Skip to main content

Full text of "[Chinese immigration pamphlets]"

See other formats




... ^y-O, 



k W^/ 



■ 4 ■ t J 

D E007 D7Mfl t ^S 7 

California State Library 


State Library. 

Accessions No ^^Receivecl 

ciass .c 325.251 .......C.5.3 


ri> oy^ 




Z^L^-tL <;? sytt &*^t__ " *^tsi^. 






z/1 <^ 

/P^t-^r ^<l^_^/- 

^^_, /£L ^."&c___ ^ ^^^ ^ 



f / 









OF CALIFORNIA, FEBRUARY 1st, 1870; ^3* \ 

WITH ^ \ x 








FEBRUARY, 1870. 


3* </•"- / 



^ ■ 





Gentlemen : — 

Before entering upon the task of explaining the intentions of the 
promoters of the bill for establishing a State Board of Immigration, and 
giving you the reasons which induced our Board to draft its several pro- 
visions iq, their present shape, allow me to say a few words upon the 
general subject of immigration. The pamphlet which has been placed 
in your hands — made up of extracts from editorial articles published in 
the Bulletin, Examiner, Alta, Chronicle, Gall, State Capital Reporter, Record 
and Bee, in the months of October, November and December last — will 
show you on the most cursory glance, that the importance of immigration 
and the necessity of the work being done at the State expense and under 
State control, has not been underestimated by the journals named. 

What we have undertaken to propose, has been advocated by newspa- 
pers of all shades of politics. By all as a certain means of imparting 
fresh life and vigor to the growth of California, and giving her a better 
chance in the race with her competing sisters, towards wealth, population 
and power ; also by some as the best means of checking the evil of Chinese 

Some few writers, not however in the journals named, have consistently 
opposed immigration on the ground that neither larger population, nor 
the increased wealth it would bring, is 'desirable. It is strange that such 
arguments should be advanced in this enlightened age, and it is especially 
strange that such views should be announced in journals published in a 
country which owes three-fourths of its present population and a large 
portion of its great wealth to the immigration, and the fruits of the immi- 
gration which it has received in this century. 

These writers explain their position by declaring that while the intro- 
duction of frugal and industrious immigrants in large numbers would 
undoubtedly greatly benefit those citizens who possess the faculty which 
enables men to take advantage of circumstances, and rise in the world — 
yet it would not benefit those who cannot or will not seize opportunities, 
however good, when offered them. In short, while these opponents admit 
that the men who will labor and save, will raise themselves above their 

4 Immigration. 

present station, and place their families beyond the reach of any reaction 
which may possibly in the future, as in Illinois, follow a long season of 
prosperity stimulated by immigration — they say that on the other hand, 
the men who will not work steadily while wages are high, or if they do, 
will squander their earnings in folly and extravagance, must and will 
suffer by immigration. For the honor of California, no one will say that 
the frugal and industrious citizens of this State are in the minority and 
the idle and reckless in the majority ; hence by their own admissions, if 
the rule of good government is " the greatest happiness of the greatest 
number," these objectors allow that the benefit of the prudent majority 
should be sought and secured, not sacrificed to the protection and encour- 
agement of the imprudent minority. Shall we not also say that the frugal 
and industrious majority is better worth the consideration of the Legis- 
lature than the idle and dissipated minority ? 

We are told that there are in one city of this State seven thousand men 
in forced idleness. It may be that the number of unfortunates is exag- 
gerated, but whether it is or not, let. us look our position squarely in the 
face. Six hundred thousand people in California, and four hundred 
thousand of them living in towns, supported by two hundred thousand 
living in the country — working our mines, cultivating our lands and 
herding our flocks. Four hundred thousand people attempting to live 
by supplying the wants of two hundred thousand producers. Is it not an 
anomaly?- Is it not unprecedented? Is it surprising that the attempt 
has been unsuccessful and the result is failure and suffering ? 

Such writers as Horace Greeley have said, " There are two hundred 
thousand people in New York who will not leave that city until they are 
starved out of it." Yet we have never heard that the editor of the 
Tribune had attacked or discouraged immigration on the ground that the 
overcrowding of the cities of the Atlantic coast produced distress. On 
the contrary, he would say, immigration enriches the United States, makes 
her great and powerful among nations, and the interest of a whole people 
cannot be sacrificed to the weakness of a class who will not help them- 
selves by seeking work where it can most easily be found. 

The position of our seven thousand unfortunates is somewhat different ; 
they are mostly dependent on daily labor for sustenance ; they have not 
the means of cultivating the soil on their own account, and cannot readily 
find employment in town or conntry. We say that while some means of 
giving them relief in their present necessity should be devised, the next 
good work which the Legislature can do is to inaugurate a great measure — 
IMMIGRATION, which by restoring prosperity to the country will give all 
these men another chance of establishing themselves permanently above 
the fear of poverty. 


The subject of immigration has been pressed on your attention, not 
only by the majority of journalistic writers, but also by the executive 
officers of the State. 

Immigration. 5 

The Surveyor General of California, in his biennial report, says : " The 
question we now have to deal with is, as to the best plan to be adopted to 
get emigrants to come to our State. In my opinion, the Legislature should 
take the matter in hand, and make some provision to encourage immigra- 
cies should be established in England, Ireland, France and Germany. 
Most of the Western States have agencies there, and California should 
have hers." 

And again, after speaking of the San Joaquin and Tulare valleys, 
"Maps showing these valleys and the unoccupied land of the State 
should be made for distribution. The State should use every exertion to 
promote immigration of the industrious classes from Europe. We want 
workers ; we have non-producers enough here already ; we have doctors, 
lawyers, clerks and politicians in abundance ; we now want farmers 
mechanics, artisans and wine growers ; all of this class can find profitable 
employment here, and in a very short time can make comfortable homes 
for themselves and their families." 

His Excellency, Governor Haight, has pressed the same subject on 
your attention on the two-fold ground : the material advantage of the 
State, and the moral advantage of displacing the Chinese Coolie laborers. 

" The importance of facilitating immigration from the Eastern States 
and Europe is felt by all who are interested in our material development. 
A moderate expenditure of money to establish agencies in New York 
and Baltimore and in Europe would probably be of service in directing 
immigrants to this coast, and securing additional means for their safe and 
speedy transit hither. Agents of this character could do much towards 
diffusing information as to the 'advantages offered by California, and 
making favorable arrangements with railway and steamship corporations. 

" We need population — not of races inferior in natural traits, pagan in 
religion, ignorant of free institutions, and incapable of sharing in them 
without putting the very existence of those institutions in peril — but we 
need immigrants of kindred races, who will constitute a congenial 
element and locate themselves and their families permanently upon the 
soil ; who can be admitted to an equal share in our political privileges, 
and respond to all the obligations imposed upon citizens under a repub- 
lican Government. One great need of California is a farming population 
from Germany and other European States, accustomed to the cultivation 
of the grape and other branches of agriculture, to which our climate and 
soil are so peculiarly adapted. We have millions of acres of public lands 
in the mountains and yalleys. on the coast and in the interior, open to 
purchase and settlement at moderate prices, and a climate, as a whole, 
the most equable, genial and healthful on the globe. For certain 
branches of agriculture, especially the production of raw silk and the 

6 Immigration. 

culture of the grape, no climate or country can possess more favorable 
conditions ; but we need an agricultural population to develop our 
resources in this direc tion, and we also need an immigration of Eastern 
and European mechanics and laborers. It is a general desire that some 
measures not involving extravagant expenditure might be devised to 
facilitate this object." 


It is a singular circumstance and worthy of notice, that though there 
has been a general outcry against the bill, not a single writer has shown 
in what the bill, as an Immigration bill, is wrong, or how a bill calculated 
to effect the object should be drawn. There have been hints of cheaper 
ways of " how hot to do it," but none for accomplishing immigration by 
other methods. True one leading journal in opposing the bill admitted 
that printing and agents in Europe were necessary, but declared that was 
all that should be done. The week after, the same journal had an article 
showing that half the people passing through New York for California 
never arrived here, and forgetting what it had said the week before, 
declared that agents in the Atlantic ports and towns on the railroad 
route were all that was necessary. Another week elapsed and the same 
journal, still advocating immigration, proposed local agents in the several 
counties of the State to assist the immigrants on their arrival, and 
declared that alone was needed to fill the State with population. The 
three modes of working thus recommended when used in conjunction, 
make up the scheme we have proposed in the bill, which the same journal 
had denounced. Perhaps it had never been read. 

Gentlemen, think of it ; while attacking the bill as a whole, no one has 
shown how the work could be done any other way. It is too late for the 
majority of the press of California to step back and declare that they are 
opposed to immigration, opposed to its being promoted on a comprehensive 
scale ; opposed to the expenditure of eighty thousand dollars on the 
work. It is too late for them to say that the work is unimportant or an- 
unfit subject for legislation. To do this is to contradict themselves on 
matters of record ; to draw back deliberate expressions of opinion which 
they have enunciated since September, in acres of leading articles. One 
journal has said within the past three weeks, " Immigration of farmers is 
the greatest need of California." And in the same paragraph recom- 
mended you to vote five thousand dollars — for what ? To supply this 
" greatest need of this great State." Gentlemen, within the past three or 
four months the proprietors of California newspapers have spent in 
authorship, type setting, press work, and paper, twice, five thousand 
dollars in arguing on the duty of the Legislature and arousing the public 
mind to the importance of this work. 

But, let see what the bill says : Section 1 provides for a Board of 
Management, composed of six ex officio members, taken from the Boards 

Immigration. 7 

of various charitable associations in this State ; one member nominated 
by the State Board of Agriculture, and two by the Board of the Immi- 
grant Union. 

If you need precedents for this section, look at the management of the 
Labor Exchange and examine the. construction of the Board that controls 
Castle Garden, New York. But mark this especially ; all our Union asks 
of the Legislature is the power to nominate two members out of nine, and 
then, if the Governor does not approve the nominations he caunot be 
compelled to appoint. Is there any grasping at power shown there ? 

Look at section 2. [f the Immigrant Union selects two men, one of 
whom, while not so unfit as to justify the Governor in refusing to nomin- 
ate him, should not be a happy selection, the Governor can prevent the 
mistake being a lasting one by limiting the . undesirable nominee's term 
of office to one year. What is there obnoxious to the public interest in 
that clause ? 

Section 3 is one of the clauses that has been severely criticised. It de- 
fines the duties of the Executive Committee, and provides for their com- 
pensation at the rate of S 3.000 a year, each. These gentlemen are ex- 
pected to give their time and attention for two or three hours every day 
to the business, and the California precedents are in favor of paying them, 
even if they had only to give two hours on one day a week to public 

The Harbor Commissioners are three in number, and are paid by the 
State $3,000 a year, each. Shall the State pay a Harbor Commissioner 
for taking his time in the best business hours in one day, and refuse to pay 
an Immigrant Commissioner, whose time will be taken in the best hours 
for business every day in the week ? 

Or, look at the Tide Land Commissioners. There are three of them, and 
they receive $2,500 a year, and it is said that sum is an inadequate com- 
pensation for the service rendered. During the taking of testimony on 
conflicting ownership, the Board sat, for a time, every day; but, I am in- 
formed the number of meetings since the formation of the Board averages 
about one a week. 

It is clear, assuming that the Executive Committee of the. Immigrant 
Board will have to work five times as many hour3 as the Commissioners 
of the other two Boards, there can be no sufficient reason for paying them 
less salary. 

No one has anything to say derogatory to the Boards named, but the 
people of California are as deeply interested in immigration as in the 
work carried on by either. Neither of these can be said to be vital in- 
terests. The work of building the sea-wall, or selling the San Francisco 
tide lands, might be temporarily suspended without the prosperity of 
California being materially affected. It is not so with immigration. Im- 
migration, rightly conducted, means prosperity for every able-bodied 

8 Immigration. 

man, and for every manufacturing, commercial and carrying interest in 
California. No immigration, or badly managed immigration, means the 
opposite of prosperity for all those interests, and, perhaps, hard times 
and anxiety and misfortune for thousands. 

If the managers of immigration fail tp select good agents for Europe, 
and to make good contracts with steamship and railroad companies, im- 
migration will not come, and the money expended will be wasted. If the 
managers fail to make good appointments between New York and Omaha 
of the emigrants who leave home for California, they will lose one half 
between their landing in New York and crossing our State line. If the 
machinery in Europe works well, and the emigrants start at the rate of. 
1,000 a week, and the intermediate agents exercise the necessary super- 
vision over them in their transit, but there is no proper accommodation 
for receiving them here, and no organization for transferring them rapid- 
ly to their destination in the interior without much outlay, we shall have 
confusion from the first, followed by distress, and resulting in such a 
prejudice against California as will prevent us getting much population 
direct from Europe until the memory of our blunders is effaced by the 
lapsn of years. 

Again, for what good management will accomplish, read Col. Loomis' 
letter. This gentleman, who is a high authority on this kind of immigra- 
tion, writes that his Board have been able, by good management, to save 
their emigrants from $25 to $30 each adult, in transporting them from 
the interior of Germany. Such management as the bill contemplates 
would save the emigrant in ^transportation, and in seeking out and ob- 
taining a location on land, from $50 to $150 ; the cost of that manage- 
ment, as provided in the bill, will cost eighteen cents for each emigrant 
brought here. 

But after all, gentlemen, the question of management is secondary. 
The Legislature has the matter in its hands. Our only request is : give 
us a good management. Let the Board be formed of capable and zealous 
men who will devote their time, judgment and energies to this busi- 
ness, and not treat their office as if it were an honorary sinecure. 

Section 4 provides for a chief office, for rent, stationery, and extra cler- 
ical assistance, $3,000. This is just the sum which the State Harbor Com- 
missioners expend on similar purposes. The duties of these gentlemen 
are— managing the San Francisco wharves and building the sea wall. 
The State Board of Immigration would have an enormous business, ex- 
tending over Europe and the Atlantic States, as well as every county in 
California ; and the expense of postage and express dues, foreign and 
home, on matter sent from the chief office, would be a considerable sum. 
Even in the item of rent, the extent and variety of its business to be 
transacted, with the probability of 100 to 200 people a day having busi- 
ness with the officers, indicates the necessity of a considerable outlay. 

Immigration. 9 

Compare the sum available for rent, with what the P. M. S. S. Company, 
or even the C. P. R. R. expend in San Francisco, on their offices for the 
sale of tickets, and what we ask will seem small and inadequate. 

Section 5 provides that the Board shall appoint a secretary, at a salary 
not exceeding $2,400. That is the sum the secretary of the Board of 
State Harbor Comm : ssioneis receives, and he is allowed an assistant sec- 
retary at $1,500 a yuar. The ditties of these gentlemen almost entirely 
relate to matters belonging to ban Francisco. The Tide Land Commis- 
sioners pay their Secretary $2,000, and that gentleman is said to be the 
worst paid public officer in California, We ask $2,400.for the payment of 
a secretary, who,|besides keeping minutes of all proceedings, and a num- 
ber of accounts, will have to correspond with twenty or more agents in 
the two hemispheres, with as many railroad and steamship companies, and 
to carry on this correspondence in several languages ; besides the regu- 
lar and official correspondence, there will be a casual correspondence, 
occupying nearly as much time as the regular. 

Section t> provides for a general agent for California, at $3,000. The 
general wharfinger of San Francisco receives $2,400. The duty of 
the latter gentleman is to supervise ten wharfingers and ten collectors. 
Amongst other duties, our officer has to supervise the work often district 
agents in California. He is also to make himself acquainted with the 
quality and description of all lands open to pre-emption, etc., and with 
all opportunities for immigrants settling in the various occupations of life, 
throughout a State which has the largest area in the United States — Texas 
excepted. Besides this, he is required to see, if possible, every immi- 
grant coming in the State, who desires, as nearly all will desire, advice, 
information and guidance. To fulfill these duties, if only 20,0 JO immi- 
grants arrived in a year, would require a man of great business qualifi- 
cations, of remarkable industry, and accustomed to the rapid dispatch of 
affairs on hand. For such a man, doing such work, $3,000 a year is not 
an extravagant, remuneration. It is hardly necessary to say that many 
men. tempted by the emolument, will apply for theposition ; but there 
are few men in the State, who could discharge these duties satisfactorily, 
who are not already engaged, and in reception of a large remuneration. 
Yet, it is evident, that should the general agent fail, whether in knowl- 
edge of the State, in power of organization, in judgment, in tact or in pa- 
tience, the effect would be the throwing of the whole machinery into 
confusion, by delaying the distribution of immigrants in their final settle- 
ment — thus causing the individuals loss, and destroying much of their 
usefulness to the State, by crippling their means of commencing in life, 
and impairing that moral elasticity and sanguine hope which every man 
needs to start well in a new country. 

Section 7 authorizes the expenditure of $6,000 annually in California, 
on the collection and dissemination of information ; the making and 

10 Immigration. 

printing of maps ; on authorship and translations; on printing, and adver- 
tising within the State. The collection of information on lands, will in- 
clude the making of maps and a series of diagrams or booljs showing 
the lands which have not passed into private ownership, and which are 
fit for settlement. This map, shows that there were from 1,200 to 1,500 
townships surveyed in this State, and not offered for sale or sub- 
ject to purchase by private entry, up to the close of 1868 : That 
is about 34.000,000 acres. The best estimate we have, excluding lands 
held by railroad companies, gives the total quantity of private lands in 
California at about 13,000,000 acres, leaving about 20,000,000 good, bad 
and indifferent, open to pre-emption, and already surveyed. According 
to the official report of the Surveyor-General of California, there were 
about 4,500,000 acres of land enclosed, in 1868 and 1869 ; 2,343,000 acres 
cultivated ; of which, 1,755,000 were sown with wheat and barley. It 
may be well to say here that the quantity of land in California, as esti- 
mated by TJ. S. Commissioner Wilson, which is fit for some purpose, at 
80,000,000 acres. In other words, about 1 acre in 18 of the useful lands 
are enclosed, and 1 acre in 34 actually cultivated. Before immigration 
officers would be ready to show all these surveyed lands to immigrants, 
it would be necessary to make diagrams of the several tovnships which 
contain public lands. Each diagram would not only show the thirty-six 
sections it contained — denoting those that were open to pre-emption, but 
also every 40-acre tract, that is every sixteenth part of a section, or every 
five hundred and seventy sixth part fof a township. The land books o 
the C. P. R. R. Company, and of the several large land offices in San 
Francisco, will give the Legislature an idea of what we think should be 
done for the information of settlers. 

The work will be done by copying the maps of the several United 
States Land Offices, and transcribing the field notes of the United States 

The work is so enormous, that to complete it intone or two years even, 
to the extent of the survey as it had proceeded up to the end of 1868, 
would cost several times $6,000 and there are yet many counties that have 
never been sectionized, and which are now demanding for their own sake 
the forcing of this work on the attention of the United States authorities. 
If you establish a State Board of Immigration, it will be necessary that the 
foothill counties should be, at least, partially sectionized before we can 
confer upon them benefits we contemplate. Without such information as 
we propose to give, immigrants cannot find the lands which we know 
are open to them, without great loss of time and expense of travelling, as 
well as maintaining their families. At a moderate computation it would 
cost every settler $100 in all expenses to obtain for himself the informa- 
tion which we propose to furnish him with free of cost, and immediately 
on his arrival, if the State will authorize this trivial expenditure. Of 

Immigration. 1 1 

course, we cannot do much with $6,000 a year — one-third or one-half of 
which must go to defray other expenses, but we believe enough can be 
done to meet the wants of the immigrants month by month. 

In some of the Western States there have been made ami published at 
State expense, catalogues of their public lauds, showing every forty acre 
tract, and the surveyor's note of its character. In their case it was often 
comparatively easy for immigrants to find lands without this assistance — 
in ours it is almost impossible. Our lands are so scattered and so much 
mixed up with Spanish grants and large estates, or located in thousands 
of little valleys, that even old residents are at a loss to know where pub- 
lic lands of fair quality are to be had, and from this very difficulty, has 
arisen the misapprehension that we have no such lands. The capitalists 
by combined action and the employment at great expense of qualified 
men, have found such lands for themselves. We now propose to seek 
information on land matters for a less selfish end and offer all the advan- 
tages which the great land buyers obtained by combination, to immi- 
grants and actual settlers free, and without price, if the State will appro- 
priate the means. 

The other expenses to be met out of the six thousand dollars, are au- 
thorship and translations, printing and advertising in this State. If these 
are paid for out of two thousand dollars, leaving four thousand dollars 
for the land business, it will be by the exercise of the strictest economy. 

In the same clause is a provision for five thousand dollars for immi- 
grant homes. The press has been divided on this subject. Some — and 
those were the papers that appeared to think that the printing in Germany 
and Great Britain of a' few thousand pamphlets would bring us all the 
immigration we need — pressed upon us the necessity of providing homes 
for the immigrants. Others, again, found fault with us for proposing to 
introduce paupers for whom alms-houses would be necessary. The idea 
of providing homes for immigrants is not based on the supposition that 
they will be moneyless, but that having from fifty dollars to one thousand 
dollars or more each, it will be necessary that they should be protected 
while yet strangers from imposition and fraud, and shown how and where 
they can live cheaply with their families, while recruiting from 'the fatigue 
of their journey, and where the head of the family can leave his wife, 
children and baggage in safety during his absence in the interior select- 
ing his future home. It will be for the State Board to decide whether it 
will adopt the Baltimore or the New York " Home " system. In case the 
latter is followed it will be seen by the amount asked, that the bill con- 
templates nothing more than providing one or two barracks, divided by 
partitions into rooms where families can have privacy, however rough the 
accommodation, with convenience for cooking and washing. If all immi- 
grants entered the State by one route a single institution of this class 
would suffice, but as it is probable as many or more will come by sea as 

1 2 Immigration. 

by land, two would be necessary. Say. one building in Alameda county, 
where it can easily be reached by the use of a steam-tug as in New York 
taking the passengers direct from the deck of the ocean steamer; another 
at some point in the Sacramento valley contiguous to a railroad station. 
The railroad passengers ought not to be carried to the vicinity of San Fran- 
cisco, as that would be tempting them to do the very thing the bill is de- 
signed to prevent -increase the population of San Francisco instead of 
building up the country. Any family of six or seven souls coming into San 
Francisco and staying at one of the third class hotels, would not under any 
circumstances get away under an expense of from eighty to one hundred 
dollars. In such i: Homes '* as we suggest it need cost such a family for 
living more than fifteen dollars a week, and if they confined themselves to 
absolute necessities, and lived as in many cases they had been compelled 
all their lives, their expenses would not exceed ten dollars a week. Sixty 
or eighty dollars saved to a family on their first arriving into the country 
might make all the difference between success and failure in their first 

Section 8 provides for a sub-officer, an assistant agent, at Sacramento, 
to take charge of the railroad immigrants and transact the general business 
of the Union at that important and central point. This section has been 
criticized both ways. It has been said by one portion of the press, the 
allowance is too large, and by another that it is too small ; an indication 
that in framing this clause we have hit the happy mean. 

This section also provides for dividing the State into ten districts and 
employing a competent district agent in each. The meaning of the pro- 
vision is this : No man residing chiefly in San Francisco or any other 
eentral point can give immigrants that practical aid and instruction they 
so much need. A man desiring to settle on land in San Diego county. Los 
Angeles, Monterey, El Dorado, Tuolumne. Siskiyou, Colusa, Tehama, 
Humboldt, or elsewhere, will need the assistance of some person living in 
the vicinity in which he proposes to locate — to guide and direct him in 
the examination of the lands, of which the head office can only give him 
the general direction. Every week, nay, in some times of the year every 
day, there will be immigrants settling out in half a dozen directions. The 
general or assistant agent cannot leave their other duties and neglect the 
new arrivals to accompany them. This plan of employing district agents 
is exactly that adopted in Kansas, - and described in Col. Loomis' letter. 
All their immigrants are located along and within twenty or thirty miles 
of the line of the railroad, and at every depot they have a land agent to 
discharge the very duties which we propose these district agents shall 
fulfil Without such division of labor it would be impossible to clear off 
and distribute large bodies of immigrants — strangers to our country, igno- 
rant of our land matters, and foreigners in language- without confusion 
and delay. For this object we ask $5,000 a year, and propose to divide 

Immigration. 1 3 

h among ten men at least. In those localities to which few immigrants go, 
the salary need not be so large as the average ; most of the agents will 
have some other means of livelihood ; and in other districts where there is 
much business, the salary may have to be more than one-tenth of the sum 

Here we may stop to say, with propriety, that the accommodation of 
the immigrants in cheap quarters, the furnishing of the men seeking land 
with exact, not general and indefinite information, and the arrangements 
for their rapid distribution over the country, are fully as important — if 
the business is to be smoothly and successfully conducted — as the gather, 
ing of immigrants in other countries. The more thought our friends in 
the Legislature give to this branch of the subject, the more they will feel 
its value. The worth of the services which these district agents will 
render the new comers far outweighs their paltry cost. Consider, with an 
estimate of fifty thousand immigrants a year, it only comes to teD cents 
an immigrant. Without explanation, this low average may seem ridicu- 
lous. In practice only one immigrant in twenty or thirty has any business 
&^ with any single district agent, and when such agent has given a day to 
locating six, eight or ten heads of families, he has been the means of 
finally disposing of fifty or sixty, perhaps one hundred persons — men, 
women, children and employes. 

I am tempted here to point out the great value of the criticisms this 
bill has received, even from influential quarters. A week or two ago, since 
the other portions of this address was prepared, there appeared an edito- 
rial in the San Francisco Evening Bulletin, headed " Aid to Imniigra.its." 
eulogizing a letter from a correspondent at Los Angeles, who conceived 
he had discovered something new, and the Bulletin declares his suggestion 
to have the merit of novelty and to be worth looking into. This U what 
the Bulletin says :' 

•■ Much is said just now about the best means of attracting population. 
It will probably be found that the best means after all to draw people to 
our shores is to see that those who are already here are properly encour- 
„ aged. Every contented, prosperous immigrant will advertise his good 
fortune in the East and induce one or more of his join him. 
Those who do well very generally write home extolling the merits of the 
country, while those who fail are pretty sure to send back bad reports. 
We receive letters almost every day from new-comers, complaining that it 
is hard to get a start ; that the best land is gobbled up by speculators, 
and that it costs a little fortune to buy a farm and stock it. These com- 
plaints are often exaggerated, but are made in good faith, by those who 
find a different condition of things from what they expected. They are 
strangers and do not know where to go to get what they are looking for 5 
frequently go to the wrong source, are frightened at the prices asked, and 
become discouraged and disgusted. 

14 Immigration. 

"One of these new comers, writing from San Diego, proposes a plan 
for the comsideration of Legislators and others for aiding this class of 
people. It has at least the merit of novelty, and may be worth looking 
into. Our correspondent says : 

" ' Give us a man in each couuty ; give us a Government Real Estate 
Agency; an Immigrants' "Information Office, or whatever you have a 
mind to call it. which can tell us where the Government lands are ; which 
can tell us who owns this ten thousand acre grant, or that five hundred thou- 
sand acre one ; which can tell us what lands are for sale, and what the own- 
ers will takejjper acre, and in what quantities and on what terms, etc.; which 
can tell us what are the clouds about the titles of such lands, etc.; in fact, 
to put all our wants in a nut-shell. Place in each county a square, honest 
man (and assistants if necessary,) who can give the immigrant all the 
information about the available lands free of charge, and the immigrant 
will do the lecturing free of charge and with much more force than all the 
fancy lecturers that California could raise. " A bird in the hand is worth 
two in the bush.". Let the State Government look after the immigrants 
who come to California, and if the country is good, as I have no doubt it 
is, they, through their influence, will soon multiply ten fold.' " 

The writer's discovery of novelty in this suggestion reminds one of 
the man who found to his surprise, that he had been talking prose all his 
life without knowing it. How the Bullettin recommended an import- 
ant feature of the bill as if it had been overlooked by the framers, we do 
not understand. 

Section 9 provides for agents at New York, Baltimore,' and else- 
where on the railroad line, and at Aspinwall. We submit that the 
necessity of having these persons is shown by an article published in the 
Bulletin since the bill was given to the world. Only three thousand nine 
hundred immigrants entered the port of New York last year who avowed 
their intention of coming to California, and the Bulletin says, that less than 
half that small number reached the State. They were captured and 
diverted from their intention by the runners of rival States. We propose 
by having our agents at all important points, to prevent this loss, and 
even to make a gain by carrying on the war against our rivals and induc- 
ing emigrants bound to their territory to change their route in our favor. 

Four thousand two hundred dollars for six such agents, each of whom 
will in his own neighborhood, be an active missionary for California, is 
not a large sum, and if the selection of men is judicious, the money will 
not be ill spent. If we reduce the loss of those who start out for Cali- 
fornia from fifty per cent (the present rate) to twenty-five per cent, it 
will be a great work. We expect that these agents would gain as many 
emigrants from others as we should lose of our own. The duties of these 
men are sufficiently defined in the bill. 

Section 10 provides for r the appointment of a chief agent for Great 

Immigraiiofi. 1 5 

Britain and Ireland. This is one of the two most important offices pro- 
vided in the bill. If this gentleman and his eo-adjutor 3 on the main 
continent do their duty, the tide of immigrants will commence to flow at the 
rate we have estimated. Whether that tide continues to flow, will depend 
much on the accounts which the first comers may give of the manage- 
ment on this side. But on these men's shoulders rest the entire responsi- 
bility of success or failure in starting the whole machinery. They may 
be aptly compared to the boilers. If there is not sufficient steam gene- 
rated, the best contrived engine will be comparatively useless. In any 
other position, if a mistake has been made in selecting the officer, the 
blunder will not be a fatal one and can easily be remedied. These men, 
thousands of miles away, will be comparatively irresponsible, and at least 
half a year might be wasted before a failure could be detected, the 
incompetent man recalled, and his successor inducted in his place. 
Meantime, all the other expenses would be running on without the State 
reaping the lull advantage expected from them. In the making of con- 
tracts with printing firms, and with railroad and steamship companies, 
these men would have opportunities of robbing California, or the emi- 
grants, or both, to a large amount, if they were so inclined. The pro- 
vision for the forfeiture of the whole amount of their bonds, ten thousand 
dollars, as a penalty for the slightest departure from integrity, is all the 
law can do to enforce honesty ; but when all is done, the State has only 
the honor of its representative to rely upon. We point out this danger, 
not to discourage the friends of emigration, but as an argument in favor 
of unusual care and discrimination in making the appointments. 

When Howard, the great English plow maker, returned to his own 
country from a tour through the Atlantic States, he addressed the London 
farmers" club, and told his audience that he had made an important dis- 
covery — "England could not afford to send a fool to America. 7 ' Cali- 
fornia could no more afford to send a fool to Europe on such an errand 
as immigration, than she can afford to send a fool to Congress. At Wash- 
ington, the folly of one man might be corrected by the superior qualifi- 
cations of his colleagues. In the selection of these two agents, the result 
of folly will be costly and lasting. 

The Australians, the colony of Victoria, a country in many of its 
conditions, more similar to our State than any other British colony, and 
some think more similar to us in its most marked features, than any State 
in the Union, chose for their chief British agent, Mr. Verdon, a prominent 
member of the late government, and one of the ablest men in the country. 
These colonists pay him ten thousand dollars a year for his services, and 
Australian papers say that such has been his success, that seven hundred 
and|fifty people a day have made inquiries at his chief office in London 
regarding Victoria (Melbourne) as a field for emigrants. The Australian 
appropriation, or rather the appropriation by a single Australian colony, 

1 6 Immigration. 

is one million five hundred thousand dollars, or six times as much as we 
ask, including the special aid clause. 

There is no man in California too great for such a position, and the 
difficulty the State Board will have, will be to obtain a man good enough 
for the place for the sum named. 

Provision is made for the chief agent's expenses at the rate of four 
thousand dollars a year, and five hundred dollars extra for the first year. 
Passage to Europe, office fixtures, etc., etc., will absorb that additional 
sum and more. 

Four thousand dollars a year is little less than eleven dollars a day, or 
two pounds four shillings. Out of this he must pay traveling expenses, 
stationery, postage (a large item), advertising his movements, hire of lec- 
ture halls, cleaning, lighting, and doorkeeper, and a hundred other ex- 
penses — some trivial, but all necessary. 

To defray these expenses, he has less than eighteen shillings a day 
more than a commercial man — a drummer — traveling for a first-class 
wholesale house in the dry goods trade, is ordinarily allowed. The lat- 
ter has his postage stamps and stationery found him, and has no lecture 
halls to hire, no advertising to do, no such expenses to defray as the chief 
agents in Europe must incur, if they make an energetic canvass of the 
people they are accredited to. If they fail to accomplish the result our 
citizens will expect from their labors, these men will be disgraced for life 
in California. 

The chief agent for the European continent may find some of these 
items less costly than the British agent will ; but he must take occasion- 
ally some long and expensive journeys in traveling from one end of 
Europe to the other, in visiting the minor agents. 

Those who have denonnced the appropriation of four thousand dollars 
for expenses, must have contemplated the agent sitting down in office in 
London, and waiting for the emigrant to drop in. Even if he set himself 
energetically to work upon the citizens of London, he might, in these 
eight or ten towns which clustered together, pass under a common name, 
find an honest way of spending the money. But it is not people from 
London, or any other large town, that California wants. The class he 
will be expected to send do not visit London once a year, most of them 
never saw the great city, and never will. It is in the agricultural coun- 
ties, at the fairs and cattle markets, where farmers congregate, that he 
must seek the class we need. 

Clerks, shopkeepers, and idle young men might be had in great num- 
bers ; but one horny-fisted farmer, with his bustling wife, learned in 
cheese, butter, and poultry, with sons who can plow, and daughters not 
too proud to milk, would be worth to California a hundred such. 

Section 11 is similar to Section 10, and provides for the appoint- 
ment of a chief agent for the European continent. 

Immigration. 1 7 

Section 12 provides for bonds being given by the executive com- 
mittee and other officers. 

Section 1J3 provides for the expenditure of ten thousand dollars 
in printing and distributing .pamphlets, in Great Britain and Ireland. To 
reach thirty-two millions people with a single pamphlet, say a general 
description of the resources of California, one million copies would .not 
be a very excessive supply. Besides the general pamphlet, the Board 
would probably desire to issue a smaller one on the mode of obtaining 
public lands, on the homestead law and exemptions ; this latter subject 
would be particularly interesting to people with families, who have 
learned by experience that a reverse of fortune might cause them to be 
turned out of house and home, and even the bed sold from under a sick 
wife or child, by a harsh creditor. Another pamphlet would be required 
on farming — giving the cost of building a small house, of fencing, of 
implements, wagons, working and neat cattle — the modes and cost of 
plowing by single and gang plows, and cultivators — the season for sowing, 
the various methods of harvesting, the cost of threshing and sacking, »and 
the average prices at leading shipping points— so that practical men 
coud see beforehand what their prospects would be, what they had to 
do, and what profit they might expect with wheat at a given price in 
Europe. The Board would also desire to have another pamphlet on tex- 
tile manufactures — one on leather manufactures — one on manufactures in 
metal —one on silk throwing and manufacturing — one on mining for pre- 
cious and base metals, and coal. Each of these would be of use in differ- 
ent districts, and for different classes, and should be printed in quantities 
of from 5,000 to 50,000 each 

To show what could be done in this way, it may be pointed out that 
the whole sum allowed for printing and distribution would pay for print- 
ing an edition of 480,000 copies of one pamphlet of sixty-four pages, at 
the rate of one penny each. It will only be by cutting and carving, and 
weighing the propriety of the expenditure of every dollar, and taking 
care that every publication he distributes is placed in hands where it has 
a fair chance of uselulness, that an intelligent agent will find the money 
allowed sufficient for the object. The chief agent on the continent of 
Europe would find the same difficulty in making the money allowed for 
this purpose (printing in the German language) do the work intended, 
though he might have the advantage of slightly lower prices than his 
British colleague. In German, all the abovj3 pamphlets would be required, 
and a vine-growing and a wine-making pamphlet besides. 

There is in this clause also, a proviso for 815,000 for Union agencies 
in Europe, and printing in other languages than German. How the State 
Board should divide the money we do not undertake to say, but, if for the 
sake of argument we suppose they employed five agents at SI, 000 each, 
and allowed $2,000 each for printing in Danish, Dutch, French. Italian, 

i 8 Immigration. 

and other languages, it would not give excessive amounts for the pur- 
pose, It is evident that for Europe there would have to be a variety of 
pamphlets, as well as in Great Britain. In the French and Italian lan- 
guages, for instance, the silk and the wine pamphlet should be used, as 
well as the general one. 

Section 14 provides for the expenditure of $5,000 a year in lectures and 
other means of inducing emigration from the Atlantic States and Califor- 
nia. The California newspapers can do good service in this field, and their 
usefulness can be increased by taking measures for having the best of our 
weeklies furnished to reading-rooms and farmers' clubs, and other places 
in which the classes we propose to invite can be reached. A special 
pamphlet on lumber and manufactures in wood, for distribution in Cana- 
da and Maine, would be a good way of spending $1,000 of this sum. 

The allowance of $10,000 for contingencies explains itself : the clause 
prohibits the expenditure of more money in salaries than the law pro- 

Section 15 authorizes contracts being made with steamship and rail- 
road companies, on behalf of emigrants. Those critics who have said that 
the bill provided many salaries and some printing, but nothing for the 
immigrant, overlooked some clauses which do far more for the immigrant 
than if all the money asked to be furnished were given in cash to the men 
themselves. If Col. Loomis' statement, that the road he presides over has 
been able to save the emigrant $25 to $30, between the interior of Ger- 
many and Kansas, were not sufficient, we could furnish other authorities. 

Section 16 is the special aid clause, and contemplates the expenditure 
of more than two thirds of all the money the State would have to expend 
if the bill passed into law in its present shape. When examined, whether 
adopted or not, we believe it will be admitted to be one of the best 
clauses in the bill. All the other money goes to procuring and helping 
immigrants, not by giving them cash, but facilities that will save them 
outlays, and in offering them services free that they could not buy for 
twenty times the sum it will cost the State to give them. Under this clause 
we do not propose that the money of California shall be spent in charity 
among the poor of Europe. However hard their lot, we cannot aid them 
in free passages. To do so would be to inflict a deadly injury on the 
working men of this country, and the advantage that one interest in Cali- 
fornia would gain by the increase of laborers would be outweighed by the 
loss of the other interest in the" excessive reduction of wages. 

This clause acts as a corrective to the introduction of too much labor- 
by offering extra inducements to farming capitalists who would necessa- 
rily be employers. The persons that this clause is intended to bring are 
those we most want. If they come, all others that we desire will come 
also. Manufacturers will come — labor will come. It is well known how 
close-fisted the farmers of the old country are ; how slow to spend money 

Immigration. 1 9 

ivii anything that cannot be turned into money again. These people will 
hesitate long over the high rates of passage to California. In argument 
thej r will admit all the advantages they are told of; they will confess the 
superiority of California to any State or Colony, but they may close their 
purses after all, and go to some place which can be reached at less ex- 
pense. This clause will help the agent for California to bridge over that 

The following explanation of this clause appeared iu the Alta, before 
the printing of the bill, under the heading, " The Class we must Bid for." 

" Ewtors Alta : — It is understood that the bill prepared by the Union 
contains a clause offering State aid to a certain class of immigrants ; that 
is, agriculturists with families and some capital. The idea is not to give 
aid to needy persons, but to bid for the most desirable class of population 
any country can have — men who possess the means of employing their 
own labor, who themselves and their children will work with their own 
hands for their own profit. These are the class who in Saxon times were 
called the Franklins and in later days are styled the Yeomanry of England. 
Under other names the same class are to be found in Germany and in 
every other European couutry. It has been said, why not let your charity 
begin at home? In the first place it is not charity but business that the 
California Immigrant Union contemplates. It is proposed that the State 
shall bid for a new population ; a population that not only will increase 
our numbers but increase our circulating capital and our taxable property. 
The idea is not to help European paupers in place of assisting our own 
broken-down miners, but to offer a bonus for a class who can not only 
help themselves but maintain others, from the day of their entry on the 
land they select. The Legislature will be asked not to pay the passage 
money of the impecunious hordes of Europeans who never had the skill 
to earn or the prudence to save enough to pay their fare to. this country, 
but to give a small inducement to tempt those whom we most need to 
come amongst us. What is proposed is a bait — a bait to attract fish, who 
being caught will decoy all other fish we need into our nets. If we bring 
inhabitants from the older States, they may grow dissatisfied and return 
to their former homes. If we bring single men or women from Europe, 
■ their sisters or brothers may follow : but there the matter will end. If 
we bring families from the towns, other townsfolk will come with them, 
or follow after them ; but we have enough towns-people, except manu- 
facturing people, already. If we bring farmers, we shall get their plough- 
men, their hedgers, ditchers, shepherds, herdsmen, wheelwrights and 
blacksmiths, also. Every man living on the profits of agriculture in 
Europe knows he can do better here than there, if the farmer can live 
here. Every tradesman in the village knows he can live where his friend 
from the country can live. By aiming at the agricultural population we 
hit the towns-people more certainly than if we aimed at them directly. 

20 Ivimigration. 

There is little or no magnetic power in a family taken out of a city and 
transported to California. A farmer is not affected by that ; he does not 
consider it any proof that he could improve his condition by following in 
the footsteps of bis city friend. But when a farmer transports himself 
from the old Bast to the new West, he becomes a loadstone and his acquain- 
tances are moved to follow in his wake. Much depends on which end of 
the chain we pull at. If we pull at the city population we get only city 
people ; if we drag out the tanning population we get all classes. There 
is another view of this matter, taken from the aspect of affairs on this 
side. We may put one hundred thousand people into San Francisco, and 
after the immediate effect of the introduction of so mueh capital and so 
many consumers is gone, there is nothing left. Add the same number of 
persons to our farming population and the effect upon our general busi- 
ness, internal navigation and commerce will be permanent." 

Something has been said about the capital required as the preliminary 
condition for this aid being granted, being too much. On the other 
hand we would rather see it doubled, and if there is any doubt in the 
mind of the Legislature, whether the State will obtain a qindpro quo — a 
full compensation for its outlay — that doubt would be removed by making 
the condition the possession of two thousand dollars ; for the reason that 
the gross capital obtained by the country from this class of immigrants 
would be greater, and consequently the ability of the new comer to em- 
ploy labor, and their liability to immediate taxation very mnch increased . 

Section 17 is devoted to reports and such matter. 

Section 18 is devoted to matters of routine, and also provides for a 
thorough audit of the affairs of the Board each half year by a Committee 
drawn from the honorary members of the Board. 

Section 19 provides for a special tax of four cents on each one hundred 
dollars of assessed property. By asking four cents taxation instead of 
the total of the sums allowed by the bill to be expended, we cut down 
our own demand twenty-five thousand dollars, and leave a large margin 
to be filled up by private subscription. 

Section 20 appropriates the Tide Land money to the Special Aid Fund. If 
the Tide Land money cannot be obtained and the Legislature does not 
choose to make an appropriation which would be equal to eight cents 
further taxation, Clauses sixteen and twenty canjbe dropped from the bill, 
and the other sections not b^ing affected by the elision, the bill would 
comprehend a complete scheme of immigration. But before a decision) 
which would cut these clauses out of the bill, is arrived at, allow 
us to remind you: First, that the State Board will not control the 
spending of this money ; it will pass direct from the Treasurer to the 
person you intend it to benefit. Second, that we do not, in making this 
recommendation, need to plead the adage, •' nothing venture, nothing 
win : ; ' it cannot be said of this portion of the expenditure that the outlay 

Immigration. 2 1 

will be a fact and the gain a speculation. If no such farmers come, the 
State nays nothing. It one thousand only come, the State pays for one 
thousand and no more. If all the two hundred thousand dollars is paid 
out. California will, before the payment is made, have obtained a body of 
fanners, besides other i m migrants, and an amount of capital which must 
mike times in California prosperous — prosperous beyond all present 
hopes— for many years to come and future taxation for all a far lighter 
burden than we now labor under. 


The Hon. Robert Watt, Esq.. State Controller, estimates that four cents 
taxation on the assessed value of property in the State 1 , will produce 
eighty thousand dollars for working the general machinery contem- 
plated by the bill. With this sum, the trustees of the Union estimate that 
fifty thousand emigrants can be brought into the country, with an aver- 
age capital of one hundred dollars each, or five million dollars of money 
'n the aggregate. But, for the sake of argument, we will say that only 
thirty thousand people, and three millions of dollars could be had for that 
outlay. The State expenditure on these people would be at the rate of two 
dollars and sixty-six cents per head, and the premium paid for the introduc- 
tion of the three million dollars, allowing nothing for the people, would 
be two dollars "andj sixty-six cents per one hundred dollars cash, intro- 
duced into the State to the increase of our permanent capital. If instead 
of this money being brought into California in immigrant's pockets, it 
came to us through a bank, as foreign capital or loan, it would cost us at 
least ten per cent, per annum, and the principal would always be owing 
and liable to recall. In the former case the total outgoing would be one^ 
fourth that rate, and have to be paid but once, and the "principal is ours 
forever. In short, on the estimate of the trustees of the Union, the State 
would acquire the free use of the money in perpetuity, by paying the 
equivalent of three months' interest, computed at the lowest rate known 
in financial circles. 

But the money in the pockets of the immigrants is but a small part of 
what they bring us. Thirty thousand immigrants would each have with 
them On the average, say fifty dollars' worth of personal property, or a 
total of one million five hundred thousand dollars' worth of goods, which 
is equal to the importation of that much merchandise, as a free gift from 
European manufacturers. Estimating that- twenty thousand out of the 
thirty thousand would be able-bodied adults, their value to the State at 
the reduced computation of one thousand dollars each— which is less than 
the estimate made by the Bulletin, would be twenty million dollars. Thus 
allowing nothing for half-grown boys and girls, we have : 

Value of the adult immigration $20,000,000 

Value of. their personal property 1,500,000 

Cash in their pockets 3,000,000 

Total $24,500,000 

2 2 Immigration. 

The much-abused bill then proposes to enrich the State beyond all 
doubt, risk and denial, by presenting California with the enormous sum 
of twenty-four million five hundred thousand dollars, for the trifling per- 
centage of thirty-two and a-hali' cents per one hundred dollars value re- 
ceived . 

If, however, contrary to the opinions of ail political economists, and 
our leading journals, we refuse to acknowledge that a white man's life- 
long services are worth anything to the State — though Koopmanschap 
asked the Southern planters one hundred and twenty-five dollars per head, 
paid on delivery, for impecunious Chinamen : and take only the money 
and goods of the thirty thousand immigrants into consideration, we offer 
four million five hundred thousand dollars for petty consideration of the 
payment of one and three-quarters of one per cent, of that great sum. 
Yet this is the terrible proposition that has raised the ire of a few 
newspaper writers. As a business proposition, it cannot be gain- 

. Perhaps it may be urged, that we oug-ht to get this great wealth with- 
out paying even this small percentage. Past experience shows we can- 
not. We are to-day, and have been for nearly tea years, making less ad- 
vance in population and in wealth than any State in this great Union. 
We know that emigration is popular in the countries in which we propose 
to seek population ; but if there are, as Col. Loomis says, twenty million 
of people in Europe, who look upon emigration to the United States or 
the Colonies, as a probable contingency ; and ten million who are ready 
to start whenever they are invited, and their way is made clear — there is 
also much competition. Every State in the Union, and thirty British Col- 
onies are seeking recruits in the same fiSfd. 


There is nothing more popular in this country than life insurance, and 
judging by the number of companies, 31 in New York State and 30 in other 
parts of the country .there is no business more profitable. It is an American 
speciality. These companies necessarily spend large sums in management, 
agencies, soliciting and advertising. One company spends $1,610,202 an- 
nually in managing its affairs and seeking new business. We are told that 
California will get immigration without agents, soliciting and advertising. 
We say she will not, and point out that she has not. Suppose a new Life 
Insurance Company were to open an office, and some economical director 
were to move that the Board instead of wasting the capital of its subscri- 
bers in salaries of agents and printing bills, should wait for business to 
come in voluntarily, and ask his colleagues to rely on the general reputa- 
tion of the company for wealth to bring applicants. Iin hese times of com- 
petition, the older companies that do advertise and do employ agents 

Immigralio7i. 2 3 

would get all the business, and our supposed company might as well close 
its doors, and return its capital to its subscribers. It is just so with Cali- 
fornia. To get business — companies must spend. To get population, 
States — especially States distant from Europe — must appropriate money 
for immigration. Why, gentlemen, one company on this coast has spent 
ene hundred and twenty-five thousand dollars in five years in advertising 
alone— thai is its yearly expenditure has been within five thousand of 
what we ask the State of California to spend in printing in all Europe. 
We want to advertise California among one hundred and twenty millions 
of people. That company has spent with extraordinary profitable results 
five-sixths of the sum in advertising among one million of people on this 
coast. The company alluded to spends fourteen dollars and fifty-nine 
cents per one hundred dollars of its receipts from premiums, and has 
succeeded far beyond any other financial company in the world. Its an- 
nual expenditure divided amongst all its policies, new and old, was 
twenty-six dollars and forty-five cents each. Levied on the new policies 
only, it was eighty-five dollars and twenty cents a policy. Compare this 
with the Immigrant Union's proposal — to guard in transportation and dis- 
tribute in this country immigrants at two dollars and sixty-six cents per 
head. The highest insurance authorities have approved the enormous ex- 
penditure I have referred to. Thus it appears, therefore, that while an 
Insurance Company is justified in spending twenty-six dollars a year to 
obtain an assurer and keep his policy alive, there are people who would 
forbid the State of California spending for once and for all. one-tenth 
of the sum to obtain an inhabitant for California who will be a producer 
and a tax payer from his arrival to his death. Every male adult we 
bring in, and every boy that grows up to manhood among us will pay 
to the State for the remainder of his life in annual poll-tax should that 
form of taxation be continued so long, nearly as much money as we ask 
for bringing him here. 


The whole Bill, including the special aid clauses 16 and 20, contem- 
plates an expenditure by the State of two hundred and eighty thousand 
dollars. We estimate with this sum that we could guarantee the State 
fifty thousand people and ten million dollars cash yearly. The greatness 
of the estimate the money, is based on the fact that the peculiar induce- 
ment held out to men with means to come would improve the quality of 
the immigration so much as to double the average of the cash in their 
pockets. That is, they would bring two hundred each. It is a simple calcula- 
tion that if two hundred and eighty-thousand dollars will bring fifty thou- 
sand persons, the cost for all purposes chargeable against each, will be only 

24 Immigration. 

five dollars and sixty cents. Avery reasonable price for a S^ate to pay 
for first class immigrants, when Insurance Companies pay twenty-six dol- 
lars annually to obtain and retain their policy holders. The personal 
property would also be doubled in value if the immigrants, owning it, were 
generally of a wealthier class. But even restricting that to the New York 
estimate of fifty dollars of property each, we have : 

Cash in the Immigrants pockets $10,000,000 

Personal baggage 2,500.000 

Value of 30,000 abled-bodied men and women, allowing 

for 20.000 minors iJ0,0O0,000 

Grand Total $42,500,000 

This extraordinary addition to our pecuniary and creative resources 
would be gained for the trifling outlay of sixty-five cents per one hundred 
dollars of value received, not allowing one dollar for the presence of 
twenty thousand half-grown boys and girls added to our rising gene- 
ration. Is it necessary to say any more to prove that as a matter of 
business the outlay of eighty thousand dollars for thirty thousand people 
and three million dollars in cash, or the larger outlay of two hundred 
and eighty thousand dollars for fifty thousand people and ten million 
dollars in cash, is a reasonable method of spending the funds of the State. 

I cannot do better than quote on this subject, one of the best au- 
thorities on commerce and finance in"the State, Charles D. Carter. 

" As a business proposition, probably the offer of an accession of fifty 
thousand people and ten million dollars capital a year, at a cost of two 
hundred and fifty or three hundred thousand dollars should be accepted. 
Whose interest is it to oppose it ? Not the small property owner — it gives 
permanent value to his homestead. Not the tradesman, retail or whole- 
sale — it enlarges the number of his customers. Not the mechanic, for it 
revives the demand for his labor, while cheapening the cost of the articles 
he consumes. Not the tax-payer, for he will get five dollars relief in 
future taxation for fifty cents paid to establish a State Immigration 




We may be asked why we say fifty thousand people could be obtained 
yearly for California. First of all, let us state that two or three members 
of our Board, calculating from different data and experience and knowl- 
edge of the gains made by several States and Colonies, arrived at the 
same result as a moderate estimate for California if we had a good immi- 
gration law. The soundness of that estimate is verified by the letter of 
Col. Loomis, based on his experience of the work in Kansas— telling us 
that with proper exertion we can obtain one hundred thousand people in 

Immigration. 25 

two years for California. The experience of the Western States and of 
the British Colonies, shows it to be a reasonable estimate, Illinois gained 
eight hundred thousand people in ten years by the advertising of her 
resources. Other States have gained fifty thousand people a year by sucb 
means. In the Mornhvj Call of January eighth, there is an extract from a 
Texas paper, stating that six hundred people a week were arriving 
at one port, Galveston, nearly all from Europe. Surely the advantage^ 
of California are equal to those of Texas — only they are not equally 
known. Look at what Queensland did in Great Britain. Look at what 
the Colony of Victoria -I mean Australia, not the little Island of Vancou- 
ver — has done and is doing to-uay. She is doing more without the attrac 
tion of placer mining than she ever did with it. Of my own knowledge 
of England I affirm that there will be no more difficulty in getting people 
to set out for the Pacific States than to an Australian or South African 
Colony, if the same means are used ; and far less difficulty than in induc- 
ing them to go to Canada or any province in the Dominion. 
We divide the number we have given as our total estimate thus : 

Atlantic States and Canada , 5,000 

Great Britain and Ireland * 20,000 

Germany '. 20,000 

Each of the lesser agencies in Europe, 1,000 5,000 

Total 50,000 

The probability is, that if the accounts from this side reported general 
satisfaction among the new arrivals, every agent would be able to exceed 
the estimate given for his particular field. Of course it must be under- 
stood that this is over and above the small but regular immigration we 
are now receiving. From Europe direct, that does not much exceed 
two thousand souls a year. 


. Without raising the question here whether there might not be some 
method found of relieving the tax-payer from some of the burdens now 
imposed through our over anxiety to liquidate our debt in the shortest 
possible time ; let us see what the actual burden upon the small property 
owner would be if the Legislature should appropriate the money asked 
for immigration. 

The four-cent tax would take eight Cents a year from the man who is . 
assessed at two hundred dollars. Surely that additional burden would 
not hurt the poorest working man in California ; especially if it would 
return life to our drooping trade, and procure him employment on one 
day that he would have otherwise wasted in idleness. If for all purposes, 

2.6 Immigration. 

special aid included, twelve cents is necessary, and if the tide-land 
money cannot be obtained, that is all we should ask, the man owning a 
horse* and job wagon assessed at two hundred dollars would be called on 
to pay twenty-four cents, and the first time an immigrant employed him 
to haul his trunks from railroad or boat to hotel or boarding house, he 
would receive for the job three times the sum he had paid in taxes for 
nducing that immigrant to come. 

But, it may be said, small real estate holders will feel the burden 
heavily. How? Will any property owner assessed at $1,000, and the 
house and land so assessed has a market value of from $1,500 to $3,000, 
will any such property owner exclaim against the Legislature that asks 
him forty cents a year, or even $1.20 a year on that property, especially 
if that paltry payment will add ten per cent, to the value of his home- 
.stead, or even prevent its value declining ten per cent. 

In those overtaxed and half depopulated districts, formerly the seat of 
placer mining, there are many men holding on to property — all they have 
saved, perhaps, of thousands of dollars which passed through their hands 
in the lively days that have gone by — who can barely raise the money to 
pay their present taxes. 

This is where the shoe will pinch. We have to say to the people of 
Tuolumne, Calaveras, Amador, El Dorado and Placer — Gentlemen, if we 
add a lew cents to your State taxation, and by doubling your populations 
and enlarging the totals of your assessment rolls, divide your county bur- 
dens by one half, will you not pay those few cents cheerfully? 

The man who is paying $3 or $4 per $100 to his county, will not grum- 
ble at paying the State four cents or twelve cents extra, if he will have to 
pay for his county expenses one, two or three dollars less. 


Gentlemen : We know that we put our hands to this work without any 
thought of benefitting ourselves, except by sharing in the general pros- 
perity that must accrue to California if the State undertakes this task. 
We do not ask you to believe our words, but to judge us by our deeds. 
Here is a bill which, if you should pass it in its present form, would place 
the nominees of the Union in a minority of two to seven in the Board. 
Had we desired to control this matter for selfish endsfshould we have so 
framed the bill ? Again, instead of asking a lump sum, as many advised 
us, we have been open and explicit as to the uses we thought the State 
funds should be expended on. We have been told in many quarters, 
" this is impolitic." We have replied, " it is honest." We have paid the 
members of the Legislature the compliment of laying before them a 
business affair in a business manner. 

If, instead of passing the whole measure, you determine in your wis- 

Immigration. 27 

dom and your desire for economy to cut down its proportions, we shall 
have the satisfaction of having aroused the attention of the Executive and 
the Legislature to the most important material question that has been 
mooted in California since the inception of the Pacific Railroad. We 
shall have procured the commencement, on however small or inadequate 
a scale that commencement may be, of a work that will mark a new era 
in the history of the State. If, however, we fail entirely, and nothing is 
done in this session, we shall still have the satisfaction of having sown 
the seed which must grow in the minds of the people, and in a future 
Legislature bear its fruit. In the interval between jyour final adjourn- 
ment and the meeting of your successors in this building, it is more than 
probable that California will find herself face to k face with hard times— 
perhaps the hardest times our State has known for many years. Then 
we shall have the melancholy gratification of hearing on all sides regrets 
that some such measure as we have proposed had not become a law. If, 
however, you should grant our prayer and enact a good immigration law, 
yourselves, and the humble individuals who have promoted this matter, 
will have their reward in seeing California rapidly rise in population from 
the twentieth rank among her sister States to a position more in accord 
ance with her area and her natural wealth. 




I* £ ^ 

jjitlttc md jmpimttt 4 ^ [mmigraltan 



A Letter from President Loomis on the Method Adopted 
in Promoting Immigration to Kansas. ' 


JANUARY, 1870. 


The Opinions of the "Bulletin." 

In the issue of August 28th, 1869, the Bulletin, speaking of the forma- 
tion of an Immigration Bureau and the establishment of Immigrant Homes 
here, said : " The object is so good, and, if carried out with spirit, is 
likely to be productive of such benefit to all in populating our State with 
a thriving and self-supporting people, that we trust it will be encouraged." 

On October 9th, in speaking of the formation of the Immigrant Union, 
the Bulletin said : "The organization of a society to encourage European 
immigration was needed in California, and will accomplish much good. 
California has not shared the benefits of that great movement of European 
emigration which sets steadily to the West. * * * Official recognition 
and aid, may be secured, when it becomes apparent that the Union is managed . 
on an impartial and public-spirited plan. * * * Another year ought to 
bring us a fair proportidn of European immigration, if we loill only organize 
a practicable plan to guide it in our direction. Illinois doubled her popula- 
tion in ten years after the railroad era began, gaining in one decade 800,000 
souls. California, with a climate and soil so much more generous, an 
area so much more extensive, and resources and opportunities so much 
more various, ought to gain as much in the next five years. But to do so, 
she must follow the example of those shrewd Illinois citizens, who set 
energetic Emigration Societies in motion, and brought producing people^ 
to the very spots where they could labor profitably." 

The Bulletin therefore urges us, by the example of the Western States, to 
labor in this cause so energatically as to bring 160,000 people a year to 

On October 11th, the Bulletin, speaking of immigration by railroad, 
said : " We need just now, most of all, half a million men, to take hold of all 
branches of "productive industry." 

In an article headed " Valuable Immigration," which appeared October 
19th, the Bulletin spoke of the settlement of a single colony in Missouri, 
under the charge of a Swedish cotton manufacturer, of 1,200 families, 
probably 6,000 souls ; also, of 1,000 English families, settling on a tract 
of land in Kansas ; and said : " These are some of the numerous move- 
ments which prove that it is easy for us now to take our pick of European 
populations, where once we only got the refuse. * * * Scarcely is 
there a craft or manufacture for which we might not, with proper effort, 

4 Extracts from the "Bulletin." 

procure adepts from Europe. Such is the class of labor we need. The 
time is ripe for it. * * * California has special needs of this sort, and 
the Swedish enterprise we have described deserves the attention of all who 
are interested in immigration to this State — and who is not? Suppose we 
could obtain such a colony as this — six thousand in all — to purchase and 
settle upon a tract of land, either in our valleys as farmers, or in the foot- 
hills as growers and manufacturers of silk, or of fruits, wines, and bran- 
dies. The inducements we can offer for such immigration is the only 
thing in question. The immigrants themselves can undoubtedly be had. 
* * These wholesale consignments of families by the thousand to a 
single destination indicate design, foresight, calculation, and energy. 
California has lost four years of time, by failure, before the war ended, 
to complete the railroad which has just introduced her to the European 
world. The difficulty now will be to make her claims heard among the 
other contestants for Eastern immigration. * * We may well envy the 
Missourians this colony of 1,200 families of Swedes, and the Kansans 
their equal treasure of sturdy English families. The only wav to obtain 
such for ourselves is to advertise the resources of the state 
thoroughly in Europe, and to aid in every way possible the journey of 
immigrants hither, and their settlement when arrived.'' 

On October 21st, under the head of " How to get Immigrants," the 
Bulletin said : " Not long since, the State of Maine printed and distributed 
over the whole country a large pamphlet, setting fc forth in full detail the 
merits of the various water-powers on the rivers of that State, and the 
advantages offered there for lumbering. This instance of Yankee enter- 
prise is worthy of imitation. To rehash the arguments in favor of adver- 
tising at this late day ought not to be necessary ; and yet what California 


word, ADVERTISING. Those who have been isolated here for ten or fifteen 
years do not realize how little is known of this State in the East, and still less 
"in Europe. But even were we as well 'known across the Atlantic as our sister 
States, still we should stand at such disadvantage in other respects as to need 
special efforts to secure our share of foreign immigration. * * No State 
can afford to remain inert or passive. Every one desiring to attract immigrants 
must copy the enterprising example of Maine, and either by STATE or corpo- 
rate effort, make full exhibit of its resources and advantages, and disseminate 
the knowledge wherever it can be of use. In this view of the case, a step in the 
right direction has been taken by the Immigrant Union. * * If immigrants 
in Europe can be offered something of a definite character, can be 
posted thoroughly in regard to where they are going, what they are 
to do, the cost and other details of the enterprise, they would be 
more lffiely than otherwise to enter upon the serious . task of emigra- 

On October 28th, in an article headed "The Value of an Immigrant," 

Extracts from tht il Bulletin." 5 

the Bulletin says : " The Southern Commercial Convention, recently in 
session at Louisville, held that the value of an immigrant settler is just 
$1,500. Not an excessively high price, seeing that an able-bodied slave 
formerly brought that sum in the South. * * But if an immigrant settler 
is worth $1,500 to the South, is he not worth as much to California? Upon 


On the same day, in another article, the Bulletin said : " On$ of the best 
things the Immigrant Union can do will be to collect and publish full 
information in regard to the amount, character, and location of public 
lands still open to homestead and pre-emption entry in California. * * 
Detailed information on all these points, but especially in regard to the sections 
of Government land now ojjen to the settler, is just what will be most likely to in- 
duce immigration ; and we understand that the Immigrant Union is indus- 
triously procuring such information as the foundation for its broader 

On the following day the Bulletin added : " It only needs proper publi- 
cation of truthful information about our lands, climate, and resources, to 
bring here many European colonies, which would cultivate the soil, 
enlarge our trade and industry, build new towns and roads, and more 
than offset a kind of immigration which is much declaimed against by 

On Nov. Gth. the Bulletin had an article " Immigrants and their Value," 
in which it said the value of immigrants has been variously estimated. 
The Louisville Convention set the mark at $1,500, measuring probably 
the able-bodied man, and remembering the price current of a slave in old 
times. * * We have another and perhaps safer estimate from Frederick 
Kapp. one of the Commissioners of Emigration in New York City, and a man 
of learning and ability. In a paper read before the Social Science Associa. 
tion, he reckons '■ an emigrant worth just as much to this country as it costs 
to produce a native-born laborer of the same average ability. He estimates 
that this cost is $1,500 in the case of a male and half as much fdr a female. 
Averaging the sexe3 and ages of immigrants, he estimates each worth 
$1,125. He estimates further that immigrants bring an average of $150 
each in property from abroad ; making the total accession of value from 
each $1,275. Reckoning the rate of influx to be 300,000 immigrants a 
year, we are benefited to the extent of $382,500,000 yearly, or more than 
$1,000,000 a day. 

On November 16th, in an article, the first that appeared after the publi- 
cation, at the expense of the Union, of a pamphlet written by Mr. Hop- 
kins, the Bulletin criticised some of the deductions from the statistics of 
mining, quoted approvingly the classification of the requirements of Cali- 
fornia in regard to population, advised the Board to abandon all income 
derived from commissions on the sale of private lands, and concluded a 

6 Extracts from the "Bulletin." 

long article, in which almost every topic in the pamphlet was touched 
upon, by saying : " The Immigrant Union has laid out a large amount of 
work. If it will adhere strictly to the rule to keep out of politics, and out of 
all speculative schemes, we may hope it will do a good, work for the State." 

As in this article the Union was recommended to throw away that por- 
tion of its income derived from private individuals, and the intention of 
going to the Legislature for $100,000, was prominently announced under 
the capitalized heading, "What the Union asks from the Legislature," and 
even the special aid clause with its demand for $200,000 put forth in that 
pamphlet, we infer that the editors of the Bulletin endorsed the general 
views of the Union embodied in the bill since presented to the Legislature. 
The language of the pamphlet is as follows : 


Now, the plan of the "Union," hitherto quoted, as to sending outagents to proclaim the 
advantages of our State in Great Britain, in Germany, Denmark, Sweden, Switzerland, a 
France, etc., requires that only fibst-ct.ass men should be entrusted with so delicate and 
responsible a duty. To engage such men, respectable salaries and expenses must be paid. 
The State should pay those salaries and expenses, within limits to b"e fixed by law. 

2d. To properly advertise among tbe millions of Europe the natural bounties of Califor- 
nia, will require some laborious and skillful writing, and the translation and printing 
thereof by hundreds of thousands of copies. The State should pay for such labor and 
printing, as well as the postage and express charges thereon. 

3d. The expenses of an Immigrant' Depot (if any), and of the Labor Exchange to be 
connected therewith, should most undoubtedly be borne by the State, because there is no 
reason whatever why one individual should be taxed (whether by his own consent or 
otherwise) more than another, for a purpose equally beneficial to all the inhabitants of the 

4th. The hospital expenses of indigent sick among immigrants being already assumed 
by the State under existing laws, need not enter into any new enactment- But on this 
point attention is respectfully drawn to the fact that a tax of $5 for hospital purposes on 
women and children would bear very heavily on the immigration of families, whose pres- 
ence among us is our greatest need, and would of itself prevent many from undertaking 
the journey. In New York, this tax is but $2 50 in currency, and if our scheme succeeds, 
as we expect it will, the revenue from this source alone, in gold, would, as in New York (in 
currency), go very far towards paying the whole sum the " Union " would require to accom- 
plish all its ends. This is, of course, upon the supposition that this tax is to be made 
equal and uniform in its operations. 

5th. The salaries of such officers of the " Union " (or of such Commissioners of Immi- 
gration as the Legislature may provide to execute its enactments), whose whole time 
would, be required in this public service, should be paid by the State. 

For all of these purposes we believe the sum of $100,000 per annum would be sufficient, 
if placed in the right hands, to add 50,000 persons during that time to our population* 
Those 50,000 persons, at a tax of $2 50 per caput, would pay $125,000 to the State, thus 
requiring no taxation whatever upon the present population to carry out the scheme. 

On November 25th, the Bulletin had another article on the pamphlet, 
noticing the discussion raised on that portion devoted to mining matters, 
and concluded by saying that " having been too exclusively absorbed in 
mining hitherto, we should now give special attention to building up diver- 
sified agriculture and manufactures. But immigration is needed for all these 
pursuits, and every legitimate means should be used to obtain it." The editors 
of the Bulletin had then had the pamphlet ten days in their hands. They 
knew where the Union looked for its chief support, and when we re- 
member that on at least two 6ccasions, already referred to, they had 

Extracts from the "Bulletin." 7 

recommended the granting of State aid for the work proposed by this 
institution, we presume that State aid was the chief, if not the only, source 
of revenue meant when they used the words " legitimate means." 

These extracts, which might be multiplied until tedious by repetition, 
are enough to show that the Bulletin has recommended all we ask. It has 
justified State aid, tacitly approved the sum named, impressed upon Cali- 
fornia the necessity of advertising — that is, if the word is used it its full 
sense — advertising by printing, lecturing, and personal solicitation — the 
necessity of providing facilities for cheaper traveling and for the care of 
immigrants upon the road, for the collection of information regarding, the 
thousands of sections of surveyed land in this State still unoccupied, if 
not the offering of special inducements for farming immigrants. Other 
journals have approved the scheme step by step, and committed them- 
selves to the doctrine that the Legislature should establish a State Board 
, of Immigration, with sufficient funds. 

The Opinions of the " Alta. " 

On October 16th, the Alta had an article admitting that California did 
not get her share of immigrants, and saying : " Yet if the State is ever to 
become anything more than a mere producer of raw material, it is certain 
the population must be reinforced by skilled labor from somewhere." 
The Alta said, " California was in its infancy, and without population and 
manufacturers could not compete with older States. It lamented that no 
well directed effort had been made to procure immigration, and approved 
generally the plans of the Union." 

On October 2°th, under the head of "Warning off Immigration," it con- 
demned those nev^papers that kept reiterating the statement that there are 
no lands here suitable for immigrants in moderate circumstances. It 
said : " Instead of crowing over a state of facts which does not exist, the 
press of California ought to advocate some system by which the real 
condition of things can be duly advertised to the world. There are hun- 
dreds of thousands of acres of desirable arable lands inside our" own State 
line open to occupation, within the reach of men of the most modest 
means. The time will come when that restless wave of ' human movement/ 
which we call immigration, will cover these rich acres. That time mat be 


In the review of the now famous "Common Sense" pamphlet, which 
appeared in the Alta of Nov. 27th, there was no rebuke of the proposal 
to ask the Legislature for $300,000 State aid — for immigration purposes, 
but much about the relative importance of mining. The article may be 

& Extracts from the "Examiner." 

claimed as a tacit approval of the chapter "What the Union asks of the 

On the 29th the Alta rebuked the Immigrant Union for proposing to 
amalgamate with the Labor Exchange, but spoke, certainly, without dis- 
approbation of the Trustees' of the Union avowed intention of asking the 
Legislature for the sum of $100,000 for general purposes. 

Opinions of the Examiner." 

On October 10th, in an article headed "White or Chinese," the Exam- 
iner says : " The best work the next Legislature can do, is to organize a 
liberal scheme of immigration, such as has filled the "Western States. 
California has never spent a dollar in this cause. Some of the West- 
ern States have spent millions. Their only inducement was to fill up 
their vacant lands. We have all the inducements they had, and beyond 
them a greater one, to keep out the Chinaman by filling up the places which 
they will otherwise occupy." 

On October 27th, the Examiner reiterated the recommendation for the 
establishment of a State Board of Immigration, and said that as each per- 
son would bring at least $50 in cash to the country, we could, by display- 
ing the energy of the Western States, add 20,000 persons and $1,000,000 to 
our wealth. If we sought a better class of immigrants than the average of 
Castle Garden, every 20,000 immigrants would bring us $2,000,000 perhaps 
$3,000,000 or. more. Tenant farmers in Germany, England, Ireland and 
Scotland, would have, at least, $1,000 a family, and at five in a family the 
average would be greater. " A community which spent one million ln 


If California, at a less expense than a. free passage from New York 
can get a select class of moneyed immigrants, practical, self-helping and 
experienced men to come, the additional revenues would amply repay the 
State for its outlay. It earnestly recommended the Legislature to study 
these bearings of the case v It then argued that every able-bodied emi- 
grant man and woman, is worth at least $1,000 to the State, and placed 
its own estimate at $1,500. It therefore estimated the productive value 
apart from the capital introduced, of 10,000 such people at S15,000,000, 
and concluded, "If the State is enriched by the birth of every child, 


On November 19th, the Examiner noticed the pamphlet, and while ob- 
jecting to the merging of the Labor Exchange in the institution, said : "The 

Extracts from the "Examiner." 9 

Managers of the Union are in earnest, and in all that is good, they pro- 
pose to do, they will receive our cordial support." 

On November 26th, ten days after the pamphlet had been placed in the 
editor's hands, the Examiner had an article under the heading, '• A few 
Reasons for Aiding Immigration ;" it said : " There are many grounds on 
which the press of the country, and members of the Legislature, may 
advocate the propriety of the State making a reasonable appropriation for 
carrying on the work of promoting immigration. One of these is the 
necessity of counteracting the evils resulting from the crowding of China- 
men into California." It then made an elaborate argument against the 
Chinese, showing that their number was only limited by the means of the 
six companies to import them. It concluded : " The only way short of 
repressive legislation, to keep out Chinamen, is to foster white immigra- 
tion; the only way to preserve the foothill counties from actual abandon- 
ment by whites, is to send into them the population suited to their soil : 
the only way to lighten the load of State burdens, is to extend the bless- 
ing of a thrifty, industrious, self-dependent population over every county 
of the State, instead of limiting it to a dozen ; the only way to restore 
mining, is to increase population in other employments, and so build up 
a diversity of interests for mutual help and support; finally, the only way 
to maintain San Francisco itself, in a condition of stability and progress, 
is to promote immigration ; and the only effectual way of obtaining it 
is to give State aid to the work." 

On December 13th, with the pamphlet and the Governor's message, on 
the editor's desk, the Examiner, in an article headed " Worth Doing Well," 
said : " It may be taken for granted that the Legislature now in session, 
will respond to the recommendation of the Governor, and vote a reason- 
able appropriation for immigration purposes." It said, " the Union cares 
little who does the work ; a great deal how it is done." It spoke of the 
rare qualities requisite in the commissioners, if the work is to succeed. 
It admits that the Legislature may not approve our plans, but says '• they 
ought not to be cast aside for the cruder ideas of men who have given little or 
no study to the subject, and that a difference about the constitution of the 
Board does not necessarily involve a change in the method of working. 

" There is one recognized way of working up immigration, and that is 
very much like that used by Missionary churches : free preaching, and the 
distribution of tracts. So with immigration ; agents who can talk, lec- 

people at the East and Europe, must be set thinking about California, and 
a desire for more information must be aroused. In the Atlantic States 
the newspapers— theirs and ours— can do something. Abroad we cannot 
rely upon the regular journals. We cannot expect foreign newspapers to 
work directly in our behalf, especially as in many cases their interests 
conflict with ours, and therefore our expenses will be greater. 

to Extracts from the "Morning Call.'* 

" The field we have to work upon is very large, embracing a population 
of 120,000,000 in those districts of Europe which our agents should visit. 
If we could, by two years' work, get one in one thousand of these 120,- 
000,000 to emigrate to this country, California would find herself travel- 
ling at railroad speed toward wealth. If the one in one thousand, were 
picked men, and above the average in health, energy and experience, if 
not of capital, California would find herself travelling at express rates to 
a leading position among her sister States. If the one in one thousand 
can be had, it is worth trying the whole thousand to find the right man, 
and it is equally worth while to try every one thousand. If we know that 
we can get one in one thousand to come, we shall be standing in our own 
light if we do not, within two years, make every man in Northern and Western 
Europe, and in Great Britain, know more about California than he did before. 
* * * It is with California as with men, whatever is worth doing at 
all'is worth doing well." 

On December 4th, under the heading of " Decided Improvements," and 
noticing the changes in the Board, the Examiner said : " These acts will 
strengthen the Union in the good opinion of the people of California, and 


The Opinions of the " Morning Call. " 

In an article on October 7th, headed "Prosperity and Immigration," 
the Call attributes all the dullness which then and now affects California, 
to the disproportion between the number of dealers and professional men, 
and the number of producers, and said : " There are not enough country 
customers to support the people living in towns." It added that neither 
the natural growth of population, nor the present rate of immigration 
would satisfy our desires, or even maintain us in our present condition of 
comparative affluence. " The question which, day by day, will press itself 
more and more upon the people of this coast, whatever their grade or occupa- 

On October 9th, the Call said: "Crowding the country with Chinese 
laborers, or even white paupers, would only reduce the rate of wages and 
decrease the power of working men to purchase the merchant's goods. 
Farmers with their families and some capital, are the class of im- 
migrants we want. * * * Now is the time to prove the assertions 
that have been made regarding the country. Our enormous wheat crop, 
produced by so few farmers, is in itself a testimonial in our favor, that 
cannot be gainsaid. Now is the time for San Francisco to lead the public 
spirit of the State, by giving activity and life to the newly formed Call- 

Extracts from the ' 'Morning Call. " 1 1 

fornia Immigrant Union. If this is done the interior towns, and ultimately 
the State, in its corporate capacity, will lend a hand in the good work, 
and our population, instead of increasing at the rate of 20.000 or 30,000 a 
year, will move forward as the populations of the Western States have 
done, in answer to their well organized efforts. 

On October 13th. the Call said : " As we have before shown one of the 
best methods of fighting Chinese labor, is to meet it with a better class — 
white. The last cause (the Call had been discussing the hard times,) the 
financial depression would be entirely removed by immigration on a large 
scale, of the class we have already name i, as desirable population — Agricul- 
tural families, with capital enough to go to work at once on their own account. 
If we could add, this winter, 50,000 hex, women and children, to ocr 
farming population, we might, at least, expect to lxcrease by one-third 
our next grain crop, and the prosperity this additional trade would 
give all classes in the state, would pkeyent a renewal next autumn of 
the complaint that there is a dearth of employment for unskilled male 
labor in this city." 

On November 19th, the Call had a rather bitter, article on the impro- 
priety of bringing paupers to California. One sentence is : " The immi- 
gration that California needs, and such as the Call has advocated and still 
advocates, is such as are independent, and not broken, nor beggars, when 
they reach our wharves. We want men and their families, who have some ' 
means, who are able to buy or lease land, and make themselves farms, or 
who are able to enter, independently, on other pursuits." 

On November 25th, the Call said : " The main object of the California 
Immigrant Union, the diffusion of correct information, and the extension, 
through agents, of a general invitation to those in the East and Europe, 
thinking of emigrating, to come to California, is excellent." This was 
written twelve days after we had made it known through a pamphlet, of 
which 10,000 copies have been distributed, that we should ask the Legis- 
lature for $300,000. 

In the same article it said : " Giving extra inducements for agricul- 

On the same day, in an article headed " Work for the Legislature," the 
Call wound up a3 follows : li And in connection with this question, the Legis- 
lature may move towards some sensible scheme of National and State immi- 
gration, one that shall encourage and secure, as far as possible, such classes cf 
immigrants, only, as shall give assurance that they will prove a gain, instead 
of a loss, to the Slate ; particularly farmers, that will reach the State not 

12 Extracts fiom the " Morning Call." 

helpless, moneyless, dependent, but men and their families who can purchase 
ov lease farms, and cultivate them, and who will be content to make five 
times as much money with one-half the work, in the finest climate on 
earth, instead of the short crops, small gains, and rough times they have 
been accustomed to elsewhere." 

In its " Talk on Change," on November 30th, the Call said the mercan- 
tile community would "endorse before the Legislature, a project for 
extending money aid to immigrants, under the control of a State Board of 
officers. The scheme is, after all, probably the only one calculated 
to be directly productive op fruit. * * * It is to securing the imini" 
gration of agriculturists, therefore, that exertion should be chiefly di' 
rected, because in that field it is likely to be most successful." 

On December 1st, the Call said : " We hear nothing but unqualified 


immigrants. It is only to be extended to heads of families, who shall be 
agriculturists, and prove that upon landing here they will have at least 
$1,000 in possession. Then when they shall have settled upon agricultural 
land, they will be entitled to receive from the State the sum of $25. for each 
adult member of the family. In order that the propriety of this scheme may 
commend itself to popular approval, it is only necessary to point out that 
these agriculturists will at once become, and thereafter continue to. be, 
employers of other labor of every sort. They hire carpenters to build 
their houses ; buy lumber, which supports lumbermen ; tools and imple- 
ments, clothing and groceries, which give employment to manufacturers 
and producers in their several lines. The immigrant, with $1,000 in his 
pocket, is more than $1,000 more valuable than the immigrant without— 
in this, that the latter can only go to work at $30 per month, while the 
former buys tools and sets three men to work at the same wages. The 
produce of their labor afterwards pays the wages. 

"It is not to be supposed that the immigrants who are actually assisted 
will be the only ones attracted to the country, for experience, not theory 
merely, proves the contrary. In instance : a Yorkshireman induced 
nine other heads of families to migrate with him to the comparatively un- 
known settlement of Natal. Before the vessel left Hull, the number of 
souls on board exceeded 350. One family attracted others. The same 
effect will flow from the same cause in the case of immigration to Califor- 
nia. In an agricultural neighborhood, one family cannot pull up its stakes 
and set off for the antipodes without provoking much discussion among 
its neighbors, and by the time that one shall have made up its mind to take 
the momentous step, a half dozen adventurous spirits will have made up 
their minds to be of the party." 

On December 7th, in an article headed " Cheap Lands or Sparse 
People," the Call said : "'After a pause comes a calm.' Now that the 
Overland railroad has not brought its thousands to swarm in all our val- 

Extracts from the "Times." 13 

leys, and its hundreds of millions of dollars to buy up all our farm lands 
and city lots, it is but natural that the people should be looking around, 
as we see on every side, for some rational method for settling our country 
with a population that shall be abiding and worthy of our soil and climate. 
It seems agreed that immigration, to be of value, must consist of the 
family, come from what country it may. Hordes of male immigrants 
have not accomplished the desired result of an intelligent, industrious, 
social, and abiding population. They have proved beyond denial that the 
family must go with the man." It then makes an elaborate argument on 
the moral and social value of the family to the State. 

On the following day, the Call adds : "As was said in effect yesterday, 
we have no right to anticipate a great influx of the immigration most 
needed, unless by some means we make it an object to come here." 

On December 26th, the Call said : "Although the greatest value of im- 
migrants is not the money they may bring with them, still it is worth a 
moment's attention to arrive at an approximate knowledge of what an 
incoming population brings in ready cash. For always some of this neces- 
sary thing they must have before their willing hands can bring in the 
means of living." After showing what the researches of the New York 
Commissioners have positively ascertained, which was $6,800,000 for 
each 100,000 immigrants, and was undoubtedly much larger, because the 
immigrants from various motives concealed their affairs, it says : "Proba- 
bly 10,000 immigrant's to this State would add a million of dollars, and 
might add several millions to the permanent capital op the country, 
besides the par greater benefit they would be in the new wealth 
they would make in the cultivation of the ground, manufactures, and 
mining Up to a certain point of population, an increase of it, of a self- 
sustaining character, is a benefit. We need not for many years fear an 
overplus of valuable population." 

The Opinions of the "Times." 

The Times, though now merged in another paper, during its latter life 
undoubtedly represented the views of a very intelligent and tolerably 
numerous class of Californians. This was shown by the general expression 
of regret at its sale to its rivals. In an article, October 28, on Immigra- 
tion, it said, up to that time, " none of the opponents of the Chinaman 
have interested themselves practically in the only rational and feasible 
antidote to^ such immigration — namely, the immigration of white men." 

In an article, published October 27th, on the success of Kansas, it de- 
scribes their method of getting immigration. In another part of this 
pamphlet will be found a letter from J. W. Loomis, Esq., President of that 

14 Extracts from the ''Chronicle." 

association, showing how closely the Immigrant Union has followed the 
Kansas plan in the bill before the Legislature. The Times said : " One of 
the most remarkable features of this Kansas immigration is the general 
prosperity of the settlers. They appear to be nearly all well-to-do 
farmers and artisans, who have saved enough money elsewhere to enable 
them to stock their lands, and lay in stores of agricultural implements, 
etc. These are the people we want to settle up our valleys and foothills, 
and we may, perhaps, learn a lesson of some value from the way they do 
things in Kansas. * * They establish agencies in all the principal 
cities of Europe. They disseminate all kinds of information with a boun- 
tiful hand. They tell the intending settler exactly what he wants to 
know, and they lead him exactly where he wants to go. * * Competi- 
tion between States is likely to be quite as keen as competition between 
cities or private business firms ; and the State where the people are most 
united, most public-spirited and liberal in their views, must surely take 
the lead in this question of immigration and settlement. Let us, them 
take the example of Kansas to heart, and see wherein we can imitate her 
with advantage." 

On October 30th, the Times published a long argument under the heading, 
.<* The Cost and Profit of an Immigrant." In this article, which has been 
republished iD several ways, it was shown how much the State would 
gaiu in money and population by expending $200,000 in the way provided 
for by Section 16 of the Bill. 

Opinions of the " Chronicle." 

In an article headed "Agricultural Population," published October 
10th, the Chronicle said : "In this State there are not more than 100.000 
people, if so many, directly engaged in agriculture, and with many other 
products, they have raised a crop of wheat this year amounting to 20,000,- 
000 bushels. So small a number of people never raised so great a crop ; 
but after all it is not a tithe of what the State could easily do, even while 
giving an equal increased attention to other articles of export and con- 
sumption. The few thousand farmers in California are, in truth, carrying 
the country on their backs. But for their labors we should indeed have 
hard times. If we could between this and the close of the coming seed 
time double the number of our farmers, and thereby double the number 
of acres under crop, we might expect 40,000,000 bushels of wheat next 
year." After speaking of the extent of country open to agriculturists, 
the Chronicle, continues : " Having the land, we only want the farmers to 
till it. In the Eastern States, and more especially in Europe, there are 
thousands of families trained to agricultural pursuits, who, if the case was 
properly laid before them and the proper inducements offered, would 

Extracts from the ' 'Real Estate Circular. " 1 5 

cheerfully set out for the Pacific. Here is the land and there are the 
people. We want them, and they would gladly come if, besides asking 
them to set out for our distant land, we would do something toward 
helping them to make the journey. The organization or Legislature that 
will solve this immigration problem and turn a stream of agricultural 
families on to the vacant lands of this State, will do so much toward estab- 
lishing permanent prosperity amongst us that its members may fairly claim 
to stand at the head of the list of the public benefactors of California." 

In an article "The Topic of the Day,'' published October 30th, the 
Chronicle says : " The suggestion thai immigration is a vital necessity to the 
well-being of California, and that it could only be obtained in any appreciable 
measure, by legislative action, hojS been adopted by almost all our leading con- 
temporaries in town and country. The leading papers in Ban Francisco, Sac- 
ramento, San Jose, Marysville, Stockton and other places, seem unanimously 
to approve of it ; papers not generally favorable to Democratic Legislators 
dipping into the public treasury, declare their intention of laboring for this end, 
and of sustaining their county members in voting and working for it. No 
idea has been suggested for legislative action which has met with such 
universal favor, for while within our own knowledge, at least twenty of 
our exchanges have touched upon this subject, and several of them re- 
peatedly, we have not yet met with a single editorial article. That money 
for this purpose will be voted, there can hardly be a doubt, and if it is 
judiciously expended, and the right class of immigrants selected, the 
whole State will be benefitted. Again we reiterate that aiding men accus- 
tomed to farming, with means of supporting themselves, until the first 
crop can be realized, to settle upon our millions of unoccupied acres, will 
enlarge the demand for labor, and give solid prosperity to every industry 
in the State. Not only will it bring back to life our waning trade, but 
men of every craft, merchants, carpenters, builders, blacksmiths, and a 
hundred other occupations, will find their services sought for with an 
eagerness they never before experienced." 

The Opinions of the "Real Estate Circular." 

In the September number, the establishment of the Immigrant Union 
was noticed, and the remarks closed with these words : " Let us aid this 
immigration movement in every way in our power. If legislative aid is 
needed, it should be granted, under proper restrictions.'' 

In the December number, after reading the bill, the Circular said : 
•' Other States have grown rich by immigration aid societies. If we would 
grow rich, we must also use such means. A special clause must be in- 
serted to correct the introduction of too much mere labor, and make the 
relations more equal between those offering employment and those seek- 

1 6 Extracts from the "State Capital Reporter." 

ing work. As a business proposition, probably the offer of an accession 
of 50,000 people, and $10,000,000 capital a year, at a cost of $250,000 or 
$300,000 should be accepted. Whose interest is it to oppose it ? Not the 
small property owner — it gives permanent value to his homestead. Not 
the tradesman, retail or wholesale — it enlarges the number of his cus- 
tomers. Not the mechanic, for it revives the demand for his labor, while 
cheapening thu cost of the articles he consumes. Not the tax-payer, for 
he will get five dollars relief in future taxation for fifty cents paid to estab- 
lish a State Immigration Bureau. We hope to see some plan agreed upon 
that will meet the hearty approval of the press of all shades of politics." 

The Opinions of the " State Capital Reporter." 

On Nov. 13th, the State' Capital Reporter had an article on coolie 
importation or white immigration. It said, after speaking of the clandes- 
tine way Koopmanschap was working, we do not see other immigration 
movements carried on clandestinely. The discussion now progressing 
through the journals of every county in the State, has for its object the 
introduction of foreign population into California; but, so far from desiring 
to cloak their intentions and conceal their schemes, the California Immi- 
gration Union is taking unusual pains to enlighten the members of the 
Legislature and the people generally on the nature of their plan for bringing 
immigrants into the country. There is not a greater difference between 
the way in which Koopmanschap has set about his work of bringing in his 
Chinese, and the way the California Immigrant Union has commenced the 
work of bringing Europeans, than there is between the miserable Mongolian 
paupers who are to be kidnapped in the suburban districts of Canton, and 
the free white German, Irish or British farmer, who is to be united with 
his family, and capital to settle among us. Great as is the moral difference 
between Koopmanschap's method of catching coolies and smuggling them 
into the country, and the Immigrant Union's plan of persuading civilized 
and intelligent Europeans voluntarily to make California their home, it is 
not nearly so great as will be the difference between the moral effect of one 
class and the other upon the ultimate prosperity and peace of the States 
they are located in. 

There is, however, a point of agreement — both schemers propose to 
spend money on the work. Mr. Koopmanschap asks his clients to pay out 
for each man brought direct from China, $130 passage, outfit, money, etc.; 
$15 dollars brokerage, and $40 for traveling expenses across the continent, 
$185 in all ; while the California Immigrant Union undertakes to introduce 
white families, averaging in men, women and children, five or six, for $100 
a family, a little more than one-half what the man-dealer asks for a single 
being of an inferior race. If it will pay individuals or corporations, for 

Extracts from the "State Capital Reporter." 17 

selfish ends to respond to Mr. Koopmanschap 's circular with orders for a 
few thousand China "make-shift" laborers, it will certainly pay a free 
State and enligthened people to spend the lesser sum to bring over a few 
thousand of the better European white families. The one class besides 
being paupers when they come, will hoard the bulk ol their earnings until 
their return, contributing little or nothing to our trade or commerce, and 
will poison the moral, social and political atmosphere of the country. The 
other class will bring ten times the amount of money into the country that 
their introduction would cost, and will add at least four times as much, 
man for man, as any Chinaman, to the annual production of the country. 
Above all. they will not only become citizens themselves, but will rear 
sons and daughters who will grow up Americans by education and associ- 

* * * We have at this moment two .immigration movements rivals to 
each other, at work in this State — one for white freemen, and the other for 
yellow coolies. Certainly, Koopmanschap is right in expecting the future 
owners of yellow libor to furnish security that they will foot the bills, as 
they will be the only people except himself benefited by the traffic. As 
it is certainly true that the whole State will be benefited by an immigration 
of white freemen, with capital, it therefore seems fair that if the people 
desire this class of immigration, the State should bear the- necessary but 
trifling cost of obtaining it. 

Koopmanschap hopes, no doubt, for some success in his scheme. Equally 
so is the California Immigrant Union hopeful of success. There is this 
difference, however, in their relative chances : while the California Immi- 
grant Union's plan seem to be generally popular from San Francisco to 
Alpine county, and from San Diego to Del Norte, Koopmanschap's scheme 
finds no public favor, but on the contrary, will be generally condemned 
throughout California as a disgrace and a shame to the nation. 

In another article on our immigration system, the State Capital Reporter 
said : ''It is not to our credit that in this State, with millions of acres 
capable of supporting in comfort and competence, people of our own 
race, the only organizations which are doing anything to populate 
California are Chinese. Six companies in San Francisco, are steadily 
engaged in aiding Chinamen to come to California, and we are doing 
nothing. It is true; we have often talked of encouraging immigration; 
and now there is a spirited effort to establish a California Immigration 
Bureau, on a sound footing, with State aid. The Chinese are, however, 
beforehand with us, and are introducing 1.000 yellow skinned pagans a 
month, and will have 10,000 or 12,000 more in the country before we can 
get the first batch of European emigrants here. If there were no other 
advantages in white immigration, but to set off and counteract the poison 
of the Chinese Coolie system, it would be a sufficient reason for our Leg- 
islature taking up the work and organizing a white Immigration Bureau. 

1 8 Extracts from the ' 'State Capital Reporter. " 

The Chinese companies spend from $75 to $100 on every immigrant they 
bring oyer. * * * We need immigrants ; we need them in our agri- 
cultural counties ; we need their produce to feed the population we 
already have in our towns ; we need them as customers for our domestic 
manufactures. * * * We can only obtain them by inviting them, by 
spreading before them a full statement of the opportunities there are for 
industrious men, with knowledge of some one of the various emploj'ments 
of life, to improve their condition and reap a rich harvest, while they have 
the capacity for enjoying the fruits of early toil. These are classes which 
California especially needs — families accustomed to agricultural pursuits, 
and possessed of the means of following their occupation here. To 
obtain these, the State can afford to be liberal. Ten thousand farmers- 
grain growers, dairymen, graziers and others, would double the agricul, 
tural productions of this State} they would each, on the average, repre- 
sent a family including children of six persons, [or 60,000 souls. Ten 
thousand such heads of families could be had from Germany and the 
British Isles, by paying a portion of the expenses of bringing their wives 
and children. A much larger number of families from Europe land in 
the United States every year, and almost without exception, they are 
possessed of the means of stocking a small farm with all that is necessary 
for beginners. ' If we induce half that number to come to California 
' within the next two years, we will, with the single people, mechanics, 
' tradesmen, laborers, and others from towns, add nearly 100,000 persons 
' to our population.' If population is necessary to make agriculture gen- 
eral, and agriculture is the natural basis of the wealth of the State, the 
sooner we set about obtaining population the better. It will not do to 
content ourselves with the miserable sweepings of Houg Kong and Can- 
ton ; we must not fill the State with a bogus article, but with men, women 
and children, of like blood, faith and social habits of ourselves." 

On November 23d, the State Capital Reporter discussed Mr. Hopkins' 
pamphlet favorably ; made no remonstrances against the claim for aid, 
and quoting the sentences relating to the class of population required 
here, said there could be no difference of opinion on the subject. It said : 
" On these points all are agreed. The question which the Immigrant 
Union is putting to the people of this State is : Whence shall Immigration 
be solicited? Koopmanschap and his friends, say from China ; the people 
of this State, at more than one election, have said no, and there is no 
probability of their reversing that decision. Out of the necessity for a 
better class of immigration, and the refusal to be content with, or even 
tolerate the forced immigration of Chinamen, has arisen the California 
Immigrant Union. * * * "We ought, in this State, to make tremen- 
dous efforts to keep out the coolies, who threaten to flood the Nation, 
by filling up every vacant place. We owe it to ourselves, to our children, 
to our State and to our common Nation, to prosecute the work of intro- 
ducing white immigrants, with all our means and all of our energies." 

Extracts from the ' ' State Capital Reporter. " 1 9 

On December 6th, the State Capital Reporter, under the heading of 
" Good Ideas and Good Works," said : '• The Immigration Union has had 
to run the gauntlet of public criticism, and has received some sharp blows 
during tbe past few weeks, but appears, at this moment, healthier and 
stronger than ever. The idea of fostering immigration, especially of fos- 
tering white immigration, and of the very best class of white immigration, 
has never been unpopular in any portion of this State for a single day. 
Some people have doubted the good faith of the Union ; others have dif- 
fered from the officers about the propriety of the means proposed for 
accomplishing the work. The work itself, next to the equalization of as- 
sessments, Is probably the most popular topic the Legislature will have 
to discuss." 

After some general remarks on the work done by the Board, it continues : 
" The Board, however, is doing more than theorizing, or making strength 
for itself, in the eyes of the Legislature. It is doing much practical work 
in helping the immigrants who are now arriving." . * * * (i With the 
Legislature these deeds will be stronger arguments than any words, aud 
we have no hesitation in saying, that the California Immigrant Union, 
though only founded in October last, has been productive of more actual 
good to the State, by its practical labors, and the information it has called 
out regarding the resources of every part of the State, than all the ephe- 
meral Immigration aid schemes which have hitherto existed in California." 

In an article on " White Immigration and Chinese Labor," published 
on December 10th, the Reporter, after saying that the Governor's recom- 
mendation on immigration, expresses the sentiment of every intelligent 
man who understands public opinion in this State, and that white immi- 
gration is the best way of discouraging Chinese immigration, goes on : 
'• 'He wisely, we think, however, warns the Legislature against voting 
' too large an appropriation. We are aware that some of our contempo- 
' raries have spoken of so extravagant a sum as oxe million dollars. ' 

* * What the views of the special advocates of immigration are, has 
been made public, but, we believe, are comparatively moderate. ' Such 
< a sum as may be necessary for management, for printing, the necessary 
' agents here, New York and Baltimore, and in Great Britain, Ireland, 
' France and Germany, and possibly some small inducement to two or 
' three special classes of families — say farmers and vine and silk-growers, 

• will do to begin with.' * * The message, in substance, recommends, 
a reasonable outlay by the State on the plan usually adopted by other 
States, and the British Colonies, for similar ends, and we have no doubt 
that our representoiives will carry out the gubernatorial recommendation. 
Should they, in their judgment, see fit to do so, and the money is wisely spent, 
the moral and material results of their action will make this session re- 
membered for years to come, as the commencement of an era of permanent 
prosperity hardly dreamt of even by the best friends of California. 

20 Extracts from the Sacramento ' 'Bee. " 

On December 13th, the Reporter had another article on the same subject 
endorsing the Governor's message, and reiterating that while Chinese 
either hoarded their money or sent it out of the country, we needed men 
with families, who will make in this State their permanent homes, and who 
will become identified with and take an interest in the prosperity of Cal- 

The Opinions of the Sacramento "Bee." 

The Sacramento Bee, in an article headed " Population in Our Time," 
published October 18th, 1869, said : " But agriculture requires population, 
and that is our great need. Hitherto we have never made an organized 
effort to induce immigration to this coast. There were reasons why it was 
neither necessary nor practicable. The way is now therefore clear, and 
we have but to follow the example of the Western States, and we shall 
obtain the same results. All of them spent State funds in inviting and 
aiding population to come and take up their lands, and if we would have 
this State even moderately populated in our time we must take the same 
course. We need not bring, and, indeed, should not encourage paupers 
to come ; but while inviting all useful classes, should, if we aid any, select 
for assistance practical farmers with some means and large families. These 
would be the best population the State could have, and any amount the 
State, within reason, spent in inducing them to settle among us, would be 
money well laid out. 

On November 3d, the Bee, in an article on the establishment of a steam- 
ship line from Bremen to Aspinwall, said : " This is just what California 
wants. Even if by State aid ice send accredited agents to Europe, to set forth 
the advantages of California as a home for settlers, the work will gain largely 
by such co-operation. * * This new steamship enterprise is most oppor- 
tune. Now, for the first time, California has opened her eyes to the vital- 
necessity, unless she would retrograde in prospei-ity, of developing her 
agricultural resources." 

On December 2d, in an article headed " Immigration in Missouri," the 
Bee said : '* Missouri has a State Board of Immigration. The public journals 
of that State agree in the opinion that the money thus expended has done more for 
the general prosperity and advancement of Missouri, than could twice the 
amount expended, in any other manner. The State, as most of her public men 
claim, is becoming great, populous, and wealthy from this cause, and they 
assert that the investment is a good one. But whether that be true or not, we 
are satisfied, from the tone of her public journals and public men, thai the 
investment is a, popular one. By this means many thousands of laboring 
men, mechanics, farmers, and not a few small capitalists, are annually in- 
duced to settle in that State. This Board, through pamphlets and other- 
means, makes official proclamation of its resources, wants, and extent of 

Extracts from the Sacramento ' 'Record, " 2 1 

M'ssouri. The climate and other advantages are not forgotten. Hence, 
fchese^faete, coming to the notice of people who contemplate a change_ 
have much influence in determining their location, as is proved by the 
numbers flocking into that State from all quarters, since the Board began 
its work in earnest. * * Some of her statisticians have undertaken to 
show, and they claim to have proved that the increased tax brought 
yearly into the State Treasury from these immigrants, or from the added 
value that they give to property, both real and personal, more than 
doubles the sum annually appropriated to this end. So that not only 
Missouri is increasing her population and wealth permanently by this 
means, but she is making the operation pay as it goes. A St. Louis 
dispatch of yesterday says : ' At a meeting of the State Board to-day a 
report on immigration to Missouri was read. It shows that it was never 
greater. The roads of the State, particularly the southwestern part, 
present the appearance of the tide of immigration to California in 

On December 30th, the Bee, in an article on '•' Taxation and Immigration/' 
after recounting what the bill proposes to do, including the giving of the 
$200,000 tide land money in State and to farmers, said : '• It was said (at 
the meeting) in favor of this measure, that by consolidating the State debt 
the Legislature could do all the bill asked, and relieve the taxpayer 15 
cents on the $100 assessed value, and that such a law would bring us 
50,000 peop'e and $10,000,000 capital a year. Now, for this number of 
people and this amount of capital we would give much, but the giving is 
a fact— the gain, speculation.' But the adage is true, nevertheless: 
"Never venture, never win/' California is absolutely famishing for want 
of people. Her hills are idle, her valleys untilled, her streams unused, 
and everything languishes. She is behind the times in all material pro- 
gress. Not a State in the East or in the West that has not increased in the 
last decade, in both wealth and population, more than California. Indeed, 
it may be said that our population has scarcely in that time increased at 
all ; and as nothing but people can create wealth, our material progress 
could not be much. 

We think that, wider all the circumstances, the people of California would 
be willhig to be so taxed if they could believe that this effort would prove half 
as beneficial as Us sanguine godfather seems to anticipate, and ice do not 
know but they will risk it any way, if they have confidence in the men who 
are to disburse the funds. 

Opinions of the "Record." 

The Sacramento Becord, on October 22d, in an article headed " Immi- 
gration — Depletion," speaking of the industrious efforts making in this State 
to arouse the attention of the people to its importance, says: " It is probable 

22 Extracts from the Sacramento "Record." 

that the coming Legislature will be called on to take the matter in hand, and 
establish for California some such plan of bringing the State to the atten- 
tion of immigrants, as has been so successfully practiced by the new States 
of the interior of the continent for a number of years. In the opinion of 
those best acquainted with the subject, this is the most efficient and ad- 
visable method of accomplishing the desired object. 

On November 15th, under the heading of " Objections Answered," the 
Record said: "The new immigrants * * will create property for the 
State to tax ; they will consume the goods of our manufacturers and mer- 
chants, and they will increase our exports. Moreover, they will do some- 
thing toward filling up our empty mountain counties, and give them a 
chance of lessening their rates of taxation, and ultimately of paying their 
debts. The United States has grown rapidly wealthy by immigration, and 
the decades of greatest national progress have been those in which the 
greatest number of foreigners have landed on our shores. The Western 
States that have outrun their competitors in the race for prosperity have been 
those which have spent their money more freely on immigration, and Illinois 
stands above every State in the Union in this respect. If the Legislature 
grants all the Immigrant Union is asking, they will only be moderately follow- 
in the footsteps, and doing in a small way, what Illinois, with wonderfully 
successful resulis, has done on a greater scale." 

On November 13th, the Record, under the heading of " What is Doing," 
said : " It is a very gratifying and encouraging sign that the press of Cali- 
fornia are so generally and earnestly giving their support to the effort 
being put forth to induce immigration to the State, and the arrangement 
of a comprehensive system of operation, which shall be efficient in laying 
before those seeking new homes the advantages that California presents to 
them, and bringing them here. The people, also, exhibit the same general 
favor for the scheme, and are evidently prepared to give it such aid, and 
all the aid, required to make it thoroughly successful. And this enthu- 
siasm and earnestness seems to be greater in the portions of the State 
which are the least affected with anything like land monopoly. It is the 
sturdy, hard-working farmers; the laborious miners, the industrious arti- 
sans, the enterprising, active merchants and traders of the interior and 
outside counties, who are taking the most interest in the subject, and offer 
it the most active assistance. This augurs well for its success." 

On December 8th, the Daily Record, in an article headed '• How shall 
they learn unless they are taught?" said: " There are some journals pro- 
fessedly very anxious for population in California, but very determined that no 
means shall be taken to invite people here. Their cry is, ' Equalize assess- 
ments, reduce taxation, and build railroads, and then population will 
come.' Very good! So do we say, 'Equalize assessments, reduce 
taxation, and build railroads.' These are just the kind of improve- 
ments which will induce emigrants to settle in California, but how 

The Tone of the Interior Press. 23 

will the emigrant know that we have equalized assessments, reduced tax- 
ation, and built railroads, after these works are accomplished, unless we 
send some one to tell them these things?" * * * * 

"People who suppose us to be a wild horde of miners, wearing extra- 
ordinary garments, and accustomed to daily encounters with armed ruf- 
fians, and generally in the end perishing by the tomahawks of savages, do 
not know anything about our inequalities in assessing, our rates of taxa- 
tion and our want of railroads. * * If men who have education, who 
read books of travel, and who subscribe to the London Times, are so 
ignorant about California, what must be the condition of the cottage-farmer 
in Great Britain and Germany ? If we intend that the people of Europe 
shall understand our country, appreciate our advantages, and learn that 
here are homes for all, we must send out men to preach these glad tidings, 
if not from house to house, ai least from village to village, and town to town." 

The Tone of the Interior Press. 

After such conclusive evidences that all the daily press of San Fran- 
cisco and Sacramento, the Union excepted, was in our favor, it is hardly 
necessary to quote extensively from the Interior papers. It will be 
enough to say that in every district of the State, the Trustees have had 
encouragement and support from the first. Many writers on the other 
hand, naturally viewed with jealousy anything proceeding from San 
Francisco, and were opposed to Government aid being extended to a Soci- 
ety at that time partly composed of the class of land-holders they held in 
special abhorence. Others supported by subscribers interested in min- 
ing, misinterpreted the movement in so far as to believe that we were 
opposed to the development of their chief local interest. Some changes 
in the construction of the Board and the abandonment ot revenue from 
the various sources, removed the cause of the opposition, and with one 
or two exceptions, all the press of the Interior counties came over to 
our side, and in the expressive language used by one, which had been 
the bitterest in opposition, declared, that now we had proved ourselves 
worthy of public confidence they would give us their aid in obtaining 
from the Legislature what we asked. 

As long ago as November 14th, it has been known that the Immigrant 
Union intended applying to the Legislature for $100,000 for the general 
^purposes of promoting immigration, and for $200,000 for special aid on 
the plan provided for in Clause 16. Not a single daily paper in the 
cities of San Francisco or Sacramento, the Union excepted, opposed 
that demand until six weeks after (that is when the draft of the bill was 
placed in their hands), and some of the country papers that had com- 
mented adversely on the proposition to obtain State aid, in the mean- 

24 Letter from Colonel Loomis. 

time had turned around, and in the handsomest manner acknowledged 
their mistake, and announced their acquiesence with our views. 

There is, therefore, but one conclusion that we can come to, and that 
is, the fault is in the bill and not in the sum asked, and yet we cannot 
but call the atteniion of our readers to the similarity between the mode 
of working, provided for in the bill, and that suggested by the following 
letter from a gentleman whose experience and success in this business 
of European Immigration, gives great value by his opinions. 

Letter from Col. Loomis. 

The following exstract from a letter addressed to one of the officers of 
the Immigrant Union by Col. J. S. Loomis, President of the Kansas 
organization, is worthy of consideration. It is dated from Astor House, 
New York, Dec. 16, 1869. 

The writer, after earnestly urging land-owners to divide up their land 
after the manner of the Government surveys, into small tracts, says : 

' ' This point is being accomplised with the roads, we next secure and 
become the representative agents in Europe and the Eastern States for 
ocean steamship and railway lines; and by educating the intending irn- 
igrant to start from his fireside for our rich and cheap lands as his ob- 
jective point, we create an entirely new business for these lines, and of- 
fer an attractive inducement for them to afford transportation at a con- 
siderable percentage less than the regular rates. In addition to cheap 
land and cheap transportation, we offer and afford in perfect faiih with 
our representative the most acceptable and practical attention to the 
emigrant and his family on the entire line of transit from his old home 
to the new. At each depot on the line of the respective roads we have 
a local agent, who has map3 and price lists of our lands, and is 
thoroughly acquainted with all lands in this district, and is authorized 
to make sale of the lands. These local agents are also the agents for 
manufacturers of portable houses, lumber and agricultural implements, 
all of which supplies we cause to be furnished to the settler at manufac- 
turer's or dealer's original cost, thus saving the emigrant the many re- 
tail profits which usually accumulate on those materials and goods be- 
tween the manufacturer and consumer; and we secure these supplies at 
reduced rates of transportation from the factories to the respective local 
agencies. The advantages of this system are briefly as follows : 
First, cheap transportation ; second, proper attention en route; third, 
cheap lands; fourth, materials and implements for improving the same 
at prime cost to the settler. Our documents are distributed through 
our permanent agencies throughout Great Britain and Continental 
Europe. Our accurate descriptive maps, circulars and emigrant guides 

Letter from Colonel Loomis. 25 

are gratuitously furnished in the language and to the people of all na- 
tionalities, and our agents are selected with special reference to their ex- 
perience and fitness for the duty of reaching the emigrating classes 
directly, and who are imbued with the sentiments and have the tact and 
moral courage to protect our people from fraud and unjust exactions 
until they reach and settle upon the lands. We can now transport emi- 
grants (adults) at from $25 to $35 (IT. S. currency) less than the emi- 
grant can possibly secure himself or through other agencies. We have 
the land, ocean and railway transportation interests perfectly combined 
in one organization in such a way as to conserve the present and future 
prosperity of all, especially the immigrant. Such organization and the 
benefits referred to can only be attained by an Association or Corpora- 
tion properly and intimately allied to the ship, railroad and landed in- 

"There abe twenty millions or people in eueopean countries who 


" The field for settlement and the number desiring to emigrate is too 
broad for any State or any organization to compass, and we will gladly 
afford California or anv other Western sister a thorough insight to our 
plans and experiences. 

" Our mission is specially with these ' iron belts ' which are to encir- 
cle the earth, and carry our civilization and republicanism to the peo- 
ple of all nations. The roads we now represent are judiciously man- 
aged and financially successful, and we will give them a population 
through our land and emigration, bureaus of industrious miners, me- 
chanics and agriculturists, which will in our western territories develop 
the highest civilization of which the Anglo-Saxon race is capable of at- 
taining. We are drawing our emigrating land buyers from the educat- 
ed and christian communities of Central and Northern Europe, a class 
which will bring no moral leprosies to engraft upon our social life or 
pollute our political fabric. If we can help you as agents, or as friendly 
counsellors, to give California a fair share of this European emigration, 
we shall be glad to serve or advise you. Permit me to advise you, and 
through you your Chamber of Commerce, to encourage large landed 
proprietors to have their vast estates surveyed into small bodies accord- 
ing to the land system of the General Government — viz : into sections, 
quarter sections, eighty and forty acre tracts — and let them be offered 
as a rule to that class of actual settler? who have the means to pay for 
transportation, make payments on land and purchase the materials and 
implemente for settlement and cultivation. The lands withdrawn from 
sale by the Government for railway purposes are, of course, in this 

26 Let kr from Colonel Loom is. 

practical shape for the emigrating masses, but the large ranchos and 
valleys held for sale by a few, cannot, under your present policy, be 
made available for the settlement of small farmers, and the colonization 
system has not been accepted by Europeans to an extent making these 
large tracts saleable. The large cotton, tobacco, rice and sugar planta- 
tions of the South, if surveyed into small tracts, would be a most at 
tractive competitive field for emigration. Southern lands are a drug on 
the emigrating market for the reason stated, California, if her availa- 
ble agricultural acres were subdivided and offered cheap, would be the 
most attractive field for actual settlement on the continent. I believe 



e wiae, 

I J t%9\ 

Reply to Father Buchard 

Rev. GT Gibson, 

Delivered in Piatt's Hail, San Francisco, 
Friday Evening Mar. 14, 1873. 

Published at the request of the 
"San Francisco Methodist Preachers' Meeting". 

Alta Printing House, 529 California Street. 


~,r o. cz-rarer : irbiry 


On the 18th of February, the Hon. Frank M. Pixley, delivered 
a lecture in this city for the benefit of the "Church Union/' sub- 
ject, " Our Street Arabs. Who are responsible for them ? " 

Mr. Pixley improved the occasion, to declaim against the immi- 
gration of the Chinese to this country, making use of some 
very violent and incendiary language, well adapted to excite the 
hatred and prejudice of the people against the Chinese. 

On the 25th of February, the Rev. Father Buchard, a Jesuit 
Priest, addressed a large audience in this city, on "Chinaman or 
White man, which ? " 

He also declaimed against Chinese immigration, maintaining 
that the Chinese are an injury to the best interests of our country 
and people, because they cheapen labor, and because they are an 
inferior race. He charges that the most of the Chinese who come 
here are slaves — that they do not pay taxes — that they do not 
consume our products, but send their money home, thus draining 
our country of its wealth — that they are the careless authors o± 
destructive fires — that they displace white laborers, driving them 
to pursue lives of beggary, prostitution and crime. 

These two lectures, quite fully reported in our daily papers, 
with more or less of endorsement and commendation, were agi- 
tating the minds of the people. The hatred and prejudice of cer- 
tain classes of our population against the Chinese were fully 
aroused, and many good citizens feared mob-violence in our city, 
as the result. 

The "San Francisco Methodist Preachers' Meeting" having the 
matter under consideration, passed the following Resolution: 

"That Rev. O. Gibson be requested to prepare an answer to the 
lecture delivered by Father Buchard on " Chinaman or White man, 
which?" at his earliest convenience, and that Rev. J. W. Ross, 
and Rev. A. J. Nelson be a committee to engage a hall and make 
arrangements for Mr. Gibson's lecture." 


Mr. Gibson accepted the invitation, and delivered the following 
"Reply to Father Buchard," on "Chinaman or White man, which ?" 
which was listened to, with intense interest, by a large and in- 
telligent audience, assembled at Piatt's Hall in this city, Friday 
evening, March 14th, 1873. 

On the following Monday morning, (March 17th) the "Preachers' 
Meeting 1 '' passed the following Resolution ; 

"That the Rev. O. Gibson be requested to furnish a copy of 
his Reply to Father Buchard, and that Rev. J. W. Ross and A. J. 
Nelson Esq., be a committee to publish in neat pamphlet form, 
at least one thousand copies of the lecture." 

On the evening of the same day, Mr. Gibson received the fol- 
lowing communication : 

San Fkancisco, March 17, 1873. 
Rev. O. Gibson : 

Dear Sir — The leading Chinese gentlemen of this city, have 
just learned of your able defense of the treaty rights of the Chi- 
nese in this country. They wish me to assure you of their high 
appreciation of your services, and to convey to you, their grateful 
thanks for what you, unsolicited by them, have done for our peo- 

The "Six Chinese Companies" also ask the privilege of paying 
the expenses of publishing an edition of your "Reply to Father 

With sentiments of profound respect. In behalf of the Chi- 
nese in America. 

Yours very truly, 

A. YUP, 

HOP KEE & Co. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

San Francisco, March 20th, 1873. 

J. W. ROSS, 



Ladies and Gentlemen : 

I wish it to be distinctly understood that I do not 
stand here to defend the civilization nor the religion of 
China. I do not propose to offer any apology for the 
vices of the Chinese people, nor to praise the virtues 
of the white race. Neither do I stand here as an ad- 
vocate of special measures for the introduction of 
Chinese people, nor as an advocate of special measures 
for the introduction of any other people, to these shores. 
But I come before you to defend the foundation prin- 
ciple and the traditional policy of the Government and 
people of these United States. A principle enunciated, 
and a policy adopted in our infancy as a nation ; a 
principle and a policy as dear as life to every true 
American patriot ; a principle and a policy born of 
Heaven, and destined ever to be crowning glories in 
the future history of this fair land. It is the God- 
taught principle that all men are horn free and equal; 
it is the policy which opens wide the doors of our great 
country on the East and on the West, and opens wide 
also, all the countless avenues of industry and enter- 
prise in our country equally to all mankind, without 
distinction of race, color, or previous condition of servi- 

I stand here, an American-born citizen, to defend 
this principle and this policy against the incendiary in- 


vectives of an unscrupulous politician, and against the 
plausible but more dangerous fallacies uttered by a 
Priest of the Church of Rome. 

I was quite amused at the cool, practical view of the 
probable influence of Father Buchard's lecture, as ex- 
pressed by an intelligent Chinaman of my acquaintance. 
He said: "I think that Roman Catholic Priest did a 
pretty good thing for the Chinese, because whatever 
people may say, they will all employ the labor which is 
the most profitable to them, and that man's lecture on 
Chinese "cheap labor is a good advertisement for our 

Such talk will increase Chinese immigration, not 
check it. 


Father Buchard with glowing eloquence depicts the 
evils of cheap labor, which he claims includes in its 
category all forms of serfdom. He tries to make us 
believe that we are inaugurating a system of serfdom 
in this country. He deprecates the clay, which he 
would have us believe to be near at hand, when ten or 
twenty millions of our fellow citizens shall be reduced 
to serfdom, in order that we may leave behind us great 
works and monuments like the Pyramids of Egypt or 
the Coliseum of Rome. Such an idea is so absurd and 
so contradictory to the genius of our government, and 
the tendencies of our civilization, that in uttering it 
the Reverend Father has rendered himself liable to 
the charge of being ignorant of the genius and spirit of 
our American civilization. Our civilization, without 
serfdom, without cheap labor even, is building monu- 

ments more glorious than the Pyramids of Egypt, 
more beautiful than the Coliseum of Rome. Our rail- 
roads and our telegraph lines are our Pyramids, our 
free schools, with an open Bible, our free press and free 
speech, our traditional Sabbath, our civil and religious 
liberties, these are our Coliseum. It is with these, our 
blood-bought institutions, that a class of foreigners, 
not Chinese, are at war. 

It certainly is a pity that our Roman Catholic friends 
are so slow to understand and appreciate the genius 
and spirit of the free institutions of this great Republic. 

This subject of labor and its reward is at once an im- 
portant and delicate question. The great sin charged 
against our Chinese friends is, that they cheapen labor. 

However, according to Father Buchard himself, it 
will always be impossible to reduce labor to its lowest 
rates in this country, so long as our present form of 
government exists. He tells us, and truly, too, that 
the lowest rates of labor can only prevail under des- 
potic forms of government. Surely our government is 
not despotic, and hence labor cannot reach its lowest 
rates in this country. 


The inevitable tendency of our institutions is to in- 
crease the price of labor. Everywhere the freest com- 
petition exists. 

Every man in this land, be he gentile or Jew, be he 
Christian or heathen, be he red, or black, or white, or 
copper colored, is his own master. If capital refuses 
to reward labor, on every hand doors of enterprise and 
industry are opened wide, by means of which the labor- 

ing classes themselves may become lords of the soil, or 
by combination of their labor and capital may monop- 
olize to a great extent the manufacturing interests of 
the communities in which they live. Father Buchard 
has presented to the public a labored and plausible, 
but, as I think, an extremely fallacious argument against 
the free immigration of. the Chinese to this country, 
because of their cheap labor. The same argument may 
be used by native born Americans against the free im- 
migration of the Germans and Irish. But I am pre- 
pared to state, without fear of successful contradiction, 
that as compared with other portions of our country, 
no such thing as cheap labor, of any kind, is yet known 
on these shores; and any statement or argument built 
upon the false assumption that such labor is known 
here, must be an incorrect statement, a fallacious argu- 
ment tending only to pander to the prejudices, and to 
fire the animosities of the ignorant and vicious. Why 
were not a few facts and figures given us to show how 
dangerously cheap this Chinese labor is ? Simply, I 
imagine, because such a showing would have exposed 
the fallacy of the position.. Allow me to eliminate 
the fallacy, and then see how much of truth or argu- 
ment remains. It is estimated that of the ten or 
twelve thousand Chinese in this city, about twenty-five 
hundred of them are employed as domestic servants. 
Those who employ them are denounced as craven 
wretches, worthy of a felon's cell, because they employ 
this cheap labor. But, ladies and gentlemen, we were 
not told how much per month is paid for this crim- 
inally cheap labor. No mention was made of the fact 
that these twenty-five hundred Chinese boys are paid 


as much, on an average, as is paid to any average 
twenty-five hundred domestic servants in the Eastern 
States. Chinese boys, twelve to sixteen }^ears of age, 
fresh from China, unable to speak or to understand 
our language, and perfectly unacquainted with our 
methods of labor, are paid $2 and $3 per week and 

Boys from sixteen to twenty years, able to speak a 
few words, and partially experienced in our methods 
of labor, command $3 to $5 per week and found. 

A Chinaman, able to cook and wash for a family, 
readily commands from $5 to $8 per week. In our 
Eastern cities the same kind and amount of labor can 
be obtained for less money; the average price being 
about $3 to $6 per week, for first-class servants; 
while in the country and villages the prices range from 
$1 50 to $3 per week ; so that, as compared with other 
portions of our country, in the matter of domestic 
servants, we have no cheap labor as yet on this coast, 
not even Chinese,, Whatever curses the Chinese may 
bring to these shores, cheap domestic labor is not yet 
one of them. I more than suspect that there is a con-., 
cealecl cause for this irritation of the Reverend Father 
on the question of Chinese domestic service, and for 
this violent opposition of the Roman Catholic element 
to the immigration of the Chinese to this country. I 
more than suspect that if the places now filled by those 
twenty-five hundred Chinese domestics were filled by 
communicants of the Roman Catholic Church, that cir- 
cumstance of itself might place about $2,500 per 
month into the Treasury of that Church (mostly of Pro- 
testant money) to aid in building up the traditional 


institutions of Popery in our midst. But these Chi- 
nese domestics are not to any great extent the subjects 
of his Holiness, the Infallible Pope. Perhaps that is 
the trouble. 


There can be no doubt but that the Chinese immi- 
gration has helped to reduce the price of labor from 
the excessive rates which existed in the early and flush 
days of California life, and by so much as the Chinese 
have done this, they have been a benefit and not a 
curse. For a reduction in prices of wages was an ab- 
solute necessity, a prime condition of our development 
as a State in all those manifold interests and enter- 
prises that constitute the growing wealth of any land. 

At the rates of labor which existed in the early days 
of California, or at the rates which would instantly 
prevail were the Chinese removed from our midst, not 
one of the few manufacturing interests which have 
lately sprung up on these shores, could be maintained 
a single day. 

Were it not for the competition of Chinese labor, the 
few woolen mills, rope factories, iron foundries, cabinet 
factories, shoe factories and such like industries lately 
commenced, must be closed at once. 

Even with the presence and competition of the Chi- 
nese, the average price of labor is so high that capital 
persistently refuses to invest to any considerable ex- 
tent in manufacturing enterprises. For the want of a 
cheaper labor, and more of it, we are compelled to ex- 
port our wocl, our silk, our hides and other products, 
and in turn we import our shoes, our cloth, our silks, 
our nails and other supplies. The average price of 


labor on this coast is still so high that we cannot man- 
ufacture and compete with Eastern prices. If it is true 
that we have such an abundance of cheap labor, how 
shall we account for the fact that in California, almost 
every year, fields of wheat are left unharvested and 
vast quantities of fruit rot on the ground, simply be- 
cause labor cannot be obtained to harvest the wheat 
or to gather the fruit at paying rates ? "Who does not 
know that there are hundreds, if not thousands of fam- 
ilies in this city and country with small incomes, feeble 
mothers, helpless children, daily suffering for the want 
of domestic help which, at present prices, they are un- 
able to command ? Remove Chinese competition, and 
domestic servants as a class would at once become 
more exorbitant in their demands and more insolent 
in their manners than now ; and as the result many 
families would be compelled to leave the country, or to 
break up housekeeping altogether, 


It is a mistake to suppose that if the Chinese were 
removed from our midst there would be employment 
for more white laborers than now. The fact is, and 
intelligent men know it full well, that the Chinese on 
this coast, by the multiplication and development of 
industries, have caused a demand for more white skilled 
labor than otherwise could have found employment., 
More white labor than Chinese labor is employed by 
the business created by the Mission Woolen Mills, but 
the business could not exist without the employment of 
Chinese. The introduction of machinery all over our 
land at first met with the same kind of opposition because 


It cheapened the price of most products and displaced 
laborers; but we now know that machinery multiplies 
industries, creates a demand for more laborers, and thus 
enriches the country. The immigration of Irish peas- 
ants into our Eastern States, to dig our canals and 
build our railroads, cheapened, for a time, the price of 
labor, but it also developed and enriched the country ; 
and while it improved the condition of the Irishmen, 
it also raised the native American population to higher 
planes of industry and more extensive fields of enter- 
prise. I, myself, once a farm-hand at twelve dollars 
per month, was displaced by an Irishman who did the 
same work for eight dollars per month ; but I went 
from the farm to the college, and have never since un- 
dertaken to compete with foreigners on that level. So 
this Chinese immigration, by reducing the price of un- 
skilled labor to a point where capital can afford to em- 
ploy it, will tend to multiply our industries and enrich 
the State, and in this way they will certainly open doors 
for the employment of thousands of white laborers, 
who otherwise could not find employment on these 
shores ; so that the Chinese, instead of displacing or 
lessening the demand for white laborers, really stimu- 
late the demand and create a market for more. 


In face of the facts and principles of political economy, 
to which I have called your attention, how absurd seems 
the statement that the Chinese immigration has dis- 
placed thousands of domestic servants and other white 
laborers, and driven them forth to become beggars, 
thieves and prostitutes ! The absurdity becomes ridic- 

ulous when we are told, with pious cant, that these dis- 
placed ones were all good, honest souls, that would have 
been respectable, would have been an honor to the circle 
in which they moved, would have been a credit to us as 
Americans, were it not for the employment and cheap 
labor of these immoral, vicious, pagan Chinese. Such an 
absurd and ridiculous statement' Father Buchard has 
thrown into the face of this intelligent community — a 
community daily distressed beyond expression by the 
unfaithfulness, the dishonesty and impudence of that 
very class he has seen fit thus to eulogize. We may 
leave the question of their faithfulness and honesty to 
be settled by the thousands among us who are the hap- 
less, helpless victims of kitchen tyranny and impudence. 
The inefficiency and vulgar impudence of domestic ser- 
vants in America is proverbial; especially is this true 
in the case of those who are of the Roman Catholic re- 
ligion, serving in Protestant families. 


We have been told that " the most of the Chinese 
who come here are slaves." Now, such statements are 
very common in certain circles, and may be expected 
jjrom the ignorant and prejudiced, but what excuse can 
an intelligent man render for such a perversion of sim- 
ple, well-known facts ? The fact is, and intelligent men 
know it, that so far as the male population of China is 
concerned, no such thing as slavery, in our acceptation 
of the term, exists. The Chinese people always re- 
garded with horror the American system of African 


Chinese women are brought here as slaves, and for 
vilest purposes, and are daily bought and sold in this 
city, like the brutes that perish. I join with all good 
citizens in denouncing that abominable traffic, and in 
wiping out, by legitimate means, this festering sore ; 
but in our just indignation against the Chinese en- 
slaved prostitution, let us not forget the moral pesti- 
lence which surrounds them, flaunting its victories and 
exposing its victims unrebuked on Dupont and Sacra- 
mento streets and Waverly Place. While pulling the, 
mote from our neighbor's eye, let us extract the beams 
from our own eyes. 

The Chinamen who come here, in every case come 
voluntarily. It is true that many of them are assisted 
financially to get here, and to find employment 
after they get here, and for such assistance they 
gladly agree to pay a certain per cent, of their actual 
wages until the stipulated sum is paid and the contract 
canceled. Our immigrant societies, importing immi- 
grants from Europe, act upon precisely the same plan. 
Every intelligence office in this city acts upon pre- 
cisely the same principle, and transacts business of a 
similar nature every time a person is employed through 
their agency. This voluntary contract to refund, with 
interest, moneys which have been advanced on thejr 
account, cannot, in any honest way, be called slavery, 
nor can it be fairly compared to slavery. If these are 
called slaves, then every person who secures a situation 
through the agency of an intelligence office is a slave, or 
may be compared to a slave. It is rather a favorable com- 
ment upon the faithfulness of the Chinese in keeping 


contracts, that moneyed men of their own nation are 
found willing to advance money on such risks. 

An effort to make people believe that the Chinese 
are mostly slaves, and to kindle a political excitement 
upon such a false assumption may be expected from a 
political demagogue, but from a minister of religion 
we have a right to expect better things. 

Let me uncover another fallacy here. First — We 
have the statement that the Chinamen who come here 
are mostly slaves. This statement is not true of the 
men in a single instance, but upon this false statement, 
as a premises, this argument is built. First — Slavery 
of every kind has been declared unconstitutional. 
Second — These Chinamen are slaves. 
Third — Therefore those who employ these Chinamen 
are violating the very spirit and letter of the Constitu- 
tion, and are deserving the censure and condemnation 
of their fellow men. and cannot be considered true 
American citizens. But, ladies and gentlemen, if these 
Chinamen are voluntary immigrants, and if every man 
of them be his own master, which is certainly the case, 
what then ? In that case who is it that violates the 
very letter and spirit of the Constitution, and is un- 
worthy to be called a true American citizen \- Is it the 
man who employs such voluntary labor as he can com- 
mand, at prices which he can afford ? Or is it the man 
who attempts to dictate to us, free born American citi- 
zens, as to what persons we shall employ, and as to 
what wages we shall give ? 

This charge of violating the constitution and deserv- 
ing the censure of our fellow men, made against us 
American citizens because we choose to employ 


Heathen Chinese instead of European papists, comes 
with an exceedingly bad grace from a Jesuit priest of 
the Church of Rome, himself a representative of a' 
class and a sect historically known to be opposed to 
free, civil and religious institutions in all lands, known 
to be openly, bitterly and persistently opposed to the 
system of public schools, the open bible, the free press 
and free speech, glorious characteristics of this free, 
Protestant Christian America. 

The Roman Catholic Archbishop of St. Louis says 
that " if the Catholics ever gain — which they surely will 
— an immense numerical majority in this country, re- 
ligious freedom will be at an end.''' 

It is high time that the public sentiment was roused 
and warned against a system of audacious assumptions 
and plausible fallacies, that are blinding the eyes and 
blunting the sensibilities of our people. 

Little by little, by fair means and by foul means, the 
memory of our own immortal Washington, and the 
principles which his name represents, are pushed aside, 
and the name of St. Patrick, and the institutions 
which that name suggests, are brought to the front. 
Compare the annual celebration in this city of Wash- 
ington's and St. Patrick's birthdays, and you will un- 
derstand the foice of what I say. St. Patrick is all 
very well, but for Americans I think Washington should 
be firsts St. Patrick afterwards. 


Father Buchard has presented a lengthy argument 
to prove that the Chinese are an inferior race. On 
this point the Reverend Father and his worthy col- 


league, the Hon. Frank M. Pixley, do not agree. When 
doctors of the same school disagree who shall decide 
the case for them? 

We all know full well that the civilization of the Chi- 
nese is far inferior to our Christian civilization, but that 
does not prove in the least the inferiority of the race. 

The civilization of China reached the highest point of 
development, of which its institutions and systems are 
capable, hundreds of years since. At that time the 
Chinese civilization was in advance of the civilization 
of our ancestors. Had Father Buchard lived in those 
days, he could have proved the Chinese were the supe- 
rior race. 

The false systems of ethics and religion prevailing in 
China have placed barriers io the way of progress 
and true development. Remove these barriers, take 
away these stumbling blocks, lift the vail of ignorance 
from the Chinese mind and place it under equal and 
similar conditions, and you who live in this city need 
not be told that it will compare favorably with the 
mind of any other family of the one human race. I say 
one human race, for, receiving the Bible as authority, 
I believe that "God hath made of one blood all na- 
tions of men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth." 

The inferior civilization of any people, at any certain 
point of the world's history, is no guage of the pos- 
sibilities of that people in progressive development, 
under favorable circumstances. 

The Chinese an inferior race ! Confucius, five hun- 
dred years before Christ, enunciated the Golden Rule 
in a negative form, and he was a Chinaman. A few 
decades since, To Kwong, the Emperor, when pressed 


by the Ambassadors from Christian lands to legalize 
the traffic in opium, exclaimed, with vehemence, "I 
know that my purposes will be frustrated. I know 
that wicked and designing men, for purpose of lust 
and profit, will clandestinely introduce the poisonous 
drug, but nothing under heaven shall ever induce me 
to legalize the certain ruin of my people." Does that 
sound like an inferior race ? An inferior race ! 

Yung Wing, who took one of the graduating prizes 
at Yale College a few years ago, belonged to this infe- 
rior race. An inferior race ! Then why this fear of 
their competition ? Brain is always in the ascendancy; 
knowledge is power, and fears no competition of mere 
brute force. If the Chinese are truly the inferior race 
which they are said to be, then coming to this coun- 
try, they must ever remain the mudsills of society, 
performing for us our unskilled labor, and thus lifting 
the superior white race, even including Father Bu- 
chard's dear brethren, to higher planes of industry and 
more exalted walks in society. " 

But we are told that the Chinese are an inferior 
race, because they cannot resist foreign invasion. On 
that principle, what shall we say of the French ?x v "What 
of the Irish ? Have those countries never been suc- 
cessfully invaded ? Why did not the Reverend Father 
tell us that these inferior Chinese have eliminated a 
system of government which for thousands of years 
has held in peaceful control nearly one - third of the 
human race ? 

China stands before the world to-day acknowledged as 
having the largest population, and a government of the 
longest existence known in history. 


But Father Buchard grows bolder still as he ad- 
vances, and finally caps the climax of a long catalogue 
of absurd fallacies, false assumptions, and abusive epi- 
thets by uttering a sentiment, which should cause all 
believers in Christ to blush, to blush for very shame, 
that a man proclaiming such sentiments as he has pro- 
claimed, should still be recognized as a minister of our 
Holy Religion. Himself ordained a priest of that altar 
upon which Jesus Christ, by the grace of God, tasted 
death for every man, in one short sentence pub- 
licly uttered and broadly published, has dared to 
exclude one-third of the human race from all of 
the benefits of the scheme of human redemption 
through , Jesus Christ, our Lord. His language, as 
quoted in the Monitor, an Irish Roman Catholic jour- 
nal of this city, is this : "These pagan, these vicious, 
these immoral creatures, that are incapable of rising to 
the virtue that is inculcated by the religion of Jesus 
Christ, the "World's Redeemer." 

Does this blasphemous utterance voice the sentiments 
of the Church of Rome ? If so, why not translate it 
into the Chinese language and circulate it broadcast 
all over China, to aid the Jesuits there in their work, 
and to encourage those 2,000,000 Chinese communi- 
cants of the the Romish Church which he claims in 
China ? [There does seem to be a little inconsistency 
in claiming 2,000,000 communicants from a race inca- 
pable of becoming Christians.] 

If the race be what Father Buchard states it to be, 
why any efforts at all to evangelize it ? What about 
Father Peter, and Father Theodore, and Father Sian, 
Roman Catholic priests of the Chinese race, who, at 


different times, have ministered in this city, baptizing 
the children and shriving the adults of the superior 
white race ? Do not those priests belong to this ' ' pagan, 
vicious, immoral race, incapable of rising to the virtue 
inculcated by the religion of Jesus Christ, the world's 
Redeemer ? " And if it is such a sin for an American 
family to employ a Chinaman in the kitchen, what 
shall we say of the Romish Church which ordains a 
pagan, vicious, immoral Chinaman to be a priest at the 
altars of the God of Heaven ? The fact that so large 
a portion of the inmates of our prisons, jails, indus- 
trial schools and reformatory institutions are communi- 
cants of the Romish Church, more than justifies the 
suspicion that multitudes of the communicants of that 
Church, other than Chinese, if not •'incapable," do, 
nevertheless, fail to rise to the practice of Christian 

Is it possible that such language was used in order 
to pander to popular tastes and inflame popular preju- 
dices ? Should there be a raid on the Chinese of this 
city, and the mob scenes of the Los Angeles riot be re- 
enacted in our streets, how far ought such teachers as 
the Rev. Father Buchard and the Hon. Frank M. Pix- 
ley, be held responsible at the bar of an intelligent 
public opinion, for the results ? Are not the cool r 
crafty instigators of a riot as guilty as the mad partici- 
pators in its bloody scenes ? 

Father Buchard, in flowing sentences, by use of 
plausible fallacies, arouses the jealousy, and excites the 
hatred and prejudice of the ignorant masses. He pro- 
claims to them that the Chinese, an immoral, pagan 
race, are depriving them of employment, reducing their 


wives to beggary, their sons to hoodlums, and their 
daughters to prostitutes. He tells them that these 
Chinese are an inferior race, not capable of becoming 
Christians (and the plain inference is, that to murder a 
Chinaman would not be a greater sin than to kill a 
monkey). He proclaims that those who employ these 
Chinamen are "violating the spirit and letter of our 
Constitution, and are deserving of the censure and 
condemnation of their fellow-men. " Then Mr. Pixley 
completes the lesson. Under certain circumstances he 
calls upon Governor Booth, Mayor Alvord, and nu- 
merous citizens, to hang the Captains and agents of the 
China trade, and burn their vessels at the wharf. Of 
course, Mr. Pixley knew that if the leading citizens 
should fail to do this, there is a large element in the 
city that would like the job. If, after all this, we do 
not have mob violence against the Chinese, it will be 
because the hoodlum element of our city has not full 
confidence in these two leaders. 

I have been told by pretty good authority that a few 
years ago this same political aspirant, Frank M. Pix- 
ley. before the Board of Supervisors of this city, de- 
fended the right of those enslaved Chinese prostitutes 
to reside within the city limits, stoutly maintaining that 
the circumstances and necessities of the case called for 
the regulation rather than the suppression of the evil. 

At that time the authorities of the city, determined 
to put a stop to this traffic, refused the Company per- 
mission to land a cargo of these womeo just arrived 
from China. But Frank M. Pixley, equal to the emer- 
gency, procured a writ of habeas corpus, by which he 
brought them all ashore, and here they still are. Put 


that and this together and you have what I suppose to 
be a fair representation of the Hon. Frank M. Pixley. 
Perhaps we shall send him to Congress. Perhaps — 


It is charged that the Chinese do not pay taxes; that 
they come here only to make money. That the 10,000 
Chinese in this city do not all together pay so much in 
taxes as does the one man Michael Reese. 

Unfortunately for the strength of this argument 
against the Chinese, there are more than 50,000 white 
people in this city who pay no taxes at all, and 10,000 
others who do not pay altogether $9,000. The China- 
men have not invested largely in real estate, for the 
reasons : First — The most of them are poor. Second 
— Our invidious legislation against them has not en- 
couraged them to seek for permanent settlement 
among us. Father Buchard has told us that the 11,000 
Chinese of our city pay only $9,000 into our public 
treasury. Let us see : This $9,000 is taxes on real 
estate and personal property. But every Chinaman 
pays his $2 poll tax — many of them two and three 
times the same year. This will add about $10,000 to 
Father Buchard's $9,000, making $19,000 ; To this 
add $25,000 for licenses, and instead of $9,000 we 
have the round sum of $44,00p annual revenue to our 
City Treasury from the Chinese among us. Besides 
this, the Chinese of this city alone pay internal reve- 
nue license $5,000 per year, and stamp tax on cigars 
made during the last year the enormous sum of $360,- 
000, or over $1,000 per working day. The grand to- 


tal of public revenue from the Chinese of this city- 
alone, during the past year reaching the magnificent 
sum of $409,000— just $400,000 more than Father 
Buchard gave them credit for. (If his statistics of 
Chinese Christians are not more correct than these 
figures, certainly we can not place much confidence 
in them.) A part of this money is paid for the 
Public School Fund, but no schools are provided 
for the Chinese. Again, for the last twenty years 
a tax of $5 has been collected from every China- 
man landing in this country — a part of the time, in- 
deed, the tax was $50 a man. Hundreds of thousands 
of dollars have been collected from Chinamen under 
the provisions of the Foreign Miners' Tax law, $4 per 
month for every miner, which tax was seldom collected 
of any others than Chinese. There is this also to be 
said : Collector Austin himself informed me that 
there is less difficulty in collecting taxes from the Chi- 
nese than from any other class of inhabitants, and less 
delinquencies among themi 

But this matter of revenue multiplies as we look at 


The imposts or duties on rice alone, brought by the 
China trade, and mostly consumed by Chinamen, 
amount to over $1,000,000 gold coin annually; duty 
on oil and opium, $270,000 more; and the duties on 
other imports swell the figures to over $2,000,000 cus- 
toms, collected annually in this port on the trade from 
China, and mostly from Chinamen. Add all this reve- 
nue together and we have $2,409,000, including taxes, 
licenses and customs — no insignificant sum. The Chi- 


nese also patronize our insurance companies, paying to 
the several companies doing business in this city over 
$50,000 annually for insurance. 


It is charged that the Chinese do not consume 
our products, and that they send their money home 
and thus impoverish the country. It is about time 
that the fallacy was taken out of this kind of talk. 
Many Chinamen wear garments made of our cloth • 
they wear our boots and our hats; they are fond 
of watches and jewelry and sewing machines ; they 
ride in our cars and steamers. They eat our fish 
and beef and potatoes, and exhaust our pork market. 
Take the one item of pork alone, and the Chinamen 
of this coast pay to our producers on this coast over 
half a million dollars annually. If we would itemize 
the various products which they consume, we shall find 
that they do not send home over ten per cent, of their 
earnings. Now, allowing each man to earn $100 per 
year, this will give $750,000 of earnings sent home to 
China, as against $6,000,000 of their earnings spent in 
this country, and $2,409,000 paid to our revenues in 
taxes and customs. Again, they cannot carry home 
the result of their labors — they built the Central 
Pacific Railroad. They can not send that home, that 
remains to us. So of the results of all industries in 
which they are employed. Again, those living here, 
by their letters home, and by their presence on return- 
ing, are so many advertisements of the products and 
manufactures of our country, gradually creating a de- 
mand and opening a splendid market for our surplus 


products. Our exports to China are constantly in- 
creasing; formerly vessels went to China in ballast, 
now they go loaded with our products. Again, all the 
carrying trade between this and China, both of the im- 
migrants and merchandise, is in the hands of our own 
people. This alone furnishes profitable employment 
for a vast amount of American capital and labor. 
Fifty-two ships and steamers arrived in this port from 
China during the past year, and the trade is constantly 


Finally, these croakers all about the Chinese send- 
ing their money home ought to know that the fortunes 
amassed by American merchants in China and brought 
to this country, amount every year in the aggregate to 
five times more than all these Chinamen can send to 
China, as the fruits of their daily toil. 


The Chinese are charged as being the careless authors 
of the fires which consume our property — how strange it 
is that the fires do not rage in the Chinese quarter. Who 
is supposed to have burned the Methodist Church in San 
Jose, because Chinamen were taught in the Sunday 
School? Who is supposed to have burned Col. Nagle's 
property of the same place, because he employed Chi- 
namen ? To whom shall we charge the fires in Chicago 
and Boston? Was Mrs. O'Leary, who milked the 
cow, that kicked the lamp, that kindled the fire that 
burned Chicago, was Mrs. O'Leary a Chinaman ? Our 
fires are not so disastrous as those in the East; perhaps 
our immigrants are not so dangerous as theirs. Of the 
two evils we may safely choose the least. 



Father Buchard also saw fit to disparage the results of 
Protestant missionary work in China, and to sneer at the 
efforts made by our Protestant citizens to educate, ele- 
vate and Christianize the Chinese who are among us. 
He sneers at our Chinese Schools and Bible teachings. 
(By the way, this Bible teaching has always been con- 
sidered a sin by the Romish Priests.) He says these 
efforts have been going on for years, and yet he asks, 
"Have the papers of our city heralded the baptism of - 
a single Chinaman, as the result of all this labor ? 
Have the papers of this city, any one of them, re- 
ligious or secular, yet heralded the reformation of a 
single one of these unfortunate women, who are brought 
to this country for criminal purposes ?" Now the facts 
are, and if Father Buchard reads the papers, he ought 
to know the facts, that as the result of Protestant efforts 
in this direction, in this country, about one hundred 
Chinamen have been baptized and received into the 
various churches, and a thousand others have been 
greatly inproved both in mind and manners. Six of 
these unfortunate women are now in the Asylum of 
the Mission House, cared for and taught by the Wo- 
man's Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church. One has been married from the Asylum, and 
that, too, to a white man — of course, not an American 
citizen. Another woman, Jin Ho, has gone forth 
from the Asylum to do service and earn her own live- 
lihood in a Christian family. 

All these women are now clothed and in their right 
mind, happy in their escape from lives of slavery and 
shame. The woman, Jin Ho, was snatched from the 


cold waters of the bay, into which she had thrown her- 
self, in order to escape from the miseries of this life. 

This is the Protestant, the American way of solving 
the Chinese question. 

Another way, popular just now, but contrary to 
American principles, and contrary to the true spirit of 
Christianity, is to arouse the jealousies and excite the 
hatred of our people against a class of peaceable and 
industrious strangers, who are here by right of inter- 
national law, and national treaties. 

All these results of Protestant effort among the Chi- 
nese of this country have been published from time to 
time in the newspapers of the city, both secular and 

If Father Buchard does not read the papers, he 
should not speak so positively of what they do or do 
not publish. If he does read them, he ought to tell the 
truth when reporting from them. 

As to the results of Protestant effort in China itself. 
there are now about 10,000 actual communicants of 
Protestant Churches, maintaining consistent Christian 
characters, and perhaps five times that number of well 
disposed hearers. A number of self-sustaining churches 
already exist, and these are constantly increasing. 

The Bible, and religious books and tracts, and histori- 
cal and scientific works, have been faithfully translated, 
and millions of copies placed in circulation. 

At last the people and Government of China are be- 
ginning to learn the difference between Christian evan- 
gelization and Jesuitical intrigue, and as the result, a 
brighter day is dawning upon China. 



Father Buchard closed his lecture with an eloquent 
peroration on the grandeur of our country and the 
glory of our institutions. He contrasted, in glowing 
colors, the inestimable blessings to be derived from 
filling our land with immigrants from Europe, with the 
impending ruin attendant upon the migration of the 
Chinese to these shores. 

But fellow citizens, there is another vital question con- 
nected with this subject of immigration to which we 
must not close our eyes — which is the more dan- 
gerous to Republican institutions, Popery or Paganism? 
This is one of the grave questions involved in this 
subject. I may be mistaken, but I believe that I 
voice the candid conviction of a majority of the 
intelligence and character of these United States when 
I answer, Popery is more dangerous to Republican 
institutions than Paganism. 

Whence comes this bitter, this ceaseless hostility to 
our free schools, our free press, our open Bible ? 
Always from Popery ; never from Paganism. 


A broad, statesmanlike view, which takes in its 
scope the fundamental principles and the traditional 
policy of the Government and people of these United 
States — that is, open doors and equal rights for all — 
a view that has regard to national treaties of commerce 
and amity — a view that understands the value of the 
commerce of Asia to us as a nation. Such a view will 
teach the utter impracticability and perfect inconsistency 


of any attempt on our part to prevent the immigration 
of the Chinese to these shores. 

Remember that we are the aggressors; we battered 
down China's walls of exclusion; we opened her inter- 
dicted ports that we might share her commerce. God 
permitted us to do this, and the same God, who is no 
respecter of persons, permits the Chinese to come here; 
and shall we war with God ? We might as well attempt 
to stay the tides of the ocean as to attempt to prevent 
this Chinese immigration. With all its evils, and they 
are many, there is no resource for us but to make the 
best of it we possibly can. We need not fear them 
on the cheap labor question. Under our present 
form of government, oppressively cheap labor is an 

What we have to fear is the vice and ignorance 
which they bring. Wise legislation, wisely executed, 
will do much in this direction. As a sanitary measure, 
the Chinese should be compelled to keep their houses 
and streets cleaner, and they should not be allowed to 
pack so many persons into such small space as is now 
their custom. 

This abominable traffic in the flesh and blood of 
these unfortunate woman should be dealt with rigorously 
and at once — their dens of prostitution closed without 
any delay. 

A compulsory school law should place all of their 
children, girls and boys, into good schools. All invidi- 
ous legislation should be repealed, and Christian men 
and women must multiply their efforts to uplift and 
Christianize these people. 


To the question "Chinaman or White man, which?" 
I understand Father Buchard to answer, the white 
man alone. 

Hon. Frank M. Pixley answers, neither white nor 
Chinaman. America belongs to the Indian — the red 

But according to the genius and spirit of our gov- 
ernment and our national history, I stand here to an- 
swer thus : The doors of our country are open equally 
for both. We have room for all. Ours is u the land of 
the brave, and the home of the free 1 .'' The oppressed 
and down-trodden from all nations may alike find shelter 
here, and under the benign influences of our free institu- 
tions, and of our exalted faith, with the blessing of Al- 
mighty God, these different nationalities and varying civ- 
ilizations shall, in time, blend into one harmonious whole, 
illustrating to a wondering world "the common father- 
hood of God, and the universal brotherhood of man. 11 



Chinese Immigration. 

Governments Prosper in Proportion with the De- 
grees of Protection Afforded Her Laborers. Pro- 
tection to Them is Advancement ; Neglect of Their 
Interests is the Forerunner of Political Ruin and 
Social Debasement. 





C. H. Street, Printer and Publisher, 

522 California street. 

Remarks on Chinese Labor. 

Prominent among the evils we are called upon to contend 
with in our political and social advancement is the one thrust 
upon us by the present influx of Chinese labor. 

This is no ordinary evil, when we consider the powerless con- 
dition of our State to dispose of the question, the inattention 
of the Federal ■ Government, the social, moral, and political 
degradation it promises to visit upon us. 

The subject considered in any attitude chosen compels 
nearly all to admit its dangerous tendencies. These- are 
increased by the position our State occupies to the remainder 
of our country, and the hitherto prices of labor which hav.e 
regulated the ordinary modes of life of the laborer, and the 
means of advancing his family interests he has been enabled 
to adopt by these prices. 

Looking at the systems adopted by these people for their 
protection, the organization of companies, and the power 
exercised by them over the employed of their race, we are at 
once impressed with the idea that the condition is one quasi 
slave in its character. Add to this the antipathies now and 
destined to continue between this race and our own arising 
from the social, moral, and political education, and habits, 
and we have no ordinary enemy to deal with. 

It is easy enough for those not affected by this labor to say 
labor, price, and opportunity will regulate themselves, but this 
is a delusive fancy unsupported by reason in the present case, 
however well grounded the opinion may be in ordinary cases. 

It must be remembered, labor and capital, commerce and 
trade, production and consumption, are only self-regulating, 
when each is subjected to similar rules, and actuated by com- 
mon impulses. In the present case no such rule attaches. 
The laborer on the one hand, aspiring to conditions of ease, 
refinement, and education, with at least hopes of plenty for 
himself and family, with pleasant homes and fireside comforts, 
cultivated in all the refinements of civilized life, with advant- 
ages of the church, the school, libraries, and public places 
of learning, is compelled to compete in his industry with a class" 
in all respects unfit -for entertainment at our firesides, and illy 
calculated to become companions, to any degree, of our 
people, having tastes wholly averse to their mode of life, and 
aspiring to habits and indulgences entirely opposite. 

This is the present condition, and to assume good may arise 
from it is simply an unfounded assumption, hence let us look the 
consequent evils fairly in the face, and remedy them in the 
fairest means at our command. 

To this subject therefore most careful attention is demanded 
lest in moments of haste, misconception of duty to our 
own people is had or an injury to those we address upon this 
subject is done. 

If once this element of labor is permitted to gain sufficient 
ascendancy to control our labor market, we have not only po- 
litical ruin, but social and moral degradation awaiting us. Nor 
will it take a people long to arrive at this state after the causes 
inducing it have been fairly established and engrafted on their 


We have long maintained that a spirit of freedom for the 
citizen is present in our social and political relations which 
places the citizen uppermost, and makes the State contribute to 
his personal freedom, out of which results that popular idea of 
individual preference before the State ; from this we have the 


claims of the individual for all that nature has prepared him to 
enjoy, and government becomes only an instrument of use for 
this end, therefore careful protection is demanded. 

One of the earlier and most powerful aids to this principle is 
found in the constitutional provisions forbidding titles amongst 
American societies, by which all are compelled to stand on a 
basis of social equality before the law, with equal opportunity 
for acquiring individual liberty and personal social and political 
freedom, a freedom that makes all alike, irrespective of voca- 
tion, entitled to the full benefit of society and its just and 
incident privileges. From this follows a protection against social 
ostracism, by reason of any particular field of labor. 
Less, no one will consent to ; more, none asks. Each in society 
thus becomes alike entitled to respect, protection, and social re- 
gard in keeping with his personal worth measured by his 
moral and intellectual culture only. 

• Admitting these principles correct, no prolonged discussion 
is necessary to convince the mind that a high estimate should 
be placed upon the class depended on for labor, and the claim- 
ants for its legitimate rewards. To do less is calculated to en- 
danger the rights and liberties of the subject himself. 

Long have statesmen dwelt upon the evil tendencies of 
slave labor ; consequences as evil may be produced by with- 
holding from our citizens the rightful stimulants of industry 
and industrial pursuits. The latter may and will entail evils 
as certain as the former ; the law governing in the one case ap- 
plies with equal directness in the other. In either instance this 
law will control, as its power depends not on human, but natural 
agencies for its governing force. 

The respect rightfully belonging to this class of society, if 
given, insures for the State and personal freedom of its citizens, 

a safety nothing else can; but let this source of strength be once 
neglected, the power weakens, declines and finally dies. Its 
death is ruin, not alone to social order, but to the State itself? 
and undoes much governments have done within the last cen- 
tury for the ultimate freedom of mankind. 

There are persons who will urge there is no danger from 
these causes, and our people are not threatened with such con- 
sequencee. To all such let it be said with candor, the blood that 
fires the hearts of Americans will never pemit these evils to be 
continued and visited on the toiling masses for a long period, 
without a struggle for relief, a response to their cry; and under our 
present political relations, and with discords already existing, this 
struggle will insure either national ruin, or check the growth of 
our liberty so well planted and intended to be nourished by 
our people with so much zeal and care. In such an event, our 
generation loses all hope of permanent peace and prosperity. 

It may be urged that in the present case we have committed 
ourselves to a treaty that in the broadest sense not only invites 
but promises protection to the invited millions of China who 
may come to our shores for pleasure, for lessons on moral and 
government, for curiosity, gam or permanent abode, admitting 
them on an equality with the most favored nations of the earth. 

True, in doing this we extend to them the same rights 
and give the same invitaton others have received, and 
it may be urged, why should they be excepted ? 

To this let us answer : China is densely populated with an 
element dangerous for this country to contend with in our terri- 
tory, inasmuch as her people are accustomed to habits of 
frugal and abstenious living our people cannot know, after having 
been long used to luxuries other laboring classes well may 
envy, and a social, moral and political life absolutely antagonis- 
tic to their own. 

In vain may it be urged our laborers live too well, clothe 
too well, educate their families too much, and make too much 
money If these opportunities are removed wherein are the 
advantages of this country over Europe ? Is not the air of 
Europe as free the dew as sweet, the sun as warm and hours of 
toil as few ? 

Shame to the idea, and let no one entertain it seriously for a 
moment. Labor by which competence and even independ- 
ence may be acquired is far more conducive to morals and 
social refinement than when it is denied reward sufficient to 
permit that end. This, few will deny. True, this treaty may 
be deprecated, but in doing what has been done on this sub- 
ject, our country has carried into effect the same spirit she 
has been actuated by in making treaties with other countries. 
Since our political power has been established, Congress has 
entered into nearly two hundred different treaties and com- 
pacts with the several foreign powers concerning commerce, 
navigation, trade and national rights, in which unmistakable 
evidence of friendship for all powers and a desire to live 
peacefully with them, is too plainly indicated to admit of any mis- 
take. In doing this she has only carried into honest effect, and 
sought to fairly apply the great principle of personal freedom, well 
recognized and admitted, to the common claim for liberties that 
nature has given all peoples, without regard to race, color or 
circumstance. We have disputed the soundness of one of the 
oldest doctrines of national right, the one by which the citi- 
zen's allegience is always paramount to his individual will, and 
submits him to the wishes of his own nation. 

Whether we err in this or not is unnecessary to discuss. 
There is in our attitude on the subject a recognition of 
individual freedom and personal right otherwise absent. Nor 
do we admit we err in maintaining this freedom of the man- 
When governments cease to advance the interests of the gov- 

erned they fail to advance the general good of mankind. 
When they fail in this we need not mourn at their downfall ; 
and Americans will hail the day this downfall may take 
place, when this end ceases to be furthered. 

But admitting all this true does not imply a right on the part 
of our country to permit an injury to the common welfare of 
the citizens of one state, however this injury may have been 
brought about. If, through too great a licence to any people, 
danger threatens us, then the power permitting it should promptly 
come forward and avert the threatened injury. 

It may be urged in the present case this evil affects 
only- a small part of our Union, and special legislation ought 
not to be entertained when it may result in injury to other por- 
tions by denying the presence of this. population. 

To this we reply : Our State yields to the Federal Govern- 
ment certain of her sovereign powers, for not only the good of 
the General Government, but her own and has entrusted a 
part of her indepedence and welfare to the care of the Fed- 
eral power. By this, she has in the present case been 
rendered powerless and, if by error, the Federal Gov- 
ernment has visited on her citizens a curse or a condition, that 
evil may : grow out of, and refuses or hesitates to relieve; her 
lest she may injure a sister State, then let us with one accord 
say forgetful indeed is the government, and great is her want of 
consideration for her members. 

Congress has reserved to herself this sole power of treaty, 
but who would doubt the abuse and condemn an exercise 
of it, should a treaty be made that visits inevitable and una- 
voidable hardship upon a state only. 

None will condemn an abrogation of a treaty that so 
results, however general it may have been intended or innocently 
made. In vain may national power, credit, and good faith 

with foreign countries be urged a*gainst the abrogation in such 

a case. 

The duty of the General Government is to protect the members 
of the nation at large, and citizens of each state; the same prin- 
ciple that actuates self-preservation justifies this abrogation. 
Whether indemnity should be made or not must depend on 
circumstances and results ; but that the duty of our government 
is to come forward and give aid. at this juncture, is undoubtedly. 
true, and a right one State can certain!}- insist on, without asking 
too much. 

A familiar argument has been made repeatedly, with refer- 
ence to the African enfranchisement act, that no danger exists 
of the enfranchised surpassing the ordinary citizen, hence no 
political or social, evil will result ; so may it be said of Chinese 
labor, no evil will result from the competition. There are fanat- 
ical gentlemen who are glad to advance some idea unusually 
liberal, as though in their zeal lay their greatness, and this argu- 
ment needs no other comment. In the liberality of the ballot 
in this instance we have accomplished little save to subserve 
the interests of a party; and it may well be doubted 
if a graver error could have been, committed by us than 
was in thi ; universal act of enfranchisement. It may be so 
with an attempt to encourage "improved civil government 
reform " with these people, and exalt their social condition by- 
admitting them to our shores, since in doing this we 
contend with a people artful in all that encourages advantages 
over the people they may come in contact with. And let us 
undeceive ourselves if we think, when an opportunity comes 
for them to pour in upon us in numbers that must absorb our 
race, they will not do it. As certain as we are a people this 
will sooner or later be the result, unless we check the tide and 
turn back this movement that certainly threatens political and 
individual ruin. These people are long versed in political 


economy, in affairs of State, prrilosophy and learning, peculiar 
to themselves, and unlike our own, 'tis true, but never- 
theless one that has well disciplined the mind, made them 
industrious and inured them to hardship, and will make them 
ready for conflict, when opportunity and sufficient inducement 
offers, and with millions here to aid those coming, acting in ac- 
cord with a common purpose, what is there to prevent the evil 
of them overrunning our people ? 

It may be answered they have not fleets and navies ; let us 
answer they have capital opportunity and ingenuity to construct, 
man, and use them. We are educating them rapidly in all these 
arts, and showing them the advantages gained thereby. Shall we 
conclude they are too stupid to receive and comprehend the les- 
son? Certainly no such conclusion is justified-. 

Consider these, and the depth of their social depravity, the 
absence of respect for family relation, prices placed on 
virtue and human life, and great indeed becomes the evil 
attending this immigration. 

Upon the basis of our labor system the laborer is not only 
encouraged, but is by his vocation, made respected by all. 
Forgetful must be any who withholds his esteem of the fellow 
man, because he labors ; on the contrary industry is one 
of the surest certificates of honesty known to us and asked 
for. But if we permit a class of laborers admitted to have 
no social standing to compete with our workmen, we tend to 
discourage the ordinary industrial pursuits, and drive them 
to other fields and vocations. In doing this, the young are 
trained up, abhoring labor itself. The natural result of this 
is what we now labor under ; all classes of trade, manufactur- 
ing, and professional callings, and skilled methods of livelihood 
being overdone, while the avenues of industry are neglected, 
for the promise other modes of life are thought to hold out 
and not found in ordinary labor. 

The one reason, no doubt, of this is the love for wealth so 

common in Society in this and other countries, and the sup- 
posed easy road to all classes of skilled and professional 
positions, where, in common with others of the class, re- 
wards are competed for. But one great, if not the greatest 
cause of this is the popular idea that professions and skilled 
labor reap readier and surer rewards, that lead to fortune ; 
ordinary labor and severe service are therefore held at lower rates 
of esteem than their merit demands. Really what is required 
is more laborers and fewer competitors for emoluments in 
professions and skilled labor. 

Few can doubt that there is a growing discredit for labor and 
hard toil that encourages idleness, and thereby drags into crime 
and sin thousands of the young, who would never know the wages 
of sin were the community more wedded to labor, and laborer 
in common better protected, encouraged, and united. In vain 
may we talk of these subjects to the father, mother, guardian, 
and laborer himself, if the state does not adopt a course that 
inspires a self-respect in those of whom we speak. 

To do this it is most essential that the laborer does not have 
to compete with a cla;s of workers by education, moral training, 
and through social habits either beneath him or so different in 
tastes they are believed to be beneath him. thereby obnoxious 
to and unfit for associates with those of our own society. The 
custom of the one or the other must either prevail or 
somewhat blend to avoid too great a variance between the 
two ; in the present case that they will blend no one can believe. 
The resulj is antipathy and hatred, out of which issues at least 
an essential condition for vice in the minds of the young, if not 
vice itself. We may well shudder at the future that awaits them 
if a remedy is not meted out at our hands. These are as they 
appear for the laborers and those depending on labor for a 


The question, as it presents itself under constitutional rights, 
is more threatening These people may and are liable to be en- 
franchised by a party for party purposes as the negro of the South 
was. There is little doubt that a party will arise in our country 
that will enfranchise this race of people, if thereby party- 
power can be assured. They are not seeking for it themselves, 
perhaps, nor is there anything to gain by extending it at 
present to them : but when they are distributed generally over 
our several States, and their numbers sufficiently increased to 
threaten them with continued difficulties, if not enfranchised, 
there is little doubt but this is how it will end for their 

This done, and all that is dear to us is lost. Our country then 
may go into hands with no chord of sympathy for our race, 
and those institutions purchased with blood are lost, and the race 
foremost of those of the earth driven from social and political 
power by these means. This is no fanciful picture, but a fact 
that must be realized from the logical consequences of the evil 
upon us. 

The commerce opened up by this treaty is not necessarily 
destroyed by a removal of this license to immigrate; but assume 
it should be, it would be a benefit rather than a loss. We can 
produce our sugar, our rice, and our silk, as readily here, and ought 
in justice to our laborers, to do it instead of importing from 
other countries. Lands capable of growing these articles are 
now unoccupied or illy tilled ; partly because there is not 
sufficient inducement, but mainly because our government has 
not encouraged these industries with a proper spirit. Commercial 
profit from association and interchange of commodities benefits 
the governments respectively in a moral and social sense, about 
as much as social interchange does the individual. The State 
gains nothing politically nor socially from this people, the oppo- 


siteness of ever} 7 institution and custom, political and social, is 
too great: we must not expect it; as is said before, they cannot 
blend, nor can they harmonize their social and religious ideas 
with our own : but they are in attitudes of hostility 
and must either stand without a common sympathy 
or one absorb the other. This no one will think of, nor should 
we take risks of degrading our own people for the financial good 
resulting from this interchange of commodities. The face of 
every American should turn crimson at the thought, and justly is 
hatred enkindled at the suggestion we love gain so well our social 
and even moral, and political welfare shall be jeopardized for it. 
When a republic introduces into its midst a class that is en- 
couraged in toil, and denied the franchise or accustomed 
privileges accorded the citizen, thereby subjecting this people 
to social and political ostracism, the government lays the 
corner stone of a system that entails the evils common to one 
of human slavery, and brings upon the industrial pursuits all 
that list of dangers slave labor has done in the many instances 
familiar to history. 

In the present instance we have done more — have encour- 
aged a class that comes already as slaves — labor as 
such and ruin the social and industrial promises of our laboring 
masses, thus oppressing and discouraging them at every avenue 
of industry. 

It has been suggested by some that this immigration could be 
denied under our treaty, but by reference. to articles 5, 6 and 7, 
in the treaty of (868, it is at once seen that no such construc- 
tion is to be placed on these claims. " The United States of 
America and the Emperor of China cordially recognize the in- 
herent and inalienable right of man to change his home and 
allegience, and also the mutual advantage of the free migration 
and emigration of these citizens and subjects respectively, from 


the one country to the other for purposes of curiosity, of trade 
or as permanent residents. The high contracting parties there- 
fore join in reprobating any other than an entirely voluntary 
emigration for these purposes. They consequently agree to 
pass laws making it a penal offence for a citizen of the United 
States or Chinese subjects to take Chinese subjects either to 
the United States or any other foreign country, or for a Chi- 
nese subject or citizen of the United States to take citizens of 
the United States to China or to any other foreign country, 
without their free and voluntary consent respectively. 

Citizens of the United States visiting or residing in China 
shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities and exemptions in 
respect to travel or residence as may be enjoyed by the citizens 
or subjects of the most favored nations ; and, reciprocally, Chi- 
nese subjects visiting or residing in the United States shall en- 
joy the same privileges, immunities and exemptions in respect 
to travel or residence as may there be enjoyed by the citizens 
or subjects of the most favored nations. * * * 

* * Citizens of the United States shall enjoy all 

the privileges of the public educational institution; under the 
control of the government of China ; and reciprocally, Chinese 
subjects shall enjoy all the privileges of the public educational 
institutions under the control of the government of the United 
States which are enjoyed in the respective countries by the citi- 
zens or subjects of the most favored nation." 

No one can for a moment doubt, with this provision before 
him, that the intention was in signing the treaty to put 
China on an exact equality with other powers in all respects, 
and she so stands, notwithstanding all the disadvantages before 
us already named with the additional fact that thousands of labor" 
ers are supported by this class of labor at the various places of in- 
dustry, the degraded habits of this people in their social life— their 


neglected ideas and license of social immorality in their midst — 
there can be no doubt this element is not only an evil but a 
threatening one that in time will destroy the energies of our 
State, and subvert industry and order by bringing discord and 
crime amongst all classes of both sexes. 

Let us consider, however, another than the remedy, af- 
forded by Congress one that avoids delays, one that insures 
success, and will crush and drive from our midst this people. 
Let the capitalists and those employing laborers and servants 
discharge all Coolie labor forthwith, and let the servants of all 
classes accept situations at prices the present pressure 
justifies. Capital cannot endure the accustomed high wages 
when a business crisis is upon us, and it is for the good of the 
employed it is not demanded ; and this element, then, will lose 
position, as few employ them in preference to others and 
the laborer prove himself worthy of his place by a careful 
observance of the rights of the employer. 

To enable this system to be successful, prices for working 
should be reduced to the present standard, and by assistance 
from a well regulated labor bureau working in the interest of all. 
our trouble is at an end. Families should go further, however, 
and refuse all trade of every kind from the hands of this peo- 
ple. And let us rest assured soon the horde will disappear. 
It may be urged that this combination is an infringement on 
their rights. The only answer we make is self-preservation for 
ourselves, our society and families is our first and lasting duty 
and we do not hesitate to say no man will commit a violation 
of any principle by this course, but insure protection to all. 
The laborer, of all others, will most cheerfully make the re- 
quired sacrifice, and by so doing, restore his rights now 
threatened with absolute ruin. 





NOVEMBER 13th, 1877. 

By J. G. KERR, M.D., 

Twenty-three years a resident of China. 



Printed for the Author. 


CAi-HrC-i-U"*^ S"i'/\it LIBRARY 



The hostility of one portion of the inhabitants of this 
State against another portion is so great, and exerts so 
much influence on the entire population in creating uneasi- 
ness, disturbing business, and exciting apprehensions for 
the future, that the situation demands our most careful study 
and discussion, so that we may understand the nature of, and 
provide a remedy for, the dangers which are admitted by all 
to exist. 

The presence of the Chinese on this coast is the disturb- 
ing element in the body politic, but a moment's thought will 
show that they are not the responsible cause. They are here 
by treaty rights, established, not at their solicitation, but as 
the result of efforts made by our own and other nations to 
open China to foreign commerce. They came here when the 
white population was sma^ll and their labor was needed. 
They were drawn here, too] as all men were drawn, by the 
wonderful mineral wealth of the State. No reasonable man 
can blame them for being here. 

We must look, therefore, for the source of danger to some 
other cause, and we find it in the hostility of white laborers 
to the comparatively peaceable and inoffensive Chinese. 
The opening of the trans-continental railroad has largely in- 
creased the white population, and they, finding the Chinese 
able to compete successfully with them in many industries, 
have determined to put a stop to this competition — by lawful 
means if possible; but failing in their use, to put a stop to 
the competition by whatever means may be necessary. They 
propose : , 

1st. To stop immigration. 

2d. To stop the employment of those here, and thus get 
rid of them. 

The aggression is therefore altogether on the part of white 
residents, and the responsibility for whatever danger threatens 
the public rests with them. 


In the remarks we have to make on several points con- 
nected with the Chinese question, we propose to review some 
recent passing events, and in doing so, we will show that so- 
ciety is drifting, under the lead of demagogues, to a state of 
disorder, and tending towards dangers which may be seen 
when too late; and we will also demonstrate that the rem- 
edies proposed to stop Chinese immigration and appease the 
laboring masses are utterly futile and impracticable, and can 
only result in deceiving, and thus exasperating the dangerous 
elements of society. 

We need go no farther back than the mobs of July 23d, 
24th, and 25th. These were the result of the upheaval in 
the Eastern States — a tidal wave of that excitement, rolling 
across the continent to the Pacific coast; but owing to pe- 
culiar local conditions, it took a different form here. The 
railroad companies were warned in time to prevent a repeti- 
tion of the destruction made in Pittsburg and other places. 
There was no strike of employees, or of labor against capi- 
tal, but it was the hostility of one class of laborers against 
another class. 

As soon as a laboring man's meeting was got up, the ques- 
tion, "What about the Chinese?" indicated the channel in 
which men's minds were running. The passions of the mul- 
titude, already aroused by anti-Coolie agitators, burst forth 
with fury. It is not necessary to repeat here the story of 
those three nights of terror, incendiarism, and murder, nor 
to show how imminent danger to property and life were 
barely averted by the timely and decisive action of the Com- 
mittee of Safety. The cry of the mob, "For Chinatown, 
boys — let's go for Chinatown!" indicated the predominant 
sentiment in their minds. But the destruction of property 
unconnected with Chinatown showed the Committee of Safety 
that the protection of the city required the protection of the 
Chinese. Succeeding events, however, show that the Com- 
mittee of Safety and people generally have failed to learn 
that the protection of the rights of the white man requires 
that the Chinese shall be protected in their rights. 

The election of September 5th is an event which unmis- 
takably indicated the drift of public opinion. A political 
campaign has usually been an occasion for anti-Chinese ex- 
citement, but the late election, following so soon after the 
mobs, was characterized by a display of zeal on the part of 
both parties, which showed, even to a casual observer, how 
hostility to the Asiatic was the real question on which suc- 
cess depended. No man could hope for office who did not 
join in the cry against the Chinese. The daily papers were 
thoroughly agreed on the subject, the candidates were all 
above suspicion, and none of them ventured to whisper a 


word against the prevailing sentiment. Meetings of anti- 
Coolie clubs and public gatherings of so-called laboring men 
were held, before and after the election, demanding that the 
Chinese should not be allowed to come to this country, and 
that those here should be dismissed from employment. 
Threats were freely indulged in, and the torch was applied 
in numerous instances to the property of those who refused 
to comply. This is an argument which a great many cannot 
resist, and those who employ it are encouraged directly by 
the violent and incendiary language of demagogues, and in- 
rectlv by the enforced silence of the more intelligent classes, 
whose necks are under the heel of the tyrant that wields the 
fiery sceptre. 

In this warfare against the Chinese, the rights and liberty 
of the white man are just as much at stake as those of the 
Chinaman. Both must stand or fall together. The mob sets 
up the preposterous claim that it will dictate to people what 
kind of labor they shall employ. The daily papers do not 
dare to publish articles defending the rights of the Chinese; 
and freedom of discussion on this subject is almost as thor- 
oughly suppressed as it was on the slavery question in the 
South before the war. Where is our boasted independence, 
when we dare not speak a word in favor of an abused, per- 
secuted, and down-trodden class? Where is the liberty pur- 
chased for us by the blood of our fathers, when we must 
dismiss faithful and reliable workmen and servants at the 
bidding of the mob? The talk about the slavery and serf- 
dom of the Chinese becomes ridiculous jargon when com- 
pared with the bondage under which the proud and haughty 
Caucasian thus bows his neck. Men may deny that such is 
their degradation, but no intelligent stranger can be an ob- 
server of things here for a week without seeing it. 

The next event which I present to your notice is the 
"Memorial of the Senate of California to the Congress 
of the United States." The source from which this paper 
emanates, and the object with which it was prepared, makes 
it a document of more than ordinary importance. It is the 
result of the joint labors of seven chosen members of the 
Senate of California, appointed nearly two years ago. They 
have aimed, no doubt, to produce a paper that would con- 
vince the national Legislature that the salvation of the coun- 
try and of the Anglo-Saxon race requires the exclusion of 
the Chinese from our shores. 

We do not propose to follow, through all the labyrinths of 
sophistry and misrepresentation, this production of the seven 
statesmen of the California Senate, but we will show how 
thoroughly men in high and responsible positions have been 
made to succumb to demands of the mob spirit; and we will, 


at the same time, show how they have stultified themselves 
by issuing a document, to go before the country and the 
world, which disregards facts, exhibits ignorance of inter- 
national law and comity, and tramples on the clearest rights 
of man. 

These statesmen of the California Senate, in dealing with 
a question which involves the interests of two neighboring 
nations and of multitudes of men of both races, have 
evinced a narrow selfishness which could not discern the 
true interests of either party; and in discussing the move- 
ments of masses of population they do not even touch on the 
fundamental natural laws which govern these movements. 

The authors of this Memorial to Congress propose to deal 
with Chinese immigration on the ground that it is the 
"Coolie trade," or the slave trade in disguise. It would 
seem, however, that their minds are not altogether clear 
as to the exact nature of the servitude to which Chinese 
"slaves," who compete so successfully with free white 
labor, are held. We select the following epithets as indi- 
cating the mixed idea the authors have of slavery in the 
abstract, and of that form of it which they w r ish to abolish : 
"Slavery by contract;" " servile labor to them is their na- 
tural and inevitable lot;" "foreign serfs;", "master and 
serf;" "trade in men and women;" "by the unalterable 
structure of their intelligent being, voluntary slaves." "If 
cheap labor means servile labor, it is a burlesque on the 
policy of emancipation." 

The committee have here brought to light a state of 
slavery not provided against either in the Constitution of 
the United States or in that of California, and they deserve 
great credit for coming forward as pioneer abolitionists, and 
they may rely upon the aid of all lovers of freedom in 
uniting with them to secure the addition to our national 
and State constitutions of amendments forbidding "slavery 
by contract," "voluntary slavery," and all such "servile 
labor" as is included in "cheap labor!" 

The statesmen of the California Senate propose to appeal 
to a foreign power, "Great Britain, to cooperate with our 
own Government in the absolute prohibition of this trade 
in men and women." (P. 9.) It is well known, as the Com- 
mittee truly say, that Great Britian has long pursued a 
"uniform policy in suppressing any traffic resembling the 
slave trade." But everybody knows that all this "trade in 
men and women," as they call it, passes through Hong Kong, 
a British colony, and is carried on almost exclusively in 
English and American ships. 

Moreover, this slave trade, or Coolie traffic, or whatever 
it is, has been going on in Hong Kong for more than a 


quarter of a century; for every man who goes to Australia, 
California, or Oregon, takes passage at that port. How can 
the committee reconcile this fact with Great Britain's uni- 
form policy? 

It is well known that only about four or five years ago the 
English Government did cooperate with our own and other 
Governments in putting a stop to the "Coolie trade" in 
Macao, a Portuguese colony, forty miles to the westward 
of Hong Kong. It is most marvellous that those Govern- 
ments, while dealing with the traffic under the Portuguese 
and Spanish flags, should have paid no attention to the 
"trade in men and women" in Hong Kong, under the 
English and American flags. The only explanation that 
can be given is, that Chinese emigrants, sailing from Hong 
Kong, are just as free as any sailing from Liverpool or Cork. 

If this is not so, we must infer that the Chinese are able 
to carry on the slave trade on a gigantic scale, through a British 
port, under British and American flags, and to British and 
American ports, and yet evade the laws so cleverly that the 
officers of neither Government have ever been able to bring 
forward sufficient proof to put a stop to it. If the committee 
admit that they are cunning enough to evade the laws so 
successfully, they need not attempt to match them in any 
thing. The Yankee must succumb to the "heathen Chinee," 
and it would be better to do it at once, and gracefully. 

Nevertheless, the committee, in presenting this memorial 
to Congress, propose to accompany it with "an elaborate ar- 
gument, supported by selections from the testimony of re- 
liable witnesses," to prove that the "trade in men and 
women" at Hong Kong brings slaves or coolies to California. 
If, after all, there is ample testimony that Chinese, arriving 
here, are the victims of any kind of slave or coolie traffic, it is 
only necessary to transmit it to the British Cabinet, through 
the American minister in London, and a telegram to the 
Governor of Hong Kong will put an end immediately to the 
"trade in men and women" from that port. All that is 
required is adequate evidence. 

The learned committee who are the authors of this re- 
markable paper on "voluntary slavery," and on the slave 
trade under the British and American flags, seem not to be 
aware that the British Cabinet is thoroughly posted on 
Chinese affairs, and especially on the Coolie traffic. The 
British Government, some fifteen years ago, established and 
conducted a system of Coolie emigration from Canton and 
Hong Kong to Demarara and Trinidad, to supply laborers 
to those colonies. This was similar in form to the Macao 
Coolie traffic, but differing from it in every other respect, 
the British Government being pledged to secure to the 


laborer the enjoyments of his rights. This emigration was 
stopped a few years ago, on account of the difficuly of con- 
ducting it free from the evils attending that from Macao. 

Moreover, the British Minister at Peking, and nearly all 
her Majesty's Consuls in China, are familiar with the lan- 
guage, laws, and customs of the country; and some of them 
are sinalogues of very high reputation. The British Govern- 
ment, therefore, has not only practical knowledge of the 
working of various systems of emigration, but has able and 
experienced men in her service in that Empire. That Govern- 
ment also keeps a staff of interpreters at Hong Kong and at 
all the treaty ports, so that her Majesty's officers have no oc- 
casion to unite with the committee in confessions of "ignor- 
ance of their language," but they are prepared to investigate 
any question that may arise, in which the interests of com- 
merce or of humanity may be concerned; and it is simply 
an impossibility for the Coolie trade, or any traffic resem- 
bling the slave trade, to be carried on in Hong Kong, 
without being immediately brought to the notice of her 
Majesty's Government. 

Therefore, the authors of this memorial to Congress stul- 
tify themselves by appealing to our own Government to ask 
the aid of the British Government in putting a stop to lohat 
does not exist — a mere phantom of diseased anti-Coolie ima- 

One of the chief features of this remarkable paper, and 
that which makes it so important as one of the recent events 
bearing on public opinion, and showing the drift of public 
opinion in this State, is the threat of extirpation of the 
Chinese, which is held up in such solemn and portentous 
language. We here also notice the letter of Governor Irwin 
to the late Committee of Safety, which is important only 
because it is an evidence from a high source that if Congress 
fails to do the will of the anti-Chinese agitators, they will 
redress their imaginary wrongs with fire and sword. This is 
the argument upon ivhich advocates of the exclusion of the 
Chinese seem to rely when all others fail. 

The Senate Committee use the following language: "Is it 
not possible that free white labor, unable to compete with 
those foreign serfs, and perceiving its condition becoming 
slowly but inevitably more hopelessly abject, may unite in 
all the horrors of riot and insurrection, and defying the civil 
power, extirpate with fire and sword those who rob them of 
their bread, yet pay no tribute to the State? This is a 
frightful possibility, but we have within a brief period wit- 
nessed its portents." * * * (P. 8.) 

Governor Irwin, under date of July 31st, speaks as fol- 
fows: "It is not doubtful which horn of the dilemma he 


(the workingman) in the last resort will choose. He will 
abandon the field to the Chinaman. But it is fearful to 
think of the struggles he may make before he adopts this 
dread alternative. As he sees his fate slowly but surely 
overtaking him, it is appalling even to think of what he may 
attempt in his despair. In his desperation, he may, like 
blind Samson, lay hold of the pillars of the Temple and 
seek relief in one common and indiscriminate destruction. 
To be plain, the discontent of the workingmen on the 
Chinese question is a constant menace. The danger from 
this source can only be removed by removing its cause. In 
other words, the unlimited influx of Chinese to our shores 
must be stopped, or San Francisco and the State will be 
constantly exposed to dangers, compared with which the 
recent disturbances will be as molehills to mountains." 

The committee farther say: "It is no answer that these 
uprisings are the work of the criminal classes only: they 
have a deep root in the sense of self-preservation. Through- 
out the length and breadth of California, the white laborer 
knows the effect of this grinding competition." * * * (P. 8.) 

The Committee of Safety, composed of leading men of 
the city, in their final report, refer to the fact that "antip- 
athy to Coolie labor is becoming more and more intensified," 
and say that "the question we are called upon to face is, 
shall we permit the Pacific Slope to become a great Chinese 
colony where paganism shall reign supreme for an indefinite 
period of time to come?" and they express it as their 
"solemn conviction that it is the imperative duty of our 
Government to take immediate measures, in the interests of 
American civilization on the Pacific Coast, to negotiate a 
modification of the Burlingame Treaty, and of our treaties 
with England and Portugal if necessary, so as to prohibit 
the farther immigration of Chinese to our shores." 

We might make, from the daily papers, numerous quo- 
tations similar to the above, but we wish to show the high 
places to which lawless men look for encouragement in their 
hostility to the Chinese. These extracts also show how the 
submission of public men is no uncertain indication of the 
fearful despotism which rules in this State, and which, if 
not checked, will precipitate the very calamities which men 
wish to avoid by submission. 

The warfare against the Chinese is made professedly in 
behalf of the laboring man. The sufferings of the white 
laborer are dwelt upon and pointed out in pathetic language. 
But the Chinaman is a laboring man too. He must have 
food and clothing for himself and family, and a roof to 
cover him from the cold and the storm. He and his wife 
and children and his aged parents are as much creatures of 


God as the man with a white skin, and the fruits of the 
earth produced or earned by the sweat of his brow are just 
as much the gifts of our common Father to him as to men of 
any other race or color. ■ God is no respecter of persons, 
and those who claim exclusive right to the blessings to be 
secured in any part of God's earth are presuming upon a 
favoritism which does not exist in the Divine economy. 

We hear on all hands of the desparation to which the 
white laborer will be driven, as he sees the cheap labor of 
the Asiatic slowly, but surely, usurping what he claims as 
his own. The flames of burning cities and the torrents of 
blood in our streets are the frightful prices we are to pay for 
cheap labor. These are dwelt on as if the white man was 
the only one to complain — as if he was the one whose rights 
were invaded, and as if he had a divine right to exterminate 
those who stand in his way. The men who present to us the 
fearful retribution which awaits the Chinese, and those who 
are their friends, forget that the midnight torch is a weapon 
which Chinamen can use as well as white men. They for- 
get that if they are displaced from factories and shops, to 
give place to their enemies, the lessons of incendiarism they 
have been taught can be practiced on a broader scale. If 
the white man undertakes, in this way, to put a stop to 
fair and open competition, the Chinaman may be driven, by 
oppression and injustice, to avenge wrongs which have been 
heaped upon him ever since he has been in this Christian 
country. This is an aspect of the case, a phase of the 
war, the anti-Coolie agitators have failed to consider. The 
patient endurance and martyr-like submission of a helpless 
people have encouraged their enemies to think that they 
tave nothing to fear. And perhaps they have not from the 
Chinese. But they must know that a just God reigns in the 
heavens above and in the earth beneath. The oppression of 
the black race was continued until the cup of our iniquity 
was full, and our own swords were the ministers of the 
Almighty to execute his decrees. What torrents of blood 
and oceans of treasure were poured out to secure the rights 
of a down-trodden and abused race from Africa ! Let us be 
wise in reference to the heathen in our midst from Asia, lest 
a worse fate overtake us. 

We will now investigate the grounds on which it is pro- 
posed to invoke the interference of Congress. 

The antagonism to the Chinese has arisen from the fact 
that they compete successfully in the labor market with men 
of other nationalities. There are various reasons why they 
have this advantage, and it is well to have a clear understand- 
ing on this point. One of the chief reasons, and one that 
is patent to everybody, is that white laborers are addicted to 


the intemperate use of ardent spirits, and Chinese are not. 
It is a remarkable fact that a drunken Chinaman is a 
rare sight. During a long residence in one of the prin- 
cipal cities of the Empire, I have not seen, on an average, 
more than one a year. The white man spends his wages 
for liquor, unfits himself for work, and leaves his family in 
distress. This is the bane of our country and of our race. 
The multitudes of grog-shops, supported almost entirely by 
workingmen, and the millions of dollars worse than wasted 
every year, testify to the prevalence of the evil, and explains 
to a great extent why our own people have to give way to the 
sober, reliable, docile, patient Asiatic. The advantage here 
is overwhelmingly in favor of the latter, and it is greatly to 
his credit that it is so. If the Chinese were patrons of the 
corner groceries and innumerable rum-holes of the city, the 
hostility of a certain class would be very much moderated. 
When Congress undertakes to enact laws to exclude certain 
foreigners from our shores, it cannot discriminate in favor 
of the drunken and unreliable, as against the sober, indus- 
trious, and reliable. 

It is objected that the Chinese labor cheaper than white 
men can or will labor. Cheap labor is what many people want. 
It is what people have a right to, if they can get it honestly; 
and to be deprived of it when it is brought to their doors is 
what freemen will not submit to. Men who do submit to 
the demands of the mob are not free men, and basely yield- 
ing one right, will prepare the way for parting with others. 
Congress cannot, therefore, exclude men of any nation be- 
cause they work cheap. 

Moreover, the industrial interests of the Pacific Slope are, 
to a very large extent, in the hands of Germ -ins, .Frenchmen, 
Jews, and other foreigners, who have not the race-prejudice 
characteristic of the Irish; and it would be unjust for the 
national Legislature to deprive them of the cheap labor with 
which they have gained success and added to the prosperity 
of the country. 

It is objected to the Chinese that they have "earned 
$180,000,000," the whole of which is "abstracted from the 
State and exported to China." (P. 5.) If they have earned 
it, they have rendered an equivalent, aud they had a right 
to do with it as they chose; and certainly there has been no 
inducement to invest it where there are periodical outbreaks 
against them, and constant threats of extirpation by fire and 
sword. Moreover, the Government of the United States 
cannot exclude foreigners because they make money among 
us, or because they send it to other countries. This is done 
not only by foreigners, but very largely by native-born citi- 
zens every year, and however desirable it may be to keep all 


our gold in the country, it cannot be done. Men have an 
inherent right to dispose of their property as they think 

It is objected to the Chinese that they can live more 
cheaply than the white man, and are therefore able to under- 
bid him in the labor market. This is true only to a limited 
extent. It is as much a necessity for the Chinese laborer to 
have a sufficient supply of good nutritious food as for the 
white laborer, and without it, neither can keep on at 
steady, continuous work. Now, rice is the staple article 
of food used by all Chinese, whether rich or poor, and it is 
more indespensable to them than flour is to us. The price 
of rice is about $7 00 per 100 lbs. or double the price 
of flour, the staple article of the white man's table. Meats 
and vegetables will be about the same for both, while house 
rent will be against the white man. Taking all together, 
the difference cannot be very great, and is more apparent 
than real, because every Chinaman has friends at home de- 
pendant on him. But admitting that the Chinese are a 
frugal, economical people as a class, the fact or hypothesis 
furnishes no grounds on which Congress can take action to 
exclude them from the country. 

It is objected to the Chinese that they are idolators, and 
men express the fear that " our State will become a Chinese 
colony, where paganism shall reign supreme for an indefinite 
period of time." It is a cardinal principle of our Govern- 
ment that every man shall have " liberty to worship God ac- 
cording to the dictates of his own conscience;" and if there 
is any subject on which the people will not brook inter- 
ference by the general Government, it is that of religion. 
To propose, therefore, that Congress shall make the religion 
of foreigners a test of their fitness to land on our shores, 
can meet with no encouragement. 

It may be admitted, and after a long and intimate knowl- 
edge of Chinese character in their own country, we have no 
controversy with those who assert that pagans are not a de- 
sirable element to be incorporated into the body politic, but 
we must go counter to the traditions of the fathers of the 
Republic, and the principles on which it is founded, if we 
would exclude either Catholics or pagans on account of their 
religion, however much some parties might desire to exclude 

We have thus seen that the objections brought against the 
Chinese, that they are pagans, that they work cheap, that 
they are sober, industrious, and reliable, that they live 
cheap, that they make money and send it out of the country, 
form no basis on which to lay a claim that our national 
Legislature should enact laws to exclude them from the 


country. We might also show that it is equally frivolous to 
ask Congress to legislate against them because they prefer 
their own style of dress, or their own style of food, or be- 
cause they prefer to go back to their own country, while 
alive if they can, or to have their bodies sent back if they 
die. When we analyze the "memorial," and the papers to 
which we have referred and the anti-Chinese sermons, these 
are the reasons upon which the demand is made that for- 
eigners from one country shall be shut out for the benefit of 
foreigners from other countries; but they have nothing to 
do with the question, and unless reasons which will bear in- 
vestigation can be presented, the herculean efforts of poli- 
ticians, editors, and anti-Coolie club orators must meet with 
a humiliating failure. 

Upon what grounds, then, may Chinese immigration to 
our shores be limited ? We answer: 

First. Criminals may be excluded. 

Second. Paupers may be excluded; and, 

Third. Prostitutes may be excluded. 

These are legitimate grounds for stopping immigration, as 
far as they apply, and they are the only grounds upon which 
an application can be made to stop people coming from any 
country. But laws already exist which apply to those 
classes, and if they are not stringent enough, they can 
easily be amended. 

The great mass of Chinese who come to this country are 
from the agricultural districts of Canton Province, where 
they are taught from childhood that economy and patient in- 
dustry which distinguishes the Chinese and Japanese from 
all other Asiatic nations. They are not, as the authors of 
the memorial falsely assert, "mainly of those having no 
homes or occupation on the land, but living in boats on the 
rivers, especially those in the vicinity of Canton." The en- 
tire male boat population of Canton and vicinity is little 
more than equal to the emigration to the Pacific Coast and 
Australia, while in those districts which furnish three- 
fourths of the whole, the rivers are small and the boat 
population not numerous. 

That there are criminals among them who come from large 
cities and towns, and follow their thrifty countrymen to prey 
on them, no one will deny, but it is the province of the law. 
and the duty of its officers in a well-governed community, to 
deal with these men, without reference to race, color, or na- 

There is, therefore, only one other effectual way of stop- 
ping the Chinese immigration, namely, mob violence; and if 
the law-abiding, liberty-loving, God-fearing citizens of Cali- 
fornia are ready to cast aside law, justice, honor, truth, 


mercy, and peace, they can let loose fire and sword against 
the helpless, inoffensive, industrious strangers, but they must 
abide the terrible consequences. 

Having examined the grounds on which it is demanded 
that congressional action shall be taken to exclude Chinese 
immigrants from our shores, and found them utterly unsound 
and worthless, we will now briefly notice the plans proposed 
by anti-Coolie statesmen, editors, and agitators to accom- 
plish the end. 

1st. The authors of the Senate Memorial to Congress pro- 
pose — "an appeal to the Government of Great Britain to 
cooperate with our own Govenment in the absolute prohibi- 
tion of the trade in men and women." This we have dis-' 
posed of above. 

2d. They propose — "The joint and friendly action of the 
two countries with the Empire of China in the abrogation 
of all treaties between the three nations permitting the emi- 
gration of Chinese to the United States." The abrogation 
of the Burlingame Treaty is altogether unnecessary, for two 
reasons. 1st. Because, if the Chinese are brought here as 
Coolies or slaves, that treaty does not protect the Coolie or 
slave trade, but absolutely prohibits it. [2d. All who come 
as bona fide emigrants, sail from Hong Kong, a British port, 
where our treaty with China has no force whatever. s _ r _ 

The abrogation uf our treaty with England, or any modifica- 
tion of it, cannot prevent free emigrants from sailing from her 
ports, unless that Government will consent to constitute itself 
a guard to keep away from us such people as we dislike. 
She must also put an arbitrary stop to a branch of legitimate 
business which has added very much to the prosperity of one 
of her colonies. It is therefore very clear that the abroga- 
tion of treaties with China and England is a vain hope, a 
futile resource. 

3d. Another plan proposed by the Senate Committee in 
their Memorial to Congress is to "limit the number of 
Chinese allowed to be landed from any vessel entering the 
ports of the United States to, say, not more than ten." (P. 9.) 
This has received the sanction of Senator Sargent and other 
men of standing. The proposition is so absurd and unjust , 
in its application to our own mercantile marine, and so 
utterly impracticable in its application to the vessels of all 
other nations, that I deem any further notice of it unneces- 

4th. Another plan which has been proposed by the news- 
papers, and has the sanction of the Senate Committee, and 
of many men of respectability, is the non-employment of 
Chinese. This has been shown so clearly to be imprac- 
ticable by the editor of the " Piecord-Union " of Sacramento" 


that I quote his words. He says: "Very few people employ 
Chinese because they prefer them to white men, though it 
has been claimed for them that they are more docile and 
tractable than any other kind of laborers. But it is because 
they are cheap that people employ them, and the motives 
which induce people to seek and utilize the most economical 
forms of labor are far too powerful to be talked away. As 
to getting men to agree not to employ Chinese, we have seen 
that tried before, and know just what may be expected from 
it. Unless every employer of labor can be kept to his agree- 
ment strictly, the scheme will prove a failure inside of a 
month, and experience shows that it is impossible to secure 
this universal fidelity to promises. Take a trade in illustra- 
tion, say that of shoemaking. Twenty manufacturers agree 
that they will employ no more Chinese labor. So long as 
they all hold to their agreement, providing that they repre- 
sent the entire trade, they may staDd the change. But 
presently they find that somebody is underselling them, 
and inquiry reveals the fact that they are competing with 
Chinese labor, even if their own friends do not employ it. 
Moreover, there is nothing to prevent Chinese capitalists 
from entering the business against them, and in that case, of 
course, no agreement of the kind noted can be had. Thus 
manufacturers are driven in self-defence to employ Chinese, 
and when it becomes a question with them of bankruptcy or 
cheap labor, it need not be doubted that they will prefer the 

The only way, therefore, of carrying out the non-employ- 
ment plan is by the incendiarism and tyranny which has 
already been inaugurated, and which is daily threatening to 
include the white capitalist and the Chinese in the one com- 
mon destruction. 

There are some facts bearing on the mutual relations of 
China and this country which should be borne in mind by 
statesmen. China is educating her future rulers in this 
country. She has constructed arsenals and docks, and is. 
making weapons of war and vessels of war of the most ap- 
proved patterns. She is training her soldiers and seamen after 
the drill of the best disciplinarians. The material resources of 
the country, the mines of iron and coal, of silver and gold, 
have lain all these ages almost untouched, and now she is 
beginning to see the power which these resources have in 
store for her. Then, with a population so vastly out- 
numbering all other nations, she looks forward to the time 
when she will be able to maintain her rights and protect 
her people against all the powers of the earth. That time 
may be fifty, or it may be one hundred years hence, but it 
will surely come; and when it does come, if the American 


nation can point to a record of honorable justice in inter- 
course with her in the days of her weakness, we may then 
claim her for an ally, and not fear her as an enemy. The 
wise statesman forecasts the future contingencies of his 
country, which passing events portend, and is not blinded 
by the partisan and selfish demands of demagogues. 

The Senate Committee assure us that "the Chinese now 
here are protected by our treaty obligations and laws, and 
that they will continue to receive that protection, the people 
and Government of this State will be responsible." (P. 8.) 
Some anti-Coolie agitators profess to favor this; but let us 
inquire what this protection, thus promised, amounts to. 
It means, no doubt, that the Chinese shall be secure against 
mob violence. We have shown that nothing short of this 
will protect the lives and property of white people; and the 
late Committee of Safety gave a most noble and praise- 
worthy proof that they were sincere in protecting all from 
open violence. But protection includes vastly more than 
that. If men are not secured in the enjoyment of their 
rights, the obligations of the State are far from being ful- 
filled. We ask the question direct, will the law-abiding 
people of California pledge to the Chinese residents that 
they shall have their rights, and be secure in the enjoyment 
of them? This is what the white man and the black man 
have a right to demand, and we claim that it is due to every 

To be definite, we submit two items: 

First. Every youth has a right to the benefits of our free 
schools. The Chinese have this right in common with all 
others; and they pay into the School Fund of this State, in 
this city alone, over $42,000 per annum, and a large sum in 
other parts of the State, while all Chinese youth are excluded 
from the public schools. We ask, will you unite in securing 
to them this right, and protecting them in the enjoyment of 

Second. All men have a right to be protected from op- 
pressive laws and taxation. I pass over the numerous unjust 
laws which disgrace the statute books of this State, the sole 
object of which was to oppress the stranger — the laboring 
man in our borders — and call your attention to one which is 
a blot on the nation. I refer to the law requiring a duty of 
$1 25 on every 50 lbs. of rice imported from China. Bice 
is the staff of life to the Chinese, as bread is to us. This 
tax on rice is equivalent to a tax of $5 00 per barrel on flour. 
It is the policy of the Government to discriminate in taxa- 
tion in favor of the laboring man, and therefore the neces- 
saries of life are taxed lightly, or not at all. But here is an 


oppressive tax on the very food which supports the life of a 
large class of laboring men who have no voice in making our 
laws. We ask again, will the law-abiding people of Califor- 
nia unite in removing this oppressive burden, as well as those 
which have been imposed by the State? When this is done, 
when all are equally secure in the enjoyment of their rights, 
then will assurances of protection be a reality. 

If a tax of $5 00 was levied on each barrel of flour, how 
would the friends of the poor man denounce the Govern- 
ment? The papers would teem with editorials, and politi- 
cians would wax eloquent in defence of the rights of the la- 
boring man, thus oppressed by an iniquitous taxation of his 
bread. But when the Government oppresses the patient, un- 
complaining Asiatic, no voice is lifted in his defence, but the 
cry resounds on all sides, Drive him from every employment, 
expel him from the country! Even men professing to be the 
disciples of Christ unite in this unreasonable, unwise, and 
wicked persecution. 

The authors of this memorial to Congress are sadly dis- 
appointed that the "residence here beneath the elevating 
influences of Christian precept and example, and the zealous 
labors of earnest Christian teachers" (p. 6) has not brought 
more of these pagans to adopt our religion and civilization. 
They say that there are ' ' painfully few professing Christians 
among them." 

It is a sufficient answer to this to say that it is no part of 
the object of the Chinese, in coming here, to learn our re- 
ligion or civilization . They look back with a commendable 
pride upon a history of their own civilization, which, however 
we may now consider it defective, placed them, at no remote 
period, on an equality with other nations of. the earth. 
They are proud of a literature of vast extent and of refined 
culture, embracing history, poetry, and philosophy, with 
voluminous dictionaries and encyclopaedias, some of which 
were made long before our language had an existence. Cen- 
turies before education in Europe was emancipated from the 
shackles of the priesthood, a system had been established by 
which the Government of China encouraged the education of 
the people, and there has existed, for two thousand years, a 
literary class which has produced authors and statesmen 
whose names and works will be handed down through all 
time. As a commercial people, their own country has afforded 
such vast fields for enterprise that immense fortunes have 
been accumulated, and taste for luxury and the fine arts, and 
every thing that can be made to conduce to human enjoy- 
ment, has been indulged in to an extent that would astonish 
even our millionaires. It is not strange, therefore, that they 
should prefer their own civilization to that semi-barbarism 


which has made their life here a state of constant anxiety 
and fear. 

As to religion, some of those who came in search of gold 
have found the pearl of great price; and at last such humble 
ones, be they few or many, will be found in Abraham's 
bosom, while their enemies, if they do not repent, will lift 
up their eyes in torment. 

That so few of them have embraced our religion is cause 
for regret, and has several reasons, one of which is given 
with much force by the Rev. Dr. Rexford, a Universalist 
minister of this city, who says: "Brothers Loomis and Gib- 
son may impress a simple-minded Celestial with certain parts 
of the theory of Christianity, but the poor fellow will do well 
if he can receive this Christian lesson, and then reach his 
home without being pelted with stones from the hands of our 
young Christians, who constitute a part of the fruits of our 
Christianity. And generally, we shall find that the lesson of 
the stones received in the streets will be remembered longer, 
and will make a deeper impression concerning our Christian- 
ity, than the lesson from the preacher." Would the members 
of the Senate Committee, under similar circumstances in 
China, find their hearts inclined to embrace the doctrines 
of the sages Confucius or Lao Tsz? Painfully few, I fear. 

There is a radical error underlying the hostility to the 
Chinese, and all the utterances of politicians, editors, minis- 
ters, and anti-Coolie club orators, concerning them. They 
are groping in the dark in search of a remedy which shall 
silence the clamors of the mob, remove the real and ima- 
ginary evils arising from their presence, and secure the 
monopoly of labor to a class. We have shown that these 
hopes are vain, that they rest upon foundations of sand, 
which the current of God's providence will in due time wash 
from under them. 

It is assumed by all who oppose the Chinese that they 
have no right to come to this country, and that if the Bur- 
lingame Treaty was abrogated, the permission now granted 
to them would be withdrawn. The great natural law, how- 
ever, is that man has an inherent, inalienable right to go to 
any part of the world he may choose, and there try to better 
his condition. The Chinese have the same natural right to' 
come to. this country that people of any other nationality 
have. Americans and Englishmen are found in almost every 
country in the world, and when they meet with barriers to 
their admission, diplomatists and fleets and armies scatter 
these barriers to the four winds. The War of 1812-14 was 
the testimony of this nation to the inherent right of men to 
change their home and their nationality if they choose. 

When China and Japan were closed against foreign nations, 


the fleets of England and America knocked at their doors, 
and, in answer to a very imperative invitation, they were 
opened to the commerce of all nations, and men of many 
nationalities now reside within their borders. It was deemed, 
and rightly deemed, that the interests of all parties required 
that the walls of exclusiveness, which had so long shut them 
in, should be broken down. Now it is proposed that we 
shall erect a great wall on our Western coast, in imitation of 
the semi-civilized nations of Asia, and exclude them from 
coming among us, when they find it to their advantage to do 
so. It is too late for us to do this; and that it is utterly 
futile to make the attempt, we have shown. And besides, 
the natural laws which govern the movements of populations, 
and establish the values of commodities (labor included) are 
superior to all human enactments, and will in the end over- 
ride them all. 

While writing this paper, the natural and inevitable results 
of the state of public opinion on the Chinese question are 
being worked out in the communistic demonstrations of the 
agitators. The community is reaping what politicians have 
sown. Hostility to the Chinese is a hobby on which they 
have rode into office, and in doing so, they kindled a fire 
which is rumbling in portentous quakings beneath their feet. 

The arrest of a few of the leaders does not quench the fire 
which all these years has been carefully fanned. The agita- 
tion which has been encouraged by governors and legislators 
and mayors, and by aspirants for office, and, to a considerable 
extent, by Christian people, will not subside at the bidding 
of a policeman, a jury, or a court. 

The hostility to the Chinese is founded on falsehood, on 
ignorance, and injustice. To remove these is the demand of 
the hour. The remedies required are therefore evident : 

1st. Let free and full discussion of both sides of the 
question be established, and thus ignorance will be dissi- 
pated and falsehood exposed by the light of truth. As long 
as the press is shackled, and the two or three outspoken 
advocates of an oppressed and despised race are hooted, 
maligned, and threatened with violence, it is an abuse of 
language to say that we live in a free country. 

2d. Let the rights of the Chinese be secured to them. 
This includes the repeal of all unjust and oppressive laws, 
whether municipal, State, or national. It includes the right 
to education, the right to labor and to employ labor, and to 
enjoy the fruits of labor. It includes the right to represen- 
tation in the legislative department of our government on 
such equitable and just qualification as may be deemed wise. 
It includes also the right to be punished for crimes; and to 
assure justice in our courts, it is of the utmost importance 


that a staff of qualified and reliable interpreters should be 

Having discharged these duties on our part, and the proper 
diplomatic officers having been sent here by the Imperial 
Government of China, those who are now the objects of 
abuse and maltreatment will be elevated to a position com- 
manding respect, and the prejudice and hatred against them 
will die out, just as it has in the case of the negro. 

In this way, and in our humble opinion in this way alone, 
can the smouldering fires of insurrection and incendiarism 
be quenched, and the dangers which threaten our city and 
State be averted. The welfare of the laboring man of every 
race is bound up in the public peace and security, and his 
true friends are those who, by wise connsels and prudent 
measures, secure to him these inestimable blessings. 

When those who have undertaken to solve the Chinese 
problem will present some rational, just, and common sense 
method of attaining the object proposed, then may Christian 
citizens unite in promoting it. But as yet no such method 
has been found, and the advocates of exclusion cannot agree 
among themselves on the plans brought forward. I have at- 
tempted to show that no just and practical method can be 
proposed. If that proves to be correct, then it is very evi- 
dent that the Chinese are not only here by the providence of 
God, but that the same unerring Providence designs them to 
remain here; and it is wisdom on our part to elevate and 
educate and Christianize them, thus making them good 

It has not entered into the plan of this paper to discuss 
the obligations of Christians to present to the Chinese around 
us the blessings and hopes of our holy religion, but I wish 
to say to any who admit this obligation, that it is utterly 
useless to hold up the gospel of love and peace in one hand, 
while the other lends aid to that abuse, injustice, and op- 
pression which sends so many of them back to their own 
benighted land, hating, with a bitter hatred of our laws, our 
civilization and our religion. The most pressing duty of the 
Church in California is to see that all her members wash 
their hands of the guilt of giving aid and comfort to those 
who are engaged in this unchristian persecution of their 
fellow-men. How many of our ministers and members have 
forgotten the parable of the good Samaritan, and have fallen 
in with the turbid stream of public opinion against the 
Chinese, and thus placed in the way of Christian effort the 
greatest obstacles to the conversion of those whom God, in 
his providence, has sent to our doors ! 



The following extracts on Chinese emigration are from an article by J. G. 
Keeb, M. D., on the Chinese question, in the "Occident" of Jan. 31, 1877. 
It is thought necessary to republish them here, as there is so much mis- 
representation by those who wish to convince the public and the lawmakers 
that the Chinese are not voluntary emigrants. 

Emigration from China has been conducted under three, 
different systems, each of which was marked by peculiar 
characteristics, and was recognized as good or evil, and was 
dealt with, by government and people, according to its merits. 

The headquarters of one system were at Macao, a city 
under Portuguese rule, forty miles west of Hong Kong. It 
was carried on by Portuguese, Spaniards, and Peruvians, and 
was known as the Macao Coolie trade. The destination of 
the Coolies was Peru and Cuba. Contracts were made and 
signed with each Coolie for a certain number of years and 
at a fixed rate of wages. But the parties shipping the 
Coolies, after landing them and receiving the enormous 
profits of the speculation, had no further responsibility or 
power, and the poor Coolies were left in the guano islands, 
and in Cuba — the^and of slavery — with no power in which 
they could trust for protection. A great number of these 
men were enticed by false representations, and many were 
kidnapped by agents or brokers, who took them to the bar- 
racoons in Macao, and were paid so much per head. These 
Coolie brokers became so obnoxious that whenever they were 
caught they were beheaded by the Chinese authorities; and 
a report in the city that a batch of them had ended their 
career at the execution-ground gave general satisfaction. 
Vessels bearing the English, American, and German flags 
were forbidden to carry these Coolies; and the business 
became so offensive to civilized nations that they united in 
demanding its suppression. The Portuguese Government, in 


compliance with this demand, issued a decree abolishing the 
traffic about three years ago. Although this system was con- 
ducted under the forms of law, it was, in reality, little better 
than the African slave trade, as a recital of the tragedies on 
board the Coolie ships will amply testify. It was regarded 
with horror, alike by Chinese and Europeans, and its sup- 
pression was a great triumph of humanity. 

There was another system, similar in form to the above, 
having its headquarters at Canton, but it was essentially dif- 
ferent in character, and was in all respects legitimate and 
honorable. It was instituted by the British Government, to 
provide laborers for British Guiana and the Island of Trini- 
dad, and was conducted by Mr. Theophilus Sampson, a most 
humane and honorable man. In the contract made with the 
Coolies, the British Government was the party on one side, 
and was pledged to see that the Chinese were fairly dealt 
with, and were not deprived of their rights. This system 
was in operation only about ten or twelve years, and was 
discontinued, partly because of the odium arising from the 
Macao trade, and the difficulty of disconnecting it from the 
abuses of that trade. 

The third system of emigration is not of so recent origin 
as the others. Three hundred years ago, when Europeans 
first visited the far East, they found colonies of Chinese in 
the Phillippine Islands, Borneo, the Malayan peninsula, and 
Siam. The emigration to these places goes on to this day, 
the only difference being that passengers are now conveyed 
in foreign vessels instead of native junks. The discovery 
of gold in California and Australia attracted Chinese to these 
places, but from a locality entirely different from the sources 
which supplied men to the East Indian islands and Siam. 
It is a remarkable feature of Chinese emigration that it 
pursues fixed and almost unvarying channels; and it is to 
be noted that the English colony of Hong Kong is either 
the point of departure or a port of call for all the vessels 
carrying these emigrants. From Amoy, & district in Fokien 
Province, all who emigrate, go to the Phillippine Islands. 
From Swatow, in the eastern part of Canton Province, the 
destination is Siam. In the northeastern part of Canton 
Province is a distinct tribe of Chinese, many of whom have 
found their way to Borneo. The central and southwest parts 
of the same province supply all the men who go to California 
and Australia. Now, this system of emigration has been in 
operation for centuries, the different streams starting in 
definite but different localities, and terminating each in a 
different country. The best possible opportunity is thus 
afforded for detecting irregularities or oppressive practices 
in its prosecution. It is, however, a fact well known to all 


residents in China, that it goes on quietly from year to year, 
passing through Hong Kong, and using English and Amer- 
ican steamers and sailing vessels; and there is no intimation 
that the abuses connected with the Macao Coolie trade have 
ever been associated with this in the minds of either natives 
or foreigners. This is a sufficient evidence that it is voluntary 
emigration. But the British authorities and the American 
consul in Hong Kong are required to see that no individual 
is taken passenger in any of the vessels of these nations 
against his will. They have been especially vigilant in this 
matter since the Hong Kong papers brought to light the 
horrors of the Macao Coolie traffic. It is well known that 
for some years Chinese prostitutes (who are in reality slaves) 
have not been allowed to leave Hong Kong in vessels carry- 
ing emigrants, and the present American consul, Mr. Bayley, 
has done himself much credit by preventing the prosecution 
of this most inhuman form of human slavery in American 

In reference to emigration to California it is said by some: 
"We have enough for the present, and would like to shut the 
floodgates before the Coast is deluged with heathenism. If 
China should send one-fifth of one per cent., or one man 
in every five hundred of her population, the Chinamen 
would outnumber all the rest of the inhabitants of this 
Coast, and would control its destiny." 

The estimate of one of every five hundred would bring 
400,000. It is a sufficient answer to this to say that, after 
twenty-five or more years of unrestricted emigration, we find 
only about 100,000 Chinese in the country. The probabil- 
ities are that this number will not increase rapidly, because 
the source of supply is a limited district of the Province of 
Canton, viz., the counties of San-hwui, San-nirig, Hoi-ping, 
and Yan-ping, which supply the great majority of emigrants, 
not only to California, but to Australia, while some other 
counties send a small number. China is divided into eighteen 
Provinces, and only three of these have ever sent emigrants 
to any country over the sea, and the great central area of the 
Empire was so depopulated by the great Tae-ping Rebellion 
that many years will pass before it is again filled up and re- 
stored to its former prosperity. 

The city of Shanghai is the great commercial emporium of 
China, situated near the mouth of the Tang-tsz river, and is in 
direct communication with all the interior provinces, as well 
as the coast provinces north and south. During a period of 
ten years, there has been a line of steamers between that 
port and San Francisco, running most of the time twice a 
month, and yet not a single emigrant for California has ever 
sailed from that port. 


But suppose 400,000 Chinese were taken with a sudden 
desire to come to California, it would require nearly all the 
steamers in the world to bring them in a year, and commerce 
and travel would have to be suspended in other oceans to ac- 
commodate the trade of California. More than one thousand 
men would be landed every day in the year, to be lodged, 
fed, and provided with employment. The arrival of so many 
men would give such an activity to business as the oldest 
Californian has never seen. Real estate and house-rent 
would go up rapidly, the provision market would be pressed 
to its utmost, and shipping, with all its branches, would be 
very active, and skilled labor would be in demand. With 
all this prosperity, Chinese labor would decline, and would 
soon be reduced so low that everybody could keep several 
servants, and thousands of Chinese would be Avilling to work 
for food enough to sustain life. Indeed, the 30,000 arriving 
the first month would overstock the market, and the leading 
Chinese merchants would telegraph to Hong Kong that there 
was neither employment nor food for any more. 


The Social floral and Political Effect of Chinese Immigration. 







Hon. CREED HAYMOND, of Sacramento, Chairman; 
Hon. FRANK McCOPPIN, of San Francisco ; Hon. GEORGE H. ROGERS, of San Francisco; 
Hon. W. M. PIERSON, of San Francisco; Hon. E. J. LEWIS, of Tehama; 

Hon. M. J. DONOVAN, of San Francisco; Hon. GEO. S. EVANS, of San Joaquin. 






To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United 
States of America. 

Your memorialists respectfully represent unto your honorable 
bodies as follows : 

That on the third day of April, eighteen hundred and seventy-six, 
in the Senate of the State of California, Creed Haymond, Senator 
from the Eighteenth Senatorial District, offered the following resolu- 
tions, which were unanimously adopted : 

Be it resolved by the Senate of the State of California, That a committee of five Senators be 
appointed, with power to sit at any time or place within the State, and the said committee shall 
make inquiry : 

1. As to the number of Chinese in this State, and the effect their presence has upon the social 
and political condition of the State. 

2. As to the probable result of Chinese immigration upon the country, if such immigration 
be not discouraged. 

3. As to the means of exclusion, if such committee should be of the opinion that the pres- 
ence of the Chinese element in our midst is detrimental to the interests of the country. 

4. As to such other matters as, in the judgment of the committee, have a bearing upon the 
question of Chinese immigration. And be it further 

Resolved, That said committee * * * shall prepare a memorial to the Congress of the 
United States, which memorial must set out at length the facts in relation to the subject of this 
inquiry, and such conclusions as the committee may have arrived at as to the policy and means 
of excluding Chinese from the country. And be it further 

Resolved, That said committee is authorized and directed to have printed, at the State Print- 
ing Office, a sufficient number of copies of such memorial, and of the testimony taken by said 
committee, to furnish copies thereof to the leading newspapers of the United States, five copies 
to each member of Congress,' ten copies to the Governor of each State, and to deposit two 
thousand copies with the Secretary of State of California for general distribution. And be it 

Resolved,, That such committee shall * * * furnish to the Governor of the State of Cali- 
fornia two copies of said memorial, properly engrossed, and the Governor, upon receipt thereof, 
be requested to transmit, through the jDroper channels, one of said copies to the Senate and the 
other to the House of Eepresentatives of the United States. And be it further 

Resolved, That said committee have full power to send for persons and papers, and to admin- 
ister oaths, and examine witnesses under oath, and that a majority of said committee shall 
constitute a quorum. 

Resolved, That said committee report to the Senate, at its next session, the proceedings had 

Subsequently, on motion, the Senate increased the number of the 
committee to seven, and the following Senators were appointed on 


said committee : Senators Haymond, McCoppin, Pierson, Donovan, 
Rogers, Lewis, and Evans. 

That under the authority of the resolutions we have inquired into 
the subject of Chinese immigration into the United States, and par- 
ticularly into the State of California, and into the past, present, and 
probable future results of this immigration upon our people; and 
from the evidence adduced before us, whereof a report and argument 
is also herewith presented, we respectfully submit the following con- 

The State of California has a population variously estimated at 
from seven hundred thousand to eight hundred thousand, of which 
one hundred and twenty-five thousand are Chinese. The additions 
to this class have been very rapid since the organization of the State, 
but have been caused almost entirely by immigration, and scarcely 
at all by natural increase. The evidence demonstrates beyond cavil 
that nearly the entire immigration consists of the lowest orders of 
the Chinese people, and mainly of those having no homes or occu- 
pations on the land, but living in boats on the rivers, especially those 
in the vicinity of Canton. 

This class of the people, according to the castes into which Chinese 
society is divided, are virtually pariahs— the dregs of the population. 
None of them are admitted into any of the privileges of the orders 
ranking above them. And while rudimentary education is encour- 
aged, and even enforced among the masses of the people, the fisher- 
men and those living on the waters and harbors of China are 
excluded by the rigid and hoary constitutions of caste from all par- 
ticipation in such advantages. 

It would seem to be a necessary consequence, flowing from this 
class of immigration, that a large proportion of criminals should be 
found among it; and this deduction is abundantly sustained by the 
facts before us, for of five hundred and forty-five of the foreign 
criminals in our State Prison, one hundred and ninety-eight are 
Chinese — nearly two-fifths of the whole — while our jails and reforma- 
tories swarm with the lower grade of malefactors. 

The startling fact also appears that the actual cost of keeping these 
one hundred and ninety-eight State prisoners alone exceeds by twelve 
thousand dollars per annum the entire amount of revenue collected 
by the State from all the property assessed to Chinese. 

But the criminal element in the Chinese population is very much 
greater than the figures above given would indicate, for conviction 
for crime among this class is extremely difficult. Our ignorance of 
the Chinese language, the utter want of comprehension by them of 
the crime of perjury, their systematic bribery, and intimidation of 
witnesses, and other methods of baffling judicial action, all tend to 
weaken the authority of our laws and to paralyze the power of our 

A graver difficulty still is developed in the existence among the 
Chinese population of secret tribunals unrecognized by our laws and 
in open defiance thereof, an imperium in imperio that undertake and 
actually administer punishment, not infrequently of death. These 
tribunals exercise the power of levying taxes, commanding masses 
of men, intimidating interpreters and witnesses, enforcing perjury, 
punishing the refractory, removing witnesses beyond the reach of 
process, controlling liberty of action, and preventing the return of 
Chinese to their homes in China. In fact, there exists amongst us 

tribunals and laws alien to our form of government and which 
practically nullify and supersede both National and State authority. 

The Chinese females who immigrate to this State are, almost with- 
out exception, of the vilest and most degraded class of abandoned 
women. The effect of this element in our midst upon the health and 
morals of our youth is exhibited in the testimony. Its disgusting 
details cannot, for obvious reasons, be enlarged upon in this memo- 
rial. These women exist here in a state of servitude, beside which 
African slavery was a beneficent captivity. The contracts upon 
which their bodies are held under this system are fully explained 
and set out in the evidence, and we submit more than sustain what 
might otherwise be regarded as an extravagant deduction. 

The male element of this population, where not criminal, comes 
into a painful competition with the most needy and most deserving 
of our people — those who are engaged, or entitled to be engaged, in 
industrial pursuits in our midst. The common laborer, the farm 
hand, the shoe-maker, the cigar-maker, the domestic male and female, 
and workmen of all descriptions, find their various occupations 
monopolized by Chinese labor, emplo\'ed at a compensation upon 
which white labor cannot possibly exist. Amelioration of this hard- 
ship might be possible to a limited extent if the proceeds of this 
labor were invested in our State, distributed among our people, and 
made to yield a revenue to the government for the protection 
afforded by it to this class of our population. But the reverse is the 
fact, for of six hundred millions of taxable property in the State, in 
the last fiscal year, but one million and a half was assessed to Chinese. 
Thus one-sixth of the entire population pays less than one four- 
hundredths part of the revenue required to support the State Gov- 

And, in addition to this alarming fact, we find that of the one 
hundred and eightj T millions, if not more, earned by them during 
their continuance here, the whole is abstracted from the State and 
exported to China, thus absolutely impoverishing instead of enrich- 
ing the country affording them an asylum. The sharp contrast • 
between the results of that kind of labor and of white labor with its 
investment in homes, its accumulation of wealth, and additions to 
our revenue, must be obvious even to a partial mind. Fertile lands, 
that scarcely require tillage to produce a harvest, are lying idle, par- 
tially because the laborer that would purchase and improve them 
can earn nothing above a bare support wherewith to buy, while the 
Chinese, who can by their habits of life practically subsist on noth- 
ing and save money, export their savings instead of here accumu- 
lating property. What the one hundred and eighty millions of 
solid gold shipped from California to a foreign country would pro- 
duce, if retained here by white labor and invested in the soil, in the 
homes and firesides of our own race, requires no illustration or argu- 
ment. California, instead of being a State of cities, might be a State 
of prosperous farms; instead of being in a condition (considering 
her extraordinary natural advantages) of wonderful yet healthy 
progress, we find her so retarded in her growth as to amount almost 
to retrogression. 

It is a trite saying, however, that competition in labor is healthful. 
True — but not between free and slave labor; and the Chinese in 
California are substantially in a condition of servitude. Ninety- 
nine one-hundredths of them are imported here by large com- 


panies under contracts to repay to the importers out of their labor 
the cost of their transportation and large interest upon the outlay, 
and these contracts frequently hold their subjects for long periods. 
During the existence of these contracts the Chinese are, to all intents, 
serfs, and as such are let out to service at a miserable pittance to 
perform the labor that it ought to be the privilege of our own race 
to perform. Even were it possible for the white laborer to maintain 
existence upon the wages paid to the Chinese, his condition never- 
theless becomes that of an abject slave, for grinding poverty is abso- 
lute slavery. The vaunted "dignity of labor" becomes a bitting 
sarcasm when the laborer becomes a serf. 

Irrespective, however, of this slavery by contract, the Chinese who 
inundate our shores are, by the very constitution of their nature, by 
instinct, by the traditions of their order for thousands of years, serfs. 
They never rise above that condition in their native land, and by 
the inexorable decrees of caste, never can rise. Servile labor to them 
is their natural and inevitable lot. Hewers of wood and drawers of 
water they have been since they had a country, and servile laborers 
they will be to the end of time. Departure from that level with 
them is never upward ; the only change, apparently, is from servitude 
to crime. 

The pious anticipations that the influence of Christianity upon 
the Chinese would be salutary, have proved unsubstantial and vain. 
Among one hundred and twenty-five thousand of them, with a resi- 
dence here beneath the elevating influences of Christian precept and 
example, and with the zealous labors of earnest Christian teachers, 
and the liberal expenditure of ecclesiastical revenues, we have no 
evidence of a single genuine conversion to Christianity, or of a single 
instance of an assimilation with our manners, or habits of thought 
or life. There are a few, painfully few, professing Christians among 
them, but the evidence confirms us in asserting that with these the 
profession is dependent to a great extent upon its paying a profit to 
the , professor. Those Christians who hailed with satisfaction the 
' advent of the Chinese to our shores, with the expectation that they 
would thus be brought beneath the benign influences of Christianity, 
cannot fail to have discovered that for every one of them that has 
professed Christianity, a hundred of our own youth, blighted by the 
degrading contact of their presence, have been swept into destruction. 

Neither is there any possibility that in the future education, 
religion, or the other influences of our civilization can effect any 
change in this condition of things. The Chinese in California are 
all adults. They are not men of families. The family relation does 
not exist here among them. Not one in a thousand is married ; and, 
in addition, their habits of opium eating are practically destructive 
of the power of procreation. So that whatever improvement might 
otherwise be anticipated from instilling into the comparatively 
unformed and receptive minds of a young and rising generation the 
educational and religious maxims that control our own race is thus 
effectually precluded. 

Above and beyond these considerations, however, we believe, and 
the researches of those who have most attentively studied the Chinese 
character confirm us in the consideration, that the Chinese are 
incapable of adaptation to our institutions. The national intellect 
of China has become decrepit from sheer age. It has long since 
passed its prime and is waning into senility. The iron manacles of 

caste which prevail in that Empire are as cruel and unyielding as 
those which chain the sudras in Hindostan to a hereditary state 
of pauperism and slavery. As an acute thinker has sagaciously 
observed, the Chinese seem to be antediluvian men renewed. Their 
code of morals, their forms of worship, and their maxims of life, are 
those of the remotest antiquity. In this aspect they stand a barrier 
against which the elevating tendency of a higher civilization exerts 
itself in vain. And, in an ethnological point of view, there can be 
no hope that any contact with our people, however long continued, 
will ever conform them to our institutions, enable them to compre- 
hend or appreciate our form of government, or to assume the duties 
or discharge the functions of citizens. 

During their entire settlement in California they have never 
adapted themselves to our habits, modes of dress, or our educational 
system, have never learned the sanctity of an oath, never desired to 
become citizens, or to perform the duties of citizenship, never discov- 
ered the difference between right and wrong, never ceased the wor- 
ship of their idol gods, or advanced a step beyond the musty 
traditions of their native hive. Impregnable to all the influences 
of our Anglo-Saxon life they remain the same stolid Asiatics that 
have floated on the rivers and slaved in the fields of China for thirty 
centuries of time. 

In view of all this we inquire, what are the benefits conferred upon 
us by this isolated and degraded class? The only one ever suggested 
was " cheap labor." But if cheap labor means white famine it is a 
fearful benefit. If cheap labor means not only starvation for our 
own laborers, but a gradual, yet certain, depletion of the resources of 
our State for the enriching of a semi-civilized foreign country, it is a 
benefit hitherto unknown to the science of political economy. If 
cheap labor means servile labor, it is a burlesque on the policj^ of 
emancipation. And if this kind of cheap labor brings in its train 
the demoralization consequent upon the enforced idleness of our own 
race, the moral degradation attendant upon the presence in our 
midst of the most disgusting licentiousness, and the absolute cer- 
tainty of pestilence arising from the crowded condition and filthy 
habits of life of those who perform this so-called cheap labor, it were 
well for all of us that it should be abolished. 

We thus find one-sixth of our entire population composed of Chi- 
nese coolies, not involuntary, but, by the unalterable structure of 
their intellectual being, voluntary slaves. This alien mass, con- 
stantly increasing by immigration, is injected into a republic of 
freemen, eating of its substance, expelling free white labor, and con- 
tributing nothing to the support of the government. All of the 
physical conditions of California are in the highest degree favorable 
to their influx. Our climate is essentially Asiatic in all its aspects. 
And the Federal Government by its legislation and treaties fosters 
and promotes the immigration. AVhat is to be the result? Does it 
require any prophetic power to foretell ? Can American statesmen 
project their vision forward for a quarter of a century and convince 
themselves that this problem will work out for itself a wise solution? 
In that brief period, with the same ratio of increase, this fair State 
will contain a Chinese population outnumbering its freemen. White 
labor will be unknown, because unobtainable, and then how long a 
period will elapse before California will, nay must, become essen- 

tially a State with but two orders of society — the master and the 
serf — a lesser Asia, with all its deathly lethargy? 

Or, on the other hand, may we not foresee a more dire result? 
Is it not possible that free white labor, unable to compete with these 
foreign serfs, and perceiving its condition becoming slowly bat inev- 
itably more hopelessly abject, may unite in all the horrors of riot 
and insurrection, and defying the civil power, extirpate with fire and 
sword those who rob them of their bread, yet yield no tribute to the 
State? This is a frightful possibility, but we have within a brief 
period witnessed its portents, and had it not been for the untiring 
vigilance of the conservative portion of our people, we might have 
seen not only the Chinese quarters, but our cities, in ashes, and fam- 
ilies homeless, and the prosperity and good fame of California shat- 
tered and disgraced. 

It is no answer that these uprisings are the work of the criminal 
classes only — they have a root deep as the sense of self-preservation. 
Throughout the length and breadth of California the white laborer 
knows the effect of this grinding competition. He reads it not in 
books, nor in the press; he learns it from no lips; he feels it in the 
empty pocket, the hopeless search for labor, and the gaunt want that 
sits at his hearth. 

The duty devolves upon us to suggest a remedy for the suppression 
of this immigration. 

The Chinese now here are protected by our treaty obligations and 
laws, and that they will continue to receive that protection the peo- 
ple and government of this State will be responsible. If further 
immigration is prevented they will gradually return to their own 
country, and the occupations in which they are now engaged will be 
supplied with laborers and immigrants of our own race. The tem- 
per of the people of California is such that the employment of 
Chinese will be, as it has to a considerable extent already been, dis- 
couraged, and this will effectually compel their departure. 

As to future immigration, neither a total nor partial abrogation of 
the Burlingame treaty will afford relief. The mass of, indeed the 
entire, immigration comes from the port of Hongkong, a British 
Colony. No alteration in our treaty stipulations with China could 
have the slightest effect upon the passenger trade of that port. 

The British Colonies of Australia have, like us, suffered under the 
incubus, and have recently endeavored by hostile legislation, and in 
some instances by force, to effect the exclusion and obstruct the fur- 
ther ingress of Chinese. Those agitations, coupled with the earnest 
and uniform policy of Great Britain of suppressing any traffic resem- 
bling the slave trade, convince us that an appeal to that country 
would lead to the desired result. Indeed, we may well assume, in 
view of the amicable relations existing between the English Cabinet 
and people and the United States that, in the absence of any urgent 
reasons addressing themselves peculiarly to Her Majesty's Govern- 
.ment, it would, upon proper diplomatic representations, cordially 
cooperate with our own government in arriving at a satisfactory 

With the Chinese Government there need be no difficulty. As 
will appear by the report, that government is opposed to the emigra- 
tion of its people, and in our judgment, founded upon reliable evi- 
dence, would readily consent to a modification of existing treaties ; 


and for this reason, also, such modification would not necessarily 
disturb, in any manner, our commercial relations with China. 

We would, therefore, most respectfully suggest as the means of a 
final solution of this grave and ever increasing difficulty : 

First — An appeal to the Government of Great Britain to cooperate 
with our own government in the absolute prohibition of this trade 
in men and women ; and 

Second — The joint and friendly action of the two countries with 
the Empire of China in the abrogation of all treaties between the 
three nations permitting the emigration of Chinese to the United 

And in the meantime we earnestly recommend legislation by Con- 
gress limiting the number of Chinese allowed to be landed from any 
vessel entering the ports of the United States to, say, not more than 

This policy would in a great degree tend to a redress of the griev- 
ances that now sorely afflict our State, and threaten to overshadow 
her prosperity. 

And your memorialists will ever pray, etc. 

Adopted at a meeting of the Committee held in the City of San 
Francisco, August thirteenth, eighteen hundred and seventy-seven. 









Prepared by a Committee op the Senate op the State op 


To the People of the United States, other than those of the State of 

Fellow-citizens: On the third day of April, eighteen hundred 
and seventy -six, in the Senate of the State of California, the Hon. 
Creed Haymond, Senator from the Eighteenth Senatorial District, 
offered the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : 

Be it resolved by the Senate of the State of California, That a committee of five Senators be 
appointed, with power to sit at any time or place within the State, and the said committee shall 
make inquiry : 

1. As to the number of Chinese in this State, and the effect their presence has upon the social 
and political condition of the State. 

2. As to the probable result of Chinese immigration upon the country, if such immigration 
be not discouraged. 

3. As to the means of exclusion, if such committee should be of the opinion that the presence 
of the Chinese element in our midst is detrimental to the interests of the country. 

4. As to such other matters as, in the judgment of the committee,, have a bearing upon the 
question of Chinese immigration. And be it further 

Resolved, That said committee * * * shall prepare a memorial to the Congress of the 
United States, which memorial must set out at length the facts in relation to the subject of this 
inquiry, and such conclusions as the committee may have arrived at as to the policy and means 
of excluding Chinese from the country. And be it further 

Resolved, That said committee is authorized and directed to have printed, at the State Print- 
ing Office, a sufficient number of copies of such memorial, and of the testimony taken by said 
committee, to furnish copies thereof to the leading newspapers of the United States, five copies 
to each member of Congress, ten copies to the Governor of each State, and to deposit two 
thousand copies with the Secretary of State of California for general distribution. And be it 

Resolved, That such committee shall * * * furnish to the Governor of the State of Cali- 
fornia two copies of said memorial, properly engrossed, and the Governor, upon receipt thereof, 
be requested to transmit, through the proper channels, one of said copies to the Senate and the 
other to the House of Representatives of the United States. And be it further 

Resolved, That said committee have full power to send for persons and papers, and to admin- 
ister oaths, and examine witnesses under oath, and that a majority of said committee shall 
constitute a quorum. 

Resolved, That said committee report to the Senate, at its next session, the proceedings had 

To the investigation with which we were charged — quasi judicial in 
its character, and in the unsettled state of the country of the highest 


importance — we addressed ourselves, having but one object in view, 
the ascertainment of truth. The facts herein stated are found from 
evidence adduced before us by all parties in interest. The results in 
the memorial to the Congress of the United States and this paper 
stated are the solemn convictions that have been forced upon our 


There are in the State of California over one hundred thousand 
subjects of the Empire of China. Of this number, all but about 
three thousand are male adults, and that three thousand are females 
held in slavery by their own people for the basest purposes. The 
male adult Chinese population in this State very nearly equals the 
number of voters in the State. Their influence upon our interests 
are much more serious than it would be if this population was made 
up of families. Then, according to the accepted ratio, it would only 
represent a male adult population of about twenty thousand. This 
is a view of the situation not fairly presented as yet to the citizens of 
our sister States. 


It has often been said that the State of California is the " Child of 
the Union." It is certainly true that her citizens are the representa- 
tives of society as it exists in the other States. They brought with 
them to this State that love of law and order which is part of the 
traditions of our race, and far from eastern civilization have founded 
upon the Pacific Coast a State Government and municipal govern- 
ments which for a quarter of a century and rhore have compared 
favorably with any known to civilization. The laws have been 
enforced, financial obligations have been met with religious fidelity, 
and in all things governmental we have been worthy — we urge it with 
a just pride — of that exalted station which the States of this Union 
have taken in the world's empire. We call the attention of the 
Representatives in Congress from our sister States to these facts, that 
when they come to the consideration of the grave problem forced 
upon this State, and upon the Union, they may not attribute the 
evils which have resulted in this State from Chinese immigration to 
anything peculiar to the people or government of this State, or to 
any lack of willingness or ability upon the part of either to grapple 
with the question. The accident of locality brought the evil to our 
door, as it might have brought it or some other to yours. 

All must admit that the safety of our institutions depends upon 
the homogeneity, culture, and moral character of our people. It is 
true that the Republic has invited the people of foreign countries to 
our borders, but the invitation was given with the well founded hope 
that they would, in time, by association with our people, and through 
the influence of our public schools, become assimilated to our native 

The Chinese came without any special invitation. They came 
before we had time to consider the propriety of their admission to 
our country. If any one ever hoped they would assimilate with our 
people that hope has long since been dispelled. 

The Chinese have now lived among us, in considerable numbers, 


for a quarter of a century, and yet they remain separate, distinct 
from, and antagonistic to our people in thinking, mode of life, in 
tastes and principles, and are as far from assimilation as when they 
first arrived. 

They fail to comprehend our system of government ; they perform 
no duties of citizenship ; they are not available as jurymen, cannot 
be called upon as a posse comitatus to preserve order, nor be relied 
upon as soldiers. 

They do not comprehend or appreciate our social ideas, and they 
contribute but little to the support of any of our institutions, public 
or private. 

They bring no children with them, and there is, therefore, no pos- 
sibility of influencing them by our ordinary educational appliances. 

There is, indeed, no point of contact between the Chinese and our 
people through which we can Americanize thern. The rigidity 
which characterizes these people forbids the hope of any essential 
change in their relations to our own people or our government. 

We respectfully submit the admitted proposition that no nation, 
much less a republic, can safely permit the presence of a large and 
increasing element among its people which cannot be assimilated 
or made to comprehend the responsibilities of citizenship. 

The great mass of the Chinese residents of California are not 
amenable to our laws. It is almost impossible to procure the con- 
viction of Chinese criminals, and we are never sure that a conviction, 
even when obtained, is in accordance with justice. 

This difficulty arises out of our ignorance of the Chinese language, 
and the fact that their moral ideas are wholly distinct from our own. 
They do not recognize the sanctity of an oath, and utterly fail to 
comprehend the crime of perjury. Bribery, intimidation, and other 
methods of baffling judicial action, are considered by them as per- 
fectly legitimate. It is an established fact that the administration 
of justice among the Chinese is almost impossible, and we are, there- 
fore, unable to protect them against the persecutions of their own 
countrymen, or punish them for offenses against our own people. 
This anomalous condition, in which the authority of law is so gener- 
ally vacated, imperils the existence of our republican institutions to 
a degree hitherto unknown among us. 

This mass of aliens are not only not amenable to law, but they are 
governed by secret tribunals unrecognized and unauthorized by law. 
The records of these tribunals have been discovered and are found 
to be antagonistic to our legal system. 

These tribunals are formed by the several Chinese companies or 
guilds, and are recognized as legitimate authorities by the Chinese 
population. They levy taxes, command masses of men, intimidate 
interpreters and witnesses, enforce perjury, regulate trade, punish 
the refractory, remove witnesses beyond the reach of our Courts, 
control liberty of action, and prevent the return of Chinese to their 
homes in China without their consent. In short, they exercise a 
despotic sway over one-seventh of the population of the State of 

They invoke the processes of law only to punish the independent 
action of their subjects; and it is claimed that they execute the 
death penalty upon those who refuse obedience to their decrees. 

We are disposed to acquit these companies and secret tribunals of 
the charge of deliberate intent to supercede the authority of the 


State. The system is inherent and part of the fibre of the Chinese 
mind, and exists because the Chinese are thoroughly and perma- 
nently alien to us in language and interests. It is nevertheless a 
fact that these companies or tribunals do nullify and supercede the 
State and National authorities. 

Their government in the main may be just, but is subject to 
the terrible abuse which always belongs to irresponsible personal 
government. But whether just or unjust, the fact remains that 
they constitute a foreign government within the boundaries of the 

That we have not overstated the facts, we beg to refer briefly to 
some of the testimony of reputable witnesses, given under the sanc- 
tion of an oath, before this Committee. 

James R. Rogers, a San Francisco officer of intelligence and expe- 
rience, testifies as follows : (See volume of testimony herewith trans- 
mitted, p. 61.) 

A. — I do not know of my own knowledge that such a tribunal exists (secret Chinese tribunal). 
I only know that when a Chinaman swears differently from what they want him to his life is 
in danger. They sometimes use our Courts to enforce their orders, just as ]Dolicy may direct. 
They have no regard for our laws, and obey them, so far as they do, only through fear. 

D. J. Murphy, District Attorney of the City and County of San 
Francisco, and one of the ablest and most experienced criminal 
lawyers in the State, testifies as follows : (Evidence, pp. 82 and 83.) 

Q. — In your official capacity, have you been brought into contact with Chinese? 

A. — Yes, sir; I have looked on my docket for two years, and I find that of seven hundred 
cases that I examined before the Grand Jury one hundred and twenty were Chinese, princi- 
pally burglaries, grand larcenies, and murders — chiefly burglary. They are very adroit and 
expert thieves. I have not had time to examine for the last two and a half years, but the 
proportion has largely increased during that time. 

Q. — Do you find any difficulty in the administration of justice, where they are concerned? 

A. — Yes, sir. In capital cases, particularly, we are met with perjury. I have no doubt but 
that they act under the direction of superiors, and swear as ordered. In many cases witnesses 
are spirited away, or alibis are proven. They can produce so many witnesses as to create a 
doubt in the minds of jurymen, and thus escape justice. In cases where I have four or five 
witnesses for the prosecution, they will bring in ten or fifteen on the part of the defense. They 
seem to think that numbers must succeed, and it very frequently so happens. It frequently 
occurs that before the Grand Jury, or on preliminary examination, witnesses swear so as to 
convict, but on the trial they turn square around and swear the other way. I have heard it said 
that they have secret tribunals where they settle all these things, but I know nothing of that. It 
is my impression that something of the kind exists, and I think they sometimes use our Courts to 
enforce their decrees. I have had to appeal to Executive clemency for pardon for Chinamen 
sent to the State Prison by false swearing, under circumstances which led me to believe them to 
have been the victims of some organization of that kind. 

Q. — Innocent men can be convicted? 

A. — Yes ; and I have no doubt innocent men are convicted through the medium of perjury 
and "jobs" fixed up on them. I have had doubts, during the last three months, in eases of 
magnitude, involving long terms of imprisonment. 

Q. — Among reputable lawyers of this city, who have had experience with Chinese testimony 
in the Courts, what value has that testimony, standing by itself? 

A. — By itself, and without being corroborated by extrinsic facts or white testimony, it is very 

Mr. Ellis, Chief of Police of the City of San Francisco, and who 
had been attached to the police force of that city for twenty years, 
testifies as follows : (Evidence, p. 112.) 

That it is generally believed that the Chinese have a Court where differences are settled ; and 
that, if, in secret, it determines to convict or acquit a Chinaman (on trial before our Courts) 
that judgment is carried out. In a great many cases I believe they have convicted innocent 
men upon perjured evidence. 


Ah Dan, the Chinese interpreter of one of the Sacramento Courts, 
testifies as follows : (Evidence, pp. 121 and 122.) 

Q. — Do you know District Attorney Jones? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Did you tell him last week that some of them threatened to kill you? 

A. — Yes, sir; some of them. A man came to me a few days ago and told me they were 
going to kill a Police Court interpreter, advising me to leave the city, because he said some- 
body would come and kill me ; some men had put up rewards, and some men whom I did not 
know were coming from San Francisco to kill me. I was before the Grand Jury and 
explained the game of "tan," and for this they put up the reward, and I am to be killed by 
three men from San Francisco I don't know. The reward offered for my life is five or six 
hundred dollars. I have heard of rewards of this kind being put up here and elsewhere. I 
have not seen any here, but have in San Francisco. They are in Chinese, and posted up, 
saying that these men will make agreement, if some man kill another, to pay the murderer so 
much money. These agreements for murder are red papers written in Chinese, and say they 
will give so much money on condition you kill so-and-so, naming the person. If the mur- 
derer is arrested, they will get good counsel to defend him. If he is sent to prison, they will 
pay him so much money to recompense him, and if he is hung they will send so much money 
to his relatives in China. 

Q. — Did you go to officer Jackson and ask him not to subpoena you, if he could help it, in 
the Hung Hi case? 

A. — Yes. I said to him, " I don't know about the ease. If you put me on the stand, and it 
don't go as they want it, they will blame me." 

Q. — Didn't you tell him you were afraid they would kill you ? 

A. — I did tell him so. 

Q. — You were afraid ? 

A. — Yes, sir. I told Charley O'Keil some put up money to kill me. He told me not to fear — 
to keep a look out for myself. In case I testify here to all I know, I'm afraid they will 
kill me. 

Mr. Charles T. Jones, who for several years past has been the able 
and efficient District Attorney of Sacramento County (the county in 
which is located our State Capital), testifies as follows : (Evidence, 
pp. 124 and 125.) 

A. — During my term of office I have had considerable to do with Chinese criminals, and 
always have great difficulty in convicting them of any crime. I remember well the ease of Ah 
Quong, spoken of a few moments ago by Ah Dan. At the time I was defending three 
parties charged with kidnaping, and I had Ah Quong as interpreter, knowing him to be honest 
and capable. The circumstances of the case were these : A Chinaman wanted to marry a 
a woman then in a house of prostitution. She desired to marry him, and he went with two 
of his friends to the house. She went with them. They drove out of town to get married, 
when the Chinaman who owned her heard of it and started some officers after her. She was 
arrested and surrendered to these Chinamen, with instructions to bring her into Court next 
day. I had this man to interpret for me, being well satisfied that she would swear that she 
was not being kidnaped. The next day the owners brought into Court a woman whom the 
defendants informed me was not the one at all, but another. The attorneys for the other side 
insisted that it was, believing the statements of their Chinamen to that effect. The case was 
postponed for two or three days, when it was shown that the woman offered was not the one 
taken away. This interpreter told me they would kill him as sure as these defendants were 
not convicted. We went out of the Court-room, and he told me he was afraid to go on I street. 
I told him not to go then, but I did not think they would trouble him. Half an hour after- 
wards he was brought back, shot in the back, and a hatchet having been used on him, mutilat- 
ing him terribly. This was in broad daylight, about eleven o'clock in the morning, on Third 
and I Streets, one of the most public places in the City of Sacramento. There were hundreds of 
Chinese around there at the time, but it was difficult, in the prosecution of the case, to get any 
Chinese testimony at all. It happened that there were a few white men passing at the time, 
and we were enabled to identify two men, and they were convicted and sent to the State 
Prison for life, after three trials. They attempted to prove an alibi, and after swearing a large lot 
of Chinamen they said they had twenty more. The Chinese use the Courts to gain possession of 
women. Sometimes it happens that where a man is married to a woman, they get out a war- 
rant for his arrest, and before he can get bail they have stolen the woman and carried her off 
to some distant place. I have had Chinamen come to me to find out how many witnesses I 
had in cases. If they found out they would get sufficient testimony to override me. 
Before I was District Attorney I have had Chinese come to me to defend them, and ask me 
how many witnesses I wanted, and what was necessary to prove in order to acquit. 

Q. — Do you often find that upon preliminary examinations and before the Grand Jury there 



is enough testimony to warrant a conviction, but on the trial these same witnesses swear to an 
exactly opposite state of facts? 

A. — 'Very frequently. 

Q. — To what do you attribute that ? 

A. — I attribute that to the fact that they had tried the case in Chinese Courts, where it had 
been finally settled. I have records in my office of a Chinese tribunal of that kind, where 
they tried offenders according to their own rules, meted out what punishment they deemed 
proper, etc. Tbese records were captured in a room on I Street, between Fourth and Fifth. I 
had them translated by an interpreter from San Francisco, and used them on the trial of the 
robbery cases. The records recite that the members enter into a solemn compact not to enter 
into partnership with a foreigner ; that a certain man did so, and the company offers so many 
round dollars to the man who will kill him. They promise to furnish a man to assist the 
murderer, and they promise, if he is arrested, tbey will employ able counsel to defend him. If 
convicted, he should receive, I think, three dollars for every day he would be confined, and in 
case he died, certain money would be sent to his relatives. These records appeared in evi- 
dence and were admitted ; also, a poster that was taken from a house, offering a reward for the 
killing of this man. This poster was placed on a house in a public street. Being written in 
Chinese, of course they alone knew its contents, and informed us of them. 

Mat. Karcher, for many years past Chief of Police for the City of 
Sacramento, testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 128 and 129.) 

Q. — Do you know anything about their putting up offers of rewards upon walls and street 
corners, written in Chinese, for the murder or assassination of given Chinamen ? 

A. — Yes. Of course I could not read Chinese, but I secured some of these posters, and had 
an interpreter from San Francisco come up here and interpret them. They were rewards for 
the murder of some Chinamen who did something contrary to their laws. They have their 
own tribunals where they try Chinamen, and their own laws to govern them. In this way the 
administration of justice is often defeated entirely, or, at least, to a very great extent. I know 
this, because I was present at a meeting of one of their tribunals about seven years ago. There 
was some thirty or forty Chinamen there, one appearing to act as Judge. Finally, the fellow 
on trial was convicted and had to pay so much money, as a fine for the commission of the 
offense with which he was charged. Generally, their punishments are in the nature of fines; 
but sometimes they sentence the defendant to death. In cases in the Police Court we have 
often found it difficult to make interpreters act. They would tell us that they would be killed 
if they spoke the truth ; that their tribunals would sentence them to death, and pay assassins 
to dispatch them. About two years and a half or three years ago Ah Quong was killed. 
During the trial, at which he was interpreter, there were a great many Chinamen. I stationed 
officers at the doors, and then caused each one to be searched as he came out of the room, the 
interpreter having- told me that he feared they would murder him. Upon these Chinamen I 
found all sorts of weapons — hatchets, pistols, bowie-knives, Chinese swords, and many others. 
There were forty-five weapons in all, I think, concealed about their persons in all kinds of 
ways. The interpreter testified in that case, and half an hour after leaving the Court-room he 
was brought back, shot, and cut with hatchets. He was terribly mutilated, and lived only a 
few moments after being brought to the station-house. The murderers were arrested, but 
attempted to prove an alibi, and had a host of Chinese witnesses present for that purpose. 
Although there were some hundreds of Chinese present at the time of the murder, the prosecu- 
tion was forced to rely upon the evidence of a few white men who chanced to see the deed com- 
mitted. We were opposed at every turn by the Chinamen and the Chinese companies. As a 
general thing it is utterly impossible to enforce the laws with any certainty against those people, 
while they will themselves use our laws to persecute innocent men who have gained their 
enmity. They seem to have no ideas concerning the moral obligation of an oath, and care not 
for our form of swearing. 

Lem Schaum, a Christian Chinaman, testifies as follows : (Evi- 
dence, p. 139.) 

Q. — Do you know anything about notices of rewards being posted up in Chinese quarters in 
San Francisco or here, for the punishment of certain men — a notice of this kind : Five hundred 
dollars or six hundred dollars will be given for the assassination or murder of some Chinaman. 

A. — I do. That is a Chinese custom. When members of a company do anything against 
the rules of that company they are punished. Suppose one member of a company comes to 
me and says : " Go and steal a woman from a Chinaman," and I do so for him. Because I 
favor him, his enemies prove I stole the woman, and put up a reward of five hundred or one 
thousand dollars to have me killed. That is the way they do. 

Q. — Do they post those rewards up publicly ? 

A. — I think not ; I think they do that in secret. 

Q. — Has it been your experience that those secret judgments are carried into execution? 

A. — * « Every time. 


Q. — Almost every time a judgment is entered that a man shall die, and they offer so much 
money to have him killed, the man is killed ? 

A. — Exactly. 

Q. — They take every advantage? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — That is regarded as a death sentence ? 

A. — Yes, sir. The man knows he has to die, but gets out of the way if he can. 

Q. — That makes it difficult for any Chinamen, if they are disposed, to protect women? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — If a Chinaman takes a woman to the mission, that sort of a reward will be offered? 

A. — Yes, sir; most likely. 

Q. — Do you know of their custom of settling cases that get into the Courts? For instance, 
a Chinaman is arrested for kidnaping one of these women. Do you know anything about their 
settljiig that among themselves and keeping the testimony away from the Courts ? 

A. — I believe they do that. 

Q. — They have some sort of a tribunal in which they settle this thing for themselves ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Have they a tribunal which punishes for offenses against their customs? 

A. — Yes, sir. For instance, suppose I should march myself out and kill a Chinaman. I am 
brought before the company and made to pay a fine. They take the money and send it back 
to the family of the killed party to support his mother. 

Q. — If you kill a member of the See-yup Company, the See-yup Company will determine, 
through this tribunal, that you shall j>ay so much money? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Suppose you pay that money ? 

A.— Then I will be all right. 

Q. — They would not try to punish you by law ? 

A. — No, sir. 

Q. — Suppose you refuse to pay the money ? 

A. — I must go through the American Courts. 

Mr. Ellis, Chief of Police for San Francisco, testifies as follows : 
(Evidence, p. 112.) 

Q. — "What are the difficulties in the way of enforcing laws in cases where the Chinese are 
concerned ? 

A. — The Chinese will swear to anything, according to orders. Their testimony is so unre- 
liable that they cannot be believed. 

Q. — What is the greatest difficulty in the way of suppressing prostitution and gambling ? 

A. — To suppress these vices would require a police force so great that the city could not stand 
the expense. It is difficult to administer justice, because we do not understand their language, 
and thus all combine to defeat the laws. 

Q. — What is their custom of settling cases among themselves, and then refusing to furnish 
testimony ? 

A. — It is generally believed to be true that the Chinese have a Court of arbitration where 
they settle differences. 

Q.— After this settlement is made, is it possible to obtain testimony from the Chinese ? 

A. — If in secret they determine to convict a Chinaman, or to acquit him, that judgment is 
carried out. In a great many cases I believe they have convicted innocent men through per- 
jured evidence. 

Mr. Davis Louderback, for several years past Judge of the Police 
Court of San Francisco, testifies as follows : (Evidence, p. 93.) 

Q. — What do you know about the habits, customs, and social and moral status of the Chinese 
population of this city ? 

A. — I think they are a very immoral, mean, mendacious, dishonest, thieving people, as a 
general thing. 

Q. — What are the difficulties in the way of the administration of justice where they are con- 
cerned ? 

A. — As witnesses, their veracity is of the lowest degree. They do not appear to realize the 
sanctity of an oath, and it is difficult to enforce the laws, where they are concerned, for that 
reason. They are very apt, in all cases and under all circumstances, to resort to perjury and 
the subornation of perjury. They also use our criminal law to reyenge themselves upon their 
enemies, and malicious prosecutions are frequent. 

Mr. Charles Wolcott Brooks, for sixteen years Japanese Consul in 
San Francisco, and one of the attaches of the Japanese Embassy to 
the Great Powers, testifies (Evidence, p. 37) that one of the great 


difficulties about this immigration "is the organization of a foreign 
hostile force within the territory of the United States. It is a very 
difficult thing, however, to tell how you are going to administer jus- 
tice when Chinese tribunals of that kind exist. It is practically 
impossible. The Chinese are very deceitful, and that very deceit is 
an indication of a weaker race. A weak man makes up in lying 
what he lacks in strength. They feel that weakness, and they con- 
ceal it by strategy and deceit." 
And, again : (Evidence, p. 38.) 

The Chinese are bad for us, because they do not assimilate and cannot assimilate with our 
people. They are a race that cannot mix with other races, and we don't wish them to. The 
Chinese are bad for us, because they come here without their families. Families are the centers 
of all that is elevating in mankind, yet here Ave have a very large Chinese male population. 
The Chinese females that are here make this element more dangerous still. 

And, again : (Evidence, pp. 42 and 43.) 

Q. — Do you think that they (the Chinese) have any particular love for our institutions? 

A. — I don't think they have any at all. They come purely as a matter of gain — as a matter 
of dollars and cents. If it is profitable, they will come. If it is not profitable, they will not 
come. The very fact of their retaining their own dress and customs, and keeping themselves 
so entirely separate, as a people, shows that they have not. Contrast them with the Japanese. 
The Japanese who go abroad are persons who have money to spend, and they go for pleasure 
and information. They adopt the manners and customs of Americans. Our dress and our 
language they seek. The Chinese come abroad, not to spend, but to accumulate. They main- 
tain their own customs and language. The Japanese like our institutions. The Chinese do 
not, but hate us most cordially, and hate the Japanese more than any other people — a hate 
which is as cordially returned by the Japanese. There is nothing in common between them. 
In eighteen hundred and forty-two, the population of China was four hundred and thirteen 
million two hundred and sixty-seven thousand and thirty. That is the latest census that I 
have any account of. 

Q. — Japan is a young, growing country ? 

A. — Yes, sir. Compared with China, it is like comparing a young, growing nation with an 
old, dying one. It is generally supposed that they are the same race; but this is not so. They 
are of absolutely different origin, and there is no sympathy, no similarity between them. They 
are an enterprising people. I think that the Japanese are of Turkish blood; of the same race 
as the Turks or Arabians. 


The Chinese have, through certain guilds or companies, established 
a peculiar, but revolting, kind of slavery upon the Pacific Coast. 
Hundreds of Chinese women are bought and sold at prices ranging 
from three to eight hundred dollars. These women are compelled 
to live as prostitutes for the pecuniary profit of their owners ; they 
are under constant and unceasing surveillance; they are cruelly 
beaten if they fail to make money for their owners ; and they are 
left to starve and die uncared for when they become sick or unprofit- 
able. The great majority of these slaves do not know that they 
have rights, though they would be glad to escape if they could. 
Sometimes they wish to marry and escape with their chosen husband, 
but they are speedily kidnaped and returned to their owners. 

Sometimes their owners invoke the aid of our Courts, arrest the 
Chinese who seek to marry these women, upon some criminal charge, 
and keep them in prison until they obtain possession of the women, 
when the prosecution is suffered to go by default. Warrants are 
easily procured for these purposes, because our officers are ignorant 
of the Chinese language, and because of the extraordinary cunning 
of the Chinamen who control this business. And thus these women 
are held in slavery for life without hope of relief. 


We do not charge the better classes of the Chinese, or the six 
companies, with complicity in this crime, and we are confident that 
they desire the suppression of this evil. It is evident, therefore, that 
this form of slavery is sustained by an organization which is all- 
powerful as against the six companies, and the municipal and State 
governments of California. 

The Rev. Otis Gibson, a clergyman of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, formerly a missionary to China, and now at the head of the 
Chinese Mission of that church in the City of San Francisco, testifies 
as follows: (Evidence, p. 33.) 

The women as a general thing are held as slaves (referring to the Chinese women in this 
State). They are bought or stolen in China and brought here. They have a sort of agreement, 
to cover up the slavery business, but it is all a sham. That paper makes the girl say that she 
owes you four hundred dollars or so, passage money and outfit from China, and has nothing to 
pay. I being the girl, this man comes up and offers to lend me the money to pay you if I will 
agree to serve him, to prostitute my body at his pleasure, wherever he shall put me, for four, 
five, or six years. For that promise of mine, made on the paper, he hands him the four hun- 
dred dollars, and I pay the debt I owe you according to contract. It is also put in the contract 
that if I am siek fifteen days no account shall be taken of that, but if I am sick more than that 
I shall make up double. If I am found to be pregnant within a month, you shall return the 
money and take me again. If I prove to have ejrilepsy, leprosy, or am a stone woman, the 
same thing is done. 

Q. — Are these contracts regarded as moral among the people who make them ? 

A. — Well, there is a certain class of knaves among Chinamen who have no morals at all. 

Q. — These contracts are sustained by the great mass of Chinamen here, are they not? 

A. — I think there is in existence now — there has been — a company of men engaged in this 
traffic of women ; not the six companies, but a guild like the Washing Company. They have 
their rules and their regulations, and they stand by each other. One of those companies is 
•called the Hip-ye-tong. When a Chinaman runs away with a woman from one of these 
brothels and marries her, he is followed by these companies, and asked to pay them her value, 
or look out for the consequences. It is a common thing for them to use the processes of our 
Courts to protect their interests — their assumed rights. If a woman escapes from a brothel, she 
is arrested for some crime, and possession is obtained in that way. Where she marries, the 
chances are that both man and woman will be arrestedj or the man will be arrested and the 
woman run off to same other place. Sometimes Chinese come to me to get married. I don't 
•care to marry them, and, to discourage it, have set my price at ten dollars, whereas the Justices' 
fees are only two dollars. They seem to have a sort of indefinite and unreasonable idea of pro- 
tection when they come to me. 

Q. — You used the term "stone woman." What do you understand by that? 

A. — I did not know, and asked them. They said it was a woman so naturally disabled, that 
a man could not have any intercourse with her. 

Q. — Then, so far as the women are concerned, they are in slavery, with more hard features 
than have been known to white races ? 

A. — Yes, sir. And even after the term of prostitution service is up, the owners so manage as 
to have the women in debt more than ever, so that their slavery becomes life-long. There is no 
release from it. 

Q. — When these people become sick and helpless, what becomes of them ? 

A. — They are left to die. 

Q. — No care taken of them ? 

A. — Sometimes, where the women have friends. 

Q. — Don't the companies take care of them? 

A. — Not frequently. 

Q. — Is it not a frequent thing that they are put out on the sidewalk to die, or in some room 
without water or food ? 

A. — I have heard of such things. I don't know. I don't think they are kind; I think they 
are very unkind to the sick. Sometimes the women take opium to kill themselves. They 
do not know they have any rights, but think they must keep their contracts, and believe them- 
selves under obligations to serve in prostitution. 

Q. — What is their treatment? Is it harsh? 

A. — They have come to the asylum all bruises. They are beaten and punished cruelly if 
they fail to make money. When they become worn out and unable to make any more money, 
they are turned out to die. 

The Rev. A. W. Loomis, a Presbyterian clergyman at the head of 
the Chinese Mission established by his church in San Francisco, 
says: (Evidence, pp. 55 and 56.) 


These Chinawomen that you see on the streets here were hrought for the accommodation of 
white people, not for the accommodation of Chinese ; and if you pass along the streets where 
they are to be found, you will see that they are visited not so much by Chinese as by others — 
sailors and low people. The women are in a condition of servitude. Some of them are 
inveigled away from home under promise of marriage to men here, and some to be secondary 
wives, while some are stolen. They are sold here. Many women are taken from the Chinese 
owners and are living as wives and secondary wives. Some have children, and these children 
are legitimate. 

Q. — These women engaged in prostitution are nothing more than slaves to them? 

A. — Yes, sir; and every one would go home to-day if she were free and had her passage paid. 

Q. — They are not allowed to release themselves from that situation, are they? 

A. — I think they are under the surveillance of men and women, so that they cannot get away. 
They would fear being caught and sold again, and carried off to a condition even worse than 

Q. — Are not the laws here used to restrain them from getting away — are they not arrested for 
crime ? 

A. — Oh, yes. They will trump up a case, have the woman arrested, and bring people to 
swear what they want. In this way they manage to get possession of her again. 

Q. — Have they at any time interfered with the women brought to your mission? 

A. — We have not at our mission, but I think Mr. Gibson has had interference from them. 

Q. — -Do you know what they do with the women when they become sick and useless? 

A. — I do not know. I have seen some on the street that looked in bad condition, and I have 
heard of their being abandoned to die, but I have never seen any case of that kind. 

Q. — Do you know how they treat these people? 

A. — I understand they treat them very badly. Women have come to the Home with bruises- 
and marks of violence on their persons. I think their condition is a very hard one. 

Q. — Then it is a slavery which, from the very first, destroys body, soul, and everything else? 

A. — Yes, sir; and the women would be glad to escape from it if they knew they would be 

Mr. Alfred Clark, for nineteen years past connected with the 
police force of San Francisco, and for the last eight years Clerk of 
the Chief of Police, testifies as follows: (Evidence, p. 63.) 

In regard to the vice of prostitution, I have here a bill of sale of a Chinawoman, and a 
translation of the same. 

Witness submits a paper written in Chinese characters, and reads the translation, as follows : 

An agreement to assist the woman Ah Ho, because coming from China to San Francisco she 
became indebted to her mistress for passage. Ah Ho herself asks Mr. Yee Kwan to advance for 
her six hundred and thirty dollars, for which Ah Ho distinctly agrees to give her body to Mr. 
Yee for service of prostitution for a term of four years. There shall be no interest on the 
money. Ah Ho shall receive no wages. At the expiration of four years Ah Ho shall be her 
own master. Mr. Yee Kwan shall not hinder or trouble her. If Ah Ho runs away before her 
time is out, her mistress shall find her and return her, and whatever expense is incurred in 
finding and returning her, Ah Ho shall pay. On this day of agreement Ah Ho, with her own 
hands, has received from Mr. Yee Kwan six hundred and thirty dollars. If Ah Ho shall be 
sick at any time for more than ten days, she shall make up by an extra month of service for 
every ten days' sickness. Now this agreement has proof — this paper received by Ah Ho is 


Twelfth year, ninth month, and fourteenth day (about middle of October, eighteen hundred 
and seventy-three). 

The Chinese women are kept in confinement more by fear than by anything else. They 
believe the contracts to be good and binding, and fear the consequences of any attempt at 

Mr. Clark was recalled, and testified as follows : (Evidence, p. 69.) 

Q. — Suppose a Chinawoman escapes, what do the owners do? 

A. — Follow her and take her back. If they fail, they generally have her arrested for larceny, 
and get possession in that way. They use the processes of our Courts to keej) these women in 
a state of slavery. They do not let them get out of their clutches, however, if they can help 
it, for they know that there is no legal way of reclaiming them. When they become sick and 
helpless, there are instances where they have~been turned out to die. The bones of women are 
not returned to China, as are the bones of the men. The six companies do not control this- 
woman business; it is under the management of an independent company, called the Hip-ye- 
tong. Whether they import the women or not, I don't know, but they look after affairs here. 
A Chinaman married a woman at Gibson's, and after the marriage received notice that he must 
pay for the woman or be dealt with according to the Chinese custom. He was made to believe 


that he would suffer personally if he did not comply with their demands. Acting upon 
information, we arrested a number of them, and got some of their books, which we had trans- 
lated. On the rolls, I think there were one hundred and seventy women. Seven or eight 
Chinamen were arrested, but all the witnesses we could get for the prosecution did not exceed 
three or four, and no conviction was had. 

He also produced other "bills of sale" similar to the one above 
quoted, which had been taken by the police. 

Mr. Andrew McKenzie, a local officer, testifies as follows: (Evi- 
dence, p. 89.) 

Q. — How are Chinese women held here ? 

A. — I think Mr. Rogers can inform you on that point better than I can. He was employed 
hy the Chinese up at the barricoon. * * * * * * * * * * * 

Q. — What do you mean by barricoon? 

A. — A place where women coming from the ships are placed. It is underneath the joss- 
house or the old theatre fronting on St. Louis Alley, and running to Dupont Street. They are 
kept there until apportioned out. 

Q. — Is it not a notorious fact that these Chinese prostitutes are held as slaves, subject to the 
pleasure of their owners ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Wong Ben, a Chinaman in the service of the San Francisco police 
force, testifies as follows : (Evidence, p. 100.) 

Q. — Who bring the Chinese women here? 

A. — Wong Fook Soi, Bi Chee, An Geo, and Wong Woon. 

Q. — What do these men do ? 

A. — They keep gambling-houses and houses of prostitution. 

Q. — To what company do these men belong ? 

A. — An Geo belongs to the See-yup Company ; Wong Woon to the Sam-yup Company. That 
fellow has got lots of money. He buys women in China for two hundred dollars or three hun- 
dred dollars, and brings them out here and sells them for eight hundred or nine hundred 
dollars, to be prostitutes. 

Q. — How do they get those women in China ? 

A. — In Tartary. They are "big feet" women, and are sometimes bought for ninety dollars. 
When they bring them out here they sell them for nine hundred dollars. 

Q. — What do they do with them ? 

A. — They make them be prostitutes. If they don't want to be prostitutes they make them be. 

Q. — Can they get away ? 

A. — No, sir. 

Q. — What do they do with them when they get sick and cannot work any longer ? 

A. — They don't treat them well at all. They don't take as much cai-e of them, whether they 
are sick or well, as white people do a dog. Chinawomen in China are treated first rate, but in 
California these "big feet" women are treated worse than dogs. 

Mr. Bovee testifies as follows : (Evidence, p. 108.) 

Q. — Are these prostitutes bought and sold and held in bondage ? 

A. — Yes ; that has always been my idea. 

Q. — How do they treat their sick and helpless ? 

A. — I have seen them thrown out on the street and on the sidewalk, and I have seen them 
put into little rooms without light, bedding, or food. They were left to die. 

Q. — What opportunities have these women to escape, if they should desire ? 

A. — I don't see that they have any at all, for where a woman escapes a reward is offered and 
she is brought back. Where they can get her in no other way they use our Courts. 

Charles P. O'Neil, an officer of the Sacramento police force, testi- 
fies as follows : (Evidence, p. 115.) 

Q. — Do you know how these women are held — whether they are owned by anybody, or 
whether anybody claims to own them? 

A. — Only from hearsay. I have heard them (the Chinamen) frequently say that they 
bought them. On one occasion I was called into a Chinese house, and there saw four hundred 
and fifty dollars pass between a woman and a man. They wanted me to be a witness to the 
fact, and I witnessed it. Some time afterwards the woman told me that her boss had sold her 

• 24 

for four hundred and fifty dollars. That was the contract I witnessed, but it being in Chinese 
I did not understand it at the time. The woman soon after committed suicide. She did not 
like this man to whom she had been sold, and committed suicide by drowning. From my 
experience as an officer, I know that these women are kept under close surveillance. 

Q. — Is it possible for them to escape, or is there any reasonable probability that any of them 
could escape from that servitude? 

A. — Kb; not without they are protected by the white people. I have known them to 
attempt to escape, and have known them to have been sent for and brought back. To do this 
they use different means, principally money. They use, also, the machinery of tbe American 
Courts to enforce these contracts, it being customary to have these women arrested for larceny 
or some crime, in order to get the more secure possession of them. In the prevention of this 
thing the principal difficulty lies in the fact that we don't understand their language. "We do 
not know what they are getting at, and they will tell such well concocted stories that it is 
almost impossible to get at the truth as we can with white persons. A Chinaman has a right 
to go before a magistrate and make out that a crime has been committed by a person, and a 
magistrate, having no means of ascertaining the truth, must issue his warrant. 

This officer also testifies that these women are kept closely con- 
fined, and are often beaten ; that when one of them became sick or 
helpless they are turned out to die. 

Mat. Karcher, for many years Chief of Police for Sacramento City, 
testifies : (Evidence, p. 131.) 

Q. — Do you know what they do with their sick when they become helpless and unable to 
make more money ? 

A. — Put them in some out-house, or on the sidewalk, to die. 

Q. — Without food or bedding? 

A. — Generally. I have found men and women, both, in that condition. I have found them 
by accident, while hunting for other things — stolen goods, criminals, etc. 

Q. — You found women without food or drink, and without covering ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — And death would have come from disease or starvation, or both ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Is that the common way of disposing of these women when they become useless ? 

A. — Yes, sir, if not the only wa}% 

Q. — They are less cared for than are useless domestic animals by the white race ? 

A. — A great deal less. 

And, again, Mr. Karcher testifies : (Evidence, p. 128.) 

A. — Where one is young and good looking, and makes plenty of money, she is well treated. 
Those who are unable to make much are treated very badly. 

Q. — How young are the youngest that you know of as being held? 

A. — I have seen them as young as fifteen years. 

Q. — Wbat chance have they to escape from this life, if they desire? 

A. — Thev have very little chance. 

Q.— Why is that ? 

A. — Because the Chinese will swear to almost anything, and if one is taken away by another 
she is simply run off to another locality to be sold into slavery again. Sometimes the farce of 
marrying is gone through with in order to get the woman, who may be beyond their reach. 
As soon as the newly-made husband gets possession of his bride, he turns her over to her 
former owners. 

Q. — Do you know of cases where they have had Chinamen arrested and convicted of crime 
simply because they have interfered with them? 

A.— Yes, sir. The arresting officer and the District Attorney have to be very careful lest 
they be made the instruments of sending innocent men to State Prison. 

Mr. Dufheld, an officer of the San Francisco police force, testifies 
as follows: (Evidence, p. 80.) 

Q. — How many families are there among the Chinese? 

A. — Very few. I bave never seen a decent, respectable Chinawoman in my life. 

Q. — What is the understanding here in regard to the manner in which these women are held? 

A. — They are held in bondage, bought and sold. I have had bills of sale translated by Gibson. 

Q. — Is it possible for these women to escape from that life, even if they desire it? 

A. — Sometimes the Chief of Police can give some protection, but it is customary for the 
owners to charge them with crimes in order to get possession of them again. Sometimes they 
kidnap them, and even unscrupulous white men have been found to assist them. 


Q. — Do you know what they do with them when they become sick and helpless? 
A. — They put them out on the street to die. I have had charge of the dead myself, on the 
street. I have seen sick and helpless women turned out in that way. 

Lem Schaum, an intelligent Chinaman, a convert to Christianity, 
educated by Mr. Rowle and the Revs. Drs. Moore and Gamble, of 
Oakland, in this State, testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 136 and 

Q. — Do you know how these bad women are brought here? 

A. — They are stolen and bought in China, and brought here the same as we buy and sell 

Q. — Their condition is a very horrible one, then? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Do you know how they are treated? 

A. — Yes, sir. The parties who own them generally treat them pretty roughly. If they don't 
go ahead and make money the owners will give them a good thrashing. 

Q. — Is it not veiy common, when those women try to get away, for the people who own them 
to have them arrested for larceny, and things of that kind? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — They are held by fear of punishment if they try to escape? 

A. — Exactly. 

Q. — There are cases where Chinamen have cut them all to pieces with knives for running 
away, are there not ? 

A. — I never have seen any, but this is what I have heard. 

Q.— They torture them ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Do they buy and sell these women here ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — And hold them in slavery ? 

A. — Exactly. 

Mr. Oliver Jackson, a Sacramento police officer, testifies as follows : 
(Evidence, p. 143.) 

Q. — Do you know how these Chinese prostitutes are held — whether in slavery or not? 

A. — I think they are all held in slavery. They are all bought and sold the same as horses and 
cows, bringing prices according to age and beauty. 

Q. — Do you know how they are treated? 

A. — As slaves, and punished as the owners may choose. 

Q. — What sort of punishments are inflicted ? 

A. — I do not know, only from hearsay. 

Q. — What chance have these women to escape if they should so desire? 

A. — Very little chance. Where they do get away they are generally caught and brought 
back to the owners again. 

Q. — Do they resort to the processes of our Courts in order to recover women who have escaped ? 

A. — Yes, sir; in a great many cases to my knowledge. They will swear out a warrant for 
her arrest for grand larceny or some felony. Sometimes it is sworn out against the man who 
has her, and sometimes against both. As soon as they get possession of the woman, they trifle 
with the cases until they fall through. It is almost impossible for a woman to escape. 

Q. — Do you know what is done with these women when they become sick, helpless and 
incurably diseased? 

A. — Where they see that they will be of no further use to make money, they turn them out 
on the sidewalk to die. I have seen men and women also turned out to die in this manner. I 
have found dead men while searching for stolen property, and have had the Coroner attend to 


We now come to an aspect of the question more revolting still. 
We would shrink from the disgusting details did not a sense of duty 
demand that they be presented. Their lewd women induce, by the 
cheapness of their offers, thousands of boys and young men to enter 
their dens, very many of whom are innoculated with venereal diseases 
of the worst type. Boys of eight and ten years of age have been 



found with this disease, and some of our physicians treat a half 
dozen cases daily. The fact that these diseases have their origin 
chiefly among the Chinese is well established. 

The Hon. w . J. Shaw, a distinguished citizen of this State, whose 
opportunities for investigation have been ample, declares (Evidence, 
p. 16) : " That prostitution in China is not regarded as a disgrace, but is 
regarded as a profession or calling. That the condition of the lower 
classes is as near that of brutes as can be found in any human soci- 
ety." Indeed, the Chinese appear to have very little appreciation of 
the weaker sex. Says Mr. Shaw (Evidence, p. 16): "It is no rare 
occurrence when a girl is born to place it on the street and abandon 
it to its fate." And, again, (Evidence, p. 19) : " The women in China 
occupy the same position as in most parts of Asia — virtually slaves; 
mere creatures, to pander to the wishes of the males, and promote 
their happiness." And Mr. Charles Wolcott Brooks, who, from his 
position, opportunities and ability, is high authority upon this topic, 
observes (Evidence, p. 42): "That the population of China has been 
decreasing lately, caused, in a great measure, by the scarcity of 
women. They drown their females as we drown kittens." 

Dr. H. H. Toland, a man standing at the head of his profession, 
testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 103 and 104.) 

" I have practiced medicine in this State twenty-three years." 

Q. — And during that time have you had one of the leading positions, from a medical point of 
view, in this city ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — You are the founder of the " Toland Medical University ?" 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — A member of the San Francisco Board of Health ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Of what institution were you a graduate ? 

A. — Transylvania University, Kentucky, in eighteen hundred and thirty-two — one of the 
first Western universities that was established at Lexington, Kentucky. 

Q. — It has been stated that these Chinese houses of prostitution are open to small boys, and 
that a great many have been diseased. Do you know anything about that? 

A. — I know that is so. I have seen boys eight and ten years old with diseases they told xne 
they contracted on Jackson Street. It is astonishing how soon they commence indulging in that 
passion. Some of the worst cases of syphilis I have ever seen in my life occur in children not 
more than ten or twelve years old. They generally try to conceal their condition from their 
parents. They come to me and I help screen it from their parents, and cure them without com- 
pensation. Sometimes parents, unaware of what is the matter, bring their boys to me, and I do 
all I can to keep the truth from them. 

Q. — Are these cases of frequent occurrence ? 

A. — Yes, sir. You will find children from twelve to fifteen that are often diseased. In con- 
sequence of neglect, they finally become the worst cases we have to treat. 

Q. — What effect will that have upon the health of the community, in the end? 

A. — It must have a bad effect, because a great many of these children get secondary syphilis, 
and it runs until it becomes almost incurable. Under the most favorable circumstances it takes 
a long time to eradicate it, but when it becomes constitutional, it is an exceedingly difficult 
thing to cure it. When they come to me for treatment, they sometimes have secondary 
syphilis; sometimes chancre ; sometimes a tertiary form. Under most favorable circumstances 
it takes two or three years to eradicate syphilis. 

Q. — Unless you have complete control of the patient for that time, is it not certain that the 
seeds of the disease remain in the system through life? 

A. — It destroys life. I can show a dozen cases in the County Hospital, where, if they 
recover, it will be after a long course of treatment, and some of them will not recover at all. 
The whole system becomes poisoned and debilitated. They are so diseased, and the system is so 
exhausted, perhaps by a big sore, or something of that sort, that they cannot be cured. 

Q. — When syphilis assumes a secondary and tertiary form, what effect will it have upon the 
children of such persons ? 

A. — The disease is hereditary, and will be transmitted to the children. I have positive evi- 
dence of that in a family that I have been treating, where the children are diseased. The 
father had the disease when he married a healthy woman, and of three children born every 
one exhibited symptoms of syphilis. 


Q. — From your observation what would you say as to the effect it must have upon this com- 
munity if these Chinese prostitutes are allowed to remain in the country? 

A. — It will fill our hospitals with invalids, and I think it would be a very great relief to the 
younger portion of the community to get rid of them. 

Q.— Judge Hager says, when he was in the United States Senate, and endeavored to take 
some steps to prevent immigration of this people, he was met by the proposition that their 
coming to this country tended to advance Christian civilization, and the humanitarians of the 
East would not aid him for that reason. "What is your opinion ? 

A. — It does not tend to the advancement of Christian civilization, but it has the contrary 
effect. There is scarcely a single day that there are not a dozen young men come to my office 
with syphilis or gonorrhoea. A great many of them have not means to be treated properly 
and the disease runs on until it becomes constitutional: and in nine cases out of ten it is 
the ruin of them. I have treated a great many boys, and I have treated the parents. Some- 
times the parents would come, and after going through a course of treatment would bring their 

Mr. Pierson — To what extent do these diseases come from Chinese prostitutes ? 

A. — I suppose nine-tenths. "When these persons come to me I ask them where they got the 
disease, and they generally tell me that they have been with Chinawomen. They think diseases 
contracted from Chinawomen are harder to cure than those contracted elsewhere, so they tell 
me as a matter of self-protection. I am satisfied, from my experience, that nearly all the boys 
in town, who have venereal disease, contracted it in Chinatown. They have no difficulty there, 
for the prices are so low that they can go whenever they please. The women do not care how 
old the boys are, whether five years old or more, as long as they have money. 

Q. — Then the maintenance of this population in our midst, instead of advancing civilization, 
would seem to be a crime against it ? 

A. — That is my opinion. 

Mr. Donovan — Have you ever read or heard of any country in the world where there were 
so many children diseased as there are in San Francisco? 

A. — N"o, sir. I lived in a town of one hundred and fifty or two hundred students, and we 
had not many public houses, but the students were not near so diseased, in proportion to their 
number, as are the boys here in this city. 

Mr. Raymond — Can you approximate the number of boys affected here during any given 

A. — I cannot tell exactly, because my attention has not been particularly directed to it; but 
I treat half a dozen every day in the year of three hundred and sixty-five days. 

Q. — Is not that a fearful condition of things? 

A. — It is most frightful. Generally they are improperly treated, and the syphilis or gonor- 
rhoea runs on from week to week until stricture results, and that is almost as bad as constitu- 
tional syphilis, because it requires a long time to cure it. 

Mr. Gibbs, Chairman of the Committee on San Francisco Hos- 
pitals, testifies as follows: (Evidence, p. 88.) 

There are many cases of young men in the hospital suffering from syphilis contracted in the 
Chinese quarter. 

Mr. David C. Woods testifies as follows : (Evidence, p. 113.) 

Mr. Haymond — How long have you resided in this State? 

A. — Twenty-five years, off and on. 

Q. — What position do you hold? 

A. — Superintendent of the Industrial School. 

Q. — How long have you occupied that position? 

A. — Two years and three months. 

Q. — Do you know anything about the effect the presence of a large Chinese population has 
upon the boys that are growing up here? 

A. — I think it has a very bad effect. I find that the larger proportion of boys who come to 
the school, large enough to cohabit with women, are afflicted with venereal diseases. 

Q. — How many boys are usually in that school? 

A. — One hundred and eighty, on an average. 

Q. — What proportion do you think are affected with that disease? 

A. — I think that, during the time I have been there, fifty have come with venereal diseases. 

Q. — Do you attribute that to the presence of Chinese prostitutes in this city? 

A. — They tell me so themselves. I question them, and they say they got it in Chinatown ? 

Q. — What are the ages of those boys? 

A. — We have had them as young as thirteen, with gonorrhoea; they have all sorts of venereal 
diseases. There is no time that I have had less than two or four down with them. 

Mr. Karcher testifies as follows: (Evidence, p. 131.) 


Q. — Would boys be liable to visit the houses of white prostitutes ? 

A. — They would not be so liable. 

Q.— Why is that? 

A. — The prices are higher, and boys of that age will not take the liberties with white women 
that they do in Chinatown. In addition to that, it can be said on behalf of the white women 
that they would not allow boys of ten, eleven, or fourteen years of age to. enter their houses. 
No such cases have ever been reported to the jDolice, while the instances where Chinese women 
have enticed these youths are very frequent. Some three years ago two boys, one thirteen and 
the other fifteen, were taken from a Chinese house of prostitution and brought to the station- 
house. One belonged here and the other to San Francisco. I met the San Francisco boy about 
a month afterwards, and found him suffering from a loathsome disease, which he said he con- 
tracted in that house. 

Dr. Shorb, a graduate of the University of Pennsylvania, and a 
member of the Board of Health of the City of San Francisco, fully 
corroborates the testimony of Dr. Toland. All physicians agree that 
the result must be a marked increase of disease in the generation to 

The people of California are thus compelled to endure a form of 
slavery more obnoxious than any hitherto known in the history of 
the world, and we are more helpless in this connection than the Col- 
onies of England which are allowed to govern their internal affairs 
without interference from the home government. 


The Pacific Coast has become a Botany Bay to which the criminal 
classes of China are brought in large numbers, and the people of 
this coast are compelled to endure this affliction. We do not claim 
that all the Chinese belong to the criminal classes, for many well- 
behaved people are found among them. There are various grades of 
character among these people : The merchants and business men, 
who are often worthy of high esteem ; the cooks and house-servants, 
who are often bright and trustworthy ; a class of laborers who are 
diligent, a class of laborers who are extremely dishonest, and a large 
number of professional thieves and fighters. 

We are confident that the criminal class outnumber the others in 
the proportion of seven to one. These criminal classes entail upon 
our city, county, and State governments an expense that we are not 
able to bear — indeed, an adequate effort to meet the necessities of the 
situation would bankrupt our treasuries. Our police force, our con- 
stabulary, and the machinery of our judicial system, are over- 
whelmed by the pressure of these necessities without ascertainable 
advantage to our people. 

An additional and very heavy expense is imposed upon our people 
by the care of their sick, who are invariably cast into the streets and 
abandoned by their companions. A further expense is laid upon 
our people by their refusal to conform to our fire ordinances ; indeed, 
our cities and villages are in constant danger of extensive conflagra- 
tions by reason of their mode of living. 

And while these people entail upon us these heavy expenses they 
evade the payment of taxes to an extent not tolerated in any other 
country. They contribute nothing to the support of our hospitals, 
and the cost of maintaining the Chinese in our State Prison is in 
excess of the whole amount of property taxes paid by the Chinese 
population. And yet we have no means of knowing whether these 
convicts in our prisons are justly imprisoned or the victims of the 
malice of their own countrymen. 


We claim that these facts, proved by the evidence of good men, 
show a condition of affairs which threaten, in time, to undermine 
the foundations of the Republic within the scope of country now 
occupied by the Chinese. 

Upon the "topics last referred to, we may be pardoned if we call the 
attention of Congress to some of the evidence taken before this com- 

Mr. F. F. Low, a distinguished citizen who has held many posi- 
tions of honor and trust under the State and Federal Government, 
among which have been that of Governor of California, Representa- 
tive in Congress, and Minister to China, says: (Evidence, p. 5.) 

That the immigration comes, with but slight exceptions, from the single Province of Can- 
ton, and that it is of the lowest class. 

The Rev. Otis Gibson (Evidence, p. 27,) testifies as follows: 

Q. — From what class is our Chinese immigration ? 

A. — From the lowest class. 

Q. — By that you mean laborers. 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Do you mean, degraded in a moral sense? 

A. — I think they are the lowest class of people. Most of the Chinese who come to this 
country are ignorant — very. I do not think there is one in five that can read a page of a book, 
and not one in ten that can read a small tract, or book, or newspaper through intelligently. 
Nearly all of them can read the signs over the stores ; nearly all can do that much reading, but 
to take a book and read it they cannot do it. 

Mr. W. J. Shaw says : (Evidence, p. 19.) 

Regarding their honesty, I can mention this fact, which may interest the committee : I was 
assured by all the merchants with whom I conversed on the subject in the towns that I visited 
in China, where there are foreign merchants residing, that nobody hired a Chinese servant 
without taking a bond from some responsible person that he would be responsible for any 
thefts that servant might perpetrate. It was considered there, among those with whom I con- 
versed on the subject, that Chinamen are so constituted that they must sooner or later steal 
something. It is their nature. Consequently they are not trusted in any house until they 
bring their bondsmen. When thefts are committed, and they are not of rare occurrence, the 
bondsmen pay for the things stolen. As far as I know and heard, no one thought of hiring a 
servant without taking a bond to meet any deficiency caused by theft. 

Mr. Altemeyer, an old resident of San Francisco, and a member of 
the firm of Einstein Brothers & Co., boot and shoe manufacturers, a 
firm that at one time employed from three to five hundred China- 
men, testifies as follows: (Evidence, p. 50.) 

Q. — Have you any contract for recompense for anything they steal ? 

A. — Yes, sir. It is to the effect that in case a man is dishonest, or steals anything, the agent 
shall be responsible. 

Q. — Have you found them dishonest ? 

A. — I have, in several instances. 

Q. — Are they honest or dishonest, as a rule ? 

A. — They will bear close watching. I think they will take things whenever they can get a 

Q. — Has not your company compelled the Chinese company to make up losses amounting to 
four thousand dollars or five thousand dollars, from your Hayes Street establishment ? 

A. — Yes, sir; we made the contractors pay for all the goods we did not find. I think we 
made them pay one thousand dollars. They found a good many of the goods themselves and 
returned them to us. The goods were found in the boarding and lodging-houses. 

Q. — From what you know about Chinamen would you, under any circumstances, be willing 
to trust them without watching ? 

A. — No, sir. 


Captain R. H. Joy, of Liverpool, and master of the British steamer 
Crocus, testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 76, 77, and 78.) 

Q. — "When did you arrive in California? 

A. — Two days ago. I came here in command of the British steamer Crocus. 

Q.- — Did you bring any Chinese passengers? 

A. — Yes, sir; eight hundred and eighty-two. 

Q. — What is the character of these people? 

A. — They do not hold a very good character in their own country. They were not so much 
trouble, however, as the papers have represented. The accounts as published were highly 
enibellished. We had a little trouble at first, but very soon stopped that. 

Q. — Is this class a desirable one for any country to have? 

A. — I don't think it is, because of the low moral condition of the people. 

Q. — Have you been in Australia? 

A. — I have. 

Q. — How are the Chinese treated there ? 

A. — Not very well. The inhabitants found that they were being crowded out by the Chinese, 
and have commenced driving them from the country. Large numbers are leaving. I brought 
two hundred and forty from Singapore, where they came from Australia in the Brisbane. I 
left them at Hongkong. 

Q. — As an Englishman, what would you think if they were to overrun your country? 

A. — It would behoove the Englishmen to drive them out. 

Q.— Why? 

A. — They work for low wages, and they are not the class of people that we would like to 
h ave in our own country. 

Q. — Why is it they can work for lower wages? 

A. — They can live cheaper. A handful of rice, with water, will suffice for their meals. 

Mr. Haymond — How do their morals compare with those of the English working classes? 

A. — They are very much lower in every way. 

Q. — What effect, do you think, the introduction of thirty thousand or forty thousand China- 
men into an English city would have? 

A. — Their standard is so much lower, I don't think they would be allowed in any English 
city, and I hope never to see that happen. 

Q. — In the vicinity of Canton, does an immense number of people live on the rivers? 

A. — Yes. A great many live in boats, following the occupation of fishermen, and working 
around the ships. 

Q. — What is the character of that people as law abiding citizens? 

A. — The Chinese Government is very rotten, and exercises but little control over these men. 
The mandarins levy as much tribute as they can on the people around them. I suppose they 
must pay, in their turn, to some higher authority. 

Q. — Are any of them engaged in piracy? 

A. — I would not like to say. 

Q. — What is the prevailing impression among seamen who visit that port, as a rule? 

A. — There are very many different ojDinions. The general opinion is not very favorable. 

Q. — How do these people compare with the same classes of English or German, about their 

A. — They are very much lower — far inferior. 

Q. — Are their cities and towns clean or dirty? 

A. — Very dirty, indeed. When one has been in a Chinese city once, he has no ambition to 
return to it again. 

Q. — Have you visited the Chinese quarters in Australia? 

A. — Yes, in Melbourne. 

Q. — How are they there? 

A. — Very dirty. Of course they are compelled to keep the streets clean, but that is as far as 
their cleanliness goes. I think the peojjle are driving them out, now. It is being done by the 
people themselves, not by the government. 

Q. — Are there many women imported to that country? 

A. — I never saw any women there at all. 

Q. — Do you think they would permit the landing of a ship load of prostitutes? 

A. — I think it is most certain that they would not. 


Bayard Taylor says of them in his work entitled " India, China, 
and Japan," published in eighteen hundred and fifty-five : 

It is my deliberate opinion that the Chinese are, morally, the most debased people on the 
face of the earth. Forms of vice, which in other countries are barely named, are in China so 
common that they excite no comment among the natives. They constitute the surface level, 


and below them are deeps and deeps of depravity so shocking and horible that their character 
cannot even be hinted. There are some dark shadows in human nature which we naturally 
shrink from penetrating, and I made no attempt to collect information of this kind ; but there 
was enough in the things which I could not avoid seeing and hearing — which are brought 
almost daily to the notice of every foreign resident — to inspire me with a powerful aversion to 
the Chinese race. Their touch is •pollution, and, harsh as the opinion may seem, justice to our 
own race demands that they should not be allowed to settle on our soil. Science may have lost 
something, but mankind has gained, by the exclusive policy which has governed China during 
the past centuries. 


Mr. D. J. Murphy, District Attorney of San Francisco, testifies : 
(Evidence, p. 83.) 

That from seven-tenths to eight-tenths of the Chinese population of San Francisco belong to 
the criminal classes. 

Chief of Police Ellis testifies: (Evidence, p. 111.) 

Q. — It is in testimony that there are about thirty thousand Chinese living in this city (San 
Francisco) the most of them residing in seven or eight blocks. Do you know what proportion 
of that population is criminal? 

A. — I should say that there are about one thousand five hundred or two thousand regular 

Q. — Including those who violate the city ordinances in relation to fires and health, and those 
who live off the wages of the criminal classes, what is the proportion ? 

A. — I think almost the entire population. 

Q. — Excluding from consideration the Chinese quarter, how are the laws and ordinances 
enforced in this city, as compared with other American cities ? 

A. — Favorably. 

Mr. Duffield (Evidence, p. 48,) testifies as follows : 

Q. — How is this population (Chinese) as to criminal propensities? 

A. — They are a nation of thieves. I have never seen one that would not steal. 

Q. — What is the proportion of criminals to the whole number ? What is the proportion of 
men who follow crime for a livelihood ? 

A. — I call a man who will steal a criminal. 

Q. — Then nearly all will be criminals ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Do you know anything of their spiriting away witnesses and compounding crimes? 

A. — Yes, sir. They will do it all the time — from the Presidents down. 

Q. — Have they some means of settling cases outside of Court ? 

A.— They all do it. 

Q. — And there is no means of getting testimony outside of the Chinese ? 

A. — No, sir. 

Q. — And they settle crimes whenever they can do so ? 

A. — Sometimes one company will prosecute another, but where they can settle for money, they 
will do it. 

Q. — Have they any regard for j ustiee here ? 

A. — No, sir ; not a bit. 

Q. — How does their testimony stand in the Courts? 

A. — They think no more of taking an oath than they do of eating rice. They have no 
regard for our oaths at all. Their own oaths they regard as sacred, and the only way you can 
get them to tell the truth is to cut off a rooster's head and burn China paper. They followed 
that system here in early days, but not lately. 

Q. — Is it not often the case that on a preliminary examination there is testimony enough to 
•convict a man, but when you come to the trial these same witnesses testify exactly the reverse, 
or else will not testify at all. 

A. — Yes, sir. 

John L. Durkee, Fire Marshal for twelve years past of San Fran- 
cisco, testifies as follows: (Evidence, p. 53.) 

Q. — What has been your experience with fires in the Chinese quarter? 

A. — They burn pretty badly. A fire in the Chinese quarter is very troublesome for the rea- 
son that there are so many partitions. Out of an ordinary room they will make two and three 

stories, and when a fire gets in there it is hard to get at it. They are the most careless people 
with fire that I ever saw in my life. There are as many fires there as in the balance of the 
city, and it is a miracle that there are not more. 

Q. — You have been through a great many of these buildings, have you not? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — How do they conform to the laws and ordinances of the Board of Supervisors in relation 
to the fire ordinances? 

A. — They don't conform at all. They are more trouble than all the white people put together. 

Q. — From what part of the United States did you come? 

A. — New York. 

Q. — How does the Chinese quarter here compare with the worst parts of New York of twenty- 
five years ago, in point of cleanliness? 

A. — I could not make the comparison — this is so infinitely filthier. I never saw a place so 
dirty and filthy as our Chinese quarter. 

Q. — Do you know the Globe Hotel, and its condition? 

A. — I have not been in it for some time, but when I was there, it was like the balance; prob- 
ably a little worse, if possible. 

Q. — How near to the City Hall have the Chinese extended their quarters? 

A.- — They are within sight and hearing distance all around here, and very close to the busi- 
ness part of town. Property around here is constantly depreciating in value, because of the 
approach of the Chinese. The whites cannot stand their dirt and the fumes of opium, and are 
compelled to leave their vicinity. This part of the city has grown Tery little in eight years, 
while other portions have grown very much. Houses occupied by Chinese are not fit for white 
occupation, because of the filth and stench. Chinamen violate the fire ordinances, and unless 
we catch them in the act we cannot convict. They all swear themselves clear. The only way 
I can account for our not having a great fire in the Chinese quarter is, that the wood is too filthy 
and too moist from nastiness to burn. It has too much dirt on it to catch fire. 


Mr. Badlam, Assessor of San Francisco, testifies: (Evidence, p. 

The population of San Francisco is about two hundred and fifty thousand, of that about 
thirty thousand are Chinese. The Chinese pay about one three-thousandths part of the taxes. 

The committee addressed circular letters to each County Assessor 
in the State, and from returns received, the assessed value of all 
property, real and personal, assessed to Chinese in this State, does not 
exceed one million five hundred thousand dollars. The rate of State 
tax is sixty-four cents on each one hundred dollars in value, and if 
the whole tax was paid, the revenue derived by the State from the 
property tax laid upon property held by Chinese would not exceed 
nine thousand six hundred dollars. 

The assessed value of all the property in the State is, in round 
numbers, six hundred million. 

The total population of the State is about seven hundred and fifty 
thousand, and the Chinese population is more than one-sixth of the 

The Chinese population, amounting to at least one-sixth of the 
whole population, pays less than one four-hundredth part of the rev- 
enue required to support the State Government. 

The State appropriates ten thousand dollars per month for the 
support of the State Prison, the earnings of the prisoners falling that 
much short of maintaining the prison. It will be seen that the net 
cost to the State for each prisoner is about thirty cents per day ; and 
this without taking into consideration the cost of prison buildings. 

The net cost to the State of keeping one hundred and ninety-eight 
Chinese prisoners in the State Prison is not less than than twenty- 
one thousand six hundred dollars per annum, a sum twelve thousand 
dollars in excess of the whole amount of the property tax collected 
from the Chinese population of the State. 



But we desire to call the attention of your honorable body to the 
sanitary aspect of the subject. The Chinese herd together in one 
spot, whether in city or village, until they transform the vicinage 
into a perfect hive — there they live packed together, an hundred 
living in a space that would be insufficient for an average American 

Their place of domicile is filthy in the extreme, and to a degree 
that cleansing is impossible except by the absolute destruction of the 
dwellings they occupy. But for the healthfulness of our climate our 
city populations would have long since been decimated by pestilence 
from these causes. And we do not know how long this natural pro- 
tection will suffice us. 

In almost every house is found a room devoted to opium, smoking, 
and these places are visited by white boys and women, so that the 
deadly opium habit is being introduced among our people. 

Leprosy, that scourge of eastern nations, exists among them to 
some extent, and may be greatly increased by immigration and con- 

Small-pox is domesticated among them by innoculation, and they 
are rarely free from the disease. 

Senator Lewis, a member of this Committee, who made a personal 
inspection of the Chinese quarter of San Francisco, testifies as fol- 
lows: (Evidence, p. 45.) 

" We went into places so filthy and dirty I cannot see how these people lived there. The 
fumes of opium, mingled with the odor arising from filth and dirt, made rather a sickening 
feeling creep over us. I would not go through that quarter again for anything in the world. 
The whole Chinese quarter is miserably filthy, and I think that the passage of an ordinance 
removing them from the city, as a nuisance, would be justifiable. I do not understand why a 
pestilence has not ere this raged there. It is probably owing to the fact that this is one of the 
most healthy cities in the world. The houses would be unfit for the occupation of white peo- 
ple, for I do not see how it would be possible to cleanse them, unless you burn up the whole 
quarter, and even then I doubt whether you can get rid of the filth." 

Officer Duffield (Evidence, p. 47,) testifies : 

Q. — Taking the Chinese quarter as a whole, is it as filthy as it can be? 

A. — Yes, sir. It cannot be much dirtier. 

Q. — Were you ever in New York City ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — Was there any part of that city, as it existed twenty years ago, that could be compared 
with the Chinese quarter? 

A. — No, sir. The Five Points could not be compared with it. The Chinese quarter is 
dirtier and filthier than the Five Points were. 

Mr. Supple testifies : (Evidence, p. 80.) 

They live in small places, more like hogs than human beings. 

Mr. Ellis, Chief of Police for San Francisco, testifies as follows : 
(Evidence, p. 111.) 

Q. — Are you acquainted with the Chinese quarter of this city ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — What is their condition in relation to cleanliness ? 

A. — Very foul and filthy. 



Q. — Do you know of any quarter of any American or Euroj)ean city that will compare with 
it for filth"? 
A. — No, sir. 


It may be suggested that a remedy for these evils can be found in 
action by the State Government, or the influence which well regu- 
lated society wields in its own defense. To this suggestion there are 
many conclusive answers. The City of San Francisco is one of the 
best governed cities in the world. Its police force is as able and 
efficient as any, and yet the concurrent testimony of its most expe- 
rienced and reliable officers is, that it is impossible to suppress or 
punish crimes committed by the Chinese population. This popula- 
tion is chiefly confined to seven or eight blocks. These blocks con- 
stitute homes of refuge for the criminal classes. Secret .tribunals, 
when arrests are made, interfere to protect the guilty and to punish 
the innocent. Our Courts swarm with Chinese witnesses, ready and 
willing to commit perjury to defeat the ends of justice. In the lan- 
guage of District Attorney Murphy : " Such witnesses, in most 
cases, raise by their testimony that doubt in the minds of jurors, 
which, under our system, requires an acquittal." We cannot in this 
community assume that a man is guilty and punish him. We must 
proceed according to the forms of law and establish guilt beyond a 
reasonable doubt. These are cardinal rules in the administration of 
criminal jurisprudence by all English speaking people.. These 
rules fail when applied to a people who have no ideas of justice in 
common with ours ; to a people which, in its own land, cannot be 
restrained from crime and outrage even by the power of a despotic 

It may be urged that local laws would prevent Chinese prostitu- 
tion, and the consequences which flow from it. In reply, we beg to 
submit that in the best governed cities in the Eastern States all 
efforts to prevent prostitution have failed. If failure has been the 
rule without a single exception in the Eastern cities, what success 
could be expected from local laws on this coast, when the problem 
to be solved contains every factor known to the evil in the East, and 
has added that of an alien race which esteems it a legitimate busi- 
ness, and by craft and subtlety uses our laws to protect it. We 
must meet v facts in the face. It is a fact, beyond question, that so 
long as this traffic in women is permitted there is no power in the 
State Government sufficient to protect our people from its conse- 
quences. The State Government has exhausted every power to 
that end, and has failed to prevent the importation of these female 
slaves. Stringent laws were enacted by the State Legislature to pre- 
vent this traffic. In eighteen hundred and seventy-four the steamer 
Japan arrived at the port of San Francisco from China, having on 
board twenty-one Chinese women, some of whom had been pur- 
chased and some stolen from their homes. The Commissioner of 
Immigration, acting under the State law, forbid their landing and 
required their return to their homes. The State Courts sustained 
his action and the women were about to be returned when a writ of 
habeas corpus was issued from the Circuit Court of the United 
States, and upon final hearing the State law was held to be in viola- 
tion of the Federal laws. The effect of the judgment of the Federal 
Court was to give these women to their owners, and they were in 


fact taken to the barracoons and portioned out to their masters. This 
is probably the first instance in the history of the world in which 
the "great writ" has been used to consign human beings to a slavery 
worse than death. Let us remind you that the hearts of the North- 
ern people were stirred when, in obedience to the mandates of the 
Federal Constitution and laws made in pursuance thereof, fugitive 
slaves were returned to their masters. That afterward, during the 
civil war, the whole power of the Federal Government was used to 
abolish slavery where it existed by virtue of local laws and the 
wishes of the people. California's Constitution, framed more than 
a quarter of a century ago, and adopted by a nearly unanimous vote, 
declares that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist 
within her limits, save as a punishment for crime. Her generous 
people have always upheld that sentiment. Yet, to-day, within her 
borders, in defiance of her laws, against the wishes of her people, 
slavery does exist in a form more loathsome than ever known in a 
white community. It exists by virtue of the power wielded by Federal 
Courts. We will not believe that the people of our sister States are 
cognizant of these horrible facts. We bring them to your attention, 
and demand, in the name of humanity, that all obstacles placed by 
the Federal Government to the emancipation of these unfortunate 
beings, or to the prevention of this traffic in human bodies and 
souls, be removed. The people of this State have done their duty; 
the responsibility for a further continuance of this state of affairs 
rests with the representatives of the people of the United States. 


An idea is abroad that the cause of religion and Christian civiliza- 
tion is to be advanced by the presence of this people in our midst. 
There is no foundation in fact for the notion that by means of the 
Chinese on this coast the religion of mercy, love, and gracious charity 
is to be given to the people of the Chinese Empire. We have over 
one hundred thousand Chinese in this State, and it is more than 
likely that in the last twenty-five years four times that number have 
in this State been brought in contact with our people and churches. 
Yet, of all this vast horde, not four hundred have been brought to 
a realization of the truths of Christianity. Nor is this the fault of 
our people. Earnest, faithful, Christian men and women have, with 
a devotion seldom equaled, given to the cause their best endeavors. 
Christian missions have been founded, and Christian ministers have 
labored. The wealth of the churches have been poured out in vain. 
These great efforts have been futile. It is safe to say that where one 
soul has been saved, placed to the credit side, by reason of the pres- 
ence of the heathen hordes on this coast, a hundred white have been 
lost by the contamination of their presence. The Rev. Otis Gibson, 
after nine years of zealous labor, says he has baptized thirty-six per- 
sons. (Evidence, p. 34.) The Presbyterian mission in San Francisco, 
under the charge of the Rev. A. W. Loomis, an earnest and zealous 
missionary laborer, has in seventeen years made eighty converts. 

The Rev. H. H. Rice, of Sacramento, a Presbyterian clergyman of 
more than ordinary ability, testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 161 
and 162.) 


A. — I am a minister of the gospel. I am pastor of the Westminster Presbyterian Church, 
in this city. 

Q. — State generally what efforts have been made by your church towards the conversion of 
the Chinese in our midst? 

A. — There are two classes of efforts being made in relation to Chinese advancement, one sec- 
ular and the other religious, although they are blended to some extent. We have a night- 
school on Fourth Street, taught by a member of our church, where the Chinese are taught to 
read, and are given the elements of an ordinary school education. We do not teach them any- 
thing about the principles of our government. I believe that ought to be taught by the govern- 
ment. The government ought to sustain Chinese schools, and, as far as possible, modify the 
ignorance of the Chinese race. The persons attending our school are mostly adults. We think 
it is our duty, because the Board of Education has not thus far opened the public schools to the 
Chinese, to educate them, for we are convinced that Chinese immigration, if left to itself, will 
simply be a flood of heathenism poured on American soil. It is therefore the duty of the gov- 
ernment to rise up and control it, and teach the Chinese American customs, and give them an 
education, in order to civilize them. Our mission night-school simjDly aims to give them a 
purely secular English education. They must be educated or excluded, and I do not believe, it 
is possible to exclude them. The result of the meeting of the Chinese and the American civili- 
zations is that the Chinese will come to this country, no matter what measures are taken to 
prevent it. Their education is, therefore, a public necessity, and a move in the nature of self- 
protection. The burden of educating them ought not, however, to be thrown upon the State of 
California, but should be sustained by the Federal Government. 

Q. — It is exclusion on the one hand, or education on the other ? 

A. — I will say that it is exclusion or education, and you cannot exclude them. 

Q. — You assume that it is a public necessity that they be educated? 

A. — It seems so to me. 

Q. — Do the Chinese come to this country to live? 

A.— No. 

Q. — They are here for some temporary purpose? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

The Rev. J. H. C. Bonte, Rector of Grace Church (Episcopal), in 
Sacramento City, a gentleman of culture and of deservedly high 
standing in the ministry, and one who has given to the question 
under consideration deep study, testifies as follows : (Evidence, pp. 
163 and 164.) 

Q. — Have you had occasion to examine the effect which Chinese immigration is having upon 
the people of this State ? 

A. — Yes, sir. I have talked with the medical faculty in regard to the subject, and I have 
considered the question from a religious standpoint. The general moral effect has been very 
bad upon the young of this country. My judgment is based upon facts I have gained mostly 
from medical men in this city. 

Q. — Men of standing in their profession ? 

A. — The ablest and best. The general effect, according to all the testimony I have gathered 
of their presence, has been deplorably bad in that direction. The conversion of the Chinese to 
Christianity is a consummation hoped for and believed in by every Christian. I have no doubt 
whatever of the power of the gospel to regenerate the whole Chinese Empire. But Christian 
men differ as to the method by which this result is to be accomplished — the precise manner of 
reaching the Chinese. In the opinion of many good observers who have made this subject a 
study, this great result is to be accomplished through Chinese instrumentality, and in their own 
country ; while others believe that China is to be reached through the conversion of the Chinese 
in America. The former believe that the character of a nation is not to be changed by mere 
preaching, but by a steady process of religious training and culture, under teachers of their 
own race. The missionary work of the past proves the fact that a heathen nation can be gen- 
erally or permanently transformed only while in a settled condition, and while living in their 
natural surroundings. Christianity cannot be imposed upon China, but must be put into the 
Chinese ; and this work will be slow until they undertake it themselves. The Chinese in Cali- 
fornia are not in a favorable condition to hear the gospel. They are here simply for the pur- 
pose of making money, and as they find the great body of our own people engaged in the same 
enterprise, their love of money-getting becomes intensified by contact with our own people. 
They are, therefore, in a state of intense enthusiasm for gain, and sacrifice, like many of our 
own countrymen, everything for this one object. The Christian Church in California finds one 
of its greatest obstacles in this passion among our own people, and if it operates disastrously in the 
work of converting our own people, it must be even more so in the Chinese work. Again, the 
Chinese now in this country are continually on the move, and it is almost impossible to keep up a 
continuous influence upon any one of them. We have control of them only for a few weeks or 
months, when they go to localities where nothing is or can be done for them. I cannot see, 
believing as I do in the necessity of thorough Christian training, an opportunity of doing them 
much good while in this country. Even those who may remain a year or two in the same 


plaoe live under conditions which neutralize our efforts. The Christian teacher gains their 
attention only for a few hours, while their old ways and ideas have their continuous attention. 
They learn lessons, hear sermons, and learn Christian songs, then return to their inaccessible 
dens, where they again come under the sway of their old system. In my mind it is very 
doubtful whether a well-trained Christian could maintain his Christian character under similar 
conditions. Again, the Chinese are very keen observers, and let nothing pass unnoticed. We 
teach them Christianity, but they see our hoodlumism and crime, and wonder that our people 
reject a religion which we seek to give them. They easily discern the fact that the Christian 
people are in a small minority. The missionaries in all lands have found their greatest obstacle 
in their own irreligious countrymen, and here the same obstacle operates with increased force. 
Under these circumstances we have no right to expect special results in the conversion of the 
Chinese who live among us. Besides, the Christian Church in California is engaged in a severe 
struggle for its own existence. The nomadic habits of the peojile, their eager desire to make 
large fortunes, their lack of religious training, weakens the church very materially. The mass 
of the people of California came here at an early day, and they lived for many years without 
church privileges, and do not feel the necessity of churches as the people of older countries do. 
They do not stop long enough in their struggles to think that their early Christian training at 
home made them what they are, gave them their sense of right and wrong, imparted to them 
their great energy and hopefulness, and therefore they undervalue the church. For these and 
other reasons the Christian Church in California is very weak. The church of the Pacific slope 
is not organized for the stupendous undertaking of converting the Chinese. The clergy are 
fearfully overworked, and besides, they have no special training for this peculiar work. The 
laity do not live long enough in a place to get into harness and learn the art of working among 
the Chinese. Besides, both men and women in California work harder than the people of any 
other country ; are more intensely occupied, and have less leisure. The Christian Church of 
the Pacific slope is therefore unprepared for this great emergency. The church has done its 
best, but that is comparatively little. It is foolish for Christian people in the East to expect 
much in the work of converting the Chinese, from the church of this country. In my judg- 
ment, the Chinese exercise as much influence among the people of this coast in favor of pagan- 
ism as the church among the Chinese in favor of Christianity. The Christian Church will con- 
tinue its work as long as the Chinese remain among us, but it will accomplish comparatively 
little, unless the church of the East throws its whole force into the work. The grand contest, 
which is to end with the conversion of China, must be carried on in China. The work in Cal- 
ifornia, I fear, only retards our final success in China. What they see of Christianity here, 
from their standpoint, must impress them very unfavorably. As a Christian minister, I take 
no part in this opposition to the Chinese. The Christian Church believes, of necessity, in the 
brotherhood of man, and works for the salvation of all men indiscriminately, because they are 
men for whom Christ died. But this is a doctrine which the State cannot, at present, adminis- 
ter or establish. The State is organized for the protection and development of local institutions, 
ideas, and interests, and cannot permit the presence of systems that threaten its existence. The 
church is organized to establish the Kingdom of Christ, throughout the world, and means to do 
it. The Chinese question is therefore mainly a question for statesmen, and must be determined 
from their standpoint. 

Q. — Do you think that the missionary work in California has been well and faithfully done, 
and that it has borne as good fruits as possible, under the circumstances? 

A. — Undoubtedly. 

Q. — Do you know anything about the difference between the Japanese and the Chinese? 

A. — I have had more intimate associations with the Japanese than with the Chinese, and 
there is certainly a very wide difference between the two nations. 

Q. — Do the Chinese have any appreciation of a republican form of government? 

A. — I have never found one that had the faintest conception of what it was. 

Q. — How are the Japanese ? 

A. — They seem to have an instinctive knowledge of our institutions. I have read essays by 
-even young Japanese girls, and they seem to have an instinctive insight into things as they are. 
As far as I have seen the Japanese, they have come to the conclusion that the secret of all our 
greatness is in the Christian religion. I talked with one of the most distinguished Japanese 
gentlemen that ever came to this country, and he told me that while they might carry over a 
great many of our fine arts and fine things, still they could not retain them unless they took 
our Christianity to sustain them. In dress and appearance, Japanese coming here try to imitate 
Americans. They stop at hotels, etc., and live like Americans. I am utterly amazed at the 
difference between the Japanese and the Chinese. I am convinced that through Japan we are 
to work the conversion of China. 

Q. — What do you think of Senator Sargent's proposition to restrict immigration to ten on a 

A. — It would be certainly a very desirable thing, if it can be done. If further immigration 
were stopped, I think that the churches, by a concerted action, could reach these Chinese here, 
and, perhaps, make our efforts in China of more avail. The nomadic habits of those here are 
a great drawback. There is scarcely a Chinaman here that has not been in from ten to twenty 
places on the coast, and it is very difficult to christianize such roamers. 

Mr. Andrew Aitken, an old and much esteemed resident of Sacra- 
mento, testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 157 to 160.) 


Q. — What knowledge have you as to the efforts made on this coast by the Christian people 
to convert and bring to Christianity the Chinese people? 

A. — -My knowledge, as far as I have assisted and observed the labors of others, is that it is 

Q. — What is beneficial — what has been done? 

A. — Teaching them to read the English language, studying scripture, and quite a number 
have been converted to Christianity. There have been nine of them made members of the Pres- 
byterian Church; of that number, one has died. 

Q. — For what length of time have you observed these matters? 

A. — I have been giving my personal attention for about three years — two years and a half or 
three years. I have been Superintendent of the Chinese school in the' Presbyterian Church. 
That school is on the corner of Sixth and L streets, and is under the management of the Pres- 
byterian Session. 

Q. — How long is it since it was established ? 

A. — About two years and a half or three years. 

Q. — How many Chinamen are attending it? 

A. — On an average, about sixty last year; sometimes more and sometimes less,- mostly 

Q. — Eight or nine Chinamen have been converted? 

A. — Nine joined our church, one died, and eight are now members. The first-named joined 
three years ago, and the balance within a year and a half. Generally, the same persons attend 
school regularly. There is a class that we call the " Bible class," composed of some six or 
seven, that are always there. 

Q. — During the time that you have known of these missionary efforts have the members of 
the church been zealous, and has everything been done that can be done to bring about a con- 
version of the Chinese? 

A. — Yes, sir. In the evening school they are taught to read, and in learning they are very 
quick and accurate. 

Q. — Do you teach them concerning any of the principles of the government? 

A.— No • 

Q. — Do they seem to know anything of them ? 

A. — We have never attempted to do anything in that direction ; we merely teach them to 

Q. — Do you know of anything that could have been done by your church or its members, 
within the bounds of reason, towards educating and christianizing the Chinese, that has not 
been done? 

A. — I think a little more might have been done had we started years ago ; but since we 
started we have done everything that could be reasonably expected. I think our school is the 
largest school in the city. 

Q. — Do you know anything about the condition of the Chinese in the City of San Francisco ? 

A. — Only by hearsay. 

Q. — What effect do you think this Chinese immigration would have upon California should 
it be continued to the extent that it is now carried — three thousand five hundred or four thou- 
sand a month ? 

A. — I do not think it would be beneficial, especially the importation of so many lewd 
women ; that is the greatest fault I see in the immigration of Chinese. I am not in favor of 
seeing a great influx of Chinese any more than any one else, but those that are here it is our 
duty to try and elevate and educate. 

Q. — If one hundred and fifty thousand of these Chinese should settle in California it would 
be necessary that they should be raised from their present condition ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — What effect do you think their presence in this city has upon the morals of the commu- 
nity — do you think that it is good or bad, taking it as a whole? 

A. — I think as a whole that it has not been good — that is, taking the worst class. The major- 
ity are rather inclined to corrupt the morals of others. 

Q. — Taking the Chinese members of the Presbyterian Church, what has been their conduct 
since — do you see any decided change in them? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — A very material one? 

A. — Yes, sir. They seem to have a great reverence for anything that is religious. They are 
very attentive to lessons and learn to have a regard for praying. They seem to have more 
respect for prayer than even our own people. 

Q. — How is it regarding their business relations — are they honest? 

A. — I see no reason to doubt that. 

Q. — Do you see any difference between them, and the Chinese here? 

A. — Yes, a marked difference. They do not associate with them, but keep by themselves. 
Those who are Christians associate with themselves or with white people. 

Q. — Do you know what their opinion is about the effect of this large immigration into the 

A. — I do not. 

Q. — Do you find in this city, among the intelligent people, any desire to resort to force or 
violence against the Chinese here? 


A. — No, sir. 

Q. — And the general impression is the impression you have? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — You express the general feeling, when you say that they are here and must be protected, 
and that it would be a disgrace to our country to have any attacks made upon them? 

A. — Yes, sir. That would show them that we are no better than they are. 

Q. — Are there other mission schools in this city? 

A. — The Methodist Church has one, and the Congregational folks have one. 

Q. — Do you know how many students are attending them? 

A.— No, sir. 

Q. — Do you know how many church members there are? 

A. — I think one or two belong to the Congregational, and one or two to the Methodists. 

Q. — How is your school and mission sustained? 

A. — The night-school is sustained by the Board of Presbyterian Missionaries. Mr. Loomis 
sends me money every month to pay the rent and the teacher. 

Q. — Can you fix about the annual expense? 

A. — One hundred and thirty dollars for rent: three hundred dollars for teacher; porter, three 
hundred dollars ; total, seven hundred and thirty dollars, besides light and fuel. About one 
thousand dollars a year is the cost of keeping up that school. 

Q. — In that, of course, you do not include the labors of yourself? 

A. — There is no one paid except the teacher. All the other labor is voluntarily given. The 
gas is furnished by the church. 

Q. — Are there any Chinese women attending that school ? 

A. — No, sir. There is one little half-Chinese girl that comes to our regular Sabbath-school. 

Q. — Is she living with a white family ? 

A. — Yes, sir; but you could not tell but what she was pure white. 

Q. — You do not find any prejudice among the members of your church to their education and 
advancement, do you ? 

A. — There is nothing said, but since this Chinese question came up some have absented them- 
selves from school. Young men come in, and listen to the singing, and I sometimes ask them 
if they will teach, but they refuse, saying they don't like Chinamen, or make some such remark 
as that. 

Q. — Do they adopt the style of dress of white people? 

A. — No. I do not think that has anything to do with it. Every nation has its customs in 
regard to dress, etc. 

Q. — What is the employment of these persons that belong to your church ? 

A. — Some are engaged in washing, and some are servants. 

Q. — Do you know how they are received by the Chinese who are not Christians? 

A. — They are persecuted a good deal. I will state that a boy living with Judge "Curtis, and 
who died a year ago, was as good a Christian as ever lived in the world. He was the first 
Chinese member of our church. 

Q. — Do you meet with opposition from the mass of the Chinese? 

A. — Yes, sir. During last year, last winter, they tried to kick up a fuss at the night-school, 
on Fourth Street, and I had to get a force of policemen to protect the school. They came there, 
and made noises, and tried to prevent boys from coming in. Since I got the police there has 
been no disturbance. 

Q. — These converts are not very well treated by the Chinese ? 

A. — No. They are persecuted. 

Q. — Your converts do not associate with the mass of the Chinamen? 

A. — They do not make them their associates as they did formerly. They have to associate 
with them more or less, the same as we Christians associate with our kind. 

Q. — From the manner in which they are received they would not naturally associate with 

A.— No. 

Q. — Do they express any intention of returning to China? 

A — Some of them do. We had a colporteur here who returned to China with the determina- 
tion to preach in his own country. Since he went away there is another young man who is 
filling his place and preaching in the Chinese language about five minutes every Sunday 
night to those who cannot speak English. Quon Loy was the teacher, and he had great influ- 
ence among the Chinese. He was among them continually, was an industrious man, and a 
good Christian. 

Q. — Is not one of the difficulties in the way of the conversion of Chinese their migratory 
habits — that is, moving about from place to place? 

A. — That would prevent more from uniting. One intended to join our church last spring, 
but he wished to go to San Francisco and unite with some of his acquaintances. I think it is 
a greater task for Chinamen to become Christians than it is for our own people, because they 
undergo more persecution and opposition amongst their own people; so it is a sacrifice they 
have to make. I have found these Chinese converts are very attentive to their duties, are 
present at communion service, and have as much regard for the solemnity of the occasion as 
any of us. 

Q — Have they any idea of the principles under which this country is governed? 

A. — I do not know. 


Q. — Don't you think it would be a good thing to educate them in that, in your mission 

A. — Yes, it would be. They seem to be very much taken up with reading, and, when they 
once learn, they read tbe papers. This Quon Loy writes as pretty a hand as you or I, and 
writes as pretty a letter as you would want to read. This boy, that lived with Judge Curtis, 
wrote a beautiful hand. 

Q. — Senator Sargent has introduced a bill into the United States Senate, providing that here- 
after not more than ten Chinamen shall be brought to this State on any one ship. What is 
your idea as to the passage of such a bill? 

A. — I think it would be beneficial to restrict the immigration in that way. I believe in that 

Lem Schaum, a Chinese convert to Christianity, and a most 
remarkable man, testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 138 and 139.) 

Q. — Do you know whether the Chinese Government is in favor of its people coming here or 

A.— It is not in favor of it, but the government can't help itself. The policy of the Chinese 
Government has been exclusive. It desires to keep its people at home. This immigration is 
mostly from the Province of Canton. 

Q. — Suppose the mass of that immigration was stopped, do you think it would have any 
influence on our commercial relations with other parts of China? 

A. — No. I think this immigration must stoji>. I say it is not only ruining Americans, but it 
ruins the Chinese. Their wages, we notice, come down every day. A short time ago China- 
men got thirty-six dollars a month working on the railroad. What do they get now ? Twenty- 
six dollars per month — one dollar a day. This immigration must be stopped in some way. 

Q. — Do you think, if proper representations were made to the Chinese Government by intel- 
ligent Chinamen, as to the state of affairs here, they would willingly aid in stopping it — stop- 
ping this immigration of the lower classes here? 

A. — The government, I am afraid, would not be able to do it. It has eighteen provinces, 
and a revolution in every province almost. 

Q. — It is claimed that if we were to attempt to stop it ourselves the Chinese Government 
would be offended? 

A. — No, they would not be offended ; but they would be very glad to do that, the same as I 
am. The Chinese Government would be only too glad to prevent their people coming to this 

Q. — What is the general opinion of Christian Chinamen with whom you associate in this 
State as to the policy or impolicy of having this Chinese immigration continue without any 

A. — We think that this immigration must be stopped. It must be stopped in some way, and 
then we can look after those Christians educated in this country. We want to stretch forth our 
hand as far as we can so as to instruct them about a better world than this. That is our object, 
and a good many of them are going back to preach at home. Looking at this thing from a 
Christian standpoint, I think that Christianity is not advanced by this immigration, and I 
would give anything in the world to have it stopped. 

Q. — In the Eastern States, when we proposed to check this immigration, or to limit it to the 
better class of Chinese, we were met with this proposition: that Chinese immigration to this 
country would have the result of christianizing China. I understand you to say that the immi- 
gration, such as is coming here now, don't tend to the advancement of Christianity? 

A. — It does not. 

Q. — So it would be better, then, from your standpoint as a Chinaman, to stop it, for by 
stopping it you would make more Christians? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

We are of the opinion that the evidence quoted fairly represents 
the situation from a humanitarian standpoint. That it shows how 
great the effort has been .to civilize and convert these people — how 
wholly that effort has failed. We find that even here the Chinaman, 
true to his instinct, and in violation of our laws, resorts to force to 
resist the influences that true men and good women in their devotion 
would throw around him. 

A close examination of all the facts convince us that wide-spread, 
dangerous, and corrupting outbreaks of immoral conduct are pre- 
vented only by fear of the hot indignation of our people, and their 
consequent forcible exile from this country. Once convinced that 
they are not to be molested, restrained, or regulated, and they will 


give manifestations of immorality which will shock and confound 
the public mind. 

We cannot bring our public schools to bear upon this population, 
for the reason that the State does not contemplate the education of 
adults, and could not bear the expense even if we could reach them 
in that way. 

Are the people of the United States, now struggling with as great a 
burden of taxation as they can well bear, prepared to adopt the sug- 
gestion of the Rev. Dr. Rice, and attempt the education of the male 
adults that China may throw upon this coast? If not, we must 
exclude them, or imperil society itself. Upon this point all agree. 


We now call attention to an aspect of the subject of such huge 
proportions, and such practical and pressing importance, that we 
almost dread to enter upon its consideration, namely, the effect of 
Chinese labor upon our industrial classes. We admit that the Chinese 
were, in the earlier history of the State, when white labor was not 
attainable, very useful in the development of our peculiar indus- 
tries ; that they were of great service in railroad building, in min- 
ing, gardening, general agriculture, and as domestic servants. 

We admit that the Chinese are exceedingly expert in all kinds of 
labor and manufacturing; that they are easily and inexpensively 
handled in large numbers. 

We recognize the right of all men to better their condition when 
they can, and deeply sympathize with the overcrowded population 
of China. 

But our own people are the original settlers of California, their 
children, and recent immigrants from the East and Europe. They 
cannot compete with Chinese labor, and are now suffering because 
of this inability: This inability does not arise out of any deficiency 
of skill or will, but out of a mode of life hitherto considered essen- 
tial to our American civilization. 

Our people have families, a condition considered of vast import- 
ance to our civilization, while the Chinese have not, or if they have 
families they need but little to support them in their native land. 

Our laborers cannot be induced to live like vermin, as the Chinese, 
and these habits of individual and family life have ever been encour- 
aged by our statesmen as essential to good morals. 

Our laborers require meat and bread, which have been considered 
by us as necessary to that mental and bodily strength which is 
thought to be important in the citizens of a republic which depends 
upon the strength of its people, while the Chinese require only rice, 
dried fish_, tea, and a few simple vegetables. The cost of sustenance 
to the whites is four-fold greater than that of the Chinese, and the 
wages of the whites must of necessity be greater than the wages 
required by the Chinese. The Chinese are, therefore, able to under- 
bid the whites in every kind of labor. They can be hired in masses; 
they can be managed and controlled like unthinking slaves. But 
our laborer has an individual life, cannot be controlled as a slave by 
brutal masters, and this individuality has been required of him by 
the genius of our institutions, and upon these elements of character 
the State depends for defense and growth. 



To compete with the Chinese, our laborer must be entirely changed 
in character, in habits of life, in everything that the Republic has 
hitherto required him to be. 

As a matter of fact, the Chinese have monopolized the laundry 
business, cigar making, the manufacture of slippers, the manipula- 
tion of sewing machines, domestic servitude, harvesting, fruit gath- 
ering, railroad building, placer mining, fishing, the manufacture of 
silk and wool, and many other occupations. 

As a natural consequence the white laborer is out of employment, 
and misery and want are fast taking the places of comfort and 

Now, to consider and weigh the benefits returned to us by the Chi- 
nese for these privileges and for these wrongs to our laboring classes. 
They buy little or nothing from our own people, but import both 
their food and clothing from China; they send their wages home; 
they have not introduced a single industry peculiar to their own 
country; they contribute nothing to the support of our institutions; 
can never be relied upon as defenders of the State; they have no 
intention of becoming citizens; they acquire no homes, and are a 
constant tax upon the public treasury. 

At this point we refer briefly to the testimony given upon these 
questions, in order that you may be satisfied we have not overstated 
the difficulties. Mr. Shaw (Evidence, pp. 18 and 19,) testifies: 

Q. — How is the condition of the laboring men in China to be compared with the condition of 
those who are here ? 

A. — It is undoubtedly going from misery to comfort. The amount of destitution in China is 
very serious. Pekin, in my opinion, is one of the filthiest cities to be found. There is what is 
called a Chinese City of Pekin and a Tartar city. The Chinese city is filthy to a degree almost 
beyond belief. I have seen tricks perpetrated in the streets of Pekin proper that would only be 
tolerated in brutes in a civilized country. When I was there I wondered how ladies could go 
into the streets at all, and I was told that they hardly ever did; that they never attempted to 
walk in the streets, but when comjjelled to go out used the conveyances of that country. When 
they wanted exercise they were carried to the walls of the city, where they could walk without 
seeing sights that would be disgusting. Those streets are filthy beyond what should ever be 
seen among human beings. The great mass of the people, it seemed to me, were ignorant, and 
not in a position to be removed from ignorance. They have, it is true, a system of education, 
but that system of education is confined to certain books written four thousand years ago. 
They think there is no knowledge anywhere that is not found in those books, and, as a conse- 
quence, their learning, from the highest to the lowest, must be very limited, according to our 

Rev. Mr. Loomis testifies as follows : (Evidence, pp. 54 and 55.) 

Q. — What wages are received in China? 

A. — I think from three to five dollars a month. 

Q. — And board themselves? 

A. — Well, I don't know about that. I think servants in Hongkong, Canton, and .Macao 
receive three dollars or four dollars a month, where they are employed in families. Then they 
board with the families, I think. On the farms they board themselves. 

Q. — How much will it take to support the family of a laboring man in China, where he has 
a wife and two or three children ? 

A. — Three or four dollars a month. Some live on less than that. Everything is very cheap. 
A man who acquires three hundred dollars or four hundred dollars is rich — esteemed comfortably 
well off. There are large land-holders and heavy merchants there who are very wealth. 

Mr. Altemeyer testifies: (Evidence, p. 51.) 

Q. — Is the employment of Chinese labor here detrimental to the employment of white labor? 

A. — Yes, sir : there is no question but that it keeps white men from coming here, while those 
who are here cannot get work. 

Q. — Is it not true that the lighter branches of trade and manufactures, which in other places 
are filled by boys, are here filled by the Chinese? 


A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — This deprives both boys and girls of occupations? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q.— Are they skillful ? 

A. — They are quick at imitation. They learn soon by looking on. Then they go off in busi- 
ness for themselves. For business men to employ Chinese, is simply putting nails in their 
coffins. Every Chinaman employed will be a competitor. The result must be the driving 
from the country of white business men and white laborers. White laborers could not live as 
they do, and the result would be a ruinous competition for the whites. The Chinese merchant 
can live as much cheaper than the white merchant as can the Chinese laborer live cheaper 
than the white laborer. When such a thing gets full headway the whites will be displaced. I 
have made this thing a very careful study, and my experience teaches me that these views are 
correct ? 

Mr. Duffy testifies as follows: (Evidence, pp. 125 and 126.) 

Q. — Why can they (the Chinese) afford to do work cheaper than white men? 

A. — They can work cheaper than the white man, because they have no families to support, 
and therefore live much cheaper. Their living does not cost them over fifteen cents per day. 
Take a laboring man here who has a wife and two children dependent upon him, and his 
expenses at the very least are two dollars and fifty cents a day, and he must live very econom- 
ically to make that amount do. Where a laboring man has no family, his necessary expenses 
will be from one dollar and seventy-five cents to two dollars a day. He can board for twenty 
dollars a month, and his washing, clothing, etc., will make up the balance. Most of the 
Chinese here wear clothes of Chinese manufacture, consume goods imported from China, and 
all their dealings are against the American interests. Where they do not board themselves, 
they can be accommodated — boarded and lodged — at houses in Chinatown for one dollar and 
fifty cents a week, and less. 

Mat. Karcher, ex-Chief of Police for Sacramento, testifies : (Evi- 
dence, p. 131.) 

Q. — In San Francisco, at an early day, and in Sacramento, there were few boys fourteen, fif- 
teen, and sixteen years of age in the country? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — And the places occupied by boys in other countries were filled by the Chinese ? 

A. — Yes, sir. 

Q. — So that the result was, that when boys came along in the natural growth of the country 
there was no work for them to do ? 

A. — That is correct. 

Q. — We have an element in San Francisco, and a small element here, known as hoodlums. 
Might not the growth of that element be justly attributed to the presence of this people in our 

A; — I think nine-tenths of it may. In other countries boys find employment in this light 
work, but here it is done by the Chinese. 

Mr. Oliver Jackson testifies as follows : (Evidence, p. 144.) 

Q. — How much a day can Chinese laborers of the lower classes support themselves upon? 

A. — They can live on ten cents a day. White men cannot board themselves for less than 
fifty cents a day. The Chinese evade all the tax they can. A poll-tax receipt is passed around 
from one to the other, and they swear themselves clear of paying whenever they can. 

Q. — Do they import much of there food and clothing from China? 

A. — Yes, sir. They spend very little money with Americans. They come here, stay until 
they get some money together, and then go home again. While they are here, they are send- 
ing money home all the time. 

Q. — From what you have seen, do you think the presence of the Chinese here tends to the 
advancement of Christian civilization? 

A. — It has the reverse effect. It is also degrading to white labor; instead of learning good, 
they are learning vice. They are becoming educated only in thievery, and perjury, and every- 
thing bad. 

Mr. Karcher testifies as follows : (Evidence, pp. 132 and 133.) 

The Chinese live together, fifteen or twenty in a small room, and do there cooking there and 
sleep there. This enables them to live upon probably ten cents a day, or seventy cents a week, 
while a white laboi'er would be under an expense, at the very least, of twelve dollars a week. 
The Chinese use Chinese clothing, live upon Chinese rice, and deal with Chinese merchants. 


The Chinese washerman has taken the place of the white washerwoman. He has usurped the 
place of the white girl in families. He has driven white laborers from the factories, the fields, 
and the ordinary work of laborers. He has invaded a large portion of our manufacturing insti- 
tutions, displacing white labor, male and female. He has been enabled to do this from the fact 
that he works for less than is necessary to support the most economical of white laborers. It 
has been stated in Eastern papers that the Chinese on this coast are abused, and that they are 
not protected by the laws. That is not so. It is because the laws have been well enforced in 
California that the people have stood this thing so long as they have. If we should send a 
population of this kind to any large city in the United States, and the workingmen should 
understand the character of the Chinese as we understand it, they would rise up and prevent 
their settling among them. 

Mr. James Galloway testifies as follows : (Evidence, pp. 155 and 

Their (the Chinese) operations in the mines have often been very profitable. These mines are 
nearly all worked by companies. Companies bring up scores of them and hire them out, or 
buy or locate claims, and set them to work on them. The company comes down in the even- 
ing and takes possession of the gold. These companies supply the rice and other provisions, 
tools, etc., for these fellows who work in the mines. When a person hires one or more of these 
Chinamen, it is usual, if not universal, to settle with the head man of the company; and if 
you turn off one he will bring you another. They appear to control all their movements, and 
take their earnings as though they were their property. Companies often locate mines on their 
own account, but generally get some person to locate the ground, and then buy from them, and 
thus they think they get a better title. They work much ]30or ground, but have also worked many 
hundreds of rich claims, and have taken out a large amount of gold. For several seasons I resided 
on the banks of the Yuba, and used to see their clean-up, and know that for years several com- 
panies made as high as from four dollars to twelve dollars per hand to the day. This money 
(so far as my opportunities enabled me to judge, and my opportunities were of the best) nearly 
all left the mines in possession or ownership of Chinamen. They have no property, or but 
little in mining camps, or in the mines, that is worthy of the Assessor's or Tax-gatherer's 
notice: They get the gold and go scot free, as a general rule. Nearly all the ground they have 
worked could now be profitably worked by white labor — some of it would pay richly. They 
were not safe neighbors where they had large camps, and the whites were few. They are 
ingenious and imitative, and can work wet diggings as well, if not better than white men. In 
our mining towns they now occupy most of the domestic positions that women and girls did 
before their immigration to the mines. Many poor persons — widows, in some cases, with chil- 
dren — have been displaced by these Chinese laborers; especially is this the case in the laundry 
business and cooking. They do carry away our gold, and without any power of our getting any 
revenue from them. From my observation, I would say their presence in the mines is as inju- 
rious to our citizens living in them as in the cities, with this addition, that they carry away more 
wealth, and give less return, than in the latter places. Their morals are as bad, Their opj^or- 
tunities of committing outrages upon persons, and violating rights of property, are greater, 
while their punishment is less certain — being more difficult. 

It appeared in proof that no Chinaman, unless he is a Christian, 
can leave this State without a permit from one of the six companies. 
The Pacific Mail Steamship Company will not sell them tickets 
without this permit. (Evidence, p. 26.) 

"In considering the Chinese question it is necessary to remember 
that however true economic axioms are, their applicability depends 
upon the character of the convictions held by those who are to exer- 
cise final judgment regarding them. Thus, it may be perfectly true, 
in an economic point of view, that capital ought to be free to employ 
the cheapest labor it can procure. It may also be perfectly true that 
the employment of cheap labor stimulates manufactures and quickens 
the creation of capital. But it does not at all necessarily follow that 
the effects of an unlimited supply of cheap labor are beneficial to 
the majority, and in a country where the majority rule it must be 
ultimately impossible to gain consent to economic systems which 
cannot be shown to produce this general satisfactory result. Nor are 
the staple arguments of the political economists proof against the 
single fact that under a government by universal suffrage it is im- 
possible to persuade the masses into accepting a ruinous competition 


with cheap labor. But in truth there are two distinct theories of 
political economy at present in conflict, and it is easy to see that 
their radical differences are due to the differences of political system. 
The European theory may be said to leave the personal equation out 
of consideration altogether. It assumes at the outset that the pro- 
duction of capital is the alpha and omega of industry and commerce, 
and it takes for granted that wealth means success. Cheap labor, 
according to this theory, is always acceptable, and competition should 
be left free to regulate wages. If the workingman cannot earn more 
than bread and water because of the fierceness of competition, he 
must accept his meager fare cheerfully, and console himself with the 
reflection that the laws of supply and demand have settled his lot 
for him, and that complaint is useless. In countries where the voice 
of labor is powerless, and where the usage of centuries has accus- 
tomed men to this life-long struggle for the bare necessaries of life, 
this theory is endured. But the United States represent a different 
form of government; a form of government which begins by recog- 
nizing popular rights, and goes on recognizing them to the end. 
Here the people are the government, and, as in all nations, the ma- 
jority must work for a subsistence, the question whether the majority 
shall work for starvation wages, or shall insist upon reasonable re- 
muneration, can only be answered in one way. And thus, out of 
this more popular form of government, has arisen what may be 
called the new political economy. This is the theory that takes 
largest account of the personal equation, instead of ignoring it; 
which lays down the proposition that the greatest happiness to the 
greatest number is the true end and aim of all legislation and gov- 
ernment, and which holds that great aggregate wealth is a far inferior 
desideratum to general moderate prosperity. It is from this especially 
American standpoint that the Chinese question must be discussed, 
for assuredly it will at last be settled in accordance with these views. 
Let it be shown that without the Chinaman our local industries 
would be paralyzed; that our manufacturers could not compete with 
Eastern rivals; that a great many undertakings involving much 
capital would fail — all this may be granted, and yet all this is insig- 
nificant when the broader aspect of the question comes to be consid- 
ered. For after all, what is it that we are doing here upon the Pacific 

"Are we engaged in building up a civilized empire, founded upon 
and permeated with the myriad influences of Caucasian culture; or 
are we merely planted here for the purpose of fighting greedily, each 
for his own hand, and of spoiling a country for whose future we 
have no care? If the latter, then indeed we should welcome Chinese 
labor, and should encourage its advent until it had_ driven white 
labor out of the field. But if we have higher duties ; if we owe obli- 
gations to our race, to our civilization, to our kindred blood, to all 
that proclaims our common origin and testifies to the harmony and 
consistence of our aims — then assuredly we must decide that the 
Chinaman is a factor hostile to the prosperity, the progress and the 
civilization of the American people. And be it observed that how- 
ever broad our philosophy, it must necessarily be limited by race, 
nationality and kindred civilization. We owe allegiance to those 
whose blood runs in our veins; to those who boast a community of 
ancestry, of literature, of progress in all its forms and phases. 
Europe, not Asia, appeals to us, and we should be recreant to those 

46 ■ 

instincts which are often the safest guides if we imperiled the future 
of our own race by subjecting them to a competition for which they 
are unfitted, and the only effect of which could be to brutalize and 
deteriorate them. There are some very 'advanced' thinkers who 
maintain that competition is the truest test of superiority, and who 
even go so far as to assert that if American labor cannot compete 
with Chinese labor the fact proves its essential inferiority, and indi- 
cates the Chinese as the coming race. Now, perhaps, if we were on 
the lookout for a civilization, and were prepared to judge dispas- 
sionately between all comers, we might be persuaded by such argu- 
ments, and might regard with indifference or even approval the 
prospect of the Mongolianization of this whole country. But as the 
case stands we already possess a civilization, and it is American, and 
not Chinese. Imperfect as it may be, and full of defects, it is at least 
our own, and it represents the labors, the thoughts, the aspirations, 
the struggles, of men of our own race and blood. To it we must there- 
fore cling, and whatever possibilities of development we have must 
be grafted upon it. For the Chinaman we have no hard feelings, 
and no senseless hatred. We willingly admit that he offers a tre- 
mendous temptation to capitalists, and to all others who need work 
done at low rates. But when all is said that can be said in his favor 
we still fall back upon the consideration that it is American and 
not Chinese civilization that we are trying to build up, and that 
since Chinese labor means American destitution we must rid our- 
selves of it. To such as think differently we would further say: Do 
you believe that the intelligent millions of workingmen who possess 
votes in these United States can be persuaded into abandoning what 
is practically the defense of their means of livelihood? The Chinese 
question has not as yet penetrated throughout the country, but it 
will, and then the verdict will be given. At bottom it is the poison 
of slavery that rankles in this Chinese question, and the people 
must realize that truth also. It is not a mere question of compara- 
tive wages, but of civilization and progress." 

A serious objection to slavery as it existed in the Southern States 
was that it tended to degrade white labor. The very same objection 
exists against Chinese labor in this State. The recent troubles in 
San Francisco are attributed to a class commonly known as "hood- 
lums" — young men who have grown up in idleness, without occupa- 
tion of any kind; and who, in various ways, prey upon society. This 
class is peculiar to San Francisco. Many of our best thinkers argue 
that it owes its existence to the presence of a large Chinese pop- 
ulation. For several years after the settlement of this State by 
Americans, the population was an adult population. There were no 
boys. The Chinese naturally fell into the positions occupied by and 
did the work that in other countries was assigned to boys. As boys 
grew up they found these places filled by Chinese, and very naturally 
looked upon the labor they performed as servile and degrading. 
Their pride — whether true or false is immaterial — kept them from 
entering the lists by the side of an abhored race. If this view of 
the subject is correct, a fearful responsibility rests at the door of the 
advocates of Chinese labor. The Chinese are employed as agricult- 
ural laborers. The employment in most cases is not of individuals, 
but is of a drove, held in some sort of dependence by a head man or 
agent of the Chinese companies. The workmen live in sheds or in 
straw stacks, do their own cooking, have no homes, and are without 


interest in their work or the country. The white laborer who would 
compete with them must not only pursue the same kind of a life, 
but must, like them, abdicate his individuality. The consequences 
would be lamentable even if the white laborer should succeed by 
such means in driving the Asiatic from the field. We would, in 
that event, have a laboring class without homes, without families, 
and without any of the restraining influences of society. 

The slave owner at the South had an interest in his laborers, and 
even if the voice of humanity was silenced, yet that interest made 
him care for them. He gave them houses to live in, took care of 
them in sickness, and supported them when old age rendered them 
incapable. The owner of Chinese laborers in this State have no 
such interest. His interest is co-extensive with and limited by the 
ability of his slave to earn money. In sickness, he turns him over 
to the charity of the public. When disabled by age, he leaves him 
to fate. It takes no prophet to foretell that if white labor is brought 
down to the level of Asiatic labor the white laborer will meet like 

Again, it can be truly said that slavery and its interests produced 
at the South a large body of intelligent and able statesmen, who, in 
the conflict between capital and labor, threw into the scale the 
weight of their power in behalf of labor. Their constituents were 
the proprietors of labor. The representative naturally consulted the 
interest of his constituents, and was invariably found the powerful 
advocate of industrial interests. This was a favorable side of slavery 
as it existed in the South, and to this extent, at least, Southern slav- 
eiw exercised a beneficial influence wholly lacking in Chinese. 

The slaves of the South were, as a race, kind and faithful. The 
Chinese, as a race, are cruel and treacherous. In this — by contrast — 
all the advantage was with Southern slavery, 

On the whole, it is our judgment that unrestricted Chinese immi- 
gration tends more strongly to the degradation of labor, and to the 
subversion of our institutions than did slavery at the South. It has 
all of the disadvantages of African slavery, and none of its compen- 


The effect of this immigration is to prevent that of a more desirable 
class. There, again, in the mere matter of dollars and cents, the coun- 
try at large is loser. These people bring no money with them, while it 
is assumed, on the most credible evidence, that one hundred dollars 
at least is the average amount in possession of each European immi- 
grant. A well known social economist estimates the capital value of 
every laborer that comes from Europe and settles in this country at 
fifteen hundred dollars. This value rests upon the fact that such 
laborer makes this country his home, creates values, and contributes 
to the support of the nation. The Chinese laborer, on the contrary, 
makes a draft upon the wealth of the nation ; takes from instead of 
adding to its substance. Not less than one hundred and eighty 
million dollars in gold have been abstracted from this State alone by 
Chinese laborers, while they have contributed nothing to the State or 
national wealth. 

Given in place of one hundred and twenty-five thousand Chinese 
laborers the same number of male European immigrants, and the 
result may be stated in figures, as follows : 


Amount of money brought into the country, $100 each $12,500,000 

Capital value of 125,000 European male laborers, at $1,500 each 187,500,000 

Add gold abstracted by Chinese laborers 180,000,000 


Thus, it is beyond question that, from a purely financial point of 
view, the United States is loser nearly four hundred millions of dol- 
lars by Chinese immigration — a sum which, if distributed throughout 
the country, now would go far toward alleviating present want and 

If it was true that no real objection existed to the presence of a 
large Chinese population, if it was true that the wrong and injury to 
the whites existed only in the imagination of the people of this 
country, even then we would insist that this immigration be restricted. 
This is a republic, dependent for its existence, not upon force, but 
upon the will and consent of the people, upon their satisfaction with 
the government. When that satisfaction ceases, will and consent 
will be withdrawn. Therefore, it behooves the representatives of the 
people, charged, in part, with the administration of that govern- 
ment, to wisely consider not only real, but fancied causes of dissatis- 
faction. If it be found that the presence of the Chinese element is a 
constant source of irritation and annoyance to our people, that it is 
not here to assimilate and become part of the body politic, that no 
good, or but little, results from its presence, it does seem that the 
mere dissatisfaction of the people with its presence should be cause 
for grave concern on the part of the government. 


But it is said that action on our part, tending to restrict Chinese 
immigration, would redound to the injury of commercial relations 
with that Empire. There is not the slightest foundation, in fact, for 
any such notion. The Government of China is opposed to the immi- 
gration. All of the witnesses agree upon this point. 

The people of the Eastern States of the Union may not at present 
directly suffer from competition with these people, but they cannot 
but be sensible that State lines constitute no barrier to the move- 
ment of the Chinese — that as soon as the Pacific States are filled with 
this population it will overflow upon them. The Chinese Empire 
could spare a population far in excess of the population of the United 
States, and not feel the loss. Unless this influx of Chinese is pre- 
vented all the horrors of the immigration will in a few years be 
brought home to the people of the Eastern States. While the States 
east of the Mississippi do not directly feel the effects of Chinese 
immigration they are indirectly affected by it. The eastern manu- 
facturer, for instance, of coarse boots and shoes, is driven out of the 
California market. He finds it stocked with the products of Chinese 
labor. The profits that would accrue to the manufacturer in the 
east, and his employes, have been diverted, and flow in a steady 
stream to China. 


Already, to the minds of many, this immigration begins to assume 
the nature and proportions of a dangerous unarmed invasion of our 
soil. Twenty years of increasing Chinese immigration will occupy 


the entire Pacific Coast to the exclusion of the white population. 
Many of our people are confident that the whole coast is yet to 
become a mere colony of China. All the old empires have been 
conquered by armed invasions, but North and South America, and 
the Continent of Australia, have been conquered and wrested from 
their native inhabitants by peaceable,, unarmed invasions. Nor is 
this fear entirely groundless as to the Pacific Coast, for it is in keep- 
ing with the principles which govern the changes of modern dynas- 
ties, and the advance guard is already upon our shores. The immi- 
gration which is needed to offset and balance that from China is 
retarded by the condition of the labor question on this coast, and we 
have reason to expect that within ten years the Chinese will equal 
in number the whites. In view of these facts thousands of our peo- 
ple are beginning to feel a settled exasperation — a profound sense of 
dissatisfaction with the situation. Hitherto this feeling has been 
restrained, and the Chinese have had the full protection -of our laws. 
It may be true that, at rare intervals, acts of violence have been 
committed toward them; but it is also true that punishment has 
swiftly followed. Our city criminal courts invariably inflict a 
severer punishment for offenses committed upon Chinese than for 
like offenses committed against whites. The people of this State 
have been more than patient — we are satisfied that the condition of 
affairs, as they exist in San Francisco, would not be tolerated with- 
out a resort to violence in any eastern city. It is the part of wisdom 
to anticipate the day when patience may cease, and by wise legisla- 
tion avert its evils. Impending difficulties of this character should 
not, ill this advanced age, be left to the chance arbitrament of force. 
These are questions which ought to be solved by the statesman and 
philanthropist, and not by the soldier. 

Adopted at a meeting of the Committee held in the City of San 
Francisco, August 13th, 1877. 

Attest : Frank Shay, Secretary. 




A Paper Read before the Social Science Association, 
at Saratoga, September 10, 1879. 



743 and 745 Broadway 



By Charles Scribner's Sons. 


The question of Chinese immigration has drawn to 
it a degree of attention since the immigrants began to 
land in this country thirty years ago, which can hardly 
be explained by their numbers, their conduct, or their 
capacity. The total arrivals from China during a quar- 
ter of a century have not equaled the number of per- 
sons which have landed at New York from Europe in 
six months during most of those same years. Their 
behavior, under great provocation, has excited no com- 
motion ; nor has their learning, power, skill, or bigotry 
been such as to give any reasonable ground for alarm. 
It is not easy to account for the excitement on rational 
grounds, or to explain the many unfounded statements 
against the Chinese which have passed current, even 
after their inaccuracy has been shown. A good deal 
of the discussion has arisen from the different views 
taken as to what might grow out of their presence or 
increase. Some, drawing on their fears for their facts, 
regard them as the first ripple of an overwhelming flood 
of ignorance, poverty, heathenism, and vice ; while 
others, speaking from experience, after trying them in 
various capacities, assure us that the Chinese are docile, 
temperate, thrifty, and industrious, and have great ca- 
pacity for improvement. 

4 Chinese Immigration. 

My present object is to describe the origin, kind, and 
prospects of this immigration, the conduct and the 
rights of the immigrants, with notices of their treatment, 
so as to come to an intelligent idea of the question. 
Few incidents in the last few months have had a more 
picturesque setting in regard to the actors, the place of 
meeting, and the subject talked of, than the interview 
held last April between General Grant and the Chinese 
merchants at Georgetown, in Pulo Penang. This island 
owes its commercial importance to the industry and 
skill of its twelve thousand Chinese settlers, who, un- 
der the care and control of the British Government, 
have made it a mart for the traffic of the neighboring 
islands and continent. They met the late President of 
the United .States, in his journey around the globe. 
His position as a mere traveler offered to their minds, 
no doubt, something anomalous and almost inexplica- 
ble, but still invested with a scantling of its original 
power. They presented him with an address, whose 
subject was equally remarkable with the origin of the 
interlocutors, for they asked him to use his influence to 
secure a fair and liberal treatment for their countrymen 
in America, and to remove any restrictions which had 
been imposed on their freedom to come and go, the 
same as any other nation. He told them, in reply, 
" that the hostility of which they complained did not 
represent the real sentiment of America ; but was the 
work of demagogues,, who in that, as in other countries, 
pander to prejudice against race or nationality and favor 
any measure of oppression that might advance their 
political interests. He never doubted and no one could 
doubt that, in the end, no matter what effect the agita- 
tion for the time being might have, the American peo- 
ple would treat the Chinese with kindness and justice, 
and not deny to the free and deserving people of their 

Chinese Immigration. 5 

country the asylum they offer to the rest of the 

I believe that this witness spoke truly. The discus- 
sions in the West and the East, in the pulpit and in 
Congress, will all tend to bring out the truth and help 
to maintain our national character for fairness and jus- 
tice in relation to the Chinese. China itself is one of 
the best misrepresented countries in the world, and her 
people have been subject to the most singular diversity 
of opinion from writers and travelers, whose books have 
shown that they had had no opportunity to revise first 
impressions, or correct errors, and yet have furnished 
most of the statements relied on for the estimate taken 
of Chinese civilization. Now that scholars have in- 
creased, our acquaintance with the arts, culture, govern- 
ment, and literature of the sons of Han will help us 
better to understand the causes which have operated to 
make them, under the blessing of God, as much of a 
nation as they are. 

They form one of the purest of existing races, and 
have occupied the eastern confines of Asia from very 
early times. The people are so often called Mongols 
in this country that it is concluded that they are of the 
same race as the nomads of the steppes. We may call 
them Turanians, if it be necessary to indicate their early 
nice affinities ; but it is unjust to apply a term which 
only dates from Genghis Khan, in the 13th century, 
fully 3,000 years after their history begins. His grand- 
son, Kublai, conquered China, and his family held sway 
over the empire for 83 years, under eleven emperors. 
All of them learned the elements of regular govern- 
ment from their subjects, whose manners, language, 
laws, and religion were generally adopted. Their ex- 
pulsion left the Chinese to themselves, and the Mongols 
or Tartars, as they are now usually called, have been 
since mostly under the control of their former subjects. 

6 Chinese Immigration. 

The present rulers of China belong to neither of these 
races; but to the Manchu, which has occupied the 
northeastern shores of Asia since the ioth century. 
This race ruled the northern provinces of China for 
about 1 20 years, till a.d. 1232, when Genghis Khan 
destroyed their power and drove them back into their 
original haunts. They again grew powerful, and by a 
fortunate stroke repossessed themselves of Peking, in 
1644, and have since ruled the empire with great pru- 
dence and vigor. 

It is, therefore, an entire misnomer to call the Chi- 
nese Mongols, and I am sure that many persons use it 
in ignorance of the facts of the case. I am well aware 
how the term Mongolian is used by writers to include 
Laplanders, Tartars, Chinese, Japanese, with the Esqui- 
maux and other Indian tribes, under one race ; but we 
wrongly use it to designate a people occupying the 
Chinese Empire only. The old Aztecs and Iroquois, 
in this continent, were more alike in most respects than 
the Chinese and their neighbors in Central Asia, and 
they feel chagrined to be thus designated. Not a 
Mongol, to my knowledge, has ever landed in this 
country, and none are likely to come, any more than 
are the Arabians or Brahmins. 

The southern Chinese alone have immigrated to 
foreign lands ; and until recently went only to the In- 
dian Archipelago, Siam, and India. This portion of 
the people is less pure as a race than their countrymen 
north of the Yangtse River, having early mingled with 
old Malayan tribes living south of the Nanling range in 
the province of Kwangtung. This mixed race exhibits 
some physical differences from their northern country- 
men, the results of amalgamation, climate, and food ; 
but is now quite the same in language, institutions, and 
religion. The people are smaller and more swarthy, 

Chinese Immigration. 7 

have more commercial enterprise, are better educated, 
and exhibit higher mechanical skill. 

Only six departments or prefectures, lying along the 
coasts of the two provinces of Kwangtung and Fuhkien, 
from Hing-hwa near Fuhchau, to Shau-king, west of 
Canton, have furnished all the emigrants to other lands. 
The emigration into Malaysia and the Indian Islands 
has been going on for two centuries, and its results 
have been greatly to the advantage of the native states. 
Wherever the Chinese have come into actual conflict 
with Europeans it has been only with regard to trade 
and taxes, and never on account of their attempts to 
set up independent governments. The prosperity of 
Luconia, Siam, and Borneo has been largely owing to 
this element of their population ; and even in Java, 
where the Dutch closed their ports against them in 
1840, they have recently been invited to return, as me- 
chanics and traders. 

The custom of these Southern Chinese has been to 
pass to and fro ; and, though most of the emigrants re- 
mained where they landed, thousands returned to their 
homes. This gradually diffused a knowledge of foreign 
countries and people throughout these coast regions, 
and made it easier for the natives to go to the Gold 
Hills when the report came in 1849 of the discoveries 
in California and Australia. A few went first to San 
Francisco, and their favorable reports spread through 
the towns around Canton, as they showed the dust they 
had brought. In 1854, the emigration began to assume 
larger proportions, and foreigners gave every facility to 
the emigration, as the business gave profitable employ- 
ment to their ships. 

The foreigners who flocked to California about 1849, 
and after, were desirous of getting Chinese labor, so 
that every immigrant soon found work. But about that 

8 Chinese Immigration. 

year the Cubans, Peruvians, and English were also de- 
sirous of importing Chinese laborers into their colonies ; 
and the ignorance of the latter of all foreign countries 
led them to readily infer that when once out of China 
they would at last reach the Gold Hills. This coolie 
trade, as it has been since called, was greatly aided by 
the free emigration to San Francisco and Melbourne ; 
but the two were radically different. 

During the ten or twelve years ending in 1874, 2: 
marked and well-known distinction between free and 
contract emigration was drawn by the natives around 
Canton simply by the port the ship sailed from. If she 
cleared from Hong-kong, everybody knew that her 
passengers were free ; if from Macao, forty miles west 
of it, all knew that they were coolies — or as the native 
term, chu-tsai, i. e. pigs in baskets, described them — 
and would probably never come back. So marked 
had this distinction become that the Portuguese had 
made a term from this phrase, chuchairo, to denote a 
coolie broker. In 1873 the atrocities connected with 
this business had become so outrageous that the Portu- 
guese Government, at the urgent remonstrance of the 
British Government, put a stop to the shipment of all 
contract Chinese from Macao, and brought the evils to 
an end. Their recital would be only a repetition of the 
modes in which reckless cupidity, irresponsible power, 
crafty misrepresentation and cunning, well-planned 
temptation, or outrageous violence and callousness, all 
united to get the advantage over ignorance, poverty, 
and want. The Chinese authorities at Canton issued 
stringent regulations to punish and restrain crimps and 
other agents ; but the laws were mostly a dead letter. 
The native kidnappers were sometimes caught by their 
countrymen, and put to death, with excruciating tor- 
tures, crucifixion, and burning. Still, so long as the 

Chinese Immigration. 9 

coolies could be shipped from Macao, the trade went 
on, to the terror of the community in which it thrived 
and the disgrace of that settlement, till it was confessed 
that it never could be conducted with both profit and 

These notices of the coolie trade are given because 
much has been said in the United States about the 
coolies brought here. It may be stated that this word 
coolie, is not Chinese, but Bengalee. It was originally 
the name of a hill tribe in India, whose able-bodied 
men were wont to go down to the plains in harvest- 
time, just as Irish laborers cross to England at the 
same season and return home when it is over. The 
name gradually extended to all transient laborers, and 
in 1835 such people were hired at Calcutta (under con- 
tracts) to go to Mauritius, where laborers were needed. 
The application of the word to Chinese contract labor- 
ers was easy, for the term was already in use among 
foreigners in China for lower house servants and day 
laborers. These last, on their part, supposed it to be an 
English word, and probably the immigrants, on reach- 
ing San Francisco, ready to do any kind of labor, and 
not knowing many English words, so called themselves. 
There are three different terms in Chinese for house 
servants, for day laborers, and for contract coolies ; and 
I think that a good deal of our misapprehension as to 
the character of those in California has arisen from this 
misuse of the word. 

The regions to which the coolies were carried includ- 
ed Cuba and Peru (where most of them landed), Ja- 
maica, Trinidad, Demerara, Surinam, Hawaii, Brazil, and 
Central America. The Panama Railroad was mostly 
built by them, taken there in American ships. The only 
attempt to bring them to this country, which I have heard 
of, was made by some persons in New Orleans ; but 

io Chinese Immigration. 

I am not aware how it succeeded. The total number 
of men thus carried away was probably over 300,000. 
of whom 142,422 landed at Havana between 1847 
and 1874. Out of the whole, I do not think that 5oo 
ever escaped or returned home ; and I am inclined to 
believe that over two-thirds of them all went abroad 
willingly, though ignorantly. 

During these same years, men were going and re- 
turning from San Francisco and Melborne, with stories- 
of their success. The total arrivals at the former port 
between i852 and 1878, according to the custom house 
records, was 230,430, of whom 133,491 returned home 
or died, leaving 96,939 in the country, not including 
births. " SpofTorth's Almanac" for 1878 gives the ar- 
rivals in all the United States between i855 and 1877 
at 1 9 1 , 1 1 8. At this rate, it will probably take a century 
before half a million will find a footing in our wide do- 
main, and that too against the competition of the own- 
ers and settlers of the soil and the skilled labor of our 
artisans. If two-fifths returned home when the land 
was open and calling for laborers, and the building of 
railroads gave work and wages to thousands of these 
hands, is it not as certain as a thing can be, on these 
facts, that the supply of workmen will be proportioned 
to the demand ? On our eastern shores almost half a 
million of immigrants landed at New York in 1872 
alone ; while the total number of arrivals from Europe 
for 30 years, ending in 1878, was 8,200,000, or more 
than one-sixth of our present population. 

Nearly all the Chinese have come here from a strip of 
territory not much larger than the State of Connecticut, 
lying south and southwest of the city of Canton. Some 
alarmists said last year that myriads from the famine- 
stricken provinces in Northern China were to be brought 
to our shores ; but not an emigrant has ever sailed from 

Chinese Immigration. 1 1 

Shanghai or Tientsin for California. All have gone 
from Hongkong. The province of Kwangtung, of which 
Canton is the capital, measures 79,456 square miles, 
and its inhabitants speak many local dialects, which 
tends to crystallize them into separate communities, and 
has great influence on emigration, because it is only 
those who speak the same dialect who naturally go to- 
gether. A man from Canton, meeting one from Amoy, 
Fuhchau, Ningpo, Tientsin, or Hankow, would be un- 
intelligible to each of them, as they severally would be 
to each other ; and this feature almost compels emigrants 
to follow the lead already opened. Thus Swatow fur- 
nishes those for Siam, Amoy does those for Manila, 
Kia-ying for Borneo, and five districts in the central 
and southwest parts of Kwangtung province were the 
homes of those now in Australia and the United States. 
Their names are Sin-hwui, Sin-ning, Kai-ping, Ngan- 
ping and Hiang-shan. For those coming from each of 
these five districts, or counties, a company has been 
formed in San Francisco to look after their welfare and 
to help them while in America. A sixth company does 
the same for all the immigrants from other places. The 
inducements and help of friends and the reports of re- 
turning miners have had great influence in stimulating 
their departure. Fears are entertained by some persons, 
however, that, if the gap thus opened in the vast popu- 
lation of the Chinese Empire be not stopped by limiting 
the number in one vessel to fifteen, or by abrogating the 
Burlingame Treaty, it will continue to run like a leak 
in a mill-dam, till we are all swamped. These are as 
baseless as the fear that the Indians are oroin^ to unite 
in a league to regain their ancestral hunting-grounds. 
Men do not change their homes and allegiance without 
adequate inducements and rewards, which are all want- 
ing in this case. 

12 Chinese Immigration. 

Two or three other causes, besides the different dia- 
lects, have much influence in hindering Chinese emi- 
gration. One is their pride of country, which leads 
them to look upon those who go out of it as most un- 
fortunate, running great risks of their lives, and putting 
themselves in the power of cruel and ignorant barba- 
rians. Though there is now no law in force forbidding 
emigration, public opinion strongly discourages it, and 
the love of home acts against it. 

A second deterrent cause is a strong sectional an- 
tipathy between the natives of different provinces, and 
even parts of the same province, leading them to shun 
each other like the clans of Scotland in the olden time. 
In Kwangtung, constant strifes arise between settlers 
and squatters, called pun-ti and kak-ka, often resulting 
in much loss of life. This repugnance tends to confine 
the immigrants to our shores to the districts near Can- 
ton. Further strong influences are at work to detain 
those who are in office or belong to the gentry, and 
those who have property or are in business. Besides 
these, the ties of family and claims of infirm, needy, and 
sick dependants compel myriads to stay. The numbers, 
which seem to be great here, are not missed there. 
Their departure or return makes no impression nor 
stimulates other throngs to do likewise. The men we 
have are the common peasantry from country districts 
— young and healthy, thrifty and industrious, willing 
to work and make their way in the world. They are 
neither paupers nor lepers, and certainly not criminals, 
for such could not get away nor obtain the aid or 
security needed. China has not yet learned how to dis- 
pose of her criminals this way. Most of them can read 
a little. Hundreds get over by borrowing money on 
high interest, to be repaid as they earn it, the lenders 
risking it on their life and habits. One hears so much 

Chinese Immigration. 13 

of the serfs, slaves, coolies, peons, Mongols, and such 
like poured on our shores, that very erroneous notions 
of their character prevail. One official document even 
described them as " voluntary slaves by the unalterable 
structure of their intelligent being." Complaint has 
been often made that the immigrants bring no families ; 
but custom is too strong for the women to leave home 
to any extent. I think, when Ave consider how timid 
and ignorant they are — many of them crippled by 
cramping the feet — that, under the circumstances, it has 
been better as it is. Their sufferings would have prob- 
ably been great, unable as most of them are to speak 
English, the objects of obloquy, and exposed to mani- 
fold temptations. 

The new constitution of California gives us the in- 
tentions of the opponents of Chinese labor in Art. XIX., 
and shows the ignorance of its framers by the impossi- 
bility of carrying out its provisions. Some of them are 
in violation of the laws and constitution of the United 
States. ' ' Asiatic coolieism " is prohibited ; but is not 
defined. It was needless, however ; for Asiatic coolie- 
ism had never existed in California, or any other State 
of the Union. It had already been declared to be 
illegal and piratical by Congress, and the law-makers 
might have fortified their position by referring to the 
Act approved February 19th, 1862, before inserting the 
following extraordinary section in the organic law of 
their State : 

" Sect. 4. The presence of foreigners ineligible to 
become citizens of the United States is declared to be 
dangerous to the well-being of the State, and the legis- 
lature shall discourage their immigration by all the 
means within its power. Asiatic coolieism is a form 
of human slavery, and is forever prohibited in this State, 
and all contracts for coolie labor shall be void. All 
companies or corporations, whether formed in this 

14 Chinese Immigration. 

country or any foreign country, for the importation of 
such labor shall be subject to such penalties as the legis- 
lature may prescribe. The legislature shall delegate 
all necessary power to the incorporated cities and towns 
of this State for the removal of Chinese without the 
limits of such cities and towns, or for their location 
within prescribed portions of those limits ; and it shall 
also provide the necessary legislation to prohibit the 
introduction into the State of Chinese after the adoption 
of this constitution. This section shall be enforced by 
appropriate legislation." 

If history repeats itself, legislation does so far more 
frequently ; for here are the silly laws of China and 
mediaeval Europe re-enacted in our Republic, and mak- 
ing new Ghettos for Chinamen near every town in 
California. This whole section reads more like the by- 
laws of a mining company, trying to keep its claim 
intact from the encroachments of other companies by 
erecting a fence around its land, than the deliberate 
result of a convention of wise men met to make a State 
constitution. It is not stated who are the. foreigners 
ineligible to become citizens ; nor is it defined how the 
company formed in a foreign country for the importa- 
tion of coolie labor, even before it has done anything* 
is to be made subject to the penalties of a California 
legislature ; nor how that State is going to execute 
laws prohibiting the introduction of Chinese into its 
borders, in face of a treaty between China and the 
United States. These points are left for the wisdom 
of a future legislature to attend to. 

I have stated that an act of Congress is in existence 
prohibiting the introduction of contract laborers from 
China, or any other land, into the United States. In 
January, 1867, the following resolution unanimously 
passed both houses of Congress : 

" Whereas, The traffic in laborers, transported from 

Chinese Immigration. iS 

China and other Eastern countries, known as the coolie 
trade, is odious to the people of the United States, as 
inhuman and immoral ; and 

" Whereas, It is abhorrent to the spirit of modern 
international law and policy, which have substantially 
extirpated the African slave-trade, to permit the estab- 
lishment in its place of a mode of enslaving men differ- 
ing from the former in little else than the employment 
of fraud, instead of force, to make its victims captive ;. 
be it, therefore, 

" fiesolved, That it is the duty of this Government to 
give effect to the moral sentiment of the nation, through 
all its agencies, for the purpose of preventing the further 
introduction of coolies into this hemisphere or the adja- 
cent islands." 

This resolution was a proper expression of public 
opinion ; but it never prevented a single coolie after- 
ward landing at Havana or Callao, any more than its 
tone would lead one to suppose that a hundred thou- 
sand coolies had already landed at San Francisco, 
through the agency of the six companies. The op- 
ponents of Chinese immigration have so persistently 
declared that those who land in this country are coolies, 
that the burden of proof, after what has been said, must 
rest with them. It is not a mere question of the mean- 
ing of terms. Even so distinguished a man as Senator 
Blaine seems to have got the idea that the men now 
arriving in San Francisco are the same class of people 
designated in this resolution. He certainly ought, for 
his own credit, to have learned the facts of the case, 
before he accused the Chinese Government, as he did, 
of violating the Treaty, by declaring from his seat in 
the Senate, that, " in the sense in which we get immi- 
gration from Europe, there never has one Chinese 
immigrant come to these shores. . . . The Chinese 
Government agreed to enforce the provision that there 
should be nothing else than voluntary emigration. 

1 6 Chinese Immigration. 

They have never done it. The Treaty stands broken 
and defied by China from the hour it was made to the 
present time. We had to legislate against it. We 
legislated against it in the Coolie Law. The Chinese 
were so palpably and so flagrantly violating it, that 
statutes of the United States were enacted to contra- 
vene the evil they were doing; and it has gone on, 
probably not so grossly as before, but in effect the 

It is enough to say, in reply to this charge of break- 
ing the Treaty, that the Chinese authorities, both cen- 
tral and provincial, had passed many laws to restrain 
and prevent the coolie trade, and that the last act 
against it passed by our Congress was on February 
19th, 1862, more than six years before Mr. Burlingame 
signed the Treaty. When that Treaty was negotiating, 
in July, 1868, no one at Washington brought up the 
charge that the Chinese Government had been for 
years sending coolies to California, nor were the immi- 
grants then so generally stigmatized as serfs, coolies, 
peons, slaves, and Mongol hordes, for their labor was 
needed. I crossed the Pacific in i860 in a ship with 
three hundred and sixteen Chinamen, not one of whom 
had a contract, and three-fourths of them came from 
two villages. No Chinese ship has ever yet crossed 
the ocean ; consequently no Chinese has ever brought 
coolies to this country, and the blame of violating the 
Treaty could not rightly rest on that Government. 
Certainly, if there is one matter in which the American 
and Chinese Governments have been of one mind, it is 
the restriction of the coolie trade ; while all the difficul- 
ties, the responsibilities, and the sufferings, too, have 
been on the part of the latter. 

The majority of members in the Congressional Com- 
mittee sent to California in 1876 were against Chinese 

Chinese Immigration. ij 

immigration. It obtained much evidence in support of 
their views ; but none of the witnesses could produce 
a contract for bringing a single coolie from China. I 
have seen thousands and thousands of these contracts 
in Chinese and Spanish or English, containing the 
terms obliging the coolies to go abroad for so many 
years at such wages, and their stipulations are plain 
and explicit. 

I come now to a consideration of the Treaty which 
exists between China and this country. The bill which 
passed Congress last February, intended to restrict 
Chinese immigration, had this undignified feature (a 
solitary instance in our national legislation), that it 
covertly abrogated this Treaty, without even referring 
to its existence ; without citing an instance of its viola- 
tion ; and, what was worse, without first informing the 
other party. Its passage was quite unexpected ; but it 
aroused quick remonstrances from State legislatures, 
from colleges, from missionary societies, from chambers 
of commerce, and from distinguished citizens, all alike 
presenting their reasons to the President against his 

In its Treaty with China, this nation has solemnly 
pledged its faith to firm, lasting, and sincere friendship 
with that empire ; it has promised that the people of 
the United States should not, for any trifling cause, 
insult or oppress the people of China, so as to produce 
an estrangement between them ; the Federal Govern- 
ment has covenanted that Chinese subjects in the Unit- 
ed States should be exempt from all disability or per- 
secution on account of their religious faith ; it has 
asserted that there is mutual advantage from the free 
migration and emigration of the people of the United 
States and China respectively, from the one country to 
the other, for the purposes of curiosity, trade, or per- 

1 8 Chinese Immigration. 

manent residence ; it has specifically pledged itself that 
Chinese subjects residing in the United States should 
enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and exemptions 
in respect to travel or residence as citizens of the most 
favored nation ; and, finally, as if to place all stipula- 
tions in the Treaty on the highest moral basis, it in- 
vokes, in what is called the Toleration Article, as the 
standard of dealing between the two nations, the Chris- 
tian sentiment that the principles of the Christian reli- 
gion teach men to do good, to do to others as they 
would that others should do to them. In all these ways 
the Governor of Nations had beforehand placed the 
United States under peculiar liens toward this ancient 
kingdom to treat it with justice and patience. Some of 
the stipulations have a present application which could 
not have been anticipated when they were signed and 

I would urge the maintenance of this Treaty, not 
alone on the hiah around which the President takes in 

o o 

his veto — that it is not the function of Congress to 
make new treaties or modify existing ones, and " that 
the denunciation of a treaty by any government is con- 
fessedly justifiable only upon some reason, both of the 
highest justice and of the highest necessity " — but on the 
higher ground that we shall sin against right and jus- 
tice if we do not The highest expression of a nation's 
voice is in its treaties ; they form almost the only dec- 
laration, of its honor which other nations can appeal to. 
The denunciation of the conduct of the last king of 
judah, for his violation of his covenant with the king 
of Babylon, stands on the sacred page as the highest 
attestation of the sacred character of such compacts. 
Says the prophet Ezekiel, speaking of king Zedekiah's 
conduct : 

Chinese Immigration. 19 

" Seeing he despised the oath by breaking the cov- 
enant, when, lo, he had given his hand, and hath done 
all these things, he shall not escape. Therefore, thus 
saith the Lord God, As I live, surely mine oath that 
he hath despised, and my covenant that he hath broken, 
even it will I recompense upon his own head." 

I do not doubt that these words carry much weight 
with them still as a word of warning ; and I believe 
that there is moral strength and principle in the people 
of this land quite sufficient to maintain what they have 
promised in the treaty with China. 

The government of that empire has uniformly ad- 
mitted its obligations ; and, considering its great diffi- 
culties, has creditably fulfilled them. The four treaties 
signed at Tientsin in i858 were, no doubt, obtained 
under great fear and pressure ; but their stipulations 
placed international intercourse between the East and 
the West on a definite footing, and their operation has 
been to teach the secluded rulers of China both their 
own rights and their duties toward other nations. Great 
progress was shown, eleven years after, in sending Mr. 
Burlingame on a complimentary embassy to the powers 
with whom the Emperor had made treaties. ' 

When the embassy reached Washington, it was re- 
ceived with great eclat. Among other things done during 
its stay was the negotiation of eight additional articles 
to the existing Treaty, by plenipotentiaries of the two 
governments, who signed them on the 28th of July, 
1868. They were ratified by the Senate a few days 
afterward, and then forwarded to Peking, to be ratified 
by the Emperor, even before they had been submitted 
to his perusal. This was not done till the 23d of No- 
vember, 1869, 

Considering the circumstances under which the first 
or Reed Treaty was signed, those attending the second 

20 Chinese Immigration. 

were indicative of great and real progress in the inter- 
vening ten years. Its fifth article relates to emigration 
from either country, and has drawn great attention in 
and out of Congress, as if it stood in the way of our 
ridding ourselves of an unbearable evil in the crowds of 
Chinese who had thereby been induced to come to this 
country. It reads : 

" The United States of America and the Empire of 
China cordially recognize the inherent and inalienable 
right of man to change his home and allegiance, and 
also the mutual advantage of the free migration and 
emigration of their citizens and subjects respectively 
from one country to the other, for purposes of curiosity, 
of trade, or as permanent residents. The high contract- 
ing parties join, therefore, in reprobating any other than 
an entirely voluntary emigration for these purposes. 
They consequently agree to pass laws making it a penal 
offense for a citizen of the United States or Chinese 
subject to take Chinese subjects either to the United 
States or any other foreign country, or for a Chinese 
subject or citizen of the United States to take citizens 
of the United States to China or to any other foreign 
country without their free and voluntary consent, re- 

The leading idea in this article is to discourage the 
coolie trade, and this public declaration of our Govern- 
ment as to the difference between it and voluntary emi- 
gration was not supposed to have any other meaning. 
It is hard to see, moreover, how the declaration of an 
inalienable right of all men should be supposed to en- 
courage or hinder its exercise ; it could not have incited 
emigration, for I am sure that not one in a hundred of 
the Chinese who have landed here ever saw it in their 
own country. Says Gov. Morton, the chairman of the 
Congressional Committee : 

" When this Treaty was concluded with China, it was 

Chinese Immigration. 21 

regarded by the whole nation as a grand triumph of 
American diplomacy and principles ; and Mr. Burlin- 
game was regarded as a benefactor of his country by 
having secured to Americans the protection of the 
Chinese Government and the right to live there and trade, 
and for having 1 secured from China a recognition of 
what may be called the great American doctrine of the 
inherent and inalienable right of man to change his 
home and his allegiance. For the recognition of this 
doctrine we had been struggling by negotiation ever 
since we had a national existence, and had succeeded 
with them one by one. Within the last eight years we 
have secured its recognition by Germany and other 
European states that had long held out against us." 

I need not quote from the recorded views of Gov. 
Morton on the backward step this country has been 
urged to take in regard to Chinese immigration, by 
adopting the very policy China itself is forsaking. That 
opinion would have been even more decided if he had 
lived to join in the Congressional debate of last winter, 
and record his vote in the Senate against the bill. 

The passage of this bill at that time drew public at- 
tention to the treaty rights of the Chinese, and the peo- 
ple sustained the veto of President Hayes, as' a judicious, 
sound, and timely refusal to yield to a sectional demand 
to go back on a lifelong policy in regard to immigration. 
That veto saved this Republic from one of the most un- 
called-for wrongs to its national reputation, in repudiat- 
ing a solemn treaty, in fact, if not in form, without 
mentioning a single instance in the bill of the wrong- 
doing of the other party, as was done in 1798, when the 
treaty with France was abrogated by Congress, and 
without first stating to the Chinese our own case. It 
would have been hard for us to have made out a griev- 
ance. We would never have done so toward a strong 
nation, and it was entirely unnecessary to do it toward 

22 Chinese Immigration. 

a weak one. The new constitution of California has r 
however, supplemented the bill by the following sec- 
tions : 

" No corporation now existing or hereafter formed 
under the laws of this State shall, after the adoption of 
this constitution, employ, directly or indirectly, in any 
capacity, any Chinese or Mongolian. The legislature 
will pass such laws as may be necessary to enforce this 

" No Chinese will be employed on any State, county, 
municipal, or other public work, except in punishment 
for crime." 

The execution of these two sections is likely to cause 
some resistance on the part of corporations in that 
State, by their restrictions on the labor market — one of 
the chimerical objects of the majority of the Conven- 

As another instance of unjust (if not impossible) 
legislation in the same direction, one where the object 
aimed at is almost forgotten in view of the manner in 
which it is to be reached, is a bill recently introduced 
in the Senate by Mr. Slater, of Oregon. This is what 
his bill forbids the hapless Chinaman to do : 

"To engage in, carry on, or work at any manufac- 
turing or mechanical business ; or to own or lease, car- 
ry on or work any mine, or to own or lease any real 
estate for any purpose other than that of lawful com- 
merce and for places of residence ; or to conduct any 
farm, garden, vineyard, or orchard, for agricultural, 
horticultural, or other like purpose ; or to own, have, 
or keep any herd of cattle, horses, sheep, goats, or 
swine, for the purpose of making profit by the increase, 
product, or use thereof; or to keep any hotel or res- 
taurant for public entertainment (excepting for the use 
and accommodation of the citizens and subjects of 

Chinese Immigration. 23 

China) ; or to work or engage to work as mechanic, 
artisan, laborer, waiter, servant, cook, clerk, or messen- 
ger, or in any other kind of labor, skilled or unskilled, 
except for and in the employ of citizens and subjects of 
China lawfully engaged in commerce in the United 
States or traveling or residing therein." 

The bill reads like an edict of Philip or Alva against 
heretics, for it declares that the penalty for every viola- 
tion of these provisions is a fine of not less than sioo, 
and an imprisonment for not more than six months. 
Conviction involves a " forfeiture of all property used 
or invested in the prohibited business." No person or 
corporation can employ a Chinese in prohibited work 
or business, under a penalty of $100 for each offense. 
Comment on such regulations could add nothing to 
their harshness, their impossibility, or their folly. It 
is true, indeed, that they have not yet the force of law, 
and I quote them only as an index of the kind of legis- 
lation which may be attempted at the next session in 
regulating the treatment of these people in the East as 
well as in the Pacific States. 

I have endeavored to show that the Chinese are here 
under the strongest public sanctions of any race, and 
ought to be protected in their treaty rights by this na- 
tion. They began to come to the Pacific coast at the 
invitation of our own people, attracted there, as others 
were, by the search for gold. They took up the washed- 
out and abandoned diggings at first; but they have 
since continued to come and go, because there was a 
demand for their labor. We call them Heathen Chinee, 
and so, unhappily, they are ; but they brought with 
them industrious and quiet habits, and during the past 
27 years have added largely to the resources and 
wealth of this country. They have spread themselves 
over that and the neighboring States, wherever their 

24 Chinese Immigration. 

labor was wanted, and have given general satisfaction 
in those branches of unskilled labor for which they 
were fit. It is impossible to estimate the money value 
of this industry ; but the evidence taken by the Morton 
Committee proves that, without their help, many enter- 
prises now in full operation would not have been at- 
tempted when they were much needed. Among these 
enterprises the Pacific Railroad stands prominent, and 
one of its leading managers testified that Chinese labor- . 
ers had given more employment to white laborers than 
they could otherwise have got, and that the road could 
not have been completed for many years if these Asi- 
atics had not been available. Over a million acres of 
tule-lands have been reclaimed, which wotild otherwise 
have lain idle to this day. Irrigating canals for farms, 
with dams and sluices for the mines, all owe their exist- 
ence to this source. One witness stated that without 
Chinese aid the population of California could not be 
maintained at more than one-half its present amount ; 
and in regard to the cultivation of wheat, he assured 
the Committee that it could not be profitably raised at 
all if the cost of production were increased. I was told 
that in September, 1876, about 400,000 bushels were 
ready for the sickle, and that this crop could not have 
been moved unless Chinese laborers had been there 
to put it on board ship at a cheap rate. The only thing 
to be done with it was to let it rot or burn it. The 
ramifications of labor are so great that every one must 
see that it is nearly impossible to separate out one 
branch from all the others, and that to place the bene- 
fits of Chinese labor at a figure like $300,000,000 or 
#400,000,000 is to deceive one's self as to its true value. 
It is the way, however, that " we are ruined by cheap 
Chinese labor." 

How fallacious, therefore, are the statements in the 

Chinese Immigration. 25 

California Senate Address by which its writers try to 
prove the loss to the country caused by this immigra- 
tion. They roundly assert that the Chinese laborers 
make a draft upon the wealth of the nation, take from 
instead of adding to its substance, and have abstracted 
from California alone not less than $ 180,000,000 in 
gold, while they have contributed nothing to the State 
or national wealth, and prevent a more desirable class 
of settlers coming. An estimate is then made that 
125,000 male European immigrants would have en- 
riched the State at least $380,000,000, in which total is 
included the $180,000,000 carried home by the Chinese. 
In this singular sum in political economy, the capital 
value of so many European immigrants who had not 
yet landed in the State is set over against the actual 
earnings of as many Chinese, not one of whom could 
have got a cent to carry home until his labor made it 
and left its equivalent behind him. If, too, they carried 
it and themselves home, could not the writers see that 
just so many vacant places were left for the more de- 
sirable class ? The very reason alleged against the 
Chinese carrying their earnings home is, therefore, in- 
compatible with the fear expressed by the writers of 
the unarmed invasion impending from Asia. The im- 
pulse which led the immigrants to return should, in 
fairness, have been stated as a reason why there was 
little to fear as to their coming in vast numbers. But 
the one-sidedness of this Address is apparent through- 
out. If, however, the 125,000 European immigrants 
who, if the Chinese had never come, would have en- 
riched the State nearly #400,000,000, have helped to 
enact the new constitution now in force, some of the 
American inhabitants may think that their presence has 
not been all clear gain. 

The main arguments of those who have denounced 
the Chinese have been founded a good deal upon par- 

26 Chinese Immigration. 

tial statements of facts which are not denied, and an 
exaggeration of evils which have been caused in a 
good measure by the bad treatment the Chinese have 
received. An instance of this mode of argument ap- 
pears in this Address, where it describes the expected 
" unarmed invasion" which is to overwhelm the Pacific 
slope, and to resist which the Senatorial Committee 
calls upon this nation for help : 

"Already, to the minds of many, this immigration - 
begins to assume the nature and proportions of a dan- 
gerous, unarmed invasion of our soil. Twenty years 
of increasing Chinese immigration will occupy the en- 
tire Pacific coast, to the exclusion of the white popu- 
lation. Many of our people are confident that the 
whole coast is yet to become a mere colony of China. 
All the old empires have been conquered by armed in- 
vasions ; but North and South America and Australia 
have been wrested from their native inhabitants by 
peaceable, unarmed invasions. Nor is this fear entirely 
groundless as to the Pacific coast, for it is in keeping 
with the principles which govern the changes of modern 
dynasties and the advance guard is already upon our 
shores. The immigration which is needed to offset and 
balance that from China is retarded by the condition of 
the labor question on this coast, and we have reason to 
expect that within ten years the Chinese will equal 
the whites. In view of these facts, thousands of our 
people are beginning to feel a settled exasperation — a 
profound sense of dissatisfaction with the situation. 
Hitherto this feeling has been restrained and the Chi- 
nese have had the full protection of our laws. It may 
be true that at rare intervals acts of violence have been 
committed towards them ; but it is also true that punish- 
ment has swiftly followed. Our city criminal courts in- 
variably inflict a severer punishment for offenses com- 
mitted upon Chinese than for like offenses committed 
against whites. The people of this State have been 
more than patient. We are satisfied that the condition 
of affairs, as they exist in San Francisco, would not be 

Chinese Immigration. 27 

tolerated without a resort to violence in any Eastern 
city. It is the part of wisdom to anticipate the day 
when patience may cease, and by wise legislation avert 
its evils. Impending difficulties of this character should 
not in this advanced age be left to the chance arbitra- 
ment of force. These are questions which ought to be 
solved by the statesman and philanthropist, and not by 
the soldier." 

It has been by such a mixture of facts, fears, and as- 
sertions that much of the ill-will against the Chinese 
has been fostered. Its influence has probably been 
greater than that of any other document issued ; for it is 
signed by the Chairman and Secretary of the Commit- 
tee, and few of its readers have the means of verifying 
or examining its statements. The single fact, how- 
ever, that less than 1 20,000 Chinese, at the highest esti- 
mate, even now remain in our borders, indicates the 
little depth and force of this unarmed invasion. 

This Address was fully answered December 8th, 
1877, by a Memorial from the Six Companies addressed 
to the Senate and House of Representatives, containing 
statements drawn from public documents, and proofs 
of its inaccuracy, which could not be denied. The 
amounts of poll and other taxes paid by the Chinese in 
the State were far beyond the proportion paid by other 
inhabitants, especially in the miner's tax. Every page 
of this Memorial bears evidence of the carefulness with 
which it was written, in view of the scrutiny which 
would assail its assertions. It has borne the examina- 
tion ; but in the Eastern States it has not been made 
known as widely as the Address. The contrast be- 
tween the writers and the objects, arguments, and ani- 
mus of the two documents is one of the most singular 
and instructive in the history of the American people. 
The charges brought against the British Crown by our 

28 Chinese Immigration. 

fathers in the Revolution, detailing the bad treatment 
experienced by the colonists, did not compare with the 
injustice and wrongs which have been suffered by the 
Chinese under the laws of California. 

In face of the assertion just quoted from the Address, 
as to the "severer punishment inflicted upon those who 
attacked the Chinese," I abridge a sentence or two of 
the argument of Mr. Bee, spoken before the Morton 
Committee, in 1876, about a year before the Address - 
was issued : 

" I regret exceedingly, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, 
to bring to your notice scenes and acts which have 
transpired upon the streets of San Francisco, which are 
a disgrace to any and all civilization. No country, no 
government, I undertake to say, has ever permitted the 
indignities to be cast upon any race of people that the 
government and municipality of San Francisco and 
California have permitted upon this class. I have my- 
self seen one of the Pacific Mail steamships hauled into 
dock in this city, loaded with 1,000 or i,5oo Chinese. 
They were put into express wagons, to be taken to the 
Chinese quarter ; and I have seen them stoned from 
the time they landed till they reached Kearney Street, 
leaning out of the wagons with their scalps cut open. 
I have seen them stoned when going afoot from the 
vessel. No arrests were made, no police interfered. I 
do not recollect of ever an arrest beinsf made when the 
hoodlums and street Arabs attacked these immigrants. 
I say it with shame, that they have no privileges, and 
do not seem to have the protection of the laws extend- 
ed to them in any particular." 

This treatment by the hoodlums of that city was cor- 
roborated by a clergyman who was giving one reason 
for the few conversions among the Chinese, and there 
seems to have been no efforts made by the police to 
restrain such wronof-doers. The writers of the Memo- 

Chinese Immigration. 29 

rial, in view of these facts, most justly ask the ques- 
tion : 

" Where is your boasted independence, when an 
agrarian mob dictates what kind of labor you must em- 
ploy ? Where is your boasted freedom of speech, when 
a daily press dare not discuss both sides of a question 
or speak a word in favor of an abused and persecuted 
stranger ? Where is that liberty your fathers fought 
for, that a mob, led by aliens, can undisturbed hold 
their daily gatherings, and threaten to hang your best 
citizens, burn their property, and denounce them as 
thieves ? And where does this lawless element look 
for encouragement, but to that class which occupies a 
higher political plane, whose exaggerated opinions con- 
cerning the Chinese we have quoted." 

This memorial also refers to Gov. Irwin's assertion 
in his message that the Chinaman has had his rights 
adjudicated in the courts with the same fairness that 
other immigrants have had theirs ; and then asks, Wnat 
justice was meted out at Antioch, at Truckee, at Rock- 
lin, Penryn, and Secret Ravine, when the property of 
Chinese was destroyed, they shot down as they tried 
to escape, and all driven away ? They ask if one of 
the actors in the July riots of 1877 in San Fran- 
cisco, when their property was destroyed and a Chinese 
murdered for defending his domicile, and his body 
thrown into the flames, has ever been punished. 

These accusations, charges, rejoinders, etc., all indi- 
cate the existence of serious antagonism in the society 
of the Pacific States. What are their causes ? The 
strength and violence of this antagonism have been 
fostered by some peculiar circumstances ; and, as evils 
never cure or weaken themselves, we do well to look 
at their workings in the light of such facts as are be- 
fore us. 

3<3 Chinese Immigration. 

To my own mind, there is no fear of a great or irre- 
sistible immigration, and the reasons for its increase are 
less now than when the country was first opened. 
Thirty years have passed since the providence of God 
placed this region under the control of a Protestant 
nation, and, by disclosing its metallic treasures, after its 
sovereignty had been secured, attracted a population 
with such rapidity that California alone of all our States 
was never a colony or a territory, but arose at once 
from its military sway to be a fully organized State. 
That population was so ill assorted, too, that its reck- 
less, lawless elements soon became too strong for the 
law-abiding portion, and the Vigilance Committee was 
the only remedy to save the State from anarchy. With 
hundreds of convicts, escaped from Australia, came 
hundreds of " moon-eyed Celestials," as the Chinese 
were called. A greater contrast was hardly ever seen 
between two classes of immigrants. No power was in 
the hands of the latter, and they were ere long exposed 
to discriminating legislation, the object of special laws 
which taxed away their property without their being 
allowed any voice in the matter. As soon as a law of 
the State had declared that a Chinese was an Indian, 
and its courts affirmed it, he was in reality outlawed. 
In 1 852, Governor Bigler said there was no provision 
in the Treaty with China how Chinese immigrants 
should be treated, and that the Chinese Government 
would have no right to complain of any law excluding 
them from the country, by taxation or otherwise. This 
was before the date of the Burlingame Treaty ; but 
while an act of the California legislature could not turn 
a Chinese into an Indian, any more than an act of 
Congress could turn a greenback into a piece of gold, 
it could prevent their evidence being taken in court ; 
it could prevent their fishing or mining, their taking up 

Chinese Immigration 


land or settling on it ; it could prevent their becoming 
citizens ; and it did expose them, without remedy, to 
the most unjust treatment. 

The summary manner in which the courts in Cali- 
fornia converted the Chinese into Indians, when it was 
desired to bring a law to bear against them, has a spice 
of the grotesque in it. The physiologist Charles Pick- 
ering, includes Chinese and Indians among the mem- 
bers of the Mongolian race ; but the Supreme Court 
there held " that the term Indian included the Chinese 
or Mongolian race." It thus upheld a wrong, while it 
enunciated a misconception. It placed the subjects of 
the oldest government now existing upon a parity with 
a race that has never risen above tribal relations. It 
included under one term a people whose literature dates 
its beginning before the Psalms or the Exodus, written 
in a language which the judge would not have called In- 
dian, if he had tried to learn it, and containing authors 
whose words have influenced more human beings than 
any other writings, with men whose highest attainments 
in writing have been a few pictures and totems drawn 
on a buffalo robe. It equalized all the qualities of indus- 
try, prudence, skill, learning, invention/ and whatever 
gives security to life and property among mankind, 
with the instincts and habits of a hunter and a nomad. 
It stigmatized a people which has taught us how to 
make porcelain, silk, and gunpowder, given us the 
compass, shown us the use of tea, and offers us their 
system of selecting officials by competitive examina- 
tions, by classing them with a race which has despised 
labor, has had no arts, schools, or trade, and in the midst 
of the Californians themselves were content to dig roots 
for a living. 

The anomalies growing out of our present laws re- 
lating to naturalization are such as to allow the authori- 

32 Chinese Immigration. 

ties in one State of the Union to give the Chinese 
citizenship within its borders, while those of another 
State may refuse it. The first has been done in New 
York, the latter is the rule in California. In 1878, 
Judge Sawyer of the U. S. Circuit Court for the Dis- 
trict of California, rendered a decision on this point, 
quoting Sect. 2169 of the Revised Statutes of the 
United States, " that the provisions of this title (33) 
shall apply to aliens being free white persons, and to' 
aliens of African nativity and to persons of African 
descent." He decided that Chinese are not by law 
entitled to naturalization in this country because they 
are not white persons within the meaning of the 
statute, and that the intention of Congress was to ex- 
clude from naturalization " all but white persons and 
persons of African nativity and African descent." This 
decision would, therefore, properly exclude all Malays, 
Siamese, Burmese, Hindus, and Arabs, but it is an 
open and doubtful question whether it would exclude 
all Chinese and Japanese. The Chinese now in this 
country are more swarthy than their northern country- 
men, for they come from just within the tropics ; but 
that people occupy a million and more square miles 
lying in the temperate zone, and those living in the 
northern provinces are about as white as Europeans on 
the same latitude ; both are more nearly olive than 
white. Three times has this question been decided in 
the courts of California in like manner " that the term 
Indian inchided the Chinese or Mongolian race ; " but 
it is high time that a question in ethnology and na- 
tional hue should be examined carefully and settled on 
some basis before a judicial sentence carries with it 
such consequences. 

When all this was done by those in power, then they 
declare that the Chinese will not assimilate with us. 

Chinese Immigration 


Senator Blaine describes the result, after the two races 
have been living side by side for more than thirty 
years, as not one step toward it ; but he omits to men- 
tion the feelings which have flowed from thirty years' 
ill treatment, as tending to strengthen the divergence. 
Some might reply that this was only a fair return for 
the opprobrious epithets which their countrymen and 
rulers have given to all foreigners for hundreds of years 
and the ill-usage and the restrictions which these epi- 
thets indicated ; but the times of that ignorance we can 
well afford to wink at, for they are passing away, and 
it is quite too late to use such arguments for our vindi- 
cation. We are now mutually learning that there is 
far more of worth and promise in each other than either 
had supposed ; and I believe, after forty-three years' in- 
tercourse with the lowest and highest classes, that only 
a wider knowledge is needed to cause a higher appreci- 
ation. It is reasonable, therefore, that a different status 
be given them, and now, that a Chinese legation has 
been received at Washington, and a Chinese consul ac- 
cepted for San Francisco, it is suitable that the country- 
men of Yung Wing and Seet Mingcook be no longer 
classed with Sioux and Pawnees. 

Their helpless condition before the law in early times 
in California made them easy victims to violence. It 
stimulated the robberies, murders, ejections, and as- 
saults which ere long became so barefaced that a mem- 
ber of the legislature at Sacramento used them as an 
argument for allowing the Chinese to testify in courts, 
because otherwise white persons would be exposed to 
similar violence. 

" The wretches who committed these atrocities," as 

the Rev. Dr. Speer, in his valuable work, says, " felt 

secure under a threefold cover. First, comparatively 

few of the Chinese could speak English or knew how 


34 Chinese Immigration. 

to obtain justice. In the next place, the officers of 
justice were too often under the control of the men 
who committed the offense, nominated and elected by 
them, and the villains let it be known that they would 
vote against any man who favored the Chinese. Lastly, 
these strangers have not been allowed to speak in an 
American court, and say : This was the man who shot 
down my brother in cold blood, and robbed his dying 
body of the gold for which he had been toiling for 
years, to send it home to make more happy the old age 
of our parents." Such things as these compelled a 

One of these three disabilities still lies very much at 
the root of the whole question — viz., the inability to 
speak and read the English language. Its natural 
effect has been to drive the Chinese into closer compact 
amongst themselves, to strengthen the clannish feelings 
which would urge each aggrieved person to seek aid 
against his enemy from those who could hear his com- 
plaints, and to make him more thoroughly an alien by 
the feeling that he had been outraged without the hope 
of redress. This ignorance was insurmountable in the 
great portion of the immigrants, for they were too poor 
to spend their time in learning our language properly, 
and were too old to talk it intelligibly. 

One result, too, was to throw great responsibility on 
the Six Companies, through whom the immigrants tried 
and did generally find counsel and aid. These compa- 
nies have been the objects of more unjust charges, vi- 
tuperation, and unfounded suspicion than any one can 
imagine who has not read what has been alleged 
against them. Yet I do not see how we could have 
got on, as the case has been, without them. What could 
have been done, otherwise, with thousands of active, 
young, and well-disposed men landing at San Fran- 

Chinese Immigration. 35 

cisco, not one of whom could read a word of English, 
and few of them talk it, yet each man eager to work 
as soon as he knew where ? If the municipality of that 
city, seeing the facts of the case, had encouraged a few 
Americans to study the written language, and talk the 
Cantonese dialect, and had employed them as official 
interpreters and translators, to inform the immigrants 
of their duties, privileges, taxes, and other important 
points, the latter would have been ushered into their 
new condition with some idea of its requirements. 
Such a thing seems never to have been thought of as 
a practical end, and the Chinese were left to be looked 
after by the Six Companies alone. Whatever the 
managers of those companies might say respecting 
their organization, rules, and actual operations toward 
their countrymen, it seems as if it all went for nothing 
in the eyes of their detractors. The Address just re- 
ferred to says, speaking of "our ignorance of the Chi- 
nese lan^ua^e," that " the srreat mass of the Chinese 
residents of California are not amenable to our laws ; 
but are governed by secret tribunals, unrecognized by 
law, formed by the several Chinese companies, which 
are recognized as legitimate authorities by the Chinese 
population. They levy taxes, command masses of 
men, intimidate interpreters and witnesses, enforce 
perjury, regulate trade, punish the refractory, remove 
witnesses beyond the reach of our courts, control lib- 
erty of action, and prevent the return of the Chinese to 
China without their consent. In short, they exercise a 
despotic sway over one-seventh of the population of 

If these allegations are true/it is no credit to a State 
to allow such things to go on, and plead " our ignorance 
of the Chinese lansaiaore " as a reason for not breaking 
up companies who did them. The writers speak as if 

36 Chinese Immigration. 

the Legislature, which they represented by their com- 
mittee, had no voice or responsibility in the matter. 
When, therefore, the companies deny the charges, and 
assure us that they never had organized or secret tri- 
bunals to administer justice in this country, and that 
many misunderstandings and difficulties they have set- 
tled among themselves, in the way of arbitration, we 
are disposed to believe them. The Rev. Dr. Speer's 
account of their design, given in Chap. XIX. of his^ 
valuable work, called " China and the United States," 
would have shown these writers how they grew out of 
the necessities of the case and what has been their 
practical operation during the past twenty-eight years. 
He justly calls them " institutions which have no paral- 
lel for utility and philanthropy among the immigrants 
from any other nation or people to our wide shores." 
Since he wrote his work the wider dispersion of the 
immigrants and their greater knowledge of English has 
limited the action of the companies as it has lessened 
their need. 

With all these sources of information open to him, it 
is somewhat mortifying to read the answer of Mr. Blaine 
to Senator Matthew's request for his proofs of the man- 
ner, degree, and extent to which the Chinese Govern- 
ment is responsible for the establishment of the Six 
Companies for the purposes of immigration. Mr. Blaine 
replies : 

" That I do not know. The secrets of the Chinese 
empire are past finding out. I do not know what sort 
of agency they have from the government. They have 
some, undoubtedly, and they retain it. They are, in a 
certain sense, agents of the Chinese Government for 
the importation of this coolie population." 

Mr. Sargent was equally loose in his assertions, and, 

Chinese Immigration. 37 

like his colleague from Maine, felt that the Treaty was 
in the way of passing the bill before the Senate. He 
said : 

" The Burlingame Treaty ought to be cut up by the 
roots, in fact, as all these treaties should be. There is 
no reciprocity in them. We are allowed to enter but 
five ports in China. An American traveling in the in- 
terior of China has to do it upon a passport, and that is 
difficult to obtain. The Chinese come here by the 
hundred thousands, travel over this country, and do as 
they please. By the Chinese census only five hundred 
and forty-one Americans are in all China. Our citizens 
can only go in at certain ports and are impeded in their 
passage through the country." 

A reply to one count in this singular charge, and this 
statesmanlike reason for cutting up a treaty by the 
roots, could have been found if he had read the Reed 
Treaty, where seven open ports are enumerated, and 
since it was signed in 1 858 eleven more have been 
opened. The passport system was pressed upon the 
Chinese plenipotentiaries by foreign envoys, as the best 
means of protecting the natives against reckless foreign- 
ers, and the passports are all issued by their own min- 
isters and consuls. I have myself issued many to 
Americans citizens, and they can go everywhere they 
please, though in many districts a lawless population 
makes travel sometimes dangerous to persons not know- 
ing the language ; not nearly so dangerous, however, 
as it used to be for Chinese traveling- in California. 
Once more, the Chinese have never taken a census of 
foreigners, and why the fact (if it be one) that only five 
hundred and forty-one Americans are in all China is an 
argument for abrogating the Treaty needs some clearer 

Honorable Senators who make such random state- 

38 Chinese Immigration. 

ments do more than merely weaken the arguments de- 
duced from them in support of their cause ; and if they 
had inquired at the Chinese Legation in Washington 
they could have learned the truth. It may seem to 
many to be a trifling matter anyway ; but the reputation 
of this Republic for honorable dealing is not a trifling 
matter to those who now hear me, and this aspersion 
of the Chinese Government recoils on ourselves if the 
charges cannot be sustained. 

President Woolsey says, in section 18 of his " Inter- 
national Law : " 

"The honor or reputation of a State is equally its 
right ; and the injury done by violations of this right 
will seem very great when we consider the multitudes 
who suffer in their feelings from a national insult, and 
the influence of the loss of a good name upon intercourse 
with other states, as well as upon that self-respect which 
is an important element in national character." 

The real reason why so much has been said about this 
Treaty, it seems to me, is because the opponents of the 
Chinese were unwilling to squarely propose a law con- 
trary to all the declarations of the American people as 
to the asylum they offer to the people of other lands. 
But the Treaty really has had no perceptible effect on 
their coming. It merely quotes the inherent right of 
man to change his home and allegiance — as if it was 
properly higher than a Treaty stipulation — not so much 
to qualify it, as a reason for taking measures to prevent 
its notorious abuses in the coolie trade. The Emperor 
of China is as helpless to prevent his subjects leaving 
their native land as Congress and President Hayes to- 
gether are to keep Americans at home. President 
Woolsey says: " The right of emigration is inalienable,. 
Only self-imposed or unfulfilled obligations can restrict 
it." He also shows that a government is no more jus- 

Chinese Immigration. 39 

tified in prohibiting a subject from emigrating, than it 
would be in prohibiting a foreign sojourner from doing 
the same. It is an old right, too, for it was inserted in 
Magna Charta, and claimed then not only for natives, 
but foreign traders also ; and if the Emperor of China is 
respectable enough among the potentates of the earth 
for this Government to make a treaty with, why should 
we hesitate to grant him the rights and courtesies in- 
volved in it ? 

It is plain that the struggle over the Chinese question 
on the Pacific Coast is only another form of the labor ques- 
tion; and that question is not to be adjusted by the 
puerile policy of limiting the number of immigrants in 
one ship from China to i5, while i,5oo may come from 
Japan, Siam, or any other country. The main features 
of this question were illustrated by an incident which 
was reported when I was in San Francisco. A patriot- 
ic American employed an Irishman to saw a load of 
wood for a dollar, and he was soon after seen quietly 
smoking, as he watched a Chinaman doing the job for 
twenty-five cents. In this epitome of labor and capital 
who would blame either of the three parties ; or who 
could restrain them with any justice ; or how long 
would it be before the intermediary smoker became a 
laborer or a capitalist? 

The adoption of the new constitution of California 
has placed this great issue between capital and labor on 
a new ground, by making State laws against express 
treaty stipulations. Politics have also been mixed up 
with it, for the Chinese in that State are of no value in 
politics ; but the Irish are worth much to those who 
please them. It is a very high compliment to the former 
that they have stood such tests during the past years. 
What other class can show so small a proportion of in- 
mates of the prisons, alms-houses, and other reformatory 

40 Chinese Immigration. 

places ? What other class would have submitted to 
such taxation ? The miner's tax, the laundry tax, the 
fishing tax, the school tax, the immigrant's poll tax, the 
500-cubic-feet-of-air-law, the queue ordinance, and that 
regulating the removal of coffins, are the names of vari- 
ous discriminating State or local acts (probably most of 
them now repealed), by which the Chinese have been 
fleeced. It was once even proposed to vaccinate every 
immigrant, at a charge of $30, in order to protect the 
State against small-pox ! Mr. Bee shows that before the 
miner's tax was repealed in 1862, it was estimated that 
it had taken over $31,000,000 out of the earnings of 
Chinese miners, from whom it had been mostly levied. A 
recent decision of the United States Supreme Court has 
awarded #10,000 damages for cutting off the queue of a 
Chinese by the sheriff, in accordance with the city ordi- 
nance. In delivering his opinion in the case, Mr. Justice 
Field characterizes it as special legislation against a 
class of persons, being intended only for the Chinese 
in San Francisco, and avowed to be so by the supervi- 
sors there, who urged its adoption and continuance as a 
means of inducing a Chinaman to pay his fine. He 
properly adds : " It is not creditable to the humanity 
and civilization of our people, much less to their Chris- 
tianity, that an ordinance of this character was possible ; " 
and says further : " It is legislation unworthy of a brave 
and manly people." 

The conduct of these immigrants is, of course, to be 
judged by their early education and moral training in a 
heathen land ; not absolutely, but in connection with 
their standards of morals and usages of society. I do 
not need to describe their personal habits, nor would I 
extenuate their moral character ; their proneness to ly- 
ing and gambling, or their destructive habit of opium 
smoking. No doubt hundreds of needy sharpers have 

Chinese Immigration. 41 

landed with the intention of preying upon their thrifty 
countrymen and living by their wits ; but, on the other 
hand, I can refer to the students now in New England 
to prove that some can appreciate our civilization and 
assimilate to our teachings. The reports of various re- 
formatory and penal institutions in California furnish 
some data for a judgment. Out of 95,000 Chinese in 
California, 198 were in State-prison in 1877, while 347 
whites were there. In twelve years 711 natives of Ire- 
land were committed, and 750 natives of China ; but 
the adult Irish population was only 35,000, or about 
one-third of the other. In the Industrial School were 
four Chinese, among 225 others in the year 1875. In 
the alms-house, out of 498 inmates that year, not one 
Chinese, but 197 Irish ; while in 1878 one Chinese was 
admitted, and 175 Irish. In the hospital report for 1875, 
out of 3,918 inmates, only 11 were Chinese and 1,308 
Irish; in 1878, out of 3,007 admissions, 948 were Irish and 
6 were Chinese. In the pest-house there were 22, none 
of them Chinese. The arrests for drunkenness in San 
Francisco alone for the year ending June 30th, 1878, 
were 6,127, not one °f whom was a Chinese. Out of 
4,977 deaths in the same place and time, 496 Chinese 
and 693 Irish are enumerated. 

Yet, in face of these figures and facts, which are 
drawn from public documents, the following conclusions 
respecting the immigrants are put forth in the Address : 

" The evidence demonstrates beyond cavil that nearly 
the entire immigration consists of the lowest orders of 
the Chinese people, and mainly of those having no 
homes or occupations on the land, but living in boats 
on the rivers, especially those in the vicinity of Canton. 
It would seem to be a necessary consequence flowing 
from this class of immigration that a large proportion 
of criminals should be found among it ; and this deduc- 

42 Chinese Immigration. 

tion is abundantly sustained by the facts before us, for 
of 545 foreign criminals in our State-prison 198 are 
Chinese, while the jails and reformatories swarm with 
the lower grade of malefactors." 

The singular assertion here made as to the origin of the 
immigrants — that most of them have no homes or oc- 
cupations on land, but live in boats near Canton, ac- 
counting for their criminality by their locality — is an 
entire mistake. The fact and the inference are equally 
out of the way. It would, however, be useless to indi- 
cate all such misstatements. 

The conduct and condition of these people would, I 
am sure, have been far worse than these figures indi- 
cate, if it had not been for the untiring efforts of Chris- 
tian men and women around them. These efforts have 
been going on for nearly thirty years, and only those 
who have lived in California can appreciate the perse- 
verance, the patience, the care, and the faithfulness 
shown by many unpaid teachers in Sabbath and even- 
ing schools, as well as others belonging to and conduct- 
ing more regular mission work. Statistics do not convey 
a just idea of the results of this benevolent work, which 
has largely been of that preventive and reformatory 
nature that helps men to be better, and keeps them out 
of jails and saloons, to the great advantage of society. 
Coming directly from their native hamlets in Kwangtung 
across the ocean, into a city where they were the objects 
of insults and obloquy ; unable to talk an intelligible 
sentence of English, even if they could read their own 
tongue ; not a law of the land translated into it to guide 
them, they naturally huddled together in their own 
quarter for safety and society. As they left San Fran- 
cisco to seek work in the country, these kind friends of 
whom I speak found them out, and began to teach them 
English, by telling them the old, old story, which never 

Chinese Immigration. 43 

wears out. They thus became acquainted with the 
highest truths and the best rules for conduct, while fit- 
ting themselves for such work as they could find, by 
learning to talk and read English. Their teachers felt 
that God in his providence had brought them to our 
shores for some other, higher end than merely to be 
our Gibeonites, and well have they performed their 
work. While the legislators of California seem to have 
exhausted their wisdom in divising, from time to time, 
all the contrivances to tax and fine these people which 
could be brought to bear on them, their real friends 
were opening schools and meetings, and showing them 
wherein the true glory of this land consisted. 

Every person who learned even a little of the truths 
of our holy faith from these benevolent efforts would 
be all the more likely to prove a good member of society. 

If that excellent man, Gov. Seymour, had seen these 
efforts to teach the Chinese, and their results of a pre- 
ventive and elevating nature, he would not, I am sure, 
declare that there has been no assimilation, that the 
race is alien to our institutions, and that their presence 
here in small numbers is dangerous. He would have 
borne in mind that everything had been done to hinder 
their assimilation, preventing them by law from becom- 
ing citizens, and then making them ineligible to enter the 
schools which would fit them to be citizens, even though 
they paid taxes for those schools. 

The record of these efforts is contained in many re- 
ports ; but the best digest I have seen of their results 
is in Rev. Otis Gibson's recent publication issued in 
Cincinnati, called " Chinese in America," which I can 
recommend to all who are desirous to learn the truth 
on this subject. From this book and later sources the 
following figures have been gathered : 

44 Chinese Immigration. 

Total average attendance at evening schools for Chinese 825 

Total roll-call 2, 750 

In Sunday-schools, average 1, 100 

Roll-call of Sunday-schools 3, 300 

Chinese baptized in United States 400 

Native churches in Presbyterian Mission 2 

Chinese pastors, teachers, and helpers 15 

A Chinese Young Men's Christian Association exists 
in San Francisco, with members and branches over the 
country. The number which has openly ceased from 
idolatry is not known ; but must be over 5,000. The 
contributions from members for maintaining these efforts 
are daily increasing. It is perhaps not irrelevant to the 
general question to add that $12,000 were sent last 
year by the Chinese on that coast to relieve the sufferers 
from yellow-fever in the Southern States. 

Into the difficult subject of wages I will not enter. 
So far as I can learn, the unskilled Chinese laborer gets 
as much on the Pacific coast as his compeer gets on 
this side for the same work, and the prices of food and 
clothing there are less. In their cry against Chinese 
labor the workingmen in California unconsciously put 
themselves below their competitors in the race of en- 
durance, skill, and value in the battle of progress ; while 
all the advantages of position, power, language, machin- 
ery, and priority are on their side. Charges are made 
that this influx brings with it a flood of vice ; but where 
can we find the laboring community in all that region 
which has been heathenized by their contact with the 
Chinese ? Have the Mormons or the Irish been made 
any worse or different from the presence of these 

Even the recent Congressional Committee, under 
Mr. Wright's chairmanship, in its visit to California, 
where it spent four days, found that the labor question 

Chinese Immigration. 45 

was the prominent one connected with this subject. 
Farmers, tradesmen, mechanics, peddlers, miners, and 
workmen, all agreed that they could not hold their own 
against the Chinaman ; and, without intending anything 
of the sort, they bore the strongest testimony in favor 
of the skill, business capacity, industry, patience, en- 
durance, and frugality of the Chinese. 

In fact, it is with their good qualities that most fault 
seems to be found. Whether these good qualities are 
so undesirable that immigrants possessing them ought 
to be excluded from the country is a question not for 
Congress and the Government alone, which so recently 
brought us to the doinsr of a national wrong-, but for 
the common-sense and equity of the people at large. 
These qualities, therefore, should have their due promi- 
nence in our estimate of the bearings of the immigration. 

If they find no demand for their labor, no remunera- 
for their outlay, they will not come. They are not held 
at home as serfs by feudal barons or great landholders ; 
they are not oppressed there, nor compelled to work in 
mines, factories, or penitentiaries ; they are in no par- 
ticular danger of starving, from which and other evils 
they hope to escape by running away to America. 
China suffers much from the evils of ignorance, poverty, 
idolatry, licentiousness, cruelty, and unjust administra- 
tion of laws, and I would not keep back any of their 
vices. Those now here have, on the whole, I believe, 
found no reason to regret their venture. In the ease 
with which they go and come lies one of the benefits 
they are to derive from mingling with us ; and also one 
of the strong- reasons for believing that the immigration 
will never become an invasion. 

I prefer to see the hand of God in the way in which 
the millions of China and Japan are being gradually 
brought out of their long seclusion and ignorance into 

46 Chinese Immigration. 

2l knowledge of and participation of the benefits exist- 
ing in Christian lands. Those two kingdoms and our 
own land cannot keep apart, and our intercourse will 
prove mutually beneficial, if we only treat their people 
in the same manner as we ask them to treat us. Mu- 
tual wants will beget the desires and means of growing 
exchanges, and, as we stand now in good relations, we 
have it in our power to do them lasting benefits. 

The laws of California declare that the Chinese are 
Indians and aliens, and her legislators have treated 
them as if they had no rights which we were bound to 
respect. As I believe that the most complete way to 
settle our chronic difficulties with the Indians is no lonof- 
er to regard them as aliens and treat them as wards 
or children, but in every legitimate way to induce and 
help them to become fit for citizens, so I would set 
this goal before the Chinese. As soon as they have 
an adequate knowledge of English and a certain 
amount of property, give them citizenship, if they de- 
sire it. An alien race is properly declared to be dan- 
gerous to the State, and the only way to remove or 
neutralize the danger, therefore, is by making such resi- 
dents eligible for citizenship. The right to become 
citizens will stimulate great numbers of the Chinese to 
fit themselves for it, and there are now about 2,000 of 
them born in this land who ought not and cannot justly 
be debarred. 

I close this paper by a quotation abridged from Sen- 
ator Morton's views, written after he had returned from 
California. It expresses the deliberate opinion of a 
competent observer on this point : 

"The limitation of the right to become naturalized 
to white persons was placed in the law when slavery 
was a controlling influence in our Government, was 
maintained by the power of that institution, and is now 

Chinese Immigration. 47 

retained by the lingering prejudices growing out of it. 
After having abolished slavery and established equal 
political rights, without regard to race or color, it would 
be inconsistent and unsound policy to renew and reas- 
sert the prejudices against race by excluding the peo- 
ple of Asia from our shores. It would be to establish 
a new governmental policy upon the basis of color and 
a different form of civilization. In California the antip- 
athy to the Mongolian race, though differing in its 
reasons and circumstances of its exhibition, belongs 
still to the class of antipathies springing from race and 
religion. As Americans, standing upon the great doc- 
trines of our polity, and seeking to educate the masses 
into their belief, and extending equal rights and pro- 
tection to all races and conditions, we cannot now safely 
take a new departure, which in another form shall res- 
urrect the odious distinctions which brought upon us 
a civil war. If the Chinese were white people, though 
in all other respects what they are, I do not believe 
that the complaints and warfare made against them 
would have existed to any great extent. As the law 
stands, they cannot be naturalized, and I do not know 
that any proposition has been made to change it. The 
question is whether they shall be permitted to come 
here to work or trade, to acquire property or to follow 
any pursuit. I think they cannot be protected in the 
Pacific States while remaining in their alien condition. 
Without representation in the legislature or Congress, 
without a voice in the selection of officers, surrounded 
by fierce and in many respects unscrupulous enemies, 
the law will be found insufficient to screen them from 
persecution. Complete protection can be given them 
only by allowing them to become citizens and acquire 
the right of suffrage. Then their votes would become 
important and their persecutors in great part converted 
into kindly solicitors. In considering any proposition 
to prohibit Chinese immigration, we have to remember 
that they come entirely from the British port of Hong- 
kong. Our refusal to permit a Chinaman to land, who 
had embarked at a British port upon a British vessel, 
would be a question with the British Government, and 

48 Chinese Immigration. 

not the Chinese. The fact that he was a Chinaman, 
who had never sworn allegiance to that Government, 
would not change the question." 

His short sojourn in California did not afford Sena- 
tor Morton opportunity to study all the points in the 
Chinese question, and the underlying one of difference 
of language is quite left out in this view. Time alone 
can remove much of the trouble by raising up Chinese 
who can easily teach their countrymen English enough 
to get along, as they teach them other things. The 
question which asks for solution now is : How can we 
remove the present irritation ? Considering how the 
Chinese have been treated, it is creditable to them that 
they have given so little provocation or resistance to 
law. The facts prove that they have been a benefit to 
the Pacific States, with all the drawbacks alleged 
against their presence. I can see no more effectual 
way to remove strife than to remove legal disabilities, 
treat them as we do other immigrants, and defend them, 
if need be, in the possession of rights guaranteed them 
by treaty. 




-of Tin-:- 



Office Nn, ID California Sleee: 

San Francisco. 


Bagan & Cult-en 123 California St. 



Officers of ttie Association. 



ARTHUR R. BRIGG8 President 

WM. L. MERRY Vice-President 

WM. STEINHART Treasuber 

C. H. STREET • Secretary and Land Ofeicer. 


Jas. R. Kelly, W. Steinhart,, 

Wm. L. Merry, C. F. Bassett, 

Claus Spreckels, Jas. A. Folger^ 

Wm. Blanding, James Duffy,. 

Arthur R. Briggs. 


Jas. R. Kelly, C. F. Bassett, 

Jas. A. Folger, Wm. Blanding, 
Arthur R. Briggs. 


Jas. R. Kelly, J. A. Folger, 

W. W. Bodge, W. N. Hawley, 

Wm. L. Merry, W. Steinhart, 

Jules Cerf, Henry Casanova, 

Henry Payot, Geo. K. Porter, 

M. Ehrman, Jas. Duffy, 

.T. L. Barker, Wm. Blanding, 

Arthur R. Briggs, Claus Spreckels, 

J. V. Webster, John C. Hall, 

C. F. Bassett, A. A. Wheeler. 

The President's Report. 

To the Board of Directors, Members and 
The work begun three years ago under 
conditions not more auspicious, perhaps, 
than other similar experiments which had 
(ailed, has now become an important factor 
in the industrial development of this State. 
It is, perhaps, too much to hop9 that the 
sanguine expectations of the few, who were 
♦originally most active in the matter, have all 
been realized, but it may reasonably be 
claimed that enough has been accomplished 
to prove the wisdom of the effort.. For some 
time previous to the organization of the As- 
sociation the tide of immigration to this 
coast was restricted by influences which, to 
overcome, was generally regarded as a task 
not easily accomplished. The humiliating 
fact was before us that, Oregon and Washing- 
ton Territory were the recipients of a very 
large portion of the immigration to this 
coast, notwithstanding it was necessary for 
the people who were seeking homes in that 
portion of the country, to pass through this 
State. At that period the belief was quite 
generally expressed, that the reason for this 
lay in the tact that California did not offer 
the opportunities enjoyed by that State and 
by that Territory, for securing cheap and 
desirable homes. This was due, very largely, 
to, the lack of knowledge in relation to our 
own State, and to an erroneous idea as to 
the merits of the country north of us; as is 
evidenced by the results from the work, 
which has been at best, but imperfectly 
done. ; 

Progress is, perhaps, best shown by com- 
parison. Comparing the record of the year 
just closed, with that of the two preceding 
years, the following facts are presented: 

The cash receipts for the year ended Novem- 
ber 18, 1884, were $11,660.80, against $8,555.- 
58 for the year 1882, and $10,448.74 for 1883. 
The disbursements were $11,048.50, against 
$7,331.04 for 1882, and $10,987.05. for 1883. 
The balance of cash on hand at the close of 
the year, $1,298.53; against $1,224.54 for 1882 
and $686.23 for 1883 The total receipts aggre- 
gating $30,665.12 for the three years is 
not a large sum with which to organize 
and carry forward a plan so far reaching, 
so intricate and important, as that of the 
promotion of immigration. During the year 
there have been printed 404.000 copies 
of various publications of which 233,356 
have been already distributed; against 
SI, 000 printed in 1882 and 199,150 in 1883. 
The number of letters received during the 
year aggregates 2,774; the number written, 

The register shows that 4,048 persons have 
visited the office during the year, represent- 
ing, with their wives and children, 9,487 in 
all. This includes those only who seek the 
office for information, and not such as are 
mere visitors. The whole is composed prin- 
cipally of agriculturists. The number regis- 
tered in 1882 was 958, representing about 
2,000 persons; and for 1883, 3,248; represent- 
ing 6,983 persons. Thus, it is seen, that the 
labor of the office has constantly increased, 
and in the most practical direction. To 
answer the questions of 4.048 persons; to 
give proper information, and to direct them 
intelligently where and how to secure homes 
is a task, involving patience, time and much 
knowledge of the State. 

The number of passengers who have 
arrived in this State overland duriug the ten 
months of the current year ended October 

31st, according to the records of the Central him there, and to keep up the other neces- 

Pacific Kailroad Company, aggregates— sary work at home. That larger immediate 

Arrivals, 10 months 47,867 results might have been realized from that 

Departures " 32,299 source through continued personal solicita- 

Arrivals over Departures 16.568 tioD, is quite evident; but this could only 

Estimated for remaining two months ,. _3£13 bave beeQ accomplished at the expense of 

Gain for the year 18,681 other branches, which were equally itnpor- 

These represent the through tickets sold, tant, and which it was thought unwise to 
but do not fairly represent the immigration neglect even temporarily. The Board of 
to the State for the year, tor the reason that Directors has endeavored to so disburse the 
many persons come to the State on local funds at command as to best promote the 
tickets, and stop off before reaching San objects in view, through diversified channels, 
Francisco. The apparent increase iu popula- and thus keep up the interest in all direc- 
tion from this source is less than for 1883; tions. With larger resources a different plan 
but in that year a large number merely might have been pursued; but it was thought 
passed through here on the way to Oregon, best under the circumstances to pursue a 
while for 1884 the tide has been from Oregon conservative policy throughout, and to look, 
to California. In other words, the situation carefully after each department, rather than 
is exactly reversed. to give special prominence to any particular 

Eeferrlng more particularly to the labor of interest, 
the office, it is necessary to go somewhat Your officers have given considerable 
into detail, in order to show how it is done, attention during the year to the publication 
and why there is reason to believe that, to of pamphlets relating to special districts, 
this agency is due the creditof largely stimu- which has involved much research, in order 
lating immigration to the State. In addition that the information distributed should be 
to the correspondence from the office, of a reliable and specific character. This, 
through which thousands of names of agri- with a general supervision of the work as a 
culturists in the States east of the Rocky whole, demands constant attention, and calls 
Mountains are obtained, and to whom lor the exercise of no little watchfulness and 
printed matter is sent direct, a system of discretion. 

agencies on the continent of Europe has been The plan of meeting incoming immigrants 
arranged, through which a large distribution before they reach this city, which was inaug- 
of printed matter is effected. This brings urated la>>t year, has been continued during 
the Association into prominence with the year just closed. An agent goes daily to 
immigration, railway, and steamship Port Costa, and from that point boards the 
agents in Europe and enables them immigrant trains. He is abundantly sup- 
to supply information in reference to plied with printed matter — in different Ian- 
California, to persons who are desirous of guages — which he distributes, and in addi- 
seskiug homes iu this country. This branch tion to this, gives such other general informa- 
of the work, although meagre in results at tion as he deems necessary. This feature of the 
first, has given evidence of constant growth, work has proved most effective. That it has 
and is now a feature of importance which been efficiently done is attested by hundreds 
promises to develop at a rapidly increasing of persons who have visited the office and 
ratio from year to year. The withdrawal of expressed high appreciation of the service 
the agent of the Association, who spent some rendered them. Through this introduction 
months in Germany last year, is due to Jack the new comer is made to feel that he is 
of sufficient meana with which to continue welcome to the State, and comes to the office 

with much confidence. This service could 
be increased to advantage. 

Iu addition to keeping up the records of 
the land department, which has necessitated 
occasional visits to the various district land 
offices throughout the State, it has been found 
advisablo to continue personal examination 
of lands before directing seekers to them for 
settlement. In the land department two 
employees have been engaged almost con. 
stantly during the year. This branch of the 
work has grown in importance from the 
first, and is recognized as one of the princi- 
pal features of advantage over similar asso- 
ciations In other States. This department is 
in good condition, but constant labor is 
required to keep the records lull and com- 
plete. The plan adopted about the close of 
last year of having an agent accompany seek- 
ers after homes to points where government 
land is to be obtained, has been continued 
throughout the year with good results. One 
of the principal obstacles to the work, was 
the difficulty in directing new comers, who 
in the main, are unfamiliar with the methods 
of finding locations. By arranging parties 
of ten or more the expense has been reduced 
to the minimum, and by combining the 
duties of land examiner with that of super- 
intendent of parties— if it may be so termed — 
the efficiency ol the service has been doubled; 
for who could so intelligently direct the 
intending settler as one who has examined 
the land to which his attention Is directed. 
The Association has been most fortunate in 
its selection of a person for this service. 

The system of platting and mapping has 
been kept up, and although still incomplete, 
the records of the office in this particular, 
show that much has been accomplished dur- 
ing the year. The scrap books of the different 
counties, and ot the different productions of 
the State, which a year ago were scarcely 
begun, are now each a volume in themselves. 
These are the receptacles of such Infor- 
mation as is found in the different news- 
papers published in the State with which 

the office is most liberally supplied, and 
from which clippings are made. These 
scrap books are not only most interesting to 
new comers, but most instructive also. Tbey 
are a pratical history of California, and 
treat of almost every subject pertaining 
to the State. 

Considerable attention has been given 
during the year to the sample department. 
A small exhibit was made at the last 
Mechanics' Fair held in this city. The inter- 
est manilested there induced the Board to 
make a permanent exhibit at the rooms of the 
Association. One room is now used for that 
purpose exclusively. Skill and taste in the 
arrangement of the various products have 
been required to supply the place of liberal 
expenditures. This feature is, however, one 
which has added greatly to the general 
appearance of the rooms, and has often been 
the means of settling the mind ot the waver- 
ing seeker. * In the sample room are sam- 
ples of soil, cereals from all parts of the 
State, vegetables; fruits, green, dried and 
preserved; nuts, grains and grasses in the 
sheaf; wines and brandies; coal, stone, wood 
and mineral specimens; wool, cotton and 
silk, all distinctly labeled, giving due credit 
to the county, and to the contributor when 
known. These object lessons, in their 
novelty and variety, are substantial proofs of 
the statements made of the wonderful 
resources of the State, which many persons 
have hitherto believed overstated. 

The - value of the service rendered the 
State by the Association is to some extent 
reflected in the record of land entries of gov- 
ernment land during the year. From the 
different district land offices we learn that 
these entries aggregate 7,252, compris- 
ing an area of 993,570 acres. This is a pretty 
conclusive refutation of the statement con- 
fidently made, and often repeated, by old 
Californians, that there is no good govern- 
ment land in the State. The office is in 
possession of many letters from new settlers, 
which more than confirm the opinion of 


your officers in reference to the agricultural large opportunities for settlement, which 
value and general utility of these public have not, thus far, been reached, for the 
lands. An experience of three years is cal- reason that the funds at command have been 
culated to strengthen the belief, that Califor- insufficient to warrant a wider scope in our 
nia offers abundant opportunity for securing labors. Beside the government lands, there 
cheap and good homes. It has also demon, are private and railroad lands which are 
strated that small farmers in this State have now available to purchasers. It may be 
equal advantages with those in most other regarded as a good indication that holders of 
States of the Union. In fact, there is a grow- large tracts evince a disposition to subdivide 
ing sentiment that so called small farming and put them in market. In a general way 
pays better here than in almost any other this is now being done in San Luis Obispo 
State. This is particularly true in the dis- and Monterey counties, while in Fresno, 
tricts where irrigation is most general. Thus Kern and Tulare counties the colony plan is 
far, in the experience of the work, it has not being pushed with considerable energy. In 
been difficult to effect satisfactory settlement fact, in all portions of the State, there is a 
of the new comers, if they were possessed of disposition to offer lands for sale. Consider- 
sufficient means with which to improve a able attention has bean given to the central 
aew home. It is true that the best public and northern counties, and plans are now in 
lands, for the most part, are somewhat re- progress to bring the great valleys of Sacra- 
mote from railroad communication, but this mento and San Joaquin into more promi- 
is not more noticeable here than in other nence through county Immigration A^oci- 
States where government land is to be found, ations organized for that purpo-e. This 
But the development of the country is fol- Association has taken the broad view of im- 
lowed naturally by men of enterprise and migration, acting on the belief that to benefit 
capital, ready to supply the needed public any portion of the S.ate was to benefit the 
improvements. While some of the new whole. Regarding San Francisco as the 
comers prefer to purchase homes already commercial metropolis, and believing that 
improved, in locations where the larger every other portion of the State must, for all 
advantages of long settlement are enjoyed, time, occupy a secondary position in a com. 
the majodtv are willing to avail them- mercial sense, the occasional criticisms 
selves of the more distant locations, which which have appeared, claiming that the 
promise, perhaps, better ultimate pecuniary work of the Association was sectional in 
results. character, have not been answered. If it 

The policy of the Association, whien dis- should appear that San Francisco merchants 
criminates in favor of a desirable class of derive greater benefit than the business men 
immigrants, has not been changed from the in other portions of the State, who has the 
first, and while this policy is continued right to say that, in any sense, there is an 
there is little danger of securing a larger in- impropriety in it! The work was inaugura- 
flux of people than may be provided for in a ted here, and has derived its support mainly 
satisfactory manner. In fact it may be con- from this city. The business men of Sacra- 
fidently stated that were the immigration mento, inspired by public spirit, have 
double, or treble what it is to-day, the contributed the sum of about $1,200 a 
new comers could be distributed through- year for the last two years, but no 
out the State, through the agency of the complaint has come to the, knowledge of 
Association, both safely and satisfactorily, your officers from that source, nor do we 
by a slight increase of the clerical force, think there has been occasion for it. 
There are portions of the State which offer During the year local Associations have 

been formed at Los Angeles and Sacramento, has made a small appropriation, lor the 
patterned largely after this Association, purpose of exhibiting the system and char. 
The one at the latter city is the parent organ- acter of the work at New Orleans, and the 
ization ot a system of county societies, co- necessary map, plats, books, etc., are now 
operating for the purpose of advertising being prepared, and will be forwarded at an 
the advantages of Sacramento valley and early day. It is also proposed to keep a reg- 
the great foot-hill region bordering the ister, that a record may be had of persons 
valley. Hitherto, county societies have not who desire printed matter relating to Califor- 
prospered. A considerable sum ot money nia sent to themselves or to friends. Mr. 
is required to get them iuto working condi- Turrill, who has the railroad exhibit in charge, 
tion, to say nothing of maintaining them has kindly offered to take charge of the 
afterward. It is gratifying to know, how- matter, and to send forward daily a list 
ever, that interest enough is felt in the sub- of the names of those who register. He will 
ject of immigration to find expression in also be liberally furnished with printed 
this way; but it must be obvious that none matter for distribution. 

of these detract from, but ratber supplement, General Manager A. N. Towne, of the 
the work 01 this Association. The one in Central Pacific .Railroad Company, has 
Sacramento is- in the hands of earnest, throughout the year responded promptly to 
efficient men. Tne Board of Trade ot Fort- the requests from this Association, and has 
land Or., has recently taken up the subject, in a most substantial way exhibited his 
and has, I understand, employed an agent interest in the work; this, in addition to the 
to open an office in San Francisco to work monthly contributions which he assumed at 
for immigration at this point. the time the Association was formed. 

This review would be incomplete without Recognition is due also to Mr. T. H. Good- 
mention of the enterprise and public spirit man, General Passenger and Ticket Agent; 
of the Central Pacific Railway Company, to Mr. W. H. Mills, of the land department 
in the preparations for an exhibit of Cali- of that cpmpany, and to Mr. James Madden, 
fornia products of the World's Fair to be of the land department of the Southern 
opened this month at New Orleans. At the Pacific Railroad, lor favors received, 
cost of much time and money, an exhibit As to the future, experienca must be 
has been prepared for that Expositiou, which the guide. What was begun, perhaps doubt- 
probably over-shadows, in magnitude and ingly, has grown to large proportions, 
variety, any exhibit of any State, on any Probably few members of the Board of 
similar occasion. That the results of this Trade or of this Association realized at the 
endeavor will be far-reachihg, and of vast outset the labor or responsibility involved 
benefit to the State there is no reason to in the undercaKing. I may be pardoned for 
doubt. But this only renders the work saying that few persons who have not had a 
of your Association doubly important, in similar experience can form a correct esti- 
order that the people who are attracted by mate of the thought, earnestness and care 
the wonders there exhibited, and who later necessary to keep in harmonious working 
are thus induced to come here, may find condition the several departments. As the 
facilities, such as we offer, for securing cheap work grows the responsibilities multiply. 
and comfortable homes. If immigration is In this connection it Is proper for me to 
encouraged by this or any other means, it acknowledge the efficient and conscientious 
carries a grave responsibility which can services of your Secretory, Mr. C. H. Street, 
only be met through organized and well who has so ably conducted the duties of his 
considered effort. Your Board of Directors office, and to say also that the clerical force, 

one and all, is entitled to nigh commenda- 
tion. What ot success has been achieved 
must be shared generously with my asso- 
ciate9 in the Board of Directors, who have 
responded promptly to all my suggestions 
and recommendations. 

It the work is to be continued, the 
efficiency of the office could be pro- 
moted by a change in location of the rooms. 
The advisability of securing accomodations 
on the ground floor, at a convenient dis- 
tance from the ferry, is apparent. This, how- 
ever, would increase the expense, which, on 
the basis of the present income, is hardly 
justified. The clerical force could also be 
increased to advantage; but here the same 
objection applies. 

It may not be inappropriate to suggest 
that the revenue of the Association could be 
increased legitimately — to what extent it is 
impossible to say — through the addition of 
what may be termed a land agency, for the 
sale of private lands. This feature is sug- 
gested with some reluctance. I am not 
unaware of the danger of its abuse in this 
connection. But if maps and charts of 
private lands could be placed in the office, 
and sales could be made to new comers who 
prefer to purchase, rather than enter upon 
public lands, so as to mafee the commissions 
a part of the revenues of the office, possibly 
good results might be accomplished. The 
object of tbe Association is to develop the 
resources of the State, through increased 
population, and it must be admitted that the 
ultimate result would be the same, both in 
the settlement of public or private lands. 
This is a feature, which may, with propriety, 
be considered by your future board, although 
it would be obviously unwise to act upon 
the suggestion without most thorough and 
careful consideration. 

That the promotion of immigration is 
the most, I might say, the only practical 
solution to the question of how to 
improve the industrial condition of 
the State, and to increase the volume of 

trade and commerce, is, I think, no longer 
an open question. California is capable of 
supporting well, a very large population, 
but from her geographical position can only 
hope for a rapid increase through efforts 
similar to that we are considering. Immi- 
gration of the right kind of people directly 
adds to the wealth, productive and commer- 
cial power of the State, and the settlement of 
the millions of acres of unoccupied land, 
will bring to the merchants a trade not 
easily diverted. 

It may be mentioned as a somewhat 
surprising fact, that commercial "bodies, 
other than tbe Board of Trade, are so 
apathetic in the matter. The Chamber 
of Commerce— a large and influential body — • 
has exhibited no interest in the work, and 
the Produce Exchange, which of all others, 
should be most interested, has met every 
overture of your officers with indifference. 
If the usefulneos of the Association is to be 
enlarged, the few enterprising, public-spirited 
business men, who have thus far carried tbe 
work, but receive a benefit only in common 
with all other business men, should have 
the co-operation of those who compose tbe 
bodies mentioned. How to rouse a spirit of 
public interest is a matter for your consider- 
ation. The population of the State is now 
being augmented in a substantial manner 
through the work of this Association. You 
have in your hands the machinery tor accom- 
plishing a much larger increase than has yet 
been known. Liberal expenditures in this 
direction will unquestionably give you good 
returns. If, instead of one thousand dollars 
per month, this Association could have four 
thousand dollars per month for the year 
1885, the effect on all industrial interests 
in the State would in my opinion justify 
the expenditure. Fifty thousands dollars 
($50,000) a year may seem to you a large 
sum; but it only involves five hundred con- 
tributions of $100 each, or an equivalent from 
a smaller number. If the business men of 
San Francisco could be made to feel the 

importance of this matter as it appears to this? It lies with the businessmen of this 
me, the money for a vigorous, earnest and State, and largely of this city, to say what 
efficient prosecution of the work would not shall be done in the matter, 
long be wanting. Can wealth, industrial Very respectfully, im^jgat 

energy, trade and commerce be increased in Arthur K. Brjggs. 

any other way, as diiectly and surely as San Fraucisco, December 2, 1884. 

Report of Secretary and Land Officer. 

To the President, Officers and Members of the 
Immigration Association of California: 
I herewith submit the following report for 
the fiscal year ended November 18, 1884. 


Cash on hand last report, Nov. 20, 

1883 §686 23 

Subscriptions received from — 

Business men of San Francisco. § 7,037 90 
" " Sacramento... 1,206 00 

" " Redding 65 50 

Pacific Coast Steamship Co 300,00 

Central Pacific R. R. Compony. . 3,051 40 

— §11,660 80 

Total $12,347 03 


General expenses, salaries, publica- 
tion, postage, stationery, etc. . . .§11,048 50 

Balance cash on hand.. 

In hands ofTreasurer. §1,252 45 I 

In hands of Secretaiy. 46 08) 1,298 53 §12,347 03 

Tnere have been printed, publications iu 

all, 404,000 copies. , These have been 

distributed as follows: 

Descriptions of California with map of the State 

In English 18,857 

In German 5,274 

In French 1,400 

In Swedish 1,202 

Description of public lands in California 

- In English 15,000 

In German 2u,400 

Description of counties in the Sacramento valley. . 87,4u0 

Descriptions of San Luis Obispo county 8,000 

Profits of a 10-acre orchard 11,501") 

Capital for new comers necessary 13,500 

Miscellaneous matter distributed on the trains. . . . 31,000 

" publications 20,000 

Annual leports 1,325 

Total 234,858 

On hand 169,142 

The number of letters written _. . 3,181 

The number received 2,774 

The number of persons who have called 

and registered at the office is 4,048, who 

represent 2,258 single men; 1,686 married 

men. 1,686 married women, 104 single 
women and 3,753 children, making the total 
number represented, 9,487. The nationali- 
ties are represented as follows: 

United States 1,848 Norway . 

Gernany 565 Wales . . 

England 422 Austria , 

Ireland 256 New Brunswick. 

France . 



Scotland. . . . 
Denmark . . . 


Australia . . . 

1 4 


Prince Edwards' Isle. 

Nova Scotia 

99 S^ain 

88 Finland 

72 Hungary 

65 Portugal 

7 Miscellaneous 



Total ..3,817 Total 231 

Grand Total 4,048 

There are on file in the office, 64 news- 
papers, representing 44 different counties in 
California; 14 published in San Francisco' 
including one each in German, French, 
Danish, Italian, Portuguese and Spanish, and 
four foreign papers, one each published In 
Brussels, Berlin, Vienna and Dresden. 

Additional city, county, State, United 
States and other official and private reports 
and documents have been received and are a 
valuable addition to the library. 

The table — furnished with pens,ink, paper, 
envelopes and printed matter ready for mail- 
ing — is constantly occupied, and many let- 
ters, circulars, pamphlets, maps, etc., are 
sent to friends from here. 

Visitors at the office leave names and 
addresses of friends in a book prepared for 
that purpose, to whom printed matter is 
mailed at once. 

The maps, scrap books and papers are con- 


stantly in use. One of the most valuable 
features of the work, and most interesting to 
immigrants, is the samples from various 
parts of the State. 

It has been found necessary to open what 
we call a "help book," where the addresses 
of persons wanting help is kept. By this 
means many new comers have been directed 
to immediate employment. 

Prom the register, visitors have unex- 
pectedly learned ot friends and relatives who 
have preceded them, and thus many persons 
from the same States and localities in the 
East nave been brought together and 
have settled in the same neighbor- 
hood. A small printed slip is sent 
out from the office in every enclosure, 
requesting names ot farmers who might 
wish to make a home in California. A great 
many names are thus procured from a single 
neighborhood when the work of furnishing 
printed matter to and correspondence with 
that locality begins. 

During the year a new and original town- 
ship map of the State has been compiled 
from official sources, which is now being dis- 
tributed with other printed matter. We are 
making corrections as found necessary, and 
will still further improve on what we 
believe is already the most correct map of 
the State now published. 

In the land department much attention 
has been given during the year to ascertain- 
ing the availability of the Government lands 
for farms and homes, and the character of 
lands varying in price from $1 to $25 an acre, 
to enable California to bid as high and offer 
as favorable terms for settlement as other 
States. To invite farmers to California and 
not be able to point out to them free or 
cheap lands on favorable terms would be a 
failure. To invite a promiscuous population 
seeking employment or business, would 
be to fill the State with tramps or men to 
make unsuccessful search for business in 

The work of platting, mapping, copying 
field notes, and personally examining the 
land, has been diligently continued during 
the year. Knowledge of the State has come 
to us from many sources. Through the 
newspapers, through the United States, 
State, county and city reports, private 
papers and documents; through horticul- 
tural, viticultural, agricultural, grange, silk 
and other conventions; through corres- 
pondence and other interviews. 

The information comes from the high and 
the low districts, the wet and the dry, the 
hot and the cold, the irrigated and 
non-irrigated, the mining, the farming and 
the grazing districts, covering every subject 
relating to general farming, stock, cereal, 
orchard, vine and other agricultural inter- 
ests, as well as other subjects in reference 
to commerce, trade, manufacturing, mer- 
chandizing, employment, etc. This inform- 
ation gives the experience of single years 
and of a series of years, with capital and 
without capital, of the experienced and 
inexperienced, of successes and failures. In 
fact, every interest of the State is brought 
under observation. 

The land office records of the Sacramento 
valley and tributary country, excepting that 
of Susanvilie, in Lassen county, have been 
kept up closely, as have those of the San 
Francisco district, which embraces the coast 
counties from Humboldt southward, includ- 
ing a portion of Santa Barbara county. Those 
of Visalia and Los Angeles have been 
brought up to October 15th of the present 

The entries m the districts mentioned since 
our report of last year and up to the time of 
the last investigations, are as follows: 

No. Homesteads— Entries. ' Acres. 

BIO Los Angeles 78.2S4.74 

41S Sacramento 56.09S.42 

' 810 Marysville ' 24,473.82 

.318 Shasta 27,526.49 

243 Stockton 41,894-88 

54fl San Francisco 94,562.58 

274 Visalia 35,730.22 

2483 Total 358,471.15 


No. Pre-Emptions — Filings. Acres. 

327 Los Angeles 39,792.00 

414 Sacramento 55,800.00 

221 Marysville 35,624.30 

351 Shasta 52,021.00 

591 Stockton 83,188.10 

853 San Francisco 134,7o0.00 

276 Visalia 47,974.00 

3033 Total 459,099.09 

No. Other Entries. Acres. 

109 16,280.00 

325 44,465.00 

22 8,200.00 

180 47,680.00 

636 Total 1C6.525.00 

Estimating the homestead, pre-emption 
and other entries in the three districts not 
mentioned a8 1,100, entering 176,000 acres, 
the total number of entries for the year 
aggregates 7,252, comprising 993,570 acres. 
Of these entries 4,000 were probably for 
actually settlement, and this, we believe, is 
a low estimate. This is 800 in excess of last 
year's report. There are 1,974 more entries 
recorded this year than last. 

Field notes have been copied in severa[ 
counties of the north, where lands were 
accessible and most suitable for immediate 
settlement. Personal examination of land 
has been continued and we have exteuded 
written reports of such portions of the State 
as have been visited. 

Three large county maps have been made, 
and two lithographed county maps have 
been contributed; 500 township plats have 
been copied from the originals, in the United 
States Surveyor- General's office. 

Seekers have gone from our office to every 
county in the State, and many settlements 
have been formed, as the result oi our work. 
In Shasta county there are four settlements, 
one of Germans, from three to six miles 
west of Redding, one east of Redding, 
from one to fifteen miles, one in the Big 
Bend of Pit River, 60 miles east of Redding, 
and the other extending from the railroad at 
Anderson, westward along Cottonwood 
Creek. Recently a selection was made about 
40 miles east of Redding by a committee of 
Germans representing from 500 to 1,000 

A good many persons have settled in Sis- 
kiyou, Modoc and Lassen counties. In 
Tehama county, a small settlement has 
begun west of Red Bluff, and one southwest. 
Last Spring a committee of Mennonites 
visited this coast,looking up a location for the 
settlement of about 200 families. We sent 
the Land Examiner with them into the Sac- 
ramento valley. The location selected is 
near Red Bluff. Several families are now 
there, others will follow as rapidly as they 
can dispose of farms in Minnesota and Kan- 
sas. These people have money and will buy 
land paying cash down. 

Individual settlers have gone into Colusa, 
Butte, Yuba, Placer, Nevada, Yolo aud other 

The coast counties north have received a 
large number of people, who have settled in 
the choicest locations. Land in Lake county is 
much inquired after, as are the lands on the 
coast side of Sonoma, Mendocino and 

A very active settlement of about 40 fam- 
ilies was made last May on the government 
lands of Santa Clara county, in the moun- 
tains southeast of Wright's Station. There 
have been many claims filed on the moun- 
tain lands of Santa Cruz and Santa Clara 

In Monterey county both on the coast and 
in the interior, settlement has been quite 
rapid. Around Pleito, in the southern part 
of the county, 50 to 75 families have settled. 
In San Luis Obispo, the government lands, 
in certain localities, have been nearly all 
taken. In Santa Barbara and Ventura, con- 
siderable activity has been manifested in 
private lands, bat the government lands 
have not been in much demand. In Los 
Angeles, San Bernardino and San Diego 
counties, there has been great inquiry. In 
San^Diego county, a colony of Germans pur- 
chased 4,000 acres of land for $60,000, from 
information obtained at the office, and are 
now moving on to it. In Antelope valley a 
portion of the Mohave desert, 25 miles 


north ol Loo Angelas, a colony of 200 or 300 stead law ninended, so as to require two 

families has settled on government and rail- years residence before the settler is allowed 

road lands, and seem to be flourishing, to pay for the land if he should elect to 

Artesian wells have been sunk, trees planted do so. 

and other improvements made which have The mineral restrictions should be 

the appearance of permanency. removed from lands believed many years 

Observation and experience show: That ago to be mineral, but which have long since 

l he mountains are suitable lor general farm- beeu abandoned as such, especially those 

ing, stock raisiug, lumbering and mining, upon which mineral affidavits were tiled 

with the exception of those parts to steep to many years ago, notoriously on account of 

be accessible, or too high up in the snow temporary excitement, and covering in a 

belt to be utilized. That much of the South- single affidavit many sectious or even in 

ern deserts may be made productive. That some cases an entire township, 

part ol the Utah Basin in California may be It is due the Uuited States Land Officers, 

partially utilized. That the high plateaux of Surveyor-General, and their assistants, to 

the north and northeast may be profitably acknowledge the favors and uniform courtesy 

settled. That there is proportionately less always shown by them to tnis Association, 

unavailable land in the mountains of Caliior- and lor information given and assistance 

nia thau iu the Alleghany rauge. That irri- rendered by ihem from time to time, 

gation is not necessary north of the latitude It would be unjust to close this report 

of San Francisco, except in a few localities, without saving a word for the President of 

That for general farming purposes, artificial the Association, who has given so much of 

irrigation is not positively required in the his time gratuitously during the last three 

coast counties south of San Francisco and years. It has be^n our duty to call upon 

north of "Ventura county, and that fair him daily — and ohen several times dailj — 

returns from cereals, fruit and stock are had on business of more or less importance, and 

without it, even in years when the rainfall is we have ever found him ready to receive us, 

below the average, although during some patient to hear and advise us, although we 

seasons there may be considerable worry do not remember to have ever called upon 

while waiting for rain. That general farm- him when he was not laden with his own 

ing, as a rule, is safer and tends to a more personal business. Critical, we may think 

even and permanent prosperity than special at times, but always ou the safe side. What- 

farmiug. That 20 to 40 acres make a com- ever success the Association has achieved, 

fortable and profitable home in the irrigated is largely due to his counsel, in every 

districts, and 80 to 160 acres where there is department of the work, 

sufficient rainfall to produce crops without Repectfully submitted, 

irrigation. C. H. Street, 

The pre-emption, timber and timber cul- Secretary and Land Officer, 
ture laws should be repealed, and the home- 



To the Officers and Members of the Immigra- November -26, 1883, Ba'ance on hand g 679 90 

tion Association of California. Receipts during the year 11,626 80 

T tal 812,306 70 

Disbursements as per vouchers in my hands 11,054 25 

Gentlemen: — I heg leave to band yoa 

, Balance 3 1,252 45 

herewith my annual report for the fiscal 

Near from November 20, 1883, to November Respectfully your,, 

jg 1884- Wm " Steinhart, 

San Francisco, November 19, 1884. 


Cash on hand last report, November 20, 1883 $ 686 23 

To the Board of Directors of the Immigration Received from all sources n,660 80 

Association of California. Total 12,347 03 

The disbursements were 11,048 50 

Gentlemen:— The undersigned, a com- Balance cash on hand i;~<T;*V 1,29S 53 

B In hands of the Treasurer 81,252 45 ) 

miltee appointed by your honorable body to In hands of the Secretary 46 08 f 1,298 53 

examine the accounts of the Association for Proper vouchers were found for all 
the fiscal year ended November 18, 1884, disbursements, 
having completed their labors beg leave to Respectfully submitted, 

submit the following report. We have found James Duffy, ^ 

a8 follows r - L. Barker, I Committee. 

W. W. Dodge, J 

Officers of the Association. 


President ARTHUR R„ BRIGGS. 

Vice-President W. L. MERRY. 

Treasuker WM. STEINHART. 

Secretary A. W. PRESTON. 

Land Officer : C. H. STREET 


James R. Kelly, Wm. Blanding, J. V. Webster, 

Wm. L. Merry, W. Steinhart, Arthur R. Briggs, 

James Duffy, T. L. Barker, W. N. Hawley, 

James R. Kelly, Arthur R. Briggs, T. L. Barker, 

J. V. Webster, Wm. Blanding, 


James R. Kelly, 
W. W. Dodge, 
Wm. L. Merry, 
Jules Cerf, 
Henry Payot, 
M. Ehrman, 
T. L. Barker, 

Arthur R. Briggs, 
J. V. Webster, 
C. F. Bassett, 


W. N. Hawley, 
W. Steinhart, 
Henry Casanova. 

Geo. K. Porter, 

Jas. Duffy, 
Wm. Blanding, 
C. W. Whitney, 

John C. Hall, 
A. A. Wheeler, 

Officers of ttie Association, 




W1I. L. MERRY Vice-President 

WM. STEIXHART Treasurer 

YRUS H. STREET Secretary and Land Officer 


James R. Kelly, Wm. Blandlng, J. V. Webster, 

Wm. L. Merry, W. Steinhart, Arthur R. Briggs, 

C. W. Whitney, T. L. Barker, W. N. Hawley. 


James R. Kelly, Arthur R. Briggs, T. L. Barker, 

J. V. Webster, Wm. Blandlng. 


James R. Kelly, Arthur R. Briggs, Geo. K. Porter, 

W. W. Dodge, J. V. Webster, Jas. Duffy, 

Wm. L. Merry, C. F. Bassett, Wm. Blandlng, 

Jules Cerf, J. A. Folger, - C. W. Whitney, 

Henry Payot, W. N. Hartley, John C. Hall, 

M. Ehrman, W. Steinhart, A. A. Wheeler, 

T. L. Barker, Henry Casanov 

Officers of tire Association,, 



ARTHUR R. BRIGGS. . . President 

WM. L. MERRY Vice-President 

W. STEINHART Treasurer 

C. H. STREET : Secretary and Land Officer 


Jas. R. Kelly, W. N. Hawley, 

Wm. L. Merry, . W. Steinhart, 
C. W. Whitney, C. F. Bassett.;, 

Wm. Blanding, J. V. Webster, 

Arthur R. Briggs. 


Jas. R. Kelly, Wm. Blanding, 

C. F. Bassett, J. V. Webster, 
Arthur R. Briggs. 

Jas. R. Kelly, C. W. Whitney, 

W. W. Dodge, J. A. Folger, 

Wm. L. Merry,- W. N. Hawley , 

Jules Cerf, W. Steinhart, 

Henry Payot, • Henry Casanova, 

M. Ehrman, Geo. K. Porter, 

T. L. Barker, Jas. Duffy, 

Arthur R. Briggs, Wm. Blanding, 

J. V. Webster, John C. Hall, 

C. F. Bassett, A. A. Wheeler, 






Wednesday, November i, 1893. 




CAlulFOfrtl^rt SalHlfc. l_lfcJRAR 





The Senate of the United States having under consideration the bill (H. 
E. 3687) to amend an act entitled "An act to prohibit the coming of Chinese 
persons into the United States," approved May 5, 1892— 

Mr. PERKINS said: 

Mr. President: I should perhaps content myself by remain- 
ing silent and simply casting my vote on this measure as an ex- 
pression of the feelings of the people on the subject whom I have 
the honor in part to x'epresentin the Senate; but it is aquestion 
of such vital moment, of such great importance not only to Cali- 
fornia, but to the whole country, that I feel I would be derelict in 
my duty if I did not briefly give my views as I understand them 
of the facts before us under consideration in the pending bill. I 
shall, however, in the discussion of the case presented by the bill 
content myself with the general principles, leaving it to my col- 
league [Mr. White of California] to take up and argue the vari- 
ous phases of the question presented. 


I may say in the commencement, however, in answer to the 
distinguished Senator from Illinois [Mr. Palmer] that the peo- 
ple of California are not asking for this bill. It is the Chinese 
and their attorneys who come here and ask for special legisla- 
tion in their behalf. We are satisfied with the law as it now is 
upon our statute books and as it has been construed by the high- 
est judicial tribunal of the land. It is the Administration that 
is asking for a special act of Congress to relieve the Chinese 
among us who bave refused to obey the law of the land as it has 
been judicially construed by our highest tribunal. 

The details of this question are most interesting, but in view 
of the very extended and various debates on this and similar 
bills in Congress, little has been left that has been unsaid. The 
measure mother forms has received consideration from the best 
minds of our land, and, though it has been strongly opposed by 
certain classes and sections, it has always been passed. 


The subject is certainly an important one, and though the 
Pacific coast of our country is probably the most interested as 
yet, it is important to all sections, for unless the tide was stopped 
it might not be long before it took a turn and affected other 
sections as disastrously. Both sides have had their day, and in 
deed weeks and months in court, and the contributions there- 
from have been very extensive and most exhaustive. 

To the people of the Pacific States this is an old, old story. I 
2 696 


bslieve that no one doubts us the right of protection, though in 
protecting ourselves it is urged we hive not the right to injure 
the rights of others, especially as the others in this case are 
here by the power and right of a sacred treaty. 


All kinds of opinions and all kinds of theories have found their 
way into this discussion since the adoption of the treaty in 1880. 
But it will be remembered by the conditions of that treaty we 
reserved the right to "limit or suspend the coming of the Chi- 
nese." There were fears then, by those who have examined the 
question, that there might be danger in it. and experience since 
has proven that the fears were not without foundation. 
• The various exclusion acts which have been passed are suffi- 
cient in everything, except chat they do notexclude, and it was 
to enforce them and to remedy their imperfection that the act 
of Congress of May 5, 1892, was found necessary. 


Experience has demonstrated that the Scott exclusion act did 
not exclude, for the reason that it was deficient in not properly 
showing the Chinese who were here by right and who were 
here in violation of the law. 

To ascertain exactly the Chinese who are here by right, it was 
proposed that they should be registered, the same as we are reg- 
istered, before we have the privilege of voting at the various 
polls in the different States of the Union. 

There were no harsh features or expense to the Chinaman in 
the remedy, which was simply intended to carry out our exist- 
ing law, and which, under the treaty which we had entered into 
with that Government, we had the right to do, for it says, " to 
limit or suspend the coming of the Chinese." But the Chinese 
refused to assist us in ascertaining who were here lawfully by 
declining to register and openly defying our laws. In this re- 
fusal they did not act on their own volition, but were governed 
by orders of their Chinese superiors, and not by the mandates 
of our courts or officials. 


And here I desire to state one of the most important factors 
in this case. The great mass of the Chinese who are among us 
are not their own free agents, but they are controlled and gov- 
erned by organizations as separate and distinct from our own as 
China is distinct from the United States. 

Many of these Chinese, to my own personal knowledge, were 
willing to register and were deterred only by fear of punishment 
by their respective companies.' They recognized the fact that 
they were subject to the law of the land in which they sojourned, 
and were in no sense superior to our people, that they were 
amenable to the laws and regulations of our Government, but the 
edict issued by their organizations which recognizes Chinese 
courts of control, the organizations and associations which own 
them and which control them, was too powerful for them, and so 
they refused to register. It is said in extenuation, that they now 
find they made a mistake, and that, if the time for registration 
is extended according to the provisions of the pending bill, they 
will comply with the law and Agister. 

Mr. DOLPH. I should like to ask the Senator from California 
who said that? Will the Senator specify who has said it? 


Mr. PERKINS. My friend from Oregon simply anticipates 
the answer I am about to make. 

Mr. DOLPH. Very well. 

Mr. PERKINS. If it is not satisfactory, later on I shall he 
pleased to have the Senator ask that or any other question in 
relation to this subject matter, for it is one in which our people 
are deeply interested, and if I can not answer satisfactorily 
I know that my colleague on the other side can do so; and there- 
fore the Senator will not disturb or interrupt me in the least by 
asking any qusstion relating to this subject. 


As I stated it is possible that they will register, but judging 
from our past experience the people of California have great 
doubt about it. and I find that this doubt is not limited alone 
to the people of that State but to the people of the whole coun- 
try who have a knowledge of the Chinese and their peculiar 
character; and it may not be long before there will be a demand 
for further legislation on the subject, as those who persist in 
refusing to register may continue to disregard our laws. 

Petitions and memorials have been received here from the 
Chinese showing that they acted under legal advice, and now, 
that our courts have decided that this advice was bad. they in- 
dicate a disposition to comply with the law and register if a 
special act of Congress is enacted for their benefit. 


Under these circumstances, this extension of six months is 
asked for. but what guaranty have we that the same legal ad- 
visers will not combat the law in their interest and again delay 
the registration the law compels beyond the time for which the 
present measure extends? Who makes the request for this ex- 
tension of time? The Chinese Government, which is the only 
power that should ask if? Oh. no; it is asked by the attorneys 
who gave the Chinese the advice to defy the law. It is true 
that the Chinese minister has admitted that the "additional 
opportunity to register would afford his Government great sat- 
isfaction: " but there i3 no guaranty from him. and he gives no 
assurance or promise in all of the correspondence which has been 
submitted that the Chinese subjects will register. All that he 
says is contained in the communication asked for by Congress 
from the President, and submitted to us for our information a 
few days since. 


It is as follows: 

To the Senate of the United States: • 

In response to the resolution of the Senate of the 10th instant, concerning 
the at titude of the Government of China with regard to an extension of time 
for the registration of Chinese laborers in the United States under the act 
of May 5, 1892, 1 transmit a report of the Secretary of State on the subject. 

Executive Mansion, 

Washington, October 18, 1893. 

The President: 

The undersigned, Secretary of State, to whom was referred the resolution 
of the Senate of the United States of the 10th instant, requesting the Presi- 
dent, '-if not incompatible with the public interest, to inform the Senate 
whether the Government of China has requested of the United States an ex- 
tension of time for the regi tration of Chinese laborers in this country, as 
required by the act of Congress entitled -An act to prohibit the coming of 
Chinese persons into the United States,' approved May 5, 1892, or has given 

to the United States any assurance that if the time for such registration shall 
be extended such Chinese laborers will register and take out certificates, and 
if such a request has been made or such an assurance has been given to trans- 
mit to the Senate copies of all correspondence concerning the same " — has 
the honor to lay before the President the following report, to the end that 
it may be communicated to the Senate should the President deem it proper 
so to do: 

"While the Government of China has not formally requested that the time 
for registration provided by the act of Congress entitled "An act to prohibit 
the coming of Chinese persons into the United States," approved Mayo, 1892, 
be extended, and no formal assurance has been given that If extended Chinese 
laborers in the United will take out certificates as provided by the act, the 
Qhinese minister has repeatedly asserted, in conference with the under- 
signed, that his countrymen residing in the United States at the time of the 
passage of the act. on the advice of eminent counsel and in good faith, re- 
frained from registering within the time allowed, and that it would be un- 
just to deny them another opportunity to register. The minister more 
than once has given assurance that an additional opportunity to register 
would afford his Government great satisfaction. 

Respectfully submitted. 


Department of State, 

Washington, October 11, 1893. 

Perhaps, Mr. President, we should be gratified to know that 
the " additional opportunity to register would afford the Chinese 
Government grea* satisfaction," but our people very properly 
demand more than this. It would gratify my colleague and my- 
self exceedingly if we were able to say that the people of the 
Pacific States are pleased at the prospect, but we can not do so. 
They are not pleased, for they feel confident, reasoning from 
past experience, that this is but another form of delay, to post- 
pone the enforcement of if not to abrogate the statutes of our 
land, which every good citizen of this Republic feels not only a 
legal obligation, but a moral obligation to obey. 


The result will probably, then, be that the Six Chinese Com- 
panies that control, body and soul, the Chinese who are here 
among us, will again contest the pending measure should it be- 
come a law, and as it is an amended law, new issues can be joined, 
and the courts may place a different construction upon it from 
that which they placed upon the original law. 

We would then be where we are now, and all because there is 
no guarantee about it, but simply^ because it would give the 
Chinese Government ''great satisfaction.'' Possible delay and 
prospective postponement probably is the cause of the ''great 

The same eminent counsel with the same ''good faith" and 
good-sized fee will in all probability give the advice .which they 
desire. The Chinese are a peculiar, as they are in many respects, 
a wonderful people. One of our most humorous and versatile 
American writers has tersely photographed their character when 
he says: 

Which I wish to remark. 

And my language is plain, 
That for ways that are dark 

And for tricks that are vain. 
The heathen Chinee is peculiar. 


My own idea is, and my experience and observation tend to con- 
firm the opinion, that it is only the lower classes of the Chinese 
who come here, and it is for this class that the bill proposes to 
legislate. They look at but few things as our people look at 

them. The great majority of them and their friends thought 
that Congress was not in earnest in passing the present regis- 
tration law. They have an all-abiding faith and confidence in 
the use and power of money: and they imagined that by money 
they could defeat the provisions of the law by undue influences 
with our courts and our public officials. 

There are honorable exceptions to all rales, but they have no 
conception, as a class of people, of the high moral law as we 
understand it. They think that everyone who has any connec- 
tion with the carrying out of the law can be bribed, and that 
there is no such thing as honesty, principle, and character among 
our people, when weighed in the scale with money. Money is 
one of their idol gods, to which they pay homage and burn sa- 
cred incense. 


Those who have thoroughly considered the subject-matter can 
have but little confidence in the pending bill doing any more 
than its predecessor did. But the disease is here, and our peo- 
ple are willing to adopt this or any remedy that will cure, or 
that even promises to cure it, though we would prefer something 
more. We would prevent the disease. Certain it is that the 
people of the Pacific coast are looking for a cure, for they pain- 
fully realize that they are suffering from the dreadful scourge 
of Chinese immigration, and they are willing and anxious to se- 
cure a remedy. 


Criticism has been made of the provision for photographing, 
and I regret that some of the members of the Committee on For- 
eign Relations, which reported the bill, do not look with favor 
on the provision for photographing Chinamen and attaching the 
photograph to the certificate of registration. It is claimed by 
some that the photographing is very humiliating. There is 
nothing, Mr. President, in this criticism. The Chinaman himself 
never thought that there was anything humiliating in photo- 
graphing and has never made any complaint. Humiliation can 
not enter or play any part in an organization which is as stoical 
as that of the Chinese. 

The photographing clause is rather for the benefit of the Chi- 
naman himsslf , as well as others, for there is no other way by 
which a registry of their description can be kept, that is, a reg- 
istry that will amount to anything. They are not marked as 
other people are. They all have a tan-colored skin. They have 
black hair and almond-shaped eyes, and are about the same 
height and build. Place one thousand of them in a line and the 
same personal description will answer for every one of them. 

It is impossible to maka even a comparative guess of their ages 
with any degree of accuracy. The old and the middle aged look 
so much alike that men who have lived among them for years are 
unable to guess within ten or fifteen years of the age of a China- 

Mr. DAVIS. Will the Senator from California allow me? 

Mr. PERKINS. Certainly. 

Mr. DAVIS. If all that is true, of what use is a photograph? 

Mr. PERKINS. I am about to come to that. My friend has 
simply anticipated. When I get through, if I have not conclu- 
sively answered his question I shall be glad to have him ask it 



TMs similarity of appearance and features is not the case with 
any other people who come to our shores in very large numbers. 
Those who have given great attention to this matter have finally 
become convinced that there is no other way to distinguish 
them, and it is not claimed that even a photograph will always 
do this, for the features, the facial characteristics of many of 
them are so nearly identical that the photograph will not always 
do what is needed. However, there is no better way under the 
sun that I know of, and I do not believe my friend from Minne- 
sota can suggest a better mode than the photograph, though it 
is admitted that even the photograph is by no means satisfac- 
tor}-. The idea that the photographs are made up, as it has been 
charged, to adorn a " rogues' gallery " is simply nonsense and 
without reason. 

No one has ever thought of such a thing except the astute 
attorneys of the Chinese, who seem to be so much more careful 
of their clients than the Chinese are themselves. For many 
years every Chinaman who has been convicted of any serious 
crime in California has been photographed. No other way has 
been found by which the keepers of the prison can identify 
them and thus be able to tell exactly when their terms of sen- 
tence have expired. 

This feature is, in the opinion of many, the most important in 
the law, and without it, it is almost certain that the law could 
not be enforced, for departing Chinamen by the thousands every 
year would leave this country and turn over their certificates of 
residence to others to come in. There is absolutely no other 
way of preventing such a traffic, except by the photograph, and 
that even will not work effectually in all cases. 


A few days since I received a letter from a well-informed friend 
in California, in which he pointed out how the Chinese intended 
to do even more registering, providing they decide to register 
at all, and if this bill passes to permit them to do it. He states 
the case so well that I quote from his letter: 
By the extension of time for registration afforded by the McCreary act- 
That is the pending bill — 

every Chinaman will register no doubt— if their companies permit them— but 
he will not stop at one registration, he will register a half dozen times. For 
instance, Ah Jim will register at San Francisco to-day as Ah Jim. He will 
register the next day at Oakland or Merced as Ah Sin. His personal appear- 
ance may be a little different each time. As Ah Bum he registers the fol- 
lowing day at Fresno, and Ah John the next day at San Francisco or some 
other city. Ah Jim may register twenty or one hundred times. 

I notice that in the bill under consideration no penalty is at- 
tached to Ah Sin for having done this. He may register as 
many times as he pleases, provided he does not represent his 
name as Ah Sam when it is Ah Sin. There is no penalty; and 
so he can go through our State as a missionary of registration, 
furnishing certificates for his cousins and his cousins' cousins 
who are to follow in his footsteps hereafter. So, as this friend 
writes, he may register twenty or a hundred times perhaps, and 
take the certificates and send them across to China to his brother 
or cousin and sell them for a few hundred dollars. 

I remember reading a few days since the report of one of the 
immigration inspectors in New York stating that the Chinese 
are coming in from Cuba and the West Indies. We know they 



have been smuggled in from British Columbia. In such cases 
the certificates become invaluable to them. My correspondent 

He will take tlie extra certificates and send them to a broker in China, who 
will sell them for a couple of hundred dollars each. 

The broker will have 400,000.000 to pick from, and as all the Chinese are 
smooth shaven ^.nd look alike anyhow, it will not be difficult for the broker 
to find a man to fit each certificate. By the time the registration under the 
law closes we will have issued possibly a half million certificates and will 
thereby legalize the presence in this country of 400,000 Chinamen more than 
are here now. 


While there may be some exaggeration as to the number of 
Chinese who will thus falsely register, I am fully convinced in 
my own mind that, even with the photograph, there will not 
be entire safety, and without it there would be none whatever. 

Too much care can not be given in this matter to the meaning 
of the terms " laborer" and "' merchant," for upon that much of 
the success of the operation of the law will depend. In this 
whole matter we are dealing with a very remarkable class of 
people, a people whose cunning has no bounds. A Chinese 
laborer for a fee of from $20 to $50 can become a member of a 
merchants' firm, say the firm of Quong Lee Long & Co. This 
firm, for the sum named and other sums, may have already over 
100 members, and about the only business done by the firm is 
merchandising in Chinese. There is no limit to their number, 
and all who have the money can become " cooperative mem- 
bers " and receive from it and similar firms certificates of mem- 
bership. Such certificates have already been used in the courts 
for the admission of Chinese who had no right to land on our 
shores, and they will continue to be used unless the strictest 
possible construction of the word " laborer" is maintained. 


The immigration of the Chinese into this country has long 
since ceased to be a partisan political question. Men of all par- 
ties and creeds who have a knowledge of these people agree that 
they are a blight upon our industries and citizenship, and an in- 
jury to our people. At the general election held in the fall of 
1879 in California, in accordance with a statute providing there- 
for, the question was submitted to the people of that State ' ' for " 
and '' against " the policy of permitting the unrestricted immi- 
gration of Chinese to continue, and out of a total vote of 161,405 
there were deposited in the ballot box only 883 votes for such 
immigration. Every day since that election has served only to 
convince the then almost unanimous opinion of our people that 
they were right. The Chinese do not, they can not, they will 
not assimilate with us. 


They know nothing about our f res Government, our standard 
of civilization, or American citizenship, and they care less. 
They know nothing and care nothing about our institutions, and 
they have no desire to learn about them. Our people of Cali- 
fornia believe in churches, in schools, in families, and the home: 
these are our citadels of liberty. The Chinese, on the contrary, 
care nothing about such matters. They have, it is true, a labor 
to sell, bat it is a servile labor, a slave labor, for they are tied 
down by contracts of their own making, which places them in a 



condition worse than slavery; their servitude can never end. 
They take no more interest in our affairs than if they were not 
here. It matters not how long they remain with us, they go 
away ignorant of our American institutions, simply because they 
do not want to learn. 


For fear that we might in some way violate our treaty obliga- 
tions our people have yielded point after point in favor of the 
Chinese. They do not want to yield any further, and insist that 
the law sh^ll be enforced. They want a law so adjusted and se- 
vere in its penalties that it can not be evaded or discarded or 
openly violated. They know that the ordinary Chinaman, by 
some mysterious process of reasoning, thinks that he represents 
a higher plane of civilization than our people occupy, and they 
want provisions enacted which will prevent them from clandes- 
tinely coming into this country against the laws of our land. But 
they also recognize the fact, for fact it is, that the enormity of 
this question is not understood or realized on this side of the 
mountains, for out of the lOT.OOOChinese in this country, accord- 
ing to the last census, nearly 80,000 of them are living in Cali- 


The Chinese are an undesirable class of people. This is the 
unprejudiced judgment of people who kno.v them, after years 
of experience. They are, it is admitted, a remarkable people 
in many respects, and many things can be said in their favor, 
for no one can be so binsed as not to recognize this, but on the 
whole, ••considering their good and their bad points, we wouldbe 
much better off if they had never come among us, or if they 
would now go back again. Many industries that depend upon 
their labor would, it is admitted, temporarily saffer in Califor- 
nia, but in time these would right themselves. Their presence 
among us has kept up a continual contention that has done us 
steady harm. It has caused factions among ourselves, politically 
and religiously, and it has created misunderstandings and sec- 
tional strifes that have resulted injuriously to our common in- 
terests. It has separated us, and it had caused us to some ex- 
tent to lose confidence in each other's judgment. Bitter quar- 
rels have resulted from their presence and. worse than all, the 
morals of our youth, the promise of the future manhood of our 
country, have been underminied, for it has happened that, con- 
trary to the experience with the people of other nations, our 
youth have copied only the injurious traits and habits of the 
Chinese. They have copied their vices instead of their virtues. 
In this respect it is hardly possible to calculate the injury the 
Chinese have done us, and those who are to follow us. 


The Chinese have no respect for our laws, they violate our 
laws greatly out of proportion to any other number of people 
among us. In this connection I desire to state that I have re- 
cently received a letter from the chief of police of San Fran- 
cisco, giving his experience in that city, which is a fair index 
of other cities relating to the Chinese. He has occupied the 
position for nearly half of his life time, and is one of the most 
faithful and conscientious officers in the performance of his duty. 
He has the respect and confidence of all who know him, and his 
opinion upon this question can be taken as the truth so far as 


it relates to his personal experience with the Chinese. He 


Office Chief of Police, San Francisco, October 19, 1993. 

Dear Sir: Replying to your communication of the 11th. instant, asking 
the percentage of crime committed by Chinese as against that of all other 
classes and requesting my opinion about the influence for evil that the 
Chinese have upon our young people, you are informed that the number of 
Chinese arrested for ten years ending June 30, 1893, is 20,000. 

As compared with all other classes, about 11 percent of offenses charged 
is committed by them. 

The principal offenses committed by Chinese are "burglary," " larceny," 
"robbery," "murder," and "assault to murder;" "keeping opium dens," 
"gambling," " violating health and fire ordinances;" in fact they commit 
about every offense known to law. 

In the cases of all other classes arrested about 70 per cent are charged with 

Mr. HOAR. "What percentage of the population are Chinese? 
Mr. PERKINS. About 15,000 are now there. Our popula- 
tion is about 300,000. The chief of police continues: 
Among the Chinese not 3 per cent are arrested for the latter offense. 

That is, f or drunkenness. In that respect they are exempt 
from that evil of American civilization. 
I believe— 
He says — 

The influence of the Chinese for evil over our young people is great, and 
particularly so in the direction of immorality, gambling, and opium-smoking. 
I will also add that, with few exceptions, they appear to have no respect for 
our laws ; in fact, they are the most persistent lawbreakers known to the 

There are a number of secret societies here whose members are principally 
composed of highbinders, and whose object is to levy blackmail upon their 
countrymen, and, when not successful at that, they commit murdeft 

I tried with all the ingenuity I possessed to break up those societies in a 
legal way, but by their cunning, "of which they can beat the world," I did 
not succeed. 

Their outrageous acts became so numerous that the press attacked them 
very severely and forcibly, which caused me to assume the responsibility of 
sending a squad of police to raid their meetings, in which the united press 
indorsed my action. 

I estimate the Chinese population to be at least 15,000, and will increase be- 
fore the winter sets in, because they flock to this place at that season from 
all over the coast. 
Yours, trulv, 

P. CROWLEY, Chief of Police. 

Hon. George C. Perkins, 

United States Senator, Washington, D. G. 


These things are sufficient for consideration by themselves, 
but they are not exactly what we should consider now. The Chi- 
nese are here; they are here in large numbers; and they are here 
under our pledge that they are to recsive the same protection 
as the people of the most favored or desirable nation. 

It was not intended by the present law to force them out, to 
remove those who are here rightfully, but to prevent the further 
coming of a class which are admittedly objectionable. The ex- 
isting law requires those who are here to be registered, so that 
if any are found hereafter without being able to show a certif- 
icate of registry, it can be presumed that they are here without 
right, in violation of the provisions of the treaties and our laws. 


We do not desire to allow the number of Chinese of the lower 
classes— the coolies — to be increased in this country. No people 
more than those of the Pacific coast recognize the value and 
nobility of labor, for "honest labor bears a lovely face," and no 


people ever had so much of it to do, to build up the homes they 
now enjoy, to build up a great Commonwealth on the western 
shores of this continent, as the paople of our State. They had 
to dig out of the rock the gold and silver that has enriched the 
world, and they had to level mountains in doing so. They cul- 
tivated the fields, they planted the vines and tr^es that now 
furnish breadstuffs and fruit to all parts of the world. The 
tremendous labor they performed, and are performing, is a sur- 
prise to the world, and it was only by it that they made their 
civilization possible and secured the comforts which they enjoy 
to-day. There are none among them who do not glory in the 
results of labor. But there is labor and labor. The labor given 
by the Chinese is a debasing, a degrading labor. Why, sir, one 
of the principal curses of slavery in our midst in this fair land 
was, that the labor of the slave degraded instead of elevated 
our people, that it injured instead of benefited all who came in 
contact with it. Just so is the servile contract labor given by 
the Chinese, it produces results? Yes, but the results are not 
satisfactory: the results are obtained at the sacrifice of Ameri- 
can citizenship. 


I think that the servile contract labor of the Chinese is a 
a greater curse upon this land than African slave labor ever was. 
The man who owned a slave had a pecuniary interest in keeping 
him healthy, in providing for him. It was to his own financial 
interest to do this. But the employer of the Chinese contract 
laborer cares for him only so long as he renders him service for 
the money he pays. It is more degrading, more debasing, 
more demoralizing to our people, if that is possible, than ever 
the slave labor of this country was. 

What have we passed through in this land to wipe out the 
curse of slavery? Can we not read the lesson in history written 
in fire, in blood from the veins of the brightest men in this land 
to wipe out that great curse? Can we not profit by that lesson, 
and say here to-day, thus far shall you go, but no further shall 
the servile contract labor of China pollute this great Republic? 


The labor performed by the Chinese has injured far more than 
it has benefited, either in California or any other State in this 
Union. It is not the labor that America demands and that her 
people have a right to expect and receive. It pulls down from 
that high position of dignity which labor should occupy and de- 
grades it and keeps it down. It breeds contentions, it suggests 
and encourages difficulties, and it exasperates on all sides. It is 
not ennobling, it is not good, and it is not satisfactory. Labor 
is honorable, it matters not whether it is performed with the pick 
and shovel, by the sailor who mans the vessel, by the farmer 
who tills the soil, by the tool of the mechanic, the delic itely ad- 
justed instruments of the astronomer, or the scalpel of the sur- 
geon. Labor is always honorable, but there is a great difference, 
there is an insufferable gulf, between labor and the work of the 


Everyone who has watched the progress of both has long since 
observed that the curse of Chinese labor is that it is not inde- 
pendent, that it is secondary to other factors than that of the 
employer and the employes. It makes room for an intermediary ,. 


and it lacks the efficacy, the dignity of true labor, because it is 
deficient in the essentials. 

Under our treaty (and we have not and we do not want to vio- 
late any portion of it, either in spirit or letter) we are compelled 
legally and morally to protect the Chinese who are here with us, 
and we have and will continue to do so while they are among us. 
Acting under that treaty, and its provisions were ample, our peo- 
ple thought they had a right, they knew they had a right, they 
believed it for the best interest of this country to exclude Chi- 
nese immigration, which we had a right to do under its provi- 


We also want to enforce the exclusion act to the letter, and to 
aid us in that we enacted the registry law. And more than this, 
we want to stop continual agitation. We want to have this Chi- 
nese question settled once for all time. We want a rest and a 
chance to try the supposed benefit of the working^ of the regis- 
tration act. We want to put a stop to the oft-repeated cry of in- 
justice to the Chinese; to the idea that the people of California 
(and I want to say that the people of California are the equal of 
any in moral character, in beneficence, in philanthropy, in en- 
terprise, in all things that go towards making up good Ameri- 
can citizenship, of any people in the world) are cruel towards 
the Chinese. They are a people who compare in the most fa- 
vorable light as a class with any in this great Republic. 

It is unjust to them that an erroneous impression on this sub- 
ject should get over the land. It is to them a great injustice, 
and it prevails not only here in the Atlantic States but in Eu- 
rope and elsewhere. We have been misrepresented. No China- 
man has ever been there assaulted or injured or has been in any 
greater danger at any time of being assaulted or injured than 
any citizen of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Our peo- 
ple will not tolerate, and have never tolerated, and have no dis- 
position to wrong - the humblest resident among them, no matter 
whether he comes from the isles of the Pacific, from China, or 
from any other country. 


We want to convince the good people of our own land. We 
want to convince the church-going people, who have so numer- 
ously petitioned Congress in behalf of the Chinese, that the peo- 
ple of California are in full sympathy with them for the stand 
they take for good government and good morals. They recog- 
nize that every church is a beacon light of civilization and is a 
bond for law and good society and the sanctity of the home, and 
that, while the petitioners are undoubtedly actuated by the very 
best of motives and purposes, they are entirely unacquainted 
with the people for whom they so eloquently plead. 

Kind-hearted, benevolent, and Christian men and women in 
California and the other Pacific States have organized in their 
churches, Sabbath schools and aid societies, with a view to 
Christianize the Chinese, but I think it is safe to say that not 
2 per cent of the Chinese, after thirty yeai's of earnest effort, have 
been converted to Christianity. It is clearly a case of love's 
labor lost. 


The Chinese have their joss houses, their places of worship 
in every block in Chinatown. They burn incense to their gods. 



They pay homage to the evil one, because they say the God we 
teach them to worship can do no wrong, and, therefore, if they 
can get on good terms with the evil one they are all right, and 
so they pay tribute to him. But it is not the highest motive 
which prompts men to be good only because they fear punish- 
ment hereafter. I do not think much of that religious sect or 
that man who embraces religi m only because he fears the pun- 
ishment which will come to him if he does not embrace it: rather 
let him embrace religion because its teachings are good and 
be mtiful and elevating, and because God is love. 

Mr. President, the people of California are generous to a fault; 
they are not engaged in any war against the Chinese. They are 
engaged, however, in something higher and nobler — in a contest 
to protect themselves, their reputation, their homes, and their 
youth from the contaminating influences of a people who are de- 
basing to all who come within their radius. They do not want 
to strike one blow at the Chinese, but they do want to save them- 
selves from the blighting influences which the Chinese have in- 
stituted in our midst; they do want to enforce that protection 
Avhich the laws give them, and to palliate, if possible, the oper- 
ations of a treaty which this country has made, and which has 
been found to work most injuriously to their interests. 


The people of California, and of the adjoining States are a 
cosmopolitan, but a law-abiding and high moral class, and they 
are a church-going people. They may be, and probably are, 
more broad-minded and care less about what particular form of 
religion is taught than people in other parts of the country, but 
they sympathize with every religious faith, sect, or creed which 
has for its object the bettering of the people and the elevation of 
their moral character. They have suffered from the Chinese, 
though in many instances they may have been benefited indi- 
vidually by their presence. Tbey are anxious that the regis- 
tration law shall be enforced as a means of preventing more 
Chinese from coming among us. 

There are enough Chinamen in this country now to experi- 
ment on, and our people are not willing that the experiment 
shall be conducted on any larger scale. Experience has demon- 
strated to them the evil of this great influx of these undesirable 
people, and thev appeal to Congress for the remedial legislation 
which the registration and exclusion act promised. 

It is not my intention or desire to discuss this measure at this 
time in a more detailed manner. There are so many objections 
to the Chinese that a mere recital of them would occupy much 
more time than it would be proper or fitting for me to claim. 


The Chinese are undesirable for many causes; but among the 
principal ones is the fact that their stay with us is only a pass- 
ing event, and that none of them hope or expect to become per- 
manent residents among us. They add nothing to our prosperity 
and take everything they earn back to their own country. They 
would not, if they could, become citizens, and they are so care- 
ful about this that everyone of them comes here with a contract 
that in the event of his dying here his bones shall be sent back 
to the land of his ancestry. 

That is why I used the expression that the Chinese Six Com- 
panies own the Chinamen body and soul. They think they 



would never go to the flowery land of their ancestors if their 
bones were permitted to remain here upon our soil; and so, in 
the contracts which they make, it is stipulated that their bones 
shall be sent back, and evei'y steamer which leaves the port of 
San Francisco and the port of Victoria, on Puget Sound, car- 
ries back boxes and boxes of the bones of these dead Chinamen. 


I will add that the Chinese differ in this respect from every 
other class of people who come among us. The contract which 
is made is not one of filial love or brotherly affection. The last 
service of shipping the bones of Chinamen is not done by some 
sorrowing friend who gathers them and sends them back that 
they may rest in peace in the home cemetery, but by these 
cold-hearted agents of the Six Companies, who perform the 
service for so much consideration, which is " nominated in the 

The United States collector of internal revenue in San Fran- 
cisco, and also some of the ablest statisticians of the leading 
journals of the West have made a computation, and they esti- 
mate — and they are very competent to do so — that the Chinese 
have sent or taken back to China in the thirty years they have 
been in this country the enormous sum of $810,000,0(0. This, in 
the minds of those who have had experience with the Chinese, 
is sufficient to satisfy them that the Chinese, leaving all other 
questions aside, are undesirable, not to use a harsher word. 

I have not gone into the details of this question to show in 
what manner these people live and how they are crowded to- 
gether, contrary to all sanitary laws and to all regulations which 
everyone recognizes who wishes to enjoy health. I shall not 
attempt to describe to you their food, 96 per cent of which con- 
sists of rice and tea. They contribute nothing to the support of 
of our country. I shall not weary the Senate with these details. 


In answer to what I have said it may be replied, " they have 
contributed of their labor, have they not? They benefited you 
by giving you their services in building canals, in building rail- 
roads, in cultivating the land, and in building ditches." Yes, I 
must answer in the affirmative; but as I have said before it is a 
contract, a servile labor, which is contrary to our laws and 
which is degrading to American manhood. It is, I repeat, a la- 
bor more humbling and more debasing than slave labor. If the 
same labor had been given to others — and it would have been 
except for the presence of the Chinese — the result of the labor 
would have been left in our country by those who, from love of 
our institutions, would have become citizens of this great Re- 
public; who would have built up their homes, raised their fami- 
lies, supported our public schools and other institutions, and 
thus have become factors in this great Government. 


The demand for exclusion, and for registration as a means of 
aiding the exclusion, I reiterate does not come from the so-called 
"hoodlums" and "sand-lotters," of whom so much has been 
printed in the public press in the Atlantic cities: but it comes 
from the thoughtful people of our State, who are most interested: 
it comes from the fathers, from the mothers, from the guardians 
of the youth of the State, and from those who are interested in 
the advancement and prosperity of this great country. It is a 



universal demand, and it is for this reason that I do not think 
the Chinese have any claim upon the country or upon Congress 
to ask foe. this extension of the law which they have violated de- 
liberately, intentionally, and contrary to the mandates of Con- 

But, Mr. President, in marked contrast to those who have re- 
fused to obey the law, in marked contrast with the Chinese, I 
wish to say that the people of the Pacific coast, from the State 
of Washington to California, all over that beautiful land which 
waters the western part of this great Union of States, will bow 
in submission to the will of Congress, for they are a law-abiding, 
liberty-loving, and patriotic people. 

We of the sunset land of the nation have an abiding faith in 
the wisdom, justice, and patriotism of our fellow-citizens of these 
great United States. We believe that as soon as you investigate 
and understand the real question at issue we shall have your 
sympathy and cooperation in banishing from our midst this 
growing evil. 


As common citizens of a progressive Republic it is our duty 
to stand shoulder to shoulder in repelling the invasion of not 
only the coolie of Asia, but also the pauper, the criminal, and 
the contract laborer of Europe. Let our school bells ring out 
their peals from hill and dale, from the mountains to the sea, 
from every hamlet in the land, that we have resolved it to be 
our bounden duty, first, to educate and rear the children of our 
own citizens and prepare them for the high duty of American 
citizenship, before we permit others to come in and usurp their 


The bill was passed November 2, 1893, and the law on the sub- 
ject is now as follows: 

An act to amend an act entitled "An act to prohibit the coming of Chinese 
persons into the United States," approved May 5, 1892. 

Be it enacted, etc., That section 6 of an act entitled "An act to prohibit the 
coming of Chinese persons into the United States," approved May 5, 1892, is 
hereby amended so as to read as follows : 

" Sec. 6. And it shall be the duty of all Chinese laborers within the limits 
of the United States who were entitled to remain in the UnitedStates before 
the passage of the act to which this is an amendment to apply to the collector 
of internal revenue of their respective districts within six months after the 
passage of this act for a certificate of residence; and any Chinese laborer 
within the limits of the United States who shall neglect, fail, or refuse to 
comply with the provisions of ttriu act and the act to which this is an amend- 
ment, or who, after the expiration of said six months, shall be found within 
the jurisdiction of the United States without such certificate of residence, 
shall be deemed and adjudged to be unlawfully within the United States, 
and may be arrested by any United States customs official, collector of in- 
ternal revenue or his deputies, United States marshal or his deputies, and 
taken before a United States judge, whose duty it shall be to order that he 
be deported from the United States, as provided in this act and in the act to 
which this is an amendment, unless he shall establish clearly to the satis- 
faction of said judge that by reason of accident, sickness, or other unavoid- 
able cause he has been unable to procure his certificate, and to the satisfac- 
tion of said United States judge, and by at least one credible witness other 
than Chinese, that he was a resident of the United States on the 5th of 
May, 1892; and if, upon the hearing, it shall appear that he is so entitled to 
a certificate, it shall be granted upon his paying the cost. Should it appear 
that said Chinaman had procured a certificate which has been lost or de- 
stroyed, he shall be detained and judgment suspended a reasonable time to 
enable him to procure a duplicate from the officer granting it, and in such 


cases the cost of said arrest and trial shall be in the discretion of the court; 
and any Chinese person, other than a Chinese laborer, having a right to be 
and remain in the United States, desiring such certificate as evidence of 
such right, may apply for and receive the same without charge ;*and that no 
proceedings for a violation of the provisions of said section 6 of said act of 
May 5, l'892, as originally enacted, shall hereafter be instituted, and that all 
proceedings for said violation now pending are hereby discontinued:" 
Provided, That no Chinese person heretofore convicted in any court of the 
States or Territories or of the United States of a fetony shall be permitted 
to register under the provisions of this act: but all such persons who are 
now subject to deportation for failure or refusal to comply with the act to 
which this is an amendment shall be deported from the United States as 
in said act and in this act provided, upon any appropriate proceedings now 
pending or which may be hereafter instituted. 

Sec. 2. The words " laborer " or " laborers," wherever used in this act or 
in the act to which this is an amendment, shall be construed to mean both 
skilled and unskilled manual laborers, including Chinese employed in min- 
ing, fishing, huckstering, peddling, laundrymen, or those engaged in taking, 
drying, or otherwise preserving shell or other fish for home consumption or 

The term "merchant," as employed herein and in the acts of which this is 
amendatory, shall have the following meaning and none other: A merchant 
is a person engaged in buying and selling merchandise, at a fixed place of 
business, which business is conducted in his name, and who during the time 
he claim ■> to be engaged as a merchant does not engage in the performance 
of any manual labor, except such as is necessary in the conduct of his busi- 
ness as such merchant. 

Where an application is made by a Chinaman for entrance into the United 
States on the ground that he was formerly engaged in this country as a 
merchant, he shall establish by the testimony of two credible witnesses 
other than Chinese the fact that he conducted such business as hereinbefore 
defined for at least one year before his departure from the United States, 
and that during such year he was not engaged in the performance of any 
manual labor, except such as was necessary in the conduct of his business as 
such merchant, and in default of such proof shall be refused landing. 

Such order of deportation shall be executed by the United States marshal 
of the district within which such order is made, and he shall execute the 
same with all convenient dispatch ; and pending the execution of such order 
such Chinese person shall remain in the custody of the United States mar- 
shal, and shall not be admitted to bail. 

The certificate herein provided for shall contain the photograph of the ap- 
plicant, together with his name, local residence, and occupation, and a copy 
of such certificate, with a duplicate of such photograph attached, shall be 
filed in the office of the United States collector of internal revenue of the 
district in which such Chinaman makes application. 

Such photographs in duplicate shall be furnished by each applicant in such 
form as may be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. 







Thursday, November 2, 1893. 






The Senate having under consideration the bill (H. R. 3687) to amend an act 
emit led "An act to prohibit the coming of Chinese persons into the United 
States," approved May 5. 1892 — 

Mr. WHITE of California, said: 

Mr. President: I shall detain the Senate but a few moments 
with reference to the pending measure, as I deem it essential, if 
we desire to transact any business at all concerning' it, that the 
matter should be brought to a head at once. 

I have listened to all of the arguments made by the distin- 
guished Senators who have addressed themselves to this bill, and 
I have heard many things regarding the Chinese which I never 
heard before. Perhaps this is because I know something about 
the race, wnile Senators who have furnished the information 
have never been brought in contact with those of whom they have 

A gentleman was once asked whether he had ever seen the 
Allegheny Mountains. He replied: "Why, sir: of course I have. 
Did not I work for the contractor who built them?'' There are 
remarks made here with relation to the Chinese which give me 
the impression that Senators who have addressed us upon the 
subject, while acting innocently, have nevertheless committed 
themselves without full knowledge or correct advice. 

I do not intend to describe the condition of the Chinese. This 
has been done here so often by those thoroughly competent for 
the task that I should deem it an intimation that Senators were 
unable to appreciate facts when presented plainly, if I endeavored 
to travel over the ground again. 

It is admitted that the people of California have succeeded in 
obtaining a major portion of this undesirable element. The 
Chinese have come to us. We have them. We who are side by 
side with them, w-ho move among them, who necessarily learn 
something about them, are told by Senators who have had no such 
opportunity, who view them from afar, that they constitute an 
immigration that is rather valuable, and that after all they are 
a desirable people to cultivate. 

In Harper's Weekly, of date July 23, and in another number 
of the same weekly dated July 30, 1870, I find illustrations ac- 
companied by an article in which we are informed that a certain 
gentleman, Mr. Sampson, residing in North Adams. Mass., who 
was conducting a boot and shoe business in that enterprising 
locality, found himself unable, or at least unwilling, to pay to 
his white employes the sums which they demanded; he accord- 
708 3 

ingly sent an agent to California and imported a number of Chi- 
nese operatives. 

The pictures to which I allude illustrate the Mongolians at 
work in a Massachusetts shoe shop. But, Mr. President, it 
turned out in a very few days that there was a commotion in 
that good old Commonwealth, and the Chinamen who had been 
thus imported found it well to leave at a speed much greater 
than that displayed at the time of their advent. 

Hence, I may be permitted to remark that unless there has 
been a change of opinion the gentlemen who regard the China- 
men as advantageous for California do not regard them as very 
desirable for themselves. 

In the city of San Francisco there are congregated an immense 
number of Chinese. The Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Davis], 
who so ably and eloquently championed their cause here, has 
stated that he has witnessed transactions or sights in that local- 
ity of a horrible character. Indeed no one can visit the place 
without being made aware that a Ch'naman differs from anyone 
ever before brought within the scope of his observation. 

The Senator also referred to the circumstance that Chinamen 
send their countrymen's bones to Asia, thus indicating, I suppose, 
a belief that this country is scarcely good enough to hold the 
relicts. Xo special objection is made to the deportation of Chi- 
namen's bones, but the people of California prefer that the China- 
man should go to China before he has reached a state where it 
is impossible to transport more than a portion of his being. 

In this connection, and as illustrative of Chinese habits, I 
might mention the fact that some years ago an officer was walk- 
ing upon his beat on Dupont street, San Francisco, when he de- 
tected a peculiar odor permeating the atmosphere. While he 
was tolerably familiar with the flavor of the effluvia of China- 
town, as he had been in the habit of taking care of that some- 
what singular locality, yet there was something unusual about 
this, something differing from the ordinary. He procured one 
of his associates to accompany him, and entering an adjacent 
Chinese dwelling- and, passing three or four stories underground, 
they came to a room beneath the sidewalk wherein the air was 
unendurably corrupt. 

There they found a great caldron in which there were bodies 
of deceased Chinamen, and these were being boiied for the pur- 
pose of extracting the bones for shipment. The chef who seemed 
to preside over the operation smiled as the officers entered, and 
explained to them quite fully that this was by far the most ap- 
proved method of preparing the proposed consignment. Of 
course the institution was suppressed as a nuisance. 

Mr. President, Senators have probably heard of highbinders. 
A highbinder, as we understand the matter, is an individual whose 
business it is to murder for hire. Commotions in Chinese society 
caused by highbinder warfare are not inf req uent. Such a contest 
simply means that conflicting associations of those whose business 
is assassination have determined to settle in blood issues arising 
as the result of their nefarious trade. In San Francisco it is com- 
mon knowledge that the highbinder executes the edicts and 
commands of his employer. A highbinder is occasionally caught 
after he has killed* some one, and upon conviction is hanged. 
His shirt of mail, suspended as a trophy in the police department, 
indicates that he was an individual of considerable enterprise 

and that he possessed the inventive genius which is so greatly ad- 
mired by his American advocates. 

We have sought to deal with the Chinese in a humane manner. 
We have done our best to shield them from violence. Charges 
to the contrary are baseless; and while we have been criticised 
because of our attitude towards the Chinese, the fact remains 
that they prefer to stay in California rather than to go anywhere 
else. With all our faults they enjoy i^esidence with us. They have 
no confidence that they will he well and profitably received in 
the bosoms of those who loudly demand unrestricted immigra- 
tion and who appear to consult Chinese convenience rather than 
the interests of our own race. 

Mr. President, it has been said that the legislation proposed 
here is peculiar. So it is peculiar, because it deals with a pecu- 
liar subject and a peculiar people. It deals with a race differ 
rag from all others in essential particulars. The Senator from 
Minnesota eloquently referred to the antiquity of the Chinese Em- 
pire and spoke of its ancient greatness. He prophesied that it will 
stand when existing empires, republics, and dynasties have passed 
from the earth. Perhaps this may prove true; but the Chinese 
Empire of to-day is not a model of progression. On the con- 
trary, it presents the worst features of modern society. It is in- 
capable of absorbing knowledge and oblivious to the demands of 

Born in a State where Chinamen have been from the time 
of the organization of the government; witnessing them and 
their conduct as a boy, as a man, in a professional and in other 
capacities, I am thoroughly familiar with their habits, with 
their capabilities, and their moral status. When Senators con- 
demn this bill because it discredits the Chinaman as a witness, 
they forget that such a rule merely recognizes the existence of 
a characteristic, to disregard which would be to assert that it 
is impossible for this Government to maintain or enforce its 
laws. Never — and I say it unqualifiedly — never have I known a 
Chinaman whom I would believe under oath in a matter in which 
he was interested. Can that be said of any other class or of any 
other people? It is not for me to philosophize, to analyze the 
Chinese disposition, or to seek to draw from their history any- 
thing accounting for these deficiencies. I am speaking of things 
as they exist. This clause is essential to the efficiency of the 

So true is it, Mr. President, that a Chinaman can not be be- 
lieved on oath, that when to tell the truth in a court of justice 
would be beneficial to him it is often almost impossible to induce 
him to fully declare it because he does not believe that there 
can be any association of rectitude with his interests. When a 
Chinaman is presented before a judge or a jury, and there is no 
testimony explanatory of his declarations, it is often impossible 
to reach a satisfactory conclusion. It is generally difficult to 
discern which of two contesting Mongolians approaches to the 
truth. They have absolutely no conception of their duties in 
this regard. 

When acting iD an official capacity upon a certain occasion I 
was called into court to attend to the public interest in a small 
case. A battery charge was involved. The prosecutor and the 
defendant were Chinamen. The former's face was discolored, 
showing evidence of injurious contact. He had been somewhat 



disfigured. He claimed that a member of another company, a 
Chinaman, had attacked him upon the public street. A trial 
was had. As prosecuting officer I introduced the complaining 
Chinaman and six other Chinese witnesses. The defendant's 
counsel asked each of them to which company he belonged, and 
each swore that he was a member of the company of the prose- 
cuting witness. Then came the defendant, and he introduced 
six Chinese witnesses: each of whom was a member of the com- 
pany to which the defendant belonged, and each swore absolutely 
and positively that defendant was not present when the assault 
was said to have taken place, though the other seven witnesses 
had testified emphatically that defendant committed the battery. 

1 mention this as illustrating the proposition that a Chinaman 
will swear according to the interest and. orders of his company. 
If there is litigation among Chinamen, and there are 75 Chinese 
witnesses upon one side and 75 Chinese witnesses upon the other 
side, upon investigation you will find that all the plaintiff's wit- 
nesses belong to one company and that all the defendant's wit- 
nesses recognize another company. Their habits and customs 
are not such as to make them either valuable or tolerable resi- 
dents of any civilized community. 

Upon another occasion I was called upon to prosecute a China- 
man for the murder of another Chinaman. I succeeded in pro- 
curing a conviction. The court believed that there had been an 
error in the trial, some misruling upon a question connected 
with the testimony, and a new trial was granted. 

When the time for the new trial approached I visited the China- 
man representing the company to whi^h the decedent had per- 
tained, and told him that I desired the witnesses who had been 
present at the former trial to appear once more in court as wit- 
nesses. He shook his head and said that they could not be found. 

I said "Where are they?" He did not know. I pressed him, ' 
and he advised me to dismiss the case. After considerable 
interrogation I arrived at this state of facts: The Chinaman who 
had been killed was a member of the company which the man 
with whom I was conversing represented, and the Chinaman 
who did the killing was a member of another company: and the 
two companies came together and appraised the dead Chinaman 
at $1,000, and had passed the money and the receipts. There- 
fore the witnesses could no longer be found. 

Is it for a class of people to whom this is an every-day and mo- 
notonous transaction that we are asked to sacrifice the wishes 
and the comfort of the citizens of the American Republic? 

Mr. President, I am as charitable and kind-hearted. I trust, as 
any man who is within this Chamber or elsewhere. I would as 
quickly, 1 hope, as any one else put myself out to alleviate suf- 
fering and perform those duties which charity enjoins upon a 
Christian. But I am confronted with a situation that threatens 
ruin to my own people: and when I am called upon to choose be- 
tween them and an alien race incapable of virtue and unappre- 
ciative of vice, then I stand by my own hearthstone and guard 
my own home. 

Senators who know but little of these things say much to the 
effect that we have been disregarding a treaty. Mr. President, 
the Chinese Government has never in good faith attempted to 
stand by its treaty. When it appeared to this Government and 



to the Congress of the United States that the treaty that had 
been adopted and ratified in 1880 needed revision, ther*e was an 
effort made by us to accomplish such revision. As stated in the 
very able message of Mr. Cleveland, presented to this body when 
he was formerly President of the United States, this Government, 
through its commissioners, prepared a treaty which was accept- 
able to the Chinese minister here, and which every one supposed 
would be ratified. This proposed engagement was submitted to 
the Chinese Government and there it rested for a period of about 
six£months without any action whatever. 

Our minister repeatedly and urgently called the attention of 
the imperial government to the pendency of that treaty, to the 
demand upon the part of the citizens of the United States that 
it should be acted on. No response whatever was given. There- 
upon Mr. Cleveland signed the act of 1888 and sent to Congress 
the message to which I have referred upon another occasion. 

It is as follows: 

To the Congress: 

I have this day approved House bill No. 11,336, supplementary to an act en- 
titled "An act to execute treaty stipulations relating to Chinese," approved 
the 6th day of May, 1883. 

It seems to me that some suggestions and recommendations may properly 
accompany my approval of this bill. 

Its object is to more effectually accomplish by legislation the exclusion 
from this country of Chinese laborers. 

The experiment of blending the social habits and mutual race idiosyncra- 
sies of the Chinese laboring classes with those of the great body of the peo- 
ple of the United States has been proved by the experience of twenty years, 
and ever since the Burlingame treaty of 1868, to be in every sense unwise, 
impolitic, and injurious to both nations. With the lapse of time the neces- 
sitj r for its abandonment has grown in force, until those having in charge 
the government of the respective countries have resolved to modify and suf- 
ficiently abrogate all those features of prior conventional arrangements 
which permitted the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States. 

In modification of prior conventions the treaty of November 17, 1880, was 
concluded, whereby, in the first article thereof, it was agreed that the United 
States should at will regulate, limit, or suspend the coming of Chinese la- 
borers to the United States, but not absolutely prohibit it; and under this 
article an act of Congress approved on May 6. 1882 (see volume 22, page 58, 
Statutes at Large), and amended July 5, 1884 (volume 23, page 115, Statutes 
at Large), suspended for ten years the coming of Chinese laborers to the 
United States, and regulated the going and coming of such Chinese laborers 
as were at that time in the United States. 

It was, however, soon made evident that the mercenary greed of the parties 
who were trading in the labor of this class of the Chinese population was 
proving too strong for the just execution of the law, and that tne virtual 
defeat of the object and intent of both law and treaty was being fraudulently 
accomplished by false pretense and perjury, contrary to the expressed will 
of both Governments. 

To such an extent has the successful violation of the treaty and the laws 
enacted for its execution progressed that the courts in the Pacific S tates have 
been for some time past overwhelmed by the examination of cases of Chinese 
laborers who are charged with having entered our ports under fraudulent 
certificates of return or seek to establish by perjury the claim of prior resi- 

Such demonstration of the inoperative and inefficient condition of the 
treaty and law has produced deep-seated and increasing discontent among the 
peop'eof the United States, and especially with those resident on the Pacific 
coast. This has induced me to omit no effort to find an effectual remedy for 
the evils complained of, and to answer the earnest popular demand for tha 
absolute exclusion of Chinese laborers having objects and purposes unlike 
our own, and wholly disconnected with American citizenship. 

Aided by the presence in this country of able and intelligent diplomatic 
and consular officers of the Chinese Government, and the representations 
made from time to time by our minister in China under the instructions of 
the Department of State, the actual condition of public sentiment and the 
status of affairs in the United States has been fullymade known to the Gov- 
ernment of China. 

The necessity for remedy has been fully appreciated by that Government, 

and in August. 1886. our minister at Peking received from, the Chinese for- 
eign office a communication announcing that China, of her own accord, pro- 
posed to establish a system of strict and absolute prohibition of her laborers, 
under heavy penalties, from coming to the "United States, and likewise to pro- 
hibit the return to the United States of any Chinese laborer who had at any 
time gone back to China "in order" (in the words of the communication) 
'■that the Chinese laborers may gradually be reduced in number and causes 
of danger averted and lives preserved." 

This view of the Chinese Government, so completely in harmony with that 
of the Uaited States, was by my direction speedily formulated in a treaty 
draft between the two nations, embodying the propositions so presented 
by the Chinese foreign office. 

The deliberations, frequent oral discussions, and correspondence on the 
general questions that ensued have been fully communicated by me to the 
Senate at the present session, and, as contained in Senate Executive Docu- 
ment O, parts 1 and 2, and in Senate Executive Document No. 272, may be 
properly referred to as centaining a complete history of the transaction. 

It is thus easy to learn how the joint desires and unequivocal mutual un- 
derstanding of the two Governments were brought into articulated form in 
the treaty, which, after a mutual exhibition of plenary powers from the re- 
spective Governments, was signed and concluded by the plenipotentiaries of 
the United States and China at this capital on March 12 last. 

Being submitted for the advice and consent of the Senate, its confirmation, 
on the 7th day of May last, was accompanied by two amendments, which 
that body ingrafted upon it. 

On the 12th day of the same month the Chinese minister, who was the 
plenipotentiary of his Government in the negotiation and the conclusion of 
the treaty, in a note to the Secretary of State gave his approval to these 
amendments, "as they did not alter the terms of the treaty," and the amend- 
ments were at once telegraphed to China, whither the original treaty had 
previously been sent immediately after its signature on March 12. 

On the 13th day of last month 1 approved Senate bill No. 3304, --to prohibit 
the coming of Chinese laborers to the United States." This bill was in- 
tended to supplement the treaty, and was approved in the confident antici- 
pation of an early exchange of ratifications of the treaty and its amend- 
ments and the proclamation of the same, upon which event the legislation 
so approved was by its terms to take effect. 

No information of any definite action upon the treaty by the Chinese Gov- 
ernment was received until the 21st ultimo— the day the bill which I have 
just approved was presented to me— when a telegram from our minister at 
Peking to the Secretary of State announced the refusal of the Chinese Gov- 
ernment to exchange ratifications of the treaty, unless further discussion 
should be had with a view to shorten the period stipulated in the treaty for 
the exclusion of Chinese laborers, and to change the conditions agreed on, 
which should entitle, any Chinese laborer who might go back to China to re- 
turn again to the United States. 

By a note from the charge d'affaires ad interim of China to the Secretary 
of State, received on the evening of the 25th ultimo (a copy of which is here- 
with transmitted, together with the reply thereto), a third amendment is 
proposed, whereby the certificate, under which any departing Chinese la- 
borer alleging the possession of property in the United States would be en- 
abled to return to this country, should be granted by the Chinese consul 
instead of the United States collector, as had been provided in the treaty. 

The obvious and necessary effect of this last proposition would be practi- 
cally to place the execution of the treaty beyond the control of the United 

Article I of the treaty proposed to be so materially altered had, in the 
course of the negotiations, been settled in acquiescence with the request of 
the Chinese plenipotentiary and to his expressed satisfaction. 

In 1886. as appears in the documents heretofore referred to, the Chinese 
foreign office had formally proposed to our minister strict exclusion of Chi- 
nese laborers from the United States without limitation; and had other- 
wise and more definitely stated that no term whatever for exclusion was 
necessary, for the reason that China would of itself take steps to prevent its 
laborers from coming to the United States. 

In the course of the negotiations that followed suggestions from the same 
quarter led to the insertion in behalf of the United States of a term of 
" thirty years," and this term, upon the representations of the Chinese pleni- 
potentiary, was reduced to "twenty years," and finally so agreed upon. 

Article II was wholly of Chinese origination, and to that alone owes its 
presence in the treaty. 

And it is here pertinent to remark that everywhere in the United States 

laws for the collection of debts are equally available to all creditors without 

respect to race, sex, nationality, or place of residence, and equally with the 

citizens or subjects of the most favored nations and with the citizens of the 



United States recovery can be had in any court of justice in the United 
States by a subject of China, whether of the laboring or any other class. 

No disability accrues from nonresidence of a plaintiff whose claim can be 
enforced in the usual way by him or his assignee or attorney in our courts 
of justice. 

In this respect it can not be alleged Lhat there exists the slightest discrimi- 
nation against Chinese subjects, and it is a notable fact that large trading 
firms and companies and individual merchants and traders of that nation 
are profitably established at numerous points throughout the Union, in 
whose hands every claim transmitted by an absent Chinaman of a just ana 
lawful nature could be completely enforced. 

The admitted and paramount right and duty of every government to ex- 
clude from its borders all elements of foreign population which for any rea- 
son retard its prosperity or are detrimental to the moral and physical health 
of its people, must be regarded as a recognized canon of international law 
and intercourse. China herself has not dissented from this doctrine, but 
has, by the expressions to which I have referred, led us confidently to rely 
upon such action on her part in cooperation with us as would enforce the 
exclusion of Chinese laborers from our country. 

This cooperation has not, however, been accorded us. Thus from the un- 
expected and disappointing refusal of the Chinese Government to confirm 
the acts of its authorized agent and to carry into effect an international 
agreement, the main feature of which was voluntarily presented by that Gov- 
ernment for our acceptance, and which had been the subject of long and 
careful deliberation, an emergency has arisen, in which the Government of 
the United States is called upon to act in self-defense by the exercise of its 
legislative power. I can not but regard the expressed demand on the part 
of China for a reexamination and renewed discussion of the topics so com- 
pletely covered by mutual treaty stipulations as an indefinite postponement 
and practical abandonment of the objects we have in view, to which the Gov- 
ernment of China may justly be considered as pledged. 

The facts and circumstances which I have narrated lead me, in the per- 
formance of what seems to me to be my official duty, to join the Congress in 
dealing legislatively with the question of the exclusion of Chinese laborers, 
in lieu of further attempts to adjust it by international agreement. 

But while thus exercising our undoubted right in the interests of our peo- 
ple and for the general welfare of our country, justice and fairness seem to 
require that some provision should be made by actor jointresolution, under 
which such Chinese laborers as shall actually have embarked on their return 
to the United States before the passage of the law this day approved, and 
are now on their way, may be permitted to land provided they have duly and 
lawfully obtained and shall present certificates heretofore issued permitting 
them to return in accordance with the provisions of existing law. 

Nor should our recourse to legislative measures of exclusion cause us to 
retire from the offer we have made to indemnify such Chinese subjects as 
have suffered damage through violence in the remote and comparatively un- 
settled portions of our country at the hands of lawless men. Therefore I 
recommend that, without acknowledging legal liability therefor, but because 
it was stipulated in the treaty which has failed to take effect, and in a spirit 
of humanity be titting our nation, there be appropriated the sum of $276,619.75, 
payable to the Chinese minister at this capital, on behalf of his Government, 
as full indemnity for all losses and injuries sustained by Chinese subjects in 
the manner and under the circumstances mentioned. 


Executive Mansion, October 1, 1888. 

' Mr. WHITE of California. In that message the President 
tersely states ample reasons for the belief that China had abso- 
lutely refused to enter into any stipulation with us at all. She 
stood without action, inert and impassive, determined to do noth- 
ing that we wished her to do, defiant and morose. Itietruethata 
treaty is an obligation, binding at least in the forum of the na- 
tional conscience; but it is not a fact that a nation is bound to 
stand by a treaty forever, and to see its own interests and the in- 
terests which it was organized to conserve sacrificed upon the 
altar of sentimentality. 

When China refused to reasonably modify this treaty; when her 
people, in violation of the terms of a preceding compact were 
constantly coming to this country, intruding upon shores upon 
which it was not lawful for them to tread. When Chinese offi- 
cials aided and abetted these transactions, then I assert the time 



had come when it was hut justice to our own citizens to enact 
such laws as might he deemed adequate for our defense. Under 
this condition of affairs the statutes mentioned were passed — 
lawfully, justly, and properly. 

No doubt exists of the power of the Congress of the United 
States to legislate notwithstanding a treaty. It is true that the 
power should be rarely exercised. It is a fact, Mr. President, 
that we should under all circumstances endeavor to adhere to 
the engagements which we may have made. But there are times, 
as every writer upon such subjects concedes, when a nation is 
justified in paying no further attention to a treaty. One of these 
occasions, recognized by all authorities upon international law, 
is disclosed when one party violates the terms of a treaty. Such 
behavior warrants the other party in regarding the contract 

The principal object of the legislation which is now sought to 
be enacted here, and of the legislation which we have hereto- 
fore adopted , has been to prevent the coming to this country of 
the Chinamen whom China herself admitted should not be per- 
mitted among us, but who have been allowed to come by China 
in spits of the solemn obligations into which that nation entered. 
This violation of treaty stipulations by China was long anterior 
to the legislation of 1888, was provocative of that legislation, 
and made that necessary. v 

Therefore, Mr. President, this Government stands absolutely 
acquitted of the accusations made against it. It is not with good 
grace that these charges should be made upon this floor by Sen- 
ators who themselves have participated in the enactment of the 
legislation which they now denounce. If Senators have done 
nothing worse and nothing which will more subject them to crit- 
icism than that which they performed in voting for the legisla- 
tion sought by the people of the Pacific coast, they will never 
have occasion for sorrow or pain. 

This act, Mr. President, as I have said, is justifiable where it 
demands testimony other than Chinese; with reference to the 
burden of proof it is also justifiable. It is a familiar principle 
that the party who has in his possession the best evidence must 
produce it upon demand. A Chinaman defends himself by say- 
ing: "You can not deport me because I have a good excuse for 
nonregistration." If so, he must establish that fact. It is impos- 
sible for this Government to prove the contrary at the outset. If 
every Chinaman in California is presumed to have registered, 
or if he concedes that he did not register, if he is presumed to 
have a good excuse for nonregistration it will be impossible for 
the Government ever to make a case for deportation against a 

If, in defiance of the opinion of the Supreme Court of tfce 
United States, you treat this as penal legislation, if you declare 
that it is in effect the enactment of a penal statute, and that the 
Chinaman is entitled to the presumption of innocence so called 
as to each and every proposition necessary to be established in 
order to justify his deportation, then he must be presumed to be 
a person exempt from liability to deportation, and this presump- 
tion can not be rebutted no matter what the merits may be. 

When once the certificate provided for by this statute has 
been given to a Chinaman he has in his pocket the very best 


evidence that he can have and the best evidence that exists of 
his right to be in the country, and he can readily supply it. 

There is no disgrace in the photograph requirement of this 
bill. Is it a disgrace to have our photographs taken? Have not 
Senators at some time in their lives been proud and happy when 
asked for a photograph'.-* Is it not a fact that some candidates 
for office occasionally send photographs about for the purpose of 
exhibitiner their features'? Is it not true throughout all the 
avenue? of business, over which to-day travel the most enter- 
prising and energetic of our people, that the photograph is used 
by the man who wishes to make himself known? 

In our daily transactions we subject ourselves to personal de- 
scriptions. I have in my pocket a railroad ticket which I bought 
in Los Angeles for the round trip from that city to Washington, 
and thence to Calif ornia, and upon which ticket, by means of cer- 
tain designations made by punching the ticket, I am described. 
I never thought of saying to the railroad corporation selling the 
ticket that it had no authority to so punch the same as to indi- 
cate whether I am tall or short, stout or otherwise; whether I am 
old or young, whether I have gray or black hair, -or whether my 
head is bald. Yet they took that liberty with me, and I did not 
feel offended; and the Chinaman, whose tender heart seems to 
appeal with such effect to Senators here, is the last man on earth 
to be insulted because he is asked to sign his name and have his 
personal appearance taken down. 

I have spoken to many Chinamen with reference to this regis- 
tration, and they have uniformly told me that they were willing 
to register but that their leaders had informed them or advised 
them not to do so. By their leaders , they refer to the Six Com- 
panies — those wonderful organizations whose exact constitution 
is unknown, as far as I am aware, to any of us. To-day the Chi- 
namen in California are, in my opinion, anxious for any oppor- 
tunity to register under the provisions of this bill. They do not 
detect any hardship. 

Primarily my disposition was to oppose the granting of any 
extension whatever; I believed that when the Congress of the 
United States had enacted a measure which was approved by 
the Executive, and when the supreme tribunal, whose organiza- 
tion fitted it for a final adjudication of the issue, have held that 
that legislation was valid and constitutional, it should have been 
enforced; but I found that the temper and desires of the major- 
ity of the American people were in favor of an extension, and I 
have not therefore hesitated to come here and to advocate the 
adoption of this bill. 

I doubt whether in the second section the definition of the 
word "laborer" is as broad as it should be. I would rather de- 
fine laborer as meaning all those who are not expressly permitted 
to land I would rather, perhaps, amend the bill for the pur- 
pose of perfecting it in one or two respects, but I am satisfied 
that in these last hours of the session there is nothing to do but 
to -pass it as it has come here. 

There is a provision that the parties may go before a United 
States judge, and it is my opinion that there should have been 
added "the judge of a Territory,'' it having* been held by the 
Supreme Court of the United States in the case of the United 
States vs. McAllister, 141 U. S., that a judge of a Territory is 
not a United States judge, but we shall probably be able to sup- 



plement that later on if necessity arises. Hence I have presented 
no amendment. 

While I thoroughly agree with the Senator from Washington 
[Mr. Squire] that there should he an appropriation to carry out 
the provisions of this act, yet I do not believe it advisable to 
submit that amendment now. for the reason assigned with ref- 
erence to the other amendments. Therefore I shall vote for the 
hill as it stands. 

Let me say to those who for whatsoever reason see fit to stand 
here as the advocates of those people, against whom the citizens 
of the State of California, regardless of party and with astound- 
ing unanimity, protest that if they defeat this bill they leave 
the matter standing in that State thus: To-day Chinamen are 
in hiding, they are in the willow patches, the marshes, and in 
the hills seeking to avoid the enforcement of the law which 
is still in effect, and if those who feel friendly disposed toward 
the Chinese desired to do something to relieve their present con- 
dition let me remind them, in all earnestness and with the ut- 
most sincerity, that they should at once desist from their efforts 
to repeal the wise legislation upon thissubject heretofore passed. 
The enactment now desired is an extraordinarily liberal measure. 
When 100,000, perhaps 200,000, members of an alien race, per- 
mitted to be within the confines of this Republic, defy our laws 
and boldly announce that they will not obey the statute, I think 
they should be well satisfied if this Government permits them 
an opportunity to do that which they should have done long ago. 

Senators speak of the imprisonment of these Chinamen. How 
can a man be deported unless there is some harshness used with 
reference to him? The necessity of his deportation being set- 
tled by the Government, and the power conceded and affirmed 
by the highest tribunal which may pass upon it, there remains 
nothing for the Government to do but to execute its well-con- 
sidered edict, and in executing it, in deporting him, if the Chi- 
naman will not go of his own motion, if he must be compelled to 
go, it may be that the maxim molliter manus imposuit should ap- 
plyto him.butthere must bs some force used, as little as maybe, 
but he must be taken: the marshal must not be required to keep 
him in his parlor, but when once sentenced, when once ordered 
deported, then the day of grace has passed and there is nothing 
to do but to execute the order. 

"But you deny the right of habeas corpus," says somebody. 
Where do we deny it? There is no appeal, says another. Is 
there anything wonderful with reference to the denial of an ap- 
peal? In some tribunal must be lodged the power to finally ad- 
judicate every question. It is of no moment, constitutionally 
considered, whether in such a case as this the ultimate power is 
vested in a judge of the United States district court or the Su- 
preme Court of the United States. In each case it is within 
the power of Congress, and if each one of these Chinamen were 
given an opportunity to enable the Supreme Court of the United 
States to pass upon a simple question of fact there would arise 
the necessity of creating a thousand tribunals with the result 
that the legislation could not be enforced. 

Senators speak of the danger of men being deported who should 
not be. What tribunal more safe than that over which a United 
States judge presides? If we eliminate the court, and refer to it 



the judge alone, nevertheless he fe the same conscientious officer 
in whatever part of this Republic he may be. He has been se- 
lected by the President of the United States and his nomination 
confirmed by the Senate of the United States. The judge of a 
United States court has been made the arbiter with the full 
knowledge upon the part of Congress that in no other hands can 
the authority be more safely lodged: and when once a Chinaman 
is found unregistered, whose duty it was to register under the 
provisions of the act, he is subject to be deported. Then why. 
let me ask, should there be any further steps, any further delay, 
any appeal bonds, or why permit the release of one admittedly 
not entitled to be at large within the United States? 

Some one has said an American, a white man, might be ar- 
rested under this law. Mr. President, yes, it may be that an 
officer of the law might take a white man and bring him before 
a United States judge and that the United States judge might 
decide him to be a Chinaman. But are we to suppose that our 
tribunals have become so incompetent, so foolish, so corrupt? 
Are we to indulge in a presumption against the officers of our Gov- 
ernment, in whom we have ourselves lodged this power? Are 
we to assume that they are incapable of exercising their author- 
ity, either reasonably or honestly? There is no danger, Sena- 
tors, of the abuse of power in this case. No such instance has 
ever arisen or will arise. 

There is no disposition upon the part of the people of the State 
of California to misuse authority, or to ill treat Chinamen, or to 
do anything else than to live within the pale of the law. The peo- 
ple of California appealed to Congress, and not in vain, for the 
enactment of the measure to which this is an amendment. It 
was not their fault that the trouble was not settled, but it was 
because of the turpitude of those whose obligation it was to reg- 
ister; and now that they manifest a disposition to register, and 
while we accord them the privilege — and whether they demand 
it or not, it is certainly a gratuity on our part — let us not hesitate 
to incorporate in the enactment such provisions which will make 
it efficacious and final. 

No hardship will be done. The Chinese will seek and be 
sought by the officers whose duty it is to register them, and they 
will register, placing their names and their photographs on 
record. No better credentials can the Chinese have to defend 
their right to stay within this country than the photograph and 
the certificate. These will constitute their protection. It will 
guard their interests as well as the interests of the people. 

We know, notwithstanding the legislation which has been had 
here, that, although thousands of Chinamen have gone home, yet 
that population has not been reduced, and we appreciate, there- 
fore, that the failure to reduce it under such circumstances is due 
necessarily to the coming into this country of Chinese who have 
no right whatever to be here. 

The Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Davis] alluded to the lan- 
guage of the act signifying that certain Chinamen are entitled 
to be here, and he spoke harshly of the additional burdens im- 
posed upon them. Shall an alien within the United States re- 
fuse to register, to give us his name if we see fit to askitof him? 
Is it undue severity to solicit him to put his name of record 
where it may be useful to us and of benefit to him? Is there any 
outrage committed when going to the Republic of France the 



visitor finds that he must record his name? Is there anything 
outrageous in carrying a passport and having it inspected? Is 
there anything vicious in legislation which demands that when 
a reasonable provision is made with reference to aliens in this 
country that that provision shall be enforced? 

This is not legislation in any manner like that to which Sena- 
tors ha,ve alluded. The Jews of Russia have been expelled by an 
imperial order without any reference to their rights or any oppor- 
tunity to perform any rational requirement giving them the 
privilege of remaining. The revocation of the edict of Nantes, 
mentioned by the Senator from Minnesota, and kindred harsh 
assertions of power were all peremptory mandates, unconditional 
and unreasonable orders inhibiting the presence of the hated in- 
dividual and demanding his summary expulsion. But this nation 
has done no parallel act. 

I am astonished that in this Chamber a Senator should rise and 
declare that we have enacted a law in any manner simi]ar to those 
commented upon. Such statements are wholly unsupported. 
The power which we have invoked is the power of sovereignity. 
The Republic, within its own confines, guarding the welfare of 
her people and discharging that trust received from them, and 
which must be well and perfectly discharged if she shall live 
and command the respect of man. has simply exacted of these 
people to do something involving no expense, but little trouble, 
and no disgrace. This demand of the sovereign tolerating their 
presence is refused and they declare they will not comply. Then, 
this Government, whose laws have been repudiated and whose au- 
thority has been challenged, merely says to those who have thus 
defied her, " No penalty shall be inflicted upon you as the conse- 
quence of your willful transgressions, except this, if you will not 
obey my laws you shall not live within the reach of their juris- 
diction." Surely no nation can be asked to harbor those who 
bo] dly refuse to acquiesce in reasonable regulations; and no nation 
can be called unjust if it demands that those who so refuse shall 
be driven without its walls. This is all that we attempt to do. 
How wanton, then, are the attacks made upon the friends of this 

I know an appeal has been made to us by well-meaning and 
charitable and honest people, representing a portion of the Chris- 
tian community of this country. But these goodfolks do not un- 
derstand the subject. Some time ago the Senator from Oregon 
[Mr. Dolph] very well expressed the situation of these ladies and 
gentlemen, and explained their want of knowledge. I wish the 
light of Christianity might penetrate the Chinese heart and con- 
trol their actions, and dictate to them the proper policy to pur- 
sue, the mode of life to follow. But in spite of all that has been 
said to the contrary, the. efforts of our missionaries have not 
been a success. Of the one hundred thousand Chinamen who 
dwell in this country, amidst our churches and our Christain in- 
fluence, and our goodness, and our piety, how many are really 

Some of them go to Sunday-school, and their presence there 
was well explained by a Chinese interpreter with whom I was 
once acquainted. He came to my office and said, "I can not act 
longer for you or the county " (I was then a prosecuting officer, 
and had used him as an interpreter), "because Iain going to 
China." "Well," I said, "Jim, will you return." He said. 



"No." I remarked, ■' You are a Christian, are you not? Iknow 
you are a member of the the Rev. Mr. So-and-So's Sunday- 
school." He said, " Oh, yes: I am a Christian here." " Well," 
I said, ■' when yougetback to China, will you not be a Christian 
there?" ''Oh, no.*' he responded, "you know there are not many 
Christians in China, but this is a Christian country, and I like 
to do everything- here that the Christians do. I am a Christian 
here, bat when I go back to China, of course, I shall be the 
same as the Chinese are there." So that his theory was that 
religion was a kind of state institution, which it was his duty as 
rather a good-natured man to follow while he was here, and espe- 
cially, in consideration of observing it, he was able to get an 
educ ition, enabling him to speak the English language. 

In all my experience, as I have said — and I have had a good 
deal of it — I have never been able to find a solitary Chinaman 
who, in my opinion, was a bona fide Christian. 

When journeying here the other day from the city of Los 
Angeles I met a very estimable gentleman from Massachusetts. 
a member of the Episcopal Church, and he told me that he had 
gone to school in New England many years ago with a bright 
young Chinaman, who had been graduated and who remained in 
this country and studied law for some years, and was a member 
of a Christian denomination. He went to church here very reg- 
ularly. The gentleman with whom I was conversing said he 
heard from the Chinese student soon after his arrival in China: 
that there he withdrew his claim to Christianity and resumed 
his ancient practices and donned his antediluvian garb. What 
the reason may be I do not pretend to state. My trust is that at 
some date the Almighty will enlighten these people, but I do 
not wish that my life and the lives of those whom I am here to 
represent shall pass away waiting, waiting, waiting for Divine 
interposition to make possible that policy which is advocated by 
the opponents of this bill. I have faith that the change will 
come, but I do not desire that my fellow-citizens shall be offered 
up as sacrifices, and unwilling ones at that, while we are pausing 
for the accomplishment of a miracle. It is our plain duty to 
legislate upon matters as they stand. 

I do not regard as sufficient to control our action the glowing 
protests of those gentlemen who, standing upon a lofty pedestal 
and free from the presence of the Chinese curse and speaking of 
the rights of man. seek to instruct California as to the propriety 
of her conduct. If I could present some of these distinguished 
gentlemen and their constituents with twenty-five or fifty thou- 
sand Chinamen, I would fold my cloak and watch with confidence 
that, so far as they are concerned, the problem would soon be 
solved, and that among them I would find my most enthusiastic 
allies. There is evidently a want of education upon this topic. 

This is not a party question in California, or the suggestion 
of any clique, of any creed, or of any class of men. It is the uni- 
versal judgment of an intelligent people. One hundred and 
fifty-four thousand votes against eight hundred upon a secret 
ballot constitute an expression the like of which can not be re- 
corded in any State of this Union upon any issue or alleged issue. 

With this before us, with the knowledge which we of the coast 
possess, we, the representatives of that section, appeal to the 
Senate and to Congress, to those who occupy a common vantage 
ground, we appeal to them to do that justice which we should do 


if we were in their position; to treat us as brethren entitled to 
their active cooperation in our struggle of self-defense. 

Senators refer to the possible conduct of China in relation to 
our missionaries. She will not, Mr. President, take any course 
differing from that already adopted because of this measure. 
I am willing, speaking for myself, that she should ask our mis- 
sionaries in China to register and present their photographs. 
What an outrage would thus be perpetrated on the missionary 
who has gone forth prepared to die, ready to be tied to the stake 
or sliced by the well-known Chinese slicing process? Would he 
not be willing to stipulate that in lieu of the dangers which he 
supposed he might meet, he should be called upon to sign his 
name and give a photograph? 

We hear that there is danger that China may retaliate, and 
we are told "Do unto others as you would have others do unto 
you." Yes, Mr. President, let China require every American 
within her walls to register and present his photograph, and I 
do not believe one will be found to object. Our missionaries 
will not defy the law of China, and China will, in that event, 
hav done to them just as we are doing to her subjects, and no 
American will be silly enough to protest against the regulation. 

Mr. DOLPH. Will the Senator allow me to ask him if it is 
not true that every American citizen in China is compelled to 
register in some manner? 

Mr. WHITE of California. Undoubtedly. 

Mr. DOLPH. And are not American citizens obliged to take 
out some evidence of their right to stay there? 

Mr. WHITE of California. I understand so; but I am speaking 
of the special provisions of the pending bill. My understanding 
is, though I am not prepared to* give the terms of the order, that 
much more stringent measures are enforced in China than here 
in tha« regard. 

The Chinamen at the World's Pair, one of whose certificates I 
have in my pocket, have not found it very difficult to register 
and present their photographs. I hold in my hand Mr. Wee 
Hay's card and his photograph and the various tickets appended 
thereto. He is an actor, a professional man, and he has not ob- 
jected to furnishing his photograph so far as I have heard. In 
fact there is not, as I said before, a single Chinamen in the State 
of California who on personal grounds ob ,ects to this proposition. 

Mr. President, I shall not detain the Senate further. I have 
made these remarks because it has seemed to me that opposing 
Senators have not presented this question upon its real merits, 
and that they have misconceived the attitude of California and 
of the inhabitants of that State. It appears to me that if Sen- 
ators resided on the Pacific coast for even a brief period their 
sentiments would be identical with those of their own flesh and 
blood who, brought into immediate contact with this repellant 
influence, have made the demands which lam attempting to en- 
force. The legislation proposed is wise, necessary, just. The 
criticisms which I have sought to answer are the outcome of a 
total misapprehension of the matter, and the disasters suggested 
will prove entirely imaginative. 



- , Wt. 


4 *■ - 


» r* .■>?•* j ■ 

* *W^tv 





^*s^ _ - 

■;. « 




f; /. !/■;•:.■»■■•'-. 

PA* >&■*?**<