leih mountain, did potter's work on the banks of the He, fished
in the Luy late, made various implements on the Show mountain, and often

PT I CH IX ] KUNG-SON- CH C OW 177

5. e< To take example from others to piactise what is good
is to help men in the same practice Therefore there is no
attribute of the superior man greater than his helping men
to practise what is good 39

IX. 1. Mencius said, ff Pih-e would not serve a ruler
whom he did not approve, nor "be friendly with any one whom
he did not esteem He would not stand in the court of a
bad man, nor speak with a bad man. To stand in. a bad
man's court, or to speak with a bad man, would havebeen in his
estimation the same as to stand with his court robes and court
cap amid mire and charcoal. Pursuing our examination of
his dislike to what was evil, [we find] that he thought it
necessary, if he were standing with a villager whose cap was
not rightly adjusted, to leave him with a high air as if he
were going to be defiled Hence it was, that, though some
of the princes made application to him with very proper mes-
sages, he would not accept [their invitations] That refusal
to accept [their invitations] was because he counted it in-
consistent with his purity to go to them.

2. " Hwuy of Lew-hea was not ashamed [to serve] an im-
pure ruler, nor did he think it low to be in a small office.
When called to employment, he did not keep his talents and
virtue concealed, but made it a point to carry out his prin-
ciples. When neglected and left out of office, he did not mur-
mur , and when straitened by poverty, he did not grieve.
Accordingly, he would say, ' You are you, and I am I. Al-
though you stand by my side with bare arms and breast,
how can you defile me ? * In this way, self-possessed,, he
associated with men indifferently, and did not feel that he
lost himself. If pressed to remain in office, he would re-
main. He would remain in office when so pressed, because
he did not feel that his purity required him to go away/'

3. Mencius said, " Pih-e was narrow-minded, and Hwuy of

resided at Foo-hea There will be occasion to consider where these places
were in connexion with some of Mencius 5 future references to him On his
elevation to be emperor see the first Book of the Shoo

CH IX PlOTTTEES OF PlH-E AITD EWUX OF LEW-HEA , AUD MENX3IUS 1
JUDGMENT COaCEKtflNG THBK

Par I Pih-e, see on oh. 11 22. ^^ ^^^^

Pew 2 Hwuy of Lew-hea, see on Ana XV xiii , J&.V.JJUL ii , vm.

JPar 3 By ** the superior man," Menoius, perhaps, tacitly refers to nimself

VOL n. 12

178 THE WORKS OF MEtfCTTTS [EF IT.

Lew-Lea was wanting in self-respect The superior man
will not follow either narrow-mindedness or the want of
self-respect/*

BOOK II.

RUNG- SOT CH'OW. PART II.

CHAPTER I. 1 Mencms said, ef Opportunities of time
[vouchsafed by] Heaven are not equal to advantages of situ-
ation [afforded by] the earth, and advantages of situation
[afforded by] the earth are not equal to the strength [arising
from the] accord of men.

2. ec [There is a city],, with an inner wall of three le in
circumference and an outer wall of seven [The enemy]
surround and attack it, but are not able to take it Now, to
surround and attack it, there must have been vouchsafed to
them by Heaven the opportunity of time, and in such case
their not taking it is because opportunities of time [vouch-
safed by] Heaven are not equal to advantages of situation
[afforded by] the earth

3 " [There is a city] whose walls are as high and moats

as having taken Confucius for his model One commentator saj s on this
paragraph , **Elsewheie Mencms adviseb men to imitate E and Hwuy, but
be is there speaking to the weak , when here he advises not to fohow them,
he is speaking for those who wish to do the right thing at the right time "

OH I NO ADVANTAGES WHICH A RULER CAN OBTAIN FOB THE PURPOSE
OP DEFENCE, OR TO EXALT HIM OVER OTHERS, ARE EQUAL TO HIS POSSESS-
ING- THE HEARTS OP JMEN Because of this chapter Menoius has got a place
in China among the writers on the art of war, which surely he would not
have wished to claim for himself, his design being to supersede the recourse
to aims altogether

Par 1 Chinese commentators have much to say about ascertaining the
" time of Heaven " by divination and astrology but all this is to be set abide
as foreign to the mind of Mencms in the text, though many exampleb of the
resort to those arts can be adduced from ancient records " The accoid of
men " is the loyal union of the people with their ruler

Par 2 The city here supposed, with its double circle of fortification, is a
small one, the better to illustrate the superiority of advantage of situation,
just as that in the next par is a large one, to bring out the still greater supe-
uority of the nmon of men A city of the dimensions specified here was-
the capital of a baronial State

FT II CH. II ] ZntTQ-SUN CH C OW. 179

as deep as could be desiied, and wliere the arms and mail
[of its defenders] are distinguished for their sharpness and
strength, and the [stores of] rice and gram are abundant ,
yet it has to be given up and abandoned This is because
advantages of situation [afforded by] the earth are not equal
to the [strength arising from the] accord of men.

4. " In accordance with these principles it is said, e A
people is bounded in not by the limits of dykes and borders ;
a State is secured not by the strengths of mountains and
streams , the kingdom is overawed not by the sharpness of
arms [and strength] of mail ' He who finds the proper
course has many to assist him, and he who loses it has few
When this the being assisted by few reaches the extreme
point, [a ruler 3 s] own relatives and connexions revolt from
him When the being assisted by many reaches its extreme
point, all under heaven become obedient [to the ruler] .

5 " When one to whom all under heaven are prepared to be-
come obedient attacks one from whom his own relatives and
connexions are ready to revolt, [what must the result be ?]
Therefore the true ruler will [prefer] not [to] fight, but if
he do fight, he is sure to overcome."

II 1 As Mencius was about to go to court to the king,
the king sent a person to him with this message : " I was
wishing to come and see you But I have got a cold, and
may not expose myself to the wind In the morning I will
hold my court, I do not know whether you will, give
me the opportunity of seeing you ? " [Mencius] replied,

Par 4: " The proper course " intended is that style of government on the
principles of benevolence and righteousness which 13 sure to unite the hearts
of the people to their luler te Relatives" are relatives by blood , " connex-
ions," merely relatives by affinity

CH n How MENOIUS CONSIDERED THAT IT WAS SLIGHTING- HIM FOB
THE Knsra OP TS'E TO CALL HIM BY MESSENGERS TO GO x "> COTTET TO SEE

HIM , ANJ> THE SHIFTS HE WAS PUT TO TO GET THIS TTNDEBSTOOD It

must be understood that Mencius was in Ts'e simply as an honoured guest,
in his capacity of teacher or philosopher, and had not accepted any official
position with the salary attached to it It was for him to pay his respects at
court, if he wished to do so j but if the king- wished to show him respect
and to afak his counsel, it was for him to go to him, and beg his instructions
Par* 1 The morning, as soon as it was light, was the regular time for the
king and feudal princes to give audience to their ministers and officers, ajid
arrange about the administration of affair*, , and this is also the modern
practice in China The king's saying that he had a cold was merely a pre-

ISO THE WOEES OF MEHCIUS. [BE II.

ft Unfortunately I am unwell, and not able to go to court "

2 Next day he went out to pay a visit of condolence to
the Tung- tw oh family, when Kung-sun Ch'ow said to him,
<c Yesterday you declined [going to the court] on the ground
of being unwell, and to-day you are paying a visit of condo-
lence may not this be regarded as improper ? " cc Yes-
terday/' said [Men cms], " I was unwell ; to-day I am bet-
ter why should I not pay this vi&it ? "

3 [In the mean time] the king sent a messenger to inquire
about his illness, and a physician [also] came [from the
couit] M3,ng Chung replied to them, " Yesterday, when
the king's oider came, he was feeling a little unwell, and
could not go to the court To-day he was a little better and
hastened to go to court I do not know whether he can
have reached it [by this time] or not " [Having said this,]
he sent several men to mteicept [Mencms] on the way, and
say to him that he begged him, before he returned, to be sure
and go to the court

4 [On this, Mencius] felt himself compelled to go to King
Cb/ow's, and there stop the night The officer King said to
him, tc In the family there is [the relation of] father and son ;
beyond it there is [that of J ruler and minister These
are the greatest relations among men. Between father and

tence , he wanted to get Menciu& to come to him Mencius* saying that he
was unwell wus equally a pretence Compaie Confucius' conduct m Ana.

xvn xx

Par 2 Tung-kwoh was a clan name in Ts'e, taking its rise from the
quaiter where the foundei of it had lived Some member of the family had
died, and Mencius now went to it to pay a visit of condolence, that the king
might hear of his doing so, and undei stand the lesson he had meant to give
him the day hefore by saying that he was unwell The disciple did not un-
derstand the leason of his proceeding, and oui philosopher, we think, had
bettei have told it to him plainly than go on to fuither prevarication

fai 3 Miing Chung must have been a near relative of Mencms some
&\y that be was a son t others, a nephew " He was a little unwell " is in
Chinese "he had anxiety about gatheimg firewood " To do tins was the
business of the children of the common people, from which sickness
alone could gn e them a dispensation Used of Menoius it was an expres-
sion of humility Neither did Milng Chung undeistand the conduct of his
fathei or uncle , and having committed himself to a falsehood about it, he
took the step which is related to get Mencius to go to court to make his own
words good

JPar 4 Mencius was resolved that the king should know the reason of his
not going to oouit , and as the words of MS.ng Chung interfered with his
first plan for that puipose, he now went to another officei of Ts'e whose ao-

FT II CH II ] ETTN-G-SUS CH f OW 181

son the ruling' principle is kindness , "between ruler and
minister the ruling principle is respect I nave seen the
respect of the king to you. Sir, but I have not seen in what
way you show respect to him " The reply was, " Oh ' what
woicU are these ? Among the people of Ts'e there is no one
who speaks to the king about benevolence and righteousness.
Is it becanse they think that benevolence and righteousness
are not admirable ? No , but in their hearts they say, c This
man is not fit to be spoken with about benevolence and right-
eousness * Thus they manifest a disrespect than which there
can be none greater I do not dare to set forth befoie the
king 1 any but the ways of Yaou and Shun There is there-
fore no man of Ts'e who respects the king so much as I do 3i

5 King-tsze said, " Not so , that was not what I meant
In the Book of Kites it is said^ e When a father calls, the
son must go to him without a moment's hesitation ; when
the prince's order calls,. the carriage must not be waited for/
Tou were certainly going to court, but when you heard the
king's message, you did not carry the purpose out This
does seem as if your conduct were not in accordance with
that rule of propriety "

6 [Mencms] answered "him., ee How can you give that
meaning to my conduct ? The philosopher Tsiing said,
* The wealth of Tsin and Ts'oo cannot be equalled Their
[rulers] have their wealth, and I have my benevolence.
They have their rank ; and I have my righteousness.
Wherein should I be dissatisfied [as inferior to them] ?'
Now were these sentiments not right ? Seeing that the
philosopher TsSng gave expression to them, there is in them,
I apprehend, a [real] principle Under heaven there are
three things universally acknowledged to be honouiable
rank , years ; and virtue In courts, rank holds the first
place of the three , in villages, years ; and for helping one's
generation and presiding over the people, virtue. How can
the possession of only one of them be presumed on to despise
one who possesses the other two ?

quaintanoe he enjoyed, and talked the matter over with him fully, that
through him the whole thing might reach the king's ears

far 6 The passages quoted by the officer King from the Book of Bites
(I Pt I in 14 , SUII in 2) were not fully applicable to Menoius, who did
not consul tji himself a minister of Ts*e He was there as an honoured visitor,
and would only take office if he saw reason to believe that the king would
follow h.s counsels

182 THE WORKS OF MENCItJS. [BK II.

7 tc Therefore, a prince who is to accomplish great deeds
will certainly have ministers whom he does not call to go to
him When he wishes to cousalt with them,, he goes to them.
[The ruler] who does not honour the virtuous and delight in
their ways of doing to this extent is not worth having to do
with

S (C Accoi dmgly, so did T f ang behave to E. Yin. he
learned of him, and then employed him as his minister, and
&o without difficulty he became king And so did duke
HWAII behave to Kwan Chung he learned of him., and then
employed him as his minister, and so without difficulty he
became leader of the princes

9 "Now throughout the kingdom [the territories of] the
punces are of equal extent and in their achievements they
are on a level. Not one of them is able to exceed the others
This is fiom no other reason but that they love to mako
namisters of those whom they teach,, and do not love to
make ministers of those bv whom they might be taught.

10 " So did T'ang behave to E Yin, and duke Hwan to
Kwan Chung, that tkey would not ventuie to call them [to
them] If even Kwan Chung could not be called to him.
[by his ruler], how much less may he be called who would
not play the pare of Kwan Chung I 33

III. 1. Ch'm Tain asked [Mencius], saying, ee Former-

Par 8 "We are told that it was only after T'ang bad five times solicited
the piesence of E Ym by special mea&engeis that that v^oithy was induced to
#0 to him See the confidence leposed by duke Hwan in Kwan Chung in
Pt I i 3 Kwan was taken to TVe onginally as a prisoner to be put to
death, but the duke, knowing- hia ability and worth, had deteimmed to
make him his chief mimsfcei, and theiefoie, having fiist caused him to be
leheved of his fetters, hediove himself out of his capital and met him
with all distinction, listening to a long discourse fiom him on government

Par 9 All things were ready for one prince to exceed all the others*, and
to be made king , but no one would follow the counsels of Menoma which
would have resulted in such an issue

Pat. 10 Compaie Pt I i 4.

CH III BY WHAT PKENdlPLES MENOIUS WAS GtTTTDBJ} IN RECEIVING OS
DECLINING- THfc GIFTS TENDERED TO HIM BY-THE PKLNCES The practice of

reoeiMng giitb fiom the piinces whom he condemned wat> one of the weak
points m Menoius' life, and his disciples were evidently stumbled by it He
had always something to say, however, in reply t J their doubts and ques-
tions , ingenious, if not altogether satisfactory

Par. 1. Ch'm. Tsm was one of Mencius* disciples, but this is all that is

pr ii CH iv ] KUNG-SUIT CH'OW 183

3y, wlien you were in Ts'e, tlie king 1 sent you a present
of 2jOOO taels of fine silver, and you refused to accept it
"When you were in Sung, 1,400 taels were sent to you,
which you accepted, and wlien you were in Seeh, 1,000
taels were sent, which you [likewise] accepted. If youi
declining the gift in the first case was right, your accepting
it in the latter cases was wrong If your accepting it in flie
latter cases was right, your declining it in the first case
was wrong You must accept, Master, one of these alterna-
tives "

2. Mencius said, " I did right in all the cases.

3 " ^VTien I was in Sung, I was about to take a long
jouiney. Travellers must be provided with what is neces-
sary for their expenses. The [prince's] message was c A
present against travelling expenses.' Why should I not have
received it ?

4. " When I was in Seeh, I was apprehensive for my safety,
and wished to take measures for my protection. The mes-
sage [with the gift] was ' I have heard that you are ap-
piehensive for your safety, and therefoie I send you this to
help you in procuring weapons ' Why should I not have
received it ?

5 et But as to the case in Tt/e, I had then no occasion
for money To send a man a gift, when lie has no occasion
for it, is to bribe him How can one claim to be a superior
man, and allow himself to be taken with a bribe ? "

TV. 1. Mencius, having gone to P'mg-luh, said to the

known of him N"oi can we tell to what period of our philosopher's life thia
conversation should be referred Fine silver, is, literally, "double metal , "
t e , silvei (not gold) woith twice as much as that in oidmary circulation.
Sung was the dukedom over which the representatives of the kings of the
Shang dynasty ruled, having as its capital Shang-kew, which name remains
in the distiiot so called of the department Kwei-tah in Ho-nan. Seeh,
see on I Pt II xiv 3 I suppose that though Seeh in Menoius* time be-
longed to Ts'e the descendants of its former princes were permitted to
admmistei it, and that it was one of them who sent to him the present here
mentioned

Parr 3 6 These contain the explanation which Mencius gives of his con-
duct He took gifts when he had occasion for them; it would have been
better if he had not taken them at all

CH. IV How MBKOTTTS BROUQ-HT ooismonoK OP THEE& TAULTS TO AN
OFFICES OF TS'E AND TO THE KING. This brief chapter is a good instance

iSi THS WOKICS OF MENCIUS [BK IT.

governor of it, (f lf [one of] your spearmen should lose
his place in the ranks three times in one day, would
you. Sir, put him to death or not ? " ff I would not wait
till he had done so three times/' was the reply

2 [Mencius] continued, " Well then, you, Sir, have lost
your place in the ranks many times In calamitous years
and years of famine, the old and feeble of your people who
have been found lying in ditches and water- channels, and
the able-bodied who have been scattered about to the four
quarters, have amounted to thousands " " This is not a
case in which I, Keu-sm, can take it upon me to act "

8 ""Her/* said [Mencms], "IB a man who receives
charge of the sheep and cattle of another, and undei takes to
feed them for him, of course he must seek for pastuie-
ground and grass for them If, after seeking for these, he
cannot find them, will he return his charge to the owner ?
or will he stand [by] and see them die ? " " Herein/' said
[the governor] , tf I am guilty "

4 Another day Mencius had an audience of the king, and
said to him, " Of the governors of your Majesty's cities I
am acquainted with five; but the only one who knows his
fault is K'ung Keu-sin " He then related to the king the
conversation which he had had [with that officer], and the
king said, ef In this matter I am the guilty one."

V 1 Mencius said to Ch'e Wa, tf There seemed to be
reason in your declining [the governorship] of Lmg-k c ew,

of Mencius' manner, and of the ingenuity which he displayed m bringing
liis counsels before those whom he wished most to influence

Par I P'mg-luh was a city one of those called oa/pvtal^ as having in
them an ancestral temple of the princes of the State in the south of Ts'e,
somewhere, probably, in the present department of Ten-chow Its govern-
01 or commandant, presiding also ovei the country around it, was K'ung
Ken -am

JPar 2, The governor's saying that the caae which Mencius described
was not one in which he could act meant that the measures to provide for
it, such as opening the public granaries, could only emanate from the king

JPar. 8 Mencius wished the governor to understand that he ought not in
such, circumstances to retain his office

CH. Y THE FREEDOM WHICH MENOTCS CLAIMED FOB HIMSELF or

DETAINING- HIS POSITION IN Ts'fl, NOT WITHSTANDING!. OBJECTIONABLE
MEASURES OF THE KINO, WAR BECAUSE HE WAS UNSALABIED

Par I Of Cb/e Wa we only know what is related here Lmg-k'ew Ttas
a city m. the borders of Tb'e, remote fiom the court Ch'e Wa had beui

FT IT CH.Yl] KUNG-SUN CH f OW 185

and requesting to "be appointed chief criminal judge, because
the [latter office] would afford you the opportunity of
speaking your mind But now several months have elap&ed ,
and have you found nothing about which you might speak ? 9}

2 [On this] CVe Wa remonstrated [on some matter]
with th j king , and, lus counsel not being taken,, he resigned
his offiro, and went away.

3 Tne people of Ts'e said, " In the course which he
marked out for Ch'e Wa he did well 3 but as to the course
which he pursues for himself, we do not know "

4 His disciple Kung Too told him these remarks

5 [Mencius] said, "I have heard that when he, who is
in charge of an office,, is prevented from performing its
duties^ he should take his departure, and that he on whom
is the responsibility of giving his opinions, when his words
aie disregarded, should do the same [But] I am in charge
of no office, and on me is no responsibility to speak out my
views , may not I act fieely and without restraint either in
going forward or in re tiling*'' "

VI 1. Mencius, occupying the position of a hierh dig-
nitary in Ts f e_, went fiom it on a mission of condolence
to T'ang, and the king sent Wang Hwan, governor of
Kah, [with him] as assistant-commisbioner Wang Hwan,
morning and evening, waited upon him,, but, duimg all the
way to T'ang and back to Ts'e, [Mencius] never spoke to
him about the affairs of the mission

governor of it, but got himself appointed chief criminal judge, wishing to
be neai the king, with whom thiq office would -give him the opportunity to
remonstrate on measui es of -which he did not approve Perhaps he found
it easier to resolve to dibcharge that disagreeable duty, than to carry the
resolution into practice

JParr 2 4 Ch'e Wa, stimulated by Mencius, did remonstrate and then
felt it necessary to retire from office We cannot wonder at the remarks of
the people on Menoius' conduct

Kung- too was one of liis disciples with whom we shall meet again Metieius
thought highly of him, but this is nearly all we know about him He ap-
pears to have been descended from a prince of Ts*oo, who held the city of
Too ; and hence the surname

OH YI MENoruB' BEHAVTOUB TOWABDS AN TJNTWOBTHT ASSOCIATE.

far 1. Mencius' situation as a ** noble " or " high dignitary " of Ta'e ap-
pears to have been honorary only, without emolument, and the king employed
him on this occasion to give weight by his character to the mission. But

186 THE WOEKS OS 1 MENCIUS [BE II

2 Kung-sun CVow said [to Mencms], <f The position of
a "high dignitary of Ts'e is not a small one, and the way from
Ts f e to T'ang- is not short,, how was it that during all the
way from Ts f e to T f ang and back, you never spoke [to
Hwan] about the affairs of the mission ? " ec There were
the proper parties to attend to them , why should I speak
[to him about them] ? "

"VTI. 1 Mencius [went] from Ts'e to bury [his mother]
in Loo When he returned to Ts f e, he stopped at
Ting, and Ch'ung Yu begged [to put a question to] him,
saying, " Formerly, in ignorance of my mcompetency, you
employed me to superintend the business of making the
coffin. As [you were then pressed by] the urgency [of the
business], I did not venture to put any question to you , but
now I wish to take the liberty to submit the matter. The
wood, it appeared to me, was too good "

2. [Mencius] replied, "" Anciently, there was no rule foi
[the thickness of] either the inner or the outer coffin In

he associated with him Wang Hwan, an unworthy favouiite. I think Men-
oius had better have declined the mission, and escaped from, the association
altogether, than behave as he did

Par 2 Chaou K'e understands the firbt part of Menciua* reply to Ch'ow
as relating to Wang Hwan, and = ** The fellow attended to them managed
them himself , " but the interpretation followed in the version is moie
natural, and in harmony with the ordinary usage of the terms

CH VII THAT ONE OTTQ-HT TO DO HIS UTMOST IN THE BURIAL OF HIS

PARENTS ,IIJDUST RATED BY THE STYLE IN WHICH MENCIUS BURIED HIS

MOTHEB Compare I Pt II xvi

Par 1 The tradition is that Mencius had had his mother with him in
Ts*e, and that on her death he earned the coffin to the family sepulchre in
Tbow, which now was part of Loo How long he remained in Loo is un-
certain , peihaps the whole three years proper to the momning for a parent
Ymg was a city in the south of Tb'e, and it is also disputed whethei his
stopping at it was for a night merely or foi a longer period. Ch'ung Yu
was one of Mencius* disciples, and it haa been deemed strange, if the philo-
sopher completed the peiiod of mouimng in Loo, that Yu she aid have sub-
mitted his doubts to him aftei the lap<*e of so long a time But it has been
replied that this only illustrates how fond Menoiua' disoiples were of apply-
ing to him for a solution of their doubts , and the instance of Oh'm Tain in
chapter 111. is another case in point of the length of time they would keep
things in mind The diffeient speculations on the points thus indicated are
endless

far 2 "Middle antiquity" commences with the Chow dynasty, and
Menciug haa reference etpeoially to the statutes settled by the duke of Chow

FT II CH VIII ] KUNG-SUN CH f OW. 187

middle antiquity, the inner cofiBn was made seven inclies
thick, and the outer the same This was done by all from
the son of Heaven down to the common people, and not
simply for the beauty of the appeal ance, but because they
thus satisfied [the natural feelings of] the human heart

3 C If prevented [by statutory regulations] from making 1
their coffins thus, men cannot have the feeling of pleasure ;
and if they have not the money [to make them thus], they
cannot have that feeling. When they were not prevented,
and had the money, the ancients all used this style } why
should I alone not do so ?

4 " And moreover, is this alone no satisfaction to a
man's heart to prevent the earth from getting near to the
bodies of his dead ?

5 "I have heaid that the superior man will not for all
the world be niggardly to his parents "

VIII 1 Shin T'ung, on his private authority, asked
[Mencms], saying, " May Yen be attacked?" Men-
cms said, "It may Tsze-k f wae had no light to give
Yen to another man , and Tszo-che had no right to receive
Yen from Tsze-kSvae [Suppose] there were an ofhcer
here, with whom you, Sir, were pleased, and that, without
announcing the matter to the king, yon were privately to
give to him your salary and lank, and [suppose that] this
officer, also without the king's orders, were privately to
receive them from you , would [such a transaction] be

for the regulation of funeral and other rites, though what he says about
the equal thickness of the innei and outei coffins does not agiee with what
we find in the Le Ke, XXII n 31. It must be home m mind also that
seven inches of the Chow dynasty were only equal to rather more than
foui inches of the present day

CH vm EVEN DESERVED PUNISHMENT OUGHT NOT TO BE INFLICTED BY

ANY BUT THE PBOPEB AUTHOBITY AN OFFENDING STATE CAN ONLY BE
ATT 4.CKED BY THE MINISTER OF HEAVEN , ILLUSTRATED FROAI THE CASE

OF Ts E AND YEN See on Book I Ft n x and ri. This chapter should
come in perhapb, in point of time, before ch x. there. Tsze-k'wae was the
name of the weak king of Yen who had resigned his portion to his favour-
ite minibter Tsze-che

JPai I Shin T'ung must have been a minister of Ts'e ; and though, he
consulted Mencius, as is here related, about attacking Yen, on his own pn-
yate impulse, he must have mfoimed the king and others of the answer of

188 THE WOBKS OF MENC1US. [BK II

allowable ? And where is the difference between [the case
of Yen and] this ? "

2 The people of Ts f e attacked Yen, and some one asked
[Mencms] saying, ({ Is it true that you advised Ts'e to attack
Yen ? " He replied, fe No Shin Tiling asked me whether
Yen might be attacked, and I replied that it might, on which
they proceeded to attack it If he had asked me who might
attack it ; I would have answered him that the minister of
Heaven might do so Suppose the case of a murderer, and
that one asked me, f May this man be put to death ? ' I
would answer him, ' He may * If he [further] asked me,
' Who may put him to death ? 9 I would answer him,
e The chief criminal judge/ But now with [one] Yen to
attack [another] Yen how should I have advised this ? "

IK 1. The people of Yen having rebelled, the king
said, "I am very much ashamed [when I think] of
Mencius "

2 Ch'in Kea said [to him], "Let not your Majesty be
troubled. Whether does your Majesty consider yourself or
the duke of Chow the more benevolent and wise 1 " The
king replied, " Oh what words are these ? " [Ch'in Kea]
rejoined, " The duke of Chow employed Elwan-shuh to over-
see [the heir of] Yin, but Kwan-shuh rebelled with [the
people of] Yin If, knowing [that this would happen],
he yet employed him, he was not benevolent. If he

the philosopher which waa supposed to justify the movement of Ts'e against
the neighbouimg State

Par 2 Compare what Menoius did really say to the king of Ts'e on the
subject of his appropriating the vanquished Yen in I Pt II x and xi

CH IX Ho"w HBNCTOB EXPOSED THE ATTEMPT TO ABGRJB nsr EXCUSE OF

BBEOES AND MISCOITDtrCT REPERBtNG ALSO TO THE CASE OP Ts'E AND

YEN This chapter should come in after oh xi of I Pt II

Par 1 The king was naturally ashamed of himself for having misinter-
preted what Menoius had said to Shin T'ung, and neglected the advice
which he had given to himself

Pai 2 Ch'rn Kea was, like Shin T'ung, an officer of Ts'e The case of
the duke of Chow to which Kea referred was this On king Woo's ex-
tinction of the dynasty of Shang, having spaied the life of the son of the
last sovereign, he farther conferred on *"rn the small State of Yin from
which the dynasty had taken one of its names, but placed him undei the
surveillance of two of his own brothers, Seen and Too, one of them older
and the other younger than another brother, Tan the duke of Ohow, by

FT II CH. S] KUNG-STJN CH f OW 189

employed him without knowing it, lie was not wise
The duke of Chow was [thus] not perfectly benevolent a^id
wise, and how much less can your Majesty "be expected to be
so ' I beg to [go and] see Men cms, and relieve [your Ma-
jesty] of that [feeling] "

3 [Accordingly] he saw Mencius, and asked him, saying,
"What kind of man was the duke of Chow?" "An
ancient sage/' was the reply " Is it true/' pmsued [the
othei], C{ that ho employed Kwan-shuh to oversee [the heir
of] Yin, and that Kwau-bhuh rebelled with [the people of]
Ym ? " " It is," said [Mencius] [Ch f m Kea] asked, " Did
the duke of Chow kiiow that he would rebel, and [theieupon]
employ him ? " ( ' Ho did not know it/' was the reply.
" Then though a sage, he still fell into eiror " <( The duke
of Chow," said [Mencius], "was the younger brother, and
Kwan-shuh the eldei Was not the eiror of the duke of
Chow reasonable ?

4. e< Moreovei, when the superior men of old had errors,
they reformed them , but when the superior men of the pie-
sent day have cirois, they peibi&t in them The errors of
the superior men of old were like the eclipses of the sun
and moon. All the people witness them , and when they
have resumed their usual appearance, all the people look up
to them [with their former admiration] Bat do superior
men of the present day merely persist [in their errorb] ?
they go on to make excuses for them as well "

X. 1. Mencius gave up his office [in TVe], and [was pre-
paring to] return [to his native State]

whose advice, we must understand, the step was taken Seen has come
down to us with the title of Kwan-shuh, Kwan being the name of the prin-
cipality -which he had received for himself After Woo's death, Seen and
Too joined the heir ot Tin in rebelling against the new dynasty, when the
duke of Chow took action against them, put the former to death and ban-
ished the other

Par 3 What Mencius means in the conclusion of this paragraph is, that
brother ought not to be suspicious of bi other, and that it is better, between
brotheis, to be deceived than to impute evil

Pay 4 In the phrase "the supenor men of the present day," "the
superior men " has to be taken vaguely, and merely means those who wish
to be legarded as superior men

CH X MENOTUS, IN LEAVING A STATE OB BEMAINING- IN IT, -WAS NOT

INFfcCTENOBD BY FEOUNIABY CONSTDEBATIONS, BTTT BY THE OPPORTTTM1TY

190 THE WORKS OP MBNCIUS. [BE II.

2. The king went to see him, and said, "Formerly I
wished to see you, but found no opportunity to do so When
I got that opportunity, and stood by you in the same court,
I was exceedingly glad. [But] now again you are aban-
doning 1 me and returning home , I do not know if here-
after I may have another opportunity of seeing you '* Cl I
do not ventuie to make any request, n was the reply, "but
indeed it is what I desire "

8. Another day, the king said to the officer She, cc I wish
to give Mencius a house in the centre of the kingdom, and
to support his disciples with [an allowance of] 10,000 chimq,
so that all the great officers and people may have [such an
example] to reverence and imitate Had you not better tell
him this for me ? "

4. The officer She conveyed this message by means of the
disciple Gh'in, who reported his words to Mencius.

5. Meucius said, f{ Yes , but how should the officer She
know that the thing may not be ? Supposing that I want-
ed to be rich, having declined 100,000 ehung, would my
accepting 10,000 be the conduct of one desiring riches ?

BBUIED OB ACCORDED TO HIM OB" CABBYINQ- HIS LBSSO2TS OTTO PRACTICE
ILLUSTRATED BY THE OUtOtTMSTANOBS ATTENDING HIS LEAVING OVfi

jRaw 1. Mencius had given the king of Ta'e a long trial, and it was clear
that nothing really great was to be accomplished with him He therefore
resigned his honorary office, and prepared to withdraw from the State or
kingdom I think I have given the true meaning of the paiagiaph.
Chaou K'e indeed makes the "returning" to be only to Mencius' own house
in the capital of Ts'e , but accoiding to that view, the k *I do not venture
to make any request," in the next par =" I do not venture to ask you to
corne again in person to see me , " which is surely flat and absurd

Par. 2 Mencius sees that the kmg, with all his complimentary expres-
sions, is really bidding him adieu, and answers accordingly, in as compli-
mentary a way, intimating his purpose to be gone

Par 3 The king after all doea not like the idea of Mencius' going
away, and thinks of this plan to retain him, which was in leahty what
Mencius calls in ch in. tiymg to take him with a bribe She was an officer
at the court of Ts c e

The aliung wag the name of a laige measure of grain, equal to 64 toro or
pecks, amounting to about seven hundred-weight "The centie of the
kingdom. " ib to be underbtood of the capital, as in the She, III 11 IX

Pur 4: " The disciple Ch'in " here is the Ch'in Tain of ch 111

Par 5 Mencius does not care to state plainly heie his real reason for
going, that he was not permitted to see hib principles earned into piactice,
and therefore contents himself with repelling the idea that he was accessi-
ble to peoumaiy considerations 100,000 oliwtig was the regular allowance for
a high mmibter, which Mencius had declined to receive.

PT II. CH Si] ZUNG-SUM- CH r OW. 191

6. " Ke-sun said, ' A. strange man was Tsze-shuh E !
Suppose that he himself was a high minister, if [his prince
would] no longer employ him, he had to retire; but he would
again [try to] get one of his younger relatives to be high
minister. "Who indeed is there of men that does not wish
to be rich and noble, but he only, among the rich and noble,
sought to monopolize the conspicuous mound '

7. " In old time the market- dealers exchanged the articles
which they had for others which they had not, and simply
had certain officers to keep them in order There was a
mean fellow, who made it a point to look out for a conspi-
cuous mound, and get up upon it Thence he looked
right and left to catch in his net the whole gain of the mar-
ket People all thought his conduct mean, and therefore
they proceeded to lay a tax upon his wares The taxing of
traders took its rise from this mean fellow."

XI 1 Mencius, having left [the capital of] T'se^ was pass-
ing the night in Chow

2 A person who wished for the king to detain him [came

Par 6 Ke-sun was tfie clan name of the greatest of the families of Loo,
but -which of the Heads of that clan was here intended we do not know
Tsze-shuh was also a clan name in Loo, hut of E, the memher of it who is
mentioned, we know nothing beyond what IB heie told Mencius quotes the
remaiks of Ke-sun about Tsze-shuh E, to show that they would be applicable
to himself, if he were to take the course suggested to him fiom the king ot
Ts'e Ohaou K'e makes out Ke-sun and Taze-shuh to have been disciples of
Mencius, and according to his view we should have to translate " Ke-sun
said, * How stiange [is this course] 1 ' " Tsze-fihuh [also] doubted [about
it] " Suppose," [they thought,] " he himself is no longer employed as a
high minister, let him. go away, but let him get his disciples into the situa-
tion," &o. But all this is plainly inadmissible

Par 7 Men cms here explains the expression In the end of Ke-sun 3
speech about "monopolizing the conspicuous mound," explains it in a way to
show still more pointedly his sense of the proposal of the kmg of Tt>*e.

OH XI How MEKOTETS BBPELLBD A MAN, WHO, OFFICIOUSLY AND ox

HIS OWN IMPULSE, WISHED TO 1>BJTAUT HIM IN Ts'BJ

Par 1 Chow was a city on the south-western bolder of Ts'e, at which
Mencius had arrived in his progress to Loo He had conducted his de-
partuie leisurely, hoping lihat the king would recall him ere he had left the
State, and pledge himself to follow his counsels

Par 2 Who the person that thus intruded himself into Mencmus" 1 com-
pany was we do not know. All that is meant by u for the kmg " IB that he
knew that it would please the king if he could induce Menoius to remain*

192 THE WORKS OF MENC1US [BE II.

and] sat down [to speak with him]. [Mencius] gave
him no answer, but leant upon his stool and slept

8. The stranger was displeased, and said, "I have fasted
for two days before I would venture to speak with you, and
[now], Master, you sleep and do not listen to me. Allow me
to request that I may not again presume to see you " [Men-
cms] said, " Sit down, and I will explain the matter clearly
to you Formerly, if duke Muh of Loo had not had persons
[continually] by the side of Tsze-sze, he could not have kept
Tsze-sze [in his State] ; and if Seeh Lew and Shin Ts'eang
had not had persons by the side of duke Muh, they would
not have been able to feel at rest [in remaining in Loo]

4 Cf You, Sir, are concerned and plan about an old man like
me, but I have not been treated as Tsze-sze was Is it you,
Sir, who cut me ? Or is it I who cut you ? "

XII 1 Mencius having left Ts'e, Tin Sze spake about
him to others, saying, <e If he did not know that the king
could not be made a T'ang or a Woo, that showed his
want of intelligence If he knew that he could not be made
such, and yet came [to Ts f e] notwithstanding, that he was

" Leant upon his stool , " the stool was small, and oould be earned in the
hand Paities leant forward, 01 back, on it, as they sat upon the mat,
which was spiead for them on the flooi

Par 3 "I fasted for two days " is literally "I fasted and passed the
night "that is, "I fasted ovei the mght,"=a" I hare fasted two days"
Tsze-sze was the well-known giandson of Confucius Stun Ts'eang was the
son of Tsze-chang, one of Confucius' disciples Seeh Lew was also a native
of Loo and belonged to the Confucian school Tsze-sze required great respect
to be shown to him, and he had an attendant appointed by duke Muh
always in waiting on him, to assure him of the respect with which he was
cherished The two others had not such attendants, but they knew that
there were always officers by the duke's side to admonish, him not to forget
them

Pcur 4 The stranger s thinking that he oould retain Mencius, without
any suoh demonstrations from the king, show how little store he set by the
philosopher, was really cutting him

CH XII How MEffcrus EXPLAINED HIS SEEMING TO I/ING-EB IN TS'E

AFTER HE FAT) RESIGNED HIS OFFICE AND QUITTED THE OOUBT

Par. 1. Nothing more can be said of Yin Sze than that he was a man, a
scholar, of Ts'e. What he chiefly charged against Mencius was the lingering
nature of his departure

Par 2. The disciple Kaou appears again m YII Pt II and , from, which
it would appear that there was something not sattsf actory about him.

FT n CH. xiii ] Kraa-smr CH'OW. 193

seeking for favours He came a thousand le to wait upon
the king. Because lie did not find in him the ruler lie wish-
ed,, he took his leave Three nights he stayed, and then
passed from Chow } how dilatory and lingering [was his
departure] ' I am dissatisfied on account of this "

3. The disciple Kaou informed [Mencius] of these remarks.

4 [Mencius] said, "How should Yin Szeknow me P When
I came a thousand le to see the king, it was what I desired
to do. When I went away, not finding in him the ruler
that I wished, was that what I desired to do? I felt myself
constrained to do it

5. "When I stayed three nights before I passed from. Chow,
in my own mind I still considered my departure speedy I
was hoping that the king might change If the king had
changed, he would certainly have recalled me

6. " When I passed from Chow, and the king had not sent
after me, then, and only then, was my mind resolutely bent
on returning [to Tsow]. But notwithstanding that, was I
giving the king up ? He is after all one who may be made to
do what is good If the king were to use me, would it be
for the happiness of the people of Ts f e only ? It would
be for the happiness of all under heaven Would the king
but change ' I am daily hoping for this

7. ' e Am I like one of your little-minded people ? They
will remonstrate with their ruler, and when their remon-
strance is not accepted, they get angry, and with their pas-
sion displayed in their countenance, they take their leave,
and travel with all their strength for a whole day before
they will stop for the night "

8. When Yin Sze heard this [explanation], he said, "lam
indeed a small man."

XIII. 1. When Menciua left Ts'e, Ch'ung Yu qnes-

Pnr 3 Meneiua was constrained to leave Ts'e by the conviction forced
at last upon him that he would not get the king- to carry his counsels into
practice

Par 7. Compare with this paragraph. Conf uoius' (Jefenoe of Kwan Chung-

1H Ana

OH. XIII. MEsronrs' GBIBF AT NOT J?INDIN'& THE OPFOBTTTJRTITY TO AC-

COMPLISH FOB. THE KINOJDOM THE GOOJ> WHICH HE WAS CONSCIOUS HH KAT)
ECT TTTM THE POWER TO DO.

Par- 1 Ch'ung Yu has appeared tefore in ch. vii We find the

vofc. n 18

194 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS. [BK H.

tioned him on the way, saying 1 , ff Master, you look like
one who carries an air of dissatisfaction in his countenance
[But] formerly I heard you say that the superior man does
not murmur against Heaven, nor cherish a grudge against
men."

2 [Mencius] said, " That was one time, and this is an-
other

3 "It is a rule that a true sovereign should arise in the
course of five hundred years, and that during that time there
should be men illustrious in their generation

4 "From the commencement of the Chow dynasty till
now, more than seven hundred years have elapsed Judg-
ing numerically, the date is passed Considering the matter
from the [character of the present] time, we might expect
[a true king to arise]

5 "But Heaven does not yet wish that tranquillity and
good order should prevail all under the sky If it wished
this, who is there besides me to bring it about ? How should
I be otherwise than dissatisfied ? "

XIV. 1. When Mencius left Ts'e, he dwelt in Hew.

which he here attributes to his master used by Confucius of himself in Ana
XTV xxxvii 2

Par 3 " Five hundied years , " this is speaking in round and loose
numbers, even if we judge of the sentiment fiom the history of China pnor
to Mencius " Duiing that time " would seem to mean that, in addition to
the true king, all along the centimes theie would be men of dittinguibhed
ability and virtue , but Mencius is generally understood as refemng to the
men who should arise at the same tune with the true sovereign, and assist
him by their counsels

Par 4: Nearly 800 years mnst have elapsed from the rise of the Chow-
dynasty, when Menoms thus spoke He seems for the time to have been ob-
livious of Confucius , but he was merely a sage, and had not the power
to carry out his principles on a grand scale What had been wanting in
Lis time, and was wanting still, was a true king

Par 5 It cannot be said that Mencius had not a sufficiently high opinion
of himself Compare with this paragraph the sentiments of Confucius in
Ana IX v.

CH. XTV THE REASON OF MENcrers 1 HOLDING MERELY AN HONORARY

OFFICE IN TS'ffi, WITHOUT REOBIVINa SALARY, WAS BEOAUSB FROM THE
FIRST HE TTAn LITTLE CONFIDENCE IN THE KCNa, AND WISHED TO BE FREE
IN HIS MOVEMENTS

Pat I Hew was in the present district of T'ang, in the department of
Yen-chow Kung-sun Oh'ow's inquiry, as appeal s from the style in the Chinese
of Mencius* reply, was simply for information

PT II t CH. 3TVJ KUNG-StnST CH*OW. 195

[There] Knng-sun Ch'ow asked him, " Was it the way of
the ancients to hold office without receiving salary ?"

2 [Mencius] said,, "No When I first saw the king m
Ts'ung, it was my intention, on retiring from the interview,
to go away Because I did not wish to change this intention,
I would not receive [any salary],

3. <c Immediately after, orders were issued for [the collec-
tion of] troops, when it would have been improper for me
to beg [permission to leave] [But] to remain long m Ts'e
was not my purpose."

Par 2 Ts*ung was the name of a city in Ts'e, the situation of which
cannot now be more exactly determined Theie Mencius first met with
king Seuen, and received an unfavouiable impression of him

Par 3 Perhaps " the collection of troops ' was connected with Tee's re-
lations with Ten See the conversation of king Seuen with Mencius m I.
Pt II xi , at such a time Mencius could not well ask leave to quit the State
Another interpretation of the phrase has been proposed, making it refer to
the pioposal to retain him m Ts'e, which is mentioned in ch x , but this is
quite unreasonable.

196 THE WORKS Or MENCIUS,

BOOK in

T f ANG WAN KUNG- PAET I.

CHAPTER I. 1 When duke Wan of T'ang was heir-son,
being on a journey to Ts'oo he passed by [the capital of]
Sungj and had an interview with Men cms

2. Mencius discoursed to him how the nature of man 13
good, and, in speaking, made laudatory appeal to Yaou and
Shun.

3 When the heir- son was returning from Ts c oo, he again
saw Mencius, when the latter said to him, ft Prince, do you
doubt my words ? The path is one, and only one.

The TITLE OF TEHJ BOOK is taken from duke W&n of T'eing, who 13 pro-
minent in the first three chapters of it WSn of course is the honorary or
sacrificial title which he received after his death We have aheady met
with him in confidential intercourse with Mencius, in chapters xin to xv of
Book I. Pait II, the date of which must be subsequent to that of the
chapters in this Book Chaou K'e compares the title of this Book with
that of the 15th Book of the Analectb

CH I THAT ALL MEN BY DEVELOPING THEIB NATTJBAL GOODNESS MAT

BECOME EQUAL TO TH^ ANCIENT BAG-ES ADDBESSED BY MlCNOIUS TO THB
HEIB-SON OP T'ANG

Par 1 "Hen -son," and "eldest son * weie applied indifferently to the
eldest sons, or the declared successors, of the kings and feudal pnnces diuing
the Chow dynasty Since the Han dynasty, *' hetr-bon " has been discon-
tinued as a denomination of the eldest son of the emperor, the ci own pi ince
Mencms at this time was in the State of Sung, and borne ha\e tiied to fix
the date of the chapter to B o 317 Tb'oo had so far extended itb terri-
tories to the north, that it was there conterminous with T'ing , but as the
pince would be going to its capital it would not take him much out of his
way to go through Sung Possibly that loute was the most convenient for
him to take, though the language of the text would seem to be intended to
give us the idea that he took it in order that he might see Mencius

Pai 2 For the full exposition of Mencius 7 doctrine of the goodness of
human natuie, see Book VI

Pai 3 We mast suppose that Mencius had been told that the prince
doubted the correctness of what he had said at then former interview , 01 it
may be, the remark heie preserved occurred in the course of a convei sation,
of the previous pait of which we have no record " The ^ay is one and
only one " probably means the way of human duty, the course to which
Mencios felt that lie ought to call all who wished to learn of him.

PT T. OH. ii.] T'ANG WAN KUNG. 197

4. fc Cn'ing Kan said to duke King of Ts% ' They were
men, [and] I am a man , why slioald I stand in awe of
them ? ' Yea Yuen said, f What "kind of man was Shun ?
What kind of man am I ? He who exerts himself will also
become such as he was 9 Kung-ming E said, * King- Webi
is my teacher and model , how should the dnke of Chow
deceive me [by these words] ? *

5. cc Now T'Sng, taking its length with its "breadth, will
amount to about fifty square IB. [Though small,] it may
still be made a good kingdom It is said in the Book of
History, ' If medicine do not distress the patient, it will not
cure his sickness/ } *

II. 1 When duke Ting of T*ang died, the heir-son said
to Jen Yew, cc Formerly, Mencius spoke with me in Sung,
and I have never forgotten his words Now, alas ' this
great affair [of the death of my father] has happened, and
I wish to send you, Sir, to ask Mencius, and then to pro-
ceed to the services [connected with it] "

2 Jen Yew [accordingly] proceeded to Tsow, and con-
sulted Mencius, Mencius said, " Is not this good ? The
mourning rites for parents are what men feel constrained to
do their utmost in. The philosopher Tsang said, 'When
parents are alive, they should "be served according to [the

Par 4 Menouis here fortifies himself with the opinions of other worthies.
Of Ch'ing Kan we know nothing but what we read here Whom he in-
tended by " they " we cannot well say Yen Yuen was the favourite dis-
ciple of Confucius Kung-ming E was a great officer of Loo, a disciple,
fiist, of Taze-chang, and afterwards of Tsang-tsze The remark about king
Wan'b being his model and teacher would seem to have been made by the
duke of Chow

JPa? 5 "A good kingdom" is such an one as is described in ch m
For the quotation from the Book of History, see the Shoo, IV vni Pt I 8
Mencius would seem to say that his lesson waa all the more likely to be
beneficial, because it had perplexed and disturbed the prince

CH IL How MENCIUS ADVISED THE PEINOE OF T'ANG TO CONDUCT THK

MOURNING FOE HIS FATHEB WITH BTVEBY DEMONSTBATION Off GBIEF

Par 1 Duke Ting was the father of duke Wan, the heir-son of last
chapter Ting was his honorary epithet Jen Yew had been the prince's
tutoi.

JPar. 2, On children's feeling constrained to do their utmost in the mourn-
ing rites for then parents, see Ana XIX xvii.

The remarks here attributed to Tsang-tsze were at first addressed by
Conf uciua to another disciple. Ts&ng may have appropriated them, so that

198 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [fiK III.

rules of] propriety , wlien dead, they should be buried, and
they should be sacrificed to, according to the same this
may be called filial piety.' I have not leained [for myself]
the ceremonies to be observed by the feudal princes, but
nevertheless I have heard these points Three years j mourn-
ing, with the wearing- the garment of coarse cloth with its
lower edge even, and the eating of thin congee, have been
equally prescribed by the three dynasties, and are binding
on all, from the son of Heaven to the common people "

3 Jen Yew reported the execution of his commission,
and [the prince] determined that the three years'* mouining
should be observed His uncles and elder coubins, and the
body of the officers, did not wish it, and said, et The foimer
rulers of Loo, the State which we honour, have, none of
them, observed this mourning, nor have any of our own
former rulers observed it For you to change their practice
is improper , and moreover, the History says, ' In mourning
and sacrifice ancestors are to be followed/ meaning that we
have received those things from a [proper] somce "

4 [The prince again] said to Jen Yew, " Hitheito I have
not given myself to the pursuit of learning, but have found
my pleasure in driving my horses and in sword-exeroise.
Now my uncles and elder cousins- and the body of officers.

they came to be regarded as his own , or Mencms heie makes a slip of
memoiy. I suppose that Menoius means to say that he oould not peak of
the mouining rites of the pimces fiom personal obseivation , but he could
speak of the obseivanees which were common to punce and peasant " The
thiee yeais' mourning," see Ana XVII xxi "The garment of coarse
oloth with the lowei edge even " was that appropriate to the mouining ioi a
mother, and less intense than that used in mouimng for a fathei, when the
lowei edge was all fraved, as if chopped with a hatchet It would appear,.
ho\vevei, that either of the phrases might be uted to denote mourning of
the deepest kind , see Ana IX ix.

Par 3 The lords of T'ang were descended fiom Bhuh-sew, one of the
sons of king WSn, but by an inferior wile, while the duke of Chow, the
ancestor of Loo, was in the true royal line , and hence all the other States
ruled by descendants of king W5n weie supposed to look up to Loo But
we are not to suppose that the early punceis of Loo and ot T'&ng had nat
observed the mourning for thiee years The leruonstiants weie wrong m.
attributing to them the neglect of later ruleis What "Hibtoiy" or
"Reooid" they refer to we cannot tell The last claube ot the paiagraph is
not by any means clear Chaou K'e mentions a view of it, which I have felt
strongly inclined to adopt " [The punce] said, I have received my view
irom a [proper] source ' "

Par, 4. In the quotations from Confucius, Menoius has blended different

FT I. CH II.] T C AT<J wltf KUNG 199

are not satisfied with me. I am afraid I may not "be able
to carry out [this] great business ; do you, Sir, [again go
and] ask Men cms for me." Jen Yew went again to Tbow,
and consulted Mencius, who said, " Yes, but this is not a
matter in which he has to look to any one but himself.
Confucius said, c When a ruler died, his successor entrusted
the administration to the prime minister. He sipped the
congee, and his face looked very dark He went to the
[proper] place, and wept. Of all the officers and inferior
employes theie was not one who did not dare not to be
sad, when [the prince thus] set them the example. What
th superior loves, his infenors will be found to love still
more The relation between superiors and inferiors is like
that between the wind and the grass The grass must
bend when the wind blows upon it ' The [whole thing]
depends on the heir-son "

5 Jen Yew returned with this answer to his commission,
and the prince said, <e Yes , it does indeed depend on me "
For five months he dwelt in the shed, and did not issue an
order or a caution The body of officers and his relatives

places in the Analects together, or enlarged them to suit his own purpose.
see Ana XIV xlm , XII xix

fa) 6 tt The bhed"" was built of boards and stiaw, outside the centre
dooi of the palace, againbt the suiiounding wall, and this the mourning
pimce tenanted till the interment, see the Le Ke, XXII. u 16. Choo He,
at the close of his notes on this chiptei, introduces the following remaiks
fiom. the commentator Lin Che-ke "In the time of Mencius, although
the rites to the dead had fallen into neglect, yet the* three j ears' mourning,
with the soiiowing heart and afflictive grief, being the expiession of what
really belongs to man's mmd, had not quite perished Only, sunk in the
slough of minners becoming moie and moie corrupt* men weie losing all
then moral nature without being conscious of it When duke Wan saw
Mencius., and heaid him speak of the goodness of man's nature, and of
Yaou and Shun, that was the occasion of moving and bunging foith his
bettei heait , and, on this occasion of the death of his father he felt sin-
ceiely all the stirnngs of soirow and grief Then, moieover, when hib older
lelatives and his otuceis wished not to act as he desired, he tuined inwards
to leprove himself, and lamented his foimer conduct which made him not
be believed in his piesent courbe, not presuming to blame his officers and
relatives although we must concede an extraordinary natural excellence
and ability to him, yet his energy in learning must not be impeached.
Finally, when we consider with what decision he acted at last, and how all,
near and far, who saw and heard him were delighted to acknowledge and
admire his conduct, we have an instance of how, when that which belongs
to all men's mmds is in the flist place exhibited b one, others are brought,
without any previous purpoiae, to the pleased acknowledgment and approval

200 THE WOEKS OF MEtfCIUS. [BE III

[said], fe He may be pronounced acquainted [with all tlie
ceremonies] " When the time of interment arrived, they
came from all quarters to see it, with the deep dejection of
his countenance, and the mournfulness of his wailing 1 and
weeping Those who [had come from other States to] con-
dole with him were greatly pleased.

in. 1 Duke W3n of T'Sng asked [Mencms] about [the
proper way of] governing a State.

2. Mencms said, "The business of the people must not be
remissly attended to It is said in the Book of Poetry,

' In the daytime collect the grass,
And at night twist it into ropes
Then get up quickly on our roofs
We shall have to recommence our sowing '

3 "The way of the people is this Those who have a cer-
tain livelihood have a fixed heart, and those who have not a
certain livelihood have not a fixed heart. If they have not
a fixed heart, there is nothing which they will not do in the
way of self-abandonment, of moral deflection, of depravity,
and of wild license. When they have thus been involved in
crime, to follow them up and punish them is to entiap the
people How can such a thing as entrapping the people be
done under the rule of a benevolent man ?

of It - is not this a proof that it is indeed true that [the nature of man] is
good ? "

CH ITL MENCTUS LESSONS TO DUKE WAN OP T'ANG FOE THE GOVERN-
MENT OF HIS STATE AGRICULTURE AND EDUCATION ABE THE CHIEF

POINTS TO BE ATTENDED TO THE FORMER INDLED IS FUNDAMENTAL TO
PROSPERITY, AITD A STATE PEOSPCEOUS BY ITS AGBICUI/1 UEE IS TEE PRO-
PJrB FIELD FOB THE APPLIAiNCES OF EDUCATION

Pai 1 We must suppose that the three yeais of mourning have passed,
a? d that the heir-son has fully taken hi<* position aa marquifc of T'&ng, one
o e his fi'^t measuies having been to get Mencms to come to his State

Pat 2 By "the business of the people " wemust undei stand agiiculture
The promotion of this required the attention of the government befoie all
other things That promotion would imolve the establishment of the agri-
cultuial sj btem of the btate on the best principles

Foi the lines of poetiy, see the She, I. xv I 7 They are not much to the
point ; but the whole ode to which they belong is undei stood as showing
bow attention to agiiculture was the chief thing required in the kings of
Chow

Par 8 See I. Pt I TII SO This paragraph shows how essential it was

PT I CH III ] T'ANO WAH KUNG. 201

4. cc Therefore a ruler endowed with talents and virtue will
be gravely complaisant and economical, showing a respectful
politeness to his ministeis, and taking from the people only
according to definite regulations

5 ft Yang Hoo said, ' He who seeks to be rich will not be
benevolent; .and he who seeks to be benevolent T\ill not be
nch'

6 tf [Under] the sovereigns of Hea, [each farmer received]
fifty acres, and contributed [a certain tax] [Undei] those
of Yin, [each farmer received] seventy acres, and [eight
families] helped [to cultivate the public acres] Undei those
of Chow, [each farmer received] a hundred acres, and [tho
produce] was allotted in shares In reality what was paid
in all these was a tithe The share system means division j
the aid system means mutual dependence

7 ee Lung-tsze said, * For regulating the land there is no
better system than that of mutual aid, and none worse than.

there should be a sure provision for the support of the people, and that there-
fore their business should not be remissly attended to

Pa? 4 mteijects two attnbute& of the jrood rulei, which are necessary to
his carrj ing out the gov eminent which Hencius had at heart

Pat 6 This Yang Hoo is the Yang Ho of the Analects, XVII i A
\\oithless man, he made the obsei \ation given with a bad object , but theie
was a tiuth in it, and Mencius adduces it for a good purpose

Pay 6 By the Hea statutes, e\eiy husbandman head of a family
received 50 acies, and paid the pioduce of nve of them, or one-ten tli of the
-whole, to the government This was oilltd hung or tribute Undei the
Shang dynasty, 680 acies weie divided into nine portions of 70 acies each,
the centia.1 poihon belonging to the goveinment, and being cultivated by
the united labouis of the holders of the othci portions Under the Chow
dynasty, in the portions of the State dibtant from the capital eight husband-
men leceived each a hundred acies, and the same space in the centie was
cultivated by them all together foi the government Yet they all united
also in the cultivation of the other portions, and each one family received
an equal shaie of the produce, the \\hole being divided into eight portions
Deducting twenty acres fiom the goveinment portion which was given to
the farmers f 01 building hut& on, &o , there i emained eighty acres., or ten
acies for the cultivation of each of the eight families , that is, in the
country paits of the States of Chow the amount of the pioduce paid to the
government was one-tenth In the muie central paits, however, the system
of the Hea d} nasty was m foice According to the above accounts, the
contribution under the bhang dj nasty amounted to one-ninth, but there was,
no doubt, some assignment of a poitaon of the puhho fields to the cultivators,
which reduced it to one- tenth

Par 7. Nothing certain is known of the Lung who is here introduced,
but he was " an ancient worthy." He gives us an, important point of in-

202 THE WORKS OP MBNCIUS. [BK III.

that of contributing 1 a certain tax According to the tax:
system it was fixed by taking the average of several vears In
good years, when the giain lies about in abundance, much
might be taken without its being felt to be oppressive, and
the actual exaction is small. In bad years, when [the pro-
duce] is not sufficient to [repay] the manuring of the fields,
this system still requires the taking of the full amount.
When he who should be the parent of the people causes the
people to wear looks of distress, andj after the whole year's
toil, yet not to be able to nourish their parents, and more-
ovei to set about boi rowing to increase [their means of pay-
ing the tax], till then old people and children are found lying
in the ditches and water- channels where [in such a case]
is his parental relation to the people ? 9

8 " As to the sj stem of hereditary salaries, that is already
observed in T'Sng*

9 ff It is said in the Book of Poetry,

* May it rain fiist on our public fields,
And then come to oui pm ate ' '

It is only in the system of mutual aid, that there are the
public fields, and fiom this passage we perceive that even in
the Chow dynasty this system has been tecogmzed

10. " Establish t& cany, seu, heoh, and heaou, [all these
educational institutions] for the instruction [of the people]
The name ts'eang indicates nourishing , heaou indicates
teaching , and seu indicates archery By the Hea dynasty
the name heaou was used, by the Yin dynasty that of seu,
and by the Chow dynasty that of ts'eang As to the heoh,

formation (ibout the way in which the amount of contribution accoiding to
the Hca E^ stem was deteimmed, and shows how objectionable the whole
sjstem was

Pa} 8. See on I Ft II v 3

Pat 9 See the She, II vi VIII 3 The quotation is intended to show
that the system of culti\ation accoiding to the system of mutual aid, which
Menoms lecommeuded, though it was fallen in his time into dibUbe, had at
one time obtained under the Chow d} nasty

Par 10 The pith of Mencius' advice here is that education should be
provided for all, and that it might be pioxided with ad\antage, when
measures had been taken for the support of all by husbandly Ab to the
names and chaiacters of the different institutions which he mentions, the
discussions are endless When he speaks of the human ielUions being
illustrated by superiors, it is foreign to the object of the paragraph to suppose

PT I. CH III ] T f AXG WAN KIHTQ. 203

they belonged equally to the tliree dynasties, [and by that
name] The object of them all is to illustrate the [duties of
the] human relations When these are [thus] illustrated by
superiors, mutual affection will prevail among the smaller
people below

11. " Should a [true] king arise, he will certainly come and
take an example [trom you], and thus you will be the teacher
of the [true] king

12 ec It is said in the Book of Poetry,

' Although Chow was an old State,
The [favouimg] appointment lighted on it recently '

That is said with refeience to king TTan Do you practise
those things with vigour, and you will also give a new his-
tory to your State "

13 [The duke afterwards] sent Peih Chen to ask about
the nine- squares system of dividing the land Mencius said
to him, " Since your ruler, wishing to put in practice a bene-
volent government, has made choice of you, and put you into
this employment, you must use all your efforts Benevolent
government must commence with the definition of the bound-
aries If the boundaries be not denned coriectly,the division
of the land into squares will not be equal, and the produce
[available for] salaries will not be evenly distributed On this
account ^ oppiessive rulers and impure ministers are sure to

that he means the illustration of them in then personal conduct , he
means, I think, the inculcation of them by the institution of those educa-
tional establishments

Pair 11, 12 show what duke Wa.n would be sure to accomplish by follow-
ing the ad\ioe which he had received See the She, III i I 1

Par 13 Peih Chen must have been the minister employed by duke Wan
to oiganize the agricultural system of the State accoidmg to the views of
Mencms He is heie sent to the philosopher to get more particular instruc-
tions for his guidance On the nme-squaies system of dividing the land,
see the note on II i V 2 By dennmg the boumlaiies must be meant,
I think, the boundaues of each space ot nine squares, and not, as Chaou
EL'e supposes, the boundaries of the State How the unequal division of
the fieldb would aftect the salaries of omceis we have not sufficient informa-
tion on the subject to enable us to speak exactly But it is diSicult to con-
ceive of the division of the fields of a State on this plan, especially when it
had become pietty thickly peopled The natural 11 regularities of tho
BUI face would be one great obstacle And we nnd, below, "the holy field/'
and other assignments, which must continually have been requiring new
airangements oi the boundaiies.

204 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS [BK III

neglect tlie defining of the boundaries. "When the boundaries
have been denned correctly,, the division of the fields and
tlie regulation of the salaries maybe determined [by you]
sitting [at your ease].

14. "Although the territory of T f ang be narrow and small,
there must be in it, I apprehend, men of a superior grade,
and there must be in it country-men If there were not men
of a superior grade, there would be none to rule the countiy-
inen; if there weie not country-men, there would be none to
support the men of superior grade

15. " I would ask you, in the [purely] country districts,
to obseive the nine-squares division, having one square cul-
tivated on the system of mutual aid , and in the central parts
of the State, to levy a tenth, to be paid by the cultivatois
themselves

16. "From the highest officers downwards, each one
must have [his] holy field, consisting of fifty acres

17. fc Let the supernumerary males have [their] twenty-
five acres

18 tf On occasions of death, or of removing from one
dwelling to another, there will be no quitting the district
In the fields of a district, those who belong to the same
mne-squai es render all friendly offices to one another in their
going out and coming in, aid one another in keeping watch
and ward, and sustain one another in sickness. Thus the
people will be led to live in affection and harmony.

Pat 14 " Men of a superior grade " are men in office, who did not
have to earn their bread by the sweat of then brow All other classes may
be supposed to be comprehended undei the denomination of country-men

Pat 15 See the note on par.

Par 16 These 50 acies \vere in addition to the heieditary salary alluded
to in par 8 I call them " the hoi} field," because Chaou K'e and Choo He
explain the term by which they aie called by " puie," and the pioduce waa
intended to supplj the means of sacrifice Othei explanations of the term
have been proposed

Pat 17 A family was supposed to consist of the grandfather and
giandmother the husband, wife, and childien, the husband being the grand-
paients' eldest son The extra fields were for othei sons of the gi andparents,
aud weie given to them when they reached the age of sixteen When they
man led and became the heads of families themselves, they icceived tlie
regular allotment of a family In the mean time they were called tl super-
numeral y males " Other explanations of this phra<se have been proposed

Par 18 sets forth various social and moral advantages flowing from the
nine-squares division ot the land

PT i CH. IY ] T'ANG WAX KUNG 205

19 "A square le covers nine squares of land, which. nine
squares contain nine hundred acres The central square
contains the public fields ; and eight families, each having-
its own hundred acres, cultivate them together. And it
is not till the public work is finished that they presume
to attend to their private fields [This is] the way by
which tne country -men are distinguished [from those of a
superior grade]

20 " These are the great outlines [of the system].
Happily to modify and adapt them depends on your ruler
and you "

IY 1 There came from Ts'oo to T f Sng one Heu Hmg, who
gave out that he acted according to the words of Shm-
nung. Coming right to his gate^ he addressed duke

Pai 19 Under the Chow dynasty, 100 poo, or paces, made the length or
side of a mow, or acre , but the evact length of the pace is not exactly
deteimmed. Some will have it that the 50 acres of Hea, the 70 of Whang,
and the 100 of Chow weie actually of the same dimensions

CH IV MENCIUS' REFUTATION OF THE DOCTRINE TH *.T THE RULER

OUGHT TO LABOTJB AT HUSBANDRY WITH HIS OWN HANDS HE SHOWS
THE NECESSITY OF A DIVISION OF LABOUR, AND OF A LETTERED CLASS

CONDUCTING GOVERNMENT The first three paiagraphs, it is said, relate
how Heu Hing, the heresiaich, and Ch'in Beang, his follower, sought to
undeimme the arrangements advised by Mencms for the division of the
land The next eight paragi aphs expose the fundamental error of Heu Hing
that the ruler must lahour at the toils of husbandly equally with the
people From the 12th paragraph to the 16th, Seang is rebuked for forsak-
ing his master, and taking up with the heresy of Heu Hmg- In the lost
two paiagraphs Mencms pioceeds, from the evasive replies of Seang, to
give the cotip de giace to the new pernicious teachings

Pat 1 All that we know of Heu Hing is from this chapter. He was a
native of Ts'oo, and had evidently got in his seething biam the idea of a
new moral world where there would be no longei the marked dibtmetions of
ranks m which society had arranged itself Shm-nung, " Wonderful hus-
bandman," ib the designation of the second of the five famous emperors of
Chinese prse-histono times He is also called Yen-te, " the Blazing emperor "
He is placed between Fuh-he, and Hwang- te, though separated from the
latter by the intervention of seven reigns, making with his own over 500
years If any faith could be placed in this chronology, it would place faun
B O. 3272 In the appendix to the Yih King he is celebrated as the Father
of husbandry Other traditions make hira the Father of medicine also
Those who, like Heu Hing, in the tune of Mencius, gnve out that they were
his followeis, had no record of his words 01 pnnciplea, but meielyused hia
name to recommend then own ^vild notions " The benevolent government "
W4S the division of the land on the principles described in last chapter

206 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS [BK 111.

saying^ ef A man of a distant region, I have heard that you,
O ruler, are practising a benevolent government, and I wish
to receive a site for a house, and to become one of your
people " Duke Win gave him a dwelling-place His
disciples, amounting to several tens, all wore clothes of
hair-cloth, and made sandals of hemp and wove mats for a
living

2 Cjh/in Seang, a disciple of Ch f m Leang, with his
younger brother Sin, with their plough-handles and shares
ou their backs, came [at the same time] from Sung to
T f ng, saying, " We have heard that you, ruler, are put-
ting into practice the government of the [ancient] sages,
[showing that] you are likewise a sage we wish to be the
subjects of a sage "

3 When Ch'in Seang saw Heu Hmg, he was very much
pleased with him, and, abandoning all which he had learned,
he set about learning from him Having an interview with
Mencius, he repeated to him the words of Heu Hmg to this
effect . C( The ruler of TSing is indeed a worthy pnnce, but
nevertheless he has not yet heard the [real] ways [of anti-
quity]. Wise and able rulers should cultivate the ground
equally and along with their people, and eat [the fruit of
their own labour] They should prepare their morning and
evening meals [themselves], and [at the same time] carry
on the business of government But now [the ruler of]
T'iing has his granaries, treasuries, and arsenals, which is a
distressing of the people to support himself, how can he
be deemed a [real] ruler of talents and virtue p "

According to par. 4, the " hair-cloth " seems to have "been quite an inarti-
ficial affair The sandals, which I have said Hmg's followers ** made,"
appear to have been, manufactured by beating and tying 1 the materials to-
gether, and not by any process of weaving It has been supposed that their
manufacture of sandals and mate was only a temporary employment, till
lands should be asbigned them

Par. 2 Ch'm Leang appeals in par 12 to have been a native of Ts'oo,
but *o have come to the northern States, and distinguished himself as a
scho^ We know nothing more of him, noi do we know anything of
Ch'm Seang and his brothei Sin but what we are told in this chapter The
" share,'* the invention of which is ascribed to Shm-nung, was of wood ,
in Mencius time, as appears in par 4, it was made of iron

Par 8 The object of Heu Hmg, in the remarks given here, would be to
invalidate Mencius' doctrine, put forth especially m par 14 of last chapter,
that theie must be the luler and the ruled, and that the former must be
supported by the latter

FT i. CH iv ] T'ANG WAN KHNG. 207

4 Mencius said, "Mr Hen, I suppose, sows grain and
eats [the produce] " et Yes/* was the reply ec I suppose
lie [also] weaves cloth, and weais his own manufacture."
" No, he wears clothes of hair-cloth/ J cc Does he wear a
cap ? " " He wears a cap " " What kind of cap ? " "A.
plain cap " " Is it woven by himself 9 " "No, he gets
it in exchange for grain " fc Why does he not weave it him-
self ? '* " That would be injurious to his husbandry "
" Does he cook his food with boileis and earthenware pans,
and plough with an iron share ? 9i ec Yes " "Does he make
them himself ? " " No ; he gets them in exchange for
grain "

5 [Mencius then said], "The getting such articles in
exchange for giam is not oppressive to the potter and
founder , and are the potter and founder oppressive to
the husbandman, when they give him then* van o us articles
in exchange for giam ? Moreover, why does Heu not act
the potter and founder, and supply himself with the articles
which he uses solely from his own establishment ? Why
does he go confusedly dealing and exchanging with the
handicraftsmen ? Why is he so indifferent to the trouble
that he takes? " [Ch'in Seang replied], " The business of
the handicraftsmen can by no means be earned on along
with that of husbandry "

6. [Mencius resumed], " Then is it the government of all
under heaven which alone can be earned on along with the
business of husbandry ? Great men have their proper busi-
ness, and little men have theirs. Moreover, in the case of
any single individual, [whatever articles he can require are]
ready to his hand, being produced by the various handi-
craftsmen rf he must first make them himself for his own
use, this would keep all under heaven running about on the
roads. Hence there is the saying, e Some labour with their
minds, and some labour with their strength. Those who
labour with their minds govern others, and those who labour
with their strength are governed by others Those who
are governed by others support them, and those who govern

Parr 4, 6 Mencius skilfully leads Seang on here to an admission which
is fatal to the doctrine of Ins new master, that every man ought to do
everything for himself.

f&r. 6 Henoius xeiteratea here his doctrine, which indeed had. been

208 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [BK III.

others are supported by them/ Tins is a thing of right
universally recognized.

7. " In the time of Yaou, when the world had not yet
been perfectly reduced to order, the vast waters, flowing
out of their channels, made a universal inundation Vege-
tation was luxuriant, and birds and beasts swarmed The
five kinds of grain could not be grown, and the birds and
beasts pressed upon men The paths marked by the feet of
beasts and prints of birds crossed one another throughout
the Middle States To Yaou especially this caused anxious
sorrow He called Shun to office, and measures to regulate
the disorder were set forth Shun committed to Yih the
direction of the fire to be employed, and he set fire to,
and consumed, [the forests and vegetation on] the mountains
and [in] the maishes, so that the birds and beasts fled away
and hid themselves, Yu separated the nine [sti earns of the]
Ho, cleared the courses of the Tse and the T'ah, and led
them to the sea He opened a vent for the Joo and the
Han, removed the obstructions in the channels of the Hwae
and the Sze, and led them to the Keang When this was
done, it became possible for [the people of] the Middle
States to [cultivate the ground, and] get food [for themselves]
During that time, Ya was eight years away from his house,
thrice passing by his door without entering it Although he
had wished to cultivate the ground^ could he have done
it?

proved "by the admissions of Ch'in Bering, that there are two classes, the
ruling and the ruled, the former suppoited by the latter

jPtir, 7 seems to cairy our though tb back to a time antecedent even to
Yaou* We have presented to us the world all " under heaven " m a
wild, confused, chaotic btate, the attempts to bring which into order had
not been attended with any great success, and which was waiting for
tne labours of Yu, whom*Yaou brought into the field. Menciua did not go,
i or ought we to go, beyond Yaou for the founding of the Chinese empire.
Then in par 8 we have How-tfaeih doing over again the work of Shm-nung,
and teaching men hubbandiy

In regard to the calamity spoken of in this paragraph, it is to be observed
that it is not presented to us aa a deluge or sudden accumulation of water,
hut as anting from the natuial river-channels being all choked up, and dis-
ordered For the labours of Shun, Yin, and Yu, see the Shoo, P.irtb II and
III By the "Middle States" is to be understood the portion of the
country which was fiiat occupied by the Chinese settlers The "nine
streams " all "belonged to the Ho or Yellow river, and by them Yu led off a
large portion of the inundating wateis The Keang it what we now call
the Yang-taze Choo He observes that of the rivers mentioned aa being led

PT I. CH IT ] T C ANO wll* KUNd. 209

8. ec How-tseih taught tlie people to sow and reap, culti-
vating 1 the five kinds of grain , and when these were brought
to maturity, the people all enjoyed a comfortable subsistence.
[But] to men there belongs the way [in which they should
go] ; and if they are well fed^ warmly clad, and comfortably
lodged, without being taught [at the same time], they be-
come almost like the beasts. This also was a subject of anxi-
ous solicitude to the sage [Shun] ; and he appointed Seeh
to be minister of Instruction, and to teach the relations of
humanity ! how, between father and son, there should be
affection; between ruler and subject, righteousness, between
husband and wife, attention to their separate functions;
between old and young, a proper distinction , and between
friends, fidelity Fang-heun said, 'Encourage them, lead
them on ; rectify them , straighten them ; help them , give
them wings ; causing them to become masters of their own
[nature] for themselves/ When the sages were exercising
their solicitude for the people in this way, had they leisure
to cultivate the ground ?

into the Keang only the Han flows into that stream, while the Hwae re-
ceives the Joo- and the Sze, and makes a direct course to the sea. He sup-
poses that there is some error in the text

Par 8. How-tseih, which is now received as a kind of proper name, was
properly the official designation of K'e, Shun's minister of Agnculture.
Seeh was the name of Shun's minister of Instruction. For these two men
and their works see the Shoo, Part IL The " nve kinds of gram " are
paddy, millet, sacrificial millet, wheat, and pulse , but each of these terras
must be taken as comprehending several varieties tinder it " To men there
"belongs the way [m which they should go] " carries our thoughts to the
duties of the five relations of society, which are immediately bpecified. In
my larger volume I have translated the clause by "Men possess a moial
nature," but in the note have suggested whether tne original characters
may not be translated as the clause at the commencement of oh ni 2,
** The way of men is this " Dr Plath, in his work which I have re-
feried to in the Preface, insists that this is the only con ect meaning, and
says that I have made a mistake in rendering by "Men possess a moral
nature"" That rendering, however, or the more literal one which I have
now given, is the only one which has the sanction of Chinese entice and
commentators The other which I suggested, and which Dr Plath vaunts
as entirely his, has never occurred to any one of them ; and a deeper
study of the tet has satisfied me that It is inadmissible. This cannot
be shown, however, without appealing to the Chinese characters and the
Chinese structure of the whole paragraph Fang-heun appears in the
very first paragraph of the Shoo as the name of the emperor Yaou The
address here given, however, is not found m the Shoo, and it was Shun who
appointed Seeh, and gave to him his instructions. Perhaps it was ad-

VOfc. IT 14

210 THE WORKS OF MEWCTUS. [BE III.

9. " What Yaou felt as peculiarly giving him anxiety
was the not getting Shun; and what Shun felt as peculiarly
giving him anxiety was the not getting Yu and Kaou Yaou.
But he whose anxiety is about his hundred acres^ not being
properly cultivated is a [mere] husbandman.

10 "The imparting by a man to others of his wealth is
called f a kindness/ The teaching others what is good is
called ' an exercise of fidelity ' The finding a man who
shall benefit all under heaven is called f benevolence ' Hence
to give the kingdom to another man would be easy ; to find
a man who shall benefit it is difficult

11 ' c Confucius said, { Great was Yaou as a ruler ! Only
Heaven is gieat, and only Yaou corresponded to it How
vast [was his virtue] ' The people could find no name for
it Princely indeed was Shun ! How majestic was he, pos-
sessing all under heaven, and yet seeming as if it were no-
thing to him ! 3 In their governing all under heaven, had
Yaou and Shun no subjects with which they occupied their
minds ? But they did not occupy them with their own cul-
tivation of the ground

12. "I have heard of men using [the ways of our] great
land to change barbarians, but I have not yet heard of any
being changed by barbarians Ch'in Leang was a native of
Ts'oo Pleased with the doctrines of the dukes of Chow
and Chung-ne, he came north to the Middle States and
learned them Among the learners of the northern regions,
there were perhaps none who excelled him , he was what
you call a scholar of high and distinguished qualities. You
and your younger brother followed him for several tens of
years, but on his death you forthwith turned the back on him.

13 ee Formerly, when Confucius died, after three years had
elapsed the disciples put their baggage in order, intending

dressed to 'Shun himself , only on thzs supposition can I account for its intro-
duction here

JPat 9 is an illustration of what is said in par 6, that "great men have
their pioper business, and little men theiis."

fa? 10 Compare Ana VI xxvm

far 11 See Ana VHI xvm and xix , which two chapters Menoius
"blends together, with the omission of some parts and alterations of others

JPar 12. Observe how here Ts'oo is excluded from the Middle States, the
China proper of the time of Mencius

PCM 18 On the death of Confucius, his disciples generally remained by
Jus grave for three years, mourning for him as for a father, but without wear-

PT I CH. IV.] T f ANG WAN KOTO. 211

to return to their homes Having entered to take leave of
Tsze-kung, they looked towards one another and wailed ,
till they all lost their voices After this they returned to
their homes, but Tsze-kung built another house for himself
on the altar- ground, where he lived alone for [other] three
years, after which he returned home Subsequently, Tsze-
hea, Tsze-chang, and Tsze-yew, thinking that Tew Joh
resembled the sage, wished to pay to him the same observ-
ances which they had paid to Confucius, and [tried to] force
TsSng-tsze [to join with them] He said, [however], 'The
thing must not be done. What has been washed in the
waters of the Keang and Han, and bleached in the autumn
sun how glistening it is ! Nothing can be added to it/

14 ' ' Now here is this shrike-tongued barbarian of the
south, whose doctrines are not those of the ancient kings.
You turn your back on your [former] master, and learn
of him , different you are indeed from Tsng-tsze

15. "I have heard of [birds] leaving the dark valleys,
and removing to lofty trees, but I have not heard of their
descending from lofty trees, and entering the dark valleys.

16. " In the Praise-odes of Loo it is said,

' He smote the tribes of the -west and the north ,
He punibhed King and Shoo.'

Thus the duke of Chow then smote those [tribes], and you
are become a disciple of [one of] them , the change
which you have made is indeed not good."

17. [Ch'in Seang said], "If Heu's doctrines were fol-
lowed, there would not be two prices in the market, nor
any deceit in the State. Though a lad of five cubits were
sent to the market, nobody would impose on him Linens
and silks of the same length would be of the same price.

ing the mourning dress. During all that time Tsze-kung icted as master of
the ceremonies and w hen the othei a left, he continued by the grave for another
period of thiee years nominally, but in reality of two years and three
months On Tew Joh's resemblance to Confucius, see the Le Ke, II i, HE 4.

Par. 15 See the She, II i Ode V 1

far. 16 See the She, IV 11 Ode IV. 5 The lines contain an auspice of
what the poet hoped would be accomplished by dute He of Loo , but
Menciue seems to apply them to the achievements of his ancestor, the duke
of Chow.

Parr 17, IS I suppose that Oh'in Seang made this final attempt to defend
the doctrines which he had adopted without well knowing what to say. It

212 THE WORKS OF MENC1US. [iBK III.

So would it "be with, [bundles of] liemp and silk, bemg of
the same weight , with the different kinds of grain, being-
the same in quantity , and with shoes which were of the
same size *'

18 [Mencius] replied, (f It is in the nature of things to
be of unequal quality Some are twice, some five times,
some ten times, some a hundred times, some a thousand
times, some ten thousand times as valuable as others. If
you reduce them all to the same standard, that would throw
all under heaven into confusion If large shoes and small
shoes weie of the same price, would people make them ?
If people were to follow the doctrines of Heu, they would
[only] lead on one another to practise deceit, how can
they avail for the government of a State ? "

Y 1 The Mihist E Che sought, through Seu Peih, to see
Mencius. Mencros said, <c I indeed wished to see him , but at
present I am still unwell When I am better, I will myself
go and see him ; he need not come [to me] "

2. Next day, [E Che] again sought to see Mencius, who
said, " Yes, to-day I can see him. But if I do not correct

is difficult to imagine the wildest dreamer really holding that the question
of quality was not to enter at all into the price of things

** A boy of fi\ e cubits " would be a bo> of about ten years old, who might
easily be imposed upon See on A. VIII YI

OH Y How MENCITJS CONVINCED A MJHIST or HIS EBROB THAT ALL

HEX WEBB TO BE LOTED EQUALLY, WITHOUT DIFFEBENCE OF DEGBEE, BY
SETTING FORTH THE FEELING- OUT OP WHICH GREW THE BITES OF BT7BIAL,
ESPECIALLY IN THE CASE OF ONE'S PARENTS

JPar. 1 Of Mih and his doctrines I have spoken in the Prolegomena.
Mencius thought it was one of the principal missions of his life to expose
and beat back his pi moiples

Of E Che we have no information beyond what we learn from this chap-
ter From the Tso Chuen \ve know that there were families of the surname
E both m TVe and Choo

Seu Peih was a disciple of Mencius, with whom E Che seems to have had
some acquaintance. Our philosopher, probably, was well enough, but feigned
sickness that he might test, by mteipoamg delay, the sincenty of the Mih-
let's wish, to see him The same purpose was also served by his saying that
lie would go to see E Che when he was better He did not, indeed, mean
to do so , but having been told that he would do it, E Che, if he had not been
in earnest, might have grv en up his desire to have an interview

Par 2 EJ Che showed his sincerity in again seeking so soon after to have
au interview with Mencius Menciub knew that m one point his practice

PT i CH v] T'ANG WAN KTOG 213

[his errors], the [true] principles will not clearly appear;
let me first correct him I have heard that Mr E 13 a
Mihist. Now Mih thinks that in the regulation of the
ntes of mourning a spare simplicity should be the rule E
thinks [with Mih's doctrines] to change [the customs of] all
under heaven , but how does he [himself] regard them as if
they were wrong, and not honour them ? Thus when E
buried his parents in a sumptuous manner, he was doing
them service in a way which [his doctrines] discounte-
nanced "

B The disciple Seu informed Mr E of these remarks. E
said, ct [Even according to] the principles of the learned, the
ancients, [though sages, dealt with the people] as if they
were loving and cherishing their children What does this ex-
pression mean ? To me it sounds that "we are to love all with-
out difference of degree, the manifestation of it [simply] be-
ginning with our parents 9 * Seu reported this reply to Mencius,
who said, " Does Mr E really think that a man's affection for
the child of his elder brother is [meiely] like his affection
for the child of his neighbour p What is to be taken hold of
in that [expression] is simply this [that the people's
offences are no more than] the guiltlessness of an infant,
which, crawling, is about to fall into a well. Moreover,
Heaven gives birth to creatures in such a way that they have
[only] one root, while Mr E makes them to have two roots r
this is the cause [of his error],

disagreed with the principles of Mih -which he professed to follow, and re-
solved from that point to commence his communications with him. Accord-
ing to Chwang-tsze, Mih all his hie- time did not sing, nor did he permit
mourning for the dead He would have no outer coffin, and the inner one
which he allowed was to be only three inches in thickness

Par 3 Up to this time Menciue had not seen B Che, nor does it appear
that he subsequently did so The intercourse between them -was conducted
by Seu Peih E Che does not try to vindicate his sumptuous interment of his
parents, but proceeds to state and argue foi the notable dogma of his master,
that all men are to be loved equally. In support of this he refers to an
expression rathe Shoo, V ix 9, ^nhere the punce of K*ang is exhorted to
deal with the people as he would do in protecting his own infant children
Mencnis shows that that expression is merely metaphorical, and meant that
the people were to be dealt with with a very kindly consideration of their
weakness and liability to err. Nature itself, he says, teaches us to regard
with peculiar feelings our parents and all related to us by blood If we
were to regard them and all others not related to us in the same way, that
would be to make us sprung from two roots, to be connected equally with
our parents and -with other men

214 THE WOEKS OF MOTCIUS. [BK III.

4 "Indeed, in the most ancient times there were some
who did not inter their parents, "but [simply] took their
dead bodies up and threw them into a ditch Afterwards,
when passing- by them, [they saw] foxes and wild-cats de-
vouring them, and flies and gnats gnawing at them The
perspiration started out upon their foreheads, and they
looked away, because they could not bear the sight. It was
not because of [what] other people [might say] that this
perspiration flowed. The emotions of their hearts affected
their faces and eyes, and so they went home, and returned
with baskets and spades, and covered the [bodiesj If this
covering them was indeed right, then filial sons and virtuous
men must be guided by a certain principle in the burial of
their parents "

5 Sen informed MrE of what Mencius had said. Mr E
seemed lost in thought, and after a little said, " He has in-
structed me >;

Par 4 Mencius tries to confirm his position by showing the ongin of
burial rites in the most ancient times, that is, befoie the sages had delivered
their rules on the subject Even then the natural feelings of men made
them bury their paients, and where some neglected to do so, remorse speedi-
ly supervened What off ction thus prompted m the first place was
prompted similarly m its rnoie sumptuous exhibition in the progiess of
civilization If any mtei ment were called for by nature, a handsome one
must have our appiobation

Par. 5 E Che was satisfied of the truth of what Mencius had said and
probably ceased to be a M"ihist

FT II CH t] T f ANQ WAN EUNG. 215

BOOK in

WAX KUNG PART n.

CHAPTER, I 1. Ch'm Tae said [to Alencius], "In not
[gomg to] see any of the princes, you seem to me to be
standing 1 out on a small point If now you were once to
wait upon them, the result might be so great that you
would make one of them king, 01, if srnallei, you might yet
make one of them leader of the [other] pimces. And
moreover,, the History says, f By bending only to the extent
of one cubit, you make eight cubits straight/ It appears
to me like a thing which might be done 33

2 Mencms said, " Formerly, duke King of Ts'e, [once]
when he was hunting, called the foiestor to him by a flag
[The forester] would not come, and [the duke] was gomg
to kill him [With reference to this incident], Confucius
soidj c The resolute officer does not forg-et [that his end may

CH I How MEKCIUS DEFENDED THE DIGXITY OP BESESVE, BY WHICH

HE BHQ-TJLATED HIS INTEBCOURSE WITH THE PEENCES OF HIS TIME To
understand this chapter, it must be borne in mind that there A% ere many
wandering scholais in the days of Mencius, men who went from court to
court, recommending themselves to the vaiious princes, and trying to in-
fluence the couise of events by their counsels. They would stoop for place
and employment Not so with onr philosopher He required that thei e
should be shown to himself a portion of the respect which was due to the
punciples of which he was the expounder Compare chapter vii.

Pai 1 Ch< in Tae was one of Menoius' disciples ; and this is all that we
know of him "The thing that might be done" was Meneius* going to
wait upon the princes, taking the initiative in seeking employment from
them

fat 2 The foiester was an officer as old as the time of Shun, who in
the Shoo, IL i. 22 , appoints Yin, saying that " he could rightly superintend
the birds and beasts of the fields and trees on his hills and in his forests "
In the Official Book of Chow, XVII vi., we have an account of the office
and its duties In thote days the various officers had their several tokens,
which the prince's or king's messenger bore when he was sent to summon
my one of them. The forester's token was a fur cap, and the one in the
text could not answer to a summons with a flag. We find the incident
mentioned by Mencms given in the Tso Ohoen under the 20th year of duke
Oh*aou , but with variations . " In the 12th month, the marquis of Ts'e
was hunting in P'ei, and summoned the forester to him. with a bow. The
forester did not come forward, and the marquis caused him to be seized,
when he explained, his conduct, saying, * At the huntings of our former

21$ THE WOEKS OF ME2TCIUS JBK III.

be] in a ditch or stream , the brave officer does not forget
that he may lose his head/ What was it [in the forester]
that Confucius thus approved ? He approved his not going
[to the duke], when summoned by an article that was not
appropriate to him. If one go [to see the princes] without
waiting to be called, what can be thought of him p

3. " Moreover, [that sentence,] ' By bending to the ex-
tent of one cubit you make eight cubits straight/ is spoken
with reference to the gain [that may be got] If gain be
the rule, then we may seek it, I suppose, by bending to the
extent of eight cubits to make one cubit straight.

4. " Formerly, the minister Chaou Keen made Wang
Leang act as charioteer to his favourite He, and in the
course of a whole day they did not get a single bird. The
favourite He reported this result, saying, c He is the poorest
charioteer in the world J Some one informed Wang Leang
of this., who said, c I beg to try again/ By dint of press-
ing, he got this accorded to him, and m one morning they
got ten birds. The favourite He [again] reported the result,
eaymg, ' He is the best charioteer in the world * The min-
ister Keen said, c I will make him be the driver of your
carriage ; * but when he informed Wang Leang of this, he
refused, saying, c I [drove] for him, strictly observing the
rules for driving, and in the whole day he did not get one
bird. I [drove] for Tn-m so as deceitfully to intercept [the
bn ds] , and m one morning he got ten. The Book of Poetry
says,

**No error in driving was committed,

And the arrows went forth like downright blows "

I am not accustomed to drive for a mean man. I beg to
decline the office *

rulers, a flag was u-sed to call a great officer, a bow to call an inferior one,
and a fur cap to call a foi ester, Not seeing the fur cap, I did not venture to
come forward On this he was let go Confucius said, ' To keep the rule
[of answeimg a punce's summons} is not so good as to keep [the special
lule for one's3 office S-upenoi men will hold this man right ' "
JPai 8. This is the decisive paragraph in the conversation
Par 4 Keen was the honorary or sacrificial epithet of Chaou Tang, the
chief ministei of Tsm ? in the time of Confuoius He is constantly appear-
ing in the Tbo Chuen after the 2-ith year of dmte Ch'aou ; and Wang Leacg
was his charioteer, who appeal s in the Tso Chuen and the narratives of the
States also as Yew Leang, Yew Woo-seuh, Yew Woo-chmg I have not met
\vith any further reference to Chaou Yang's favourite He The ode m the
Book of Poetry irom which the quotation is made is IL lit Y.

FT ii CH n ] T'ANG WAST KUNG. 217

5. " [Thus this] charioteer even was ashamed to bend im-
properly to tlie will of [such] an archer Though by bend-
ing to it they would have caught birds and animals enow to
form a hill, he would not do it. If I were to bend my
principles and follow those [princes], of what course would
my conduct be ? Moreover you are wrong Never has a
man who has bent himself been able to make others straight "

II 1 King Ch^un said [to Mencius] , ce Are not Kung-sun
Yen and Chang E really great men ? Let them once be
angry, and all the pnnces are afraid , let them live quietly,
and the flames of trouble are extinguished throughout the
kingdom * 3

2. Mencias said, " How can they be regarded as great
men ? Have you not read the Ritual [usages] , c At the
capping of a young man., his father admonishes him. At
the marrying away of a daughter, her mother admonishes
her, accompanying her to the door, and cautioning her in
these words, " You are going to your home You must be
respectful , you must be cautious. Do not disobey your
husband." ' [Thus,] to look upon compliance as their
correct course is the rule for concubines and wives

3 f ' To dwell in the wide house of the world , to stand in
the correct position of the world , and to walk in the great
path of the world, when he obtains his desire [for office],

CH II MENOIUS' CONCEPTION OF THE GREAT MAN

Par 1 King Ch*un was a contemporary of Menoius, who occupied him-
self with the intrigues of the time, designed to unite the other States in
opposition to Ts'in or to induce them, to submit to it. He was an admirer
of Kung-sun Ten and Chang E, two principal leaders in those intrigues,
and whose influence was very great on the fortunes of the time. They were
"both of them natives of Wei, hut were generally opposed to each other in
their schemes Yen was a grandson of one of the rulers of "Wei, and hence
his surname of Kung-sun. He is often mentioned by the designation of Se-
new ; see the " Historical Records," Book C Chang E was perhaps the
abler man of the two

Par 2 The Ritual usages, to which Mencius here refers, as the collection
known by the name of B Le Our philosopher throws various passages to-
gether, and, according to his wont, is not careful to quote correctly Obe-
dience was the rule for women, and especially so for concubmesor secondary
wives Menciua introduces them to show his contempt for Yen and E, who,
with all their bluster, only pandered to the passions of the pnnoes

Par 3 " The wide house of the world" is lenevolenoe or love, the chief
and home of all the virtues , " the correct seat " is propriety , and " the
gieat path " is righteousness

218 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS [BE III

to practise His principles for the good of the people , and
-when that desire is disappointed,, to practise them alone , to
"be above the power of riches and honours to make dissi-
pated, of poverty and mean condition to make swerve [from,
principle] , and of power and force to make bend these
characteristics constitute the great man."

Ill 1. Chow Seaou asked [Men cms] ,, saying, Cf Did supe-
rior men of old time take office ? " Men cms said, ce They
did." The Record says, ce When Confucius was three months
without [being employed by] some ruler, he looked disap-
pointed and unhappy When he passed over the boundary
[of a State], he was sure to carry with him his proper gift
of introduction " Kung-mmg E said, " Among the ancients,
when [an officer] was three months without [being employed
by] some ruler, he was condoled with "

2 [Seaou said,] " Did not this condoling, on being three
months unemployed by a ruler, show a too great urgency ? "

3 ce The loss of his place," was the reply, " is to an
officer like the loss of his State to a prince It is said in
the Book of Rites, ' The prince ploughs [himself] , and is
afterwards assisted [by others] , in order to supply the millet-
vessels [for sacrifice] His wife keeps silk-worms and un-
winds their cocoons, to make the robes [used in sacrificing]
If the victims be not perfect, the millet in the vessels nob

CH HI. OFFICE is TO BE EAGERLY DBSIBBD , AND YET rr SHOULD NO r
BB SOUGHT BY ANY BUT ITS PBOPEB PATH It will be seen that the ques-
tioner of Mencius in this chapter wished to condemn him for the dignity of
reserve which he maintained in his intercourse with the princes, and which
is the subject of the 1st chapter of this Part Mencius does not evade any
of his questions, and defends himself very ingeniously

Par 1 Chow Seaou was one of the wandering scholars of Mencius' time
In the " Plans of the Warring States," under the division of Wei, of which
he was a native, he appears as an opponent of Kung-sun Ten of last chap-
ter The " Becoid," from which Mencius quotes about Confucius, whatever
it was, la now lost Every person waiting on anothei a superior was
supposed to pave his way by some introductory gift , and each official rank
had its proper article to be used for that purpose by all belonging to it ,
see the Le Ke, I 11 TTT. 18 Confucius carried his gift with him, that he
might not lose any opportunity of being in office again. Kung-ming E,
see on Part I i

Par 3 In his quotations here from the Le Ke, Mencius combines and
adapts to his puipose different passages, with more than his usual free-
dom, Choo He, to illustrate the text, gives his own summary of the same
passages thus " It is said in the Book of Rites that the feudal princes

PT ii CH. in ] T'ASTG W!N EUNQ. 219

pure, and tlie robes not complete, lie does not presume to
sacrifice And the scholar, who, [out of office], has no
[holy] field, also does not sacrifice. The victims for slaugh-
ter, the vessels, and the robes, not being all complete, he
does not presume to sacrifice, and then he does not presume
to feel at ease and happy * Is there not in all this sufficient
ground for condolence ? JJ

4 [Seaou again asked], "What -was the meaning of
[Confucius-'] always carrying his proper gift of introduction
with him, when he passed over the boundary [of a State] ? "

5 " An officer's being in office/* was the reply, fc is like
the ploughing of a husbandman. Does a husbandman part
with his plough because he goes from, one State to another 9 "

6 [Seaou] pursued, " The kingdom of Tsm is one, as
well as others, of official employments, but I have not heard
of any being thus earnest about bemg in office in it If
there should be this urgency about being in office, why does a
superior man make any difficulty about taking it ? " [Men-
cms] replied, " When a son is born, what is desired for him
is that he may have a wife ; and when a daughter is born,
what is desired for her is that she may have a husband
This is the feeling of the parents, and is possessed by all
men [If the young people], without waiting for the orders
of the parents and the arrangements of the go-betweens,

had their special field of a hundred acres, m which, wearing their crown,
with its blue flaps turned up, they held the plough to commence the plough-
ing, which was afterwards completed with the help of the common people
The produce of this field was leaped and stored in the ducal granary, to
supply the vessels of millet in the ancestral temple They also cause the
noble women of their harem to attend to the silkworms in the silkworm
house attached to the State mulberry trees, and to bring the cocoons to them
These were then presented to their wives, who received them in their saen-
ficial head-dress and lobe, soaked them, and thiice drew out a thread. The
cocoons were then distributed among the ladies of tlie three palaces to pre-
pare the threads for the ornaments of the robes to be worn m sacrificing to
the former kings and dukes "

The officer's field is the " holy " field of Ft i m 16 The argument is
that it was not the loss of office whioh was a proper subject for gnef and
condolence, but the consequences of it in not being able, especially, to con-
tinue the proper sacrifices , as here set forth,

Par. 6 By the " superior man " and his making a difficulty in taking
office, Seaou evidently intended Mencnus himself who, however, does not
take any notice of the insinuation* The method of contracting marriages
here referred to by Mencius still exfsts, and seems to have been the rule, of
the Chinese race from tune immemorial.

220 THE WOEKS OF atENCITJS. [BK III.

stall bore Holes to steal a sight of each other, or get over
the wall to "be with each other, then their parents and all
other people will despise them. The ancients did indeed
always desire to be in office, but they also hated being so by
any but the proper way. To go [to see the princes] by any
but the proper way is of a class with [young people's]
bonng holes "

IV". 1 P'Sng ITSng asked [Mencius], saying, c f Is it not
an extravagant procedure to go from one prince to another
and live upon them., followed by several tens of carnages
and attended by several hundred men ? " Mencius replied,
" If there be not a proper ground [for taking it], a single
bamboo-cup of nee should not be received from a man , if
there be such a ground for it, Slum's receiving from Yaou
all under heaven is not to be considered excessive ? Do
you think it was excessive ? >}

2 [Kng] said, fe No. [But] for a scholar performing no
service to receive his support notwithstanding is improper '*

3. [Mencius] answered, Cf If you do not have an inter-
communication of the productions of labour and an inter-
change of [men's] services, so that [one from his] overplus
may supply the deficiency of another, then husbandmen will
have a superfluity of gram, and women a superfluity of
cloth. If you have such an interchange, then cabinet-
makers, builders, wheel-wnghts, and carnage-builders may
all get their food from you. Here is a man, who, at home, is
filial, and, abroad, respectful to his elders , and who watches

CH. TV THE LABOTJEEE is WOBTHY OF HIS HIRE , AND THERE is NO LA-

BOUBEB SO WOBTHY AS THE 8CHOLAB WHO INSTBUCTS MEN IN THE PBINCI-
PLES, AND aOTDES MEN IN THE PBACTICE, OF VIBTUE

Par 1 P'ang K&ng was a disciple of Mcncms Whether his own
mind was really perplexed as to the character of his master's way of life, or
he simply wished to atir him up to visit the princes and go into office, we
cannot tell.

Parr 2 5 "We cannot but admire the ingenuity which Mencius displays
here in tie turn which he gives to the conversation And he is right in
saying that it is not the purpose which ^e remunerate, but the work which
is done for us. Yet his argument, as a defence of himself and his own
practice, fails to carry conviction to the mind Men in general will give
honour to him who holds the principles of benevolence and righteousness,
inculcating them, moreover, and exemplifying them , but it does not follow
that they are bound to support him, nor can he accept their support without
some lose of character.

FT II. CH. V ] T f AXa WAN KUBTG 221

over the principles of the ancient kings to "be ready for [the
use of] future learners and yet he will not be able to get
his support from you. How is it that you give hononr to
the cabinet-makers, and the others I have mentioned, and
slight him who practises benevolence and righteousness.""

4 [P'Sng K3.ng] said, " The aim of the cabinet-maker,
and. others of his class, is [by their trades] to seek for a
living , is it also the aim of the superior man, in his prac-
tice of the principles [you mention], to seek for a living ?"
" What have you to do with his aim ? " was the reply. " He
renders services to you. He deserves to be supported, and
you support him And [let me ask] , do you remunerate
a man for his intention ? or do you remunerate him for his
service ? " [To this K2ng] replied, " I remunerate him for
his intention "

5. [Mencius] said, " There is a man here who breaks
your tiles, and draws [unsightly] ornaments on your walls,
his purpose being thereby to seek for his living ; but will you
indeed remunerate him ? " " No, " was the reply ; and
[Mencius then] concluded, <c Then, it is not for his purpose
that you remunerate a man, but for the work done "

V 1 Wan Chang said [to Mencius], ff Sung is a small
State ; but [its ruler] is now setting about to practise the
[true] royal government, and Ts c e and Ts'oo hate and attack
him , what is to be done in the case ? "

2. Mencius said, "When T'ang dwelt in Poh, he adjoined

CH V. THE PBINCE WHO WILL BET HIMSELF TO PHAOTISE A BENEVOLENT

GOVERNMENT ON THE PRINCIPLES OP THE ANCIENT KINOS HAS NONE TO
TTT.A-R WITH REPEBENCE TO THE CASE OP A DTTCB OP SUNG- WHO CLAIM-
ED THE TITLE OP KING

Par 1 Wan Chang was a disciple of Mencius, the fifth Book of whose
Works is named from him. The ruler of Sung to whom reference is made
was Yen, who raised himself by violence to the dukedom in B o. 328, and in
317 assumed the title of king, when he gained some successes over the
States of Ts'e on the north, of Ts'oo on the south, and of Wei on the west,
He probably gave out at first that he meant to imitate the ancient kings in
his government, but he was very far from doing so. In the Historical
Records, Book XXXVIII , he appears as a worthless and oppressive ruler,
and his ambition, which led h.im into collision with the great States men-
tioned above, precipitated the extinction of the dukedom of Sun& which
took place in B C. 285. Wan Chang gives a too favourable account of b.hn.
to our philosopher, who, however, was not deceived by it.

Par 2 Compare I it IIL 1, and XL 2 Poh, the capital of T*ang'a

222 THE WOEES OF MEKCIUS [BE IH.

to [the State of] Koh, the earl of which was living in a dis-
solute state, and neglecting [liis proper] sacrifices T'ang
sent messengers to ask why he did not sacrifice, and when
he said that he had no means of supplying the [necessaiy]
\ictrais, T'ang caused sheep and oxen to be sent to him
The earl, however, ate them, and still continued not to sacri-
fice T'ang again sent messengers to ask him the same
question as before., and when he said that he tad no means of
supplying 1 the vessels of millet, T'ang sent the people of Poh,
to go and till the ground for him, while the old and feeble
earned their food to them The earl led his people to
intercept those who were thus charged with spirits, cooked
nee, millet and paddy, and took their stores from them,
killing those who refused to give them up There was a boy
with millet and flesh for the labourers, who was thus killed
and robbed. What is said in the Book of History, ' The
earl of Koh behaved as an enemy to the provision-carriers,*'
has reference to this

8 ce Because of his murder of this boy, [T'ang] proceeded
to punish him. All within the four seas said, f It is not be-,
cause he desires the riches of the kingdom, but to avenge
the common men and women 9

4 " When T'ang- began his work of executing justice, he
commenced with Xoh; and though he punished eleven
[States], he had not an enemy under heaven. When he
pursued his work in the east, the rude tribes in the west
murmured. So did those in the north, when he pursued it
in the south Their cry was, ' Why does he make us last ? *
The people's longing for him was like their longing for ram

principality (though there were three places of the same name), is referred
to a place in the present district of Shang-k*ew, in the department of Kwei-
tih, Ho-nan , and the capital of the earldom, of Koh was in the district of
Ning-lmg in the same depaitment, so that Mencius might say -well enough
that Poh adjoined to Koh, and T'ang might rendei to the eail of Koh the
services which are mentioned The passage of the Shoo referred to at the
end is from IY 11 6

Psar. 3 " To avenge the common men and women " is spoken generally,
but the woids have a special application to the father and mother of the
murdered boy

Par 4 Compare I n XI 2 , and for the quotations from the Shoo, see
IT ii 6, and v. Pt II 6 The eleven punitive expeditions ef T*ang cannot
all "be made out In the Shoo and the She we find only six By a
peculiar construction of the text here, Ch'aou. K*e makes them to have been
22 , others have put them down at as many as 27

PT IT. OH. VI-] T f A3ra WAST KtJNG. 223

inatinieof great drought;. The frequenters of the markets
stopped not , those engaged in weeding made no change
[in their operations]. While he punished their rulers,, he
consoled the people. [His progress was] like the falling of
opportune ram,, and the people were delighted. It is said
in the Book of History, ' "We have waited for our prince.
When our pnnce comes, we shall escape the misery [under
which we suffer] *

5 " There being some who would not become the subjects
[of Chow, king Woo] proceeded to punish them on the east
He gave tranquillity to [their people, both] men and women,
who [welcomed him] with baskets full of their dark and
yellow silks, [saymgj 'From henceforth [we shall serve] our
king of Chow, and be made happy by him y So they gave
in their adherence as subjects to the great State of Chow
The men of station [of Shang] took baskets full of dark and
yellow silks, to meet the men of station [of Chow] , and the
lower classes of the one met those of the other with bam-
boo-cups of cooked rice and vessels of congee. [Woo]
saved the people from the midst of fire and water, seizing
only their oppressors, [and destroying them]

6. "It is said in ' The Great Declaration ' c My military
prowess is displayed, and I enter his territories, and will
seize the oppressor. My execution and punishment of him
shall be displayed, more glorious than the work of T'ang/

7. te [Sung] is not practising royal government, as you say
among other things about it. If it were practising royal
government, all within the four seas would be lifting up their
heads, an<i looking for [its king], wishing to have him for
their ruler. Great as Ts'e and Ts'oo are, what would there
be to fear from them ? "

VI. 1 Mencius said to Tae Puh-shing, " Do you indeed,

Par 5 The first half of this paragraph is substantially a quotation from
the Shoo, Y. lii 7 , but that Book of the Shoo is supposed to be imperfect,
and to require considerable emendation

Par 6 See the Shoo, V. i Ft II 6

Par 7 Here is the conclusion of the matter. The kmg of Sung, having
taken the sword in a different spirit from T'ang and Woo, would penbh by
the sword

OH. YI THE AJLL-POVEHFTIL INFLUENCE OF EXAMPLE AND ASSOCIATION.

224 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS [fiK III.

Sir, wish your king to be virtuous ? Well, I mil plainly
tell you [how he may be made so] Suppose that there is
here a great officer of Ts'oo, who wishes his son to learn the
speech of Ts'e, will he employ a man of Ts'e as his tutor, or
a man of Ts'oo ? " ff He will employ a man of Ts f e to teach
him/* was the reply, and [Mencius] went on, cc If [but] one
man of Ts'e be teaching him, and there be a multitude of
men of Ts'oo shouting out about him, although [his father]
beat him every day, wishing him to learn the speech of Ts'e,
it will be impossible for him to do so. [But] m the same
way, if he were to be taken and placed for several years in the
Chwang [street] , or the Toh [quarter], although [his father]
should beat him every day, wishing him to speak the
language of Ts'oo, it would be impossible for him to do so.

2, ff You say that Seeh Keu-chow is a scholar of virtue, and
you have got him placed in attendance on the king If all
that are in attendance on the king, old and young, high and
low, were Seeh Keu-chows, whom would the king have to do
evil with ? [But] if those that are in attendance on the king,
old and young, high and low, are all not Seeh Keu-chows,
whom will the king have to do good with ? What can one
Seeh Keu-chow do alone for the king of Sung ? 3>

VJUL 1 Kung-sun Ch/ow asked [Mencius], saying, " What
is the point of righteousness in your not going to see the

THE IMPOBTANCE OF HAVING VIRTUOUS MEN ABOUT A BULER'S PERSON

This chapter may be considered as connected with the preceding

Par 1. Tae Puh-shmg was a minister, probably the chief minister, of
Sung, a descendant from one of its dukes, who had received the posthumous
epithet of Tae, which had been adopted as their clan-name by a branch of
his posterity. Chwang and Yoh were two well-known quarters In the capital
of Tb'e They are both mentioned m the Tso Chuen under par 6 of the
28th year of duke Seang Some will have it that Chwang was the name of
a stieet merely, and Yoh of a neighbourhood

Par 2. Seen Keu-ohow was also a minister of Sung, recommended as
tutor or adviser to the king by Tae Puh-shing He was a man of virtue
and acquirements, a descendant of the lords of (Seeh, which principality
dates at least from the tune of Yu

CH Vn MENCIUS DEFENDS HIS NOT GOING TO SEE THE FRINGES BY THE
EXAMPLE AND MAXIMS OF THE ANCIENTS Akin to the first and other
chapters of this Book

Par 1 In Ana XIV -mm we have an example of how Confucius, not
then actually m office, but having bqen so, went to see the marquis of Loo

PT. II CH. VII ] TANG WA2T KUNG. 225

princes ? " Mencius said, " Anciently ^ if one had not been a
minister [in the State] , he did not go to see [the ruler]

2. " Twan Kan-nmh. leaped over a wall to avoid [the
prince] , Seeh Lew shut the door and would not admit him
These two, however, [cairied feheir sci upulosity] to excess
When a prince is urgent, it is not impioper to see him.

3 ff Yang Ho wished to get Confucius to go to see him,
but disliked [that he should be charged himself with] any
want of propriety . [As it was the rule, therefore, that] when
a great officei sends a giffc to a scholar, if the latter be not
at home to receive it, he must go dnd make his acknowledg-
ments at the gate of the other, Yang Ho watched when
Confucius was out and sent him a steamed pig Confucius,
in his turn, watched when Ho was out, and went to pay his
acknowledgments to him. At that time Yang Ho had
taken the initiative , how could [Confucius] avoid going
to see him ?

4 " The philosopher Tsang said, * Those who shrug up
their shouldeis and laugh in a flattering way toil harder
than the summer [labourer in the] fields.' Tsze-loo said,
f There are those who will talk with people with whom they
have no agreement If you look at their countenances,
they are full of blushes, and are not such as I [care to] know/
By looking at the matter in the light of these remarks,
[the spirit] which the superior man nourishes may be
known/*

He had a good reason, however, for doing so, independently of his having 1
been in office Mencius is never altogether satisfactory in vindicating his own
conduct in the matters affecting his intercourse with the princes, which
staggered the faith of his followers

Pat 2 Twan Kan-muh, or Twan-kan Muh (the surname and name are
not clearly ascertained), was a native of Tarn, and a disciple of T-ze-hea
The punce whom he avoided in the way which Menoins refers to wa<* Sze>,
the fiist marquis of Wei, known as duke Wan, who died in BC 386 He
never drove past Twan's door, it is said, without bowing forward to the
front bar of his carnage in token of respect , but Twan stood out upon his
purity, and would not go to see him

Seen Lew has been mentioned in IL n XI 8.

Par. 8. See Ana. STII i. k In the incident which is here related few
will see anything more or higher than the ingenuity of Confucius in getting
out of a difficulty

Par 4. We must understand Tsze-loo as speaking of those men who
gave their eoansels freely to pnnoes and men of influence of whom they
disapproved.

VOL n. 15

226 THE WORKS OF MENCITJS [BE III.

VllI 1. " Tae Ting-eke said [to Mencius],, cc I am not
able at present and immediately to do with, a tithe [only], and
abolish [at the same time] the duties charged at the passes
and in the markets With .your leave I will lighten all [the
present extraoidinary exactions] until next year, and then
make an end of them What do you think of such a
course ? "

2 Mencma said, (f Here is a man who every day appropri-
ates the fowls of his neighbours that stray to his premises
Some one says to hiro, ' Such is not the way of a good man/
and he iepb.es, e With your leave I will dimmish my appro-
priations, and will take only one fowl a month, until next
year, when I will make an end of the practice altogether/

8. " If you know that the thing is unrighteous, then put
an end to it with all despatch , why wait till next year ? "

IS 1 The disciple Kung-toosaid [to Mencius], " Master,
people beyond [our school] all say that you are fond of dis-
puting I venture to ask why you are so " Mencius replied,
" How should I be fond of disputing ? But I am compelled
to do it

2 " A long period has elapsed since this world [of men]
received its being, and there have been [along its history]
now a period of good order, and now a period of confusion.

CH VUT WHAT is WRONG SHOULD BE PUT AN END TO AT ONCE, WITH-

OUT BESERVE, AND WITHOUT DELAY

far I Tae Ymg-che -was a minister of Snug, supposed by some to
have been the same with the Tae Puh-shing of chapter vi I think it likely
they ^ ere the same We must suppose that Menem*, had been talking with
him on the points indicated in his remaika, and insisting cm them as
necessary to the benevolent government, which, it was pretended, was being
instituted in Sung See 1 11 V 3 , II i V. 3 , and III i in

CH IX MENCIUS DEFENDS HIMSELF AGAINST THE CHARGE OF

FOND OP DISPUTING. WHAT LEO TO HIS APPEARING TO BE SO WAS THE

NECHSSITY OF THE TIME Compare II i II It would appeal from that
chapter and this that our philosopher believed that the mantle of Confucius
had fallen upon him and that he was in the position of a sage on -whom it
devolved to live and labour foi the woild

Par 1 Kung-too, see II u V 4 There was some truth, no doubt, in
the common opinion about Mencius reported to him by Kung-too

Parr 2, 3 Commentators are unanimous m undei standing Mencius to be
speaking here not of the material world, but of the first appearance of men T
and it is remarkable that in his ievie\v of the history of mankind, he does
not go beyond the tune of Yaou a and that at its commencement he places a

FT IT. CH. ix ] T'ANG WAN KUNG 227

3. " In the time of Yaou, the waters, flowing oat of their
channels, inundated all through the States, snakes and
dragons occupied the country, and the people had no place
wheie they could settle themselves In the low grounds
they made [as it were] nests for themselves, and in the high
grounds they made caves. It is said in the Boot of Histoiy,
' The vast waters filled me with dread ' What are called
* the vast waters J were those of the [above] great inun-
dation.

4 " [Shun] employed Yu to reduce the waters to order
He dug open the ground [which impeded their flow], and
led them to the sea He drove away tho snakes and diagons,
and forced, them into the grassy marshes, [On this] the
wateis pursued then course in their channels, [the waters
of] the Keang, the Hwae, the Ho, and the Ha,n The
[natural] difficulties and obstructions being thub lemoved,
and the birds and beasts which had injuied the people
having disappeared, men found the plains [available for
them], and occupied them

5 " After the death of Yaou and Shun, the principles of
[those] sages fell into decay Oppressive rulers arose one
after another, who pulled down the houses [of the people]
to make ponds and lakes, so that the people could nowhere
rest in quiet, and threw fields out of cultivation to form gar-
dens and parks, so that the people could not get clothes and
food [Afterwards], coirupt speakings and oppressive
deeds also became nie , gardens and parks, ponds and lakes,
thickets and marshes were numerous , and birds and beasts
made their appearance. By the time of Chow, all tinder
heaven, was again in a state of great confusion

period of disorder Compare Pt i IV 7 The "nests " were huts on high-
raised platforms In the Le Ke, IX i 8, it is said that these were the
bummer habitations of the earliest men, who made caves for themselves in
the winter, and lived in them For the words of the Shoo, see that work,
II iii 14.

Par 4 "The waters pursued their course ra their channels," or, it
may be, " the waters pursued their course through the country," that is,
no moie overflowed it

Par 5 The dynasties of Hea and Shang have their history summed up
here in very small compass Yu and T'ang, and various worthy, if not sage,
sovereigns are passed over without ceremony. Does not the account thus
given imply that down to the rise of the Chow dynasty the country was very
thinly peopled ?

228 THE WORKS OP MENCITJS. [BK III.

6. ee The duke of Chow assisted king Woo, and destroyed
Chow. He attacked Yen, and in three years put its ruler
to death. He drove Fei-leen to a corner by the sea, and
slew him The States which h extinguished amounted to
fifty He drove far away the tigers, leopards, rhinoceroses,
and elephants All under heaven were greatly pleased. It
is said in the Book of History, ' How great and splendid
were the plans of king "W^n ' How greatly were they
carried out by the energy of king Woo They are for the
help and guidance of us their descendants, all in principle
correct, and deficient in nothing '

7 ee [Again] the world fell into decay, and principles
faded away Perverse speakings and oppressive deeds
-again became rife There were instances of ministers who
murdered their rulers, and of sons who murdered their
fathers.

8 ct Confucius was afraid and made the Ch'un Ts'ew.
What the Ch'un Ts c ew contains are matters proper to the son
of Heaven On this account Confucius said, * It is the Ch f tm
Ts'ew which will make men know me, and it is the Ch/un
Ts'ew which will make men condemn me *

9 " [Once more] sage kings do not anse, and the princes
of the States give the reins to their lusts Unemployed
scholars indulge in unreasonable discussions. The words
of Yang Choo and Mih Teih fill the kingdom [If you

Par 6 Yen. was a State in the present district of K'euh-fow, department
Ten-chow, Shan-tung From the specification of it here, it must have been
of considerable note and influence Fei-Ieen was a favourite minister of
Chow, who abetted him m his enormities It would be vain to try to enu-
merate the " fifty States," which the duke of Chow is sa^d to have extin-
guished " The tigers," &c , spoken of here, are said to have been those kept
by the tyrant Chow, and thote infesting the country, as in earlier times
The text of Mencius, however, produces a different impression on my mmd
He would have us think of much of the country as being, even in the time
of the duke of Chow, still over-run by wild animals See the Shoo, V xxv 6

JParr 7,8 What Menem* says here about the ' Spring and Autumn "is
very peipleiing, and the reader will iind the passages discussed at length in
the fir^t chapter of my Prolegomena to Vol Y. of my larger work. It is
difficult to believe that our philosopher can be speaking of the " Spring and
Autumn " which we now have , and yet the evidence beems complete that
the piesent classic of that name is what came from the stylus of the sage.

Pa 1 ) 9 From Confucius to Menoms was but a short time compared with
that which intervened between Confucius and the duke of Chow, and that
again between the duke of Chow and Yaou and IShun. The process of
decay was going on with unexampled rapidity Of Yang Choo, as well as

PT n CH IX ] T*ANa WAN KUtfS. 229

listen to] people's discourses throughout it, [you -will find
that] if they aie not the adherents of Yang, they are those
of Mih. Yang's principle is ( Each one for himself, *
which, leaves no [place for duty to] the ruler, Mih/s prin-
ciple is ' To love all equally , 3 which leaves no place for
[the peculiar affection due to] a father. But to acknow-
ledge neither ruler nor father is to be m the state of a beast
Kung-ming E said, ' In their stalls there are fat beasts, and
in their stables there are fat horses, but then people have
the look of hunger, and in the fields there are those who
have died of famine This is leading on. beasts to devour
men ' If the principles of Yang and Mih. are not stopped,
and the principles of Confucius aie not set forth, then those
perverse speakings will delude the people, and stop up
[the path of] benevolence and righteousness When bene-
volence and righteousness are stopped up, beasts will be
led on to devour men, and men will devour one another.

10 e< I am alarmed by these things, and address myself to
the defence of the principles of the former sages I oppose
Yang and Mih, and drive away their licentious expressions,
so that such perverse speakers may not be able to show them-
selves When [their errors] spring up in mea's minds, they
are hurtful to the conduct of affairs. When they are thus
seen in their affairs, they are hurtful to their government
When a sage shall again arise, he will certainly not change
[these] my words.

11. cf Formerly, Yu repressed the vast waters [of the in-
undation], and all under the sky was reduced to order. The
duke of Chow's achievements extended to the wild tribes of
the east and north, and he drove away all ferocious animals,
so that the people enjoyed repose Confucius completed the
{Spring and Autumn, and rebellious ministers and villainous
sons were struck with, terror

12. " It is said in the Book of Poetry,

' He smote the tubes of the west and the north ,
He punished King and Shoo ,
And no one dared to lesist us *

of Mih Teih, and of the principles of them both, I have spoken in the Pro-
legomena. See the words here attributed to Kung-ming B in I i IV 4

JPar 10 Compare II 3 II 17

JPar 11 The way in which the duke of Chow's driving away " all fero-
cious animals " is here mentioned seems inconsistent with the view of the
expression of which I have spoken under par 6

JPar. 12, See on Pt i. IV. 16.

230 THE TVOEK3 OF IBIENCIUS [BK III.

These father- deniers and king-demers would have been
smitten by the duke of Chow

13 C I also wish to rectify men 5 s hearts, and. to put an
end to [those] perverse speakings, to oppose their one-sided
actions^ and banish away their licentious expressions ; and
thus cany on the [work of the] three sages Do I do so be-
cause I am fond of disputing ? I am constrained to do it

14. '* Whoever can by argument oppose Yang and Mih is
a disciple of the '

X 1 E^wang Chang said [to Mencms], ef Is not Mr Ch ( m
Chung a man of true self- deny ing purity ? He was Irving*
in Woo-lmg, and for three days was without food, till he
could neither hear nor see Over a well there grew a plum-
tree, a fruit of which had been, more than half of it, eaten by
worms He crawled to it., and tried to eat [some of tin's
fruit], when, after swallowing three mouthfuls, he recovered
his sight and heaimg "

2 Mencius replied, " Among the scholars of Ts f e I must
regard Chung as the thumb [among the fingers] But still,
how can he be regarded as having that self-denying punty ?
To carry out the principles which he holds, one must become
an earth-worm, for so only can it be done

Par 13. Compare II i II 17

Par 14 Mencius seems here to call on all disciples of Confucius to co-
operate with. him m upholding the doctrines of the sage, and 3 efc the sentence
was perhaps intended to take away from the forcible assertion to -which he
had given utterance, and by which he claimed foi himself a place m the
line of sages

CH X THE MAN WHO WILL AVOID ALL ASSOCIATION WITH, AND OBLI-

G VTJON TO, THOSE OP WHOM HE DOES NOT APPHOVE MUST NEEDS GO OTTT
OP THE WORLD ILLUSTRATED- BY THE CASE OP CH'IN CHUNG OF Ts'E

Pai 1 KSvang Chang and Ch'm Chung (called also Ch e m Tsze-chung)
weie both natives of Ts'e The former was high m the confidence arid em-
ployment of the kings Wei and Seuen, and did good set vice to the State on
inoie than one occasion , see on IV 11* sxa: The latter, as we learn fiom
this chaptei, belonged to an old and noble family of the State His piin-
ciples appear to ha\e been those of Eeu Hing, mentioned in Pt i IV , or
even moie severe We may compaie him with the recluses of Confuting
time Woo-ling was a poor, wild place, where Chung and his wife, like-
minded with himself, lived m retuement It was somewheie in the piesentT
depaitment of Tse-nan Chaou K'e thinks that it is. <u,id the plum was
half-eaten, to show how Mr Chung had really all but lost hib eye-sight

JPat 2 Mencius' idea is that Ch'in Chung's principles were altogether
impracticable.

FT H CH X ] T f AXG WAX KUXG 201

8 "itsTow an eaith-worm eats tlie dry mould above, and
dnnks the yellow spring below. Was tlie house in w Inch
Mr Chung lives built by a Pih-e ? or was it built by a robber
like Chih ? Was the grain which he eats planted by a Pih-e ?
or TO as it planted by a robber like Chih ? These are thing-*
which cannot be known "

4 "But," said [Chang], "what does that matter 9 He
himself weaves sandals ot hemp., and his wife twists hempen
threads, which they exchange [for other things] "

5 [Mencius] lejomed, " Mr Chung belongs to an ancient
and noble family of IV e His elder brother Tao received
from Kah a revenue of 10,000 churn], but he considered his
brother's emolument to be unrighteous, and would not
dwell in the place. Avoiding his brother., and leaving his
mother, he went and dwelt in Woo-lmg One day aftei-
waids, he returned [to their house], when it happened
that some one sent his brother a pressnt of a live goose.
He, knitting his brows, said, *" What are you going to use
that cackling thing foi ? ' By-and-by, his mother killed
the goose, and gave him some of it to eat [Just then] his
brother came into the house and said, e It's the flesh of that
cackling thing/ on which he went out, and vomited it

6. te Thus what his mother gave him he would not eat,
but what his wife gives him he eats He will not dwell in
his brother's house, but he dwells in Woo-lmg How can,
he in such circumstances complete the style of life which
he professes ? With such principles as Mr Chung holds, [a
man must be] an earth- worm, and thenhe can carry them out "

Par 3 Pih-e see II i II 22, et al Chih was a famous robber chief
of Confucius' time, a younger bi other of Hvruj of Lew-hea, celebrated by
Meneius in II i IX 2, et al Theie was, however, it IB said, in high an-
tiquity in the time of Hwan^-te, a noted lobber so called, who^e name was
given to Hwu\'s brother because ot the similarity of their course "The
lobber Ghih * had come to be used like a proper name As Chung with-
drew from human society leat he should be denied by it, Mencma shows
that unless he weie a woim he could not be independent of other men
Even the hout>e he lived in, and the grain he ate, might be the result of the
labour ot a villain like Chih, or ot a woithy like Pih-e, for anything he
could tell

JParr 4, 5 EL'wang Chang says that the lodging and food of Mr Ch'm
were innocently and righteously come by ; and it was not necessary to push,
one's inquiries further back Mencius does not reply to him directly, but
throws ndicule on the self-denying recluse by the ridiculous story which he
tells , and concludes by reiterating what he had affirmed as to the impracti-
cability of the rn*.r> and of his principles.

232 THE WOEZS OP MENCIUS.

BOOK TV.

LE LOW. PART I.

CHAPTER I. 1. Mencms said, "The power of vision of
Le Low, and the skill of liand of Kung-shoo,, without the
compass and square, could not form squares and circles
The acute ear of the [music] -master Kwang, without the
pitch- tub 63^ could not determine correctly the five notes
The principles of Yaou and Shun, without a "benevolent
government, could not secure the tranquil order of the

With this Book commences what is commonly called the second or lower
Part of the Works of Mencms , but that division is not recognized in the
critical editions It is called Le Low from its commencing with those two
characters, and contains twenty-eight chapters which are most of them
shoiter than those of the preceding Books

GH I THERE is AN ABT OF GOVERNMENT, AB WELL AS A WISH TO GOVERN

WELL, TO BE LEARNED FROM THE EXAMPLE AND PRINCIPLES OP THE
ANCIEST KINGS, AND WHICH MTTST BE STUDIED AND PRACTISED BY RULERS
AND THEIK MINISTERS

Pai I Le Low, called also Le Choo, carries us hack to the highest
Chinese antiquity. He was, it is said, of the time of Hwang-te, and so acute
of vision that at the distance of a hundred paces he would see the point of
the smallest hair Rung-shoo, named Pan, was a celebrated mechanist of Loo,
contemporary with Confucius, if, as some think, he was a son of duke
Gb/aou He is fabled to have made buds of bamboo which eould continue
flying for three days, and othei marvellous contrivances He is now the
tutelaiy spirit of caipeuteis, undei the name of Loo Pan or Pan of Loo ;
but many critics contend that the Kung-shoo of Mencius and Loo Pan ought
not to be identified See the Le Ke, II 11 II 21 Kwang,, styled Tsze-yay,
was a famous music-master of Tsm, a little before the time of Confucius
There is an mterebting conversation between him and the maiquis of Tsm
in the Tbo Chuen, under the 14th year of duke Seang The pitch-tubes,
here called " six," by synecdoche for "twelve," were invented in the earliest
times, to determine by their various lengths the notes of the musical scale,
and for othei purposes See some account of them under par 8 in the
tJhoo, IT i " The five notes " are the five full notes of the octave, omitting
the semitones The word " principles " in the phrase, " the principles of
Yaou and Shun, ' must be taken vaguely, and as meaning simply the wish to
govern rightly, subsequently embodied in " benevolent government," such as
Mencius delighted to dwell on in many chapters of the previous Books The
use of " punciples," howev er, in this vague and uncertain way, introduces an

PT I CH I.] LE LOW. 233

2. " There are now [princes] who have benevolent hearts
and a reputation for benevolence, while yet the people do
not receive any benefits from them, nor will they leave any
example to future ages ; all because they do not put into
practice the ways of the ancient kings.

3 <c Hence we have the saying-, * Goodness alone is not
sufficient for the exercise of government ; laws alone cannot
carry themselves into practice J

4 ff It is said in the Book of Poetry,

* Erring in nothing, forgetful of nothing,
Observing and following the old statutes '

Never has any one fallen into error who followed the laws of
the ancient kings

5. ee When the sages had used all the power of their eyes,
they called in to their aid the compass, the square, the
level, and the line , and the ability to make things square,
round, level, and straight was inexhaustible When they
had used all the power of their ears, they called in the aid
of the pitch-tubes; and the ability to determine correctlv
the five notes was inexhaustible When they had used all
the thoughts of their hearts, they called in to their aid a
government that could not bear [to witness the suffering
of] men , and their benevolence overspread all under heaven

6 " Hence we have the saying, ' To rais*e a thing high
we must begin from [the top of] a mound or a hill , to dig

inconsistency and ambiguity into the chapter. Menciua exhoi ts to follow
the .way* or " principles " of the ancient kings, and yet they are here said to be
insufficient foi good government.

Par 2 One of the early commentators of the Sung dynasty refers to king
Beuen of Ts'e of I i VII et al , as an instance of the rulers who have a
benevolent heart, and to the first emperor of the Leang dynasty, (A D 02
649), whose Buddhistic scrupulosity about taking life made him have a
reputation lor benevolence. Yet the heart of the one and the reputation
of the other proved of little benefit to then people

Par B " Goodness alone " is the benevolent heart without the method.
" Laws alone " is the benevolent government without the heart

Par 4 See the She, III n V. 2

Par 5 According to the views of Chinese writers, the lei &r was the first
of the mechanical powers which was invented. " The lever revolving pro-
duoed the awcle* The circle produced the square The square produced the
Itna f and the line produced the level " On government ab " not bearing to
witness the sufferings of men," see II i VI

Par. 6 The saying is found m the Le Ke, X. u. 10

234 THE WORKS or Mtfcius [BK iv

to a [great] depth, we must commence in [the ]ow ground
ot] a stream or a marsh/ Can he be pronounced wise who, in
the exercise of government, does not stait from the ways of
the ancient kings.

7 " Therefore only the benevolent ought to be in high
stations. When a man destitute of benevolence is in a high
station, he thereby disseminates his wickedness among the
multitudes [below him]

8 c ' When the ruler has not principles by which he exam-
ines [his administration] , and his ministers have no laws by
which they keep themselves [in the discharge of their duties],
then in the court obedience is not paid to principle, and
in the office obedience is not paid to rule Superiors violate
[the laws of] righteousness, and inferiors violate the penal
laws It is only by a fortunate chance that a State in
such a case is preserved.

9 f( Therefore it is said, ' It is not the interior and ex-
tenor walls being incomplete, nor the supply of weapons of-
fensive and defensive not being large, which constitutes the
calamity of a State It is not the non-extension of the
cultivable area, nor the non-accumulation of stores and
wealth, which is injurious to a State 3 When superiors do
not observe the rules of propriety, and inferiors do not
learn [anything better], then seditious people spring up, and
[that State] w^l perish in no time

10. Cf It is said in the Book of Poetry,

* Heaven is now producing such movements ,
Do not be so indifferent '

11. " c Indifferent,' that is, careless and dilatory.

12. " And so may [those officers] be deemed who serve
their ruler without righteousness, who take office and retire
from office without regard to propriety, and in. their words
disown the ways of the ancient kings

Par 1 The "therefore" expiesfaes a consequence from what has "been said
in all the previous paragraphs. " High stations " should peihaps be " the
highest station " The ruler is indicated

Par 8 is an illustration of the concluding clause of par 7, showing how
wickedness flows downwards, with its consequences

Par 10 See the She, III u X 2 From this paragraph Menoius has the
ministers of a rulei m view They have their duties to perform, in order
that the benevolent govei nment may be realized

Par 13 Compare II 11 H 4

PT T CH II ] LE LOW. 2o

13 ee Therefore it is said, ( To urge one's ruler to difficult
achievements should be called showing respect for him , to
set before him whai, is good and repress his perveisities
should be called showing- reverence for him. [He who does
not do these things, but says to himself] , ' My ruler is
incompetent to this/ should be said to play the thief with
him/'

II. 1 Mencius said, "The compass and square produce
perfect circles and squares. By the sages the human rela-
tions are peifectly exhibited.

2. cc He who, as a ruler, would perfectly discharge the
duties of a ruler, and he who, as a minister, would perfectly
discharge the duties of a minister, have only to imitate,
the one Yaou, and the other Shun He who does not serve
his ruler as Shan served Yaou does not reverence his ruler,
and he who does not rule the people as Yaou ruled them
injures his people

8. " Confucius said, c There are but two couises^ that of
benevolence and its opposite *

4 cc [A ruler] who carries the oppression of his people to
the highest pitch will himself be slain, and his State will
perish. If one stop short of the highest pitch, his life will
be in danger, and his State will be weakened He will be
styled ' The Dark * or ' The Cruel , ' and though he may
have filial sons and affectionate grandsons, they will not be
able in a hundred generations to change [the designation]

CH II A CONTINUATION OF LAST CHAPTER THAT TAOIT AND SHUN
WEBE PEBFECT MODELS FOR KULEBS AND MINISTERS , AND THE CONSE-
QUENCES OF NOT IMITATING THEM

Pa r. I The ** human relations " are the five specified in TIL i IV 8
" The sages,*' according to this par , were not only models for rulers and
minitters, but showed human nature in all its relatione according to its
ideal.

Par 2 We have no particular account of how Shan discharged his
duties as a minister, nor of how Yaou discharged his as a ruler All our
information about them is comprised m a short space at the beginning of
the Shoo We must believe that Shun was all that a minister could be, and
Yaou all that a ruler could be.

Par 3 This is a saj ing of Confucius for the preservation of which we
are indebted to Mencius By the course of benevolence is intended the
imitation of Yaou and Shun , by its opposite the neglect of them as models

JPar. 4 By rulers who carry oppression to the highest pitch Mencius intends
Keen, and Chow, the last sovereigns of the Hea and Tin dynasties , by " The

236 THE WORKS OF MEXCITTS. [BK IV.

5. ee This is what is intended m the words of the Book of
Poetry,

'The beacon of Yin is not far distant
It is in the age of the [last] sovereign of Hea ' "

IH. 1. Mencius said, c< It was by benevolence that the
three dynasties gained the kingdom^ and by not being
benevolent that they lost it.

2. ff It is in the same way that the decaying and flourish-
ing, the preservation and perishing, of States are deter-
mined

3. "If the son of Heaven be not benevolent, he cannot
preserve [all within] the four seas [from passing from him] .
If a feudal prince be not benevolent, he cannot preserve his
altars If a noble or great officer be not benevolent, he
cannot preserve his ancestral temple If a scholar or com-
mon man be not benevolent, he cannot preserve his four
limbs.

3 "Now they hate death and ruin, and yet delight in
not being benevolent , this is like hating to be drunk, and
yet being strong [to drink] spirit s."

IV. 1. Mencius said, " If a man love others, and no [re-
sponsive] affection is shown to him, let him turn mwaids

Dark " and " The Cruel," he intends the twelfth and tenth kings of the
Chow dynasty, who received those posthumous, but indelible, designations
Par 6. See the She, III m I 6

CH III THE IMPORTANCE TO ALL, BUT ESPECIALLY TO BULBBS, OP EX-
ERCISING BENEVOLENCE

Pat . I "The thiee dynasties" aie of course thoofl of Hea, Shang or Tin,
and Chow It is a bold utterance, seeing that the dynatsty of Ohow was still
existing in the fame of Mencius , but he regarded it as old and ready to
vanish away

Pat. 3 " The four seas " is heie equivalent to "all beneath the skj,"
which means the empire or kingdom of China See on the Shoo, II i 18
" The altars " are in the Chinese text specifically those to the spirits of
the land and the grain The pbraf>e is here equivalent to " his State "

Par 4 has for its subject the princes of Meiioiub' tune

CH IV WITH WHAT MEASUBE A MAN METES IT WILL BE MEASURED TO

HIM AGAIN , AND CONSEQUENTLY BEFOEE A MAN DB1LS WITH OTHKBS, EX-
PECTING THEM TO BE AFFECTED BY HIM, HE SHOULD FIBST DB3AL WITH

HIMBELP The sentiment is expressed quite generally, but a particular re-

PT I CH YI ] LE LOW. 237

and examine his own benevolence _, if he [is trying 1 to] rule
otheis, and his government is unsuccessful, let him turn in-
wards and examine his own wisdom If he treats others
politely and they do not return his politeness, let him turn
inwards and examine his own [feeling of] respect

2. "If we do not by what we do realize [what we desire],
we should turn inwards, and examine ourselves in every
point When a man is himself correct, all under heaven
will turn to him [with recognition and submission].

3. "It is said in the Book of Poetry,

' Always strive to accord with the will [of Heaven] ,
So shall you be seeking for much happiness * "

V. 1 Mencius said, ff People have this common saying,
* The kingdom, the State, the clan ' The root of the
kingdom is in the State ; the root of the State is in the
clan ; the root of the clan is in the person

VI Mencius said, ct The administration of govern-
ment is not difficult, it lies in not offending against the
great Houses He whom the great Houses affect will be
affected by the whole State ; and he whom a whole State
affects will be affected by all under heaven. "When this is

ference is to be understood to the princes of the fame The lines quoted are
from the She, ITT, i L 6 They were adduced before in IL i IV 6

CH V. THE GREAT THTNG- TO BB ATTENDED TO IB THE CULTIVATION OF
PERSONAL OHABACTEB I think this is the idea which Menoiua had in mind
in the words given here The common saying to which he refers was good
so far as it went, hut it did not go far enough His course of thought is
followed out to greater length in " The Great Learning " See the 4th pai of
the Confucian Text there, and many passages of the Commentary

CH VT THE IMPORTANCE TO A RTJLEB OP SECURING THE SUBMISSION AND

ESTEEM OP THE GREAT HOUSES JN HIS STATE.

The ruler's *' not offending the great Houses" means his not doing any-
thing that will excite their resentment, but commanding their lojal attach-
ment by his personal character and his administration Choo He refers, in
illustration of the sentiment, to a story about duke Hwan of Ts*e which we
find in one of the works of Lew Heang The duke, we are told, came one
day in hunting to the district of Mih-k*ew, and lighted on an old man, who
Raid, in answer to his inquiry, that he was 83. " A beautiful old age," said
the duke. " Pray that I znay be blessed with an equal longevity." The old
man accordingly prayed, ** May his lordsjtup, my ruler, live to a very great

238 THE WORKS OF MESTCIUS [BE IV

the casej [sucli an one's] Yirtue and teacnings will ' spread
over [all within] the foui seas like the rush of water "

VII. 1 Mencius said, "When right government prevails
throughout the kingdom, [princes of] little virtue are sub-
missive to those of gieat, and [those of] little worth to [those
of] great When bad government prevails, the small aie
submissive to the large, and the ^veak to the strong. Both
these cases are [the law of] Heaven They who accord
with Heaven are preserved , they who rebel against Heaven
perish

2 ' ' Duke King of Ts'e said, * Not to be able to command

age, despising gold and gems, and counting men his jewels I " The duke
said, " Good ' But the highest virtue is not found alone , good words must
"be repeated Do you, Sir, pray for me a second time " The man did so,
saying, " May nib loidship, my mler not be ashamed to learn, nor dislike to
ask his inferiors, ha\ e men of \\ orth by his sidCj and give access to such as
will admonish him ' " The duke exprefased his satisfaction with this player
in neaily the same terms at, before, and asked the old man to pray for him
a third time The man complied, and said, * May his lordship, my ruler,
not offend against his minibters and the people 1 " The duke changed colour
at thebe words, and baid, " I have heard that a son may off end against his
father, and a ministei against his ruler, but I have not heard of a ruler's
offending against his minibter , thib prayer is not of a piece with the two
formei ones Please to change it " The old man knelt down in obeisance,
and then stood up and said, " This piayer is supenor to the two foimer ones
A son who has offended against his father may apologize thiough his aunts
and uncles, and the fathei can ibrgue him A minister who has offeuded
against hib rulei may apologize thiough his ruler't familiar attendant, and
be forgiven But when K'eeh offended against T'ang and Chow offended
against king Woo, these \veie cases of rulers offending against their nobles
There were none through whom they could apologize , the offences were
never foigrven, and the retubution for them continues to the present day"
The duke acknowledged the truth of what the man said, and showed to him
great honour

OK VII THE WILL OF HEAVEN IN EEGABD TO THE SUBJECTION OF ONE
STATE TO ANOTHEB is VABIOISLY INDICATED, AND DEPENDS ON CEBTAIN

CONDITIONS , WHICH EXISTING-, THh, BEBULT CANNOT BE AVOIDED A
PJRINCE S OM.Y bECtntlTY FOB. SAFETY AND PROSPERITY IS IN BEZNQ BENE-
VOLENT

Par 1 " Both these cases are [the law of] Heaven " Heaven, it is
said, embraces heie the idea*, of what xnutst be in reason, and the different
powers of the eontiasted States This is tiue , in a vntuouh age, the great-
est virtue will influence the mobt, and in a bad age, the gieatest strength
will pre\ail But why sink the idea of a Providential government which is
implied in * Heaven " ?

.Pat . 2 Doke King of Ts'e has been mentioned already in I 11 IV 4, et

PT I. CH VII ] LE LOW. 239

[o tiiers] , and further to refuse to receive their commands,
is to cufc one's-self off fiom all intercourse with them *
His tears flowed forth, and he gave his daughter in mar-
riage to [the pnnce of] Woo

3 " ]SIow the small States take for their models the large
States, but are ashamed to receive their commands , this is
like scholars being ashamed to receive the commands of their
master.

4 " For [a prince] who is ashamed of this, the best plan
is to make king Wan his model Let one take king Wan as
his model and in five years, if his State be large, or in seven
years, if it be small, he will be sure to give law to all under
heaven

5. " It is said in the Book of Poetry,

* The descendants of [the bovereigns of] Sbang
Weie more in number than a hundred thousand ,
But when God gave the command,
They "became subject to Chow

They became subject to Chow
The appointment of Hea\en is not constant
The officers of Ym, admnable and alert,
AstxLst at the libations in our capital '

Confucius said, ' As [against so] benevolent [a ruler, the
multitudes] could not be deemed multitudes * If the ruler
of a State love benevolence, he wiLL have no opponent under
heaven.

al The affair here referred to does not appear in the Tso Chuen, but is
mentioned by Lew Hej,ng and other writeis The duke, it appears, pur-
chased peace from Hoh-Ieu a king of Woo as he called himself, by sending
his daughtei to Woo to be married to his son Woo, corresponding to the
northern part of Cheh-keang and the south of Keang-soo, was still con-
sidered a barbarous State m the time of Confucius, and the civilized States of
Chow were ashamed to have dealings with it on equal terms The princess
of Ts'e mentioned here soon pmed away and died, and \\as followed to the
grave ere long by her husband, the old barbarian king showing much sym-
pathy with her case

Pat 3 The smaller States fojlowed the example of the larger in what
was evil, and yet were ashamed to submit to them

Parr 4, 5 See the She, III i I stt 4, 5 We are to understand that
the remark of Coufucms was made on reading the stanzas of the ode just
referred to Against a benevolent prince, like king Wan, the myuads of
the adherents of the Shang dynasty ceased to be myriads They would not
act against him.

240 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS. [BK IV.

6. ce Now-a-daySj they wish to have no opponent under
heaven, "but [they do] not [seek to attain this] by being
benevolent _, this is like trying to hold a heated substance,
without having dipped it in water. It is said in the Book
of Poetry,

Who can. hold anything hot ?
Must he not dip it [first] in water ? "'

VIH 1 Mencius said, cc How is it possible to speak with
[princes] who are not benevolent ? Their perils they count
safety, their calamities they count profitable, and they de-
light in the things by which they are going to ruin. If it
were possible to talk with them who [so] violate benevo-
lence, how should we have such ruin of States and de-
struction of families ?

2 ct There was a boy singing,

'"When the watei of the Ts'ang-lang is clear,
It does to wash the strings of my cap ,
When the water of the Ts'ang-lang is muddy,
It does to wash my feet '

3 fc Confucius said, ' Hear what he says, ray children .
when clear, to wash the cap strings , when muddy, to wash
the feet ' [This different application] is brought [by the
water] on itself.

4 ' c A man must [first] despise himself, and then others
will despise him A family must [first] overthrow itself,
and then others will overthrow it A State must [first]
smite itself, and then others will smite it.

5. f This is illustrated by the passage in the T'ae-keah,
* Calamities sent by Heaven may be avoided , but when we
bnng on the calamities ourselves, it is not possible to hve. J "

Par 6 See the She, III m III 5, with the remarks which I have there
made in To] IV , of my larger Work, on the passage.

CH vm THAT A PRINCE is THE AGENT OF HIS OWN Bmar BY HIS

VICIOUS WATS AND HIS REFUSING TO BE COUNSELLED

Par 2 The name T&",ing-l<ing is found applied to different streams. One
is mentioned in the Shoo, III i Pt II 8 , but the one in the text was pro-
bably in Shan-tung, in the piesent district of Yih, department Yen-chow

Par 3 The boy was Ringing without any thought of the meaning which
the sage could find in his words, and of the expansion of that meaning
which our philosopher would give

Par, 5 See on II i. IV 6.

PT I CH. IX ] LE LOW. 241

IX 1. Mencius said, ' e Keen and Chow's losing- tlie king*
dom arose from their losing the people , and to lose the peo-
ple means to lose their hearts Tnere is a way to get the
kingdom ; get the people, and the kingdom is got There
is a way to get the people _, get their hearts, and the peo-
ple are got There is a way to get their hearts , it is
simply to collect for them what they desire, and not to lay
on them what they dislike

2 " The people turn to a benevolent [rule] as water flows
downwards., and as wild beasts run to the wilds.

3. "Accordingly [as] the otter aids the deep waters, driv-
ing the fish to them, and [as] the hawk aids the thickets,
driving the little birds to them, [so] did Keen and Chow aid
T'ang and Woo, driving the people to them.

4 " If among the present rulers throughout the kingdom
there were one who loved benevolence,, all the [othei] princes
"would aid him by driving the people to him Although he
wished not to exercise the royal sway, he could not avoid
doing so

5 tf The case of [one of the] present [princes] wishing
to attain to the royal sway is like the having to seek for
mugwort three years old to cure a seven years* illness. If
it have not been kept in store, the whole life may pass with-
out getting it. If [the princes] do not set their minds on
a benevolent [government], all their days will be in sorrow
and disgrace, till they aie involved in death and rnin.

CH IX. BEING BENEVOLENT is THE STJRK WAY FOB A BULER TO BISE

TO THE HEIGHT OF THE ROYAL DIGNITY , AND IS MOREOVER THE ONLY
WAY TO AVOED DEATH AND RUIN.

Pa,? I Ohoo He illustrates what is said here about getting the people's
hearts by what we find in the Biographies of the Books of Han about Ch'aou
Ts'oh, who is mentioned in the Piolegomena to the Shoo, in my larger Work, p.
16, in connexion with the recovery of some of the books of that classic through,
the scholar Fuh-sang The tranquillity of the kingdom, according to Ts oh,
depended on its government being administered in harmony with the feelings
of the people " By those feelings," said To'oh, " people are desirous of
longevity, and the three kings cherished the people's Jives and allowed no
injury to happen to them They are desirous of riches, and the three kings
were generous, and subjected them to no Sstraits They are desirous of securi-
ty, of ease, &o, and the three kings secured to them the enjoyment of
these"

jpar. 5 The down of the mngwort burnt on the skin was and is used for
purposes of cautery The older the plant, the more valuable for this appli-
cation. And the longer any disease in which it couH be employed had
YOL. u. * 16

242 THE WORKS OF MENCTUS. [BK TV,

6 ee This is illustrated by wliat is said in the Book of
Poetry,

' How can you [by your method] bring a good state of affairs about ?
You [and your] advisers will sink together in ruin ' "

X 1 Mencius said., fe With those who do -violence to
themselves it is impossible to speak. With those who throw
themselves away it is impossible to do anything- To dis-
own in his conversation propriety and righteousness is what
we mean by saying of a man that he does violence to him-
self; that [he says], ' I am not able to dwell in benevolence
and pursue the path of righteousness ' is what we mean by
saying of a man that he throws himself away.

2 <f Benevolence is the tranquil habitation of man, and
righteousness is his straight path

3 " Alas for those who leave the tranquil dwelling empty
and do not reside in it, and who neglect the straight path and
do not pursue it t "

XT Mencius said, "The path [of duty] is in what is
near, and [men] seek for it in what is remote. The work
[of duty] is in what is easy, and [men] seek for it in what
is difficult If each man would love his parents, and show
the due respect to his elders, all-under-heaven good order
would prevail "

existed, the more desirable it was to get the most effectual remedy for it
The kingdom and each State had long been suffering fiom cruel and op-
pressive government, and their cure must come fiom a benevolent rule
long pursued and consolidated This seems to be Mencius* idea

Par Q See the She, III in HI 5 The lines immediately follow the two
quoted at the end of ch vu

CH. X A WAKraro. TO TEE VIOLENTLY EVIL AND THE WEAKLY EVIL
Choo He concludes his comments here -with the words "This chapter
tells MS that the principles of rectitude and virtue do originally belong to
human nature, while men extinguish them by their voluntary act. Profound
is the caution here conveyed by the sages and worthies, and learners ought
to give the most earnest heed to it."

CH. XI THE TVAY OF DUTY IB NOT FAB TO SEEK; AND THE TRANQUIL

FBOSPEBITY OB 1 THE KINGDOM DEPENDS ON THE DISOHABQ-E OF THE COMMON

DELATIONS or LIFE Compare the 12th, 18th, and several other chapters of
,* The Dootnne of the Mean,"

FT I CH. XIII ] LE LOW 24 3

XII 1 "Wlien tliose occupying- inferior situations do not
obtain the confidence of their superior, thej cannot succeed
in governing the people There is a way to obtain the con-
fidence of the superior , if one is not trusted by his friends,
he will not obtain the confidence of his superior. There is
a Tray to being trusted by one's friends , if one do not serve
his parents so as to make them pleaded, he will not be
trusted by his friends There i& a way to make one^s parents
pleased , if one on turning his thoughts inwards finds a
want of smcenty, he will not give pleasure to his paients
There is a wav to the attainment of sincerity in one's- self ,
if a man do not understand what is goodj he will not
attain to sincerity in himself.

2 ce Therefore sincenty is the way of Heaven ; and to
think [how] to be sincere is the way of man 3>

3 te Never was there 0110 possessed of complete sincerity
who did not move [othei s] Nevei was there one without
sincenty who yet was able to move others."

XIII 1 Mencius said, " Pih-e 5 that he might avoid
Chow, was dwelling on the coast of the northern sea
When he heard of the rise of king Wan, he roused himself
and said, ' Why should I not attach myself to him ? I have
heard that the chief of the West knows well how to nourish
the old * T f ae-ktmg, that he might avoid Chow, was dwell-
ing on the west coast of the eastern sea. When he heard

CH XII THE GBEAT WORK OF EVEBY MAN SHOULD BB TO TBY TO AT-
TAIN COMPLETE SINCERITY IN HIMSELF, WHICH WILL GIVE HIM A FAK-
BEAOHING- FOWEK OVEB OTHERS Compaie the 17th and 18th paragraphs
of the 20th chapter of " The Doctrine of the Mean,' 1 which are here sub-
stantially quoted As that chapter, however, is also found in the " Family
Sayings," Menciua may have had the fragmentary memoiabilia of Confucius,
from which that compilation -was made, before him, and not the Chung
Yung

OH XIIL THE GOVERNMENT OF KING- "WAN IN ITS APECT TOWARDS
THE AGED AND HELPLESS , AND THE INFLT7ENCE WHICH ANY GOVERNMENT
LIKE IT WOTTLD PSODTJOB

JPar 1. Pih-e , See II i. II 22 , IX. i , III li X. 3 What is here called
the northern sea must be, I think, the northern part of the gulf of Pih-chih-
le. T'ae-kung is Leu Shang, a great counsellor of the kings Wan and Woo.
He claimed to be descended from one of Yu's assistants m the regulation of
the waters, from whom he had the surname of Keang, and some member of
the family had been invested with the principality of Leu, so that Leu be-

244 THE WORKS OF MENOIUS. [BK IV

of tlie rise of king "W3n a "he roused himself and said,, ' Why
should I not attach myself to him ? I have heard that the
chief of the "West knows well how to nourish the old '

2 ee These two old men were the greatest old men in
the kingdom When they attached themselves to [king
W&n] it wa? [like] all the fathers in the kingdom taking
his side When the fathers of the kingdom joined him,
to whom could the sons go p

3 <f Were any of the princes to practise the government
of king W2n, within seven years he would be sure to be
giving law to all under heaven *'

XIV 1 . Mencius said, " K'ew acted as chief officer to
the Head of the Ke family, whose [evil] ways he was unable

came a clan-name or second surname of his descendants The legend goes
that king Wan first met with T'ae-kung as a fisherman on the hanks of the
"Wei, which is not acooiding to the account of Mencius here, which would
make us suppose that he was living somewhere in the east of the piesent Shan-
tung when he went over to the side of Wan King Wan had been wained
by an oracle that he was to meet with a poweiful assistant on the day that
he encountered T'ae-kung, and accordingly he said to him, " My grandfather
expected jou long," which led to his bemgcalled T'ae-kung Wang, or ll Grand-
fathei Hope " Though Pih-e and T'ae-kung are here represented as led to
king Wn in the same way, their subsequent couise and i elation to the new
dynasty of Chow were very different Pih-e would not sanction the over-
throw of the Shang dynasty, while T'ae-kung acted an important part in that
achievement, and was rewarded with the marquisate of Ts'e Wan is here
styled " Chief of the West," because he was appointed by the soveieign of
Shang his viceroy or chief over all the States in that part of the kingdom
Wan's government is spoken of here only in its relation to the aged, but we
must consider that term as embracing other helpless classes , see the de-
oription in I 11. Y 3

Par 2 On this par the " Daily Explanation " says " Moreover these
two old men were not ordinary men Distinguished alike by age and virtue,
they were the greatest old men of the kingdom. Fit to be BO named, the
liopes of all looked to them, and the hearts of all were bound to them All
under heaven looked up to them as fathers, and felt as their children, so that
when they were moved by the government of king Wan, and came to him
from the coasts of the sea, how could the children leave their fathers and go
to any other ? "

JPar 3 Compare what Confucius says of the results which he could pro-
duce if *he were put in charge of the government of a State, in Ana. XIII x.,
et ad

OH XIV. AGAINST THE MTNTSTEBS OF THE TIME, WHO PURSUED THETB

WAHLIKE AND OTHER SCHEMES, BEGABDLESS OF THE LIYES AND HAPPINE&S
OF THE PEOPLE.

PT I CH XV ] LE LOW. 245

to change, while lie exacted from tlie people doable the
gi am TV hicli they had formerly paid Confucius said, ' He
is no disciple of mine Little children, beat the dram and
assail him/

2 cc Looking at the subject from this case, [we perceive
that] when a ruler who was not piactising benevolent
government, all [his ministers] who ennched him were dis-
owned by Confucius; how much more [would he have dis-
owned] those who are vehement to fight [for then ruler]'
Some contention about territory is the ground on which they
fight, and they slaughter men till the fields are filled with
them , or they fight for the possession of some fortified city,
and slaughter men till the walls are covered with them This
is what is called c leading land on to devour human flesh.'
Death is not enough for such a crime.

3 ff Therefore those who are skilful to fight should suffer
the highest punishment Next to them [should be punioh-
ed] those who unite the princes in leagues , and next to
them, those who take in grassy wastes, and impose the cul-
tivation of the ground [upon the people] "

XV 1. Mencius said, " Of all the parts of a man's [body]
there is none more excellent than the pupil of the eye The
pupil cannot [be used to] hide a man's wickedness If with-
in the breast [all] be correct, the pupil is bright , if within
the breast [all] be not correct, the pupil is dull.

2. "Listen to a man's words, and look at the pupil of his
eye ; how can a man conceal [his character] ? "

Par I ITor the case of K*evr or Yen Tew, see the Ana XL xvi See also
the last narrative of the Tso Chuen under the llth year of duke Gae

Par 2 " Leading on land to devour human flesh , ** this is a striking
variation of the language in I i IV. 4, et al

Par 3 Here we have three classes of adventurers who -were rife In
Mencius* times, and who recommended them'wlves to the princes of the
States in the ways described, pursuing the while their own ends, and regard-
less of the people Some advanced themselves by their skill in war , some by
their talents for intrigue, forming confedeiaoies among the States, especially
to oppose the encroachments of Ts'in , and some by their plans to make the
most of the ground, turning every bit of it to account, but for the good of
the ruler, not of the people

OH. XV THE FtrpiL OF THJE BYB THB INDEX OP THE Mnn> AND HEART.
This chapter is to be understood as spoken by Mencius for the use of those
who thought they had only to hear men's words to judge of them. Compare
Ana. ILx

246 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. \_EK IV

XVI Mencius said, ff The courteous do not insult others,,
and the economical do not plunder others The ruler who
treats men -with insult and plunders them is only afraid that
they will not prove submissive to him 3 how can he be re-
garded as courteous or economical p How can courtesy and
economy be made out of tones of the voice and a smiling
manner ? "

XVII. 1 . Shun-yu K f w2n said, ec Is it the rule that males
and females shall not allow thejr hands to touch in giving
or receiving anything ? " Mencius replied^ fe It is the rule "
" If a man's sister-m-lawbe drowning/* asked K'w2n, (( shall
he rescue her by the hand?" [Mencius] said, "He who
would not [so] rescue his di owning sister-in-law would be a
wolf For males and females not to allow their hands to
touch in giving and receiving is the [general] rule ; to
rescue by the hand a drowning sister-in-law is a peculiar
exigency

2. [K*wn] said, f 'Now the whole kingdom is drowning;
and how is it that you, Master, will not rescue it ? "

3 [Mencius] replied, "A drowning kingdom must be
rescued by light principles, as a drowning sister-in-law has
to be rescued by the hand. Do you, Sir, wish me to rescue
the kingdom with my hand ? "

CH XVT DEEDS, NOT WOBDS OR MAKBTEB, STECES^ABY TO PBOVE MEN-
TAL QUALITIES The first sentence is as general in the original as in the
translation, but all the Chinese critics say that the statements are to be
understood of the princes of Mencius' time, who made great pretensions to
courtesy and economy, of which their actions proved the insincerity But
I thmk the propositions in the first sentence are quite general Our philo-
sopher proceeds to make the application of them

CH XVH HELP EFFECTUAL HELP CAN BE GIVEN TO THE WOBLD

ONLY EST HAEMOUT WITH BIGHT AND PBOPBTCTY

Par 1 Shun-yu K^van was a native of Ts'e, a famous sophist, and
otherwise a man of note in his day See his biography in the 126th Book
of the " Historical llecords " He here tiies to entrap Mencius into a con-
fession that he did not do well in maintaining the dignity of reserve, which
marked him in his in tei course with the princes For the rule of propriety
referred to, see the Le Ke, I 11. SI

Par 3 Choo He expands heie . -" The drowning kingdom can be rescued
only by right principles , the case is different horn that of a di owning
sister-in-law who can be leacued with the hand Now you, wishing to
rescue the kingdom, would have me, in violation of right principles, seek
alliance with the princes, and so begin by losing tha means wherewith it

PT I CH SIX] LE LOW. 217

XVTI1 1. Kung-snn Ch'ow said, "Why is it that the
superior man does not [himself] teach his son 9 "

2 Mencms replied, (< The circumstances of the case for-
bid its being done A. teacher must inculcate what is cor-
rect Doing this, and his lesson not being- learned, he
follows it up with being angry _, and through thus being
angry., he is offended, contrary to what should be, [with
his pupil] [At the same time, the pupil] says, ' My master
inculcates on me what is correct, and he himself does not
proceed in a correct path * Thus father and son would be
o [fended with each other, but when father and son come to
be offended with each other, the case is evil

3 " The ancients exchanged sons, and one taught the son
of another.

4. " Between father and son there should be no reproving
admonitions as to what is good Such reproofs lead to
alienation ; and than alienation there is nothing more inaus-
picious "

XIX. 1. Mencius said, fc Of services which is the
greatest ? The service of parents is the greatest. Of
charges which is the greatest ? The charge of one's self is
the greatest That those who do not fail to keep them-
selves are able to serve then* parents is what I have heard

might "be rescued , do you wish, to make me rescue, the kingdom with the
hand ? " I do not see the point of the last question

CH XVTLL THK REASON WHY A FATHER SHOULD NOT HIMSELF UNDER-
TAKE THE TEACHING- OF HIS SON But the assertion of Kung-sun Gh'ow
is not to be taken in all its generality Confucius taught his son, and so
did other famous men their sons Of the statement in par. 3 about the
custom of antiquity I have not been able to find any proof or illustration

Par 2 " The circumstances of the case " here refer to that of a stupid
or perverse child.

Par 3 The commentators all say that " the exchanging of sons " merely
means that the ancients sent out their sons to be taught away^from home by
masters It is difficult to see what else the expression can" mean, though
thia is explaining away the force of the term " exchanged "

CH XIX THE IMPORTANCE OP SERVING- ONE'S PARENTS, AND HOW THE

DUTY 8HOULD BE PERFORMED IN ORDER TO DISCHARGE IT WE MUST
WATCH OVER OURSELVES ILLUSTRATED IN THE CASES OF TSANG-TSZE
AND HIS SON

Par 1 By ** services " -we are to understand the duties of service which,
a man has to render to others, and by " charges," 'what a man has to guard

248 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS. [BZ IT.

[But] I have never heard of any who, having failed to keep
themselves, weie able [notwithstanding] to serve their pa-
rents

2 ({ Everything [done] is a service, but the service of pa-
rents is the root of all others Everything [obligatory] is
a charge., but the charge of one's self is the root oi all
others

3 <c Ts2ng-tsze, in nourishing Tsng Seih, was always sure
to have spirits and flesh provided. And when they were
about to be removed., he would ask respectfully to whom
[what was left] should be given. If [his father] abked
whether there was anything left, he was sure to say, e There
is/ After the death of TsSng Seih, when TsSng Yuen came
to nourish Ts3ng-tsze, he was sure to have spirits and flesh
provided ., but when the things were about to be removed, he
did not ask to whom [what was left] should be given, and
if [his father] asked whether there was anything left, he
would answer, 'No,' intending to bring them on again
This was what is called * nourishing the mouth and body *
We may call Ts&ng-tsze's practice e nourishing the will J

4 te To serve one's father as Ts3ng-tsze served his may
[be pronounced filial piety] "

XX. Mencms said, "It is not enough to reprove [a

and keep. The " keeping one's self " is the holding one's self aloof from
all unrighteousness

Par 2 " The service of parents " is represented as the " root of all other
services," according to the Chinese doctrine of filial piety , see the " Classic
of Filial Piety," jyassim There is more tiuth in the 2nd part of the para-
graph,

Par 3 SeiJb. was the father of the more celebrated Tsaiig-tsze, or Tsang
Sra , see the Ana. XI xrr. ** Nourishing the will " means gratifying,
carrying out, and fostering the father's wishes

On par. 4 Choo He quotes the following words from one of the brothers
Ch'ing "To serve one's father as Tsang Sin did his may be called the
height of filial piety, and yet Mencius says only that it might be accepted
as that virtue Did he really think that there was something superero-
gatory in Ts&ng's service ? " -Possibly Mencius may have been referring to
Ts&ng's-tsze's disclaimer of being considered a model of filial piety See
the Le Je, ^XT 11. 14, where Tsang- tsze says, " What the superior man
calls filial piety is to anticipate the wishes and carry out the mind of one's
parents, always leading them on in what is right and true I am only one
who nourishes Mas parents ; how can I be deemed filial ? "

CS. XX, A TBULT OtEPAT MINISTER "WIIil, PIBEOT ffJS BJFffOBTS NOT SO

PT I CH XXIV.] LE LOW. 249

rulei] on account of [his mal- employment of] men, nor to
blame [errors of] government. It is only the great man
who can correct what is wrong- in the lulei's mind. Let the
ruler be benevolent, and all [his acts] will be benevolent.
Let the ruler be righteous,, and all [his act&] will be
righteous. Let the ruler be correct, and everything will be
correct Once rectify the ruler, and the State will be firmly
settled "

XXI Mencius said, " There are cases of praise which
could not have been expected, and of reproach where the
parties have been seeking to be perfect "

XXII. Mencius said, " Men's being ready with their
words arises bimply from their not having been reproved/'

XXIII. Mencius said, " The evil with men is that they like
to be teachers of others/'

XXI Y. 1 The disciple Yoh-ching went in the train of
Tsze-gaou to Ts'e

MUCH TO CORRECT ERRORS IN MATTERS OF DETAIL, AS TO CORRECT HTS
KULEBS CHARACTER, FRO II WHICH ALL BENEFITS WILL ACCRUE TO THE
STATE The sentiment of the chapter is illustrated by an incident related
of Mencius in one of the Books of Seun K'mg " Mencms having had
three interviews with the king of Ts'e without speaking to him of any par-
ticular affair, his disciples were troubled, but the philosopher said to them,
' I must first attack his wayward mind.' "

CH XXI PRAISE AND BLAME ARE SOMETIMES GIVEN WITHOUT ANY

PBOPEB GROUND FOR THEM

CH XXII WHEN A MAN is BBPBOVBD FOR LIGHT SPEECH, HB DOES NOT
90 READILY REPEAT THE OFFENCE. Choo He supposes that the remark
here was made with some particular reference

CH SXILT. BE NOT MANY MASTERS. The tendency here rebuked indi-
cates, it is said, a self-sufficiency, which puts an end to self-improvement

CH XXTV How MBNGTOS EEPROYBD YOH-OHTOG FOE ASSOCIATING

WITH AN UNWORTHY MAN OF POSITION, AND BKCNG REMISS ON WAITIN0 ON
HIMSELF, HIS MASTER,

far 1. Yoh-cfcmg , see I li. XVL 2 Tsze-gaou was the designation of
Wang Hwan mentioned in II u TL From that chapter we may understand
that Mencius would not be pleased with one ot his disciples who associated
with such a person.

250 THE WO&KS OF MENCIUS. [BK IV.

2 He came to see Mencius, who said to him,, ee Are you,
Sir, also come to see rne ? " " Master, why do you use such
words ?" was the reply " How many days have you been
here ? " asked [Mencms] " I came [only] yesterday/* said
[the other] . " Yesterday t Then is it not with reason that I
thus speak ?" " My lodging-house was not arranged,"
urged [Toh-ching]. "Have you heard/- 1 said [Mencius]
' ' that a scholar's lodging-house must be arranged before he
visits his master ? "

3 [Yoh-ching] said, f< I have done wrong "

XX~V llencius, addressing the disciple Yoh-ching, said,
" Your coming here in the train of Tsze-gaou was only [be-
cause ofj the food and the drink [that you would so get]
I could not have thought that you, Sir, having learned the
ways of the ancients., would have acted with a view to eating
and drinking "

XXVI, 1. Mencius said, ec There are three things which
are unnkal, and to have no posterity is the greatest of
them.

We must understand that Tsze-gaou had gone on a mission from Ts'e to
Loo, and that Yoh-ching took the opportunity to go in his train hack with
>n to Ts'e, pretending that he wished to see his master Mencius

JPar 2 Chaou K'e understands the word which I have rendered yesterday
to mean ** formerly," ** some days ago " It may have that meafling , but
it is undoubtedly used for "yesterday," in II 11 II. 2, and the whole par
here has more foroe hy giving to it that meaning "We see what respectful
attention to himself Mencius exacted from his followers

CH XXY. FTJRTHHB AND MOBE DIRECT BEPBOOF Off YOH-CHING The
terms used here for "eating and dunking" are both con temp tuous,= our
application of " the loaves and fishes "

CH SXVT SHUN'S EXTBAOBDrNABY WAY or OONTBACTTN-G MABBIAOB

JTTBTIFIED BY THE MOTIVE, WHICH WAS TO RATfl^i TIP FOSTESTTY TO HIS

PABKNTS

Par 1. The two other things which are unfllial are, according to Chaou
K'e, 1st, by a flattering assent to encourage parents in unrighteousness, and
2nd, not to succour their poverty and old age by engaging in official service
To he without posterity is greater than those faults, because it is an offence
against the whole line of ancestors, and brings the sacrifices to them to an
end. la 11 XXX 2, Meooius specifies five things which were commonly
deemed unfihal, and not one of these three ia amongst them The sentiment
here is to be undeibtood as spoken from the point of view of the superior man,
and moreover as laying down the ground for the vindication of Shun

PT I CH XXVIII.] LE LOW 251

2. " Shun manned without informing his parents because
of this,, lest he should have no posterity. Superior men.
consider that his doing so was the same as if he had inform-
ed them "

XXVII. 1. Mencius said, " The richest fimt of benevo-
lence is this, the service of one's parents The richest
fruit of righteousness is this, the service of one's elder
brother.

2 <c The richest fruit of wisdom isthis^ the knowing those
two things and not departing from them The richest fruit of
propriety is this, the ordering and adorning those two
things The richest fruit of music is this^ the joying in
those two things When joyed in, they grow. Growing,
how can they be repressed ? When they come to this state
that they cannot be repressed, then unconsciously the feet
begin, to dance and the hands to move/'

XXVIII. 1. Mencius said, fc [Suppose the case of] all
under heaven turning with great delight to an individual to

Par 2. See the account of Shun 'a marriage at the end of the first Book of
the Shoo From that we might give a different reason for his contracting it
from that which Mencius assigns He intimates that fahun's parents were so
hostile to him, that they would have forbidden his mamage, if he had told
them about it

OH XXVTI FILIAL PIETY AND FRATJEJENAL AFFECTION IN THEIB HE-

LATION TO BENEVOLENCE, BIGHTJEOUSNESS, WISDOM, PROPBIETY, AND
MUSIO

Pat 1. Benevolence, righteousness, &e , are the principles of filial piety
and fraternal affection, the capabilities of them on human nature, which may
have endless manifestations, but are chiefly and primarily to be seen in those
two virtues

Par. 2 The introduction of the subject mttsio here strikes us as strange
A commentator tries to explain it in the following way " Benevolence,
righteousness, propriety, and wisdom aie the four virtues, but Mencius here
proceeds to speak of music also And the principles of music are really a
branch of propriety , and when the ordering and adorning, which belong to
that, are perfect, then harmony and pleasure spring up as a matter of course
In this way we have propriety mentioned first and then music Moreover,
the fervency of benevolence, the exactnebS of righteousness, the clearness of
knowledge, and the firmness of maintenance must all have their depth mani-
fested in music If this chapter had not spoken of music, we should not
have seen the whole amount of achievement."

CH XXV1IL How SHOT VALUED FILIAL PIETY MOBB THAN THE PQS-

252 THE WOBETS OP MENCTDS [BK IV.

submit to him. To regard all under heaven [thus] turning
to ham with delight but as a bundle of grass , only
Shun was capable of this [He considered that] if [one]
could not get [the hearts of] his parents he could not be con-
sidered a man, and if he could not get to an entire accord
with his parents, he could not be considered a son

2. " By Shunts completely fulfilling the duty of serving
parents, Koo-sow was brought to feel delight [in what was
good] When Koo-sow was brought to feel delight [in what
was good], all under heaven were transformed. When
Koo-sow was brought to feel delight [in what was good] ,
all fathers and sons under heaven were established [in their
respective duties]. This may well be called great filial
piety "

SESSION" OF THE EMPIRE, AND EXEMPLIFIED IT TILL HE WBODGHT A GLO-
BIOTTS CHANGE IN HIS FATHER'S CHABACTEB,

Par 1 The first sentence is to be understood as of general application,
and not with reference to Shun simply It is incomplete The conclusion
of it would be something like " this would be accounted the greatest hap-
piness and glory ' Choo He and others endeavour to find in. the " getting to
an entire accord with his parents" the bringing them to accord with -what is
right, so as then fully to accord with them

P&r 2 Shan's father is known in history by the name of Koo-sow The
characters representing those sounds both denote " blind " or rather " eye-
less," and K'ung Gten-kwoh says that the individual in question was so styled
because of his mental blindness and opposition to all that was good

CH I ] LE LOW.

BOOK IT

LE LCW. PAET II.

CHAPTER I 1 . Mencius said, ee Shun was bom in Choo-
fung, removed to Foo-hea, and died in Mmg-t f eaou ,
a man [from the country] of the wild tribes on the east

2 <e King WXn. was born in K c e-chow and died in Peih-
ying , a man [from the country] of the wild tribes on the
west.

3 " Those regions were distant from each other more
than a thousand IQ, and the age of the one [sage] was pos-
terior to that of the other moie than a thousand years But
when they got their wish and carried out [their principles]
throughout the middle States,, it "was like uniting the two
halves of a seal

CH 1 THE AGREEMENT OF SAGES NOT AFFECTED BY TIME oa PLACE ,

SHOWN IN THE CASES OF SHXJN AND KING WAN

Pa} \ According to Sze-ma Ts'een, Shun -was a native of K'e-chow, for
tlie dimensions of which see the note on the Shoo, IIL i Pt I 2 , and all
the places heie mentioned are refened by him to the same pro\ mce Some,
however, and especially Ts&ng Tsze-koo of the Sung dynasty, find Shun's
birth-place in the department of Tse-nan, Shan-tung, and this would seem,
to be supported by Mencius in this passage According to Ts'een, moreover,
Shun died, when on a tour of inspection in the south, in the wild of Ts'ang-
woo, and was buned in mount Kew-e, m the present district of Liug-ling,
depaitment of Yung-chow, Eoo-nan The discussions on the point are nu-
merous It was Menoius' object to place Shun in the east, and his birth and
life were in. the country east from that of king Wan He can hardly have
Intended to say that Shun and Wan weie themselves men of the wild tribes
of the east and west, though his "woids, literally taken, say so

Pa ? 2 K'e-chow, or the plain of Chow at the foot of mount K*e, was m
the pi esent department of Fung-ts'eang, Shen-se. Peih-ying is to be dis-
tinguished from Ying, the capital of the large State of Ts'oo* It was in the
present distuot of Heen-ning, department Se-gan of Shen-se , and there
the grave of king "Wn, 01 the place of it, is stall pointed out

Par 3 " The two halves of a seal , " perhaps it would be as well to say
"a tally," or " a token " Anciently the king delivered, as the token of in-
vestiture, one half of a tally of wood or of jade, reserving the other half m his
own keeping It was cut right through a line of characters, indicating the
appointment, and the halves fitting eaoh other when occasion required was
the test of truth and identity. The formation of the ohaiaoter for the term
shows tliat the tally was originally of bamboo*

254 THE WORKS OF MJBNCITJS. [fiK IV.

4. ""[When we examine] the sages the earlier and the
later their principles are found to be the same "

II 1. When Tsze-ch'an was chief minister of the State
of CL/mg, he would convey people across the Tsin and the
"Wei in his carnage

2. JMencius said, ' ' It was kind,, [but showed that] he did
not understand the practice of government

3. "" In the eleventh month of the year the foot-bridges
should be completed, and the carriage- bridges in the twelfth
month, and the people will [then] not have the trouble of
wading

4 c{ Let a governor conduct his rule on the principles of
equal justice, and he may cause people to be removed out
of his path when he goes abroad 3 but how can he convey
everybody across the nvers ?

5 " Thus if a governor will [try] to please everybody,
he will find the days not sufficient [for his work]."

III 1. Mencius addressed himself to king Seuen of Ts'e,
saying, " When, a ruler regards his ministers as his hands

OH II GOOD GOVERNMENT LIES IN EQTJAL MEASURES FOE THE GEETERAL

GOOD, AND NOT IW ACTS OF KINDNESS TO ESDIVI DUALS , ILLUSTRATED

FROM THE HISTORY OF TSZE-CH'AN

jpai I Tsze-ch'an , see on Ana V XT The Tsin and "Wei were two
rivers of Ch'ing, having their nae in the Ma-ling hills in the piesent depait-
ment of Ho-nan, Ho-nan piovmce They met at a certain point, after
which the common stream seems to have borne the names of both its afflu-
ents. Mencius has leference to a conveisation between Confucius and Taze-
yew about Tsze-ch'an, related in the f oui th Book of the Kea Yu The sage
held that Tsze-ch'an was kind, but only as a mother -who lovea bnt does not
teach her children, and in illustration of his view says that " Tsze-ch'an used
the carnage in which he rode to convey over those who were wading thiough
the -water in the winter "

Par 3 The llth and 12th months here correspond to the 9th and 10th
of the present calendar Mencius is referring to a rule for the repair of
the bridges on the termination of the agricultural labours of the year.

Par 4: " Bemovmg people from the way," when the ruler was going
abroad, was also a rule of the Chow dynasty , and not only did it take
effect, in the case of the ruler, but albo in that of many officers and -women j
see the Official Book of Chow, YU. ix

OH in WHAT TREATMENT RTTLEBS o-rTE TO THETB MUTESTEBS WILL

BE BETtTBNED TO THEM IN A COBBESPOJTOJITG- BEHAVIOUE

Par 1. " As his hands and feet, " ^ e. 9 with kindness and attention. " As

FT II CH III] LE LOW. 255

and feet, they regard him as their belly and heart , when lie
legards them as his dogs and horses, they regard him as
they do any ordinary man, when he regaids them a? tlie
ground or as grass, they regard him as a robber and an
enemy/*

2. The king said, Cf According- to the rules of propriety-,
[a mmistei] should wear mourning [when he hears of fie
death ofj a ruler whose service he had left , how mu^t [the
ruler] have regarded him that [the minister] shall thus wear
mourning for him ? "

3. Mencius said, fe The admonitions [of a minister] hav-
ing been followed and his advice listened to, so that blessings
have descended on the people, if for some cause he leaves
[the State], the ruler sends an escort to conduct him beyond
the boundaries, and also sends before him [a recommendatory
notice of him] to the State to which he is proceeding When
he has been gone three years and does not retmn, [only]
then does he take back his fields and lesidence Thi^, treat-
ment is what we call e a thrice-repeated displav of considera-
tion/ When a ruler acts thus, mourning will be worn [on
hearing of his death] .

4. " Now-a-days the remonstrances of a minister are not
followed, and his advice is not listened to, so that no bless-
ings descend on the people When for any cause he leaves
the State, the ruler tries to seize and hold him as a prison-
er. He also pushes him to extremity in the State to which
he has gone, and on the day of his departure he takes back
his fields and residence. This treatment shows [the ruler]
to be what we call c a robber and an enemy ; * how can
mourning be worn for e a robber and an enemy * ? "

his belly and heart , " i e , with watchfulness and honour ** As his dogs
and horses , " i e , without respect, hut feeding them " As any ordinary
man " is, literally, *' as a man of the State," meaning without any distinction
or reverence. " As the ground or as grass ; " &. e trampling on them, and
cutting them off

Par. 2 The rule here is mentioned m the 18th Book of the E Le, or
" Rules of Deportment ; " but the passage is obscure The king falls back
on this rule, thinking that Menoius had expressed himself too strongly.

far. 3. " Fields " here is to be taken in the sense of revenge or emolu-
ment. The " thrice-repeated display of consideration " refers, 1st, to the
escort as a protection from danger ; 2nd, to the anticipatory recommendations ;
and 3rd, to the long-continued emoluments.

256 THE WORKS OF MEtfCIUS. [BE IT.

IV Mencius said, fe When inferior officers are put to death,
without any crime, it is [time] for the great officeis to leave
[the State] When the people are slaughtered without any
cause, it is [time] for the inferior officers to remove "

V Mencius said, ff If the ruler be "benevolent, all will be
benevolent , if the ruler be righteous, all will be righteous "

VI Mencius said, (C Acts of piopnety which are not [really]
proper, and acts of righteousness which are not [really]
righteous, the great man does not do "

VII Mencius said, " Those who keep the Mean train up
those who do not, and those who have ability train up those
who have not, and therefore men rejoice in having fathers
and elder brothers of virtue and talent If those who keep
the Mean spurn those who do not, and those who have
ability spurn those who have not, then the space between
them those wh.o have the virtue and talents and those who
are inferior to them will not amount to an inch "

VIII Mencius said, " When men have what they will nor
do, they are prepared to act in what they do do [with
effect]."

OH IT PEOMPT ACTION is NECESSARY AT THE EIGHT TIME How

OFFICERS MAY KNOW WHEN THEY SHOULD LEAVE A STATE.

CH Y. THE INFLUENCE OF THE BULER'S EXAMPLE See tho 20th chap-
ter of Part I There we find the same statements, intended to stir up minis-
ters to seek to correct the errors o their ruler

CH YI GREAT MEN MAKE NO MISTAKES IN MATTERS OF PROPRIETY AND
RIGHTEOUSNESS What is propel and right at one time, it is said, may not
he BO at another Respect belongs to piopriety, but it may be earned so far
as to amount to flattery These are among the instances which are given of
the things mentioned in this chapter

CH YII IP THOSE WHO ABE MORE HIGHLY GIFTED THAN OTHEES DO
NOT USB THEIR GIFTS FOR THE BENEFIT OF THOSE OTHERS, THEY A-RTT. UQT
TO BE CONSIDERED AS SUPERIOR TO THEM

CH Yin HE WHO ESCHEWS WHAT is WRONG CAN DO WITH BOLD DE-
CISION WHAT is BIGHT In illustiation of the sentiment heie, Chaou K'e
says, " If a man will not descend to any irregular acquisition, he will be
piepared to yield even a thousand chariots," <& e r a large State

PT II CH XIII ] LE LOW 257

IX Mencius said, C( "Wliat future misery are they sure to
liave to endure who talk of what is not good in others ! "

X. Mencius said, " Chung-ne did not do extraordinary
things 3 '

XI. Mencius said, "The great man does not think before
hand of his words that they shall be sincere, nor of his actions
that they shall be resolute , he simply [speaks and does]
what is

XH. Mencius said, " The great man is he who does not
lose his child's heart "

Xm Mencius said, " The nourishment of the living is
not fit to be accounted the great thing It is only in per-
forming their obsequies when dead that we have what can
be considered the great thing."

CH IX EVIL SPEAKING IS STJBB TO EHING WITH IT EVIL CONSEQUENCES

Ohoo He supposes that the remark here was made -with some paitioular
reference

CH X THAT CONFUCIUS KEPT THE MEAN Compare with this the
Doctrine of the Mean, XL and XIII , and Ana VII xx , et al

OH XI WHAT is BIGHT is THE SUPREME PUBSUIT OF THE SUPEKIO*
MAN Compare Ana IV. x

CH. XII A MAN IB GBEAT IN PROPORTION AS HE IS CHILDLIKE Chaou

K*e supposes that ** the great man " is a ruler, and that the sentiment Is
that he treats his people as his children, and does not lose their hearts The
meaning given in the version is, no doubt, the correct one, and the Baying is
sure to suggest to my readeia the words of onr Saviour, u .Except ye he con-
verted, and become as little children, ye shall not *nter into the kingdom of
heaven" With Mfencma **the child's heart " is the ideal moral condition
of humanity Choo He says on this chapter ** The mind of the great
man comprehends all changes of phenomena, and the mind of the child is
nothing but a pure simplicity, free from all hypocrisy. Yet the great man
is the great man, juat as he is not led astray by external things but keeps his
original simplicity and freedom from hypocrisy Carrying this out, he be-
comes omniscient and omnipotent, and reaches the extreme point of great- 4
ness." We need not suppose that Mencius would himself have expanded
his thought in. tJiis way.

CH XTTT FnVTAT. PIETY IS MOST SUBBITT SBHH TIT THE WAY IN WHICH
THE OBSEQUIES OF PABENTS >"R^ PERFOBMJED.
VOL H. 17

258 THE WORKS OE ME2TCIUS [BZ IV

XIV. IMencms said, " The superior man makes profound
advances [in what he is learning] _, and by the proper course,
wishing to get hold of it as in himself Having got hold of
it in himself, he abides in it quietly and firmly Abiding in
it quietly and firmly, he reposes a deep reliance on it Re-
posing a deep reliance on it, he lays hold of it on the right
and left, meeting with it as a fountain [fiom which things
flow] It is on this account that the superior man wishes
to get hold of [what he is learning] in himself "

XV. Mencius said, ce In learning extensively and setting
forth minutely [what is learned], [the object of the superior
man] is to go back and set forth in brief what is essential "

XVI Mencius said, " Never has he who would by his
excellence subdue men been able to subdue them Let [a
ruler seek] by his excellence to nourish men, and he will be
able to subdue all under heaven. It is impossible that one
should attain to the true royal sway to whom the hearts of
all under heaven are not subject/-*

Some critics suppose, and with reason probably, that the saying here was
directed against the Mihist practice of burying the dead with a spare simpli-
city , see HE i Y 4: The funeral rites, it is said, are pei formed onoe for
all , and if they are done wrong, the fault cannot be remedied

CH XIV THE VALUE OF LEABNING THOROUGHLY INWROUGHT INTO
THE MIND One may read scores of pages in the Chinese commentators,
and yet not get a clear idea in his own mind of Menoius' teaching in this
chapter Most of them understand the subject studied to be man's own
sel and not things external to him

CH XV Choo He says, and with reason apparently, that this is a continu-
ation of the former chapter, showing that the object of the superior man, in
the extensive studies which he pursues, is not vain-glory, but to get to the
substance and essence of things

CH XVI WHEN PEOPLE'S MINDS ARE SUBJECT TO A PEINOE, THEY

WILL MAKE HTM KING HOW THEIB MINDS CAN BE MADE SO SUBJECT

The first utterance here is to me quite enigmatical Paul's sentiment, that
" scarcely for a righteous man will one die, yet peradventure for a good man
some would even dare to die," occurs to the mind on reading the first and
second parts , but the native commentators make the " nourishing " to have
nothing to do with men s bodies

FT IT. CH XTX ] LE LOW 259

XVII "Men cms said, "Woids wliich are not true are
[all] inauspicious, but those which are mobt truly obnoxious
to the chctrge of being- inauspicious are those which throw
into the shade men of talents and virtue "

-X.VJJLE 1 The disciple Seu said,, " Chung-ne often praised
water, saving, * O water I O water f ' What did he find in
water [to praise] ? "

2. Mencms replied, "How the water from a spring- gushes
out ! It rests not day nor night It fills up every hole, and
then advances, flowing on to the four seas Such is water
having a spring ' It was this which he found in it [to
praisej .

3 " But suppose that [the water] has no spring In the
seventh and eighth months the rain collects, and the chan-
nels in the fields are all filled, but their being dried up again
may be expected in a short time Thus it is that a supenor
man is ashamed of a reputation beyond the fact [of his
merits] ."

XIX. 1. Mencius said, "That whereby man differs from
CH XVII THE WOEDS WHICH ABB MOST INAUSPICIOUS ABE THOSE

WHICH AXE INTENDED TO PREVENT THE RECOGNITION OF TALENTS AND

VIRTUE The words of this chapter may also be translated " There are
no words really inauspicious, but those which may really be considered in-
auspicious, " &c. The version which I have preferred is equally allowable

CH 2LV111 How MENCTUS EXPLAINED CONFUCIUS* FREQUENT PRAISE

OF WATBB, FROM THE PERMANENCE OF A SPBING-FED STREAM"

Pat. 1 See Ana. TX. xvi for instance of the sage's praise of water.
Par. 3. Here again the months must be reduced to the 5th and 6th,-
those of the Chow year

CH "XTS: THAT THE SALALI, DIFFEBENCE BETWEEN MEN AITD AJTOIALS
IS PRESERVED ONLT BY SCTPERJOB MEN ; - JLLUSTBATJED IN SHUN.

Par. 1. Mencius has not told us in what the small point distinguishing
men from birds and beasts consists Chaou K'e says that it is simply the
interval between the knowledge of righteousness and the want of that
knowledge And tbiR is so far correct , but this difference cannot be said to
be " small M According to Choo He, men and creatures have the le the
intellectual and moral principles of Heaven and earth to form their nature,
and the A*tf, or matter, of Heaven and earth to form their bodies, only
men's We is more correct than that of animals, so that they are able to fill up
tiUe capacity of iheir nature. This seema to deny any essential difference

260 THE WOBKS OF MENCIUS. [BE IV.

the animals is bnt small. The mass of men cast it away,
while superior men preserve it

2 ef Shun clearly understood the multitude of things, and
closely observed the relations of humanity. He walked
along the path of benevolence and righteousness, and did not
pursue [as by any effort] benevolence and righteousness."

XX 1. Ifencius said, " Tu hated the pleasant wine, and
loved good words

2 " T'ang held fast the Mean, and employed men of ta-
lents and virtue wherever they came from.

3 tc King Wan looked on the people as Pie would do with
affectionate interest] on a man who was wounded ; he look-
ed towards the right path as [earnestly as] if he did not
see it

4 e ' King Woo did not disregard the near, nor forget
the distant.

5 c ' The duke of Chow desired to unite in himself [the
virtues of those] kings, [the founders of the] three [dynas-
ties], that he might display in his practice [those] four
things [which they did] If [in his practice] there was any-
thing which did not agree with them, he looked up and
thought of it, from day-time into the night ; and when he
was fortunate enough to master [the difficulty], he sat
waiting for the morning "

between, men and animals, what diffeience there is being merely corporeal
and in degree

Pa>r 2 The first predicate of Shun is to me hardly intelligible , the last
seems to say that benevolence and righteousness were natural to him, ob-
served without any effort

OH. XX. THE SAME SUBJECT , ILLUSTRATED nr Ytr, T'ANG, "Win, Woo,

AND THE DUKE OF CHOW

Par 1 lu the " Plans of the Warring States," it is said that ** E-teih made
spirits which Tu tasted and liked, but he said, * In after-ages there will be
those who through spirits will lose their States , ' so lie degraded E-teih,
and lefu&ed to dnnk the pleasant spmte." What we read in the Shoo,
IIL iii 6, gives some countenance to thin story. For his love of good
words, see the Shoo, II u 21

Poor 2 In illustration of what is said of T'ang, commentators refer to the
Shoo, IV li. 7, 3

piu- 3. For an illustration of Win's fostering care of the people, see the
Shoo, V. XT. 9, 10, and the She, IIL t VI , et al, for the other characteristic*

pr ii. CH xxiii.] LE LOW. 261

XXI. 1. Mencius said, ce The traces of true royal rule
were extinguished, and [the royal] odes ceased to "be pro-
duced. When those odes ceased to be produced, then tho
Ch'un Ts'ew was made

2. "The Shmg of Tsm, the T'aou-wuh of Ts'oo, and the
Ch/un Ts'ew of Loo were [books] of the same character.

3 " The subjects [of the Ch'un Ts f ew] are Hwan of Ts'e
and W3n of Tsui, and its style is the historical. Confucius
said, c Its righteous decisions I ventured to make ' "

XXH 1 Mencius said, "The influence of a sovereign
sage terminates in the fifth generation The influence of
one who is merely a sage does the same

2. " I could not be a disciple of Confucius himself, but I
have endeavoured to cultivate my virtue by means of others
[who were].

XXHI. Mencius said, (t When ifc appears proper to take
[a thing] , and [afterwards] not proper, to take it is contrary
to moderation TV^hen it appears proper to give [a thing],
and [afterwards] not proper, to give it is contrary to kind-
ness. When it appears proper to sacrifice one's life, and

CH. XXL This chapter is said to continue the subject of the two pre-
ceding, and to illustrate it by the case of Confucius, I confess that I am
not able to trace the connexion See what I have said on the difficulties
belonging- to several of the statements m the chapter in the first Book of
my Prolegomena to the Ch'un Ts'ew.

CH XXIL MENCIUS INSINUATES THAT, THOUGH HE HAD NOT BEEN

TS PERSONAL CONTACT WITH CONFUCIUS, HE SHOULD BE OONSIDEBED HIS

ffUCCESSOB This chapter is farther stud to continue the subject of the
three preceding, and to illustrate it in the case of Mencius himself. I should
be inclined to make the former paragraph of ch xix. a chapter by itself, and
to read the other paragraph, and chapters zz , TTJ , and this one, as one
chapter

Par. I Thirty years are held to cover one generation We might suppose
that the influence of '* a sovereign sage " would last longer than that ot one
who had no distinction of authority ; but Mencius is pleased to say that it
lasts only the same time.

Par 2, What Meawus is here supposed to inshmate would seem to indi-
cate that a space of about five generations should be placed between him
and Confucius.

TTnKTP JUDGMENTS ABE NOT ALWAYS OOKRECT. IMPULSES

262 THE WORKS OF MEtfCIUS. [BE IV

[afterwards] not proper, to sacrifice it is contrary to bravery "

XXIV 1 P'ang Mung learned archery of E When he
had completely acquired all the method of E, thinking that
tinder heaven only E was superior to himself, he slew him
Mencius said, "La this case E also was to blame Kung-
ming E [indeed] said, ' It would appear that E was not to
be blamed/ but he [only] meant that the blame at-
taching to him was slight ; how can he be held to have been
without any blame ?

2 " The people of Ch f mg sent Tsze-choh Yu-tsze to
make an incursion into Wei, which sent Tu Kung-sze to
pursue him Tsze-choh "Yu-tsze said, e To-day I feel un-
well, and cannot hold my bow , I am a dead man.* [At
the same time] he asked his driver who was his pursuer ;
and being told that it was "Yu Knng-sze, he said, ' I shall
live y The driver said, ' Tu Kung-sze is the best archer
of Wei, what do you mean by saying that you shall live ? '
'Yu Kung-sze/ replied he, * learned archery from Yin
ELung-t'o, who again learned it from me Yin Kung-t*b is
an upright man, and the friends of his selection must be up-
nght [also] ' When Yu Kung-sze came up, he said,
* Master, why are you not holding your bow ? * [Yu-tsze]
answered, *" To-day I am feeling unwell, and am unable to
hold my bow ' [Kung-sze] said, ' I learned archery from
Yin Kung-t'o, who again learned it from you I cannot bear
to injure you with your own science. The business of to-

MTJST BE WEIGHED IN THE BALANCE OF SEASON, AND WHAT EEASON DIC-
TATES SHOTJIiD BE FOLLOWED

OH, XXIV THE IMPORTANCE OF BEING CA-EEFUL WHOM WE MAKE
FBIENDS OB 1 . The sentiment is good, "but surely Mencius might have found
better illustrations of it than those which he gives

Par. I On E see the note to Ana XIY vi Both Ohaou K'e and Choo
He stiangely explain P*ang Mung as meaning Eea chung^ B*s domestics
I suspect there is an en or in their texts, and that we should read Kea shin
= E's " steward " He may have been employed by the Han Tsuh in the
note refened to T to do the deed Kung-ming E has already been quoted
by Mencius in IIL i I , and n. Ill and TX. The idea of Mewoius was that
E was to blame for having made a friend of such a man as P'ang Mung

Par. 2 In the Tso Chuen, under the 14th year of duke Seang, we have
a narrative bearing some likeness to the account here given by Mencius, and
in which Yin Kung-t'o and a Yn Kung-oh'ae (or ts'ze) figure as famous
archers of Wei Yet the differences between Tso's narrative and the text

PT II CH XXVI ] LE LOW 2G3

day, however, is my ruler's business, wliicli I dare not
neglect * He tlten took an arrow and knocked off the steel
against his carriage-wheel. [In this way] he discharged
four of them, and turned back."

XXV. 1. Mencms said, " If the lady Se had been wear-
ing a filthy head-dress, people would all have stopped their
noses in passing her

2 ee Though a man be wicked, yet, if he adjust his
thoughts, fast, and bathe, he may sacrifice to God "

XX VI. 1. Mencius said, f ' All who speak of the natures
[of things], have in fact only their phenomena [to reason
from] , and the value of a phenomenon is in its being natural.

here are so great that we can hardly receive them as relating to the same
passage of his&ry

CH XXV BEAUTY THROUGH CEBTAIN ACCESSORIES MAT BE DISGUSTING

TO MEN, AND WICKEDNESS, BY HOLY ENDEAVOUR, MAY BECOME ACCEPT-
ABLE TO GOD

Pai 1 The lady Se, or if we translate the terms, "the western lady," was
a poor girl of Yueh, called She E, of surpassing beautj, presented h\ the
king of Yueh to his enemj, the king of Woo, \vho became be&ottedly at-
tached to hei, and neglected all the duties of his government, She was
con temporal y with Confucius If v^e maj receive the ^ oiks of H^ an-tsze,
however, as genuine, there had been a celebrated beautv called " the western
lady," two hundied years betore that time, and the Jady of Yueh chose to
assume her designation

Par. 2 Chaou K e and Choo He take the character which I have trans-
lated " wicked " in the sense of " ugly " It may have either signification
accoidmg to the context I cannot but suppose, however, that Mencms
intended it in the sense which I have given, and that his object was to en-
courage men to repentance and well-doing By the law of China it was
competent only for the king to sacrifice to God, and the language of our
philosopher strikingly shows the virtue he attached to penitent purification

CH XXVI HOW ESTOTVLEDGH OUGHT TO BE PUBSTTED BY THE

STUDY OP PHENOMENA. Mencms here points out correctly the path to
science The rule which he lays down Is in harmony with the philosophy of
Bacon , yet in China, more perhaps than in any other part of the world, the
proper method has been disieg&rded.

Par 1 "Natures " is to be taken here quite generally, and not, as some
commentators think, in the singular, referring to the nature of man Possi-
bly, MeuciuB may have had in view the discussions about human nature
which were nfe in his days , but he Is speaking generally, and those dis-
cussions were only one perversion of the method on. which he insists.

264 THE WORKS OB 1 MENCII7S.

IV.

2. ff What I hate in your wise men is their chiselling out
[their conclusions] If those wise men would act as Yu did
when he conveyed away the waters, there would be nothing
to dislike in their wisdom The way in which Yii conveyed
away the waters was "by doing that which gave him no trou-
ble If your wise men would also do that which gave them
no trouble, their wisdom would also be great.

3. c( There is heaven so high ; there are the stars and zodi-
acal spaces so distant If we have investigated their pheno-
mena, we may, while sitting [in our places], ascertain the
solstices for a thousand years [past] ."

"XX VH. 1 The officer Kung-hSng having in hand the
funeral of his son, the master of the Right went to condole
with him. When [this noble] entered the door, some mo-
tioned to him to come to them, and spoke with him, and
others went to his place and spoke with him.

2. Mencius did not speak with him, on which the master
of the Right was displeased, and said, "'All the gentlemen
have spoken with me. There is only Mencius who has not
spoken with me, thereby slighting me "

3, When Mencius heard of this remark, he said, " Accord-
ing to the prescribed rules, in the court we must not change

Par 2 By " chiselling or " bonng " we are to understand the violent
forcing out of conclusions, instead of pursuing the inductive method Yu's
operations gave him ajbundanoe of trouble , what Mencius means to say
is that they were all in harmony with the nature and circumstances of the
waters, which he was labouring to reduce

Par & Compare the language of the 1st sentence of par. 9 in the 26th chap-
ter of the Doo trine of the Mean The solstices leferred to are those of winter
Most modern commentators hold that one solstice is intended, that from
which the Chinese cycle dates its commencement, when the sun, moon, and
planets are all supposed to have been in conjunction at midnight This is
not necessary.

CH XXVII How MBNOTTTS WOULD STOT IMITATE OTHKBS IN PAYrarG

OOUBT TO A FAVOUBITE, AND HOW HE EXCUSED HIMSELF

Par 1 Many think that the death which gave occasion to what is here
related was that of the officer Kung-hang himself The view which I have
followed is more m accordance with the Chinese text The master of the
Eight was the Wang Hwan of II 11 6, and the Tsze-gaou of XXTY and
XXV. of the first Pait of this Book He was a man with whom our phi-
losopher would have nothing to do.

Par 8. The officers were not now " in the court," but they had gone by
the king's order to condole with Rung-hang, and ought theiefore to have ob-

pr ir. CH xxviii.] LB LOW. 265

our places to speak with one another, and must not pass out
of our own rank to bow to one another I was wishing- to
observe these rules; is it not strange that Tsze-gaou should
think I was thereby slighting him ? "

XXVIII. 1 Mencius said, "That wherein the superior
man is different from other men is what he preserves in his
heart , namely, benevolence and propriety.

2. "The benevolent man loves others, the man of pro-
priety shows respect to others

3. "He who loves others is always loved by them., and
he who respects others is always respected by them.

4. ' f Hei e is a man who treats me in a perverse and un-
reasonable manner , [as] a superior man, I wiU turn round
upon myself, [and sayj e I must have been wanting in
benevolence, I must have been devoid of prop nety f how

[else] should this have happened to [me] ? '

5 " Having thus examined myself, I am [specially]
benevolent, and [specially] observant of propriety If the
perversity and unreasonableness of the other be still the
same, [as] a superior man [I will say], ' I must have been
failing to do my utmost '

6 Cf I again turn round upon myself, and proceed to do
my utmost. If the perversity and unreasonableness of the
other be still the same, [as] a superior man, I will say, c This
is a man utterly lost indeed Since he conducts him so,
there is nothing to choose between him and a beast , why
should I go to trouble myself about a beast ? *

7. "Thus ife is that the superior man has a life-long
anxiety, but not one morning's serious trouble. As to what
is matter of anxiety to him, he has it [thus] - ( Shun/ [he
says,] * was a man, and I also am a man. Shun gave an
example to all under heaven, and [his conduct] was fit to be

served the rules which Tegulated their positions and movements when in the
court. On those rules, see the Official Book of Chow, XXTT. ui 1, et al.

CH. XXVIII. HOW THE SUPERIOR MAN IS DISTINGUISHED PEOM OTHERS
BY THE CULTIVATION OP HIS MORAL EXCELLENCE ; AND HOW IN THAT HE
HAS HIS BEMEJDY AGAINST THE MISCONDUCT OF OTHERS TO HIM

Mencius shows here an admirable faith In the power of goodness to pro-
duce a corresponding response in others, and in the peace which the con-
sciousness of having acted in TTM*TIMM and righteousness will produce under
the most perverse treatment.

266 THE WOBKS or MENCIUS. [BK IT.

handed down to future a^es, while I am nothing "better than
a villager * This indeed is proper matter of anxiety to
him ; but in what way is he anxious ? Simply that he may be
like Shun As to what would be matter of serious trouble
to a superior man, there is no such thing He does nothing
which is contraiy to benevolence; he does nothing which is
not according to propriety. Should there be one morning's
trouble, as a superior man he does not reckon it a trouble "

XXIX 1. Yu and Tseih, in an age of tranquillizing
[government], thrice passed their doors without entering
them. Confucius praised them

2. Yen-tsze, in an age of disorder^ dwelt in a mean
narrow lane, having his single bamboo-dish of rice, and his
single gourd-cup of water. Other men could not have en-
dured the distiess, but he did not allow Jiis joy to be affected
by it Confucius [also] praised him

3 Mencius said, " Yu, Tbeih, and Yen Hwuy agreed in
the principles of their conduct

4 "Yu thought that if any one tinder heaven were
drowned, it was as if he himself drowned him. Tseih thought
that if any one under heaven suffered hunger, it was as if
he himself famished him. It was on this account that they
were so earnest.

5 "" If Yu and Tseih, and Yen-tsze could have exchanged
places, they would have done each what the other did.

6 " Here now in the same apartment with you are peo-
ple fighting; and [you wish to] part them. Though you

CH Trx"nr How AN TOTDEBLYING- PRINCIPLE WILL BE FOUND TO RECON-
CILE THU DIFFEBENCES IN THE CONDUCT OF GBEAT AND GOOD MEN OCCA-
SIONED BY THETB, DIFFERENT CIRCUMSTANCES , ILiLTTSTBATED IN THE

OASES OF Yu, TSEIH, AND YEN HWUY

Par 1 See III i. IV 7, et al The thrice passing his door was peculiar
to Yu, though it is here ascribed also to Tseih, or How-tseih Then age
was not one of tianquillity, but the government in it was good, and they
were employed to bring it to tranquillity

Par 2 See Ana VI ix

Parr. 6, 7 The rules anciently pi escribed for dressing were very mmute
Much had to be done with the hair, before the final act of putting on the
cap, with the strings tied under the chin In the case in par 6 all these
lules are neglected The urgency of the case, and the intimacy of the in-
dividual with the parties quarrelling, justified such neglect This was the
case of Yu and Tseih. in relation to then age, while that in par 7 is supposed

PT II CX XXX ] LE LOW. 267

were to part them with your cap tied on over your hair un-
"bonndj yoar conduct would be allowable

7 "If the fighting weie [only] m your Tillage or neigh-
bourhood, and you were to go to part them with, your cap
[so] tied on over your hair unbound, you would he in eiror
Though you were to shut your door [in such a case] , your
conduct would be allowable/"

XXX 1. The disciple Kung-too said, "Throughout the
whole State, all pronounce K'wang Chang nnfilial, and yet
you, Master, keep company with him, and moreover treat
him with politeness I ventuie to ask why you do so."

2 Mencius replied, " There are five things which in the
common parlance of the age are said to be unhlial. The
first is laziness in the use of one's four limbs, so as not to
attend to the maintenance of his parents. The second is

to illustrate HttuVs relation to his But ilencma' Illustrations are for the
most pai t happier than these.

OH XXX How MEXGIUS EXPLAINED HIS INTERCOURSE WITH A MAJT

COMMONLY HELD TO BE TJNFILIAL THE CASE OF K'WATSTG CHASTG-

Par 1. K*wang Chang was an officer of TVe, and had been employ ed in
impoitant military affans. He commanded the troops of Ts e in the opeia-
tions against Yen referred to in I u X , et al We have no account of the
paiticularts of his conduct which made him. he regarded throughout the
State as unfihal, though perhaps a hint about them may he obtained from
a nanative in the " Plans of the Warring States," m the first Book relating
to Ts'e It is there said that king Wei of Ts'e appointed K*wang Chang to
command an army against Ts'in, which was threatening the State For
some time reports were life that Chang- tsze was playing the traitor, but
king Wei refused to believe them, sa} ing he was confident of the good
faith of his general At last news came of a great defeat inflicted on
Ts'm, and the king, being asked what had made him. so trustful of .E'vvang
Chang, said, " Ohang-tsze's mother oftended his father, and was put to
death by him, and buned in a stable When I was sending him forth on
this expedition, I said that, if he conducted it vigorously, I would on his
return bury his mother elsewhere, but he said that he might have done so
before, but his mother having offended his father, and his father having died
without giving him any instruction on the point, he did not dare to remove
the body to another grave, lest he should be dealing wrongly by his deceased
father. If Chang-tsze is thus faithful to his deceased father, he will not be
faithleas tome." Possibly, the alienation between Cnang-tsze and his fatbe/
may have arisen about the latter's patting his mother to death- Whatever
was the cause of it, i* * evident from what Mencius says that it did not
seriously compromise hjS character.

Par. 2. " Gambling and chess-playing ; " see on Ana 31VH xxii. But

268 THE WORKS OF MENC1US. [BE IV

gam"bling and els ess -playing 1 , and "being fond of spirits, so as
not to attend to the maintenance of one's parents The
third is being fond of goods and money, and being selfishly at-
tached to one's wife and children,, so as not to attend to the
maintenance of one's parents The fourth is following the
desires of one's ears and eyes, so as to bring one's parents
to disgrace The fifth is being fond of bravery, fighting
and quarrelling, so as to endanger his parents Is Chang-
tsze guilty of any one of these things ?

3 " Between Chang-tsze and his father there arose dis-
agreement, he, the son, reproving his father to urge him to
what was good.

4. if To urge one another by reproofs to what is good 13
the way of friends. But such urging between father and
son is the greatest injury to the kindly feeling [that should
prevail between them] .

5. " Did not Chang-tsze wish to have all that belongs to
[the relationships] of husband and wife, child and mother?
But because he had offended his father and was not permit-
ted to approach him, he sent away his wife and drave forth,
his son, and would not for all [the rest of] his life receive
any cherishing attentions from them. He settled it in his
mind that, if he did not act in this way, his would be the
greatest of crimes. SucK and nothing more is the case of
Chang-tsze."

XXXI. 1. When TsSng-tsze dwelt in Woo-shmg, there
came [a band of] plunderers from Yueh Some one said [to
him] , " The plunderers are come ; why not leave this ? " [On
this Ts&ng-tsze left the city] , saying [to the man in charge
of his house], " Do not let any one lodge in my house, lest
he break and injure the plants and shrubs about it." But

the chess-playing could not be the game analogous to ours, for the emperor
of the Chow dynasty alluded to in the note there as its inventor belonged
to the latter dynasty of that name in the 10th century of our era

Parr. 3, 4 Compare Part i. XVIII 2

JPar 5 Headers not Chinese will think that Chang* 3 treatment of hia
wife and son was more criminal than his conduct to his father.

GEL x'xxT How MENCIUS EXPLAINED THE DIFFERENT COITOUOT OF

TslNG-TSZE AND TgZE-SZE IN OUTWAEDLT SIMTLAB OUtCUMSTANCES

Compare chapter xxuc

Par I "Woo-shing was a city of Loo, 90 le to the south-west of the
present district city of Pe, department E-chow. Ts&ng-tsze had here opened

PT II. CH. ZSXII ] LE LOW. 269

when the plunderers were withdrawing [he sent word], say-
ing, " Repair the walls and roof of my house ; I will return
to it, " and when the plunderers had retired, he returned. His
disciples said, " Since our Master was treated with so much
attention and respect, for him to be the first, on the arrival
of the plunderers, to go away, so as to be observed by the
people, and then, on their retiring, to return, seems to us to
be impropei " Shin-yew Hang said [to them] , " You do not
understand this matter, Formerly, when [the house of us],
the Shin-yew, was exposed to the outbreak of the grass-
earners, there were seventy disciples in our Master's follow-
ing, and none of them took any part in the matter "

2 When Tsze-sze was living in Wei, there came plunder-
ers from Ts'e Some one said to him, "The plunderers are
coming ; why not leave this ? }y [Bat] Tsze-s-se said, " If I
go away, whom will the ruler have with him to guard [the
city] ? "

3. Mencius said, " Tsang-tsze and Tsze-sze agreed in the
principle of their conduct TsSng-tsze was a teacher, in the
position of a father or elder brother Tsze-sze was a minis-
ter ; in a meaner position. If they could have exchanged
places, each would have done what the other did."

XXXII. The officer Ch/oo said [to Mencius] , ff The king
sent a person to spy out whether you, Sir, were really
different from other men." Mencius replied, " How should

a school or lecture-room in the place, having, probably, as many suppose, been
invited to do so to be " aguest and teacher " by the commandant It was
thus in the south of the present Sban-tung province South from it, and
covering the present Keang-soo and part of Cheh-keaog, were the States of
Woo and Yuen, all at this time subject to Yuen. Shin-yew Hlng is sup-
posed to have been a disciple of Ts&ng-tsze, and a native of Woo-shmg.
The Shin-yew of whom he speaks must mean the head of his clan, or
rather his House When it was in peril, Tsang-tsze's seventy disciples
would have been abundantly able to cope with the grass-earners That they
did not attempt to do so, showed that there was some reason for his conduct
more than the objectors to it saw on the surface,

Par. 2. Tsze-sze of course is Confucius 1 grandson. He was living In
Wei, and sustaining office m it.

JR*r. 3. We have here a striking illustration of the importance attached
to the position of a. " teacher," of which I hare spoken in the Prolegomena.

OB. XXXIL SASBS Aits JUST LIKE OTHSB MBS cr TEJBIB PKBSONAI*

APPBABANOE AND OBDIRABY WA1S.

270 THE "WORKS OP MENCIUS [BE IV

I be different from other men ? Yaou and Shun were just
the same as other men "

XXXIII I. ff A. man of Ts'e had a wife and a concubine,
and lived together with them in his house When their
good-man went out, he was sure to get himself well filled with
spirits and flesh and then return, and on his wife's asking
him with whom he had been eating and drinking, they were
suie to be all men of wealth and rank The wife informed
the concubine, saying, ' When the good-man goes out, he is
sure to come back having partaken plentifully of spirits and
flesh, and when I ask him with whom he has been eating and
drinking, they are all men of wealth and rank And yet no
men of distinction ever come [here] I will spy out where
our good-man goes ' [Accordingly] she got up early in
the morning, and privately followed the good-man to where
he was going All through the city there was nobody who
stood and talked with him At last he came to those who
were sacrificing among the tombs outside the outer wall on
the east, and begged what they had left Not being satis-
fied, he looked round him and went to another party j and
this was the way in which he got himself satiated His
wife went home, and informed the concubine,, saying, < It
was to the good-man that we looked up in hopeful contem-
plation, and with whom our lot is cast for life ; and these
are his ways ' [On this] she and the concubine reviled
their good-man, and wept together in the middle courtyard.
[In the mean time] the good-man, knowing nothing of all
this, came in with a jaunty air, carrying himself proudly to
them

Ch'oo was a mimstei of Ts'e The incident mentioned probably occurred
on Mencius* fiist arrival in Ts'e, and before he had any interview with the
krng

OH xx x TTT THE DISGRACEFUL MBIANB WHICH MANY TOOK TO SEEK FOB

WEALTH AND HONOtTRS

JPar 1 A " Mencius said " must have dropt out of the text at the begin-
ning of this paragraph All the common tatoi s seem to be agreed in this.
The statement that the man " lived together with his wife and concubine in
the house" seems to be intended to indicate that he passed as a man of
wealth, who was* not engaged in trade, or any business that called him away
from home. ** Good-man " is equivalent to husband , so " good-man " used to
be employed in Scotland.

PT IT CH. XXXIII ] LE LOW 271

2 ef According to the view which a supenor man takes of
things, as to the ways by which men seek for riches, honours,
gain, and advancement, there are few of their wires and
concubines who might not be ashamed and weep together
because of them "

Par 2 contains the moral and application of the narrative given in the
former paragraph.

272 THE WORKS OP MENcrcs [BK r.

BOOK Y.

WAN CHANG. PABT I

CHAPTER I. 1 Wan Chang asked [Mencius], saying,
" [When] Shun went into the fields, he cried out and wept
towards the pitying heavens Why did he cry out and
weep ? " Mencius replied, " He was dissatisfied and full
of earnest desire >3

2 Wan Chang pursued, "When his parents love him,
[a son] rejoices and forgets them not; and when they
hate him, though they punish him, he does not allow
himself to be dissatisfied. Was Shun then dissatisfied
[with his parents] ? " [Mencius said] , <f Ch/ang Seih
asked Eung'-ming Kaou, saying, e As to Shun's going into
the fields, I have received your instructions ; but I do not
understand about his weeping and crying out to the pitying
heavens, and to his parents * Kung-ming Kaou answered

TITLE or THE BOOK The Book is named from Wan Chang, who is al-
most the only interlocutor with Mencius in it He has been mentioned
before in III 11 V The tiadition is th*t it was in company with Wan's dis-
oiples that Menoius, baffled in all his hopes of doing public service, and
having retued into pnvacy, composed the seven Books which constitute hia
Works The firbt Part of this Book is all occupied with discusbions in vin-
dication of Shun and other ancient woi thies

CH. L SHUN s GBEAT FILIAL PIETY , HOW IT CARRIED TTTM- INTO THE

FIELDS TO WEEP AND DEPLOEE HIS INABILITY/ TO SECURE THE AFFECTION
AND SYMPATHY OF HIS PARENTS, AND THAT HE NEVER CHERISHED ANY
QRTJDGE AGAINST THEM FOR THFIR TREAT3EENT OF HIM

Pat 1 The incident about Shun heie mentioned is found in the Shoo,
II 11 21 It is given there, howerer, as having ocoui red in the early part
of his life , and this, as will be seen, makes it difficult, even impossible, to
i econoile what we read in the Shoo about Shun with Mencius' statements in
this chapter

Par. 2 Shun's dissatisfaction was with himself, but this is at first kept in
the background, and Wan Chang either misunderstood it, and thought that
his dissatisfaction was with his parents, o'r chose to appear to do so On
what he says about the relations of a son with his parents, see Ana IV
3cvm, Kung-ming Kaou is believed to have been a disciple of TBang-taze ,
and Gh*ang Seih again was Kaou's disciple The latter probably means to
say that he understood Shun's going into the fields to have been that he

FT I CH. I.] WAN CHA^G 273

him, f You do not understand that matter ' Now Knng 1 -
ming- Kaou thought that the heart of a filial son [like
Shun] could not be so free from sorrow [as Seih seemed
to imagine he might have been]. [Shun would be saying,]
C I. exert my strength to cultivate the fields, but I am
thereby only discharging my duty a3 a son What is

there [wrong] in me that my parents do not love me ? '

3 <f The emperor caused his own [children] , nine sons
and two daughters, the various officers, oxen and sheep,
storehouses and granaries, [all] to be prepared for the
service of Shun amid the channeled fields Most of the
officers in the empire repaired to him The emperor de-
signed that he should superintend the empire along with
himself, and then to transfer it to him. But because his
parents were not in accord with him, he felt like a poor
man who has nowhere to turn to.

4. te To be an object of complacency to the officers of
the empire is what men desire ; but it was not sufficient
to remove the sorrow of [Shun] . The possession of beauty
is what men desire, but though [Shun] had for his wives
the two daughters of the emperor, it was not sufficient to
remove his sorrow. Riches are what men desire, but
though the empire was the rich property [of Shun], it -was
not enough to remove his soirow. Honours are what men
desire, but though [Shun] had the dignity of being the son.
of Heaven, it was not sufficient to remove his sorrow.
The reason why his being the object of men's complacency,
the possession of beauty, riches^ and honours, could not

might cultivate them in order to nourish his parents. He then quotes the
words of the Shoo more fully than, they are quoted in the preceding para-
graph, and says he could not understand the gnef which they described, his
idea being the same which Wan Chang had that they must indicate that
Shun was dissatisfied with his parents, A filial son could not be so free
from sorrow [as Seih seemed to imagine that Shun might have been] ;*'
that is, Seih understood that Shun did his duty in cultivating the nelds
for his parents, and imagined that he should then have dismissed all care
from his mind as to any differences between them and him.

Par 3 The emperor " is* of course, Yaou. Bee the Shoo, t 12, where
Yaou gives his two daughters in marriage to Shun It is stated there, how-*
ever, that Shun had by that time transformed his parents and his half-
brother Seang, aad brought them to be in harmony with frim. This Is the
chronological difficulty m the account of Shan's lustory in the Shoo and
that given by Hencius in this chapter.
VOL. n. 18

274* THE WORKS OP IONCIUS. [BE Y

leinove Ha sorrow was because it could "be removed only
by liis being m [entire] accord with, tis parents.

5 " The desire of a child is towards his father and
mother TVTien he becomes conscious of [the attractions
of] beauty, his desire is towards young and beautiful
women. "When he [comes to] have a wife and children,
his desire is towaids them When he obtains office, his
desire is towards his ruler; and if he cannot get the re-
gard of his ruler, he burns within [But] the man of
great filial piety, all his lifa, has \ his desiie towards his
parents. In the great Shun I see the case of one whose
desire was towards them wheu he was fifty years old. J->

II 1 Wan Chang asked [Mencms] , saying, ' ' It is
said in the Book of Poetry,

* How do we proceed in taking a wife ?
Announcement must [fiist] be made to our parents'

If [the rule] be indeed as thus expressed, no one ought to
have illustrated it so well as Shun, how was it that Shun's
marriage took place without his informing [his parents] ? "
Mencius replied, "If he had informed them, he would not
have been able to marry. That male and female dwell
together is the greatest of human relations. If [Shun] had
informed his parents, he must have made void this greatest
of human relations, and incurred thereby their resentment.
Itvwas on this account that he did not inform them."

2. Wan Chang said, c( As to Shun's marrying without
making announcement [to his parents], I have heard your

CH H DEFENCE OF SHUN" AGAINST THE CHARGE OF MARRYING- WITH-
OUT INFORMING HIS PARENTS, AND OF HYPOCRISY IN HIS FRIENDLY BEARING
AND CONDUCT TOWARDS HIS BROTHER DEFENCE ALSO OF TAOU FOR
GIVING. TTTp DAUG-HTERS TO SHUN, WITHOUT THE APPROVAL OF SHUN'S
PARENTS

Pay 1 -The lines from the Book of Poetry are in the She, I via VI 2
But the rule expressed in them was overruled by the higher dnty to raise up
posterity for one's parents , see IV i XXVI

Par. 3 As all negotiations for the marriage of children should be between
the parents on both sides, Yaou should have communicated with Shun's
father , but here again the same consideration absolved Yaou from blame
v Par 3 Seang, it is understood, was only the half-brother of Shun On
the death of Shun's mother, ELoo-sow had married again, or raised a former
concubine, whose son waa Seang, to the rank of his wife. The various in-

I>T I CH. II.] TVAX GHAXG 275

instructions. [Bat] how "was it that the emperor gave
him his daughters as wives vvithout informing [his pa-
rents] ? " [ilencms] said, " The emperor also knew that,,
if he informed hib paients, he could not have given him kit,
daughters as wives "

3. Wan Chang said, ' ' His parents set Shun to repair a
granary, and then removed the ladder [by which he had
ascended], [after which] Koo-sow set nre to it They
sent him to dig 1 a well, [from which he managed to] get
out; but they, [not knowing this,] proceeded to covei
it up. [His brothei] Seang said, e Of this scheme to
cover up the citv- forming gentleman the merit is all
mine. Let my parents have his oxen and sheep , let them
have his grananes and storehouses. His shield and spear
shall be mine , his lute shall be mine , his caived bow
shall be mine ; and 1 will make his two wives attend for
me to my bed ' Seang then went away and entered
Shunts house, and there was Shun upon a couch with his
lute. Seang said, e [I am come] simply because I was
thinking anxiously about you/ [and at the same time]
he looked ashamed Shun said to him, e There are all my
officers , do you take the management of them for me/ I
do not know whether Shun was ignorant of Seang^s wish-
ing to kill him." [Mencms] replied, ff How could he be
ignorant of it ? But when Seang was sorrowful, 1 he was
also sorrowful, and when Seang \vas joyful, he was also
joyful "

4 [Wan Chang] continued, ec Then was Shun one who re-
joiced hypocritically ? " " "No," was the reply. <c For-
merly some one sent a present of a live fish to Tsze-ch'an
of Ch'mg Tsze-ch'an ordered his pond-keeper to feed it

cidents here mentioned are taken from tradition, or perhaps the Shoo yas
mote complete in Mencius* days than it has come clown to us. Sze-ma
Ts'een tells us that Shun got through the flames by screening himself -with
two bamhoo hats, and that he escaped from the well by a concealed passage
which led from it Seang calls him " the city-forming gentleman." This
is the most natural rendering of the term.% though it is not that of Chaou
K'e They say that wherever Shun lived three years, the people flocked
to him, so as to form a too, a city only inferior to tie capital city of a
State.

Par 4. If Tsze-ch'an had known that his pond-keeper had eaten the
fish, would he not have punished him ? The case is not in point to vindicate
Shun*B treatment of Seang, of whose vile designs he was well aware. His

276 THE WORKS Ol MENCIUS. [jBK V,

in tlie pond, but the man cooked it, and reported the
execution of his commission, saying, e When I first let it go, it
looked embarrassed In a little it seemed to be somewhat
at ease, and then it swam away as if delighted * ' It
had got into its element I * said Tsze-ch r an. f It had
got into its element ' ' The pond-keeper went out and
said; f Who calls Tsze-ch/an wise ? When I had cooked
and eaten the fish^ he said, {f It has got into its element I
It has got into its element ' " * Thus a superior man may
be imposed on by what seems to be as it ought to be, but
it is difficult to entrap him by what is contrary to right
principle. Seang came in the way in which the love of
his elder brother would have made him come, and there-
fore Shun truly believed him, and rejoiced at it. What
hypocrisy was there ? "

HI 1 Wan Chang said, cc Seang made it his daily busi-
ness to kill Shun , why was it that, when [the latter]
was raised to be the son of Heaven, he [only] banished
him ? " Mencius replied, cc He invested Inm with a State,
and some have said that it was banishing him 9>

2 Wan Chang said, " Shun banished the superintend-
ent of Works to Yew-chow, sent awayHwan-tow to mount
Ts'ung, slew the [prince of] San-meaou in San-wei, and
imprisoned K'w&a on mount Yu When those four crimi-
nals [were thus dealt with], all under heaven submitted
to him ; it was a cutting off of men who were destitute
of benevolence. But Seanff was [of all men] the most des-
titute of benevolence, ana [Shun] invested him with the
State of Pe; of what crime had the people of Pe been

defence of hla hero against the charge of hypocrisy is ingenious, and amusing.
Its fault is, as in other arguments of Menoius, that he will make his point
too plant

CH TTT VINDICATION or SHUN'S CONDUCT is THE CASE OF HIS WICKED
BBOTHER SEANG , HOW HE BOTH DISTINGUISHED HTM AND KEPT HIM

UNDEB BBSTBAEST

Par 1. We must introduce only, I think, to bring out "Wan's idea in what
he says about Shun's treatment of Seang.

far 2 "Wan here changes his ground, and proceeds to argue against Shun
from what Mencius had said See Hwan-tow and the other cnminalSj and
Shun's dealing with them, in the Shoo, II i 12 The old State of Pe is
commonly referred to the present district of Ling-ling, department Yung-

PT I. CH. IV.] \TAN CHANG. 277

guilty? Does a benevolent man really act thus? In
the case of other men, he cut them off, in the case of his
brother, he invested him with a State " [Mencms]
replied, " A. benevolent man does not lay up anger, nor
cherish resentment, against his brother, but only regards
him with affection and love Regarding him with affec-
tion, he wishes him to enjoy honour, loving him, he
wishes him to be nch The investing him with Pe was
to enrich and ennoble him If while [Shun] himself was
emperor, his brother had been a common man, could he
have been said to regard him with affection and love ? "

S [Wan Chang said,] " I venture to ask what is
meant by some saying that it was a banishing [of Seang] "
[Mencius] replied, " Seang could do nothing [of himself]
in his State The emperor appointed an officer to manage
its government, and to pay over its revenues to him ; and
therefore it was said that it was a banishing of him ?
How [indeed] could he be allowed the means of oppress-
ing the people there ? Nevertheless, [Shun] wished to
be continually seeing him, and therefore he came unceas-
ingly to court, as is signified in that expression, c He did
not wait for the rendering of tribute, or affairs of govern-
ment, to receive [the pnnce of] Pe. 3 "

IV. 1. Heen-k'ew Mung asked Mencius, saying,
ct There is the old saying, c An officer of complete virtue
cannot be employed as a minister by his ruler, nor treated
as a son by his father/ Shun, stood with his face to the

chow, Ho-nan. But if Seang had been placed there, he would have been, too
far away to meet the conditions of his intercourse with, Shun in the next
paragraph

Par 3 We have in the conclusion a quotation by Sfencius from, some
book that is now lost

OH TV" YHSTDIOATION OF A CHARGE AGAINST SHUN IS HIS BBLATIONB
WITH THE -EMFBBOB YAOIT, AND WITH HIS OWK FATHER KOO-BOW.

JPar* 1. Heen-k'ew Mung was a disciple of Hencius, a man of Ts'e, but
deriving his double surname from Heen-k'ew in Loo, where, probably, his
ancestors had resided Of the first part of the saying which Mung adduces
two different views are taken. That which I have followed is given by
Chaou K'e, Modern commentators generally take it as meaning " The
scholar of complete virtue cannot treat his ruler as a minister nor his fathex
as a son ; " and Julien in his translation of Hencius emphatically prefers fo'_

278 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS [BE Y.

south, and Yaou, at the head of all the feudal princes,
appeared in his court with his face to the north Koo-
sow also appeared at Shun's court with his face to the
north , and when Shun saw him, his countenance assumed
a look of distress. Confucius said, ' At this time the
empire was in a perilous condition indeed ' How unsettled
was its state ' * I do not "know whether what is thus said
really took place " Mencms said, ec No These are not
the words of a superior man, but the sayings of an un-
cultivated person of the east o Ts'e When Yaou was
old, Shun took the management of affairs for him. It is
said in the Canon of TTaou, f After twenty-eight years,
Fang-heun demised, and the people mourned for him as
for a parent three years. All within the four seas, the
eight instruments of music were stopped and hushed '
Confucius said, ' There are not two suns in the sky, nor
two sovereigns over the people. [If] Shun had already
been [in the position of] the son of Heaven, and had
moreover led on all the feudal princes of the empiie to
observe the three years' mourning for Yaou, there must
in that case have been two sons of Heaven * "

2. Heen-k'ew Mung said, (< On the point of Shun's not
employing Yaou as a minister, I have received your
instructions. But it is said m the Book of Poetry,

* Under the wide heaven,
All is the king's land ,
"Within the sea-boundaiies of the land,
All are the king's servants '

When Shun became emperor, I venture to ask how it

I am satisfied that the older interpretation is the correct one According to
the sequel of the saying, Shun appears with his face to the south, ^ e f , in
the place of the emperor, and Taou, *' a scholar of complete virtue," appears
befoie him with his face to the north, i e , in the place of homage or of a
subjeot So al&o does Shun's father These are intended as instances con-
trary to the principles in the old saying , and then Confucius' woids are
brought in to explain how such instances came to occur, and bhow that they
were abnormal Mencius deniet entirely the tiuth of the statement in the
saying about Yaou, and proves it from the bhoo, II i 18, and an inference
from -words that Oonfucius had once used

J*am 2, 8, 4 The instance of Koo-sow's appearing at the court of Shun
could not be so easily disposed of Mencius, however, was not without a
good answer to his disoiple, and turns the instance against him satisfactorily

PT I CH V ] WAN CHANG 279

was that Koo-sow was not one of Ins servants " [Menciu'b]
replied, tf That ode is not to "be understood in that wav ,

[it speaks of] being laboriously engaged in the king's
business, and not being able to nourish one's parents,

[as if the subject of it] said, c This is all the king's bu&i-
nessj but I alone am supposed to have ability, and made
to toil in it * Therefore those who explain the odes must
not insist on one term, so as to do violence to a sentence^
nor on a sentence so as to do violence to the general
scope They must try with their thoughts to meet that
scope, and then they will apprehend it. If we simply
take single sentences,, there is that in the ode called the
' Yun Han/

* Of the remnant of Ghow, among the black-haired people,
There \vill not be half a man left *

If it had really been as thus expressed, then not an
individual of the people of Chow would have been left

3. c< Of all that a filial son can attain to, there is nothing
greater than his honouring his parents Of what can be
attained to in honouring one's parents, there is nothing
greater than the nourishing them with the empire. To
be the father of the son of Heaven is the height of
honour. To be nourished with the empire is the height
of nourishment. In this was verified the sentiment in
the Book of Poetry,

* Ever thinking how to be filial,
His filial mind was the model [which, he supplied}."

4, "In the Book of History it is said, f "With respect-
ful service he appeared before Koo-sow, looking grave
and awe-struck, till Koo-sow also was transformed by his
example/ This is the true case of [the scholar of com-
plete virtue] not being- treated as a son by his father."

V. 1. Wan Chang said, <f [Ifc is said that] Yaou gave

enough For the first quotation in par. 2, see the She, II n I 2, and for
the other, IIL 111, IV 3 For that m par 8, see the She, III i. IX. 3 ; and
for the quotation in par. 4, see the Shoo, II li, 21. The appearance of
Shun before Koo-aow, however, which is there described, would seem to
have been before the former became emperor

CH V. HOW SHTJ2T GOT THB TCMTTKR BY THB GIFT OF HEAVEN, AND NOT

280 THE WOEKS OF MESTCIUS. [BK V.

the empire to Shun , was it so ? '* Mencias replied,
ec No , tlie emperor cannot give the empire to another "

2 ' ' Yes ; but Shun possessed the empire Who gave
it to him ? " cc Heaven gave it to him/* was the reply

""8 " f Heaven gave it to him , } did [Heaven] confer the
appointment on him with specific injunctions ? "

4 [Mencius] said., Cf No ; Heaven does not speak. It
simply showed its will by his [personal] conduct, and by
[his conduct of] affairs.-"

5 " e It showed its will by his [personal] conduct, and
by [his conduct of] affairs/" returned the other; "how
was this ? " [Mencius] said, " The emperor can present
a man to Heaven, but he cannot make Heaven give that
man the empire. A feudal prince can present a man to
the emperor [to take his place], but he cannot make the
emperor give the princedom to that man A great officer
can present a man to his prince, but he cannot cause the
prince to make that man a great officer [in his own
room]. Anciently Yaou presented Shun to Heaven, and
Heaven accepted him, he displayed him to the people,
and the people accepted him. Therefore I say, ' Heaven
does not speak. It simply indicated its will by his [per-
sonal] conduct, and by [his conduct of] affairs * "

. 6 [Chang] said, ee I presume to ask how it was that
[Yaou] presented Shun to Heaven, and Heaven accepted
him, and displayed him to the people, and the people
accepted him " The reply was, " He caused him to pre-
side over the sacrifices, and all the Spirits were well
pleased with them , thus it was that Heaven accepted

OF YAOTT , ANI> HOW TECH ACTION OP HEAVEN' IN SUCH A MATTBE is TO

BE TJNDEBSTOOD VOX POPULI VOX DEL

Fat 2 Is it not plain that here^ and throughout the chapter, by Heaven
we must understand God ? Many commentators, however, understand by it
10, " reason," or " the truth and fitness of things," excepting in the expres-
sion in par 7, tf Therefore I said that it was Heaven," where they think the
term = wo, " the determination of fate.** On this, Le P'ei-lln of the pre-
sent dynasty says <( Ts'ae Heu-chae (of the Sung dynasty) observes that
by Heaven in this one place we are to understand fate, and in all the other
places reason or the fitness of ttovup. But this is a great error. Through-
out this chapter * Heaven ' means the government of God, within which,
are included both reason and fate."

jpar 6 "All the Spirits'* is here explained as "the Spirits of heaven,
earth, the mountains, and the rivers ; " ^ e , all spiritual Beings, real 01
supposed. The emperor was " the host of all the Spirits,** and Shun sntsied,

PT I CH. VI ] WAN CHANG. 281

him. He caused lum to preside over the conduct of
affairs, and affairs were well administered, so that all the
people reposed under him ; thus it was that the people
accepted him Heaven gave [the empire] to him, and
the people gave it to him. Therefore I said, ( The em-
peror cannot give the empire to another/

7. Cf Shun assisted Yaou [in the government] for
twenty and eight years , this was more than man could
have done, and was from Heaven. When the three years*
mourning consequent on the death of Yaou were accom-
plished, Shun withdrew from the son of Yaou to the
south of the southern Ho. The pnnces of the empire,
however, repairing to court, went not to the son of Yaou,
but to Shun Litigants went not to the son of Yaou, bat
to Shun. Singers sang not the son of Yaou, but Shun,
Therefore I said that it was Heaven [that gave him
the empire] . It was after this that he went to the Middle
State, and occupied the seat of the son of Heaven. If he
had [before these things] taken up his residence in the
palace of Yaou, and applied pressure to his son, it would
have been an act of usurpation, and not tlie gift of
Heaven.

8. "This view [of Shun's obtaining the empire] is in
accordance with what is said in The Great Declaration,
' Heaven sees as my people see, Heaven hears as my
people hear/ "

VI. 1. Wan Chang said, "People say, 'When [the
disposal of the empire] came to Yu, his virtue was inferior

as conducting' the government for Yaou, into all his duties But how the
Spirits enjoyed the sacrifices thus presided over by Shun we are not told.

JPar 7 " The south of the southern Ho " was, I apprehend, the ancient
Yn-chow, lying south from K'e-chow, and separated from it by the Ho, All
the Ho might he called southern, from where the river after flowing from
the north to the south turns to the east. " Litigants " must indicate parties
whose contentions the ordinary authorities had not been able to settle, and
who therefore appealed to the decision of the supreme authority.

Par 8 See the Shoo, T i. Pt L 7.

CH VL HOW THE THKONB DESCENDED FBOM YU TO HIS SON, AND NOT
TO HIS MLNISTBB YES , AND THAT Yu WAS NOT TO BE OONSIDEBED OK
THAT ACCOUNT AS INFEBJOB IN VTJBTTJE TO YAOU ANI> SHUN. ALSO, THE
CONDITIONS ITNDBE WHICH A CHANGE OP THE BUIiING- FAMILY WILL TAKB
PLAGB, WHEN THE PBTNCIPLE Of HTCRWTTASY SUCCESSION HAft BJEEH

282 THE WORKS OF METCIUS. [BE V

[to that of Yaou and Shun]., and he did not transmit it to
the worthiest, but to his son,* was it so ? " Mencius re-
plied, " No ; it was not so When Heaven, gave [the
empire] to the worthiest, it was given to the worthiest,
when Heaven gave it to the son [of the preceding em-
peror], it was given to that son Formeily Shun pre-
sented Yu to Heaven for [a period of] seventeen years ;
and when the three years' mourning, consequent on the
death of Shun, were accomplished, Yu withdrew from
the son of Yu to Tang-shing The people of the empire
followed him as, after the death of Yaou, they had not
followed his son, but followed Shun Yu presented Yih
to Heaven for [a period of] seven years, and when the
three years 3 mourning consequent on the death of Yu
were accomplished, Yih withdrew from the son of Yu to
the north of Mount Ke. [The princes] repairing to court,
and litigants, went not to Yih, but to K'e, saying, f He is
the son of our ruler/ Singers did not sing Yih, but they
sang K/o, saying, * He is the son of our ruler/

2. ff That Tan-choo was not equal [to his father], and
Shun's son also not equal [to his] , that Shun assisted
Taou, and Yu assisted Shun, for a period of many years,
conferring benefits on the people for a long time; that
K'e was virtuous and able, and could reverently enter
into and continue the ways of Yu , that Yih assisted Yu
for a period of few years, conferring benefits on the people
not for a long time ; that the length of time that Shun,
Yu, and Yih [assisted in the government] was so dnTer-

ESTABLISHED, WITH BEFEREXCE TO THE CASES OF E TUT, THE DUKE Off

CHOW, AIO> OoNBtroitrs

JPar I Neither Wan Chang nor our philosopher seems to have clearly
seen the thing which was to be explained in connexion with Yu, the estab-
lishment of China as a hereditary monaichy in his family The passing of
the throne from him to his son may have taken place as Menoius says , -but
!how did it pass again from K/e to Tvit son ? I have spoken on this point in
the Prolegomena to the Shoo It might have been asked of Mencius why
Yu presented Yih to Heaven as his successor, if his son were woithier
than Yih Yih appears in the Shoo, II i 22, as Shun's forester He as-
sisted Yu in his labours on the waters (the Shoo, n iv I ), and is said to
liave become Yu's principal minister after the death of Kaou Yaou Yang-
shing, we should judge, was the name of a city, or settlement in those eaily
days Many affirm, however, that it was the name of a mountain, and
that it and mount Ke were near each other in the present department of
Ho-nan, Ho-nan province

PT I CH VI ] TVAX CHAN'G

ent, and tliat tlie sons [of the emperors] -were [one] a
man of talents and viitue, and [the other two] inferior
[to their fathers] all these things weie from Heaven,
and what could not be produced by man. That which is
done without any one's [Deeming 1 ] to do it is fiom Heaven
That which comes to pass without any one j s [seeming]
to bring it about is from Heaven.

3. " In the case of a pnvate man^s obtaining the em-
pire, there must be in him virtue equal to that of Shun
and Yu, and moreover there must be the presenting him
to Heaven by the [preceding] emperor. It was on this
flatter] account that Chung-ne did not obtain the king-
dom

4. "When the throne descends by natural succession,,
he who is displaced by Heaven must be like Keeh. or Chow
It was on this account that Yih, E Ym, and the duke of
Chow did not obtain the kingdom

5 e ' E Yin assisted T'ang so that he became sovereign
of the kingdom After the demise of T f ang, T f ae-tmg
having died without being appointed [in his place], Wae-
ping [reigned] two years^ and Chung-jin four. T'ae-
Keah [then] was turning upside down the canons and
example of T f ang, and E Yin placed him m T'ung for
three years. [There] lie repented of his errors, was con-
trite, and reformed himself. In T'ung he came to dwell
in benevolence and moved towards righteousness, during
those three years listening to the lessons given to hitn by
E Yin, [after which] that minister again returned [with
him] to JPoh.

6. "The duke of Chow^s not getting the kingdom, was
like that of Yih's not getting [the throne of] Hea, or E
Yin's [thafc of] Yin

Par 3 Confucius had the virtue, and more, according to Mencius, than
the virtue of Stron and Yu, but no king of his time ever thought of pre-
gentirig him to Heaven to succeed hrni on the throne "We do not know
that any king knew of his existence

Par. 4 We have met with E Yin in Menoius before, in II i n 22,
et al ; and he is spoken of more at length in the next chapter The^duke
of Chow is the well-known brother of king "Woo He might have got the
throne without any change of the dynasty of Chow

Par 5 See the Shoo, IV , Books iv and v

Par 6 The duke of Chow's case was hardly analogous either to that of
Yih or of E Yin.

284 THE WOBEB OF MENCIUS. [BE T.

7 ec Confucius said, e T'ang and Yu resigned [the
throne to the worthiest] ; the founders of the Hea, Yin,
and Chow [dynasties] transmitted it to their sons The
principle of righteousness was the same in [all the

cases]-"

"VTI. 1 "Wan Chang asked [Mencms], saying,, ""Peo-
ple say that E Ym sought [an introduction to] T'ang by
his [knowledge of] cookery ; was it so ? "

2 Mencius replied, "No, it was not so. E Ym was
farming 1 in the lands of the State of Sin, delighting in the
principles of Yaou and Shun In any matter contrary to
the righteousness which they prescribed, or to the course
which they enjoined, though he had been salaried with
the empire, he would not have regarded it ; though there
had been yoked for him a thousand teams, he would not
have looked at them. In any matter contrary to the
righteousness which they prescribed, or to the course
which they enjoined, he would not have given nor taken
[even] a single straw.

3 " T'ang sent persons with presents of silk to ask
him to enter his service. With an air of indifference and
self-satisfaction, he said, ' What can I do with these silks
with which T'ang invites me ? Is it not best for me to
abide in these channeled fields, and therein delight myself
with the principles of Yaou and Shun ? y

Par. 7 Where and when Oonfuoius thns spoke, we do not know T'ang
and Yu are the dynastic designations of Yaou and Shun , see on the titles
of the first and second Parts of the Shoo

OH VII VINDICATION pF E YIN FBOM THH CHABGE OF INTRODUCING

HIMSELF TO THE SEBVICB OF T'ANG BY MEANS OF HIS SKILL IN COOKING-.

Pw I E Yin has been mentioned already in II i II and 11 IT 10 The
popular account of him (found also in Sze-ma Ts'een) in the time of
Mencius was, that he came to Poh in the tram of a princess of Sin whom
T'ang was marrying, carrying with him his cooking utensils, that by his skill
in " cutting and boiling," he might recommend himself to that prince

Par 2 Sin wab probably the same territory with what was called Kwoh
during the Chow dynasty, the present Shen Chow in Ho-nan, and not far
from Tang's seat in Poh I ha-v e not been able to discover what were the
antecedents to his farming life in Sin, nor how it was that his merits and
ability became known to T'ang He was evidently living the life of a recluse,
at the tune that Mencius brings him on the stage

PT I CH VII.] WAN CHANG. 235

4. <f T'ang- thrice sent persons thus to invite him.
After this, with the change of purpose displayed in his
countenance, he spoke an a different style, saying, c In-
stead of abiding in the channeled fields/ and therein de-
lighting myself with the principles of Yaou and Shun,
had I not better make this ruler one after the style of
Yaou and Shun ? had I not better make this people like
the people of Yaou and Shun ? had I not better in my
own person see these things for myself ?

5. " f Heaven's plan in the production of this people is
this that they who are first informed, should instruct
those who are later in being informed, and those who fir&t
apprehend [principles] should instruct those who are
slower to do so. I am the one of Heaven j s people who
have first apprehended ; I will take these principles and
instruct this people in them If I do not instruct them,
who will do so p y

6 " He thought that among all the people of the
kingdom, even the private men and women, if there were
any that did not enjoy such benefits as Yaou and Shun
conferred, it was as if he himself pushed them into a
ditch. He took upon himself the heavy charge of all
under Heaven in this way, and therefore he went to T*ang,
and pressed upon him the duby of attacking Hea, and
saving the people.

7. ff I have not heard of one who bent himself and at the
same time made others straight; how much less could
one disgrace himself, and thereby rectify the whole king-
dom ? The actions of the sages have been different.
Some have kept far away [from, office], and others have
drawn near to it; some have left [their offices], and
others have not done so ; that in which these different
courses all meet, is simply the keeping of their persons
pure.

8. (( I have heard that 33 Ym sought [an introduction
to] T'ang by the principles of Yaou and Shun ; I have not
heard that he did so by his [knowledge of] cookery.

Parr. 4, 5, 6 Compare II, i. EL 22, and below in Part ii I. 2, 5. ** In my
own person," in par 5, must mean, I think, " by my own efforts."

Par 7. The concluding sentiment about the common object of all sages is
worded so ae to show the grossness of the story about E Yin's commending
himself to T'aag by his nlnU in cooking.

236 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [BK V

9 "In the ' In structions of E/ it is said, f Heaven,
destroying- [Keek], commenced attacking liim in the
palace of Man , we commenced in Poll ' "

VIII 1 Wan Chang asked [Mencius] , saying, ce Some
say that Confucius in \Yei lived with an ulcer- [doctor],
and in Ts'e with Tseih Hwan, the chief of the eunuchs,,
was it so 9 3y Mencius said, " No, it was not so Those
aie the inventions of in en fond of [strange] things

2 " In Wei he lived in the house of Yen Ch/ow-yew
The wife of the officer Mei and the wife of Tsze-loo were
sisters Mei-tsze spoke to Tsze-loo, saying-, ' If Confucius
will lodge with me, he may get to be a high noble of Wei '
Tsze-loo reported this to Confucius, who said, ' That is
as ordered [by Heaven] ' Confucius advanced accoiding
to propriety, and retired according to righteousness In
regard to his obtaining [office and honour] or not obtain-
ing them, he said e That is as ordered ' But if he had
lodged with an ulcer- [doctor] and with Tseih Hwan, the
chief of the eunuchs, that would neither have been according
to righteousness, nor any ordering [of Heaven] .

Par 9 See the Shoo, IV iv 2 , "but the text there differs consideLibly
fiom that wlrch Meiiciuh gives The meaning is that Keeh's atrocities in
his palace at Muh led Heaven to destioj him, \\bile E Tin, m iccortHnce
with the will of Heaven, advised T'ang in Poh to take action against him

CH TUT VINDICATION OF CONFUCIUS FROM THE CHARGE OF LODGING

WITH UNSUITABLE PERSONS

Par 1 Sze-ma IVeen, m his history of Confucius, says that on the occa-
sion when the sage made the observation in Ana IX xvn that he *' had
never met ^ith one who loved virtue as he loved beauty," there was a Yung
K'eu in the same carnage with the maiquis ot Wei, and his notonous wife
That Yung BL'eu was, no doubt, the ulcer-dootoi of the test, and I am
inclined to think that there may be some error in the foimation of the
characters as we read them If there be not, we must suppose that the
marquis of Wei had a parasite so named, who had been lai&ed to his favour
fiom the mean position of a ourer of soies and ulcers Of the same charac-
ter was Tseih Hwan a f avoui ite of one of the marquises of Tb'e, and his master
of the eunuchs, m the time of the sage

Par 2 Sze-ma Ts'een gives Yen Chuh-tsow for Yen Ch'ow-yew, and says
he was the elder brother (or brother-in-law) of Tsze-loo This is contrary to
what Mencius says There were two traditions, piobably, on the point On
a later occasion Confucius lodged in. Wei with a worthy officer called Keu
Pih-yub, Mei Hea is mentioned in the Tso Chuen under the 6th year of
duke Ting, and the 25th of duke Gae He was a favourite with the maiquis ,
and wished by his proposal to ingratiate himself with Confucius

PT I CH IS] WAX CHAXG. 237

3 " ^Vhen Confucius, being dissatisfied in Loo and
AVei, [had left those States], he met with the attempt of
H\van, the master of the Horse,, in Sung 1 , to intercept and
kill him, so that he had to piss through Sunor m the dre^s
of a pnvate man At that time, [though] he was in
circumstances of distress, he lodged in the house of
Ching-tsze, the minister of woiks, who was [then] a
minister of Chow, the marquis of Ch f m

4. te l have heard that ministers in the service of a
court may "be known from those to whom thev are hosts,
and that ministers coming from a distance mav be known fiom
those with whom they lodge. If Confucius had lodged with
an ulcer- [doctor] and with Tseih Hwan s the chief of the
eunuchs^ how could he have been Confucius ? "

IX. 1. Wan Chang- asked [Mencius], saying, f( Some
say that Pih-le He sold himself to a cattle-keeper of
Ts'in for five sheep-skins, and fed his cattle for him, to

JPar 3 "Hwan of Sung.," see on Ana VII xxn Hwnn is tlie Hwan
T'uy of that chapter Atter Confucius had left Wei., he was proceeding to
Ch'm, and on the ^vay Hwan T'uy made the ittempt on his life which inhere
alluded to I do not know that the sige \\as in circumstances of di-stre^s
after his arrnal at the chief city of Ch'm Mencms raiibt refoi to Mhat he
did immediately on leaching it Chmq-Ux:e, 01 ** the oificer Pure," was the
honorary or posthumous epithet of the omcer \\ho ^as Confuciub host, and
Chow was the name of the last maiquis of Ch'm,, known as duke Min
Chmg-tsze, it is said, after the extinction of Ch'in, went to Sung, and there
toecame minister of Works, and wa^ at terwards known as such , hence he is
so styled here by Mencius, when refenmg to an earlier period of his life

CH ESL VINDICATION OP PIH-LB HE FROM THE CHABGE OP SELLING

EIMSEJLF AS A STEP TOWABDS HIS ADVANCEMENT TO THE 3JSBVJOE OF
DUKE MCTH OP TS'IN

Par 1 Pih-le He was chief minister to duke Muh of Ts*in, \ehose rnle
extended from B O 658 to 618. The incidents of his life will be found
interestingly detailed in the 25th and some subsequent chapters of the
* History of the various States," though some of them are different from the
statements of Mencius about him According to Sze-ma IVeen, He, who
had been a minister of Yu, after the subversion of that State by Tbin, fol-
lowed its captive duke, and was sent by the marquis of Tarn, in the tram of
the eldest daughter of his honse, to Tsra, where she was to become the wife
of duke Muh Disgusted at being reduced to such a position, he absconded
on tha road, and, fleeing to Ts*oo, became noted there for his skill in rearing
cattle Bake Muh heard somehow of hist great capacity, and sent to TB'OO
to reclaim him as a runaway servant, offering also to pay for him five rams.'
skins He was afraid to offer anything more valuable, lest he should awaken

288 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [BK T

seek an introduction to duke Muh of Ts f m ; is this true ?"
Mencius said, " No, it was not so. This is the invention
of some one fond of [strange"] things.

2. " Pih-le He was a man of Yu. The people of Ts'in
by the inducement of a pe^k of Ch e uy-keih and a team of
Keuh-ch/an horses were asking liberty to march through
Yu to attack Kwoh Hung Che-k f e remonstrated [with
the duke of Yu, asking him not to grant their request],
but Pih-le He did not remonstrate

3 " When he knew that the duke of Yu was not to be
remonstrated with, and went in consequence from that
State to Ts r m, he had reached the age of seventy If by
that time he did not know that it would be a disgraceful thing
to seek for an introduction to duke Muh of Ts'in by feed-
ing cattle, could he be called wise ? Bnt not remonstrat-
ing where it was of no use to remonstrate, could he be
said not to be wise ? Knowing that the duke of Yu would
be ruined, and leaving his State before that event, he
could not be said to be not wise As soon as he was
advanced m Ts'in, he knew that duke Muh was one with
whom he could have a field for action, and became chief
minister to him ; could he be said to be not wise ? Acting
as chief minister in Ts'in, he made his ruler distinguished
throughout the kingdom, and worthy to be handed down
to future ages ; if he had not been a man of talents and
virtue, could he have done this ? As to selling himself in order
to bring about the destruction of his ruler, even a villager
who had a regard for himself, would not do such a thing,
and shall we say that a man of talents and virtue did it ? "

suspicions in Ts'oo that he wanted to get He on account of his ability , and
on obtaining him, he at once made him his chief minister In the "Plans of
the Warring States," we have an account of Pih-le He's introduction to duke
Muh, more in accordance with what Mencius said He is there introduced
as a borderer of TB*OO, who wished to get introduced to the service of duke
Muh With this purpose he sold himself for five rams' skins to a gentleman
of Ts'in, whose cattle he took care of By and by he atti*cted the notice of
duke Muh, who perceived his merit, and raiaed him to the distinction where
lie so abundantly repaid the duke's kindness

Pa,r 2 See the history of this transaction given from Kung-yang and
Kuh-le*ang in the Prolegomena to Vol V , pp 62, 68 Pih-le He, indeed, is
not mentioned there, because, I suppose, he held his peace at the time Per-
haps, " a team of Keuk-oh'an horses " should be " a team, of horses from
Keuh."

PT II CH. I.] WAN CHANG. 289

BOOK V.

WAIT CKA^Q PART II.

CHAPTER I 1 Mencms said, * f Pih-e would not allow
3ns eyes to look at a bad sight, nor his ears to listen to a
bad sound. He would not serve a ruler, nor employ a peo-
ple, of whom he did not approve. In a time of good govern-
ment he took office, and in a time of disorder he retried
He could not bear to dwell [at a court] from which lawless
government proceeded, nor among lawless people To be
m the same place with an [ordinary] villager was the same
in his estimation as to stand in his court robes and court cap
amid mire and charcoal. In the time of Chow, he dwelt by
the shores of the northern sea, waiting for the purification of
the kingdom Therefore when men [now] hear the character
of Pih-e, the corrupt become pure, and the weak acquire
detei mmation.

2 . c c E Yin said, * Whom may I not serve as my ruler ?
whom may I not employ as my people ? ' In a time of good
government he took office, and in a time of disorder he did
the same. He said,, f Heaven's plan in the production of
this people is this : that they who are first informed should
instruct those who are later In being informed, and they who
first apprehend [principles] should instruct those who are
slower to do so I am the one of Heaven's people who have
first apprehended , I will take these principles and instruct
this people in them * He thought that among all the people
of the kingdom, even the private men and women, if there
were any that did not enjoy such benefits as Yaou and Shun
conferred,, it was as if he himself pushed them into a ditch }

CH. I How CoNFUorcrs ixcFt EKED FROM, ASTD WAS stn-BBiOB TO, ALL

OTHEB SAGES, POSSESSING ALL SAGELY QUALITIES Eff FULL MEASURE,
WHICH THEY DID NOT DO , ILLUSTRATED BY AK EXHIBITION OP CHAJBA.O
TEBI6TICS OF PlH-E, E TlST, AND HWUY OF LKW-HEA

JPar 1. Compare II i IX 22 , . 1, d ILL 11 X 3 : IV. i XTTT 1 VI
u. VI 2 , and V3I 1 ^XTT. 1 , 11. XV. 1.

Par 2 Compare DL i. EL 22 , i. H. 10 V. i VL 4, 5 , VH VI li VI
2 . and vn i. TTCTTT 1 , . XXXVin. 2
VOL, n, 19

290 THE WOEZS OF nadirs. [BE: v.

so did lie take on himself the heavy charge of all under
heaven

3. Cf Hwuy of Lew-hea was not ashamed to serve an im-
pure ruler, nor did he decline a small office When ad-
vanced to employment, he did not keep his talents and virtue
concealed, hut made it a point to carry out his principles
"When neglected and left out of office, he did not murmur,
and when straitened by poverty, he did not grieve.
When in the company of village people, he was quite at ease
and could not bear to leave them [He would say], f You
are you, and I am I Though you stand by my side with
bare arms and breast, how can you defile me ? * Therefore
when men fnow] hear the character of Hwuy of Lew-hea,
the mean become generous, and the niggardly become
liberal.

4 et When Confucius was leaving Ts'e he took with his
hands the water from the rice which was being washed in it,
and went away [with the uncooked nee] When he was
about to leave Loo^ he said, *" I will go by and by _, ' it was
right he should leave the country of his parents in this way
W hen it was proper to go away quickly he did so ; when it
was proper to delay, he did so , when it was proper to keep
in retirement, he did so , when it was proper to go into of-
fice, he did so ; this was Confucius "

5 Mencius said, fc Pih-e among the sages was the pure
one , E Yin was the one most inclined to take office , Hwuy
of Lew-hea was the accommodating one ; and Confucius was
the timeous one

6. Cf In Confucius we have what is called a complete con-
cert A complete concert is when the bell proclaims [the
commencement of the music], and the [ringing] stone closes
it. The metal sound commences the blended harmony [of
all the instruments], and the winding up with the stone

Par 3 Compare II i IK 2, 3 VI n VI 2 VII i XXVHI , n XV 1.

Par 4 Compare II i II 23 I do not know that we have in any other
ancient record an account of the incident mentioned here in connexion with
the departure of Confucius from Ts'e

Pat 5 E have invented the adjective < timeoua," which would be a liteial
translation of the original term, if it -were current in our language Its
meaning is that Confucius did at every time what the circumstances of it
required to be done

Par 6 The illustration of Confucius here is from a grand performance
of music, in which all the eight kinds of musical instruments were employed.

FT II. CH II.] WAtf CHANG 291

tei minates that blended harmony The commencing that
harmony is the work of wisdonr, and the terminating it is
the work of sageness

7. ff As a comparison for wisdom, we may bken it to skill,
and as a comparison for sageness, we may liken it to strength,
as in the case of shooting at a mark a hundred paces dis-
tant That you reach the mark is owing to your strength ;
but that you hit it is not owing to your strength "

II 1 Pih-kung E asked [Mencius] , f ' What was the ar-
rangement of dignities and emoluments made by the House of
Chow P "

2 Mencius said, ' ' The particulars of that arrangement
cannot be learned, for the feudal princes, disliking them as
injurious to themselves, have all made away with the re-
cords of them Nevertheless I have learned the general
outline of them

3. " The SON OF HEAVEN was one dignity; the DOTOJ one ,
the MAEQUIS one , the EARL one , and the VISCOUNT and BARON
foimed one, being of equal rank altogether making five

One instrument would make " a small performance , " all joined, they made
u a collected great performance," = " a complete concert "

Pa} 1 The other sages had, as well as Confucius, what might be compared
to " strength," but they were deficient, as compared with him, in wisdom or
skill. We may compare each of them, it has been said, "to one of the
seasons , but Confucius was the grand, harmonious aii of heaven flowing
through all the seasons "

OH H THE ABB^eraEMENT OP DIGNITIES ANT> EMOLUMENTS jLccoBDiNa
TO THE DYNASTY OF CHOW Some of the statements of Mencius m this
chapter are at variance with what we find on the same subjects ia the
4< Official Book of Chow," and parts of the Le Ke I will not, however,
take any notice here of those differences, but reserve the discussion of them
till I come to the examination of thote other Works

Par 1 Pih-kung E was a high officer of Wei, one of a family descended
from duke Ch*ing of that State from BO 6^3 to 597 Various member s of
it -appear m the Tso Chuen Its clan-name of Pih-kung or " Northern-
palace " would be taken from the residence of itb founder

Par 2. It is an important fact which Mencius here mentions, that before
his time the feudal princes had destroyed many of the records affecting the
constitution and territories of their States The founder of the TB^ dynasty
had had predecessors and fathers IB what he did m this way

Par 3 The five degrees of dignity here are degrees of rank, and the six
are degrees of position or official employment The title " son of Heaven "
is equally applicable to the Head of the nation, whether emperor or

292 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS. [BE V.

degrees of dignity. The EULEE was one dignity; the
MINISTBE one ; the GREAT OFFICER one , the OFFICER OF THE FIRST
CLASS one ; the OFFICER OF THE SECOND CLASS one , and the
OPFICEE OF THE LOWEST CLASS one . altogether making six
grades

4 tc To the son of Heaven there was allotted a territory
of a thousand le square - y a duke and a marquis had each a
hundred le square, an earl, seventy le , a viscount and a

king, and is an emphatic designation of him as appointed by God " Son
of Heaven " is equivalent to " Heaven-sonned ,"*., dealt with by Heaven
as its son, and placed in the highest fatation See the She, IV i [i] VIII.
After the study of the Shoo, the She, and the Ch'un Ts'ew, I think it is
much better to adopt the titles of the five orders of nobility in the feudal
kingdoms of Europe for those which were employed for the five con espon ding
orders in China., when it was in the feudal State " Duke," in Chinese
bung, was the highest title of nobility Kung gives the idea of ' just,
correct, without selfishness " " Marquis," in Chinese Twm, was the second
How gives the idea of "taking care of," and was given to the nobles digni-
fied with it, as " guardians of the borders " of the kingdom "Earl, "in
Chinese pzh, was the thud Pt,h conveys the ideas of "elder and intelli-
gent," " one by his intelligence and vntue capable of presiding over others "
"Viscount or count, 1 ' in Chinese tsze, was the fourth " Tsze " means " a
son," but as a title means " to treat as a son," giving the idea of "generally
nourishing the people " " Baron," in Chinese nan, was the fifth Nan is the
common designation for" a malechild " Composed of the characters foi "field"
and "strength,** it conveys the idea of " one adequate to office and labour "
According to Mencius the viscount and the baron were considei ed equal m
rank All from the " son of Heaven " downwaids might be styled kevn or
*' ruler " Of the six grades of official position, the highest after the mler was
the minister, in Chinese Wvug jK i ^ng is explained as meaning " luminous,"
"one who can illustrate what is good and right " At the court of Chow
there were properly six fcing, though sometimes nine are spoken of The
Heads of the " Six Boards " may now be considered as their successors
For a feudal State the number of Wing was three, but some of them claimed
to have a greater number Their appointment required the confirmation
of the king The second official grade consisted of the " great officers,"
in Chinese to, foo Ta> foo may be translated by " great sustamer " The
number of these was indefinite As to* foo, they had no specific office, but
might be employed by their rulers, as occasion required, being men of ex-
perience, recognized ability, and trustworthiness The other grades were
made up of the three orders of officeis In Chinese ze is explained
as " one fit to be intrusted with the conduct of affairs " Its meaning is
often given as = " scholar , " and it is difficult always to discriminate between
the two significations In fact a fundamental principle in the Chinese nation
has ever been that for office a certain amount of literary cultivation was
required

Par. 4 "A thousand le square," 7 < , according to some, "a thousand Id
in breadth and a thousand le in length, making an area of a million le "

FT II CH. Ill ] WAN CHAtfG 293

baron, fifty le The assignments altogether were of four
amounts Where the territory did not amount to fifty le,
the holder could not himself have access to the son of
Heaven His land was attached to some one of the feudal
princes, and was called a FOO-TUNG

5 "A high mmistei of the son of Heaven received an
amount of territory equal to that of a marquis , a great of-
ficer, as much as an earl; and an officer of the first class, as
much as a viscount or baron

6. " In a great State, where the territory was a hundred
le square, the ruler had ten times as much income as one of
his high mmistei s , a high minister had four times as much as
a great officer , a great officer twice as much as an officer of
the first class , an officer of the first class, twice as much as
one of the middle , and an officer of the middle class twice as
much as one of the lowest. Officers of the lowest class,
and such of the common people as were employed in the
public offices, had the same emolument, as much, namely,
as what they would have made by tilling the fields.

7. te In a State of the next order, where the territory was
seventy le square, the ruler had ten times as much income
as one of his high ministers , a high minister, thrice as much
as a great officer a great officer, twice as much as an officer
of the first class , an officer of the first class, twice as much
as one of the second; and one of the second twice as much

On this, however, the editors of the imperial edition of the fang undei the
present dynasty, say " Where we find the term square, we are not to think
of an e-tact square, but only that, on calculation, the territory would be
found equal to so many squaie le So, in iegard to the States of the vanous
princes, we are to understand that, however their form might be vaiied by
the hillb and livers, then area in round numbers amounted to so much'*
On an " attached territory," see Ana 3TVT i 1 These States were too small
to beai the expenses of appearing at the royal court, and so the names and
surnames of then* chiefs were presented by the greater feudal lords to whom,
they were attached, and in whose tiam they also sometimes appeared

JPar 6 "A great State " was that of a duke or a marquis- One com-
mentator says " The ruler had 32,000 ?ow,the income of which would suf-
fice to feed 2,880 men A minister had 3,200 mow, sufficient to feed 288 men
A great officer had 800 mow, sufficient to feed 72 men. An officer of the fizst
class had 400 mow, sufficient to feed 36 men ; one of the second class had
200 mom, sufficient to feed 18 men ; and one of the lowest class had 100
mow, sufficient to feed from nine men to five men (see par 9) " " The com-
mon people employed in the public offices " would be the runners or police-
men, and other subordinates

Pwr 7, 8 "A State of the sec nd order" was that of an earl, and "a
small State " was that of a viscount or a baron.

294 THE WOBSS OF MENCIUS. [BK V.

as one of the lowest. Officers of the lowest class and such
of the common people as were employed in the public
offices, had the same emolument, as much, namely, as they
would have made by tilling the fields

8. ec In a small State, where the territory was fifty le square,
the ruler had ten times as much income as one of his high
ministers , a high minister twice as much as a great
officer , a great officer twice as much as an officer of the
first class , an officer of the first class twice as much as one of
the second ; one of the second class twice as much as one
of the lowest Officers of the lowest class, and such of the
common people as were employed in the public offices, had
the same emolument, as much, namely, as they would have
made by tilling the fields

9. e( As to those who tilled the fields, each head of a family
received a hundred mow When these were manured, the
[best] husbandmen of the first class supported nine individu-
als, and those ranking next to them supported eight The
[best] husbandmen of the second class supported seven men,
and those ranking next to them supported six , while the
lowest class [only] supported five. The salaries of the
common people who were employed in the public offices, were
regulated according to these differences >?

IH. 1 Wan Chang asked [Mencius], saying, ( ' I venture
to ask about [the principles of] friendship " Mencius
replied, " Friendship does not permit of any presuming on
the ground of one's age, or station, or [the circumstances
of] one's relations Friendship [with a man] is friendship
with his virtue, and there cannot be any presuming [on such
things]

2 C( The minister MSng Heen was [chief of] a family of a
hundred chariots, and he had five friends, Yoh-ching K'ew,

CH m THE PRINCIPLES OF FRIENDSHIP FRIENDSHIP SHOULD HAVE

REFERENCE TO THE VIRTUE OP THE FRIEND, AND THERE SHOTJLD BE 2STO
ASSUMPTION IN IT ON THE GROUND OP ONE'S SUPERIORITY IN YEARS,
SOCIAL POSITION, OR RELATIONAL ADVANTAGES

Par 1 It is a fine idea of the Chinese that only virtue should be the
bond of friendship, and the object of friendship should be the support and
increase of one s virtue

far 2 Mang Heen was the same who is mentioned in " the Great Learn-
ing^' Comm X 22, . v Toh-ohing K f ew would be an ancestor of Yoh-ching,

FT II CH m.] WAN CHANG. 295

'Mull Chmg^and three [otters whose names] I have forgotten
With these five men Heen-tsze maintained a friendship, be-
cause they thought nothing 1 about his family. If they had
thought about his family, he would not have maintained his
friendship with them,

3 te Not only has [the chief of] a family of a hundred
chariots acted thus. The same has been exemplified even in
the ruler of a small State Duke Hwuy of Pe said, tf I treat
Tsze-sze as my master, and Yen Pan as my friend As to
Wang Shun and Ch'ang Seih, they serve me

4 ee Not only has the ruler of a small State acted thus
The same thing has been exemplified by the luler of a large
State There was duke P f mg of Tsin with Hae T'ang .
when [T'ang] told him to come into his house, he came ,
when he told him to be seated, he sat , when he told him to
eat, he ate There might be only coarse rice, and soup of
vegetables, but he always ate his fill, not danng to do other-
wise Here, however, [the duke] stopped, and went no farther
He did not call [T'ang] to share with him his Heavenly
place^ nor to administer with him his Heavenly office, nor to
partake with him his Heavenly emolument. His conduct was
a scholar's honouring of virtue and talent j not a king or a
duke's honouring of them

5 ff Shun went up and had an interview with the emperor,
and the emperor lodged him as his son-in-law in the second
palace He also partook of Shun* s hospitality He was host
and guest alternately. This was the emperor maintaining
friendship with a common man.

one of our philosopher's disciples, mentioned in L n XVT , fft at It appears
from a passage m the '* Narratives of the States," IV ix 6, that the
fact of Mang Heen's having five friends was well known

Par 3 Pe, see on Ana "VT vii Pe was the city of the Ke-sun family
in Loo Mencma is probably speaking of it when it had fallen under the
power of Ts'oo, and had been erected hy it into the chief city of a, small
State dependent on itself Tsse-sse was the grandson of Confucius Yen
Pan is understood to have been the son of Yen Hwuy, Confucius' favourite dis-
ciple Of Wang Shun nothing is known Ch'ang Seih, see Pt i I 2

Pay 4 Duke P'ing (hon title, = "ihe Pacificator ") was Pew, marquis
of Tsin from B C. 554 to 529 Hae T'ang was a worthy of his State

Par 6 Here we have the highest style of friendship, where the object of
the friendship was called to share in the heavenly place, &o But was not
this introducing an element which does not belong to the idea of friendship ?

Par. 6 The meaning of "righteousness " here is what IB *' right in the
propriety of things."

296 THE WOBKS OF MEKX3IUS [BK Y.

6. te Respect shown by inferiors to superiors is called
giving- to the noble the observance due to rank. Respect
shown by superiors to inferiors is called giving honoui to
virtue and talents The principle of righteousness is the
same in both cases. "

IV 1. Wan Chang asked [Mencius], saying, <( ~L venture
to ask what [sentiment of the] mind is expressed in the gifts
of courteous intercom se." Mencius replied, " [The senti-
ment of j respect "

2 f ' Why is it/* pursued the other, cc that to decline a gift
decidedly is accounted disrespectful ? 3> The answer was,
cc When one of honourable rank presents a gift, to say [in the
mind], 'Was the way in which he got this righteous or not ?
I must know this before I receive it/ this is counted
disiespectful, and therefore gifts are not declined "

3 [Wan Chang] went on, "Let me ask this If one do not
in so many express words decline the gift, but having
declined it in his heart, sapng, ' He took it from the people,
and it is not righteous/ if he then assign some other reason
for not receiving it, is not this a proper course ? " Mencius
said, ce When the donoi offers it on the ground of reason, and
his manner of doing so is according to propriety, in such a
case Confucius would have received it/'

4. Wan Chang said, " Here now is one who stops [and robs]

CH. TV How MENCITJS DEFENDED THE ACCEPTING- PRESENTS FROM THE

PRINCES TTHO WERE- THE OPPRESSORS OF THE PEOPLE, AND MiaHT BE

REPRESENTED AS ROBBERS OF TH&M Wan Chang does not speak expressly
of Mencius' own practice, but no doubt lie had it in mind , and nevei wa*
our philosopher more closelj pressed by any of his disciples on what was a
Btumbling-block to them hi& living so fieely on the piesents of the kings
and pnnces of his day, while yet he refused to take office under any ot them

Par 1 The subject about -which the disciple assks here is not presents of
friendship, but the gifts offered by superiors to scholars not in office, and the
acceptance of them by these

JPar 8 Mencius does not seem to meet fanly the question proposed by
Wan Chang "We might have expected him to say that the scholar to whom
the gift was offered should decline it, boldly stating the reason why he did
BO This, I think, would have been more in accordance with the bo'dness
of his own. character His diverting the conversation to the subject of
Confucius was meiely an ingenious ruse

Par 4: On the case proposed by Wan Ohang Menoius could only give the
reply which, he does For the quotation from the Shoo, see that Work, Y.
ix. 15

FT II. CH TV] WAN CHASTG. 297

people outside tlie city gates , lie offers liisgift on a ground of
reason, and presents it in accordance with propriety , would
the reception of the gift so acquired by robbery be proper ? "
[Mencius] said, f( It would not be proper In the c Announce-
ment to the Prince of K f ang J it is said, ' Where men kill others,
or violently assault them, to take their property, being reck-
less and fearless of death, they are abhorred by all the people , *
these are to be put to death without waiting to give them
any lesson [or warning], Yin received [this rule] from Hea,
and Chow received it from Yin, it cannot be questioned,
and to the present day is clearly acknowledged How can [the
gift of a robber] be received ? "

5. [ Wan Chang] continued, cc The princes of the present day
take from their people, as if they were [so many] robbers.
But if they put a good face of propriety on their gifts,
then the superior man receives them, I venture to ask how
you explain this ? " [Mencius] replied, " Do you think that
if a true king were to arise, he would collect all the pnnces
of the piesent day, and put them to death ? Or would he
admonish them, and then, when they did not change [their
ways], put them to death ? To say that [every one] who
takes what does not properly belong to him is a robber is
pushing a point of resemblance to the utmost, and insisting
on the most refined idea of righteousness When Confucius
took office in Loo, the people struggled together for the
game taken in hunting, and he also did the same. If that
struggling for the captured game was allowable, how much
more may the gifts [of the pnnces] be received ' "

6 [Chang] urged, " Then, when Confucius took office,
was it not with the object that his principles should be
earned into practice?" "It was ^ith that object," was
the reply. [The other said,] fc If the practice of his prm-

JPar 5 The answer given here by Menoms to the application made by
Wan Chang of the above case has in it a gieat deal of ingenuity We may
admit it on the ground of expediency , but a man of his character and pre-
tensions should have been more chary of receiving gifts from the princes of
his time than he was The practice in hunting which Confucius sanctioned
is not well understood. The view which I haye followed in the tianslation
is that given by Chaou EL'e

Par. 6. The practice in hunting which is alluded to had something to do
with the offeiing of sacrifices, and Confucius, by the measures which he
took, wished to obviate the necessity for using any flesh so obtained in
Baoiifice, so that the practice might thus die of itself, and fall into disuse.

298 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [fiK V

ciples was his business, wliat liad lie to do with, tliat strug-
gling for tlie captured game ? " [Mencius] answered,,
<( Confucius first rectified the vessels of sacrifice according-
to the registers, and [enacted] that being so rectified
they should not be supplied with food gathered from
every quarter " cc But why did he not leave [the State] ? 3}
said [Chang] [Mencius] replied, { ' He would first make
a trial [of carrying his principles into practice] When
this trial was sufficient [to show] they could be practised,
and they were still not practised [on a larger scale] , he
would then go away Thus it was that he never com-
pleted a residence [in any State] of three years

7. cc Confucius took office when he saw that the prac-
tice [of his principles] was possible , when the reception
accorded to him was proper y and when he was supported
by the State In his relations with the minister Ke Hwan,
he took office because he saw that the practice [of his
principles] was possible With the duke Ling of Wei he
took office, because the reception accorded to him was
proper. With duke Heaou of Wei he took office, because
he was maintained by the State "

"V. 1 Mencius said, Cf Office should not be [sought]
on account of poverty, but there are times [when it may
be sought] on that account A wife should not be taken
for the sake of being attended to by her, but there are

Par 7 The text says that Confucius took service with Ke Hwan, and not
with duke Ting, because the duke and his government were undei the con-
trol of that nobleman I do not know that the sage ever held office in
Wei, though Mencius here says so When he first went to that State, its
marquis was he who is here called " duke Ling," and whose incumbency ex-
tended from B C 533 to 492 Ling allotted to Confucius the salary which
he had had in Loo. When he went to it the second time, the State was
probably held by duke Ling's son Oheh, whom his fathei had expelled He
was, we may suppose, called Heaou (" The Filial ") by his paitisans after his
death, but we have no u duke Heaou " in the Annals of Wei He would
offer liberal support to Confucius in order to get on his side the influence of
his character and name.

CH Y THAT OTTPICB MAT SOMETIMES BE TAKEN ON ACCOUNT OF POVER-
TY, BUT ONLY UNDEB CERTAIN SPECIFIED CONDITIONS

Par 1 The proper reason for taking- office is said to be the carrying out
of principle^ the truth and the right, and the proper reason for marrying

PT II CH. VI ] WAST CHAN3 299

times [when xnamage may be enteied on] witn that
view.

2. ff He wlio takes office because of his poverty must
decline an honourable situation; and occupy" a poor one ;
he must decline riches and prefer a poor [sufficiency]

3 f< What [office] will be in harmony with, this de-
clining an honourable situation and occupying a low one,,
with this declining riches and preferring a poor suffi-
ciency ? [Such an one] as that of being a gate- warder,
or beating the watchman's stick.

4 tf Confucius was once keeper of stores, and he [then]
said, ' My accounts must all be correct j that is all I have
to think about ' He was once in charge of the [ducal]
lands, and he [then] said, ' The oxen and sheep must be
large, and fat, and superior. That is all I have to think
about *

5 "When one is in a low station, to speak of high
matters is a crime To stand in the court of his prince,
and his principles not be earned into practice, is a dis-

grace "

VJL 1 Wan Chang said, cf What is the reason that
an officer [unemployed] does not look to a prince for his

is the "begetting of children, or rather of a son, to continue one's line, and
not allow the sacrifices to one's ancestors to be discontinued

Par 3 Chaou K'e thinks that only one office is here specified, that of
a gate-harder. It seems better to understand two offices , that of a
warder, one who " embraces the gate," ^ e , does not leave it, and that of a
watchman, one " who beats his stick or rattle "

Par 4 What Mencius calls here " keeper of stores " appears in Sze-ma
Ts'een as *' an officer of the Ke family " Mencius' authority in such a case
is to be followed This was the first office which Confucius held, when he
was young and poor Ts'een also gives a different name for the second
office, but apparently having the same meaning

Par 5 This is to the effect that he who takes office because of his poverty,
should not be as in a higher position where^he would have to speak of high
matters, and that he who is in a high office and a frequenter of the court
should make it his business to he carrying out his principles

CH. VI HOW A SCHOLAR UNEMPLOYED SHOULD NOT BECOME A DEPEND-
ENT BY ACCEPTING PAY WITHOUT OFFICE, WHILE YET A PBINCE MAY SENT*
HOC BEPEATED GIFTS, PEOVIDED HE DO SO IN THE PROPER MANNER

There is, no doubt, here, as in chapter ir , a reference to Mencius' habit of
receiving gifts, and yet keeping himself aloof, fiom the princes

Par 1 In the Le Ke, ESL i 13, it IB said that a prince should not employ

300 THE WOBES OP HEIGHTS. [BK V.

maintenance ? JJ Mencius answered, te He does not pre-
sume [to do so]. When one prince loses his State, and
then throws himself on another for his maintenance, this
is in accordance with propriety But for [such an] officer
to look to any of the princes for his maintenance is contrary
to propriety "

2 Wan Chang said, " If the pnnce sends him a pre-
sent of grain, will he receive it ? " " He will receive it/ 9
was the answer "What is the principle of right in his
receiving it ? " [Mencius] said., C{ Such is the relation
hetweeu a ruler and his people that as a matter of course
he should help them in their necessities "

3. " What is the reason that [an officer unemployed]
will [thus] accept lelief, but will not accept a [stated]
"bounty?-" asked [Chang]., and [Mencius] said, <f He
does not presume [to do the latter] " " Allow me to
ask/' urged the other, " why he does not presume to do
so " The reply was,, ff [Even] the warder of a gate and
the beater of a watchman's rattle have their regular
duties for which they can take their support from their
superiors ; but he who without any regular office receives
his superior's bounty must be deemed wanting in humility"

4 [Chang again] said, " When a ruler sends a present
[to an officer unemployed], he accepts it, I do not
know whether this present may be constantly repeated."
[Mencius] answered, ff There was the way of duke Muh
towards Tsze-sze . He sent frequent inquiries after his
health, and made frequent presents of cooked meat.
Tsze-sze was displeased, and at last, having motioned

another piince, a refugee with him, as a minister, but it is only from Men-
cms here, so far as I am aware, that -ue know that a pimoe, driven from his
own territory, \\ould nnd maintenance in anothei State, according to a sort
of Law.

jPar 2. This is making the case very simple

JPar* 8 " Must be deemed -wanting in humility '* is given by Julien as
" oem>etio expert, le^erentice" The idea is that such a scholai puts him-
self in the position of one who has a regular office, and does not recognize
his own unofficial position

JPar 4. On the duke Muh and Taze-sze, see H 11 XI 8 See also ch ui.
3 The modes of salutation in ancient tunes are thus described *' The
ancients sat on then mats on the ground. When one raised up his body
erect, resting on the knees, that was a long kneeling When the head was
bowed down to the hands, that was a pae or bow with the hands , when the
frands were put to the ground, that was kgae or bow , when the head was

PT II. CH. VII ] WAN CHANG. 301

to the messenger to go oatside the great door, he bowed his
head to the ground with his face to the north, then put
his hands twice to the ground, and declined the present,
saying, 'From this time forth I shall know that the
ruler supports me as a dog or a horse.' And from this
time an inferior officer was not sent with the piesent.
When [a ruler] professes to be pleased with a man of
talents and virtue, and can neither raise him to office nor
support him [in the proper way], can he be said to be
[really] pleased with his talents and virtue ? )}

5 [Chang] said^ ce I venture to ask how the ruler of a
State, when he wishes to support a superior man, must
proceed that he may be said to do so [in the proper
wa y]-" [Mencius] answered, cc The present will [at
first] be offered as by the ruler's commission, and [the
superior man] will receive it, twice putting his hands to
the ground, and then his head to the ground After this,
the store-keeper will continue to send grain, and the
master of the kitchen to send meat, presenting it without
any mention of the rulei's commission. Tsze-sze con-
sidered that the meat from the [ruler's] caldron, giving
him the trouble of constantly doing obeisance, was not
the way to support a superior man.

6 (c There was the way of Yaou with Shun : He caused
his nine sons to serve him, and gave him his two daughters as
wives , he caused the various officers, oxen and sheep, store-
houses and granaries, [all] to be prepared to support Shun
amid the channeled fields ; and then he raised him to the
most exalted station. Hence we have the expression
* The honouring of virtue and talents proper to a king or
a duke/

VJLL. 1 Wan Chang said,, fc I venture to ask what is

put to the earth, that was a bowing with the head to the ground Tsze-
sze IB here described as making first the third or profbundest obeisance, and
then twice bowing with his hands to the ground " An inferior officer " hei a
denotes one of a mean order employed to convey messages

Par 6 The method of obeisance or acknowledgment described here is, it
will be seen, the reverse of that employed by Tsze-sze in the preceding
paragraph This method indicated, it is said, the acceptance of the gift,
while the other indicated its refusal.

Par 6 See Pt i L S, et al.

CH VH "WHY A SCHOLAR JSTOT HT OFFICE SHOULD DECLINE TO <K> TO

302 THE WOEKS OF MENOIUS. [BE V.

the principle of right in not going to see the princes "
Mencius replied,, ee [A scholar unemployed] , residing in the
city, is called c a minister of the market-place and well , ' one
residing in the country is called ' a minister of the grass
and plants/ In both cases he is a common man, and it
is a rule of propriety that common men who have not pre-
sented the introductory present, and so become ministers
[of the court] _, should not presume to Lave interviews with
any of the princes "

2. Wan Chang said, et If a common man be called to
perfoim any service, he goes and performs it. When a
ruler wishes to see a scholar., and calls him, how is it that he
does not go ? '* " To go and perform the service is right ;
to go and see the ruler would not be right

3 "And JJ [added Mencius] tc on what account is it
that the prince wishes to see [the scholar] ? " ec Because
of his extensive information/- 7 was the reply, cf or because
of his talents and virtue " " If because of his extensive
information," said [Mencius], "even the son of Heaven
does not call [one thus fit to be] a teacher, and how much
less may one of the princes do so ! If because of his talents
and virtue, I have not heard of any one^s wishing to see a
person with these qualities, and calling him to his presence.

4 ef During the frequent interviews of duke Muh with
Tsze-sze, he [once] said, * Anciently in States of a thou-
sand chariots, their rulers, with all their resources, have
been on teims of friendship with scholars; what do you
think of such cases ? * Tsze-sze was displeased and said,
tf The ancients had a saying that, "" [The scholar] should
be served ; " how should they have said merely that f< He
should be made a friend of ? " Did not the displeasure of

SEE ANY OF THE PBUTCEB, WHEN CALLED BY THEM "Wan Chang evidently
had his master, and the way in which he kept himself aloof nom the princes,
in his mind here, though he does not say so Our philosopher's practice
in this respect was matter oi surprise and of frequent inquiry to his disci-
ples See HI uu I , et al

JPai 1 Every one may he called a minister (sTvui), as hemg a subject,
and bound to serve the ruler This is the meaning of the term in the first
two mbtances of its occurrence in this paragraph In the other instance it
denotes those who are ministers holding office. On the " introductory
present," see ITT 11 in

Par 8 Here and throughout this chapter we see in a striking manner how
Menoms magnified his position as a scholar and teacher.

FT II CH. VII ] WAN CHAXG 303

Tsze-sze say [m effect], 'So far as station is concerned,
you are ruler, and I am a subject, how should I presume
to be on terms of friendship with my ruler ? Bat in respect
of virtue, you ought to make me your master ; how can you
be on terms of friendship with me ? ' [Thus], when a ruler
of a thousand chariots sought to be on terms of friendship
with a scholar, he could not obtain his wish, and how much
less might he [presume to] call him [to his presence] '

5 "Duke King of Ts'e [once] when he was hunting,
called the forester to him with a flag [The forester]
refused to come, and the duke was going to kill him
[With reference to this incident, Confucius said,] 'The
resolute officer does not forget [that his end may be] in
a ditch or in a stream , the bold officer does not forget
that he may lose his head. 1 What was it [in the forester]
that Confucius [thus] approved ? He approved his not
going when summoned by an article which was not appio-
priate to him "

6 [Chang] said, ** I venture to dsk with what a forester
should be called " ff With a fur cap/-* was the reply.
" A common man should be called with a plain banner , a
scholar [who has taken office], with a flag having dragons
embroidered on it, and a great officer, with one having
feathers suspended from the top of the staff.

7. " When a forester is called with the article appropri-
ate to the calling of a great officer, he would die rather
than presume to go. When a common man is called with
the article for the caning of a scholar [in office], how
should he presume to go ? How much more may we expect
a man of talents and virtue to refuse to go,, when he is called
in a way unbecoming his character '

8 "To wish to see a man of talents and virtue, and
not take the way to bring- it about, is like calling him to
enter and shutting the door against him. Now righteous-
ness is the way, and propriety is the door, but it is only

Par 5 See m 11 I 2

Par. 8. See the She, II v. IX 1 Righteousness is the way which all
men ought to be found in, and propriety the door by which they should
enter it Many, however, forsake the way, and try to enter by other doors
But not so with the superior man , and therefore rulers in dealing with him
should be specially observant of righteousness and propriety This seems to
be the under current of thought m this paragraph. And so it seems, as in-

304 THE WOEKS OP MENCIUS. |_BK V.

the superior man who can follow this way^ and go out and
in by this door. It is said in the Book of Poetry

' The way to Chow was like a whetstone
And Btiaight as an arrow
[Sol the officers trod it,
And the common people looked on it ' "

9 Wan Chang said, "When Confucius received his
ruler's message calling him [to his presence], he went
without waiting for his carnage to be yoked ; did Con-
fucius then do wrong ? " [Mencius] replied, ff Confucius
was in office, and Lad its appropriate duties devolving on
"him } and moreover he was called on the ground of his office "

VIII. 1 Mencius said to Wan Chang, " The scholar
whose excellence is most distinguished in a village will
thereon make friends of the [othei] excellent scholars of
the village. The scholar whose excellence is most dis-
tinguished in a State will thereon make friends of the
[other] excellent scholars of the State. The scholar whose
excellence is most distinguished in the kingdom will
thereon make friends of the [other] excellent scholars of
the kingdom.

2. <e vVhen [a scholar] finds " that his friendship with
the excellent scholars of the kingdom is not sufficient [to
satisfy him], he will ascend to consider the men of anti-
quity He will repeat their poems, and read their books ,

dioated in the words of the ode quoted, it once was m the best days of the
Chow. The way to Chow was as it is here described, because the ways
of the kiugs of Chow had been fashioned according to righteousness and
propriety

Par 9 See Ana X. xiSi 4

OH. VHC How FBIBNDSHIP WILL FIND ITS CONGENIAL ASSOCIATIONS

ACCORDING TO THE CONDITIONS Off PLACE AND TIME, AND WE MAT MAKE
CUE FBIENDS OF THE G-BEAT AND GOOD OF ANTIQUITY BY STUDYING THEIB
POEMS AND OTHER BOOKS, AND HI8TOKY

Pa? 1 The eminence of the most excellent scholars specified attracts
others to them, and they have thus the opportunity of learning and adding
to their own excellence, which no inflation anting from their own superiority
prevents them from doing. It is a pity that the Chinese mind should be so
unwilling to admit that excellence may be found out of China.

Par 2 It is certainly a discriminating study of the worthier of antiquity
which Jlencius here recommends

PT II CH IX ] WAN CHANG 305

and as lie does not know whether they were as men all
that was approvable, he will consider their history. This
is to ascend and make friends [of the men of antiquity] ."

IX. 1. King Seuen of Ts'e asked about high minis-
ters. Mencms said, "Which high ministers is your
Majesty asking about ? " " Are there differences among
them ? " said the king ft Yes/' was the reply , cc there
are high ministers who are noble, and relatives of the
ruler, and there are those who are of a different surname
from him " " Allow me to ask/' said the king, " about
the high ministers who are noble, and relatives of the
ruler " [Mencms] answered, ce If the ruler have great
faults, they ought to remonstrate with him , and if he do
not listen to them, when they have done so again and
again, they ought to appoint another in his place "

2 The king looked moved, and changed countenance

3. [Mencius] said, ft Let not your Majesty think [what
I say] strange You asked me, and I did not dare to
reply but correctly "

4 The king's countenance became composed, and he
begged to ask about the high ministers who were of a
different surname from the ruler [Mencius] said,

" When the ruler has faults, they ought to remonstrate
with him; and if he do not listen to them when they
have done so again and again, they ought to leave [the
State] "

CH IX THE DUTIES or MXNISTBBS TO THEIB BTJLEE, ACOOBDING AS

THEY ABB OF THE SAME SURNAME WITH HTM, OB A DIFFEBENT, THAT IS,
ACCOBDINQ- AS THEY ABE BELATED TO HIM OB NOT

Par I By "great faults" is meant such as endangered the State, or at
least the safety of the ruling House It seems to be intimated that of other
and leaser faults these ministers would not take any notice In par 4 all
the ruler's faults small or great, come under the notice and ciiticism of his
other ministers

Parr 2, 3 It was not surprising that king Seuen should be annoyed, and
surprised at the words of Mencius They certainly aflord a stiikmg instance
of the boldness of our philosopher s thinking, and of the decided manner
in which he gave expression to his sentiments All the members of the
family of which the rulei is the Head may be said to have an interest in
the throne, but to suggest to them that it may become their duty to dis-
place the actual occupant of it and substitute another of tiieir number m
his place, maj open the way to confusion and disaster
VOL II, 20

306 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

BOOK VI

KAOTJ-TSZE. PART I.

CHAPTER I 1 Kaou-tsze said., " [Man's] nature is like
a willow tree, and righteousness is like a cup or a bowl
Tiie fashioning 1 benevolence and righteousness out of man's
nature is like making cups and bowls from a willow tree/'

2 Mencius replied, " Can you, in accordance with the
nature of the willow tree, make cups- and bowls from it ?
You will do violence and injury to the tree before you can
make cups and bowls from it. If you will do violence and

TITLE OF THIS BOOK Kaou-tsze, ^ e , Mr Kaou, or the scholar Kaou,
who appears in the first and other chapters questioning Hencius, gives Ins
name to the Book He is probably the same who is referi ed to by our
philosopher in II Part I 11 2 Chaou K*e tells us that his name was Puh-
hae, seeming to identify him with Haou-sang Puh-hae of VII Pt II xxv
He adds that Kaou, while a student under Mencius, gave himself al&o to the
examination of the dootimes of the heresmrch Mih (III Pt I v , Pt II ix.
9) , and fiom a pasbage in Hih's wiitmgs this is not unlikely, but the name
of Kaou appears there as Shmg

Kaou appears from this Book to have been much perplexed rejecting the
real chaiacter of human nature in its relations to good and evil, which is
the subject mainly discussed throughout it, and it is to the view ot human
nature as here developed that Mencius is chiefly indebted foi his place
among 1 the sages of his country "The Book," says the Relish and Hoot
of the four Books, '* tieats first of the natwe, then of the Jieai t, and then
of inftj uction the whole being analogous to the lessons in the doctrine of
the Mean The second Part continues to treat of the same subject and a
resemblance will generally be found between the \iews of the parties theie
combated and those of the scholar Kaou "

OH I THAT BBNEVOLBNOB A;NT> BIQ-HTBOUSBTESS ABE NO umsrATtrBAL
A:SI> FOBCED PBODUCTS OP HUMAN STATtn&B Choo He says that there
undeilies the words of Kaou here the view of human nature afterwards
insisted on by the philosopher Seun (see the prolegomena?), that human
nature IB eviL But Kaou might have disallowed such an induction from
his words. Seun maintained that human nature was positively evil, and
that fuay good in it was an artificial product Kaou perhaps would have
contended that it was like a tabula ra*a f on which either good or evil
might be made to appear

Par 2 " In accordance with the nature of the willow tree , H. e , leaving

FT I CH. II ] KAOU-TSZE. 007

injuiy to tlie willow tree in order to make cups and bowls,
will you also do violence and injury to a man, to fashion
benevolence and righteousness [from, him] ? Your words,
alas' would ceitainly with all men occasion calamity to
benevolence and righteousness "

II. 1 Kaou-tsze said, tf [Man's] nature is like water
whirling round [in a corner]. Open a passage for it on
the east, and it will flow to the east } open a passage for
it on the west, and it will flow to the west. Man's
nature is indifferent to good and evil, just as water is
indifferent to the east and west "

2. Mencius replied, " Water indeed will flow indiffer-
ently to the east or west, but will it flow indifferently up
or down ? The [tendency of] man j s nature to goodness
is like the [tendency of] water to flow downwards There
are none but have [this tendency to] goodness, (just as]
water flows downwards

3 ' ' Now by striking water, and causing it to leap up, you
may make it go over your forehead , and by damming and
leading it, you may make it go up a hill , but are [such
movements according to] the nature of water It is the
force applied which causes them In the case of a man's

its nature untouched, doing no violence to it "Will you also do violence
and injury to a man ? " ^ e to a man's nature, to humanity

CH n THAT MAN'S NA.TUKE is NOT INDIPFEHEITT TO GOOD AND EVH*
ITS PEOPEB TENDENCY is TO GOOD Here, it seems to me, Kaou more
clearly explains ^hat he meant* in the last chapter Choo He says, however,
that his Idea here was akin to that of Yang Heung, a writer about the begin-
ning of our eia Tang held that good and evil were mixed in the nature
of, man, and that the passion-nature was like a horse drawing the man, ac-
cording as it moved, either to good or to evil Kaou, however, appears to
have differed from him in thinking that there was neither good nor evil in.
the nature itself.

.Paw. 1 The phrase which I have translated " water whirling round" is
explained in the dictionaries aa " watei flowing rapidly, n " water flowing
quickly over sand j" and hence Julian renders it by " rapide Jluens ayiia"
So also Williams Chaou K e e, followed by Choo He, gives the meaning which
I have adopted.

Parr 2, 8 Choo He says . " This chapter tells us that the nature is
properly good, so that if we accord with it, we shall do nothing but what is
good ; and that it is properly without evil, so that we must violate it before
we do what is evil It shows that the nature is not properly without a de-
cided character so that it may do good or evil indifferently "

308 THE WOEES OP MENCIUS [BK YI

being made to do what is not good, his nature is dealt
with in this way 9i

HI 1. Kaou-tsze said,, " [The phenomena of] life is
what I call nature "

2 Mencius replied, " Do you say that life is nature just
as you say that white is white ? 3t " Yes/' was the reply
[Mencius asked again], "Is the whiteness of a white
feather like the whiteness of white snow, and the white-
ness of white snow like that of white jade ? " " Yes,"
returned [the other]

3 Mencius retorted, "Very well. Is the nature of a
dog like the nature of an ox^ and the nature of an ox like
the nature of a man ? "

TV 1 Kaou-tsze said, Cf [To delight in] food and in
sexual pleasure is nature Benevolence is from within,
and not from without , righteousness is from without and
not from within "

2 Mencius said, "What is the ground of your saying
that benevolence is from within, and righteousness from

CH III THE NATURE is NOT TO BE CONFOUNDED WITH THE PHENO-
MENA OF LIFE Choo He says that " by life is intended that whereby men
and animals perceive and move," and he adds that Kaou's sentiment was
analogous to that of the Buddhists, who made " doing and moving " to be the
nature We must undei stand, I think, by life here the phenomena oi the
life of sensation, and Kaou'sidea led to the ridiculous conclusion that wher-
ever there were those phenomena the nature of the subjects is the same
We find it difficult to placs ourselves in sympathy with him in. this convers-
ation, and also to follow Menoius in passing from the second paragiaph to
the third His questions in the former refer to the qualities of inanimate
things, and then he jumps to others about the nature of animals and of man

CH. IY THAT THH DISCRIMINATION OP WHAT is BIGHT, AS WELL AS

THE FEELING- OF LOVE OR BENBVOLENCB, IS INTERNAL, AND NOT MERELY
DETERMIN5JB BY WHAT IS EXTERNAL TO US

Par. 1 The first remark of Kaou here would seem to be intended to ex-
plain his statement in the preceding chapter that "life was nature '* Then
he seems to give in to the view oi Mencius that benevolence proceeds from a
principle within us, just as we are moved by an internal feelmg to food and
sexual pleasure, but he still contends that it is not so in the exercise of
righteousness , by which term, Chinese writers mean, * f the conduct proper
in reference /to men and things without us, and the showing it to them "
This meaning of " righteousness " is~put out by Menoius at the close of the
third paiagraph.

FJ? I GET Y ] KAOU-TSZE. 309

without?" [The other] replied, ec There is a man older
than I, and I give honour to his age , it is not that there
is in me a principle of reverence for age It is just as
when there is a white man, and I consider him white ,
according as he is so externally to me It is on this
account that I say [of righteousness] that it is from
without "

3. [Mencms] said, ee There is no difference to us
between the whiteness of a white horse, and the whiteness
of a white man, but I do not know that there is no differ-
ence between the regard with which we acknowledge the
age of an old horse, and that with which we acknowledge
the age of a man older [than ourselves] ? And what is it
which we call righteousness ? The fact of a man's being
older [than we] ? or the fact of our giving honour to his

4 [Kaon] said, <f There is my younger brother ; I love
"him. But the younger brother of a man of Ts c in I do not
love, that is, it is [the relationship to] myself which
occasions my complacency, and therefore I say that
benevolence is from within. I give the honour due to
age to an old man of Ts'oo, and to an old man of my own
[kindred] ; that is, it is the age which occasions the com-
placency, and therefore I say that righteousness is from
without/'

5. [Mencms] answered him, et Our enjoyment of meat
broiled by a man of Ts'iu does not differ from our enjoy-
ment of meat broiled by [one of] our [own kindred].
Thus [what you insist on] takes place also in the case of
[such] things , but is OUT enjoyment of broiled meat also
from without ? "

V. 1. Mr MSug Ke asked the diaciple Kung-too, flay-

Par. 4. " A man of Ts'm," ** a man of Ta'oo ; " * e , people indifferent
to me, strangers to me*

Par 5 Blenoius wienoea his opponent by showing -that the difficulty
which he alleged in regard to righteousness would attach, also to the enjoy-
ment of food, which he had himself allowed, at the outset of the convers-
ation, to be internal, from the inward constitution of our nature,

CH. V. TfiB fiA'MB SUBJECT A. BlPtflCtrLTT OBVIATED TS THE WAT Or

310 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS [BK VI

ing, <c On what ground is it said that righteousness is
fiom within ? **

2. [Kung-too] replied, "It, is the acting out of our feel-
ing of respect, and therefore it is said to be from within "

8. [The other] said, " [In the case of] a villager one
year older than your elder brother, to which of them will
you show the [greater] respect ? }} " To my brother/'
was the reply. ff Bat for which would you pour out
spirits first ? " [Kung-too] said, "" For the villager."
[MXng Ke then argued] , " Your feeling of respect rests
on the one, but your reverence for age is rendered to the
other, [righteousness] is certainly determined by what
is without, and not by internal feeling "

4 The disciple Jtung-too was unable to reply, and
reported [the conversation] to Mencius, who said, ce [You
should ask him] , f Which do you respect more, your uncle,
or your younger brother ? * He will reply, f My uncle J
[Ask him again] , ' If your younger brother be personat-
ing a deceased ancestor, to whom will you show respect
more, [to him or to your uncle] ? ' He will say, ' To my
younger brother ' [You can go on] , ' But where is the
[greater] respect due, as you said, to your uncle ? ' He
will say, f [I show it to my younger brother,] because he
is in the position [of the deceased ancestor] .' And then
you must say, f Because he is in that position, and so
ordinarily my respect is given to my elder brother, but a
momentary respect is given to the villager/ "

5. When Xe-tsze heard this, he observed, ee When

THE OONOLUSI02S- TTTA.T THE PISORTTVrmATIOS' OF WHAT IS BIGHT IS FEOM
WITHTN.

Pat I. Mang Ke was, probably, a younger brother of M&ng Chung, who
appears m II, Pt n 11 3 in close attendance on Menoius He had heard
the previous conversation with Kaou, or heard of it, and feeling some
doubts on the subject, he applied to the disoiple Kung-too

Par. 3. "For whom would you pour out spirits fiist? " * <?., at a feast
Courtesy then required that the honour should be given to a stranger , but
M&ng Ke does not consider tins, but maintains that the manifestation of
respect varied with the individual, and was therefore not fiom within

Par 4, "Personating a deceased ancestor," see the Prolegomena to
Yol IV of my larger Work, pp. 135, 136, on the strange custom under the
Chow dynasty of personating a deceased ancestor at a sacrificial feast by
'one of the descendants of the family.

Par 5, Kung-too here beats down the cavilling of Mang Ke as Mencias
did that of Kaou in the conclusion of last chapter.

PT I CH VI ] KAOU-TSZB. 311

respect is due to my uncle, I give it to him , and when
respect is due to my younger brother, I giye it to him.
The thing is certainly determined by what is without us,
and does not come from within/' Kung-too replied^ " In
winter we drink things warm., but in summer we drink
things cold; but is then our eating and drinking deter-
mined by what is external to us ? "

VI. 1. The disciple Kung-too said, "Kaou-tsze says,
* [Man's] nature is neither good nor bad/

2 ef Some say, c [Man's] nature may be made to do
good, and it may be made to do evil , and accordingly,
under W3.n and Woo, the people loved what was goo'd,
and under Yew and Le they loved what was cruel *

3. ef Some say, f The nature of some is good, and the
nature of others iy bad. Hence it was that under such a
ruler as Yaou, there yet appeared Seang; that with such
a father as Koo-sow, there yet appeared Shun ; and that,
with Chow for their ruler and the son of their elder
brother besides, there yet appeared K e e, the viscount of
Wei, and prince Pe-kan/

4 " And now you say, ' The nature is good/ Then
are all those wrong ? "

5. Mencms replied, ""From the feelings proper to it,
[we see] that it is constituted for the doing of what is
good. This is what I mean in saying that [the nature]
is good.

6. tc If [men] do 'what is not good, the guilt cannot be
imputed to their natural powers,

OH. VI VABIOTTS VIKWB OF HUMAN NATDBE, Am> MBNOTCTS' vnroiGATioir

OF HIS OWN DOCTRINE, THAT IT IS GOOD

Par. 1 Ghoo He saya that this view had been revived near his own tunes
by the famous Soo Tung-po, and by Hoo Woo-fung, a son of the more cele-
brated Hoo Wan-ting.

Par 2. Kaou had also given this view, in the second chapter. W&n
and Woo are the famous founders of the Ohow dynasty , Yew and Le were
two of their successors whose character and course damaged the dynasty
not a little

Par. 8 This view was afterwards advocated, with an. addition to it, by
Han Yu of the T'ang dynasty , see his essay in the prolegomena, Seang
was the wicked brother of Shun , for him and Koo-sow see V Pt I u , et
al For Chow (or Show) of the Shang dynasty and his relatives, see on the
Analects XVIII i , and on the Book of History, Pt IV, xi

Parr 5, 6, These paragraphs are impoitant for the correct understanding
of our philosopher's views.

312 THE WOBZS OP MENCIUS. [BK VI

7. " The feeling of compassionate distress belongs to
all men ; so does that of shame and dislike 9 and that of
modesty and respect; and that of approving and disap-
proving. The feeling of compassion and distress is the
principle of benevolence ; the feeling of shame and dis-
like is the principle of righteousness ; the feeling of
modesty and respect is the principle of propriety ; and the
feeling of approving and disapproving is the principle of
knowledge Benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and
knowledge are not fused into us from without, they
naturally belong to us, and [a different view] is simply
from want of reflection Hence it is said, ' Seek, and you
will find them ; neglect, and you will lose them/ [Men
differ from one another in regard to them] , some as much
again as others, some five times as much, and some to an
incalculable amount ; it is because they cannot fully carry
out their [natural] endowments.

8. fc It is said in the Book of Poetry,

* Heaven in giving birth to the multitudes of the people,
To every faculty and relationship annexed its law
The people possess this normal nature,
And they [consequently] love its normal virtue,'

Confucius said, f The maker of this ode knew indeed
the constitution {of our nature] * We may thus see that
to every faculty and relationship there must belong its
law, and that since the people possess this normal nature,
they therefore love its normal virtue."

"VII. 1 Menoius said, "In good years the children of
the people are most of them good, and in bad years they
are most of them evil. It is not owing to their natural

Par, 7 See IL Pt I vi. 4, 5

Par 8, See thfi Book of Poetry, Bk HL Pt HI vi 1, and my comment-
ary there,

CH YH THE PHENOMENA OF GOOD AND EVIL IN MEN'S OHABAGTJDB
AND CONDUCT ARB TO BE EXPLAINED PBOM THB DIFFERENT CIBGUM-

STAlirCBS ACTING ON THEM. ALL MEN, SAGES AND OTHEES, AT^R THE SAMB
IN MIND, AND IT FOLLOWS THAT THB NATTJKE OF OTHER MEN IS GOOD,
T.Tyift THAT OT THE, 8AGB8

Par. I The idea sems to he that in good years, -the supply of food and
Olotkes being eufikaent, the young escape temptations to robbery and other

PT I CH VII.] KAOU-TSZE. 313

endowments conferred by Heaven, that they are thus
different It is owing to the circumstances in which they
allow their minds to be ensnared and devoured that they
appear so [as in the latter case]

2 ee There now is barley Let the seed be sown and
covered up ; the ground being the same, and the time of
sowing also the same, it grows luxuriantly, and when the
full time is come, it is all found to be ripe Although
there may be inequalities [of produce], that is owing to
[the difference of] the soil as rich or poor, to the [unequal]
nourishment afforded by rain and dew, and to the different
ways in which man has performed his business.

3. cc Thus all things which are the same in kind are
like to one another, why should we doubt in regard to
man, as if he were a solitary exception to this ? The
sage and we are the same in kind.

4. cf In accordance with this, Lung-tsze said, f If a
man make hempen sandals, without knowing [the size of
people's] feet, yet I know that he will not make them like
baskets 3 Sandals are like one another, because all men's
feet are like one other.

5. (e So with the mouth and flavours , all mouths have
the same relishes Tih Ya T simply] appreciated before
me what my mouth relishes Suppose that his mouth, in
its relish for flavours, were of a different nature from [the
mouths of] other men, in the same way as dogs and
horses are not of the same kind with us, how should all
men be found following Yih Ta in their relishes ? In the
matter of tastes, the whole kingdom models itself after
Yih Ya ; that is, the mouths of all men are like one
another.

6. " So it is with the ear also. In the matter of

wickedness Mencras elsewhere puts forth powerfully the truth that ad-
versity is often a school of superior virtue The general sentiment enun-
ciated here, that a competence is favourable to vu tue, must be admitted,
and it has the warrant of Confucius in Ana XTTI rx

Par 4 Of Mr Lung, who is here quoted, nothing is known. Menoius pur-
posely quotes his saying on an ordinary matter as being well known, and
serving to illustrate the point in hand

Par 5, Yih Ya was the cook of the famous duke Hwan of Ts*e 0& O
684 642), otherwise worthless man, but great in his art

Par 6, Of the music-master Kwang see on IV. Pt L i. 1.

THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS. [BE VI.

sounds, the wliole kingdom models itself after the music-
master Kwang; that is, the ears of all men are like one
another.

7. "And so it is also with the eye In the case of
Tsze-toOj there is no one under heaven but would
recognize that he was beautiful. .Any one who did not
recognize the beauty of Tsze-too would [be said to] have
no eyes

8 "Therefore [I] say, [Men's] months agree in having
the same relishes, their ears agree in enjoying the same
sounds, their eyes agree in recognizing the same beauty.
shall their minds alone be without that which they similarly
approve ? What is it then of which their minds similarly
approve ? It is the principles [of things] , and the [conse-
quent determinations of] righteousness. The sages only
apprehended before me that which I and other men agree in
approving. Therefore the principles [of things] and [the de-
terminations of] righteousness are agreeable to my mind just
as [the flesh] of grass and grain-fed [animals] is agreeable
to my mouth "

VIJLL 1. Mencius said, " The trees of New "hill were once
beautiful Being situated, however, in the suburbs of [the
capital of] a large State, they were hewn down with axes
and bills , and could they retain their beauty ? Still
through the growth from the vegetative life day and night,
and the nourishing influence of the rain and dew, they were
not without buds and sprouts springing out But then,
came the cattle and goats, and browsed upon them. To
these things is owing the bare and stnpt appearance [of the
hill] , and when people see this, they thank it was never
finely wooded. But is this the nature of the hill ?

Par 7 Tsze-too was the designation of Kong-sun Oh, a scion of the
house of Ch.*ing about B o 700, distinguished for his beauty Bee an account
of his villainy and death m the 7th chapter of the u History of the several
States." See also in the Tso Chuen under the llth year of duke Yin, and
the 16th year of duke Chwang

OH. VIH. HOW IT IB THAT THE NATUBE, PBOPEBLY GOOD, OOMKS TO
APPEAB AS EF IT WEBB NOT SO , FBOM NOT KELCSilVDSQ ITS PROPEB
lirODBISHMBNT

Par I New hill, ^ e. Ox hill, was a mountain not far from the capital
of Ts'e It is 10 le south of the present district city of Lin-tsze a depart-
ment of Ts'ing-chow*

PT I. CH IX ] KAOU-TSZE. 31 O

2. ee And so even of what pioperly belongs to man, shall
it be said that the mind [of any man] was without benevo-
lence and righteousness. The way in which a man loses the
proper goodness of his mind is like the way in which [those]
trees were denuded by axes and bills Hewn down day
after day, can it retain its excellence ? But there is some
growth of its life day and night, and in the [calm] air of
the morning, just between night and day, the mind feels
in a degree those desires and aversions which are proper to
humanity; but the feeling is not strong; and then it is
fettered and destroyed by what the man does during the
day. This fettering takes place again and again, the
restorative influence of the night is not sufficient to preserve
[the proper goodness] , and when this proves insufficient
for that purpose, the [nature] becomes not much different from
[that of] the irrational animals , and when people see this,
they think that it never had those endowments [which I
assert]. But does this condition represent the feelings
proper to humanity ?

3. " Therefore if it receive its proper nourishment, there is
nothing which will not grow, if it lose its proper nourish-
ment, there is nothing which will not decay away.

4. " Confucius said, e Hold it fast, and it remains with
you ; let it go, and you lose it. Its out-going and in-coming
cannot be denned as to time and place 9 It was the mental
nature of which this was said/'

IX. 1. Mencins said, "It is not to be wondered at that
the king is not wise !

far 4 TMs is a saying of Confucius for which we are indebted to Men-
cms Choo He thus expands the paragraph '* Confucius said of the mind,
* If you hold ^tfa,gt, vtis Keie , ^f you let it go, it is lost and gone, so
indeterminate m regard to time ^<s its ovtgo%ng and incomvng, and also in
regard to placed Mencius quoted his words to illustrate the uiifaihomable-
ness of the mind as spiritual and intelligent, how easy it is to have it or to
lose it, and how difficult to preserve and keep it so that it should not be
left unnourished for a moment Learners ought constantly to be using their
strength to insure the pureness of its spirit and the settledness of its passion-
nature, as in the calm of the morning between day and night, then will the
proper mind always be preserved, and everywhere and in all circumstances
its manifestations will be those of benevolence and righteousness "

OH IX iLLTTSTBATIN-a THE FBEOBDrffQ- CHAPTKB HOW THB^KINQ Off

316 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS. [BK VI.

2. " Suppose the case of the most easily growing tkmg
in the world ; if you. let it have one day's genial heat, and
then expose it for ten days to cold, it will not be able to
grow It is but seldom that I have an audience [of the
king], and when I retire, there come [all] those who act
upon him like the cold Though I succeed in bringing out
some buds of goodness, of what avail is it ?

3. "Now chess-playing is an art, though a small one;
but without his whole mind being given, and his will bent
to it, a man cannot succeed in it Chess Ts f ew is the best
chess-player in all the kingdom. Suppose that he is teach-
ing two men to play , the one gives all his mind to the
game, and bends to it all his will, doing nothing- but listen
to Chess Ts'ew , the other, though he [seems to] be listen-
ing to him, has his whole mind running on a swan which he
thinks is approaching, and wishes to bend his bow, adjust
the arrow to the string, and shoot it. Though the latter is
learning along with the former, his progress is not equal to
his Is it because his intelhgence is not equal ? Not so."

X 1. Mencius said, ce I like fish, and I also like bears'
paws. If I cannot get both together, I will let the fish go,
and take the bears' paws. So I like life, and I also like
righteousness If I cannot keep the two together, I will
let life go, and choose righteousness

2. "L like life indeed, but there is that which I like more
than life ; and therefore I will not seek to hold it by any

TS'E'S WANT OF WISDOM WAS OWING- TO HIS NEG-LBCT OF MENdirS' IN-
STETTOTION0 AND TO BAT> ASSOCIATIONS

Par 1 The king is understood to have been Seuen of Ts'e , see I. Pt L
vii , et dl

Par 2 The last sentence may also "be taken, with Ohoo He> as meaning
" Though there may be [some] sprouts of goodness in him, what can
I do ? " \

Par 8. " Chess Ts'e*w; " Ts'ew was the man's name, and lie was called
Chess Ts'ew from his skill at the game,

CH X THAT IT is PGROSEB TO MATT s NATURE TO LOVE BIGHTBOTJSNESS

MOKE THAN LIFE , ANB HOW IT IS THAT MAT3TA.CT AS Iff IT WBJBB NOT SO

POA . 1. ** Bears' paws," lit , palms, have been a delicacy in China from
the earliest tunes They require a long time to cook them thoroughly In
B c 425, the king Ch'ing of Ts oo, being besieged in his palace, requested
that he might have a dish of bears' palms before he was put to deatlL,
hoping that help would come while they were being cooked.

PT I CH. X] KAOU-TSZB. 317

improper ways I dislike death indeed, but tliere is that
which I dislike more than death., and therefore there are
occasions when I will not avoid calamity [that may occasion
death]

3. ff If among the things which man likes there were no-
thing which he liked more than life, why should he not use
all means by which he could preserve it ? If among the
things which man dislikes there were nothing which he dis-
liked more than death, why should he not do everything
by which he could avoid calamity [that might occasion it].

4 ff [But as man is] , there are cases when by a certain
course men might preserve life, and yet they do not employ
it, and when by certain things they might avoid calamity
[that will occasion death], and yet they will not do them

5. " Therefore men have that which they like more than
life, and that which they dislike nioie than death They are
not men of talents and virtue only who have this mental
nature. All men have it , what belongs to such men is
simply that they are able not to lose it

6 cc Here are a small basket of rice and a basin of soup ,
and the case is one where the getting them will preserve
life, and the want of them will be death If they are offered
to him in an insulting tone, [even] a tramper on the road
will not receive them, or if you first tread upon them, [even]
a beggar will not stoop to take them

7. " [And yet] a man will accept of ten thousand chung,
without any question as to the propriety and righteousness
of his doing so What can the ten thousand chung really
add to him ? [When he takes them], is it not that he may
get beautiful mansions ? or that be may secure the services
of wives and concubines ? or that the poor and needy of his
acquaintance may be helped by him ?

8 Cf In the former case, the [offered bounty] was not re-

Pnr 5 Up to this point our philosopher has been "bringing out hia gieat
point, that all men have the good heart, which he clinches by the cases
in the two paiagiaphs that follow, which are very well conceived and ex-
pressed

Pen r 6 8 The reader will remember that it was with 10,000 ohung that
the km of Tb'e tried to bribe Meneius to remain in his country ., see II
Pt II x What can the 10,000 chung really add to him ? " is "literally, in
Chmes-e " What do the 10,000 cliung add to me ? 3> The meaning is better
brought out m English by changing the person from the fiist to the third ,
but there it in the Chinese idiom also the lofty, and true, idea that a man's

318 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS [BK VI.

ceived,, though it would have saved from death,, and now the
man takes [the emolument] for the sake of beautiful man-
sions [The bounty] that would have saved from death
was not received, and [the emolument] is taken to get the
services of wives and concubines [The bounty! that would
have saved from death was not received, and [the emolu-
ment] is taken that one's poor and needy acquaintances
may be helped by him Was it not possible then to decline
[the emolument] in these instances ? This is a case of what
is called losing the proper nature of one's mind "

XI 1 Mencras said, " Benevolence is [the proper quality
of] man's "mind, and righteousness is man^s [proper] path

2 " How lamentable is it to neglect this path and not
pursue it, to lose this mind and not know to seek it
[again],

8 " When men's fowls and dogs are lost, they know to
seek them [again] , but they lose their mincl, and do not
know to seek it [again]

4 " The object of learning is nothing else but to seek for
the lost mind/'

personality is something independent of, and higher than, all external ad-
vantages The same peouhaiity of Ohinese idiom appears in the conclusion
of the paragraph " Is it not that the pooi and needy of his acquaintance
may be helped by him ? " is, literally, " Is it not that the poor and needy may
get me ? ^ e , may get my help 9 " On this a Chinese writer says, " The
thinking of the pooi would seem to show a kindly feeling, "but the true
nature of it appearb in the may get me ' The idea is not one of benevo-
lence, hut of selfishness "

CS SI HOW MEN", HAVING. LOST THE PBOPEB QUALITIES OF THEIR NA-
TCTBE, SHOULD SEEK TO EECOVEB THEM

JPaj 1 " Benevolence is man's mind (or heart)," i e , it is the proper and
universal characteristic of man's nature, what, as the commentators often
say, " all men have " " Benevolence " would seem here to include all the
moral qualities of humanity , but it is followed by the Mencian specifica-
tion of *' righteousness '* Compare our philosopher's yet more remaikabld
saying in "VII Pt II xvi , that " Benevolence is man " f

Par 4 " The object of learning" is, literally, " The way of learning and
asking," " the way *' meaning the proper coivrse, that which is to be pursued
Hencius would seem to be guarding himself against being supposed to teach
that man need not go beyond himself to secure his renovation To illus-
trate his " learning and asking" we are referred to Confucius' words in the
Dootime of the Mean, XX. 19, and those of Tsze-hea in Ana XTX vi It
will be noted that the Chinese sages always end with the recovery of the

FT I OH. STY] ZAOTJ-TSZE 819

XTI. 1. Mencius said, "Here is a man whose fourth
finger is bent, and cannot be stretched out straight It is
not painful, nor does it incommode his business ; but if there
were any one who could make it straight^ he would not think
it far to go all the way from Ts'm to Ts'oo [to find him] ,
because his finger is not like those of other people

2. " When a man's finger is not like other people's, he
knows to feel dissatisfied, but when his mind is not like
other people's, he does not know to feel dissatisfied This
is what is called ignorance of the relative [importance of
things] "

XHI Mencius said, " Anybody who wishes to cultivate
a t'ung tree, or a tsze, which may be grasped with the two
hands, [perhaps] with one, knows by what means to nourish
it ; but in the case of their own persons men do not know
by what means to nourish them Is it to be supposed that
their regard for then? own persons is inferior to their regard
for a t'ung or a tsze ? Their want of reflection is extreme."

XIV 1 Mencius said, cc Men love every part of their
persons ; and as they love every part, so they [should]

old heart, and that the Christian idea of " a new heart " is unknown to
them.

CH XII HOW MEN ABB SENSIBLE OF BODILY DEFECTS, HOWEVER
SLIGHJ?, BUT ABE NOT SENSIBLE OP MENTAL OB MORAL DEFECTS

Pat 1. The thumb is called by the Chinese " the great finger , " nest to
it is " the eating finger , " then " the leading finger , " then " the fourth or
nameless finger , " and last, " the little finger " The fourth is called
"nameless, 55 as being of lebS use' than the others. The capital of Ts'in
was in the present department of Fung-ts'eang, Shen-se, and that of Ts'oo
in King-chow, Hoo-pih

CH. Xin. MEN'S EXTREME WANT OF THOUGHT IN REGARD TO THE CUL-

TIVATION OF THEMSELVES

The funy here is probably the fagnonia. The wood of it was good for
making lutes The tsze also yields a valuable wood, and is spoken of as
" the king of all trees "

OH SrV THE ATTENTION CUVEN BY MEN TO THE NOURISHMENT OF

THE DIFFERENT FARTS OF THEIR NATURE MUST BE REGULATED BY THE
RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF THOSE PARTS, "WHICH B7EBY MAN OAK DETER-
MINE SOR HIMSELF BY REFLECTION.

Par. 1. The concluding part of this par is rather difficult to translate, but

320 THE WORKS Off MENCIUS. [BK VI

nourish ev^ery part There is not an inch, of skin which they
do not love, and so there is not an inch of skin which they
will not nourish For examining whether his [way of nour-
ishing] be good or not, what other rule is there but simply
this, that a man determine, [by reflecting] on himself, where
it should be applied ?

2 " Some parts of the body are noble, and some ignoble ;
some great, and some small The great must not be injured
for the small, nor the noble for the ignoble. He who nour-
ishes the little belonging to him is a small man , he who
nourishes the great is a great man

3 ""Here is a plantation-keeper, who neglects his woo
and kea, and nourishes his small jujube trees , he is a poor
plantation-keeper

4 <f He who nourishes one of his fingers, neglecting his
shoulders and back, without knowing that he is doing so, is
a man [who resembles] a hurried wolf

5 lf A man who [only] eats and drinks is counted mean
by others , because he nourishes what is little to the neglect
of what is great

6 " If a man, .[fond of] eating and drinking, do [yet] not
fail [in nourishing what in him is great], how should his
mouth and belly be accounted as no more than an inch of
skm ? 3i

the meaning is plara A man is to determine., "by reflection on his constitu-
tion, what parts are moie important, and should have the gieitei attention
paid to them It will be seen that theie undeilies the argument of Mencius
in this chapter the important point that the human constitution is a system,
certain parts of which should be kept subordinate to others

Par* 2 "The great must not be injured for the small " , it is implied
that to neglect the gi eater and nobler parts of the constitution, 19 leally to
injure them. They are badly tieated, not receiving the attention they
deseive , and the language implies that positive injury is done to them

Pai 3 The " plantation-keeper " was an officer under the Chow dynasty,
who had the superintendence of the sovereign's plantations and orchards
The noo was the noo-t'ung, the dn/andia aondtfoha of Thunbeig The Tied
was also a valuable tree , borne identify it with the tsze of last chapter

Pat 4 The ill ustiations here aie not BO happy Ohaou K'e, indeed, intro-
duces the idea of the parts mentioned being diseased so that the *' nourish-
ing " is equivalent to trjmg to heal, but this does not appear m the text
The wolf, it is said, is veiy wary, and has a quick sight to discern danger ,
but when chased, he is unable to exercise this faculty, hence "a hnrned
wolf " is the image of a man pursuing his course heedletaly

Par 6 The meaning heie is that the pai ts considered small and ignoble
may have, and should have, their share of attention, if the more important

FT I CH XVI ] ZAOU-TSZE 321

XV 1 The disciple Knng-too asked, saying, " All are
equally men, but some are great men, and others are little
men, how is this ? " Mencius leplied, "" Those who follow-
that part of themselves which is great are gieat men, those
who follow that part which is little are little men "

2 Kung-too pursued, " All are equally men , but some
follow that part of themselves which is great, and some
that which is little , how is this ? " Mencius said, " The
eais and the eyes' have it not in their office to think, and aie
[liable to be] obscured by things [affecting them] , and
when one thing conies into contact with another, it simply
leads it away But it is in the office of the mind to think.
By thinking, it gets [the right view of things] , when
neglecting to think, it fails to do this These [the senses
and the mind] are what Heaven has given to us. Let a man
rst stand in [the supremacy of] the greater [and nobler]
part of his constitution, and the smaller part will not be
able to take it from him. It is simply this which makes
the gieat man "

XVL 1 Mencius said, C( There ib a nobility of Heaven,
and there is a nobility of man Benevolence, ughteousnese,
self-consecration, and fidelity, with unwearied joy in the

parts are first oared for as they ought to be While Mencius argued that the
appetites and passions should be kept m subjection, he would give no coun-
tenance to the piactice of asceticism

CH XV THAT SOME ABE GKBAT JCBLN, LQ-RDS OF RI^ASON , AND SOME

ABB LITTLE MEN, SLA.VES OF BEKSB

Kung-too might have gone on to inquire " All are equally men , but
some stand fast in the noblor part of then constitution, and others allow its
supremacy to be snatched away by the mfeiioi pai t how is this ? " Mencius
% would have tiied to cany the difficulty a step farther back, and aftei all have
left it wheie it originally WAS His saving that the nature of man is good
can be reconciled with the teaching of Chiistmnity , but his viewh of human,
nature as a whole are open to the thiee oT)jeotions which I have staled in
the note to the 21st chapter of the Doctt me of the Mean

CH 3LVT THESE is A NOBILITY THAT is OP HEAVLN, AND A KOBLLITY

THAT IS OP MAN , AND THE NEQ-LBCT OF THE POBMEfc LEADS TO THE LOBS
OF THE LATTBK.

Par I Ou the "nobility of man," and its classes, see V Pt II 11. "What
I have tianslated * e self-consecration " and " fidelity " are taken as devotion m
mind and act to*' benevolence and righteousness," and the "joy in goodness"
ib also the goodness of those virtues

VOL u 21

322 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. fBK VT

goodness [of tliese virtues] , these constitute tlie nobility of
Heaven To be a duke, a minister, or a great officer, this
constitutes the nobility of man

2. " The men of antiquity cultivated their nobility of
Heaven, and the nobility of man came in its train.

3. " The men of the present day cultivate their nobility
of Heaven in order to seek for the nobility of man, and
when they have obtained this, they throw away the other ;
their delusion is extreme The issue is feimply this, that
they must lose [that nobility of man] as well "

XYII 1 Mencms said, " To desire to be what is con-
si deied honourable is the common imnd of men And all
men have what is [tiuly] honourable in themselves, only
they do not think of it

2 " The honour which man confers is not the truly good
honour. Those to whom Chaou-mSng gave honourable
rank he could make mean again

3 " It is said in the Book of Poetry

Par 2 "We have here merely the laudation tempons acti
Par 8 On " their delusion is extreme " it is said " When the nobility
of Hea\en is cultivated in oider to beek for the nobility of man, at the very
time it is cultivated, there is a previous mind to throw it away , showing the
existence of delusion Then when the nobility of man has been got, to throw
away the uobility of Heaven exhibits conduct aftei the attainment not equal
even to that in the time of search, so that the delusion is extreme " Seveial
commentatois observe that facts may be refeiied to, apparently inconsistent
with what is said in the last sentence of this paiagraph, and then go on to
say that the pieservation ot the nobility of man, in the case supposed, is only
a. lucky accident, and that the isbue ought always to be as Mencms affiims
Yes, but all moral teachings must be impeiiect wheie the thoughts aie
bounded by what is seen and temporal.

CH XVII THE TBUE HONOUR WHICH MEN SHOULD I>ESIBE A sequel
to the preceding chaptei e * Nobility " is the matenal dignity, and " honour *
is the estimation which springs from it

Pai 2 The ** really good honour " is that which springs from the nobility
of Heaven, and of which human powei cannot deprive its possessor The
Chaou family was one of the principal houses of the State of Tt>in, and foui
of its chief b had had the title of Hang, or " the chief," combined with
their surname They \\eie a soit ol ** king -making Warwicks," and figuie
largely m the narratives of TbO K'ew-nnng

Par 3 See the Book of Poetry, Pait III n Ode III st 1 The Ode
is one responsive from the uncleb and cousins of the reigning king of Chow
for the kindness he had shown and the honour he had done to them at a

PT I. CH. XI2 ] KAOU-TSZE, 323

' Tou have made us to drink to the full of your spirits ,
You have satiated us with your kindne-^s

meaning that [the guests] were filled with benevolence and
righteousness, and therefore did not wish for the fat meafc
and fine millet of men When a good reputation and far-
reaching praise fall to [a man's] person, he does not desire
the elegant embioidered garments of men 3)

XVJLLI 1 Mencms said, "Benevolence subdues its
opposite just as water subdues fire Those, however, who
now-a-days practise benevolence [do it] as if with a cap of
water they could save a whole waggon-load of faggots
which was on fire, and when the flames were not extin-
guished were to say that water cannot subdue fii e Such
a course moreover, is the greatest aid to what is not
"benevolent.

2 <f The final issue will simply be this, the loss [of that
small amount of benevolence]."

XIX Mencms said, cc Of all seeds the best are the five
kinds of gram, but if they are not ripe, they aie not equal
to the t'e or the pae So the value of benevolence lies
simply in its being brought to maturity "

sacrificial feast Menoius* use of the lines is a mere accommodation of
them *

CH XVlll IN OBDEB TO ACCOMPLISH WHAT IT IS ADAPTED TO DO,
BENEVOLENCE MUST BE PRACTISED VIGOROUSLY AND FULLY SO ONLY,

INDEED, CAN IT BE PRESERVED Compare with this chapter Mencms' con-
versation with king Hwuy of Leang in I Pt I m , and also his saying in
VI PtII i 6

JPaf 1 Chaou K'e takes the conclusion of this paragraph as meaning
" This moieover is equivalent to the course of those who are the gieaieiit
practisers of what is not benevolent " But both the sentiment and con-
struction are in this way made more difficult

CH XLX. BENEVOLENCE MUST BE MATUBED The sentiment here is
akin to that of the foimer chaptei, and is peihapa rather unguardedly ex-
pressed

For " the five kin4<5 of gram" see on III Pfc I iv 8 The t*e and y>ae
are two plants closely resembling each other " They aie a kind of spu-
rious grain, yielding a small seed hke uce or millet They are to be found at
all times, in wet situations and diy, and, when crushed and roasted, may
satisfy the hunger in a time of famine."

324 THE WORKS OF iffENcnis. [BE vi.

XX 1 Mencms said., " E, in teaching men to shoot,
made it a rule to draw the bow to the full, and his pupils
\vere required to do the same

2 ct A master-workman,, m teaching others, must use the
compass and square, and his pupils must do the same "

BOOK VI

KAOU-TSZE. PART II

CHAPTER I 1. A man of Jin asked the disciple Uh-loo,
saying, f< Is [an observance of] the rales of propriety [in
regard to eating] or the eating the more important ? " The
answer was, " [The observance of] the rules of propriety is
the more important "

2 " Is [the gratifying] the appetite of sex or [the doing
so only] according to the rules of propriety the more
impoitant ? "

CH "ST*". LEARNING MUST NOT BE BY HALVES, BUT BY THE FULL USE

OF THE BULES APPROPRIATE TO WHAT IS LEARNED Compaie With this

chapter what Mencms Rays in IV Pt I i and n

Pur I For B see on IV Pt II xxiv 1. On this ohaptei Choo He says
<c This chapter shows that affairfe mubt be proceeded with according to
their laws, and then they can be accomplished But if a master neglect
these, he cannot teach , and if a pupil neglect them, he cannot learn In
] arts it is so , how much more with the principles of the sages 1 "

CH I TO OBSERVE THE BULES OF PROPRIETY IN OUR CONDUCT IS A
MOST IMPORTANT PRINCIPLE, AND WHERE THEY MAY BE DISREGARDED,
THE EXCEPTION WILL BE FOUND TO PROVE THE RULE EXTREME CASES
MUST NOT BE PRESSED SO AS TO INVALIDATE THE PRINCIPLE

Par 1 Jin was a small earldom, lefeired to the piesent Tse-nmg Chow,
in Yen chow department, Shan-tung The dibtance between the city of Jin
and Mencius' native city of Tsow was only between SO and 40 miles Uh-
loo, by name Leen, a nati\ e of Tbin, was a disciple of Menoms, and is said
by some to have \\iitten on the doctrines of " the old P'&ng " and Laou-
tsze The man of Jin's questions are not to be understood of propriety in
the abstract, but of the rules of pi opriety understood to regulate the other
things winch be mentioned.

PT II. CH I ] KAOC-TSZE. 325

8 The answer [again] was, ec [The observance of] the
rules of propriety [in the matter] is the more important , 9>
[and then the man] said, "If the consequence of eating-
[only] according to the rules of propriety will be death
from starvation, while by disregarding 1 those rules one can
get food, mast he still observe them [in such a case] ? If,
according to the rule that he shall go in person to meet his
bride, a man cannot get married, while by disregarding the
rule he can get married, must he still hold to the rule [in
such a case] ? "

4 Uh-loo was unable to reply [to these questions] , and
next day he went to Tsow and told them to Mencius^ who
said, tf What difficulty Is there in answering these mqunies ?

5 "If you do not bring them together at the bottom,
but only at their tops, a piece of wood an inch square
may be made to be higher than the pointed ridge of a high
b uilding

6 ' ' ' Metal is heavier than feathers , ' hut does that say-
ing have refeience to a single clasp of metal and a waggon-
load of feathers ?

7 cc If you take a case where the eating is all-important,
and the observing the rules of propriety is of little import-
ance, and compare them together, why merely say that the
eating is the more important ? [So,] taking the case
where the gratifying the appetite of sex is all-important,
and the observing the rules of propriety is of little import-
ance, why merely say that the gratifying the appetite is the
more important ?

8. ee Go and answer him thus : tf If by twisting round
your elder brothers arm, and snatching fro in him what he is
eating, you can get food for yourself, while, if you do not do
so, you cannot get such food, will you so twist round hia
arm ? And if by getting over your neighbour's wall, and
dragging away his virgin daughter, you can get a wife for
yourself, while if you do not do so, you cannot get such
wife, will you so drag her away ? ' "

JPor. 7 See in V. Ft I 11 1 how Menciua disposes of the charge against
Shun for marrying without the knowledge of his parents, an. offence against
the rules of propriety greater than that which the man of Jm had supposed
That case and even those adduced here came under the category of that
necessity which has no law

326 THE WOEES Off MENCIUS. [BK Vt.

II 1, Keaou of Ts f aou asked, saying, " [It is saidj
* AH men may be Taous and Shuns , ' is it so ? " Mencma
said, " It is "

2 [Keaou went on] , tc I haye heard that king- Wan was
ten cubits high, and T'ang mryB Now I am nine cubits
and four inches in height , but I can do nothing but eat my
mallet What am I to do to realize that saying ? "

3 The reply was, " What has the thing to do with this,
[the question of size] ? It all lies simply in acting as such.
Here is a man whose strength was not equal to lift a duck-
ling or a chicken, he was [then] a man of no strength
[But] to-day he says, f I can lift three thousand catties,*
he is [now] a man of strength And so, he who can lift the
weight which Woo Hwoh lifted is just another Woo Hwoh
Why should a man make a want of ability the subject of
his grief ? It as only that he will not do the thing

4. " To walk slowly, keeping behind his elders, is to per-
form, the part of a younger To walk rapidly, going before
his elders, is to violate the duty of a younger But is walk-
ing slowly what any man can not do ? it is [only] what he

CH II ALL MAT BECOME YAOTTS ANT> SHUNS, AND TO DO so THEY

HAVE ONLY SINCEBELY 1 TO CULTIVATE YAOU AND SHUN'S PRINCIPLES AN1>
WAYS IT IS THE MINT* WHICH IS THE MEASVRE OP THE MAN HOW
MENCIUS DEALT WITH AN APPLICANT IN WHOM HE HAD MOT CONFIDENCE

.Par. 1 Ts'aou had been an. eaildom, held by descendants of one of
king Wan's sons T but it had been extinguished and absorbed by Sung before
the end of the Chhin TVew peiiod, a considerable tune beiore Menoius.
The descendants of its earls had probably adopted the name of their ancient
patrimony as their BUI name , and the Keaou of the text was, we may sup-
pose, one of them

Par. 2. As to the heights mentioned here, see on Ana VIII vi The
ancient cubit was only, it is said, 74 of the present, so that W&n's 10 cubits
become reduced to 7 4, and T'ang's 9 to 6 66 of the pieaent standard , but
these estimates must still be too high Keaou "was evidently pluming him-
self on his dimensions

Par. 3. "It all lies simply in acting as such , "^-compare the way m
which Mencnis puts the question of physical and moral ability in I Ft L
vii. 10, 11 Woo Hwoh was a man noted foi his strength. Sze-ma Ts'een
and others mention him in connexion with king Woo of Ts'm CB o 309
306)

Par 4 In illustration of this paragraph, Ohoo He quotes two other
commentators, Oh'm Yang, or Ch'm Tbin-ohe (about the beginning of the
llth century), who says " Filial piety and fraternal duty, of which men
have an intuitive knowledge, and for which they have an inborn ability, aie
the natural out-goings of the natuie Yaou. and Shun exhibited the pei faction

FT II. CH. II ] KAOU-TSZE 327

does not do. Tlie course of Yaou and Shun was simply that
of filial piety and fraternal duty

5 " Do you wear the clothes of Yaou, repeat the words
of Yaou, and do the actions of Yaou, and you will just "be a
Yaou And if you wear the clothes of Keeh, repeat the
words of Keeh, and do the actions of Keeh, you will just be
a Keeh "

6 [Keaou] said, " When I have an audience of the ruler
of Tsow, I can ask him to let me have a house to lodge in.
I wish to remain here, and receive instruction at your gate "

7. [Mencius] replied, Cf The way [of tiuth] is like a great
road , it is not difficult to know it The evil is only that
men will not seek for it. Do you go home, and seek it, and
you will have abundance of teachers "

III. 1 Knng-sun Gh'ow asked, saying, " Kaou-tsze
says that the Seaoupwan is the ode of a small man; [is it

of the human relations "but yet they bimply acted in accoi dance with this
nature How could they add a ban's point to it * " and Yang She or Tang
Chung-teih (AD 1053 1099), T*ho says " The way of Yaou and Shun
was gieat, but what made it so was now the rapidity and now the slow-
ness of then walking and stopping, and not things that were verj high and
difficult to practise This is what may be piesent to the common people in
then daily usages, but they do not know it "

Par. 5 The meaning is simply Imitate the men, doing as they did, and
you will be such as they

Par 6 There is an indication here that Keaou was presuming on his
nobility, and \auntmg his influence with the ruler of Tsow Moreovei, his
wish to secure a lodging before he became a pupil in Mencius* school is held
to show that he was devoid of genuine earnestness On. these grounds
Mencius would give him no encouiagement, yet theie aie impoitant truths
and a valuable lesson in the words of the next paragraph, -with which he
sent him away

CH IIL MENCIUS' EXPLANATION OF THE ODES SEAOTJ PWAN AND
FUNG- COMPLAINTS AG \INST A p ABSENT ABE NOT NEOESBABILY UNPILIAL

Par 1 Who the Kaou-tsze, mentioned here, was, must be left in doubt.
From. Mencius calling him " that old Kaou," it would seem plain that he
could not be the individual of the same surname who appears in II. Part
IL xn 2, and \v as, we maj suppose, a disciple of our philosopher

For the Seaou pwan see the Book of Poetiy, Pait II vn Ode itl That
Ode is commonly, though not by Chaou BL'e, accepted as having been writ-
ten by E-k'ew, the BOB and heir-appai ent of king Yew (B C 780 770), or by
the prince's master Led away by the arts of a mistress, the king degraded
E-k'ew and his mother, and the Ode expresses the sorrow and dissatisfaction.
which, the son. could not but feel in suoh ciroumjbtanoes

328 THE WOBKS OP MENCITJS. \JBK VT.

so ?] " Men cms replied,, ct Why does lie say so ? " and
[the disciple] said, C( Because of the murmuring [which it
expresses] "

2 [Mencius] answered, {c How stupid is that old Kaou in
dealing 1 with the ode ' There is a man here, and a native
of Yueh bends his bow to shoot him, while I will talk
smilingly, and advise him [not to do so] , for no othei
reason but that he is not related to me [But] if nay own
elder bi other be bending his bow to shoot the man, then I
will advise him [not to do so], weeping and crying the
while ; for no other reason but that he is related to me
The dissatisfaction expressed in the Seaou pwan is the
working of relative affection , and that affection shows
benevolence. Stupid indeed is that old Kaou's criticism of
the ode ' "

3. [Oh/ow then] said, Cf How is it that there is no murmur-
ing in the K'ae fung ? "

4 [Mencius] replied, {< The parent's fault referred to in
the K'ae fnng was small, while that referred to in the Seaou
pwan was great Where the parent's fault was great, not
to have murmured at it would have increased the alienation
[between father and son] Where the parent's fault was small,
to have murmured at it would have been [like water which
frets and foams about a rock that stands in its channel],
unable to suffer the interruption to its course To increase
the want of natural affection would have been unfilial , to
have refused to suffer such an interruption [to the flow of
natural affection] would also have been unfilial.

5. " Confucius said, f Shun was indeed perfectly filial !

JP(ir 2. This is Mencius' vindication of the dissatisfaction and even in-
dignation expressed in the Seaou pwan The first shooter well appeals as a
man of Yueh, a baibarous country in the south, in whom the beholder could
ha* e no interebt

Pa) 3 For the K'ae fung see the Book of Poetry, Pait I. iij Ode VIL
That Ode IB supposed to be the production of seven sons in the State ot Wei,
\vhofae -widowed mother could not live quietly and chastely at home , but
they take all the blame for her conduct to themselves, and express no dis-
satisfaction with her

JPar 4 We must think there was room for dissatisfaction in both cases
Meucius' justification of the K'^e fung is an instance in point to show how
filial piety in Ohma often dominates other feelings, though he would
seem to intimate that, where great public interests are in question, it should
be kept in check

JPar. fi. See V Pt I i

PT n CH rv ] KAOIJ-TSZE. 829

Even when fifty, he was full of longing desire for [the affec-
tion of] his parents ' "

TV 1 Sung K'3ng being on his way to Ts'oo., Mencius
met him in Shih-k'ew.

2. "Where are you going, respected Sir ? " said
[Mencius]

3 [K'^ng] replied, " I have heard that Ts'm and Ts'oo
are fighting together, and I am going to see the king- of
Ts f oo, and advise him to cease hostilities If he should not
be pleased with my advice, I will go and see the king of
Ts f in, and advise him in the same way Of the two kings I
shall [surely] find that I can succeed with one of them "

4 [Mencius] said, " I will not presume to ask the par-
ticulars, but I should like to hear the scope [of your plan]
What course will you take in advising them''- 7 "1 will
tell them/' was the reply, " the unprofitableness [of their
strife] " " Your aim, Sir," rejoined [IVTencius], " is great,
but your argument is not good.

5 " If you, respected Sir, starting from the point of
profit, offer your counsels to the kings of Ts'm and Ts'oo,
and they, being pleased with the consideration of profit,
should stop the movements of their armies, then all belong-
ing to those armies will rejoice in the cessation [of war],
and find their pleasure in [the pursuit of] profit Ministers
will serve their rulers for the profit of which they cherish
the thought ; sons will serve their fathers, and younger

On TV. MENCIUS' WASHING TO SUNG- K'AVI ox THE ERROR ANI> DAN-
GER OF COUNSELING THE PRINCES TO ABSTAIN FEOM WAR ON THE GROUND
OF ITS UNPROFITABLENESS, THE PROPER GUOUND BLING THAT OF BENEVO-
LENCE AND RIGHTEOUSNESS Compare especially I Pt I i , where we have
the key-note to much of our philosopher's teaching

Pa? 1 Sung K*ang, or K'3,ng of Sung, was, one of the travelling scholars
of the times, who made it their business to go from State to State to counsel
the princes He was, it is said, a disciple of Mih Teih Shih-k'ew was in
Sung, but where does not peem to be ascertained

Par 2 " Respected Sir," is literally " elder born " It would seem that
Mencjus and K'ang must have had some pievioub acquaintance Our phi-
losopher must have been tiavellmg at this time in Sung ' The hostilities
which had called forth K'ang on hit> mission have been referred to the year
BC 811.

Par 3 Does not Mencms himself m the conclusion bring in the idea of
profitableness, when he says that the comas which he lecommended would
raise the kinglet who followed it to the tiue loyal sway '

330 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [fiK VI

brothers will serve then elder brothers, from the same con-
si delation , and the issue will be that,, abandoning benevo-
lence and righteousness, mler and minister, father and son,
elder brother and younger, will carry on their intercourse
with this thought of profit cherished in their breasts But
never has there been such a state [of society] without ruin
being the lesult of it

6 "If yoUj Sir, starting from the ground of benevolence
and nghteousness, offer your counsels to the kings of Ts'in
and Ts f oOj and they, being pleased with benevolence and
righteousness, should stop the movements of their armies,
then all belonging to those armies will rejoice in the cessa-
tion [of war], and find their pleasure in benevolence and
righteousness Ministers will serve then rulers from the
benevolence and righteousness of which they cherish the
thought. Sons will seive their fatheis, and younger biotheis
will serve their elder brothers, from the f-ame , and the issue
will be that, abandoning [the thought of] profit, ruler and
minister, father and son, elder brother and younger, TM!!
cariy on their intercourse with benevolence and righteousness
cheii&hed in th,eir breasts But never has there been such
a state [of society] without the result of it being the attain-
ment of true Royal sway. Why must you speak of profit ? "

V. 1 When Mencius was residing in Tsow, the younger
brother of [the ruler of] Jin, who was guardian of the State
at the time, sent him a gift of [some] pieces of silk, which
he received^ without [going] to give thanks for it When
he was staying for a time in P'mg-luh, Ch f oo, who was
pnme-minister [ofTs'e], sent him [likewise] a gift of silk s,
which he received, without [going] to give thanks for it

2 Subsequently, when he went from Tsow to Jin, he
visited the younger brother of the ruler, but when he went
from P'mg-luh to [the capital of] IVe, he did not visit the
minister Ch'oo. The disciple Uh-loo was glad, and said,
" I have got an opportunity [to obtain some information] "

3 He asked accordingly, " Master, when you went to

CH. V How MENCIU& BEGULATBD HIMSELF IN DIFFEBENTLY ACKNOW-
LEDGING DIFFUBENT FAVOUB8 WHICH HB BEGEIVED

Par 1 Jin, see on ch i P'mg-Iub, see on II Pt IT iv 1 The
rudei of Jin must have gone abioad on some State duty or service, leaving
hiB brother guai dian of the State for the time.

FT II. CH. VI ] KA.OU-TSZE 301

Jin, you visited the ruler's younger brother But when you
went to [the capital of] Ts f e, you did not visit the minister
Gh'oo , was it because he is [only] the mmi&tei 9 "

4 [Mencius] replied., " No. It is said in the Book of
Histoiy, ' In offerings, there aie many ceremonial obseiv-
ances If the observances are not equal to the articles, it
may be said that there is no offering, there being no service
of the will in the offering '

5 " [This is] because the things [so presented] do not
constitute an offering."

6. Uh-loo was pleased,, and when some one asked him
[what Mencius meant] , he said, " The younger brother [of
the luler of Jin] could not go to TsoWj but the minister
Ch/oo could have gone to P'mg-luli.'"

YI 1. Shun-yu K*w3n, said, ""He who makes the fame
and real service his hrst object acts from a regard to
others,, he who makes them only secondary objects acts
fiom a regard to himself You, Master, weie ranked among
the three high ministers of the kingdom, and befoie your fame
and services had reached either to the ruler or the people,
you went away Is this indeed the way of the benevolent? "

Par 4 See the Book of History, V xm 12

Par & This is Mencius' explanation of the passage which he had quoted

Par 6 TJh-loo now understood the reasons of Mencius' diUei ent conduct

By his guardianship the prince of Jin was pi evented hom leaving the State

to go to Tbow , but the nnmstei of Ts'e could have gone to P nig-luh which

was in that State

CH VI. How MEsrcnrs BEPLIBD TO THE INSINUATIONS OF

K'WAN, WHO CONDEMNED HIM FOB LEAVING OBTIOE ItT TS'E WITHOUT
HAVING- ACCOMPLISHED ANYTHING

Par 1 For Shun-yu K'TVH see on IV Pb I xvu He there appears, as
here, captiously questioning our philosopher "Acts from a regaid to
others," ^ c , such a man's motive is to benefit others "Acts from a
regard to himself , " i e , such a man IB hent on the peiaonal cultivation,
of himself "The three high ministers" were those of Instruction, of Wai,
and of Works The kings of Chow had six high ministers , but though the
princes of Ta'e and othei States had usurped the title of king, it would ap-
peal that their organization of offices had not been fully completed.
Some say that in these kingdoms the high ministers weie distinguished into
thiee classes, upper, middle, and lower, without the special designations
used in Chow.

332 THE WOEZS OF MENCIUS [BK VI

2. Mencius replied, ec Theie was Pih-e , he abode in an
inferior position, and would not with his virtue and talents
serve a degenerate ruler There was E Yin ; he five times
went to T c ang, and five times went to Keen There was
Hwuy of Lew-hea , he did not disdain to serve a vile ruler,
nor did he decline a small office The courses pursued by
those three worthies were different,, but their aim was one.
And what was their one aim ? We must answer benevo-
lence And so it is simply after this that superior men
strive , why must they [all] pursue the same [course] ? "

8. [E/w5n] pursued, " In the time of duke Muh of Loo,
the government was in the hands of Kung-e, while Tsze-
lew and Tsze-sze were ministers [And yet] the dismem-
berment of Loo increased exceedingly Such was the case,
a specimen of how your men of talents and virtue are of
no use to a State 1 "

4. [Mencius] replied, " [The duke of] Tu did not use Pih-
le He, and [thereby] lost his State , duke Muh of Ts'm
used him, and became chief of all the princes The conse-
quence of not employing men of talents and virtue is ruin ,
how can it end in dismemberment [merely] ? "

5 [K f w3n] urged [again], " Formerly, when Wang Paou
dwelt on the K'e, the people on the west of the Ho became
skilful at singing in his abrupt manner. When Meen K'eu
dwelt in Kaou-t'ang, the people in the west of Ts f e became
skilful at singing in his prolonged manner. The wives of
Hwa Chow and K/e Leang bewailed their husbands so

Par 2 For Pih-e, B Tm, and Hwuy of Lew-hea, see II Pt I 11. ix
IV. Pt I xui. Y Pt H i , et al

Par. 3 K'wan here advances in hig condemnation of Mencius He had
charged him with having left his office hefore he had accomplished any-
thing, but here he insinuates that though he had remained in office, he would
not have done anything Tsze-lew is the same with the Seen Lew of II
Pt II. xi , which paragraph should be compared with this Kung-e, called
Hew, was pnme-minister of Loo, a man of merit and punoiple The
facts of ^ duke Muh's history by no meanb justify what K'win alleges here as
to the dismemberment of Loo in hia time

Par 4 For Pih-le He see V Pt I 9

Pai 5 Of the men here all belonged to Ts'e, except Wang Paou, who
was of Wei, in which was the river K'e Of him and Meen K'eu little is
known The bravery of K'e Leang and Hwa Chow is much celebiated, and
also the virtue of K'e Leang's wife, with the way m which she and the wife
of Hwa Chow bewailed their husbands See a narrative in the Tso Chuen,

PT II CH VII J KAOTT-TSZE 833

skilfully tliat they changed the manners of the State When,
there is [the gift] within, it is sure to manifest itself with-
out I have never seen the man who could do the deeds [of
a worthy] and did not realize the work of one Therefore
there are [now] no men of talents and virtue , if there were,
I should know them "

6. [Mencius] replied, " When Confucius was minister of
crane in Loo, [the ruler] came not to follow [his counsels]
Soon after there was the [solstitial] sacrifice, and when a part
of the flesh there presented did not come to him, he went
away [even] without taking off his cap of ceremony Those
who did not know him supposed that [he went away]
because the flesh [did not come to him] Those who knew
him [somewhat] supposed that it was because of the neglect
of the [usual] ceremony The truth was that Coniucius
wished to go on occasion of some small offence, and did not
wish to go without an apparent cause All men cannot be
expected to understand the conduct of a superior man "

VII 1 Mencius said, Cf The five presidents of the
pnnces were sinners against the three kings The punces
of the present day are sinners against the five presidents

under the 23rd year of duke Seang , the Le Ke, II Pt II in 1 , et al In
the citation of these instances, K'wan'b object was to insinuate that Mencius
was a pretender, because, wherever there was ability, it was sure to come out,
and to prove itself by its f i uits

Pay 6 Menoius shields himself by the example of Confucius, implying
that he was beyond the knowledge of a sophist like K'wan See the Lite of
Confucius in Vol I

CH YII THE PROGBESS AND MANNER OF DEGENEBACY FEOM THE THBEE

KINGS TO THE FIVE PBESIDh^TTS Off THE PRINCES, AND FBOM THE FIVE
PRESIDENTS OF THE PRINCES TO THE PBINCES AND OtfFICEBS OF MENCIUS'

TIME

Par 1 " The three kings " are the foundeis of the three dynabties of
Hen, Bhang, and Chow "The five piesideuts of the princes" weie Hwan
of Ts'e (BC 683 642) Win of Tsin (634627), feeang of Sung, (649
636), Muh of T&m (668 620) , and Chwang of Ts'oo (612 590) These
professed to take the lead and direction of the various States, and exeicibed
really royal functions throughout the kingdom, while yet theie was a pio-
fession of loyal attachment to the houae ot Chow There are two enumeia-
tions of the "five presidents , " one ca led "the prewdents of the thiee
dynasties,' ' and one called ' the presidents of the Ch'un Ts e\y period " only
Hwan d Ts'e and Wan of Tain are common to the two But Menctub m
(Speaking, probably, only of those included in. the second enumeration , and

334 THE WORKS OF MENCTUS [BK VI.

The great officers of tlie present day are sinners against
the princes of the present day

2. cc When the son of Heaven visited the princes, it was
called ' A tour of inspection * When the princes attended
at his court, it was called ' A report of office * In the
spring they examined the ploughing, and supplied any
deficiency [of seed] , in the autumn they examined the
reaping, and assisted where there was a deficiency [of yield].
When [the son of Heaven] entered the boundanes [of a
State], if [new] ground was being reclaimed, and the old
fields were well cultivated, if the old weie nomished, and
honour shown to men of talents and virtue , and if men of
distinguished ability weie placed in office then [the luler]
was rewai ded, rewarded with [an addition to his] territory
[On the other hand], if on his entering a State, the ground
was found left wild or overrun with weeds , if the old were
neglected, and no attention paid to men of talents and
viitue, and if hard tax-gatherers were placed in office
then [the ruler] was repumanded If [a prmce] once
omitted his attendance at court, he was punished by degrada-
tion of rank , if he did so a second time, he was deprived
of a portion of his territory , and if he did so a third time,
the royal armies [were set in motion], and he was removed
[from his government] Thus the son of Heaven com-
manded the punishment, but did not himself laflict it, while
the various feudal princes inflicted the punishment, but did
not command it The five presidents, [however,] dragged
the princes of the States to attack other princes, and there-
fore I say that they were sinners against the three kings

3. f< Of the five presidents duke Hwan was the most dis-
tinguished At the assembly of the princes in T f wei-k'ew,
they bound the victim, and placed the wilting [of the
covenant] upon it, but did not [slay it], and smear their

though there is some difierence of opinion in regard to the individuals in
the lifat, the names I have given were, I think, thobe he had in his mind
" Weie smneis against , " ^ e violated their pimciples and ways

Pai 2. Seel Ft II iv 5 This par exhibits the pun oiples and ways of
"the thiee kings," and concludes hy showing how ** the five presidents"
violated them

Pa) 3 Duke Hwan bi ought the princes of the States together many
times, but no occasion peihaps was greater than the assembly at K'wei-
k ew (piobahly in the present district of K'aou-shmg, department K'wei-

PT II CH V III.] KAOU-TS2E. 335

mouths with its blood The first article in the covenant
was f Slay the unfihal, do not change the son who has
been appointed heir , do not exalt a concubine to the rank
of wife * The second was ' Grive honour to the worthy,
and cherish the talented, to give distinction to the virtuous^
The third was f Reverence the old, and be kind to the
young- , be not forgetful of visitors and travellers ' The
fourth was c Let not offices be hereditary, nor let officers
be plurahsts , in the selection of officers let the object be to
get the proper men; let not [a ruler] take it on him self to
put a great officer to death ' The fifth was ' Follow no
crooked policy in making embankments , do not restrict
the sale of grain, do not grant any investiture without
[first] informing [the king, and getting his sanction] ' It
was [then] said, ' All we who have united in this covenant
shall hereafter maintain amicable relations * The princes of
the present day all violate those five prohibitions, and there-
foie I say that they are sinners against the five presidents

4 " The crime of him who connives at and aids the
wickedness of his ruler is small, but the crime of him who
anticipates and excites that wickedness is great The great
officers of the piesent day all are guilty of this latter crime^
and I say that they are sinners against the princes "

VIII 1 [The ruler of] Loo wanted to employ Shin-
tsze in the command of an army,

fung), in B a 650 Henoius, no doubt, selected this because he had a full
account of it, which enabled him to exhibit it as a specimen of the principles
And ways of the presidents of the States The object in assembling the
punces was to get them to form a covenant with conditions requned by the
existing state of things in the kingdom The usual practice at those meet-
ings was nrst to dig a square pit over which the victim was slam Its left
eai was then cut off, and placed in a vessel omamented with pearls, and the
blood was received in a vessel of jade Holding these vessels the pi esident
of the assembly read out the articles of the covenant, with liie face to the
noith, announcing them, to the Spirits of the sun and moon, the mountains
and rivert, Aftei this he and all the otheis smeared the corneis of their
mouths with the blood, placed the victim in the pit, with the articles of the
covenant upon it, and then covered it up

CH VIII MENOITTS' OPPOSITION- TO THE WARLIKE AMBITION OF THH

MARQUIS OF LOO A CJONVEUSATIOtf WITH THE G-KNBRAL SHIN KtTH-LH

JPaf 1 We do not have much information about the Shin who appears
heie According to Sze-ma Tb'een there was, in Mencius' time, a Shin, Taou,

336 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS. [BE TI

2 "Men cms said [to Shin], " To employ an uninatructed
people [in war] is what is called destroying tlie people A
destroyer of the people was not tolerated in the age of
Taou and Shun

3 " Though by a single battle you should vanquish Ts*e,
and so get possession of JSTan-yang, the thing ought not to
be done."

4 Shin changed countenance, was displeased^ and said,
" This is what I, Kuh-le, do not understand "

5 [Mencius] said, " I will lay the case plainly before you
The territory of the son of Heaven is a thousand le square ,
without a thousand le, he would not have enough for his
entertainment of the princes. The territory of a punce [of
the highest rank] is a hundred le square , without a hundred
le, he would not have enough wherewith to observe the
statutes kept in his ancestral temple

6 <c When the duke of Chow was invested with [the
marqmsate of] Loo, it was a hundred le square The terri-
tory was indeed enough, but it was limited to a hundred le
When T'ae-kung was invested with [the marquisate of]
Ts'e, it was also a hundred le square , sufficient indeed, but
limited to that amount.

7. " Now Loo is five times a hundred le square If a

a native of Chaou, and a wiiter of the Taoxnst sect It is supposed that he
had also studied the art of wai, and that duke P'mg of Loo now wished to
take advantage of his skill In par 4, Shin appears to call himself by the
name of Kuh-le which is against his being th\a Shm Taou Some there-
fore say that he had studied undei a Mihibt professor of the time, who was
called K'm Kuh-le, and that we should translate in pai 4 "This is what
[even] Kua-le does* not understand " But JECuh-le there must be Shin's own
name We must leave the question of who he was undetermined The
title of " army-commander " which appears here had come into use m the
Gh'un Ts*ew period

Par 2 Compare what Confucius says in Ana. XHI xxix and xxx

Pat , 8 Nan-yang was a tract of country south of mount T'ae, which
originally belonged to Loo, but had been taken and appiopnated by Ta'e
Duke P'mg of Loo now wanted to take advantage of the difficulties of Ts'e
to legam the terntory The tact of Nan-yang's having originally been Loo
temtory certainly made it a bad text for Meucms to give his lecture to
Shm-tsze on it

Par 4 The statutes kept in the ancestral temple would prescube all
things relating to the public sacrifices, the mtei views of the luler of Loo
with other princes, and other public mattei s, the expense of which requued
a temtory Qf 100 le square to defray them

Par 6 " Tae-kung , " see on IV. Pt I xiu

PT II CH, X,] KAOU-TSZE, 337

true king were to arise, whether do you think that Loo
would be diminished or increased by him ?

8 ff If ifc were merely taking from one [State] to give to
another^ a benevolent person would not do it , how much
less would he do so, when the thing has to be sought by the
slaughter of men 1

9. " The way in which a superior man serves his ruler is
simply an earnest endeavour to lead him in the right path,
and to direct his mind to benevolence."

IX. 1 Mencius said, " Those who now-a-days serve their
rulers, say, * "We can for our ruler enlarge the limits of the
cultivated ground, and fill his treasuries and arsenals ' Such
men are now-a-days called f Good ministers/ but anciently
they were called * Robbers of the people ' If a ruler is not
following the [right] path, nor has his mind bent on benevo-
lence, to seek to enrich him is to ennch a Keeh/'

2. " [Or they will say], f We can for our ruler make
engagements with our aflied States, so that our battles must
be successful/ Such men are now-a-days called *" G-ood
ministers/ but anciently they were called 'Robbers of the
people/ If a ruler is not following the [right] path, nor
has his mind bent on benevolence, to seek to make him
stronger in battle is to help a Keen

3. " Although a [ruler], by the path of the present day,
and with no change of its practices, were to have all undor
heaven given to him, he could not keep it for a single
morning/*

X 1 Pih Kwei said, ( I want to take [for the govern-
On IX MffilTCIUS COOT>:EMN8 THE MINISTEBS OF HIB TIME FOB PANDEB-
ESTG TO, ANJ> BVBN ENOOtmAQING, XHEIIt BOXERS' THZBST FOB WEALTH

JLNX> POWBB This chapter piobably owes its place here to its being a sort
of sequel to the last paragraph of the preceding one,

Par I " We can enlaige the territory of the cultivated ground , "
compare IT Pt I xiv 3 The territory- would be enlarged at the expense
of the people, taking their commons from them, and making them labour
upon them for the ruler Chaou K*e takes the phrase as meaning the ap-
propriation of small States , which is not so good

Par 4: See IV Pfc L xir 2.

CH X AN OBDEBED STATE CAIT ONLY sirBSisrr WITH A PBOPEB srsTEM
VOL IL 22

338 THE WORKS OF BTENCITTS. [fiK VI.

ment] only a twentieth [of tlie produce] , what do you say-
to it ? "

2. Mencma replied, " Your way, Sir, would be that of the
Mrti

3. <{ In a State of ten thousand families, would it do to
have [only] one potter?" " No/' ssftd the other; ' ( the
vessels would not be enow for use "

4 [Mencius] went on, " In Mih [all] the five kinds of
grain are not grown , it only produces the millet There
are no fortified cities with their walled suburbs, no great
edifices, no ancestral temples, no ceremonies of sacrifice,
there are no feudal princes requiring- gifts of silk and enter-
tainments , there is no system of officers with their various
subordinates. On this account a tax of one twentieth of the
produce is [there] sufficient

5. " But now, [as] we live in the middle States, how can
such a state of things be thought of, which would do away
with the relationships of men, and have no officers of
superior rank ?

6. "A. State cannot be made to subsist with but few
potters, how much less can it be so without men of a
superior rank to others '

7. " If we wish to make the taxation lighter than the
system of Yaou and Shun, we shall have a great Mih and a
small Mih If we wish to make it heavier, we shall have
the great Keeh and the small Keeh "

OF TAXATION , AND THAT WHICH ORIGINATED WITH YAOU AJtfD SHUN IS
THE PEOPEB ONE FOB CHINA

Pa? I Pih Kvtei (as appeals fiom next chapter, named Tan) is geneially
supposed to have been a man of Chow, ascetic in his own habits and fond
of innovations Such is the account of him given by Sse-ma IVeen , but
^theie aie difficulties in the way of our supposing Ts'een's Pih Kwei to be
the same as the person who appears here

Par 2 The Mih were one of the wild tube^ lying on the north of the
middle States, the China of Menoms 1 time The name does not occui in
the Ch*na Ta'ew, noi in the Tso Ohuen Its temtoiy, lying far noith, would
be unfit for most of the kinds of giam The people would be for the most
pnrt nonaads, and very infenor in civilization to those of the States of China,
though Mencius peihaps lather exaggerates the extent of their barbarism

Pat 1 Under the system, of taxation pioposed by Pih Kwei, China would
become a copy of the Mih , tinder a heavier system than that of Yaou and
Shun, it ^ould be brought to its state tmdei the tyrant Keeh

PT n CH. xiii ] KAOU-TSZE. 339

XI 1 Pih Kwei said, ce My management of the waters
is superior to that of Yu "

2 Mencms said, tc You are wrong, Sir Yu's regulation
of the waters was according to the laws of water

3 ec He therefore made the four seas their receptacle,
while you now, Sir, make the neighbouring States their
receptacle

4 " When waters flow out of their natural channels, we
have what is called an inundation Inundating wateis form
a vast [waste] of water, and are what a benevolent man
dotests You are wrong, my good Sir 3t

XII Mencius said, " If a superior man have not con-
fidence [in his views], how shall he take a firm hold [of
things] ? "

XIII 1 [The ruler of] Loo wishing to commit the
administration of his government to the disciple Yoh-ching,
Mencius said, " When I heard of it, I was so glad that I
could not sleep "

2 Kung-sun Oh^ow said, "Is Yoh-ching a man of vigour ?"
"No" " Is he wise in council ? " " No " " Is he a man of
much infoimation ? " f No "

3 " What then made you so glad that you could not

4. " He is a man who loves what is good," was the reply.

* CH XI PlK KWEf S PRE&TJMPTUOtTS IDEA THAT HE GOULD BBGXTLATE
INUNDATIONS OF THE BIVEES BBITEK THAN Yu HAO DONE

Theie must have boeu some paitial inundations at this time, and Pih Kwei
had been called in to remedy them Tim he had done in an unsatisfaotoiy
way, benefiting one State at the expense of otheis

CH XII FAITH IN PBIN-CIPLES is NECESSABY TO FIRMNESS IN ACTION

CH XIII OF WHAT IMPORTANCE IT IS TO A MINISTBB TO GOVEBSMENT
TO LOVE WHAT IS GOOD

Par I. Yoh-chiup, ^e I Pt II xri , et al

Par 2 The thiee gilts mentioned hot e were those generally consideied
most imi>ort mt to goveinmont, and Kung mm Ch'ow, knowing Yoh-ching to
be deficient in them, shaped hib questions accordingly

Par 4 On this it is baid " In tlie administration of government, the
excellent quality is without prejudice and dispassionately to receive

340 THE WORKS OF MEffCICTS. [BK VI.

5. ct Is tlie love of what is good sufficient ? "

6 [Mencius] replied, " The love of what is good is more
than a sufficient qualification for the government of the
whole kingdom ; how much more is it so for the State of
Loo'

7. "If [a minister] love what is good, then all within
the four seas will think a thousand le but a small distance to
come and lay [their thoughts about] what is good before
him

8 " If he do not love what is good, men will say, f How
self-conceited he looks! [He is saying], "I know it "*
The language and looks of that self-conceit will repel men to
more than the distance of a thousand le When good men
stop more than a thousand le off, calumniators, flatterers,
and sycophants will make their appearance When [a
minister] lives with calumniators, flatterers, and sycophants
about him, though he may wish the State to be well
governed, is it possible for it to be so ? "

XI Y. 1. The disciple Ch'in said, "What were the
principles on which superior men of old took office ? '*
Mencius said, cf There were three cases in which they
accepted office, and three in which they left it

2. " If received with the utmost respect and all courteous
observances, and they could say [to themselves] that [the
ruler] would carry their words into practice, then they went
to him [and took office] [Afterwards], though there
might be no remission of the courteous observances, if their
words were not carried into practice, they left him

3 " The second case was that in which, though [the
ruler] could not [be expected] at once to carry their words
into practice, yet being received by him with the utmost

what is good Now Yoh-ohing in his heart sincerely loved all good word*
and good actions "

OH XIV THH GROUNDS ON WHICH WOBTHIES OF oi/i> TOOK OFFICE OB

LEFT IT

Par 1 " The disciple Ch'm " here was the Ch'm IV in of II Pt II m
Parr 24 Compare V. Pfc II iv 7. There Confucius appeals as having
taken office on all the grounds mentioned heie. In this chapter pur philo-
sopher enters more into the grounds why the office once uodertaken should
again be abandoned , if in the third case we can speak of office having been
taken

PT n CH xv ] ZAOU-TSZE. 341

respect and all courteous observances, they went to him
[and took office]. [But afterwards] , if there was a remis-
sion of the courteous observances,, they left him.

4 ff The last case was that of [the superior man] who had
nothing to eat either morning- or evening, and was so
famished that he could not move out of his door If the
ruler, on hearing of his state, said, c I must fail of the great
point, that of carrying his principles into practice, and
moreover I cannot follow his words, but I am ashamed to
allow him to starve in my country/ and so assisted him, the
help might be accepted in such a case, but not beyond what
was sufficient to avert death "

XV 1 Mencius said, ff Shun rose [to the empire] from
among the channeled fields Foo Yueh was called to office
from the midst of his [building] frames and [earth-]
beaters y Kaou Kih from his fish and salt , Kwan E-woo
from the hands of the officer in charge of him , Sun Shuh-

CH XV TRIALS ANT> HARDSHIPS THE WAT IN WHICH HEAVEN PRE-
PARES MEN FOR GREAT SERVICES ILLUSTRATED BY THE OASES OF SEVERAL
EMINENT WORTHIES OP FORMER TIMES

Par 1. The rise of Shun is well known , see the 1st part of the Book
of History Foo Yueh, see the Book of History, Pait IV vui , where it is
i elated that king Kaou-tsung, having dreamt that "God gave him a good
assistant," caused a picture ot the man he had seen in his dream to be made,
and search made for him through the kingdom, when he vas found dwelling
in the wilderness of Foo-yen Sze-ma Ts'een says that the suiname of the
man was given in the dieam as Foo, and his name as Yueh, which the king
interpreted as meaning, that he would "be a " tutor 7 ' (#>0) to himself, and
a "blessing" (yve7i) to the people, Kaon Kih is mentioned in II Pt I i 8,
as an able assistant of the last king of Yin. In the disorders and mis-
govei lament of that king Kaou Kih had retned to obscurity, and was dis-
coveted by the loid of Chow m the guise of a seller of fish and salt, and
induced to take office under the king, with whom. Kih continued faithful to
the last

Kwan B woo was the chief minister of duke Hwan oi Ts'e , see U Pt
I i , et al He was earned from Loo to Ts'e in a cage, Hjyan having de-
manded his sunendei that he might have the pleasure of putting him to
death , but he met him outside the city and roibed him to the greatest dis-
tinction Shuh-sun Gaou was chief minister to king Chwang oi Ta'oo,
one of the five piesidente of the Stites He appears in the narratives of
the Tso Chuen (see Book VII xi , et al ) as Wei Gae-leeh He belonged
to on of the puncipal families of Ta'oo , but being at one time tieated
with neglect by the king, he had retired into obscurity, and lived somewhere
(it must have been out of Tb'oo) on the sea coast The events of his life at
this time, however, are all but lost to history. Afterwards, he did good serv-

342 THE WORKS OF HENCIUS. [BK VI.

gaou from. [his hiding by] tlie sea- shore ; and Pih-le He
from the market-place

2 " Thus, when. Heaven is about to confer a great office
on any one, it first exercises his mind with suffering, and his
sinews and bones with toil 3 it exposes his body to hunger,
and subjects him to extreme poverty, and it confounds his
undertakings In all these ways it stimulates his mind,,
hardens his nature, and supplies his incompetencies.

3 (t Men constantly err, but are afterwards able to reform
They are distressed in mind, and perplexed in thought, and
then they arise to vigorous endeavour When things have
been evidenced in men's looks, and set forth in their words,
then they understand them

4 "If a ruler have not about his court families attached
to the laws and able officers, and if abroad there are no
hostile States or other* external calamities, the State will
generally come to rum

5 " From such things we see how life springs from
sorrow and calamity, and death from ease and pleasure "

XVT Mencius said, cc There are many arts in teaching
I refuse, as inconsistent with my character, to teach a man,
but I am only thereby still teaching him "

ice to the State. Sun-shun must have been his designation ongmally, and
Gaou was the name of an office in Ts'oo, piobably the sound of its appellation
in the oiigmal language of the country Pih-le He, see V Pt I ix

Par 3 This par is intended to show that the same thing may in a man-
ner be predicated of ordinary men The concluding part seems to say that
though most men are not quick of appiehension, yet when things aie
brought cleaily befoie them, they can lay hold of them

Par 4 The same thing is true of a State " Families attached to the
law** "will not readily submit to the infraction of those laws without re-
monstrating, and their feelings will find a voice m the "able counsellors '*
This will stimulate the rulei's mind , and foieign danger will make him
caieful, and louse him to exertion

CH XVI THAT A BEFTTS u. TO TEAOH MAT BE TBACHJHG
Theie is a sufficient example of what Mencius states here in the second
chapter

TSIN SIN. 343

BOOK YII.

TSIN BIN

CHAPTER I ]. Mencius said, "He who has exhaustively
studied all his mental constitution knows his nature.
Knowing his nature, he knows Heaven

2 "To preserve one's mental constitution, and nourish
one's nature, is the way to serve Heaven

3 et When neither [the thought] of premature death nor

TITLE OF THIS BOOK, Like the pievious Books,, this is named from the
commencing words T\m Sin, ' The exhausting of all the mental constitu-
tion " It contains many more chapters than any of the otheis, luief,
enigmatical sentences foi the most pait, convex mg Menoius' views on human
nature It is more absti use also, and the student will have much difficulty
in satisfying himself that he has hit the e^act meaning of oui philoso-
pher The authoi of "The Root and Relish of the four Books" a*ijb
" This Book "was made by Menciut. in his old age Its stylo is teise, and its
meaning deep, and we cannot dibcovei an. older of subjects in its chapteis
He had completed the previous chapteis, and this giew up undei his stylus,
as his mind was affected, and he was prompted to give expression to his
thoughts The first chapter, however, may be legaided as a compendium
of the whole "

CH I BY THE KNOWLEDGE OF OUBSEUVES WE COMB TO THE KNOWLEDGKE

OF HEAVEN, AND HEAVEN is SEBVED BY DUE OBEYING OUB NATURE

Par 1 " To exhaust our mental constitution " ib, I conceive, to make
ons's-self acquainted with all his mental constitution, Laving aneated his
consciousness, and ascertained what it is This of com se gives a nun the
knowledge of his nature , and fts he is the creature of Heaven, its attubutes
must be coneaponding I can get no other meaning fiom this paiagiaph
Choo He, however, and all bis school, say that ttoeie IB no woik 01 Ubour in
"exhausting the mental constitution , " that it is " the extension to the
utmost of knowledge" of the 1st chapter of "The Cheat Learning ," and
that all the laboui is in * knowing the natuie," which is "the investigation
of things" of that chaptei Ou this view we should tianslate, "He who
completely developer his mental constitution has known (come to know) his
natuie , " but this is a foiced constiuotion of the text

Par 2 Tho " prebeivation " is the holding fast that which we have from
Heaven, and the " nourishing " is the acting in accordance therewith, so
that the " serving Heaven " IB just the being and doing what It has intimated
in our constitution to be Ita will concerning us

Par 3 Man's " [Heaven-] ordained being " IB hia nature according to the
opening woids of " The Dootnne of the Mean , " " What Heaven has con-

344 THE WORKS OF MENCIFS. [BE VII.

[that] of long life causes a man any double-mindedness, but
e waits in. the cultivation of himself for whichever issue.,
this is the way in which he establishes his [Heaven-] ordain-
ed being "

n. 1 Men eras said, e( There is an appointment for
everything. A man should submissively receive what is
correctly ascribed thereto

2. " Therefore, he who knows what is [Heaven's] appoint-
ment will not stand beneath a dangerous wall

ferred is called THE NATUBE " " Establishing " this means " keeping entire
what Heaven lias confened upon us, and not injuring it by any doing of
our own "

It may "be well to give the remarks of Chaou K*e on this chapter On
the 1st par he says " To the nature there belong the principles of benevo-
lence, righteousness, piopnety, and knowledge The mind is designed to-
regulate them. When the mind is coriect, a man can put it all forth in
thinking of doing good, and then he may be said to know hisnatuie When
he knows his nature, then he knows how the way of Heaven consideis as
excellent what is good "

On the 2nd pai he says "When one is able to preserve his mind and
nourish liis coirect [nature], he may be called a man of perfect vntue
The wny of Heaven loves hfe, and the peifect man also loves life The way
of Heaven is without paitiahly, and only appioves of the vutuoua [Thus}
the acting [of the peifect man] agrees with Heaven, and theiefore it 13
said, * This is the way by which he seives Heaven ' ' r

On the Sid par he says " Double * means two The peifect man in
his conduct is guided by one rule simply Although he sees that borne who
have gone before him have been short-lived, and some long-lu od, he never
has two minds or changes his way. Let life be shoit like that of Yen
Yuen, or long like that of the duke of Shaou, he refeis both oases equally
to the appointment of Heaven, and cultivates and rectifleb his own pmson
to wait foi that It ib in this way that he establishes the loot ot [Heaven's]
appointments "

The difteienoes between these interpretations and those of Choo He may
well lead the foieign student to put toith his strength on the study of the
text moie than on the commentaues

CH II MAN'S DITTY AS AFFECTED BY THE DECEEES OR APPOINTMENTS

OF HEAVEN WHAT MAY BE coRitEarLY ASCBIBED 10 THOSE, AND WHAT
NOT Ghoo He says this is a continuation of the l<isfc olmptei, developing
the meaning of its concluding paragiaph There is a conuexion between
the cb.ipteis, but Heaven's decree or appointment is here taken more widely,
as extending not only to man's natuie, but to a.11 the events that befall him

Par. 1 ' A man should submissively leceive what may be conectly as-
cribed to appointment " is, literally, lt a man should bubmissively receive the
correct appointment " The collect appointment is that which is directly
irom the will of Heaven , and no oon&equence flowing fiom evil or careless
conduct is to be understood as being so

PT I. CH. IV ] TSIN SIN. 345

3 ce Death sustained in the fulfilment of one's proper
conrse may correctly be ascribed to the appointment [of
Heaven]

4. " Death under handcuffs and fetters cannot correctly
be so ascribed "

IH 1 Mencins said, ff When we get by our seeking,
and lose by our neglecting, in that case seeking is of use to
getting, the things sought are those which are in ourselves

2 <f When the seeking is according to the proper course,
and the getting is [only] as appointed, in that case the
seeking is of no use to getting, the things sought are with-
out ourselves "

IY. 1 Mencius said, " All things are already complete
in us

2 " There is no greater delight than to be conscious of
sincerity on self-examination.

8 " If one acts with a vigorous effort at the law of reci-

Par 4 The handcuffs or fetters are understood to be those of an evil-
doei There is impoitant tiuth underlying this chapter Compare with it
various passages m the 1st Epistle of Peter

CH III VIRTUE is SUEB TO BE FOUND BY SEBKiNa IT, BUT EIOHEB AND

OTHER BXTEBNAL THINGS NOT

The general sentiment of this chapter is good, but truth is sacrificed to
the point of the antithesis, when it is said in the second case that seeking is
of no use to getting The things " in ourselves " aie the virtuefa of benevo-
lence, righteousness, propriety, and knowledge, the endowments proper of
our nature Those " without ourselves " are riches and dignities The
"proppi comse" to seek them is that ascribed to Confuciu% "Advancing
accoiding to propriety, and retiring according to iighteousnesa, " but yet
they are not at our command and control Chaou K'e appropriately quotes
in reference to them the words of the s^ge in. Ana VII xi , " as the seaich
may not be successful, I will follow after that which I love '*

CH IV MAN IS PITTED FOB AND HAPPY IN DOING GOOD, AND JfAY BB-
COME PERFECT THEBEIN

Par 1 This brief saying is quite mystical The " all things " ore taken
as " the radical nature of the reasons of things," and then the things must
be fuither restricted to the relations of society and the duties belonging to
them- If we extend them farther, we only get perplexed

Par 2 The " sincerity " is that so laigely treated of in. the Doctrine of
the Mean

Par 3 For "the law of reciprocity" see Ana. XV. xxin. To hava

346 THE WORKS Otf 1TENCIUS. \_BK VII

procityj nothing, when he seeks for [the realization of] perfect
virtue,, can be closer than his approximation to it "

"V Men cms said, "They do the thing, without clearly
knowing [its piopriety] , they practise the doing, without
discriminating [the reason of it] 3 they [thus] puisue the
path all their life, without knowing its nature . this is the
case of multitudes "

VI Mencius said, ""A man should not he without
shame. When a man is ashamed of having been without
shame, he will [afterwards] not have [occasion for] shame 33

VII. 1 Mencius said, f( The sense of shame is to a man. of
great importance

2 " Those who form contrivances and versatile schemes
distinguished for their artfulness do not allow their sense of
shame to come into action

3 fc When one differs from other men in not having this
sense of shame^ what will he have in common with them ? "

complete sincerity, it is said, would be peifeot virtue WTieie there is some-
thing wanting in this, the way is to act vigoiously on the law of recipiocity

CH V MANY MAY ACT RIGHTLY WITHOUT KNOWING WHY THEY DO so

A LESSON FOB THE PHILOSOPHER'S PUPILS

It would be easier to undei stand such chapters as this, if we had before
us the conversation or discussion out of which they giew, and of which,
they contain Menoius 5 own condensed summary

CH VL THE VALUE OP THE FEELING- OF SHAME A wise and deep
utterance

CH VII THE IMPORTANCE OF THE FEELING- OF SHAME, AND THE CON-
SEQUENCE OF BEING WITHOUT IT The foimer chaptei, it is said, was by
way of exhortation , and this is by way of wai mng

Par 2 In this Mencius may have been aiming at the wandering scholars
of his time, who were full of plots and schemes to unite and disunite the
various kinglets Chaou K'e supposes that the inventors of destiuctive
engines for purposes of war are intended It is implied that if those parties
Lad the sense of shame, they would not form such plots nor make such,
engines

JPar 3. Choo He gives another view of this par , as also admissible ,
" If. a man be not ashamed of not being like other men, how will he be able
to be like them? " This is Chaou EVfl view generalized

PT I CH IX ] TSIN SIN. 847

VIII Mencius said, ce The able and virtuous monarchs
of antiquity loved what was good and forgot [their own]
power And shall an exception be made of the able and
virtuous scholars of antiquity that they did not act in a
similar way ? They delighted in their own principles, and
forgot the power [of p? mces] Therefore, if kings and dukes
did not cherish the utmost respect [for them] and observe all
forms of ceremony, they were not permitted to see them fre-
quently If they found it not in their power to seo them
frequently, how much less could they get to employ them as
ministers ' JJ

IX 1 Mencius said, to Sung Kow-tseen, ec Are you fond,
Sir, of travelling [to the diffeient couits] ? I will tell you
about [such] travelling

2 " If any [of the princes] acknowledge you [and follow
your counsels], look perfectly satisfied. If no one do so,
still do the same "

3 [The other] asked, " What must I do that I may
always wear this look of perfect satisfaction ? " " Honour
virtue," was the reply, " and delight in righteousness , and
so you may [always] appear to be perfectly satisfied

4. cc So it is that a scholar, though he may be poor, does
not let go his righteousness, and, though prosperous, does
not leave [his own] path

5. ce Poor and not letting go his righteousness , it is thus
that the scholar holds possession of himself Prosperous,

CH VIII HOW THE ANCIENT? SOHOT.A.KS MAINTAINED THEIB DIGNITY
ANB BESERVE AND HOW THE ANCIENT KINGS APPEEOIATED THEM

Mencius had, no doubt, in mind in these remarks to indicate his own
chaiacter and oouiae, and to condemn the -wandering scholars of his tune

CH IX HOW AN ADVISEB OF THE PRINCES MIGHT ALWAYS APPEAB
PERFECTLY SATISFIED , ILLUfaTBATED BY THE EXAMPLE OF THE SCHOLARS
OF ANTIQUITY

JPar I Nothing is known of Sung Kow-tseen beyond what appears here
He was, we may afesume, like Sung K'ang (VL Pt II IT,) one of the adven-
turers who travelled about tendering their advice to the different pnnces

Par 5 " Holds possession of himself , " Ohaou K'e expounds " Holds
possession of his pioper natuie " Rather it is holds possession of himself
as described in pai 3, " honouring virtue, and delighting in righteousness rt
Choo He says " This chapter shows how the scholar, attaching weight
to what is internal, and holding what is external light, will approve himself
good in all places and circumstances."

348 THE WOEES OF MBNCIU8 [BK VII

and not leaving [his own] path, it is thus that the expect-
ations of the people [from him] are not disappointed.

6 fe When the men of antiquity realized their wishes,
benefits accrued [from them] to the people When they did
not realize their wishes, they cultivated their personal cha-
racter, and became illustrious in the world When poor,
they attended to the improvement of themselves in solitude ,
when advanced to dignity, they promoted the improvement
of all under heaven as well "

X. Mencius said, " The mass of men wait for a king WSn,
and then receive a rousing impulse Scholars distinguished
from the mass, even without a king W3n, rouse themselves "

XI Mencius said, "Add to a man [the wealth of] the
families of Han and Wei, and, if he [still] look upon himself
without being elated,, he is far beyond [the mass of] men "

XH. Mencius said, cc Let the people be employed in the
way which is intended to secure their ease, and, though they
be toiled, they will not muimur. Let them be put to death
in the way wkich is intended to preserve their lives, and, (
though they die, they will not murmur "

XTTT 1 Mencius said, " Under a president of the States,

OH X. HOW STJPBEIOB PEOPLE GET THEIB INSPIRATION TO GOOD IN
THEMSELVES

" The mass of men " is literally " all men ," ^ e , ordinary people

OH XI NOT TO BE ELATED BY Q-ItEAT BIOHES IS A PBOOF OF REAL
STJPEBIOBITT.

The word "add," especially the Chinese teim here so rendered, implies
that the person here spoken of is already wealthy Han and Wei weie two
of the six great families of the State of Tfain, of whom some account is
given on L Pt I i 1

OH, xn WHEN A BTJLER'S AIM is EVIDENTLY THE PEOPLE'S GOOD, THEY

WILL NOT MUBMT7R AT HIS HARSHEST MEASURES

The first part is explained rightly of toils in agriculture, road-making,
bridge-making, <kc , and the second is supposed to refer to the administra-
tion of justice, but I should prefei thinking that Mencius had the idea of
just war before him Compare Ana X^ 11 2

OH, XTTT THE INFLUENCE EXERTED BY A TBTJE SOVEBEKMT AND HIS

?T I CH. SIT ] TS1N BIN 849

the people look brisk and cheerful ; under a true king they
have an air of deep contentment

2 <f Though he slay them, they do not mnrmur ,, when he
benefits them, they do not think of his merit. From day to
day they make progress towards what is good, without know-
ing who makes them do so

3 " Wherever the superior man passes through, transform-
ation follows , wherever he abides, his influence is of a
spiritual nature It flows abroad, above, and beneath like
that of heaven and earth. How can it be said that he
mends [society] but in a small way ? "

XIV. 1 Mencms said, " Kindly words do not enter into
men so deeply as a reputation for kindness

RULE THE DIFFERENT AtfD INFEBIOB INFLUENCE OP A PRESIDENT OF

THE STATES

Pa? 1 " Brisk and cheerful , " but the permanence of this cannot be
looked foi In illustration of the condition and appearance of the people
under a true sovereign, commentators generally quote a tradition of their
state under Yaou, when <f entue haimony reigned under heaven, and the
lives of the people passed easily away " Then the old men stmck the clods,
and sang

" We nse at sunrise,
We rest at sunset,
Dig \vells and drmk,
Till our fields and eat ,
What is the strength of the empeior to us ?"

Par 2 There is the same difficulty in interpi eting the first clause here of
the admin isiaation of justice, which I have adveited to in the note on oh xn

Pay 3 " The supenoi man " has the highest meaning of which the
phrase IB susceptible, and sss a srxge, and even a sage on the throne In the *
influence of Shun in the time of his obscurity, when the ploughmen yielded
the furrow among themselves, and the potters made their vessels all sound,
we have an example, it is said, of a sage's transforming influence wherever he
passed thi ough, or resided for a time In what would have been the influence
of Confucius, had he been in the position ot a rulei, as described in Ana
XIX xxv 4, we have, it is said, an example of the spuitual natuie of a
sage, wherever he abides A " spiritual n influence is one which is wonder-
ful and mysterious, great bat not palpable, like the plastic energy of natuie,
the growth and transformations constantly going on under heaven and
earth These last terms show that a pantheistic view of the mm erse had
come, at times at least> to supersede the idea of the operation of a personal
Ood

CH XIV THE VALUE TO A. BULEB OF A GOOD BEPUTATION ANI> OF

MOBAL INFLUENCES,

350 THE WORKS OF MENOIUS [BK VII

2 cc G-ood government does not lay liold of the people so
much as good instructions.

3 " G-ood government is feared by the people, [but]
good instructions are loved by them Good government
gets the people's wealth, [but] good instructions get their
hearts "

XV 1. Menoms said, cc The ability possessed by men with-
out having been acquired by learning is their intuitive
ability, and the knowledge possessed by them without the
exercise of thought is then intuitive knowledge

2 cf Children carried in the arms all know to love their
parents ,, and when they are grown [a little], they all know
to respect their elder brothers

3 ' ' Filial affection for parents is benevolence ; respect
for elders is righteousness. There is no other [cause for
these feelings]; they belong to all under heaven "

XVI Mencius said, ct When Shun was living amidst the
deep retired mountains, dwelling with the trees and rocks,
and wandering with the deer and swine, the difference
between him and the rude inhabitants of those remote hills
was very small But when he heard a single good word, or

Pai . 1 Kindly words are but brief, and on an occasion A reputation
for kindness is the giowth of time and of many evidences

Pa? 2 "G-ood government" refeis to the various enactments of law,
affecting the external condition of the people " Good inbtruotions " aie
the lessons of duty, which should be impressed in connexion with these
Commentators, to make out a connexion between this par and the foimei,
say that the " good reputation " has grown out of the good government.

Pat 3 Compare Ana II in

Cn XV BENEVOLENCE AND RIGHTEOUSNESS PBOVED BY THE CASE OF

GHILDB-EST TO BE NATURAL TO MAN, AND PARTS OF HIS CONSTITUTION

Par 1 The phrases translated " intuitive ability," " intuitive knowledge "
have also the idea of qoodties? in them

Pat 3 The lattei half of thib paiagraph is by no means clear, or easily
translated I have given Choo He's view of it Chaou K'e says
" Those who wi&h to do good have nothing else to do but to extend these
children to all undei heaven "

OH XVI How WHAT SJETJN WAS DISCOVERED ITSELF IK HIS

OBSCURITY

Shun's emotion of mind was as here pictured,

PT I. CH. XIX.] TSTN BIN. 851

saw a single good action, lie was like tlie Keang or tlie Ho,
bursting its banks^ and grandly flowing out in an irresistible
flood

XVII Mencius said, cc Let a man not do what [his sense
of righteousness tells him] not to do, and let him not desire
what [the same sense tells him] not to desire to act thus
is all that he has to do "

XVIH 1. Mencius said, cc W hen men are possessed of
intelligent virtue and prudence in the management of
afiairs, it generally arises from their having been in distress

2 (f They are the friendless minister and the despised con-
cubine's son who keep their hearts under a sense of peril,
and use deep precautions against calamity. They become in
consequence distinguished for their intelligence "

XIX 1 Mencius said, ee There are persons who serve
the ruler ; they serve the ruler, that is, for the sake of his
countenance and favour

2 ee There are ministers who seek the safety of the altars ,
they find their pleasure in securing that tranquillity

3 ef There are those who are the people of Heaven,
[judging that], if they were in office, they could carry out
[their principles] all undeiT heaven, they proceed [so] to
carry them out

CH XVII MAN'S WHOLE DUTY is TO OBEY THE LAW rcr HIMSELF
It would not be easy to make this utteianoe intelligible without supple-
ment Chaou inteiprete and supplies thus "Do not make a man do what
you youtaelf do not do," &o

CH XVTH THE BENEFITS OF TBOUBLE AND AFFLICTION , ILLUSTRATED
Compare YI Pt II xv

CH XIX FOXTE DIFFERENT CLASSES OF MTNISTEES THE MERCENARY ,
THE LOYAL ? THE UNSELFISH AN1> FAE-BEAOHING , THE TKTTLY GRfrAT

Par 1, Mencius speaks of this class as only "persons," in contempt

Par 2. Compaie Pt II XIT

Pew S. Compaie V Pt I vii. 5, though some contend that** the people
of Heaven " has a wider meaning there than heie The phiase here denotes
men who are contented with their position in obscurity, and would continue
all their life in it, but are prepared at the same tune to go forth to public
duty, when they tee the call.

352 THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [BE VII.

4 " There are those wh.0 are great men 9 they rectify
themselves,, and [all] things are rectified ''

1 Men cms said, " The superior man has three
things in which he delights,, and to be sovereign over all
under heaven is not one of them

2 " That his father and mother are both alive, and that
his brothers afford no cause [for distress of mmd] , this is
his first delight

3 "That, when looking up, he has no occasion for shame
before Heaven, and, below, he has no occasion to blush
before men, this is his second delight

4 " That he gets hold of the individuals of the most
superior abilities in the kingdom, and teaches and nourishes
them , this is his third delight

5 "The superior man has three things in which he
delights, and to be sovereign over all undei heaven is not
one of them "

XXI 1 Mencms said, fc Wide ten itory and a numerous
people are desired by the supenor man, but what he delights
in is not here

2. "To stand in the centre of the kingdom and give
tranquillity to the people within the four seas is an occasion
of delight to the superior man , but [the highest element of]
what belongs to him. by his nature is not here.

Par 4 The " [all] things," must be understood first of the ruler and
people

OH XX THE THREE THINGS wfa.cn THE SUPERIOR MAN" DELIGHTS IN
ROYAL SWAT r=i NOT ONE OF THEM.
A veiy fine chapter

CH XXI M AIT'S NATURE THB MOST IMPORTANT THING- TO HIM, AND THE

SOURCE OF UIB GREATEST ENJOYMENT ITS CONSTITUENTS AND THEIR

MANIFESTATION This also is a fine chapter, but it is not so intelligible as
the last There is a mistiness about the two last paragraphs

Par I This describes the condition of the lord of a large State, who has
many opportumtes of doing good Why he should not delight in it, as
much as the subject of the next paragraph in his condition, I do not see

Par 2 The subject of this par is a true king, and why he should delight
in hie condition contrary to the dictum in par 1 of last chapter, I do not
see " Wtyat belongs to his nature " would appear to be hexe as much as in
the manifestations of it mentioned in par 4.

PT I CH XXII.] TEEN" SIN. 853

3 ef What belongs to the snperior man by his natare can-
nob be .increased by the largeness of his sphere of action,
nor diminished by his being 1 in poverty and retirement ,
for this reason, that it is determinately apportioned to him
[by Heaven]

4. " What belong to the superior man are benevolence,
righteousness, propriety, and knowledge, rooted in his heart
Their growth and manifestation are a mild harmony appear-
ing in the countenance, a rich fulness in the back, and the
character imparted to the four limbs. The four limbs under-
stand [their several motions] without being told "

XXII 1. Mencius said, ee Pih-e, that he might avoid [the
tyrant] Chow, was dwelling on the coast of the northern sea
When he heard of the rise of king WSn, he roused himself
and said, * Why should I not attach myself to him ? I have
heard that the chief of the West knows well how to nourish
the old/ T'ae-kung, that he might avoid Chow, was dwell-
ing on the coast of the eastern sea When he heard of the rise
of king Wan, he roused himself, and said, e Why should I
not attach myself to him ? I have heard that the chief of
the West knows well how to nourish the old ' If in the king-
dom there were [now] a prince who knew well how to nour-
ish the old, benevolent men would consider that he was the
proper object for them to gather to

2 " Around the homestead with its five mow, the spa'ce at
the foot of the walls was planted with mulberry trees, with
which the [farmer's] wife nourished silkworms, and thus the
old were able to have silk to wear When the five brood-

Par 3, Does Mencius mean to say that the nature, being given from
Heaven complete, cannot, where it is cherished, be added to or improved
froni without by any course of its possessor ? What he seems to assert
would need to be more clearly denned

JPar 4 Here oui philosopher is more magniloquent than precise The
last se-ntence means that the limbs are instantaneously obedient to the will

CH. XXII THE GOVERNMENT OP TUNG "WlK, BY WHICH HE SHOWED

THAT HE KNEW WELL HOW TO SUPPORT THE OLD

Far I See IV Ft I xin 1

Par 2 This par is to be translated historically, aa it describes king
Wan's government See I Pt I in. 4 ; et al Menoius has not mentioned
before the number of brood hens and sows requued to be kept by each
family

VOL H 23

854 THE WOEKS or MENCIUS. [BK yir.

liens and the two brood-sows [of each family] were kept to
their [breeding] seasons, the old were able to have flesh to
eat. The husbandmen cultivated their fields of a hundred
mow, and their families of eight mouths were secured against
want.

3. " The expression,, ' The chief of the West knows well
how to nourish the old/ referred to his regulations about the
fields and dwellings, his teaching [the farmers] to plant [the
mulberry tree], and nourish [those animals] , his instructing
their wives aud children, so that they should nourish their
aged At fifty warmth cannot be maintained without silks ;
and at seventy flesh is necessary to satisfy the appetite.
[The aged], not kept warm, nor well supplied with food, are
said to be c starved and famished/ but among the people of
king WSn there were no aged in that condition. This was
the meaning of that expression "

XXIII 1 . Mencius said, " Let it be seen to that thoir fields
of grain, and flax are well cultivated, and make the taxes on
them light so the people may be made rich

2 " Let [the people] use their resourceb of food seasonably
and expend them [only] on the preset ibed ceremonies so
they will be more than can be consumed

3 ee The people cannot live without water and fire , yet,
if yo,u knock at a man's door in the dusk of the evening,
and ask for water and fire, there is no one who will not give
them, such is the great abundance of them. A sage would
govern the kingdom so as to cause pulse and millet to be as
abundant as fire ana water When pulse and millet are as
abundant as fire and water, how shall there be among the
people any that are not virtuous ? "

Par 3. By " fields " we are to understand the allotments of 100 mom,
and by " dwellings," the homesteads, each with its five mow

CH XXIH THE FERST CARE OF A GOVERNMENT, TO PBOMOTH THE vnt-

TtfE OF THE; PEOPLE, SHOCTLD BE TO MAKE THEM WELL OFF, AKD HOW
THIS IS TO BE DONE

Pitr 2 "Seasonably," seel Pt I 111 3, 4. The " presciibed cere-
monies " would be the occasions of capping, znainage, funeralSj &o , excepting
on which a stuct economy was to be observed

PM 8 "With the concluding sentiment compare VI. Pt I. YU 1 , fft al

PT i CH xxiv ] TSOT snr. 355

XXIY 1 Mencius said, cc Confucius ascended the eastern
hilL, and Loo appeared to him small He ascended the T f ae
mountain, and all beneath the heavens appeared to him small.
So, he who has contemplated the sea finds it difficult to think
anything of other waters , and he who has been a student
in the gate of the sage finds it difficult to think anything
of the words of others.

2 " There as an art in the contemplation of water , it is
necessary to contemplate its swelling waves When the sun
or the moon is at its brightest, its light admitted [even]
through an orifice is sure to illuminate

3 " Flowing water is a thing which does not proceed till
it has filled the hollows [in its course] The student who
has set his mind on the doctrines [of the sage] does not
come to the understanding of them but by completing one
lesson after another "

CH XXIV THE DOCTBINES OP THE SAGE, THOUGH GREAT, HAVE THEIR

BADICAL PRINCIPLES, AND THE STUDENT CAN GET A KNOWLEDGE OF THEM
ONLY BY A GRADUAL PROCESS

Pat 1 The higher one is, the smallei does what is beneath him appear to
be , the moie familial we aie with what is gieat, the moie difficult- do we
find it to appieciate what is small This appeals to be the lesion in this
paragiaph, which is aptly compared to the attn\ne stanzas and odes in the
Book ot Poetry , the whole being designed to irapiess the mind with the
greatness of the doctunes of the sage, of Confucius, by way of eminence
There is a difficulty m identifying what is here called <e the eastein hill"
Some will have it to be a small hill, called Fang, in the present distiiot of
K'euh-fow., at the foot of which Confucius' parents were buned , others, the
Mung hill (Ana XVI i 4), mthedistiict of Pe, department E-chow Mount
T*ae was the chief of the five gieat mountains of China It lay on the
extreme east of Ts'e, in the pie^ent department of T'ae-gan, and about
two miles fiom the city of that name A place is shown on the mountain,
baiely half way to its summit, as the point to which Confucius ascended j
but theie is a temple to him, now sadly dilapidated, near the summit itself.
Confucius, no doubt, would go to the very top of it

Par 2 The lesson here seems to be that the very greatness of the sage's
doctrines must lead us to think of their elementary principles Who can
look at the foaming waves, and suppose that they are fortuitous and souice-
less ? The full-orbed sun or moon is so bright that we can hardly look at it,
but its light evidences itself even thiough the smallest orifice This pai is
compared to the metaphorical stanzas and odes m the Book of Poetry

Par 3 This pai is the practical application of the chapter " Flowing
watei ," see IV l*t II jtvm. 2 "Tue student" is, literally, "the su-
perior man," meaning such a man bent on learning the doctrines of the
saga.

856 THE WORKS OF miNCius. [BK vn.

XXY. 1. Mencms said, ee He who rises at cock-crow, and
addresses himself earnestly to the practice of what is good, is
a disciple of Shun

2. " He who rises at cock-crow,, and addresses himself
earnestly to the pursuit of gain, is a disciple of Ohih

3 ' l If you want to know what separated Shun from Chih
it was nothing but this, the interval between [the thought
of] gain and [the thought of] goodness "

XXYI 1 Mencius said, " The principle of "f ang-tsze was
'Each one for himself Though by pin* king out one
hair he might have benefited all under heaven, he would not
have done it

2. " Mih-tsze loves all equally If, by miming* [bare all
his body] from the crown to the heel, he could have benefit-
ed all under heaven, he would have done it

3 "Tsze-moh holds a medium [between these] , and by
holding that medium he is nearer the right. But by holding
it without leaving room for the exigency of circumstances, it
becomes like their holding their one point.

4. f What I dislike in that holding one point is the in-

OH. XXV THH DIFFEBENT RESULTS or THE THOUGHT or GOOPNESS

AND THE THOUGHT OF GAIN

Pat 1 "A disciple of Shun , " ^ e , although such a man may not
himself attain to be a stige, he is treading in the steps of one

Par 2 " Obuh , "--see III Ft II x 8

CH XXVI THE BREOKS off YANO-TSZE, MIH-TSZB, AND TSZE-MOH.
OBSTINATE ADHEBENCE TO A PRINCIPLE, IBRESPECTIVE OF ALL OPPOSING
CONSIDERATIONS, IS VEBY PEBILOUS

Par 1 Yang-tsze is the Yang Choo of III u ix 3 ; see what I have
said on him in the prolegomena One of the paragraphs there, exhibiting
his sayings and views, contains the words here used to desciibe his principle
by Mencius It was, no doubt, current among scholars.

Par 2 Mih-Jsze has appeared already in III Pfc I v 1, and Pt II ix, ,
see also the account of him and of his principle in the prolegomena

Par S Tsze-moh is said to hare belonged to Loo, but nothing more is
known of him What his principle was cannot therefore be defined It
could not have been that developed in the " Doctime of the Mean , " what
he held must have been something intermediate between the selfishness of
Yang and the transcendentalism of Mih What Mencms meant by " the
exigency of circumstances" will be understood by a reference to IV Pt I.
xvi u

Par 4. The orthodox way of the scholars of China is to do what id right

PT I CH. XXIX ] TSIN BIN. 857

jury it does to the way [of right principle] . It takes up one
point and disregards a hundred others "

XXVII 1 Mencius said, fc The hungry think any food
sweet, and the thirsty think the bame of any diink _, and thus
they do not know the right [taste] of what they eat and drink.
The hunger and thirst, [in fact,] injure [their palate] And
is it only the mouth and belly tliat are injuied by hunger
and thirst ? Men's minds are also injured by them

2 (< If a man can pi event the injurious evils of hunger
and thirst from doing any injury to his mind, there need be
no anxiety about his not being up with other men "

XXVIII Mencius said, " Hwuy of Lew-hea would not for
the three highest offices at the royal court have changed his
guiding plan, of life "

XXIX Mencius said, "A. man with definite aims to be
accomplished may be compared to one digging a well To
dig the well to a depth of seventy-two cubits, [and stop]
without reaching the spring, is after all throwing away the
well

with reference to the whole circumstances of every case and time See
Mencius' defence of it in VI I*t II 1

CH XXVII THE IMPORTANCE OB- NOT ALLOWING- THE MIND TO Bin IN-

JURE D BY POVEBTY AND A MEAN CONDITION

Par 1 With refeience to the mind, hungei and thirst stand for poveity
and n. mean condition ,

Pa) 2 " Other men " here are not the wealthy and honourable, but sages
and \\oifchies Such a man is on the way to become one of them

GH XXVnr HWTTY- op LEW-HEA'S STJEDPAST ADHEBENOE TO HIS PLAN

On Hwuy of Lew-hea see II. Pt I ix 2, 3 , et al In V Pt I i 5, a
certain mildness, or accommodating of himself to others, is mentioned as
Hwuy 's characteristic, but Menoius takes care here that that should not be
confounded With vacillating weakness Foi the "three buny," or highest
ministers at the loyal court, see the Book of History, V xx 5

OH XXIX THAT LABOUE ONLY is TO BE PRIZED WHICH ACCOMPLISHES
ITS OBJECT

Compare Ana IX ivui , and VI Pt T xir The commentators mostly
suppose that Mencius had the prosecution of learning in view , but the ap-
plication of his words may be very wide

358 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS [BK VII.

"XXT. 1 Mencins said, Cf [Benevolence and righteousness]
were natural to Yaou and Shun T'ang and Woo made
them their own The five presidents of the States feigned
them.

2 " Having borrowed them long and not .returned them,,
how could it be known that they did not own them ? "

XXXI 1 Kung-sun Ch/ow said, c ' E Yin said, ' I cannot
be near so disobedient a person/ and therewith he banished
T f ae-keah to T'ung The people were much pleased
When T f ae-keah became virtuous, he then brought him back ;
and the people were much pleased

2 " When worthies are ministers, and their rulers are
not virtuous, may they indeed banish them in this way ? "

3 Mencius replied, ' e If they have the mind of E Yin,
they may If they have not the mind, it would be usurpa-
tion "

XXXII Kung-sun Ch/ow said, tf It is said in the Book
of Poetry,

* He would not eat the bread of idleness ' '

How is it that we see superior men eating without plough-
ing ? " Mencius replied, cc When a superior man resides in

OH *:** THE rut FERBNCE OF THE OHABAOTEBS DISPLAYED BY YAOU

AND SHUN, BY T ANG AND WOO, AND BY THE FIVE PRESIDENTS OF THE

STATLB, AS NATUKAL, ACQUIRED, AND FEIGNED

Par I Menoius is speaking of the attnbutes displayed by the parties
mentioned in their seveial rules "The five piesidents of the States , "
see VI. Pt II vii

Far 2 Some would mteipiet this par "Having feigned them long,
and not returned [to the light}, hovr could they know that they did not
[really^ have them ? "

On X31SI THE END MAY JUSTIFY THE MEANS IN DEALING WITH A

BAD BULER, BUT THE PRINCIPLE IS NOT TO BE EASILY APPLIED

Pai 1 E Yin and his dealing with T'ae-keah , see V Pt I vi 5, and
the Book of Hibtoiy, IV v Pt I 9

Par 8 The mind of E Yin was entnely loyal, and hie aim wag only the
public good Compaie foi the general sentiment what Mencius ways in V
Pfe II ix , and II Pt TL vm 2

CH TnrgTT THE SERVICES WHICH A SUPEBIOK MAN BEND EBB ro A
STATE ENTITLE HOI, WITHOUT DOING OFFICIAL DUTY, TO SUPPORT

We have here an instance of the insinuation repeatedly made by disciples

pr i cs xsziv] TBIN am. 359

any State, let its ruler employ liis counsels^ and lie comes to
tranquillity, wealth, honour, and glory. Let the young in it
follow his instructions, and they become filial, obedient to
their elders, true-hearted, and faithful What gi eater ex-
ample can there be than this of not eating the bread of
idleness ? 3)

XXXni. 1. The king's son, Teen, asked, saying,
cc What is the business of the [unemployed] scholar ? "

2 Mencius replied, " To exalt his aim "

8. <e What do you mean by exalting the aim v " asked
[the other] The answer was, {f [Sotting it] simply on
benevolence and ughteousness [The scholar thinks] how
to put a single innocent person to death is contrary to
benevolence , how to take what one has not [a right to] is
contrary to righteousness , that one's dwelling-place should
be benevolence, and one's path righteousness \Vhen benevo-
lence is the dwellmg-place [of the mind], and righteousness
the p&th [of the life] , the business of the great man is com-
plete >'

XXXIV Mencius said, ff Supposing that the kingdom
of Ts f e were offered, contrary to ughteousness, to Chung-

of Men cms, that it was wrong in him. to be supported by the prmces, while
he would not take office undei them Oompai e in Pt I iv , Pt II iv. et
al On the nature of Mencius' defence of hib practice, see what I have said
in the sketch of his Life and Character in the Piolegomena
The Ode quoted from is the 8th of Book IX Pt L

OH XXXTTI How A. SCHOLAR SHOTTLD PREPABE HIMSELF FOB THI,

DUTIES TO WHIOH HE ASPIBKS

Pur 1 Teen was, piobably, a son of king Seuen of Ts f e In the time of
the Waning States, the number of wandering scholars, seeking to be em
ployed, had gieatly increased They weie no f.ivouutes with Mencius, but
he heie answeis the pimca according to his ideal of the scholar

JPar 3 On benevolence as man's dwelling-place, and i ighteousness as
man's path, see VI Pt I xi We can hardly understand "the gieat man "
hei e as in xix 4 There it denotes sages, the highest style of man , here,
the individuals in the various grades of official employment, with an impli-
cation, perhaps, that tuch a scholar was fit for the highest office

OH XXXIV HOW MBIT JUDGE WRONGLY OP CHABAOTEB, OVEBLOOKESTG,
IN" THBJB ADMIRATION OS OWE EOOEXTBIC EXaHLWa.tfCJS!, GREAT FAILURES
AND DEFICIENCIES

Chung- ts^e or Mr Chung, is the Ch c m Chung of HX Pt IE x , which

360 THE WORKS OP MfflXCIUS. [BK VII.

tszej he would not receive it , and all men believe in him
[as a man of the highest worth] But this is [only] the
righteousness which* declines a small basket of rice and a
dish of soup A man can have no greater [crimes] than to
disown his parents and relatives,, and [the relations of]
ruler and minister, superiors and inferiors. How can it be
allowed to give a man credit for the great [excellences] be-
cause he possesses a small one "

XXXV. 1 T'aou Ymg asked, saying, " Shun being
emperor, and ELaou Yaou chief minister of justice, if Koo-
sow had murdered a man, what would have been done in
the case ? "

2. Mencms said, " [Kaou Yaou] would simply have appre-
hended him/-'

8 " But would not Shun have forbidden such a thing ? '*

4. ee Indeed/' was the reply, <c how could Shun have for-
bidden it ? [The other] had received [the law] from a
proper source "

5. "In that caso what would Shun have done ? "

6 [Mencias] said, ee Shun would have regarded aband-
oning all under heaven as throwing away a worn-out Randal.
He would privately have taken [his father] on his back, and
withdrawn into concealment, living somewhere on the sea-
board. There he would have been all his life, cheerful and
happy, forgetting the empire "

XXXYI. 1. Mencius, going from Fan to [the capital

chapter should he read in connexion with this On declining a btnall basket
of rice, &o , see VI Pt I x 6

CH XXXV WHAT SHUN AND HIS MINISTER OP JUSTICE WOULD HAVE

DONE IF SHUNTS FATHER HAD OOMMITTBD A MUBDKR

Par 1 T'aou Ying, it ib buppobed, wets a disciple of Mencms We haidly
know anything more of him thaa what appeaia heie bee Kaou Yaou'b ap-
pointment to be minister of Justice in the Book of Histoiy II i 20

Par 2 He would have apprehended Koo-bow, and dealt with him ao-
cordiug to hia onrae

Pai 4 The "pi oper source" fiom which Kaou Yaou had received the
law, and especially that of death ior the muideiei, was Heaven See Kaou
Yaou'b " Counsels " in the Book of Histon , II in

Par 6 This is Mencius' view of what Shun would have done accoiding
to the Chinese idea, of the relation of father and son

CH. XXXVI, How ONB'S ELEVATED SOCIAL POSITION AFFECTS HIS AIB>

AND M0CH MOKE MAY A SCHOLAR'S POSITION BE EXPECTED TO DO fcO,

FI I CH 3SXVII1 ] TSTN BUT. 361

of] Ts'e, saw the sons of tlie king of TVe at a distance, and
said with a sigh, " One's position alteis the air, [just as]
the nurture alters the body Great is [the influence of]
position 1 Are not [we] all men's sons ? "

2 Mencius said, " The residences, the carriages and
horses, and the dress of kings' sons, are mostly the same
as those of other men That the king's sons look so is
occasioned "by their position, how much more should [a
peculiar air distinguish] him whose position is in the wide
house of the whole world '

3 t( When the ruler of Loo went to Sung, he called out
at the Teeh-chih gate, the warder of which said, e This is
not our ruler, "but how like is his voice to our ruler's ' '
This was occasioned by nothing but the correspondence of
their positions "

XXXV7I 1 Mencius said, "To feed [a scholar] and
not lore him. is to treat him as a pig , to love him and not
respect him is to keep him as a domestic animal

2. " Honouring and respecting aie what should exist
befoie any offering of gifts

3 " If there be honouung and respecting without [that]
reality of them, a superior man cannot be retamed by such
empty [demonstrations] .*'

XXXVIII. Mencius said, fc The bodily organs and the

Par 1 Fan was at this time a oity of TVe, and still gives its name to a
district of Puh Chow, in the depaitment of Tung-ch<ang Chaou K'e says
that it was an appanage of the kind's t.on-3 by his concubines We cannot
tell, however, whethei it was in Fan, or affcei hib ai rival at the capital, that
Menciua saw the king's aon or tons The laht sentence may alfao be under-
stood "Are not they the king's sons all men's sons? "

Pat 2 " The wide house of the world " see III Pt II n 3.

Pa ) 3 The T'eeh ohih was the gate of the capital of Sung on the east

CH XXX.VIT THAT HE BE BEALLY RESPECTED SHOULD BB ESSENTIAL
TO A SCHOLAR'S BEMAINIKG IN THE SEBVIOE OF A PBINOE

This* utterance was, no doubt, diawn forth by the conduct of the wander-
ing scholar^ of Menoiua' time, who were glad to be at a court foi what they
could get Tbeie is admonition in itnUo to the kinglets and princes, who
thought it enough, in order to get help from men who might be really
scholars, +o support them

CH XXXVIII ONLY BY A SAGE ABB THE BODILY OBQANS AND THE

SENSES USED AOCOBDING TO THEIB DESIGN,

362 THE WORKS OF IOJITGIUS. TBK vu.

manifestations of sense belong to the heaven-conferred
nature. But a man must be a sage, and then he may satisfy
[the design of] his bodily oiganization "

XXXIX. 1. King Seuen of Ts'e wanted to shorten the
period of mourning Kung-sun Ch'ow said, " To have a
whole year's mourning is better than doing away with it
altogether "

2 jMencius said, f< That is just as if there were one twist-
ing round the arm of his elder brother,, and you were mei ely
to say to him, c Gently, gently, if you please ' Your only
course should be to teach him filial piety and fratemal
duty."

3 [At that time] the mother of one of the king's sons had
died,, and his tutor asked for him that he might be allowed
some months' 9 mourning Kung-sun Ch f ow said, "What do
you say to this ? *'

4 "This is a case/' was the reply, " where the party wishes
to complete the whole peiiod, but finds it impossible to do
so ; the addition of a single day is better than not mourning
at alL I spoke of the case where there was no hmdiauce and
the thing was not done "

XL 1 Mencius said, ff There are five ways by which the
superior man teaches.

Mencius' meaning is that, besides his body and hia senses, man hns his
mind, with the principles of benevolence, righteousness propuety, and
knowledge, and the mind ought to rule the body This is the will of
Heaven *

OH XXXIX EBPROOF OF KUNG-SUN CH'OW FOB SEEMING TO

TO THE PBOPOSAI/ TO SHORTEN THE PEBIOD OF MOUllNlNG- OompaiO
XVII xxi

Pan I The mourning heie lefeired to was that of three years for a pa-
rent , but perhaps the king wanted to shorten the period m other cases as
well

Par 3 The " king's son " here, it 13 supposed, was a son by a concubine,
end he was prevented by the jealous or other^ opposition ot the queen proper
Irom. completing the full period of mourning" We cannot say whether this
was the case or not Other explanations of it have been devised , but it is
not worth while to discuss them

CH XL FIVE WAYS nsr WHICH THE TEACHING OF THE SXTPEBIOB MAN

IS ITFPEOTED.

PUT 1. The wish of the superior man in all cases is one and the same, to

PT I. CH ZLI ] TSnr SIN. 363

2 " There are some on whom his transforming influence
comes like seasonable rain

3 " There are some whose virtue he perfects., and some
to whose talents he gives their development

4 " There are some whose inquiries he answers

5. ec There are some who privately make themselves good,
and correct themselves [from his example and recorded les-
sons]

6 ff These five are the ways by which the superior man
teaches "

XLI 1 Kung-sun Ch'ow said, " Lofty are your doctrines
and admirable, but [to learn them] may well be likened to
ascending the heavens , they seem to be unattainable * Why
not [adctpt them] so as to make those [learners] consider
them nearly within their reach, and so daily exerb them-
selves P "

2 Mencius said, " A great artificer does not, for the sake
of a stupid workman, alter or do away with the marking-line
E did not, for the sake of a btupid archer, change his rule
for drawing the bow to the full

3 " The superior man draws the bow to the full, but does
not discharge the arrow ; in a way, [however,] which makes

teach His methods aie modified, however, by the different characfceis of
men Five methods are specified heie, and VI Pt I xvi gives us another

Par 2 This cla&s only want the influence of the supenoi man, as plants
need the lam and dew So was it, it is faaid, with Confuoiub and his dis-
ciples Yen Hwuy and Tsang-tsze

Pat 3 So wat. it with Confuoms and the viituous Jen K'ew and Mm
Tsze-k'een, with the talented Ts/e-loo and Tbze-kung

Pa 1 ) 4 So was it with Confucius and Fan-ch'e (Ana H v et al ), with
Mencius and "Wan Chang

Pat 6 So was it with Confucius and Ch'm K'ang (Ana XVI xni ), with
Mencius and E Che (III Ft I v ) The best example of the case, howevei,
is that of the influence of Confucius on our philobophei (IV Pt II xxu.J

CH SLI THE TEACHES OF TEUTH MTTST HOT LOWER HIS DOCTBINES TO

ADAPT THEM TO THE CAPACITY OP HIS LTUtt.NEBS A LESSON TO KUNG-

sxnsr CH'OW

Par 2 B , see IV Pt IT xxiv et al

Par 8 'In a way, however, which makes the thing leap before the
leainer, " the phrase, "leaping-like," which requires to be so mnch sup-
plementedj is difficult It belongs, I think, to the superior man in all the
action which is represented No man can be taught how to hit , t licit is
every man's own act But he is taught to shoot, and that m so li\ ely a manner,

864 THE WORKS OF MEKC1TT3. [BK VII

the thing leap [before the learner] [So] does he stand in
the middle of the light path , those who are able follow
him"

XLIL 1 Mencms said, "When right ways prevail through-
out the kingdom, one's pimciples appear with one's person.
When right ways disappear from the kingdom, one's person
must vanish along with one's principles

2 ' ' I have not heard of one's principles being dependent
for their manifestation on other men "

XLin 1 The disciple Kung-too said, "When Kang of
T'3,ng appeared at your gate, it seemed proper that a polite
consideration should be shown to him, and yet you did not
answer him , why was that ? "

2 Mencius replied, "I do not answer him who questions
me presuming on his ability, nor him who presumes on his
talents and virtue, nor him who presumes on his age, nor
him who presumes on services performed to me, nor him
who presumes on old acquaintance I answer in none of
these cases And K2,ng of T^ng was chargeable with two
of them. J '

XLIY 1. Mencius said, ""He who stops short where

that the hitting also is, as it were, set foi th before him So with the teacher
and learner of truth As the learner tues to do as he is taught, he will be
found laying hold of what seemed unappioaohable

OH. XLII ONE MUST LIVE OB DIB WITH HIS PBINCIPLES, ACTING FROM

HIMSELF, NOT WITH BJEQABD TO OTHER MEN

A man must direct his oouise fiom his own conviction of what is right,
appearing in office when it is befitting, disappeaung in obscurity, when to be
in office would be inconsistent with hia principles

OH XLIII DlFFEBFNT GLASSES WHOM! MENCIUS WOULD NOT EJECETVB
INTO HIS SCHOOL HOW HE BEQUIBED THE SIMPLE PURSUIT OF TiiUTH
IN THOSE WHOM HE TAUGHT Compile VI Ft II 11

Par 1 Eliing of T*n was, it is baid, a younger brothei of the i uler of
T'ang His rank made Kung-too suppose that more than ordinal y respect
should have been shown to him, and yet it was one of thObe thingn, no
doubt, which made Mencius jealously watch hih spmt

Par 2 The two things on which Kang presumed were, it is supposed, his
rank and nib talents and virtue

OH XLIV WHBJER VIBTUES ARE WANTING, DECENCIES CANNOT BK
EXPECTED. PRECIPITATE ADVANCES AKTC FOLLOWED BY SPEEDY EJBTKEATS.

PT I. CH. XLVI ] TSIN SIN 865

stopping is not proper will stop short in everything He
who behaves shabbily to those whom he ought to treat well
will behave sha"bbily to all

2 cc He who advances with precipitation will retire with
speed."

XLV Mencms said, ff In regard to the [inferior] creatures,
the superior man is loving, but does not show benevolence
In regard to people generally, he exercises benevolence but
is not affectionate He is affectionate to his parents, and
exercises benevolence to people generally He exercises
benevolence to people generally^ and is loving to [inferior]
creatures "

XL VI. 1 Mencius said, " The wise embrace all knowledge,
but they are most earnest about what they ought to be most
concerned about. The benevolent embrace all in their love,
but to be earnest in cultivating an affection for the worthy is
what most concerns them. [Even] the knowledge of Taou
and Shun did not extend to everything^ but they were
earnest about what first concerned them. The benevo-
lence of Yaou and Shun did not show itself in [acts of] love to
every man, but they were earnest in cultivating 1 an affection
for the worthy

2 C H"ot to be able to keep the three years* mourning, and
to be very particular about that of three months, or that of

CH XLY THE DIFFERENT SPHERES OF ENDNESS OB LOVINGNESS, OF

BENEVOLENCE, AND OF AFFECTION

Oorapaie the language of Confucius on the graduated scale of regard and
behaviour fco different classes of men in the Doctrine of the Mean, XX 12
The utteiance here was directed, moat piobably, against the Mihiat doctrine
of loving all equally

CH XL VI ON KNOWING AND PTJBSUING WHAT is MOST IMPOBTANT TO

BB KNOWN AND PUBSUKD iLLUBTBATIp BY THE OASES OF YAOU AN0

SHtJN, AND BY OPPOSITE INSTANCES

Par 1 See the conversation of Oonfacius with Fan Oh'e in Ana XII
rxxu , where the principles enunciated here by Menoms are implied The
first two Parts of the Book of History may also be referred to In them
we have Yaou and Shun looking out for the best men whom they could be
friendly with and employ, and attending to the things which in their tune
and en cum stan cea were moat reqtined for the well-being of the empire

Pur % The illustiationa here are of men neglecting what is impoitant,
and concerned about what is trivial in comparibon For the references

366 THE WORKS OP MENCIUS. [BK VII

five months , to eat immoderately and swill dowa the drmk,
and [at the same time] to inquire about [the precept] not
to tear off the flesh with the teeth , such things illustrate
what I say about not knowing what is most to be attended
to.' 1

BOOK yn.

TSIN SIN PAET II

CHAPTER I. 1 Mencms said, ff Opposite indeed of benevo-
lent was king Hwuy of Leang ' The benevolent begin
with what they [most] love, and proceed to what they do not
[so naturally] love Those who are not benevolent, begin-
ning- with what they do not [so naturally] love, proceed to
what they [most] love "

2 Kung-sun Oh/ow said, " What do you mean ? " [Men-
cms replied], "Bang Hwuy of Lcang, for the matter of
territory, tore and destroyed his people by employing them
in fighting. Having sustained a great defeat, he wished to
fight again , and, fearing lest the people should not be able
to get the victory, ho urged his son, a youth, whom lie
loved, [to take the command,] and sacrificed him with them.
This is what I call beginning with what they do not [so
naturally] love, and proceeding to what they [most] love ;;

to customs at meals, see the Le Ke, I Pt I ui 54 59 To tear off the
roasted meat from a bone with the teeth was but a small mattei compared
with such an exhibition of gluttony as the olhei clauses apeak of

OH I THE OPPOSITE WAYS OF THE BENEVOLENT AND THOSE WHO ARE
NOr BENEVOLENT AN EMPHATIC CONDEMNATION OF KINS HWOT OF
LEANG

Par 1 King Hwuy of Leant? , see on I Pt I i 1 See the gradation
of loving regaids in the benevolent m Pt I xlv With what is said of those
who are not benevolent, we may compare Pt I xbv

Pa t 2 " "He tore and lacerated his people , ' the characters suggest the
idea of the king's dealing with his people as nee is dealt with when it is
"boiled to a pulpy mass w He sacunced hia son , " see I Pt I v, 1.

PI' IT CH III ] TSIN SIN. 367

II. 1 Mencms said, "In the f Sprrog and Antunm ' there
are no righteous wars Instances indeed there are of one
war better than another

2 " f Punitive expeditions' are when the supreme authori-
ty smites its subjects Hostile States conduct DO punitive
expeditions against one another/ 3

III 1 Mencius said, ee It would be better to be without
the Book of History than to give entire credit to it

2 " I*, the ' Successful Completion of the War * I select
two or three passages only,, [and repose entire credit in
them]

3 ' ' The benevolent manhas no enemy under heaven When
[the prince] the most benevolent was attacking- him who
was the most the opposite, how could the blood have flowed
till it floated the pestles of the mortars ? "

CH IT HOW ALL THE FIGHTINGS IN THE CH'lTN TS'EW WEBE TJNBTGHT-
EOUS A WARNING- TO THE WARRING ST VTE3 OF MBNOIUS 1 TIME

Pdi 1 " The fepi ingaud Autumn , " see the 5th volume of mv laie;ei woik,
" The Ch'un Ts'ew, with the TsoChuen " "Wdi^ , " the term, accoidmgto the
plnaseology of the Rpimgand Autumn, should be ti instated ""battles, " but
Mencius meant, I believe, to mdic ite by it all the opu.xtiont of wai mentioned
in the Classic of Confucius We ha\e theie 23 battles 01 faghtiiig^, 213
attacks 01 smitmgs, with a multitude of "mcuibionb," ' biegeb," "cauyings
away," "BUI puses," Sec

Pat 2 " Punitive,' 01 perhaps fiom the composition of tlie Chinese teira,
I should sny corrective, " expeditions " were competent only to the lung,
who might ceiry them out in his own person, 01 entiutt tlieru to oue of the
princet., or to a combination of them And some ot the piesidentb of the
States m the Ch'un IVew period might in a meaauie plead hib delegation lor
then pi oceedings Compare what Menciuss sayb IQ VI Pt II vii 2

CH ITI WITH WHAT ABATEMENT OF FAITH IN IT MENCHUS K&AD THE
BOOK OF HISTORY

Pa? 1 The utterance here seems at fiist sight of it m Chinese to mean
" It would be better to have no books, than to put entne credit in them , "
but the refei ence in par 2 shows that Mencius had in mind " the Book "
$ar excellence, the Book of Histoiy.

Pan 2 See the Book of History, V 111 The pai refened to in the next
par heie, about tlie bloodshed, is the 9th " Pa&bages " is literally " tablets, 1 '
referring to the blips of wood or bamboo, on which the characteis were
pricked out with a stylus

Pai 8 The slaughtei here de<5oribed was made by the forces of the tyrant
Chow taming agamst one another, and not by the troops of " the most bene^
volent " king Woo The amount ot it is piobably exaggeiated , but some-
thing of the kind is easily conceivable

Some writers think that Meucius expressed himself so strongly, foreseeing

368 THE WORKS OF ie;Ncnrs. [BK vn

IV 1. Mencius said., " There are some wlio Hay, c We are
skilful at marshalling troops , we are skilful at conducting-
battles ' They are great criminals

2. " If the ruler of a State love benevolence, he will have
no adversary under heaven

3. u When [T'ang] was conducting his punitive expedi-
tions in the south, the rude tribes on the north murmured.
When he was doing so in the east, the rude tribes on the
west murmured Their cry was^ ' Why does he make us
last ? >

4 " When king Woo attacked Yin, he had [only] three
hundred chariots of war, and three thousand guards

5. " The king said, < Do not fear Let me give you re-
pose. I am no enemy to the people * [On this] they
bowed their heads to the ground, like the horns [of animals]
falling off

6 " The phrase f punitive expedition ' has in it the mean-
ing of correction Each [State] wishing to have itself cor-
rected, what need is there for fighting ? "

V. Mencius said,, "Cabinet-makers, builders, wheel-

what precedents for their abnormal courses might in future time be sought
in the Book of History by rebels and oppressors Compare our philosopher's
rule for the interpretation of the Book of Poetry In V Pt I. iv 2

CH IV COUNSEL INTENDED FOB BULEBS, THAT THEY SHOULD NOT

ALLOW THEMSELVES TO BE DECEIVED BY MEN WHO WOULD ADVISE THEM

TO WAS GBAND SUCCESS is TO BE OBTAINED BY BENEVOLENCE

Pai. 1. Compare IV Pt I xiv , and VI. Pt II ix

Pat 2 See the saying at the beginning of par 3 of the preceding chap-
ter.

Par. 3 See I Pt* II xi 2 et al

Par. 4. In the Preface to the Book of History, par 3, it is said that on
the occasion referied to here Woo had 300 war chariot^ and 300 guards
Much has been written on the difference between the two statements, but it
is needless to enter here on the matter Mencius wants to show that Woo's
forces weie very small as compared with thote df his opponent , and so,
no doubtj they weie

Par o See the Book of Hihtory, V i Pt II 9 , but the text of that
Classic is hardly recognisable in Mencius' version of it, and the meaning of
Woo's ^ords in the two Woiks is different I do not know how to account
for the different texts

Par. 6 See the note on par. 2 of chapter n

CH Y REAL ATTAINMENTS MUST BE MADE BY THE LEAJRETEB FOB HIM-

PT II CH. VID ] TSIN SIN. 869

wrights, and cairiage-lmilders can give to a man the com-
pass and square, bat they cannot make him. skilful [in the
use of them] "

"VI Mencius said, fc Shun ate [his] parched grain,
and partook of [his] coarse herbs, as if he were to be doing
BO all his life When he became emperor, and had tho em-
broidered robes to wear, [his] lute to play on, and [Yaou/s]
two daughters to wait on him, he was as if those things be-
longed to him as a matter of course."

VTI Mencius said, "From this time forth I know the
heavy consequences of killing a man's near relations When
a man kills another's father, that other will kill his father;
when a man kills another's elder brother, that other will
kill his elder brother So he does not himself indeed do
the act, but there is only a [small] interval [between nun
and it] "

VIII 1 Mencius said, cc Anciently, the estabh.sh.ment
of frontier-gates was to guaid against violence
2 " Now-a-days,, it is to exercise violence "

For the general sentiment compare Pfc I xli The same names of woikers
in wood, &o , occur in III. Pt II. iv

CH. VI THE EQUANIMITY OB- SHUN IN POVEBTT AND AS EMPBBOB

OH VH THE THOUGHT OP ITS CONSEQUENCES SHOULD MAKE MEN

CAREFUL OF THEIB CONDUCT ILLUSTRATED BY THE BESULT OF KILLING-
THE NEAB BELATI7BS OF ANOTHEB

This remark was made, probably, as observed by Chpo He, with reference
to some paiticular case which had come under Mencius' obseivation It was
a maxim of Chinese society, sanctioned by Confucius, that " a man should
not live under the same heaven with the slayer of his father, nor in the
same State with the slayer of his elder brother "

CH Ym THE BENEVOLENCE OF ANCIENT BULE AND THE SELFISHNESS

OF MODEBN SEEN IN THE ^REGULATIONS ABOUT THE FBONTIEB-QATES

Far I Anciently the object contemplated by these gates was to prevent
the ingress or egress of paitaes dangerous to the State

Par 2 In Mencius' time they were maintained chiefly for the collection
of duties Compare n Pt I v 8

VOL rr, 24:

370 THE WORKS OP MENCIT7S [BK YTI

IX. Mencius said, cc If a man do not himself walk in the
right way, it will not be walked in [even] by his wife and
children. If he order others but not according to the nght
way, he will not be able to get the obedience [even] of his
wife and children "

X Mencms said, " A bad year cannot prove the cause
of death to him whose [stores of] what is needful are com-
plete, an age of corruption cannot throw him into disorder
whose [equipment of] virtue is complete."

XI Mencius said, " A man who loves fame may be able
to decline a kingdom of a thousand chariots , but if he be
not [really] the man [to do such a thing], it will appear in
his countenance in the matter of a small basket of rice, or a
dish of soup."

XII. 1 Mencius said, te If the benevolent and worthy be
not confided in, a State will become empty and void

2. te Without the rules of propriety and distinctions of
what is right, high and low will be thrown into confusion

OH IX HOW A MAN'S INFLUENCE DEPENDS ON HIS OWN EXAMPLE AND
PBOCEDUBE

His wife and children are the most amenable to a man's example and
orders, but unless he is all nght in his example and piocedure, they will not
be or do what is right , how much less other men 1 On the latter part
compare Ana XIII xiu

OH X COKBUPT TIMES ABE PEOVIDED AG-AINST BY ESTABLISHED VIE-

TUB. Compare the Doctrine of the Mean, XX 16

OH XI A MAN'S TEtTE DISPOSITION WILL APPEAR IN SMALL MATTERS,
WHKKT A LOVE OF FAME MAY HAVE ENABLED HIM TO DO GEE AT THINGS

Choo He says on this " A man is seen not so much in things that re-
quire an effort as in things which he thinks little of By beaiinx this in mind
when we observe him, we can see what he really rests in " Chaou K'e, on
the contrary, takes the ntteiance superficially, as an approval of the love of
fame

CH. "S"rr THREE THINGS A me ESSENTIAL TO THE WELL-BEING OF A
STATE THB RIGHT MEN , THE ETJLES OF PEOPEIETY , AND WISE AD-
MINISTRATION.

Par. 1 This condition not obtaining, such men will leave the State, and
thpn. it will become AS if no men weie in it

PI IT CH. XIV ] TSIN SLN. 371

3 fc Without the various business of government, there
will not be resources sufficient for the expenditure "

XIII Mencius said, ec There aie instances of individuals
without benevolence who have got possession of a [single]
State, but there is no instance of the whole kingdom's being
got by one without benevolence "

XTV 1. Mencius said, e< The people are the most import-
ant element [in a country] , the Spnits of the land and
grain are the next ; the ruler is the lightest

2. " Therefore to gam the peasantry is the way to be-
come the son of Heaven , to gain the son of Heaven is the
way to become the prince of a State , to gain the prince of
a State is the way to become a great officer

8 ee When the pnnce of a State endangers the altars of
the Spirits of the land and grain, he is changed and another
appointed [in his place]

Par 3 The various business of government lefers to all the sources of
le venue and their administration

CH XIIT ONLY BY THE BENEVOLENT CAN THE KINGDOM BE GOT
A commentator observes "Fiom the dynasty of Ts'in downwaids, there
have been cases when the empire was got by men without benevolence , but
it has been lost again in such instances after one or two leigns "

CH XIV THE DIFFERENT CONSTITUENTS OF A COUNTRY IN RESPECT OF

THEIE IMPORTANCE , THE RDXBB, THE TUTELARY SPIRITS, AND THE

PEOPLE

Par 1 Translated into our modes of thinking, the three elements in a nation
would be, the ruler, the established religion, and the people It is not easy
to determine the exact foi.ce of the terms by which the second element is
described , whethei we are to understand merely the altars to the tutelary
Spirits, or those Spirits themselves Ohoo He takes the formei view , other
commentators maintain the latter , and with them I am inclined to agree
Of course when the presiding Spirits were changed, the place and form of
their altars might also be changed

Par 2 This shows that the people are the most important constituent in
a countiy " The peasantry " is here equivalent to " the people," the land
being the source of the maintenance of all classes, and the original consti-
tution of the Chinese nation as a whole, as well as of every State, being
based on a recognition of this Even, the highest authority therefore came
ftom the people.

Pcvr 8. This shows that the tutelary Spirits of a State weie of more im-
portance than its ruler.

372 THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS [fiK VII

4 "When the saciificial victims have been perfect, tlie
millet in its vessels all pure., and the sacrifices offered at
their proper seasons, if there yet ensue drought or inunda-
tions, then the altars of the Spirits of the land and grain are
changed, and others appointed.-"

XV Mencius said, " A sage is the teacher of a hundred
generations 3 this is true of Pih-e and Hwuy of Lew-he a
Therefore when men [now] hear the character of Pih-e, the
corrupt become pure, and the weak acquire determination
When they hear the character of Hwuy of Lew-hea, the
mean become generous, and the niggardly become liberal
[Those two] made themselves distinguished a hundred
generations back, and, a hundred generations after them,
those who hear of them are all aroused [in this mannei]
Could such effects be produced by them if they had not been
sages ? And how much more did they affect those who
were in contiguity with them and warned by them ! "

XYI Mencius said, ec By benevolence is meant [the dis-
tinguishing characteristic of] man When it is embodied in
man's conduct,, we have what we call the path [of duty] "

XVII. Mencius said, ce "When Confucius was about to leave
Loo, he said, c I will go by and by ; ' it was right that he
should leave the State of his parents in this way When he

Par 4: This shows that the people were still more important than the
tutelary Spirits They were appointed and worshipped for the good of the
people , the people did not exist foi them. No chapter in his Woikb shows
the boldness of Mencius' thinking more than this.

OH XV THAT PIH-E AND HWUY OF LEW-HEA WEBB SAQHS is PROVED

BY THE PEBMAHENCBJ OF THEIR INFLUENCE

Oornpaie V Pt II i , and the references there given I do not think that
Mencius intended sages here to be understood in the highest sense of the
name Confucius is " the teacher of ten thousand genera tious "

CH XVI, THE PBINCTPLE OF BENEVOLENCE IN MAN'S NATURE, AND IN

HIB CONDUCT

Compare VI. Pt I zi I. See also tho Doctrine of the Meazi, 3E3T 5

OH. 31VII THE DIFFERENT WAYS IN WHICH CONFUCIUS LEFT Loo AND

T&'B,

See V Pt II i 4

FT II CH XX ] TSIN" SIN 373

was leaving Ts'e, lie took with his hands the water from the
rice which was being washed in it, and went away [with the
rice uncooked] , it was right he should leave another State in
this way "

XVIII. Mencius said, <( The reason why the superior man
was reduced to straits between Ch f in and Ts'ae was because
none of the rulers or of their ministers communicated with
him"

XIX 1 Mih E?e said, " Greatly am I without anything
to depend on from the mouths [of men] "

2 Mencius replied, (( There is no harm in that. Scholars
suffer more than others from the mouths of people.

3 ""It is said in the Book of Poetry^

* My anxious heart is full of trouble ,
I am hated by the herd of mean people *

[Such was the case of] Confucius. And again,

4 Though he could not prevent the rage [of his foes],
He did not let fall his own fame '

[Such was the case of] king WZn "

XX Mencius said, tf [Anciently] } men of virtue and tal-
ents by means of their own enlightenment made others en-

CH XVIII THE BEASON OF CONFUCIUS BEING IN STBAITS BETWEEN
CH'IN AND TS'AE

See Ana XI n , which puts it beyond doubt that by " the superior man "
here we are to understand Confucius fao to designate him, however, is not
after the usual style of our philosopher.

OH XIX MENCIUS COMFOBTS ONE MIH K'E UNDER CALUMNY BY THE

BEFLEOTION THAT DISTINGUISHED MEN WEBB MOBE ESPECIALLY EXPOSED
TO SUCH A THING

Par 1. Mih K'e was, it is supposed, a seholai of the tame He was
smarting, we must assume, under some calumny when lie had this conversa-
tion with Mencius

Par. 8 See the Book of Poetry, Pt,I in, Ode I 4, and Ft HI i Ode
IIL 8 It is difficult to see why Mencius should apply the formei passage
to Confucius, and the latter to king Wan

CH. *xy How OF OLD MEN OP WOBTH LED ON MEN BT THEIR EXAMPLE,

374 THE WOEKS OP MENCIUS. [BE VII

lightened Now-a-days, [those who would be deemed such,
seek] by means of their own darkness to make others en-
hghtened "

"X"XT Mencius said to Kaou-tsze, "There are the narrow
foot-paths along the hills,, if suddenly they be used 3 they
become roads, and if in a short space they are [again] dis-
used, the wild grass fills them, up Now the wild grass is
filling up your mind, Sir "

XXII. 1 Kaou-tsze said, " The music of Tu was better
than that of king Wan "

2 Mencius asked, cc On what ground do you say so ? " and
the other replied, " Because the knob of [YVs] bells is near-
ly worn through "

3 Mencius rejoined,, " How can that be a sufficient proof ?
Have the ruts at a city-gate been made [merely"] by the two-
horsed carriage ? "

LE IN MENCTUB' TIMES IT WAS TBIEI> BY BUTLERS TO TJEGB MEN CON-

TBABY TO THEIB EXAMPLE

Of old laws and example went together in the mlmg class , in Menorag'
time theie remained the laws, but the example was all had

CH TT3TT THAT THE CULTIVATION OF THE MIND SHOULD NOT BE IN-
TERMITTED

Kaou-tsze, see on VI PtII 111 1 The individual here would seem to he
the same as the one in II Pt II xn 2 Chaou K'e says that after studying
with Mencius for borne time, and before he fully undei stood hib principles, he
went off and addicted himself to some other teacher, so that what our
philosopher here says to him was with refeience to thib couise and its con-
sequences

CH XXIT REFUTATION OF AN ABSTJBD EEMAEK OF KAOU-TSZE ABOUT

YU'S MUSIC BEDSa BETTEB THAN THAT OF KING "WlN

What Kaou insisted on as the basis of hib assertion was only the effect of
time or long use As Yu TV as long anterior to king Wan, those of his bells
which remained were necessanly more woin than the moie recent ones, but
this did not imply any superiority of the mu^ic which they made At the
entrance to a gate the road contracts, and all the cam ages which had been
distributed over its breadth are obliged to run in the same ruts, which hence
are deeper there than elsewheie How much more must this be the case
when in the case supposed we have to think of the two-horsed camageb of the
Hea dynasty, followed by the three-horbed ones of the Bhang, and those by
the four-horsed of the Chow 1

PT II OH. SXIY ] TSIN SIN. 375

1 There was a famine in Ts'e, and Ch f m Tsm said
[to Mencius], " The people are all thinking that you, Master,
will again obtain for them the opening of [the granary of]
T'ang, bat I apprehend you will not do so a second time }3

2 [IVEencius] replied,, " To do so would be to act like
Fang Foo. There was a man of that name in Tsm, distin-
guished for his skill in seizing 1 tigers He afterwards became
a scholar of reputation, and going once into the wild country,
he found a crowd in pursuit of a tiger. The tiger took re-
fuge in a corner of a hill, where no one dared to attack him ,
but when the people descried Fung Foo, they ran and met him
He [immediately] barpd his arms., and descended from his
carriage The multitude were pleased with him, but those
who were scholars laughed at him/'

XXIV 1 Mencius said, f( !Por the mouth to desire tastes,
the eye colours, the ear sounds, the nose odours, and the
four limbs ease and rest , these things are natural. But
theie is tlie appointment [of Heaven in connexion with them] ,
and the superior man does not say [in his pursuit of them],
' It is my nature/

CH XXm How MENOIUS KNEW WHERE TO STOP AND MAINTAIN HIS

OWN DIGNITY IN HIS INTERCOURSE WITH THTC PRINCES

Pat 1 Ch'm Twn, see II Pfc II in , et al. At T'ang, the name of which
is still preserved m the village of ELan-t'ang, dibtrict of Taeih-mih, depait-
menb Lae-chow, Shan-tung, the luleis of Ta'e, it would appear, kept grain
in stoie, and on some pievious ocouuenoe of famine, Menoius had advised
the king to open the granary and give out its contents In the mean time,
howevei, he had not found the king willing to*obey his higher counsels, and
intended to leave the State He considered that his work in Ts*e was done,
and that it would be inconsistent with his chaiaoter to make such an appli-
cation as he had done befoie I must believe also that the famine at this
time was not very seveie.

Par 2. It did not belong to Fung Foo, now an officer and scholar, to be
fighting with tigers and playing the pait of a biavo

CH XXIV THE SUPERIOR MAN SUBJECTS THE aRATTPicArroN OF HIS

NATURAL APPETITES TO THE WILL OF HEAVEN, AND PURSUES THE DOING-
OP GOOD WITHOUT THINKING THAT THE AMOUNT WHIOH HE CAN DO MAT
BBS LIMITED BY THAT WILL

Par 1 Every appetite naturally desnes its unlimited gratification, but a
limited amount or an entire denial of such gratification may be the will of
Heaven ; and the superior man submits to that will He holds that the
appetites belong to the pait of his constitution which is less noble , see YI.,
Pt L xiT.

376 THE WOBKS OP MENCIUS. [BK VII

2 " [The exercise of] love between father and son, [the
observance of] righteousness bet-ween ruler and minister,, the
rules of ceremony between guest and host, [the display of]
knowledge in [recognizing] the able and virtuous, and the
[fulfilling the whole] heavenly course by the sage . these
are appointed [by Heaven and may be realized in different
degrees] But there is [an adaptation of our] nature [for
them], and the superior man does not say [in reference to
them], ' There is a [limiting] appointment [of Heaven] '"

XXV 1 J3aou-s5ng Puh-hae asked, saying, " What sort
of man is Yoh-ching ? " Mencius replied, " He is a good
man, a real man "

2 " What do you mean by e A good man ? ' What do
you mean by c A real man ? 9 3)

3. The reply was, cc A man who commands our liking is
what is called good.

4. ce He whose [goodness] is part of himself is what is
called a i eal man.

5. " He whose [goodness] is accumulated in full measure
is what is called a beautiful man

6 " He whose completed [goodness] is brightly displayed
is what is called a great man.

Par 2 Underneath this paragraph there lies the Menoian dooti me of
human nature as formed foi the practice of what is good Choo He bays
well on the whole "I have heaid it observed by my master that the
things mentioned in both of these paragraphs aie in the constitution of our
nature, and are limited also^by the appointment of Heaven Mankind,
however, consider that the former five aie moie especially natuial, and,
though they may be prevented from obtaining them, still desire them , and
that the latter five are indeed appointed by Heaven, but if the fulfilment of
them does not come to them leadily, they do not go on to pat foith their
strength to attain to it On this account Meucius shows what is most im-
portant in each case, that he may induce a bioader way of thinking in icgard
to the latter class, and repiess the way of thinking in regard to the former "

CH XXV. THE CHARACTER op YOH-OHING DIFFERENT DEGREES OF

ATTAINMENT IN CHARACTER

Par 1 Chaou K*e says that Haou-s&ng Puh-hae was a man of Ts'e.
Nothing is known of him Yoh-ching, see I Pt II xvi , et al , especially
VI PtII xiv

Par* 3 It is assumed here that thd general verdict of mankind will be
on the bide of goodness Hence when a man is desirabte, and, commands
universal liking, he must be a good man.

FT II CEI XXVII ] TSIN SECT 877

7 " When this great man exercises a transforming mflu-
encej he la what is called a i>age

8 {( When the sage is beyond our knowledge, he is what
is called a spirit-man

9. " Yoh-ching is between the [first] two characters, and
below the [last] four "

XXVI 1 Mencius said, (C Those who are fleeing from
[the errors of] Mih natuially turn to Tang, and those who
are fleeing from [the errors of] Yang naturally turn to or-
thodoxy When they so turn, they should at once and sim-
ply be received

2 cc Those who now-a-days dispute with [those who had
been] Yangists and Mihists, do so as if they had been pur-
suing a stray pig, the leg of which, after they have got it
to enter the pen, they proceed to tie/'

XXVII Mencius said, " There are the exactions of hempen
cloth and silken thread, of grain, and of personal service.

Par 8 Compare with this what is said in the Doctrine of the Mean, oh.
xxiv , that " the individual possessed of complete smoeiity is like a Spirit "
It is said that the expression m the text is stronger than that there, but the
two are substantially to the same effect Ch'mg-tsze sajs here, " Sage and
beyond our knowledge denotes the utmost profundity of sage-hood, what is
unfathomable by men. We are not to suppose that above the sage there is
another style of man, the spirit-man " Some would indeed say here
" the divine man," but that is a rendering of the Chinese term which it never
admits of , and yet in applying to man the term appropriate to Him whose
way is m the sea and His judgments a great deep, Chinese writers are guilty
of blasphemy in the sense of derogating from the prerogatives of God

CH XXVT KBCOVE-RSD HERETICS SHOULD BE REOEIVBD WITHOUT

CASTING THEIE OLD H&BOBS IN THKIfi TEETH

Par I Many of the commentators protest against its being supposed
from the words of Mencius that he thought worse of the errors of i&f ih that*
he did of thoae of Yang. It is ceitamly not easy to understand the process
of conversion as indicated by our philosopher Wo must rank Yang as far
more astray than Mih "Tain to orthodoxy " is, literally, " turn to the
learned " " The learned " in Chinese phrase is equivalent to our " the or-
thodox M The name is still claimed by the followers of Confucius in oppo-
sition to the Taouists and Buddhists

Par. % Not the orthodox of China only have dealt withiecovered heretics
in the way that Mencius condemns

CH xxvii THB JTJST EXACTIONS OF THB GOYEBNMEMT SHOTTED BB

MADE DISCBIMENATINGIjY AKD

073 THE WORKS Off MENCIUS. [BK VII

The wise ruler requires but one of these [at once], defeiring
the other two If he require two of them [at once] , then
the people die of hunger If he require the three [at once] ,
then fathers and sons are separated "

XXVIII Mencms said, ct The precious things of the prince
of a State are thiee , the territory, the people., and the
business of the government If a prince value as most
precious pearls and gems, calamity is sure to befall him.-"

XXIX P'wan-shing Kwoh having obtained an official situ-
ation in Ts'e, Mencius said, et He is a dead man, P'wan-
shing Kwoh l n P f wan-shing Kwoh having been put to
death, the disciples asked, saying, " How did you know,
Master, that he would be put to death ? " Mencius replied,
""He was a man who had a little ability, but he had not
learned the great principles of the superior man. He was
just qualified to bring death upon himself, but for nothing

XXX. 1, When Mencius went to T3,ng, he was lodged in
the upper palace. A sandal in the process of making had

The tax of cloth and silk was due in summer, that of grain after harvest,
and personal service, in war, building, road-making, <fec , in winter, when it
would not interfere with the labouis of husbandly The government ought
to require them at their proper seasons, and only one at a time.

CH srxviii THE pREcidus THINGS OF THE PRINOE OF A STATE, AND

THE DANGER OF HIS OVERLOOKING THEM FOB OTHER THINGS

CH yxTT A LITTLE ABILITY, "WITHOUT A KNOWLEDGE OF GRE4.T
PRINCIPLES, MAT BE A PERILOUS THING ILLUSTRATED BY THE CASE OF
P'WAN-SHING KWOH.

Compare Confucius' prediction of the death of Tsze-Ioo , Ana XI xii
Nothing is known of the P'wan-shmg Kwoh here, though Chaou K'e says
that he had wished to be a disciple of Mencius, hat had soon gone away,
not understanding what he heard.

CH XXX. AN AWKWARD DISAPPEARANCE OF A SANDAL FROM MEN-

CTUS' LODGING HlS READINESS TO RECEIVE LEARNERS WITHOUT IN-
QUIRING INTO THEIR PAST HISTORY

T ang, see on 1 Pt IX 1111 *' The upper palaoe " was the name, piobably,

FT IT CH XXXI ] TSIN SIN. 379

"been placed there in a window, and when the keeper of the
placo [came to] look foi it, he could not find it

2. [On this], some one asked [Mencius] about the matter,
saying, " Is it thus that your followers pilfer ? " " Do you
think, Sir," was the reply, <e that they came here for the
purpose of pilfering the sandal ? " The man said, " I ap-
prehend not But you, Master, having arianged to give
lessons, do not go back to inquire into the past, and you do
not reject those who come to you If they come with the
mind [to learn], you at once receive them without any
more ado "

XXXI 1 Mencius said, ff All men have some things
whjch they cannot bear [to see] ; extend that feeling to
what 'they can bear, and the result will be benevolence All
men have some things which they will not do , extend
that feeling to the things which they do, and righteousness
will be the result

2. " If a man can give full development to the feeling
which, makes him shrink from injuring others, his benevo-
lence will be more than can be put into practice If he can
give full development to the feeling which, refuses to dig
through, or jump over [a wall, for a bad purpose], has right-
eousness will be more than can be put into practice

3. " If a man can give full development to the real feeling
[of dislike] with which lie receives [the salutation of]
' Thou/ * Thou/ he will act righteously m all places and cir-
cumstances.

of a palace in the capital of T'ang, appropriated to the lodging of honour-
able visitors

CH 2LXXI A MAN HAS ONLY TO GIVE DEVELOPMENT TO THE PRINCI-
PLES OP GOOD WHICH ABE NATUBAL TO HIM AND SHOW THEMSELVES IS
SOME THINGS, TO BE ENTIRELY GOOD AND OO ERECT

Pa? . 1 Compare II Pt I vi , et al The sentiment of this chapter is
continually insisted on "by Menoius , but it supposes that man has much
more power over himself than he leally has

Pai 3 "Thou," "Thou/* is a style of address greatly at variance with
Chinese notions of propriety It can only be used with the very young and
the very mean However it may be submitted to occasionally, there is a
real feeling of dislike to it , and if a man be as careful to ayoid all other
things which would make him be looked down upon, or liberties be taken,
him, he will everywhere quit himself as a righteous Tnan,

380 THE WORKS OB 1 MENCIUS [EK VII

4. " When a scholar speaks what he ought not to speak,
by his speaking seeking to gain some end, and when he does
not speak what he ought to speak, by his silence seeking to
gam the same end , both these cases are of a piece with
digging through or jumping over a wall "

XXXIL 1. Mencms said, " "Words which are plain and
simple, while their scope is far-reaching, are good words.
Principles which, as held, are compendious, while their ap-
plication is extensive, are good principles The words of the
superior man do not go below the girdle, but [great] prin-
ciples are contained in them

2. " The principle which the superior man holds is that of
personal cultivation, bat all under heaven is thereby tran-
quillized

3 Cl The disease of men is this that they neglect their
own fields and go to weed the fields of others, and that what
they require from others is great, while what they lay upon
themselves is light "

XXXIII. 1. Mencms said, " Yaou and Shun were what
they were by nature , T'ang and Woo were so by returning
to [their natural virtues]

2. fe When all the movements in the countenance and
every turn [of the body], are exactly according to propriety,

CH XXXII THE WAY TO ABBIVE AT WHAT is BEMOTE is TO ATTEND
TO WHAT IS NEAE WHAT ABB GOOD WOBDS AND GOOD PRINCIPLES
THEREIN MEN EBB IN DEALING WITH THEMSELVES AND OTHEB&

Par 1. "Do not go below the giidle," bee the Book of Kites, I Ft II
ch. 111 14:, where we have the mle for looking at the sovereign, the eye&
not going above his collar nor below his gndle Geneially, the ancient mle
was not to look at a person below the girdle, so that all above might be
considered as plain and near, beneath the eyes Chaou K'e says merely that
" words not below the girdle are from near the heart "

jPai 2. This is the explanation ot good principles*- compendious, but of
extensive application It is a good summaiy of the teaching of " The
Great Learning "

OH XXXIII. THE VIBTUE OP THE HIGHEST SAGES, AND HOW OTHEB MEN

MAY TBY TO FOLLOW IT

Par 1. Compare Pt I xxx

Peer. 2 Here is the highest virtue, where everything Is done right, with
no motive beyond the doing so If the dead be mourned for as the tribute

FT II CH XXXV ] TSTN SIN 381

that sliows tlie greatest degree of complete virtue Weeping
for the dead [should be] the expression of [real] sorrow,
and not as the [proper affection] of the living The regu-
lar path of virtue [is to be pursued] without any bend,
from no view to emolument Words should be in themselves
sincere, not with a desire to make one's conduct [appear to
be] correct

3 "" The superior man obeys the law [of right], and waits
simply for what is appointed."

XXXIV 1 Mencius said, " Those who give counsel to
great men should despise them, and not look at their pomp
and display

2 " Halls several times eight cubits high, with beams
projecting at the eaves several cubits, these, if T could
realize my wishes, I would not have Food spread before
me over ten cubits square, and attendant girls to the num-
ber of several hundred , these, if I could realize nay
wishes, I would not have Pleasure and drinking, and the
dash of hunting, with a thousand chariots following after
me , these, if I could realize my wishes, I would not have.
What they esteem are what I would have nothing to do with ;
what I esteem are the rules of the ancients Why should I
stand in awe of them ? "

XXXV Mencius said, "Tor nourishing the mind there LS
nothing better than to make the desnes few Here is
a man whose desires are few there may be some [right

due to them from the living, a depraving element has been admitted into
the gnef

Par 3 Here is a virtue equally coarrect as the above, but fiom an intel-
lectual constiamt

OH XXXIV HE WHO UNDEBTAKFS TO COUNSEL THE GREAT SHOULD

IN HIS TASrES AND PRINCIPLES BE FAB ABOVE THEM

Pat I The " great men " here are merely the socially great Mencius
had special reference to tbe pimoee and nobles of his time, dignified by theor
position, but with no con esponding moral qualities

Par 2 This IB a good description of Mencius' own tastes and principles.,
but it is somewhat magniloquent.

CH XXXV THE BEGHTLATION OF THE DESIBES is ESSENTIAL TO THE

HEALTHY MORAL NOtTBIBHMElTT OF THE MIND

A tiuly valuable utteiance.

332 THE WORKS OF MENCTUS. [BK VII

qualities] not kept in Iris heart, "but tliey will bo few Here
is a man ^hose desires are many } theie may be some
[right qualities] kept in his heart, but they will be few "

XXSYI 1 Menoius said, (f Tsang Seih was fond of
sheep-dates, and [his son] TsSng-tsze could not bear to
eat them."

2 Kung-sun Ch/ow asked, saying, {C Which is better,
minced meat and loastecj meat, or sheep- dates ? "
Mencius said, <e Mince and i oast-meat to be sure ' " Kung-
sun Ch/ow went on, " Then why did Tbung-tsze eat mince
and roast-meat, while he would not eat sheep-dates ? "
ff For mince and i oast-meat," was the reply, "theie is a
common liking, while that for sheep-dates was pecuhai
We avoid the name, but do not avoid the surname. The
surname is common, but the name is peculiar 3)

XXXVII 1. Wan Chang asked, saying, ef Confucius, when
he was in Ch'm, said, ' Why not return 9 The scholars of
my school are aident and hasty. They advance and seize
[their object], but do not forget their early ways * When
Confucius was in Ch f in, why did he think of the ambitious
scholai s of Loo ? "

2. Mencius replied, c< Confucius, not getting men who

CH XXXVI THE FILIAL PEELING OF TSANG-TSZE SEEN IN HIS NOT

EATING SHELF'S D VIES

JPaj.l Tbang beih and Tsang-tsze, see IT Ft I xix The " sheep'b
date" was, probably, the fruit of ihe znxyphusjujuba

Par. 2. Seih s liking for the sheep's dates was peculiar, so that the sight
of them brought him vividly back to his son, who therefore could not bear
to eat such dates There aie man> lulea foi avoiding the names of paients,
ancestors, ruleis, <fcc , see the Book of Bites, I Pt I Ch v 1620 , et al.
This is peculiar, probably, to the Chinese, to avoid calling a son by the name
of the father

CH XXXVII THE CHARACTER OP MANY OF OoNFucrcrs 1 DISCIPLES THB

SAGE HAS ONE OBJECT, TO GET MEN TO PUHSUE THE PERFECT PATH
HE HATES ALL MERE SEMBLANCES, AND ESPECIALLY THOSE WHO ARE
CONSIDERED BY THE MULTITDDE GOOD, CAREFUL MEN, WHO YET HAVB
NO HIGH AIM OR AMBITION

Par 1 See Ana V xxi , though the text there is considerably different
from what we find here Peihaps Kung-sun Oh'ow quoted loosely from
memory

Par 2 Most of Mencius 1 reply here is taken, from the words of Confucius
in Ana "^TTT VTCI

FT II CH XXXVII ] TSIN SI2T. 383

would pursue the due medium, felt tliat lie must take tlie
ardent and cautiously-decided The ardent would advance
and seize [their object] , the cautiously-decided would keep
themselves from certain things It is not to be thought that
Confucius did not wish for men pursuing the due medium,
but being unable to assure himself of finding such, lie there-
fore thought of the next class "

3 " I venture to ask/ 7 [said Ch/ow,] te what sort of men
they were who could be called ' the ardent ? ' "

4 f < Such/' was the reply, " as K'm Chang, Ts&ng Seih,
and Muh P f ei were those whom Confucius styled ' the
ardent > "

5 " Why are they styled ' the ardent ? J "

6 [Mencius] said, lf Their aim led them to talk magni-
loquently, saying, * The ancients ' The ancients ' 9 But
their actions, compared with [their words] , did not come up
to them

7. " When he found that neither could he get those who
were [thus] ardent, he wished to get scholars who would
consider anything impure as beneath them, and to com-
municate [his instructions] to them These were the cau-
tiously-decided, a class next to the other "

8. [Chang pursued his questioning] , ee Confucius said,
' They are only the good careful people of the villages at
whom I feel no indignation when they pass my door without
enteimg my house Your good careful people of the vil-
lages ai e the thieves of virtue 3 What sort of people were
they who could be styled c the good careful people of the
ullages r>>

9. [Mencius replied], "They say [of the ardent], f Why are
they so magniloquent? Their words have not respect to
their actions, nor then actions to their words, and then they
say, fe The ancients ! The ancients r ** [And] why do these
[the cautiously-decided] act so pecuhaily, and carry
themselves so cold and distant ? Born in this age, we should
be of this age , to be [deemed] good is all that is needed. J

Par 4 K'm Chang was the Laou mentioned in Ana IX n 4 Ts&ng
Seih is the same who appeal s m the preceding chapter Of Muh P'ei
nothing is known

Par 8 The first part of the saying here attributed to Confucius is not
found in the Analects For the second see XVJL xui

Pat r 9 to 12 contain a good description of the parties in hand.

384 TBTE WORKS OP M^NCIUS [BK VIT.

Eunuch-like flattering their generation^ aueli are your good
careful men of the villages "

10 Wan Chang said, <c Their whole village styles those
men good and careful In all their conduct they are so.
Why was it that Confucius considered them to be the thieves
of virtue ? "

11 [Meucius] replied, "If you would blame them, you
find nothing to allege If you would criticize them, you
have nothing to criticize. They agree with the current cus-
toms ; they aie at one with an impure age Their principles
have a semblance of nght-heartedness and truth , their con-
duct has a semblance of disinterestedness and punty. All
men are pleased with them, and they think themselves right,
so that it is impossible to proceed with them to the princi-
ples of Taou and Shun. On this account they are called
* the thieves of virtue/

12 f( Confucius said, ' I hate a semblance which is not
the reality I hate the yew-weed, lest it be confounded
with the growing corn I hate glib-tonguedness, lest it be
confounded with righteousness I hate sharpness of tongue,
lest it be confounded with sincerity I hate the notes of
Ch'mg, lest they be confounded with [true] music I hate
the reddish-blue, lest it be confounded with vermilion I
bate your good careful men of the villages, lest they be con-
founded with the [truly] virtuous 3

18. c< The superior man would simply bring back the un-
changing standard [of truth and duty] That being rectified,
the masses of the people are roused [to vu tue] , When they
are so aroused, forthwith perversities and glossed wickedness
disappear "

XXXVIII 1 Mencms said, cc From Yaou and Shun down
to T f ang were five hundied years and more. As to Yu and
Kaou Yaou, they saw [those earliest sages], and [so] knew

*

Par 12. These sayings of Confucius are only found here Such a string
pf them as not in the sage's style The notes of Ch'ing, see Ana XV x, 6.

. OH XXXYIII ON THE TRANSMISSION OF THE LINK OF DOCTRINE FROM
YAOU TO CONFUCIUS SAGES MAY BE EXPECTED TO ARISE AT INTERVALS
OF ABOUT FIVE HUNDRED YEARS MENCIUS MIGHT HIMSELF CLAIM TO BE
A TRANSMITTER OF CONFUCIUS' DOCTRINES

Pw 1 Accoiding to the received chronology, from the commencement

PT II CH XXXVIII ] TSIN SIM 1 385

[their doctrines], wliile T'ang heard tliose doctrines [as
transmitted], and [so] knew them.

2 " From T'ang to king Wan were five hundred years
and more. As to E Yin and Lae Choo, they saw [T'ang],
and [so] knew [his doctrines], while king W3n heard them
|_as transmitted]" , and so knew them

3 cc From king Wan to Confucius were five hundred years
and more. As to T f ae-kung Wang and San E-s&ng, they
saw [Wan], and [so] knew his doctrines, while Confucius
heard them [as transmitted], and [so] knew them

4 " From. Confucius to now there are [only] a hundred
yeais and [somewhat] more - 3 so far from being remote is
the distance from the sage in point of time, and so very
near at hand was the sage's residence. In these circum-
stances, is there no one [to transmit his doctrines] ? Yea, is
there no one [to do so] r "

of Yaou's leign to T'ang were more than 550 yeais Menoiua uses a round
number

Pat 2 From T'ang to king Wan "were moie than. 600 years Lae Choo
was, peihaps, Chung-hwuy, T 'an g's minister , see the Book of History, IV 11

Pa 1 ) 3 San E-sang or San-e Sang was an able minister of king Wan ,
but little more is known of him

Pa) 4 The concluding two sentences wonderfully vex commentators,
but all agree that Menoms somehow takes on himselt the duty and responsi-
bility of handing down the doctrines of Confucius Compare what he says
in II Pt H xm , III Pt II, x , ttt al

25

INDEXES.

INDEX I.

OF SUBJECTS IN THE WOHKS OF MENCITTS

Absurdity- of a rnler not following- wise

counsellors, I Pt II ix
Acknowledged favours, how Mencius,

VI PtII v
Action, faith, necessary to firmness in,

VI PtII in

Adherence to one course, against obsti-
nate, VII Pt I xxvi
Advantages, the greatest, of friendship,

V PtII \m
Advice of Mencins with regard to

mourning, III Pt I 11
Adviser o the princes might always be

perfectly satisfied, how an, VII. Pt

Affliction, benefits of, VII Pt I xvui
Aged, the, were nourished by the go-
vernment o king Wan, VII Pt I
xxu

Ages, different conduct of great men in
different, ieconoileable, IV Pt II

XX1S.

Agreement of sages not affected by
place or time, IV Pt II. i

Agriculture, importance of a ruler at-
tending to, III Pt I m a ruler
should not labour at, with his own
hands, III Pt I iv

Air, how one's material position affects
his, VII Pt I xxxvi

Ambition, and avarice, evils of, I Pt
II xi of Hwuy of Leang, VII Pt
II i

Ambitious, who among Confucius' dis-
ciples -were the, VII Pt II xxxvn

Ancient (a), the, shared then pleasures
with the people, I Pt I u sur-
passed other men, in what, I Pt I
vu the music of the, I Pt II. i

true kings, tours of inspection made
by, I Pt II iv VI Ft II vu
coffins used by the, II Pt II vu
sages, how all men may become equal
to the, III Pt I i kings practised
benevolent government, III Pt II
v Mencius appeals to the example
and maxims of the, III Pt II vii
kings, the example and principles of,
must bp studied^ IV Pt I 1,11
the, exchanged sons, each one teach-
ing the son of the other, IV Pt I
xvm making friends of the, V Pt
II \m the, cultivated the nobility
that is of Heaven, VI Pt I xvi
scholais maintained the dignity of
their characters, how, VII Pt I
vin and modern rule contrasted,
VII Pt II vin the, led men by
their example, VII Pt II xx

Animals, man how much different from,
IV PtII xix

Antiquity, the example of, VII Pt
I ix

Appetites, the superior man subjects his,
to the will of Heaven, VII Pt II.

XXIV

Archer, he who would be benevolent is
like an, II Pt I vu

Archery, learning, IV. Pt II xxiv.
VI PtI xx^

Arrangement of dignities and emolu-
ments according to the dynasty of
Chow, V Pt II 11

Association, influence of, III Pt II
vi VI Pt I rx with those of
whom one does not approve, unavoid-
able, III Pt II x

Attainment, real, must be made by the

INDEX l] SUBJECTS IN THE WORKS OP MENCIUS.

387

learner for himself, VII Ft II v.
Authority, punishment should be in-
flicted onlj by the proper, II Pt II

Barbarians, influence of the Chinese on,

III PtI iv

Barley, illustration taken from, "VT Pt
I vu

Beauty, the love of, compatible -with
royal government, I Pt II v only
moral, is truly excellent, IV Pt II
xxv

Behaviour of Mencius with an un-
worthy associate, II Pt II vi

Benefits of trouble anrl affliction, YII
Pt I xvui

Benevolence, and righteousness, I Pt
I i VI Pt II iv belongs natur-
ally to man, II Pt I vi IV Pt

I x VI Pt I i VII Pt I xv ,
Pt II xvi exhortation to, II Pt I
vu importance to all of exercising,

IV Pt I 11 the only security of a
piince, IV Pt I vu , vin , ix
thai piety the richest fruit of, IV
Pt I xxvii the superior man pre-
serves, IV Pt II xxvui and right-
eousness equally internal, VI Pt I
iv , v it is necessary to piactise
with all one's might, VI Pt I win
must be matured, VI Pt I xix
and righteousness, the difference
between Yaou and Shun, T'ang aud
Woo, and the five Chiefs in relation
to, VII Pt I xxx the empire can
be got only by, VII Pt II xin

Benevolent government, I Pt I v
vii III Pt I ill IV Pt I i
safety and prosperity lie in. I Pt II
xi affections of the people seouied
by, I Pt II, xii glory the result of,

II Pt I iv the prince who sets
about practising has none to fear, III
PtII v

Bodily defects, how men are sensible of,

VI Pt I xii organization, only a
sage can satisfy the design of his,

VII Pt I xxxviu

Book of Kites, quotations from, II Pt

II.ii III PtII m
Biilliant Palace, the, I Pt II v
Bunal, Menciub', o his mother, II Pt

II. vu of a Mihist's parents, III

PtI v

Calamity and happiness, are men's own
seeking. II Pt I iv the superior
roan is beyond the reach of, Iv Pt
II xxviii

Calumny, comfort under, VII Pt II

XIX

Careful, the thought of consequences

should make men, VII Pt II vu
Cattle and sheep, illustration taken

from feeding, II Pt II iv
Character, how mail judge wrongly of,

VII Pt I xxxiv different degrees

of attainment in, VII Pt IT xxv
Charge of one's-self the greatest of

charges, IV Pt I xix
Chess-playing, illustration from, VI

Pt I ix
Chief ministers, the duties of, V Pt

II ix
Chiefs of the princes, the five, VI Pt

II vu
Chieftain of the princes not a sovereign

of the kingdom, II Pt I lu in-
fluence of a, different from that of a

true sovereign, VII Pt I xin
Child-like, the great m#n is, IV Pt

II xii
Comfort under calumny, VII Pt II.

xix
Common relations of life, importance of,

to the prosperity of the kingdom, IV

PtI xi
Compass and square, use of the, IV

Pt I 11
Concert, the character of Confucius a

complete, V Pt II i
Condemnation of Hwuy of Leang, VII

PtII i
Confidence of the Sovereign, how to

obtain, IV Pt I xii
Consequences, the thought of, should

make men careful, VI Pt II vii
Conspicuous mound, monopolizing 1 the,

II Ft II x

Constitution, benevolence and right-
eousness part of man's, VII Pt I
xv

Conviction* how Mencnzs brought
home, II Pt II iv

Cookery, E Yin's knowledge of, V. Pt
I vii

Corn, assisting, to grow. II Pt I n

Corrupt times are provided against by
established virtue, VII Pt II x

Counselling princes from the ground of
profit, danger of, VI Pt II iv.

Counsellors of great men should be
morally above them, VII Pt II

XXXIV

Counsels for the government of a State,

III PtI m.

Courses, two, open to a prince pursued
by his enemies, I Pt II xv of
Yaou and Shun, VI Pt II u

Court, Mencius would not pay, to a
favourite, IV Pt II xxvu

Cultivation, men's disregard of self-,
VI Pt I mi men may become

388

SUBJECTS IN THE WORKS OF MENCIUS. [iNDES T

Yaons and Shuns by the, of their prin-
ciples and -ways, VI Pt II 11 of
the mind must not be intermitted,
Til PtII xxi

Death or flight, whether should be
chosen, I Pt II xv theie are
things -which men dislike nioie than
death, YI Pt I x how Mencius
predicted the of P<wan Shing-kwoh,
VII Pt II xxix

Decencies may not be expected, where
virtues aie wanting, YII Pt I xliv

Decrees of Heaven, man's duty as a-
fected by the, YII- Pt I u

Deeds, not words or manners, prove
mental qualities, IY Pt I xvi

Defects, men are sensible of bodily, but
not of mental or moral, YI Pt 1

Xll

Defence, of Shan's conduct, Y Pt I
11 , m of E Yin, Y Pt I. vai of
Confucius, Y Pt I viii of accept-
ing piesents fiom oppressors of the
people, Y Pt II iv

Degeneracy, the progiess of, from the
three kings to the five chiefs of the
princes, YI Pt II vii

Deluge, the Chinese, III Pt I iv , Pt
II ix . IY Pt II xxvi , YI Pt

II xi

Desires, the regulation of, essential,

YII PtH xxxv
Developing then natural goodness may

make men equal the ancient sages,

III Pt I i YII Pt II xixi
Dignities, arrangement of, in the dyn-

asty of Chow, Y. Pt II u
Dignity, how the ancient scholars

maintained their, YII Pt I vm

how Mencius maintained his, with

the princes, YII Pt II xxiii
Disappointment of Mencius "With the

king Seang, I Pt I vi
Discrimination of what is right and

wrong must precede vigorous nght-

domg, IV Pt II vm
Disgraceful means which men take to

seek wealth and honour, IY Pt II

Disposition, a man's true, will often

appear in small matters, YII Pt II

aa.
Disputing, Mencius not fond of, III

Pt II ix
Dissatisfaction with a parent, not

necessarily unfQial, YI Pt II m
Division of labour, propriety of the,

III Pt I. iv
Doctrine, of the Mihists refuted, III

Pt I v heretical, III Pt II ix

of the Mean, quotation from the, IV.

Pt I xii of the sages, to be ad-
vanced to by successive steps, YII
Pt I xxiv on the transmission of,
from Yaou to Mencius' own tune,
VII Pt II xxxvm

Duties which the vjrtuous and talented
owe to the young and ignorant, IV
Pt II vii of different classes of
chief ministers, Y Pt II ix

Duty, man's, how affected by the de-
crees of Heaven, YII Pt I u be-
nevolence the path of, YII Pt II
xvi

Dynasties, Hea, Yin, and Chow, II Pt
I i III Pt I m Y Pt II vi
Chow, II Pt II xm V Pt II
n the three, III Pt I in IV
Pt I m , Pt II xx Hea and
Yin, IV Pt I 11 Shane- or Yin, and
Chow, IV Pt I vii

Earth, advantages of situation afforded
by the, II Pt II i

Eaith-worm, an over-fastidious scholar
compared to an, III Pt II x

Education, importance of a iiiler at-
tending to, III Pt I m

Elated by riches, not to be, a proof of
superiority, VII Pt I xi

Emoluments, arrangement of, m the
Chow dynasty, V. Pt II 11

Emperoi, tuendbhip with an, V Pt II
m equanimity of Shun as an, YII*
Pt II vi

Empire or whole kingdom, by whom
the torn, may be united, I Pt I vi
king H\vuy's competence to obtain
the, I Pt I MI employment of
Mencius would be for the good of the
whole, II Pt II xii the, the State,
the Family, IV Pt I v the way to
get the, IV PtI ix VII PtII xiu
tranquillity of, dependent on what,
I V Pt I xi a drowning, IV Pt I
xvii how Shun got the, V Pt I
v how Shun would have regarded
abandoning the, VII Pt I xxxv.

End, the, may justify the means, YII

Pt I XXTfl

Enjoyment, man's nature the source of

his true, VII Pt I xau
Equanimity of Shun, in poverty, and as

emperor, VII Pt II vi
Error of a Miiust refuted, III Pt I

v , Pt II ix.
Errors of Yang, Mih, and Tsze-moh,

VII Pt I xxvi , Pt II xxvi
Evil, a warning to the violently, and

the weakly, IV, Pt I. x speaking,

Drangs with it evil consequences, IV

Exactions, just, should be made with

INDEX I ] SUBJECTS IN THE WOSKS OF MENCIUS.

389

discrimination, VTI Pt II xxvu
Example, influence of, III Pt II vi
influence of a ruler s, IV Pt II
v the ancients led men by, VII Pt

II XX

Excellence, how a pnnoe may subdue

men by, IV Pt II xvi
Excusing of errors, how Mencius beat

down the, II Pt II. ix
Exhortation to benevolence, II Pt I

Vll

Explanation of friendly intercourse
withEL'wang Chang, IV Pt II xxx
o the different conduct of Tsang
and Tsze-sze, IV Pt II YTTYI of
Shun's conduct towards his brother,
V Pt I 111 td towardb the emper-
or Yaou, and his father Koo-sow, V
Pt I iv of the Odes Seaou P'wan
and K'ae Fang, VI Pt II ui

Extreme cases must not be pressed to
invalidate a principle, VI Pt II i

Faith, the necessity of, VI Pt II xii
Fame, a love of, may carry a man
over great difficulties, VII Pt II

XI

Father, why a, does not himself teach
his own son, IV Pt I xvm

Favour to individuals, good govern-
ment does not he in, IV Pt II 11
ILOW Mencius acknowledged a, VI
PtII v.

Favourite, Mencius would not pay
court to a, IV Pt II xxvii

Filial Piety, to have posterity, a part
of, IV Pt I xxvi in relation to be-
nevolence, <fco , IV Pt I xxvn
how Shun valued and exemplified,
IV Pt I xxviu seen in the obse-
quies of parents, IV Pt II xui of
K'wang Chang, IV Pt II. xxx
great, of Shun, V Pt I i : iv of
TsSng-tsze seen, VII Pt II xxxvi

Firmness of Hwuy of Lew-hea, VII
Pt I. xxvui

First judgments are not always correct,
IV PtII xxm

Five things which are unfllial, IV Pt
II TCTX injunctions of a covenant
of the princes, VI Pt II vu ways
in which the sage teaches, VII Pt
I. xl

Force, submission secured by, H. Pt I
ui

Forester refusing to come to the king
of Ts'e when called by a flag, V Pt
II vu.

Four limbs, principles of the mind com-
pared to the, II Pt I. vi different
classes of ministers, VII Pt I xix

Fraternal obedience, in relation to

righteousness, &c , IV Pt I xxvii

affection ot Shun, V Pt I m
Freedom of Menoius, as unsalaried, to

apeak out his mind, II Pt II v
Friends, carefulness in making, IV

PtII xxiv
Friendship, the principles of, V Pt II,

in , vii , vni

Gain, the love of, and the love of good,
contrasted, VII Pt I xxv

Generosity of Menoius in receiving
pupils, VII Pt II xxx

Gifts of princes, how Mencius declined
or accepted, II Pt II. m

Glory the result of benevolent govern-
ment, II Pt I iv

God, rulers and teachers assisting to,

I Pt II in the ordinances of, II
Pt I iv IV Pt I iv the decree
of, 1 V Pt I vii who may sacrifice
to, IV Pt II xxv

Good, sages and worthies delighted in
what is, II Pt I vui importance
to a government of loving what is,

VI Pt II xui man is fitted for,
and happy in doing, VII Pt I iv
(See Nature} people should get
their inspiration to, m themselves,

VII Pt I x the love of, and the
love of gam contrasted, VII Pt I
xxv words and principles, what
are, VII Pt II. xxxii

Goodness, different degrees of, VII Pt

II XXV

Government, character of king Hwuy's,
I Pt I in , iv the love of music
subservient to good, I Ft II. i
bad, of the king of Ts'e, I Pt II vi
of a kingdom, counsels for the, III
Pt I m. there is an art of, which
requires to be studied by rulers and
their ministers. IV Pt I i the ad-
ministration of, not difficult, IV Pt
I vi the influence of king Wan* s,
IV Pt I xni good, lies in equal
measures for the general good, IV.
Pt II m the aged were nourished
by king "Watts, VII Pt I xxii
the well-being of the people the first
care of a, VII Pt I xxiii

Grain, illustration from growing, I, Pt

I vi

Great, Houses, a ruler should secure the
esteem of the, IV Pt I vi services,
Heaven prepares men for, how, VI.
Pt II. iv.

Great man, Mencius' conception of the,

III Ft II 11 makes no mistakes in
propriety and, righteousness, IV Pt

II vi simply pursues what is right,
IV. Pt IL XLIS child-like, IY . Pt

390

SUBJECTS IN THE WOKES OF MENCIUS. [itfDEX T

II ui m good men a reconciling
principle will be found for the out-
wardly different conduct of, IT Ft
II xxix how some are, VI Pt I
xv he who counsels, should "be
morally above them, YII Pt II

XXXIV

Grief of MencinB at not finding an op-
portunity to do good, II Pt II xui

Half measures of little use, I Pt I in

Hearts, o men. importance of getting

the, II PtII i IV PtI ix the

pupil of the eye index of the, IY Pt

I xv how to nourish the, YI1 Pt

II XXXV

Heaven, delighting in, and fearing, I
Pt II 111 attaining to the roj al
dignity rests with, I Pt II xiv a
man's way in lie is ordered "by, I
Pt II xvi V. Pt I vin he who
has no enemy in the kingdom is the
minister of, II Pt I v oppoitum-
ties vouchsafed by, II Pt II i
only the minister of, may smite a
nation, II Pt II viii the supenoi
man does not muimur against, II
Pt II xm submission of States
determined by, IY Pt I vu Shun
got the empire by the gift of, Y Pt

I v ' s plan in the production of

mankind, Y Pt I vu , Pt II i
's places, offices, and emoluments,

V Pt II 111 has given us. what,

VI Pt I xv the nobility of, VI
Pt I xvi prepares men by trials
and hardships, VI Pt II xv by
the study o ourselves we come to the
knowledge of, VII Pt I i what
may be correctly ascribed to the ap-
pointment or, VII Pt I ai con-
ierred naturelthe bodily organs a
part of the, YII Pt I xxxvui
how the superior man regards the
will of, VII Pt II xxiv

Hereditary monarchy, Mencius' views

on, V Pt I v , vi
Heaetics, recovered, should not have

their old errors cast an their teeth,

VII PtII xxvi

Hire, the labourer is worthy of his, III

PtII iv
History, quotations from, III Pt I

u , PtII i
Honoui, the true, which men should

desire, VI Pt I xvu
Husbandry, importance of, III Pt I

in. YII Pt I xxii ; xxm a

ruler should not labour at, with his

own hands, III Pt I iv
Hypocrisy, fehun defended against a

charge of, Y. Pt I u

Imperial, 01 true royal, government, cha-
racteristics of, I Pt I vii dignity,
attained b\ true royal government, I
Pt II v II Pt I v td by doing
what is good and light, I Pt II IJJLV
government, Mencius wished to
see, and could have realized, a true,
II Pt I i soveieign should arise
every 600 years, II Pt II xm
sway, not one of the things in which
the superior man delights, YII Pt

I xx

Impulses must be weighed in the bal-
ance of leason, IY Pt II xxiu

Inability, defined, I Pt I vu

Inauspicious words, what are most
truly, IV Pt II xvii

Influence, of king "Wan's go\ eminent,
IY Pt I xm a man's, depends on
his peibonal example and conduct,
YII Pt II ix Pih-e, &c , pioved
to be sages by the permanence of
their, YII Pt II xv

Injunctions, five, in a covenant of the
princes, VI Pt II vu

Insinuations of Shun-yn K'wan, how
Mencius repelled the, VI Pt II vi

Inspiration to good, people should get
in themselves, VII Pt I x

Instrumentality of others affects one's
way in life, how far, I Pt II xvi

Intercourse with neighbouring king-
doms, I Pt II 111 ot Mencius
with the pnnoes of his time, III Pt

II i

Internal, the foundation of ughteous-
ness is; VI Pt I iv , v

Judgment concerning Pih-e and Hwuy
oi Lew-hea, II Pt I ix

Judgments, iirst, not always correct,
Iv Pt II iJtiii of chai actor, how
men form wrong, YII Pt I xxxrv

Killing a spvereign not necessaiily
murder, I Pt II viii men, a prince
should not have pleasure in, I Pt I.
vi the character of, does not de-
pend on the instrument used, I Pt I.
iv the innocent, consequences of.
IV PtII iv

Kings, the three, YI Pt II vn.

Kingdoms, intercourse with neighbour-
ing, I Pt II 111 the disposal of,
rebts with the people, I Pt 11 x

Knowledge ought to be pursued, how,
IY Pt II xxn.

Labour, propriety of the division of,
III Pt I iv only that, to be pur-
sued, which accomplishes the object,
YII Pt X. xxi*.

INDEX I ] SUBJECTS IN THE WORKS OP MENCIUS.

391

Labourer, the, is worthy of his hire. Ill
Pt II V

Law in himself, a man. has but to obey
the, VII Pt I xvii

Learner (s), teaohere of truth must not
lower their lessons to suit, VII Pt I
xli himself, real attainment must
be made by the, VII Pt II v

Learning-, inwrought into the mind, the
value of, IV Pt II xiv consists in
seeking the lost mind, VI Pt I xi
must not be by halves, VI PtI xx

Leaving Loo and Ts l e. Confucius',
VII Pt II xvii

Lessons, the, of the sage, reach to all
classes, VII Pt I xl

Lettered class conducting government,
propriety of a, III Pt I iv

Lite, not nature, VI Pt I m there
are things which men like moie than.

VI PtI x

Limbs, the principles of the mind com-
pared to the, II Pt I vi

Lingeimg, Mencius, in. Ts'e, II Pt II
xu

Little men, how some are, VI Pt I xv

Lords of reason, how some aie, VI Pt
I xv

Losses, how a ruler may take satisfac-
tion for. I Pt I v

Loving what is good, Importance of, to
government, VI Pt II xiii

Man, the nobility that is of, VI Pt I
xvi the honour that is oi, VI Pt I
xvu the duty of, as affected by the
decrees of Heaven, VII Pt I 11
is fitted foi and happy in doing good,

VII Pt I iv has but to obey the
law m himself, VII Pt I xvii be-
nevolence in relation to, VII Pt II
xvi

Mamage of Shun justified, IV Pt I

xxvi V Pt I 11

Masters, be not many, IV. Pt I xxin
Mean, doctrine of the, iefened to, IV

Pt II vu Confucius kept the, IV

Pt II x T'ang- held fast the, IV

PtII xx
Means, the end mayjubfafy the, VII

Pt I xxxi
Measuie, with "what, a man metes, it

will be measured to him again, IV

PtI iv
Medium, Confucius and Mencius called

to the pursuit of the right, VII Pt

II. xxxvu
Men, importance of a pnn.ce gaining

the hearts of. II Pt H i.
Mental qualities proved by deeds, not

by words, IV Pt I xvi.

r, Jklencius oflcnded because a

pnnce sent for him by a, II Pt II
11

Middle kingdom, the, I Pt I vn III
Pt I iv , Pt II ix V Pt I v.

VI Pt II x

Mind, all men are the same in, VI Pt

I vii in danger of being injured by
poverty and a mean condition, VII
Pt I xxvii the cultivation of the,
must not be intermitted, VII Pt II
xxi

Minister (s), care to be exercised in em-
ploying, I Pt II vu the, of Hea-
ven only may smite a nation, II Pt

II vm Menoius condemn 3 the pur-
suit of warlike schemes by, IV Pt I
3av the tiuly groat, directs his
efforts to the sovereign's character,
IV Pt I xx will serve their sove-
reign according as he treats them,

IV Pt II in the duties of chief,

V Pt II ix of Mencius' tune
pandered to their sovereign's thirst
for wealth and powei, VI Pt II ix
four diffcient classes of, VII Pt I

XIX

Moial, beauty alone truly excellent,
IV. Pt II xxv excellence, the
superior man cultivates, IV Pt II
xx vm influences, the value of, to a
ruler, VII Pt I xiv

Mountain, illustration from the trees of
the New, VI Pt I vm

Mourning for parents, I Pt II xvi

III Pt I u V Pt 1 iv , v , vi

VII PI I xxxix , xlvi
Mugwoit, illustration taken fiom, IV

PtI. ix

Muider, what Shun would have done
if his father had committed a, VII
Pt I xxxv

Muimur at thd hardest measures, when
the people wul not, VII Pt I xii

Music, the love of , I PtII i the rich-
est fnut of. IV Pt I xxvii of Yu
and king 'Wan, VII Pt II xxu

Music-master, the grand, I Pt II iv

Nature, the, of man good, III Pt I i

VI Pt I i , u , vi , vii not to
be confounded with the phenomena
of life, VI Pt I in appears as if
it were not good, how, VI Pt I vm ;
ix. to love righteousness more than.
life IB proper to man's, VI Pt I. x.
how men, should seek the lost
qualities of their, VI Pt I xi re-
lative importance of the different
parts of the, VI. Pt I xiv Heaven
is served by obeying 1 our, VII Pt I.

man's own, the most important

n| &C., VII. Pt I. XXI

392

SUBJECTS IN THE WORKS OT MENCIU8. [ INDEX T.

of man. and the appointment of Hea-
ven, YII Pt II xxiv
Natural benevolence and righteousness
of man, only requires development to
be more than sufficient, VII Pt II

ffT-n

Neighbouring: states, intercourse with,

I PtII in

Nobility that is of Heaven and that is
of man, VI Pt I xvi

Nourishment, the nature of man seems
bad from not receiving its proper,
VI Pt I vm of the diffeient parts
of the nature, VI Pt I xi\

Object of Confucius and Mencius, what
was the, VII Pt II xxxvu

Obscurity, how what Shun was dis-
covered itself in his greatest, VII
PtI xvi

Obstinate adherence to a course deemed
right, against, VII Pt I xxvi

Odes, quotations from the, I Pt I 11 ,
vii ; Ft II m , v II Ft I m ,
iv III Pt I m , iv , Ft U i ,
lac IV Pt I i , 11 . iv . vu , ix
V. Pt I u , iv , Pt II vii VI
Pt I vi . xvii VII Pt I xxxn ,
PtII xix

Office, Mencius giving up his, II Pt

II x , XL , xii ; xm VI Ft II
vi to be sought, but only by the
proper path, III PtII m V PtI
vnu may be taken on account of
poverty, when, V Pt II v grounds

, of taking and leaving, VI. Pt II
xiv

Officiousneas, Mencius repelling, II
PtII xi

Opposition of Mencius to warlike am-
bition, VI Pt II vin

Ox, fang HwuVs compassion for an,
I PtI vii.

Parents, burial of, III Pt I v (see
Mourning) the right -manner of
serving, IV Pt I. xix , Pt II xm

Paiks and hunting, the love of, &o , I
Pt II u

Parts of the nature, relative importance
of different, VI Pt I xiv

Passion-nature, Mencius nourished
his, II Pt I u.

Pecuniary consideiafaons, Menoiusnot
influenced by, II. Pt II x

People, rulers must share their plea-
sures with the, I Ft I 11. love- of
valour may subserve the good of the,
3 Ft II 111 the disposal of king-
doms rests with the, I Pt II x the
affections of the, only scoured by be
nevolent government, I Pt II xii

IV Pt I ix 's happiness disre-
garded by the ministers of Menciue'
time, IV. Pt I. xiv the part of
the, in making an emperor, V Pt I
v how to promote the virtue of the,
VII Pt I xxm the most import-
ant element in a nation, VII Ft II
xiv

Personal character, importance of. IV.
PtI v

Pictures of Pih-e and Hwny of Lew-
l^a, II Pt I ix

Phenomena, importance of carefully
studying, IV Pt II xxvi

Pleasure, rulers must share with the
people, I Pt I u , Pt II i , iv,

Position, how one's material, affects
his air, VII Pt I xxxvi

Poverty, when office may be taken
on account of, V Pt II v import-
ance of not allowing the mind to
be injured by, VII Pt I xxvu
equanimity of Shun in, VII Pt II.
vi

Praise and blame not always according
to desert, IV Pt I xxi.

Precious things, three, of a pnnce,
VII. Pt II xxviii

Precipitate advances wiU be followed
by speedy retreats, VII Pt I xliv*

Prediction of P'wan-bhing JKwoh's
death by Mencius, VII. Pt II *"*

Prepaies himself tor the duties to
which he aspires, how a scholar,
VII Pt I xxxui

Presents, Mencius defends accepting,
from oppressors of the people, V Pt
II iv of a prince to a scholar, how
to be made and accepted- V Pt II,
vi how Menoius acknowledged, VI.
PtH v

Presumptuous idea of Fill Kwei, that
he could regulrtte the waters better
than Yu did, VI Pt II xi

Prince, a, should employ ministers,
how, I Pt II vii should depend
on himself, not on other Powers, I
Pt II xiii threatened by neigh-
bours should act, how, I Pt II. xiv.
two courses open to. when pursued
by his enemies, I Pt II xv should
get the hearts of men, II. Ft II i
alighting Mencius, II. Ft II 11
the, who sets about practising be*
nevolent government has none to
fear, III Pt II. v benevolence
the only security of a, IV Pt I vu.
vicious, the agent of lus own
ruin, IV. Pt I viii importance of
rectifying a, IV. Ft I. xat. presents
of a, to a scholar, how to be made
and accepted, V. Ft II. vi. tore*

INDEX I ] STTBJECTS IN THE WOBKS OP MENCIUS.

393

precious tilings of a, VII Ft II

XXVUl

Frances, the only topics of Mencius
with, I Pt I i a chieftain ot the,
not a sovereign of the kingdom, II Pt
I 111 the, of Mencius' time tailed
in true royal government, II Pt I
v Mencius declining or accepting
gifts of, II Pt II m V Pt H. iv
Mencius' leserve with, the, of his
time, III Pt II i Menoius defends
himself for not going to see the. III
Pt II vii why a scholar should
decline going to see, when called by
them, V Pt II VLI danger of

counselling from the ground of profit,

VI Pt II iv influence of a chief
among the, different trom that of a
true sovereign, VII Pt I xm of
his time, Mencius censures the, VII
Pt I xlvi how Mencius main-
tained his own dignity with the,

VII Pt II. xxxiv

Principles, one must live or die with
his, &o., VII Pt I. xlu

Profit, becondary to "benevolence and
righteousness, I Pt I i VI Pt
II iv

Progress of degeneracy in successive
ages, VI Pt II. vii

Prompt action, necessity of, at the
nght time, IV Pt II iv

Propriety, belongs naturally to man,
II Pt I. vi parents should be
served, &c , according to, III Pt I
11 help to the world should be
given according to, IV Pt I xvu
the richest fruit oi, IV Pt I xxvii
the great T"a, makes no mistakes
in, IV Pt II vi the superior man
preserves, IV. Pt II. xxvm im-
portance of observing the rules of.

VI PtII. i

Pzospenty of a country, on. what de-
pendent, I Pt I i

Pupil of the e\ e, the index of the heart,
IV PtI xv

Purity, pretended, of Ch*in, Chung, III.
PtII x.

Record, quotation from a, III Pt II

itu *

Remote, against aiming- at what is,

VII PtII TtXXll

R&pellin&r oiticioubness. Miencius, TT

Pt II xi
Reproof, the benefit of, IV. Pt I TT.II

Mencius', of Yoh-ohing, IV. Pt I

xxiv. , xxv ot Kung-sun Ch'ow,

VII Pt 1 *riy
Reputation, the value of, to a ruler,

VII. Pt I. xiv.

Reserve, Menoius defends his, with the
princes of his time, III Pt II i

Respected, that a scholar be, is essential
to his engaging in a pnnoe's service,
VTI Pt I xxxvu

Riches, not to be elated by, a proof of
superiority, VII Pt I xi

Righteousness belongs naturally to
man, II Pt I vi VI Pt I i
the straight path, IV Pt I x
fraternal obedience the richest fruit
of, I V Pt I xxvu the great man
makes no mistakes in, IV Pt II vi
internal, not external, VI Pt I
iv , v to be loved more than life.

VI PtI x

Ripe grain, illustration from, VI Pt

I xix

Ritual Usages, quotation from the, III
Pt II 11

Royal government, the great principles
o, I Pt I. 111 , iv will assuredly
raise to the highest dignity, I Pt II
v various points of, neglected in
Menoius' time, II. Pt I v.

Rum, a vicious jprince the agent of his
own, IV Pt I vm.

Rulers, should share their pleasures
with the people, I Ft I 11 should
follow the advice of the wise, I Pt

II ix should sympathize with the
people in their joys and sorrows, I
PtII iv bhoiild not labour at hus-
bandry with their own hands, III
Pt I iv should study the example
and principles of the ancient kings,
IV Pt I i , 11 importance of be-
nevolence to, IV JPt I in - ' ex-
ample, influence of, IV Pt II v
will not be raunuuied at when their
aim is evidently the people's good,

VII Ft I xu the value of reputa-
tion and moral influences to, vii.
Pt I xiv.

Rules, the necessity of governing ac-
cording to, IV. Pt 1. 1 , 11.

Sacrifice, allusions^ to, III Ft I li ,
Pt II m , v IV Pt II xxv ,
VI Ft II. vi VII PtII

Sage. Menoius not a, II, Ft I 11
only with a, does the body act ac-
cording to its design, VII Ft I
xxxvui the lessons of the, reach, to
all classes, VII Ft I xl

Sages, when they arise, will agree with.
Menoms, III Ft II. ix the human
relations perfectly exhibited by, IV
Ft I 11 the agreement of. not
affected by place or time, IV. Ft II.
j 4 _ TQ distmguifllied from other Tvtffn (

394

SUBJECTS IN THE WOBKS OF ME NCI US. INDEX I ]

how, IV Pt II xix , xx : xxi ,
xxii just like other men, IV Pt
II xxxn VI Pt 1 vu Confuci-
TLS supenoi to all other, V Pt II i
the great doctrine? of the, to be
advanced to by successive steps.
VII Pt I xxiv Pih-e, &c , proved
to be, by the peimanence of their in-
fluence, VII Pt II xv definition
of a, VII Pt II xxv the perfect
virtue of the highest, VII Pt II

Satianed, how an adviser of the princes
may be always perfectly, VII Pt I

IX

Scholai(s), the, ought to be remuner-
ated, III Pt II iv may accept
pi events from, a prince, on -what
punciplea, V Pt II vn should de-
cline going to see the jpnnces when
called by them, why, V Pt II vii
forming friendships, rules for, V
Pt II viu ancient, maintained the
dignity o then chaiacter, &c , how,
VII Pt I vni prepares him sell
for the duties to \vhioh he aspues,
VII Pt I Txxni must be re-
spected in order to his engaging in
the service of a prince, Vll Pt I

XXX\11

Belt, the charge of, greatest, IV Pt I

iix
Belt-cultivation, men's disregard of,

VI Pt I xm.
Seli-exannnation recommended, IV

Pt I iv. the superior man piactises,

IV Pt II xxvm.
Self-restraint necessary to a ruler, I

PtII iv
Selling himself, Pit-le He vindicated

fiom the charge of, V Pt I ix
Sense*., all men ha\ e the same, VI Pt

1 vii some are slaves of the, VI

PtI xv

Settling the empire, I Pt I vi
Shame, the \alue of the feeling of,

VII Pt I vi , vii
Sheep-dates, Teang-teze could not eat,

VII PtII xxxvi
Shifts, Menoius put to, II Pt II u
Shoo-king, quotations from the, I Pt
I u , Pt II m , xi II Pt I iv
III. Pt I i , Pt II v , ix IV
Pt I via . V Pt I v VI Pt II
v with what reservation Mencius
read the, VII Pt II m
Sickness, Mencius pretends, II PtII u
Sincerity, the great work ot men should
be to strive after perfect, IV. Pt I
xai

Slaves of sense how some are, VI. Pt
1. xv.

Sorrow of Shun on account of his
parents, V Pt I i

Sovereign, killing a, not necessarily
murder, I Pt II vm of the whole
kingdom, who is a, II Pt I m
importance of having virtuous men
about a, III PtII vi , 's example,
influence of, IV Pt II v influence
of a true, VII Pt I xui a, the
least important element ot a nation,
VII PtII xiv

Sovereigns, will be served by their
ministers according as they tieat
them, IV Pt II 111 the mimsteis
of Mencius' time pandered to their,

VI Pt II ix

Spirit-man, who is a, VII Pt II xxv
bpirits, tutelary, the importance of, to

a nation, VII >t II xiv
Sprmg-and- Autumn, The,' referred to,

III Pt II ix - IV Pt II xxi

VII PtII u

State, three things important m the
administration of a, VII Pt II xu

States, intercourse of neighbotmng,
I Pt II ui rise and fall of, de-
pendent on benevolence, IV Pt I
in subjection of, to one another,
determined differently at different
times, IV PtI vu

Stiaits, why Confucius was reduced to,
VII PtII xvm

Subjection of one State to another, how
detei mined, at different tunes, IV
PtI vii

Successive steps, the doctrines of the
sages to be advanced to "by, VII Pt

I xxiv

Superior man, the, keeps away from
his cook-room, I Pt I vn helps
men to practise virtue, II Pf; I vui
will not follow najrow-nnnded-
ness, &o ,11 Pt I ix. will not take
a bube, II Pt II ui will not be
niggardly to his parents, II Pt II
\u of ancient and of modern tones
contrasted, II Pt II ix does not
murmur against Heaven, &c , II Pt

II xui makes difficulty about
taking office, why. III Pt II m
the spirit nourished by, may be
known, tow, III Pt II vu does
not himself teach his son, why, IV.
Pt I x\m wishes to get hold of
what he learns, as in himself, IV.
Pt II xiv , xv is ashamed of a
reputation beyond his merits, IV Pt
II xvm cultivates moral excel-
lence, &o , IV. Pt II xxvni may
be deceived, in what respects, V Pt
I 11 all do not understand the con-
duct of, VI Pt II. vi. eervea hia

I. SUBJECTS IN THE WORKS OF MENCIUS.

395

prince, how, VI Pt II vm
taking and leaving office, grounds
of, VI Pt II xiv has three things
in which he delights, VII Pt I xx
finds his true enjoyment in his own
nature, VII Pt I xxi , 's services
to a country, without his being in
office, entitle "h-im to support, VII
Pt I xxxu is kind to creatures,
loving to men, and affectionate to his
relatives, VII Pt I xiv bpeaks of
hie nature, and of the will of Heaven,
how, VII Pt II xxiv the woids
and the principles o, VII Pt II

Sympathy of a ruler with the people
in their j oys and sorrows, I Pt II iv

Superiority, not to be elated by nches,
a proof of, VII Pt I xi

Talents, and virtue, how to know men
of, I Pt II vu a ruler should be
guided by men of, I Pt II ix
duties owing by men of, to those who
have not, IV Pt II vu

Taxation, III Pt I iii , Pt II vui
VI PtII x

Teacher, a, in a higher place than a
minister, IV Pt II xxxi of truth,
must not loVer his lessons to suit
learners, VII Pt I xli

Teaching, refuting to teach, may also
be a way of, VI Pt II xvi

Tenitory, emoluments regulated ac-
cording to the extent of, in a State.
V Pt II H

Thought, how many act without, VII
Pt I v.

Three, things universally acknow-
ledged to be honourable, II Pt II
u kings, the, VI. Pt II vn
things in which the superior man
delights, VII. Pt I xx things im-
portant in the administration of a
State, VII Pt II. xii precious
thinga of apruioe, VII PtII xxvin

Throne, the, descended to Yu's son,
and not to his minister, why, V Pt
I. vi

Thumb amongst the fingers, Ch'm
Chung compared to the, III Pt II
x

Topics of Menoius with princes. I Pt
I i , vii II Pt II 11

Touch, males and females must not
allow their hands to, IV Pt I xvn

Tours of inspection of the ancient
kings, I Pt II iv . VI Pt II vu

Tranquillity of the kingdom dependent
on the discharge of the common
duties of life, IV Pt,I xi

Transmission, of doctrine from Yaou to

Mencius, VII PtII xxxvin
Trials and hardships, how Heaven pre-
pares men by, VT Pt II xv
Trifles, Mencius censures the pnnces

of his tame for occupying themselves

with, VII PtI xlvi
Trouble and affliction, the benefits of,

VII PtI xvni
Truth, how Mencius required the

simple pursuit of, in his pupils, VII.

Pt I xhi
Tyrant, what will be the fate of a, IV

PtI 11

Ulcer-doctor, Confucius charged with
lodging with an, V Pt I vm

Unfilial, five things which are, IV Pt
II ixx

Unperturbed mind, Mencius had at-
tained to an, II Pt I 11

Unsalaried, Mencius free to speak his
opinion, &c , because, II Pt II v ,
xiv

Unworthy associate. Menoius' behavi-
our Tfrith an, II Pt II vi

Valour, the love of, I Pt II m how
nourished, II Pt I 11

Villages, the good careful people of
the, described, VII Pt II xxxvu

Vindication, of E Y in, V Pt I vii
of Confucius from the charge of
lodging with unworthy chaiacteis,
V. Pt I vm of Pih-le He, V Pt
I ix of Mencius from the charge
of eating the bread of idleness, VII
Pt I ***n

Virtue, submission secured bv, II Pt
I m friendship must have refei-
ence to the, of the friend, V Pt II
ui. is sure to be gained by seeking
it, but external things not, VII Pt

I 111 man may attain to perfect,
VII Pt I iv of the people, how
to promote, VII Pt I xhi corrupt
times are piovided against by estab-
lished, VH Pt II x of the high-
est sages, VII Pt II xxxm

Virtues, where are wanting, decencies
may not be expected, VII Pt I xliv

Virtuous men, importance oat having,
about a sovereign's person, III Pt

II vi.

Voxpopul* voyDet, V Pt I v

"Warlike and other schemes of the min-
isters of his tune condemned by
Mencius, IV. PtII xiv . VI PtII
vru

"Warning to the violently evil and the
weakly evil, IV Pt I x to Sung
, VI, Pt II iv. to the 0011-

396

SUBJECTS IN" THE WORKS OF ITENCIirS. [INDEX I

tending States of Mencius' tune,
VII Pt II 11

Wars, all the, in the Ch'un Ts'ew were
unrighteous, VII Pt II 11 coun-
sels against, VII Pt II iv

Way, a man's, m life, ordered by Hea-
ven, I Pt II xvi of truth like a
great road, VI Pt II u

Wealth, the love of, compatible with
royal go\ eminent, I Pt II v dis-
graceful means which men take to
seek, IV Pt II xxxm and power,
the ministers of Mencius' time pan-
dered to their sovereigns' thirst for,
VI PtII ix

Well-being of the people, the first care
of a government, in order to their

virtue, VII Pt I xxm
Well, digging a, VII Pt I xxix
Will, the is the leader of the passion-
nature, II Pt I 11
Willow, man's nature compared to the

ke, VI Pt I i
Wisdom the richest fruit of, IV Pt I

XX VU

Words, Menoms understood, II Pt I

II what are most truly inauspi-
cious, IV Pt II xvn

World, one cannot avoid all connection
with those whom he disapproves, in
the, III PtII x

Wiongs should he put right at once,

III Pt II viu

INDEX II.

OF PROPER NAMES IN THE WORKS OP MENCIUS

Ncrinea in Italics

ill 1>e found in their oionpiaoea in this Index with additional
references.

Chang E, a celebrated scholar of Wei.

Ill PtII u
Chang, IPwang Chang, a minister of

Ts'e, IV Pt II xxx

Kaou, V Pt I. i , Pt II. m
Chaou Keen, a noble of Tain, III Pt

II i

Chaou the Great, a title borne by dif-
ferent ministers of Tsm, VI. Pt I

XV1J.

Ch'aou-woo, a Tnl] on the north of Ts'e,

I. Pt II iv
Che-shaoti, the name of a piece of

music, I PtII iv
Ch'e Wa, appointed chief criminal

judge of Ts'e, II Pt II v
Chih, a famous robber of Confucius'

time, III PtII x VII PtI xxv,
Ch'in Chung, an asoetia of Ts'e, HI

Pt II x VII Pt I xxxiv
Ch'in Kea, an officer of Ts'e, II Pt II.

ix
Ch'in Leang, a philosopher, III Pt I

IV

Ch'm Seang, a disciple of Ch'in Leang,

III Ft I. iv.

Ch'in Tae, a disciple of Mencius, HI

Pt II i
Ch'in Tsm, a disciple of Mencius, II.

Pt II, ui , x VI. Pt II xiv. :

VII Pt II xxni
Ch'in, the State of, V Pt I vui :

VII PtII xvui . xxxvii
Ch'ing the State of, IV Pt II u ;

xxiv V Pt I u VH. Pt II

xxxvu.
Ching, a minister of the State of

Chbn, V Pt I viu
Ch'oo, a minister of Ts'e, IV. Pt II.

xxxu VI Pt II. v
Choo-fung, the birth-place of Shun,

Chow, the State and dynasty, I. Ft II
m II Pt I i. ; Pt II xm HI.
PtI m ; PtII v . IV. PtI. vii .
Pt II i V Pt I iv. , vi ; Pt II.

11 , IV , VU

Chow, a city on the southern border of

Ts'e, II Pt II. xi , xu
Chow, the last emperor of the Yin

dynasty, I. Pt II viu . II Pt I.

i III, Pt II ut . IV. Pt I. i ,

jx. , sin. . V. Pt I. TU , Pt H i. :

INDEX II.] PROPEB NAMES IN THE WORKS Off MENOIUS 397

VI PtI vi VII Pt I xxu
Chow-kung, or the duke of Chow, II

Pt I i . Pt II ix III Pt I i ,

iv , Pt II ix IV Pt II xx V

Pt I vi VI Pt II vm
Chow, the prince ot Ch'in in Confuci-

us' time, V Pt I viii
Chow Seaou, a scholar of Wei, III Pt

II in
Chuen-f oo, a frill on the north of Ts*e,

I PtII iv
Chung-jin, a son of the emperor T'ang,

V Pt I vi

Chang-ne, Confuczus. I Pt I iv ,
vu III Pt I iv IV Pt II

XVlll

Ch'ung Yu, a disciple of Menoiua, II

Pt II vu , xm
Chuy-keih, a place on Tain, famous for

gems, V Pt I ix
Chwang, a street in the capital of Ts'e,

HI PtII vi
Chwang Paou, a minister at the court

of Ts'e, I Pt II i
Confucius, II Pt I i iv III Pt

I iv , PtII i , in , vu , ix IV
Pt I 11 , vu , vui , xiv , Pt II

XVUl , XXI , 3C3M1 , X3TIT V Pt I
IV , VI , Vlll , Pt II 1 , IV , Vll

VI Pt I vi , viii , Pt II in ,

VI VII Pt I XXIV , Pt II XV11 ,
XIX^, XXXV11 , XXXVU1

E, a famous archer of great antiquity,
IV Pt II xxiv VI Pt I xx

VII Pt I xli

E Che, a follower of Mih, III Pt I. v
E Yin, a minister of T'ang, II Pt I

II , Pt II 11 V Pt I vi . vu ,
Pt II i VI Pt II vi VII Pt

I XTfTTT , Pt II XXXVUl

Fan- a city of Ts'e, VII. Pt I xxxvi
Fei-leen, a favourite minister of the

tyrant Chow, III. Pt II ix
Foo-hea, a place where Shun dwelt,

IV PtII i
Foo Yueh, the minister of the in Tig

Kaou-tsung, VI Pt II xv
Fung-foo, a echola* of Tain, famous

or seizing tigers, VII. Pt II. ---

Gan, or Ngan, the principal minister
of Ts'e, I Pt II iv II Pt I i

Goh-ohing or Yoh-ohing, the double
surname of K'lh, a disciple of Men-
oms,I PtII xvi IV TtLxxiv ,
xxv - VI PtII.xui VII PtII

XXV.

Hae T'ang. a famous worthy of Tain,
V PtII. m.

Han, one of the tliree families \ihich

fverned the State of Tsm, VII Pt
XI

Han, the name of a stream, III Pt

I iv

Haou-sang Puh-hae, a man of Ts'e,

VII Pt II xxv
He, a favourite of Chaou Keen, III

PtII i
Hea dynasty, I Pt II iv II Pt I

i III PtI ui IV PtI u - V

Pt I vi , vu , Pt II iv
Heaou, the duke of Wei, V Pt II iv
Heen-k l e\v Mun^, a disciple of Men-

cms, V Pt I iv

Heu Hing, a heresiarch, III Pt I iv.
Heun-yuh, a tribe of barbarians, I Pt

II m

Hew, a place in the district of T f ang,

m the department of Yen-chow, II

PtII xiv
Ho, the name of a nver, the Yellow

i wet, III PtII ix
Hoo Heih, a man, name. I Pt I vu
Hwa Chow, an officer of Ts'e, slam in

battle, VI Pt II vi
Hwae, the name of a stream, III Pt

I iv , Pt II ix
Hwan, H\\an T'uy, a high officer of

Sung, V Pt I vui
Hwan, the duke of Ts'e, B o 683

642, I Pt I vu IV Pt II xxi -

VI Pt II vu

Hwan-taou, Yaou's minister of m-
stiuction, V Pt I lu

H\vuy, the posthumous epithet of
Yung, king of Leaug, a State in
Tain, I Pt I i v VII Pt II i.

Hvmy ot Lew-hea, posthumous title of
Chen Hwoh, an omcer o Loo, II Pt
I ix V Ft II i VI Pt II vi

VII Pt I xxxvui , Pt II xv
Hwuy, the duke of Pe, V Pt II. ui

Jin, a small State, VI Pt II i , v.
Joo, the name of a stream, III Pt I.

Kah, or Koh. a city in Ts'e, II Pt II

vi III PtII x
Kang, younger brother of the prince

otVaag~vJU[ PtI :Jui
KL'ang, hon epithet of Fung, "brother

of king Woo, V Pt II iv
Kaou, the philosopher, named Puh-

hae, II Pt 1. 11. VI Pt 1 i iv ;

vj
ELaou, a disciple of Mencius, II. Pt II

xu VII JPt II. xxi , xxu
Kaon, a disciple of Tsze-hea, VI Pt

II ui

of

398 PBOPEB NAMES IN THE WOEKS OF MENCITJS. [iNDEX II

the tyrant Chow, II Pt I i VI

Ptll xv
Kaou-t'ang, a place in the west of

Ts'e, VI Pt II vi
Kaou Yaou, a minister of Shun, III

Pt I iv VII Pt I xxxv , Pt II

xxxvm
Ke, a small State in Shan-se, II Pt

I i
Ke, a mountain in Ho-nan, V Pt I

VI

K'e, the viscount of Wei in Shan-se,

VI PtI vi
K'e, the son of the emperor Yu, V Pt

I vi

K'e. the mune of a mountain, and also

of the old State of Chow, I Pt II

v , xiv , xv IV Ptll i
K'e, the name of a stream, VI Pt II

vi
Ke family, the family of Ke K'ang of

Loo, IV Pt 1 xiv
Ke Hwan, the head of the ITe family

in the latter dayb of Confucius, V

Ptll iv.
Ke Leaner, an officer of Ts'e, afa/m in

battle, VI Ptll vi
Keang, the Yang-tsze nver, III Pt I

iv , Pt II ix

Keang, the lady of, I Pt II v
Keaou, a "brother of the pnnoe of

Ts'aou, VI Pt II 11
Keeh, the tyrant, I Pt I n . Pt

II vm IV Pt I ix V Pt

I vi , vii VI. Pt II 11 , vi , ix ,

X

Keoh-shaou, the name of a piece of

music, I Pt II iv
Keu, the name of an ancient State. I

Pt II 111
Keu-bin, the governor of Phng-luh,

II Ptll iv

Keuh, a place in. Tain, famous for

horses, V Pt I ix
K'ew, the name of Yen Yew, a disciple

o Coniucius, IV Pt I xiv
Kih, a wnall State adjoining to Tain,

V Pt I ix
K l m Chang, named Laou, a disciple of

Coniucius, VII Pt II xxxvii
King, a place punished by the duke

He of Loo, III Pt I. iv , Pt II

ix
King, the duke of Ts'e, B o. 546 488,

I Pt II iv III Pt I i , Pt II
i IV. Pt I vn V Pt II vii

King Ch'ow, an officer of Ts'e, II Pt

II n

Kmg Ch*un, a man who plumed him-
self on his versatility, III Pt II 11
K.oh, the name of a State in Ho-nan,

I Ptll Ul , XI . Ill Ptll V

Koh, or Kah, a city in Ts'e, II Pt II

vi III Pt II x
Koo-sow, Shun's father, IV Pt I

xxvm V PtI u , iv VI PtI

vi VII Pt I xxxv
Kow-tseen, the name of a prince in

the Leeh K^ oh, I Pt II m
K'ung, JKeu-atn, II Pt II iv
Kung Che-ke, an officer of the State of

Yu, V Pt I ix
Kung-e, prune minister of Loo, VI

Ptll vi
Kung-hang, an officer of Ts'e, IV Pt

II XXVll

Kung-lew, the duke Lew, an ancestor
of the Chow family, I Pt II v

Kung-mmg E, a disciple, first of Tsze-
chang. and then o Tsang. Sin, III
PtI i , Ptll in , ix IV Ptll

XXIV

Kung-mang Kaou, a disciple of Tsang
Sin, V Pt I i

Kung-shoo, a celebrated mechanist of
Loo, named Pan, now the god oi
carpenters, IV Pt I i

ELung-&un Ch'ow, a disciple of Menoi-
us, II Pt I i , n , Pt II 11 , vi ,
xiv III Pt II vii IV Pt I
xvm VI Pt II m , xiii VII Pt

I xxxi , xxxii , xxxix. , xh , Pt

II i , xxxvi

Kung-sun Yen, a celebrated scholar

of Wei, III Pt II 11
Kung-too, a disciple of Mencius, II

Pt II v III *Pt II jx IV Pt

II xxx VI Pt I v , vi , xv :
VII Pt I xhii

Kuan barbarians I Ptll 111

K.'wan, the father of the emperor Yu,
V PtI m

Kwan Chung, by name E-woo, min-
ister of Hwan, duke of Ta'e, II Pt
I i , Pt II 11 VI Pt II x\

Kwan-shuh, an elder brother of the
duke of Chow, II Pt II ix,

K'wang, music-master and wise coun-
sellor of Tuin, IV Pt I i VI Pt
I vu.

K'wang Chang, & minister of Ta'e.

III Pt II x IV Pt II xxx
K*wei-k'e"w, the place where the duke

Hwan assembled the princes, VI.
Pt II vu,

Lae Choo, the minister of T*ang, VII.

Pt II xxxviii
Lang-yay, a mountain and city m

Ta'e, I Pt II iv.
Le, a cruel emperor of the Chow dyn-

Isty, VI Pt I vi
Le Low, a man of Hwang-te's time, of

very acute vision, IV Ft I i.

II ] PEOPEE NAMES IN THE WORKS OI 1

399

Leang, the state of "Wei in Tsin, so
called from its capital, I Pt I i
vi VII PtII i
Ling, the duke of "Wei, V Pt II iv
Lmg-k'ew, a city on the border of Ts'e,

II Pt II v

Loo, the native State of Confucius, I
Pt II xn , xvi II Pt II vii

III Pt I 11 IV Pt II xxi V
Pt I viii , Pt II T iv VI Pt
II vi , viii , xiii VII PtI xxiv ,

XXXVI , Pt II XV11 , XXXVU

Lung, an ancient worthy. Ill Pt I
m VI PtI vii

Mang, Mang K'o, Mencius, I Pt II

xvi
Mang Chung, a nephew, or perhaps a

eon, of Menoms, II Pt II 11
Ming Heen, a worthy minieter of Loo,

V PtII m

Mang Ke, a younger hrother of Mang

Chung, VI PtI v
Mang Pun, a celebrated bravo of Ts'e,

II Pt I 11
Mang She-shay, a man of valour, II

PtI 11
Me, an unworthy favourite of the duke

Ling, V PtI vni
Meen EL'eu, a man of Ts'e, who taught

a slow style of singing, VI Pt II

vi
Mih Teih, a heresiarch, III Pt I y ,

Pt II ix VII Pt I xxvi
Mih, barbarous tribes of the North,

VI PtII x

Mih K'e, a peison whose words are

quoted, VII Pt II xix
Mm Teze-k'een, a disciple of Confuci-

us, II Pt I 11
Ming-teaou, the place where Shun

died, IV Pt II i
Muh, the residence of the tyrant Keeh,

V Pt I vii
Muh, the posthumous epithet of the

duke of Loo, I Pt II xii II Pt

II xi V PtII vi , vii VI Pt

II vi
Muh, the duke of Ts^n, B o 659620,

V PtI ix VT PtII vi
Muh Chung, a friend of M<ing Heen

V Pt II 111
Muh P'ei, an ambitious man, VII Pt

II

-yang, t

PtII via
New mountain, the, VI Pt I. vui
Ngan, or Gan, the principal minieter

of Ts'e, I Pt II iv II Pt I. i
North Sea, the, V. Pt II i

P'ang Kang. a disciple of Mencius.

Ill Pt If iv
P'ang Munff, the pupil and muiderer

of the archer E, IV Pt II xxiv
Pe, a place in the State of Loo, V Pt

II ui
Pe-kan, an uncle of the tyrant Chow.

II PtI i VI PtI vi

Peih Chen, a minister of the State of

T'ang, III Pt I m
Peih-ying, the place where king "Wan

died, IV Pt II i
Pih-e, hon epithet of a worthy of the

Shang dynasty. II Pt I u , ix

III ft II x IV Pt I xm V
Pt II i VI Pt II vi VII Pt

I 3CX1I , Pt II XV

Pih Kwei, styled Tan, an ascetic of

Chow, VI Pt II x ; xi
Pih-kung E, an officer of "Wei, V Pt

II 11

Pih-kung Tew, a bravo of "Wei, II Pt

I ii

Pih-le He, a chief minister of the duke
Muh of Ts'in, V Pt I ix VI Pt

II vi ; xv

Pin, a settlement founded by K.ung-

lew, I Pt II xiv.

P'ing, the duke of Loo, I Pt II xvi
P'ing, the duke of Tsin, B o 556631,

V PtII m
P'ong-luh, a city on the southern

border of Ts'e, II Pt II iv VI

PtII v
Poh, a city in Ho-nan, T'ang's capital,

III Pt II v VPt I vi , vii.
P'wan-shmg Kwoh, an officer of Ts'e,

VII PtII xxix

San E-sang, an able minister of King

Wan, VII Pt II xxxvni
San Meaou, the State of, V Pt I ui
San-\vei, a region in the West, V. Pt

I in
Se, the lady, a celebrated beauty of

Confucius' tame, IV Pt I xxv
Seang, the half-brother of Shun, V.

Pt I u , in VI Pt I vi
Seang, hon epithet of Hih, king of

Leang, I Pt I vi

Seen, the name of an ancient princi-
pality adjoining T'ang, I Pt II

xW II Pt II ui
Seeh, Shun's minister of instruction,

III PtI iv
See" ELeu-chow, a minister of Sung,

III PtII vi
Seeh Lew, Xbx6-kw, a disciple of tie

Confucian eohooL II. Pt II xi .

III. Pt II vn.
Seu, a place punished by the duke He

of Loo, III Pt I xv ; Pb II i*.

400 PROPER NAJIES IN THE WOEKS OF MENCIUS [INDEX II

Seu Pe h, a disciple of Mencms, III
PtI v IV PtII xvm

Seuen, the king of Ts'e, B a 332, I
Pt T vn , Pt II i xi IV Ft
II 111 V Pt II ix VII Pt I

XXXI X

Sh-\ng, ihe dynasty, III Pt II T

IV PtI vii

She, an officer of Ts'e, II Pt II x
Shih-k'ew, a place in Sung, VI Pt II

IV

Shin-nung, the second of the Five

empeiort,, III Pt I iv
Shin Kub.-ie, ramistti of the prince of

Loo, VI Pt II \m
Shin Te'eang, a son of Tsze-chang-,

Confuciua r disciple, II Pt II xi
Shin T'ung, a high minister of Ts'e,

II Pt II viu

Shin-} ew, a friend of the philosopher

Ts<uig, IV PtII -K-K-KI
Shin-yew Hing, a disciple of Tsang,

IV PtII xxxi
Shrag K.an, a person whose words are

quoted, III Pt I i
Shun, the emperor, II Pt I u . vm ,

Pt II 11 III Pt I i , iv , Ft II

iv , ix IV Pt I i , n , xxvi

XXVlll , Pt II 1 , XIX , XX Mil

xxxu V Pt I i vn , Pt II i
in , \i VI Pt I vi , Pt II 11
ui , vm , x , xv VII Pt I x\i

XXV X*X , XXXV , Xlvi , Pt II

VI , XXX111 , XXXVU

Shun-yti K t wan, a famous sophist of
Ts'e, IV Pt I xvii VI Pt II
vi

Sin, the native place of E Yin, in Ho-
nan, V Pt I vn

Sin, -younger brother of Ch'm Seang,

III Pt I iv
South river, V Pt I v

Sun- shun G-aou, prune minister of

Chiang of Ts'oo, VI Pt II xv
Sung, the State of, II Pt I n , Pt

II ui III Pt I i , iv . Pt II
v V Pt I viu VII Pt I
xxxvi

Sung El'ang, a travelling scholar, VI

PtII iv
Sung Kow-ts'een, a travelling scholar,

VII PtI 11 ^^

Sze, the name of a stream, III. Pt I
iv

Tae, elder brother of Ch'm Chung,

III PtII x

T'ae, an ancestor of the Chow family,
the duke T^an-foo, who received from
"Woo the title of king, I. Pt II v ,
xiv , xv

T'ae mountain, on the border between

Loo and Ts'e, I Pt I vii II Pt I
n VII Pt I xxiv
T'ae-keah, grandson and successor of
T'ang, II Pt I iv IV Pt I

Mil V PtI VI VII PtI *X*t

T'ae-kung, a great counsellor of "Win

and Woo, IV Pt I xm VII Pt

I xxu , Pt II xxxviii
Tae Puh- shine, a minister of Sung.

Ill PtII vi
T'ae-ting, eldest son of the emperor

T'ang-, V PtI vi
Tae Ymg-che, a gieat officer of Sung,

III PtII -no.

T ah, the name of a stream, III Pt I
iv

T'an-foo, Tae, the duke of Chow, I
Pt II v

Tan Choo, the son of Yaou, V Pt I
vi

T'ang, the founder of the Shang dyn-
asty, I Pt I 11 , Pt II in , viu ,
xi II Pt I i , in , Pt II n ,
xn III PtII v IV Pt I ix ,
Pt II xx V Pt I vi , vii VI
Pt II 11 , vi VII Pt 1 xxx. ,
Pt II iv , xxxiu ; xxxviii

T'ung, the State of, I Pt II xiu :
xiv , xv II PtII vi in PtI
i iv VII Pt I. adui , Pt II
gx-g

T'aug, a place where grain was stored
m Ts'e, VII Pt II xxiu

T'uou Ying, a disciple of Mencms,
VII PtI xxxv

Teen, the bon oi the king of Ts'e, VII
Pt I xxxin

Ting, the duke of T'ang, III Pt I 11

IVae, the State of, VII Pt II xvin

Tsae Go, a disciple o Confucius, II
PtI n

Ts'ang-leang, a stream in Shan-tung.

IV PtI viu

Tflang Seih, Tsang Sin's father, IV
Pt I xix VII Pt II. xxxvi ,

XXXVU

Tsang Be, the grand&on of Tsang Sin,
the disciple oi Confucius, and philo-
sopher, II Pt I i

Tsang Sin, the philosopher. I Pt II.
xn II Pt I 11 , Pt III n III
Pt I 11 , iv ; Ft II. vu IV Pt
I xix , Pt if; xxxi VII Pt II.

XXXVI

Tsang Ts*ang, a favourite of the duke
P'in of Loo, I Pt II xvi

Tsang Yuwi, the sou of the philoso-
pher Tsang, IV, Pt I xix

Ts'aou, the principality of, VI Pt II
11

Tse, the name of a stream. III Pt I,

INDEX II ] PROPER NAMES IX THE WORKS OF MENCIUS 401

Ts'e, tlie State of, I Pt I v , vii ,
Pt II i xi , xin , xiv II Pt
I i , n , Pt II 11 xiv III Pt

I i , Pt II i , v , vi , x IV

Pt I VH , XXIV ,, Pt II 1U , XXI ,

xxxi , XTXIII V Pt I vm , Pt

II i , vn , ix VI Pt II v ,
vi , vui VII Pt I xxxiv , xx3tvi ,

XXXIX , Pt II XVll , XX1JL1 , XXIX

Tseih, How-tseih, the minister of agii-
culture of Yaou and Sh.ua, IV Pt

II XXIX

Tseih Hwan, a favourite of the prince

of Ts'e, V Pt I vm
Ts'ew, Chess Ts'ew, a famous Chess-

pliyei, VI Pt I ix
Tain, a n\ er in. the State of Ch'mg,

IV PtII u
Tsm, the State of, I Pt I i note , v ,

vii III Pt II an IV Pt II

V PtI ix , PtII in
Pt II xxin

VII

Ts'in, the State of , I Pt I v , \ti

V Pt I ix VI Pt I iv , xii ,
- Pt II iv , vi

Ts'oo, the State of I Pt I v , vii ,
Pt II vi , xm II Pt II 11

III Pt I i , iv , Pt II v , vi

IV Pt II xxi VI Pt I. iv , xii ,
PtII iv,

Tsow, the native State of Menoius, I
Pt I ^n , Pt II xii II Pt II
xii III PtI 11 VI PtII i , v

Ts t ung, a place in Ts'e, II Pt II xiv

Ts'ung, the mountain, V Pt I in

Tsze-oh'an, named Kung-sun Keaou,
the chiel minister of the State oi
Oh'mg, IV Pt II 11 V Pt I n

Tsze-chang, a disciple of Confucius,
II Pt I u , iv

Tssce-ohe, prime minister of Tsze-k c wae
of Yen, II Pt II vui

Tsze-choh. Yu. an archer of Ch'ing,
IV PtII xxiv

Taze-gaou, Wang Hwan~ the governoi
ot K'oh in Ts'e, IV Pt I. xxiv ,

XXV , Pt II XXV11

Tsze-hea, a disciple of Confucius, II

Pt I 11 , iv III Pt I iv
Tsze-kung, a disciple ot Confucius. II

Pt I n III Pt I iv
Tsae-k'wae, a king of Yen, II Pt II

vm

Tsze-lew, Sceh Lew, VI Pt II vi
Ts^so-loo, the de&ignation of Chung

Yew. a disciple of Conlucius, II Pt

I i , vm III Pt II vu V Pt

I viii
Tsze-moh, a philosopher of Loo, VII

Pt I xxvi
Tssse-seang, a disciple of Ts&ng, II

Pt I 11

T&ze-shuh E, a person who pushed

himself into the service of govern-
ment, II Pt II x
Tsze-sze, the grandson of Confucius,

II Pt II xi IV Pt II **TT.

V Pt II m , \i , vii VI Pi II

vi
Tsze-too, an officer of Ch'mg, B o 700,

distinguished for his beauty, VI

PtI vu
Ta^e-yew, a disciple of Confucius, II

Pt I 11 , III PtI iv
T'un^- ? the place where Hie omperor

T'ang was buried, V Pt I vi

VII PtI xxxi
Tung-kw6h f irnily, a hiaiich of the

family of Hwan, duke o Ts'e, II

Pt II u
Twan HLan-muh, a scholar of Wei, III

Pt II vii

Uh-loo, a disciple of Mencius, VI Pt
II i , v

"Wao-ping, a son of King T'ang, V Pt

I vi

Wan, the king, I Pfc I 11 , vii , Pt

II 11 , m , v , x II Pi I i ,
in III Pt I i , m , Pt II ix

IV PtI vii , xin , PtII i , xx
VI. Pt I vi , Pt II 11 VII Pt
I x , xxii , Pt II xrt , xxu ,

XXX V1U

Wan, the duke of T'cing-, I Pt II xiu

xiv. Ill Pt I i , m , iv
Wan, the duke ot Tbin, B c 633627,

I Pt I vii IV Pt II xxi
Wan Chanar, ft diboiple of Mencius,

III. Pt II v V Pt I i , 11 ,

m , v ix , Pt II in , iv , vi ,

vui. VII Pt II xxx vu
Wang H'wan, Tt>ze-qaou, the g-overnoi

ot K'-oh, in Ts'e* II Pt II vi
Wang Leang, charioteer to Chaou

Keen, III Pt II i
Wang P aou, a man of Wei, teacher of

an abrupt style of singing, VI Pt

II vi

Wang Shun, on officer of the duke of

Pe, V Pt II m
Wei, the State of, IV Pt II xxiv .

V Pt I vui , Pt II iv

Woi, one of the three f amilieH which.

fverned the state of Ts'in, VII Pt
XI

Wei, a small State in Shan-se, II Pt

I i VI PtI. vi
Wei, a river in the State of Ch*mg,

IV Pt II u
Woo, the State of, I Pt II iii IV

Pt I vii
Woo, the flistking of the Chow dynasty,

402 PJIOPER NAMES IN THE WORKS OP MENCIUS [iNDEX IT

I Pt II in , viii , 3 II Pt I
i , Ft II xii III Pt II ix
IV Pt I ix , Pt II xx VI Pt
I vi VII Pt I xxx , Pt II iv ,
vxxni

"Woo Hwoh, a man noted for his
strength, VI Pt II n

"Woo-hng, a wild place in the depart-
ment of Tse-nan, III. Pt II x

"Woo-shing, a city in Loo, IV Pt II
xxxi

"VVoo-ting 1 , an emperor of the Shang
dynasty, u c 1323, II Pt I i

Yang Choo, a herosiarch of the tune

o Confucius, III Pt II ix VII

Pt I xxvi , Pt II xx\i
Yang Hoo, the piincipal minister of

Lhe Ke family, of Loo, III Pt I

m , Pt II vn
Yang-shing, a city in Ho-nan, V Pt

I vi

Yaou, the emperor, II Pt I n . Pt
II. u III Pt I i , iv , Pt II
iv , ix IV Pt I i , u , Pt II
x^cxii .V Pt I m vn , Pt II
i , vi VI PtI vi , PtIJ viii ,
x VII Pt I xxx , xlvi , Pt II
vi , xxxui , xxxvii , xxxvm
Yellow River, VI Pt II vi
Yen, the kingdom of. III Pt II ix
Yen, the State of, I Pt II x , xi

II PtII von ; ix

Yen, Yen Hwuy, a disciple of Conf ,

IV PtII Kui.
Yen Ch'ow-yew. a worthy officer of

Wei, V Pt I viii
Ytn New, a disciple of Confucius, II

Pt I u.
Tt en Pan 3 a son of Yen Hwuy, V Pt

II in
Yen Yew, ihe Gi ind- tutor of the

prince of T ing, III Pi I 11
Yen Yuen, a disciple of Confucius, II

PtI 11 III PtI i
Yew, a cruel king of the Chow dj -

nasty, VI Pt I vi
Yew-pe, the name of a place in Yung-

chow, Hoo-non, V Pt I m
Yew Joh, a disciple of Confucius, II

Pt I 11 ; III Pt I iv
Yih, a minister of Shun, and of Yu,

III PtI iv V PtI vi
Yih-ya, the cook oi the duke Hwan of

Ts'e, VI Pt I vn
Yin, State and dynasty, II Pt I i ,

Pt II ix III Pt I m IV Pt

I n , vii V Pt II iv VII Pt

II iv

Ym-kung T'o, a famous aicher, IV

Pt II xxiv

Yin Sze, a man of Ts*e, II PtII xii
Yin^, the name of a place between

TB'e and Loo, II Pt II vii
Yoh-chmg-, a disciple of Mcncius, I

Pt II vvi IV.Tt I xxiv , xxv

VI PtII XIH VII PtII xxv
Yoh-chmp: K. l ew, a fnond of Miing

Keen, V Pt II 11
Yoh, a quaitei in the capital of IVc.

III PtII vi.

Yu, the sovereign, II Pt I viii III
Pt I iv , Pt II ix IV Pt IL xx ,
xxvi xxix. V Pt I vi VI
Pt II xi VII. Pt II xxn ,

XXX VU 1

Yu, a bmall State adjoining Tsm, V

PtI ix VI PtII \i
Yu, the mountain, V Pt I in
Yu-kung S/e, on archei oJt Wei, IV P1

II xxiv
Yueh, the State of, TV Pt II xxxi

VI PtII m

CH1I D8 AND BOW, J