Skip to main content

Full text of "Chinese pottery in the Philippines"

See other formats


%}} ' DEC 21 I92f 

yj X 1 ^ Publications 





Volume XII 



FEB 17 1938 




i. Cole, Fay-Cooper and Laufer, Berthold, Chinese 

Pottery in the Philippines i 

2. Cole, Fay-Cooper, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, 

Mindanao 48 

Field Museum of Natural History. 

Publication 162. 

Anthropological Series. Vol. XII, No. 1. 



Fay-Cooper Cole 


Berthold Laufer 

The Robert F. Cummings Philippine Expedition 

George A. Dorsey 
Curator, Department of Anthropology 

Chicago, U. S. A. 
July, I9i2> 

l l B «Al 


**i% Ut mii 




Volume XII 





i. Cole, Fay-Cooper and Laufer, Berthold, Chinese 

Pottery in the Philippines . / i 

2. Cole, Fay-Cooper, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, 

Mindanao 48 

In the spring of 1906 Mr. Robert F. Cummings of this city expressed 
his intention of providing the Field Museum of Natural History with 
funds to defray the expenses of an extended series of Ethnological 
investigations in the Philippine Islands. 

Working under this liberal endowment the following expeditions 
lhave been in the field : 

In 1906 Mr. S. C. Simms visited the Igorot of Benguet, Lepanto 
Jand Bontoc, and the Ifugao of Nueva Viscaya. During 1907-8 Mr. 
fF. C. Cole worked among the Tinguian, Apayao and Kalinga tribes of 
"Northern Luzon, and the Batak of Palawan. 

The late Dr. William Jones reached the Philippines in the fall of 
1907 and proceeded to the Ilongot of the Upper Cagayan river, Luzon. 
After residing a year in that district he was murdered by members of 
a hostile village. Following Dr. Jones' death Mr. Simms returned to 
the Philippines, secured the material gathered by Dr. Jones and com- 
pleted the Igorot and Ifugao collections, visiting for this purpose the 
Mayayao and Amburayan Igorot, in addition to certain points touched 
on the first expedition. 

In the fall of 1909 Mr. Cole returned to the Islands and devoted 
nearly two years to the study of the pigmy blacks of Bataan province, 
the Bukidnon of North Central Mindanao, and the several tribes 
residing about the Gulf of Davao in Southern Mindanao. 

While the primary object of these expeditions was to gather museum 
collections, much time was given to the study of the mental and material 
culture, as well as of the language, folklore and anthropometry of 
the tribes visited. The results of these studies will appear from time to 
time in the Anthropological Series of this Museum. The present paper 
forms the first issue of Mr. Cole's researches. 

George A. Dorsey. 




When the Spaniards first set foot in the Philippines, they found 
evidences of trade with an advanced nation. When near Leyte, 
Magellan stopped for a time at a small island whose chief "embraced 
the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with 
leaves and full of rice wine." 1 Later when Pigafetta and his com- 
panions went ashore, they were treated to wine taken from a large jar, 
and when the meal was served, "two large porcelain dishes were brought 
in, one full of rice, and the other of pork with its gravy." 2 When 
they reached Cebu (April 7, 1521), they were informed by the king 
that they were welcome "but that it was their custom for all ships which 
entered their ports to pay tribute, and that it was but four days since 
a junk from Ciama (i. e. Siam) laden with gold and slaves had paid 
tribute." The tribute was refused but friendly relations were estab- 
lished, whereupon the king "had refreshments of many dishes, all 
made of meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars 
of wine brought in." 3 

When Pigafetta visited the king of Zubu (Cebu), he found him 
"seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before 
his privies. . . From another mat on the ground he was eating 
turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars 
of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet smelling herbs and 
arranged with four small reeds in each jar by which means he drank." 4 

Later they were conducted to the house of the prince "where four 
young girls were playing, one on a drum like ours, but resting on the 
ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with 
a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the 
third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small 
gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other, which gave 
forth a sweet sound. . . These gongs are made of brass and are 
manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno which is called 
China." 5 After the death of Magellan, the fleet sailed to the south 

1 Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XXXIII, p. 15. 

2 Ibid., p. 119. 

3 Ibid., p. 139. 

4 Ibid., p. 149. This is still the method of drinking in Mindanao (compare 
PI. I). 

5 Blair and Robertson, (Pigafetta) Vol. XXXIII, pp. 149-151. 

4 Field Museum or Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

until they reached Mindanao. There they made peace with the king, 
and Pigafetta went ashore with the ruler, in order to see the island. He 
describes the country, people, their customs and foods, and did not fail 
to note that "in the house were hanging a number of porcelain jars 
and four metal gongs." 1 Here they also learned more of the large 
island of "Lozon" (Luzon) lying to the northwest, "where six or eight 
junks belonging to the Lequian (Liukiu) people go yearly." 2 Pro- 
ceeding further to the south, they encountered the island of Borneo 
where they found many evidences of an advanced civilization and an 
active trade with neighboring countries. Here they saw beautiful 
porcelain jars, cups and dishes, silks and carpets. 3 

The chronicles of succeeding expeditions left many references to 
Chinese articles and trade. 4 In the account of Loaisa's Expedition, 
we are told of the Island of Bendenao (Mindanao) where two junks 
from China come each year for purposes of trade. "North of Bendanao 
is Cebu, and according to the natives it also contains gold, for which 
the Chinese come to trade each year." 5 Again in 1543, Alvarado says 
of Mindanao: "Upon capturing this island we found a quantity of 
porcelain and some bells. They are well supplied with perfumes 
from the Chinese who come to Mindanao and the Philippinas." 5 

The first (recorded) encounter of the Spaniards with the Chinese 
seems to have been during a trip from Panay (May 8th, 1570) to Luzon 
and Manila. When off the Island of Mindoro they learned that "two 
vessels from China, the inhabitants of which the natives call Sangleys 
(*. e. merchants), were in a river near by." Salcedo was dispatched to 
reconnoiter the ships, and to request friendship with them, but the 
Chinese made a warlike display, whereupon they were attacked by the 
vSpaniards who after a short fight took possession of the junks. "The 
soldiers searched the cabins in which the Chinese kept their most 
valuable goods, and there they found silk, both woven and in skeins, 
gold thread, musk, gilded porcelain bowls, pieces of cotton cloth, gilded 
water jugs, and other curious articles, although not in a large quantity 
considering the size of the ships. The decks of the vessels were full of 
earthen jars and crockery, large porcelain vases, plates and bowls, and 
some fine porcelain jars which they call sinoratas." 6 They also found 
iron, copper, steel and a small quantity of wax which the Chinese had 

1 Ibid., p. 205. 

2 Ibid., p. 207. 
* 3 Ibid., p. 215. 

4 Blair and Robertson, Vol. Ill, p. 42; Vol. II, p. 72; Vol. Ill, p. 57. 

5 Blair and Robertson, Vol. II, pp. 35, 69. 
8 Blair and Robertson, Vol. Ill, p. 74. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 5 

purchased. From their captives they learned that three more Chinese 
boats were trading only three leagues away. Later, on crossing to 
Luzon, at a point near the town of Balayan, they found that two Chinese 
ships had just been trading there, and that in a quarrel two Chinamen 
had been made captives and others had been killed. Proceeding to 
Manila bay, the Spaniards found four Chinese vessels, with earthenware 
jars and porcelains, trading. In the city they learned that forty Chinese 
and twenty Japanese were regular residents there. Friendly relations 
appeared to have been established when the Moro raja treacherously 
attacked the Spaniards. In return the Spaniards burned a part of the 
city, in the ruins of which they found many objects of porcelain. 

After the Spaniards had become established in Manila, the trade 
with China steadily increased, l not only in that city but in other ports 
of the Islands. At first the articles dealt in were of little value to the 
Spaniards, for "they brought some trifle, although but a small quantity, 
as the natives with whom they come principally to trade commonly 
use, and for them are brought only large earthen jars, common crockery, 
iron, copper, tin and other things of that kind. For the chiefs, they 
brought a few pieces of silk and fine porcelain." 2 Of such little use 
were these articles to the newcomers that it was proposed, in 1574, to 
stop the trade. 3 However, the Chinese were quick to accommodate 
themselves to the new conditions, and we soon find them supplying 
many articles, such as "sugar, barley, wheat, and barley flour, nuts, 
raisins, pears, and oranges; silks, choice porcelains and iron; and other 
small things which we lacked in this land before their arrival." 4 Each 
year this trade increased until the number of the traders was in the 
thousands, and the Spaniards became dependent upon them for their 
sustenance. Even the natives relied on this trade to such an extent 
that the old industries languished and the colony became each day less 
able to support itself. However, in addition to the foodstuffs which the 
colony needed they brought silks and other articles which entered into 
direct competition with the products of the mother country, and this 
resulted in the royal decree of 1586, which prohibited all such trade. 5 
This edict failed of its purpose, and in hopes of devising a plan whereby 
the competition would be eliminated, the outflow of gold to China be 
stopped, and the return of the natives to their old pursuits be accom- 
plished, a meeting was called, and leading Filipino were summoned 

1 Ibid., pp. 167, 172, 181, 225. 

2 Blair and Robertson, Vol. II, p. 238; Vol. Ill, pp. 243-5. 

3 Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 226, note. 

4 Letters of Lavezaris, Ibid., Vol. Ill, p. 276. 

5 Blair and Robertson, Vol. VI, pp. 28, 29, 90, 150, 283, 286. 

6 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

to give evidence under oath concerning the extent and nature of Chinese 
trade. It was believed that if trade in Chinese cloth and the like could 
be stopped, the natives and Chinese would continue to trade without 
using money; "for if they should wish to barter in the Islands — which 
is not forbidden them — they can and will obtain goods as they formerly 
did, in exchange for such articles as siguey (a small white snail), dye 
wood, and carabao horns; to this mode of trading the Chinese will 
adapt themselves and the outflow of money will cease." x The nine 
Filipino chiefs, from villages near Manila, agreed that before the 
Spaniards came to the Islands the people raised cotton, which they 
made into cloth for their own garments and did not depend on the 
Chinese, "for although one or two ships came from China each year 
at that time, these brought no cloths or silks, but only iron and earthen- 
ware and camanguian, 2 while since the arrival of the Spaniards, often 
twenty or thirty ships come each year." 1 

The inquiry was without result, and the Chinese increased in 
numbers and power until 1596, when about twelve thousand were 
expelled from the Islands. 3 Despite hostile laws and massacres, they 
continued to increase and spread out over the Islands throughout the 
time of Spanish rule, and to-day they dominate the trade with the 
natives of the Archipelago. The commerce with the Spaniards, whom 
the civilized natives imitated, was so much more lucrative than that 
previously carried on with the various villages that the old trade in 
pottery and the like seems practically to have ceased. Despite the 
constant references of the early writers to the Chinese and their trade 
the importation of earthenware and common glazed pottery seems not 
to have been mentioned after about the year 1600. 

While the greater part of the Chinese wares doubtless entered the 
Islands through direct trade, a considerable amount came in through 
trade with "Borneo, Maluco, Malacca, Sian, Camboja, Japan and 
other districts." 4 "A few years before the Spaniards subdued the 
Island of Luzon, certain natives of Borneo began to go thither to trade, 
especially to the settlements of Manila and Tondo ; and the inhabitants 
of one island intermarried with those of the other." 5 "The cargoes of 
these traders consisted of fine and well made palm mats, a few slaves 
for the natives, sago, and tibors: large and small jars, glazed black and 
very fine, which are of great service and use." 6 Legaspi tells of captur- 

1 Blair and Robertson, Vol. VIII, pp. 82-84. 

2 Incense. 

3 Blair and Robertson, (Morga). Vol. IX, p. 266. 

4 Blair and Robertson, Vol. Ill, p. 298; Vol. V, pp. 73, 105; Vol. XVI, p. 176; 
Beccari, Wandering in the Great Forests of Borneo. 

8 Morga, Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 134, 185. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 7 

ing, near Butuan, a junk whose crew were Borneo Moors. They had 
with them silk, cotton, porcelain and the like. They also traded in 
bells, copper and other Chinese goods. 1 

Inter-island trade among the Filipino seems to have reached con- 
siderable proportions prior to the arrival of the white man. Some of 
their trips carried them to the ports of Borneo, and one account credits 
the Tagalog and Pampango with sailing "for purposes of trade to 
Maluco, Malaca, Hanzian (Achen?), Parani, Brunei, and other king- 
doms." 2 Pigafetta tells of their party seizing a junk in the port of 
Borneo in which "was a son of the king of Luzon, a very large island." 3 
In 1565, Legaspi learned that two Moro junks from Luzon were in 
Butuan trading gold, wax, and slaves. 

These Moro from Luzon also came to Cebu to arrange with Legaspi 
for the right to trade, and when they met with success, two junks from 
Mindoro were induced to go there also. "They carried iron, tin, porce- 
lain, shawls, light woolen cloth and the like from China." * 

It will thus be seen that pottery and other articles of Chinese origin 
might have had a rapid spread along the coasts of the Archipelago, 
from whence they slowly penetrated into the interior by means of 
trade. 5 It seems, however, that even upon the arrival of the Spaniards, 
some of this ware had assumed great value in the eyes of the natives, 
and in 1574 we find the native chiefs sending "jewels, gold, silks, porce- 
lains, rich and large earthen jars, and other very excellent things" in 
token of their allegiance to the King of Spain. 6 It was also the custom 
at that time for the family of the deceased to bury with the body "their 
finest clothes, porcelain ware, and gold jewels," 7 and when this became 
known to the Spaniards they began to rifle the graves in order to secure 
these valuable objects. This continued until it became necessary for 
Legaspi to order that "henceforth no grave or burial place be opened 
without the permission of his Excellency." 8 

There is some evidence that burial in jars was early practiced in the 
Philippines. Aduarte, writing in 1640, describes the finding, by a 
crew shipwrecked on the Batannes islands, of "some jars of moderate 
size covered with others of similar size. Inside they found some dead 

1 Blair and Robertson, Vol. II, p. 207; Vol. Ill, p. 57, note; Vol. XXXIV, 
p. 224; Barrows, History of the Philippines, pp. 99-101. 
1 Blair and Robertson, Vol. XXXIV, p. 377. 

3 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 265. 

4 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 117, 142. 

6 Ibid., Vol. V, 121; Barrows, History of the Philippines, p. 182. 
8 Blair and Robertson, Vol. Ill, p. 249; Vol. IV, p. 290. 

7 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 139. 

8 Ibid*, Vol. II, p. 173. 

8 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

bodies dried, and nothing else." 1 Dr. Merton Miller of the Philip- 
pine Bureau of Science recently opened a number of mounds found on 
the Island of Camiguin lying north of Luzon. In them he found jars 
placed one over the other, in the manner just described, and containing 
some human bones as well as a few beads. 2 Mr. Emerson Christy, also 
of the Philippine Bureau of Science, while exploring ancient burial caves 
in the Subuanan district of Mindanao, found a number of large Chinese 
jars, some containing human bones and accompanied by agate beads. 
Fragments of large jars were also found in the burial cave of Pokanin 
in Southern Mindoro 3 (compare PI. II). Dr. Fletcher Gardner, 
who first visited the place, described the cave as follows: 4 

"It is situated about half way between the towns of Bulalacao and 
Mansalay in Southern Mindoro. It is on the seaward face of a cliff 
about 500 feet high and 200 yards wide and is about 200 feet 
above high water mark. In the summer of 1904, while hunting for 
guano, I accidentally discovered this cave and procured the skulls and 
other bones which I am sending you. The nearest inhabitants, who 
live within half a mile of the cave at the little sitio of Hampangan Mang- 
yans, have known that these remains were there but deny that the bones 
are those of their ancestors. As two or three members of the sitio 
assisted me in procuring and carrying away the bones I am satisfied 
that they believe the statement to be true, but as will be seen from the 
remains of basketry and fabrics enclosed with the bones these products 
are practically the same as those of the inhabitants of the sitio above 
mentioned. I believe that during the great Moro raid of 1754 when 
seventy-five slaves were taken from Manol and Mansalay the Mangyan 
at that time inhabiting the neighborhood were driven into the interior 
and abandoned this cave for burial purposes. . . The bones were 
covered with about three inches of dust and nitrous earth, which argues 
a very long time without disturbance." 

From this evidence it seems not at all unlikely that jar burial may 
have been practiced by the Filipino, especially those in direct trade 
relations with Borneo, in which country such burials are common. 5 
In this connection it is interesting to note that Dr. Hirth believes jar 
burial to have been introduced into Borneo by the Chinese traders from 
Fukien, and its introduction was probably later than the lifetime of Chao 

1 Aduarte, Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 115. Jagor, Travels in the Philippines, pp. 

2 Philippine Journal of Science, Feb., 191 1, pp. 1-4. 

3 The contents of this cave are now in the Field Museum of Natural History. 

4 Extract from letter to Field Museum. 

6 Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, Vol. I, pp. 150- 
154; Furness, Home Life of Borneo Head-hunters, p. 139. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 9 

Ju-kua, in the early part of the thirteenth century. 1 Ancient remains 
other than those just cited are of rare occurrence in the Philippines; 
so I shall quote somewhat at length the very interesting account, given 
by J ago r, of excavations in Ambos Camarines, Luzon. 

" In 185 1 , during the construction of a road a little beyond Libmanan, 
at a place called Poro, a bed of shells was dug up under four feet of 
mould, one hundred feet distant from the river. It consisted of Cyrenae 
(C. suborbicularis, Busch.), a species of bivalve belonging to the family 
of Cyclades which occurs only in warm waters, and is extraordinarily 
abundant in the brackish waters of the Philippines. On the same 
occasion, at the depth of from one and a half to three and a half feet, 
were found numerous remains of the early inhabitants, skulls, ribs, bones 
of men and animals, a child's thigh-bone inserted in a spiral of brass 
wire, several stags' horns, beautifully formed dishes and vessels, some 
of them painted, probably of Chinese origin; striped bracelets, of a 
soft, gypseous, copper-red rock, glancing as if they were varnished ; small 
copper knives, but no iron utensils ; and several broad flat stones bored 
through the middle; besides a wedge of petrified wood, embedded in a 
cleft branch of a tree. The place, which to this day may be easily 
recognized in a hollow, might, by excavation systematically carried on, 
yield many more interesting results. What was not immediately 
useful was then and there destroyed, and the remainder dispersed. In 
spite of every endeavor, I could obtain, through the kindness of Senor 
Focifios in Naga, only one small vessel. Similar remains of more 
primitive inhabitants have been found at the mouth of the Bigajo, not 
far from Libmanan, in a shell-bed of the same kind; and an urn, with a 
human skeleton, was found at the mouth of the Perlos, west of Sitio de 
Poro, in 1840. 

"Mr. W. A. Franks, who had the kindness to examine the vessel, 
inclines to the opinion that it is Chinese, and pronounces it to be of 
very great antiquity, without, however, being able to determine its age 
more exactly; and a learned Chinese of the Burlingame Embassy ex- 
pressed himself to the same effect. He knew only of one article, now 
in the British Museum, which was brought from Japan by Kaempfer, 
the color, glazing and cracks in the glazing of which (craqueles) cor- 
respond precisely with mine. 2 According to Kaempfer, the Japanese 

1 F. Hirth, Ancient Chinese Porcelain (Journal of the China Branch of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, Vol. XXII, N. S., pp. 181-3, 1888). 

2 Referring to this paragraph Dr. C. H. Read of the British Museum says: "There 
must be some mistake in Jagor's book. No such jar given by Kaempfer is in the 
Museum, and I cannot understand my predecessor, Sir. A. W*. Franks, making such 
a statement. I may mention that I knew Dr. Jagor intimately and regard him as 
more than usually accurate." 

io Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

found similar vessels in the sea; x and they value them very highly for 
the purpose of preserving their tea in them." 

Morga writes: "On this island, Luzon, particularly in the provinces 
of Manilla, Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Ylocos, very ancient clay 
vessels of a dark brown colour are found by the natives, of a sorry ap- 
pearance; some of a middling size, and others smaller; marked with 
characters and stamps. They are unable to say either when or where 
they obtained them ; but they are no longer to be acquired, nor are they 
manufactured in the islands. The Japanese prize them highly, for they 
have found that the root of a herb which they call Tscha (tea), and 
which when drunk hot is considered as a great delicacy and of medicinal 
efficacy by the kings and lords in Japan, cannot be effectively preserved 
except in these vessels; which are so highly esteemed all over Japan 
that they form the most costly articles of their showrooms and cabinets. 
Indeed, so highly do they value them that they overlay them externally 
with fine gold embossed with great skill, and enclose them in cases of 
brocade; and some of these vessels are valued at and fetch from 2,000 
tael to 1 1 reals. The natives of these islands purchase them from the 
Japanese at very high rates, and take much pains in the search for them 
on account of their value, though but few are now found on account 
of the eagerness with which they have been sought for. 

"When Carletti, in 1597, went from the Philippines to Japan, all 
the passengers on board were examined carefully, by order of the 
governor, and threatened with capital punishment if they endeavoured 
to conceal 'certain earthen vessels which were wont to be brought from 
the Philippines and other islands of that sea,' as the king wished to 

1 This is not a fact but a legend. Engelbert Kaempfer (The History of 
Japan, Glasgow reprint, Vol. Ill, p. 237) relates a story, told him by Chinese, regard- 
ing an island Maurigasima near Formosa famous in former ages for its fine porcelain 
clay. "The inhabitants very much inrich'd themselves by this manufacture, but 
their increasing wealth gave birth to luxury, and contempt of religion, which in- 
censed the Gods to that degree, that by an irrevocable decree they determin'd to 
sink the whole island." Then follows the long story of the virtuous king who 
managed to escape the disaster miraculously, and to flee into the province of Fukien. 
The island sank, and with it all its ceramic treasures. They were subsequently 
taken up by divers and sold to Chinese merchants of Fukien who traded them to 
Japan at immense sums. There is consequently a double error in the above state- 
ment of Franks: it is not the Japanese who found jars in the sea, nor does Kaempfer 
say that they were celadons or similar to them; on the contrary, he describes them 
as "transparent, exceeding thin, of a whitish color, inclining to green," which is 
almost the opposite to a celadon. That legend, as far as I know, has not yet been 
traced to a Chinese source. Brinkley (Japan, Vol. VIII, p. 267) shows little under- 
standing of folklore, if he calls it a foolish fable; it doubtless ranks among the category 
of familiar stories of sunken isles and towns in Europe. Brinkley's explanation that 
the story was probably invented by some Japanese Swift to satirise the irrational 
value attached to rusty old specimens, of pottery is decidedly untenable, if for no 
other reason, because, according to Kaempfer's statement, the legend is Chinese 
in origin. The pottery in question is, in my opinion, Chinese ware of Fukien, and 
the legend emanates from the potters of Fukien. [B. L.] 

July, 191 2. • Chinese Pottery. ii 

buy them all. . . 'These vessels were worth as much as 5, 6, and 
even 10,000 scudi each; but they were not permitted to demand for 
them more than one Giulio (about a half Paolo).' In 161 5 Carletti 
met with a Franciscan who was sent as ambassador from Japan to 
Rome, who assured him that he had seen 130,000 scudi paid by the 
king of Japan for such a vessel ; and his companions confirmed the state- 
ment. Carletti also alleges, as the reason for the high price, 'that the 
leaf cia or tea, the quality of which improves with age, is preserved 
better in those vessels than in all others. The Japanese besides know 
these vessels by certain characters and stamps. They are of great age 
and very rare, and come only from Cambodia, Siam, Cochin China, 
the Philippines, and other neighbouring islands. From their external 
appearance they would be estimated at three or four quatrini (two 
dreier) . . It is perfectly true that the king and the princes of 
that kingdom possess a very large number of these vessels, and prize 
them as their most valuable treasure and above all other rarities . . . 
and that they boast of their acquisitions, and from motives of vanity 
strive to outvie one another in the multitude of pretty vessels which 
they possess.' 

"Many travellers mention vessels found likewise amongst the 
Dyaks and the Malays in Borneo, which, from superstitious motives, 
were estimated at most exaggerated figures, amounting sometimes to 
many thousand dollars. 

"St. John relates that the Datu of Tamparuli (Borneo) gave rice 
to the value of almost £700 for a jar, and that he possessed a second jar 
of almost fabulous value, which was about two feet high, and of a dark 
olive green. The Datu fills both jars with water, which, after adding 
plants and flowers to it, he dispenses to all the sick persons in the coun- 
try. But the most famous jar in Borneo is that of the Sultan of Brunei, 
which not only possesses all the valuable properties of the other jars 
but can also speak. St. John did not see it, as it is always kept in the 
women's apartment; but the sultan, a credible man, related to him that 
the jar howled dolefully the night before the death of his first wife, and 
that it emitted similar tones in the event of impending misfortunes. 
St. John is inclined to explain the mysterious phenomenon by a prob- 
ably peculiar form of the mouth of the vessel, in passing over which the 
air-draught is thrown into resonant verberations, like the Aeolian harp. 
The vessel is generally enveloped in gold brocade, and is uncovered only 
when it is to be consulted; and hence, of course, it happens that it speaks 
only on solemn occasions. St. John states further that the Bisayans 
used formerly to bring presents to the sultan; in recognition of which 
they received some water from the sacred jar to sprinkle over their fields 

12 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

and thereby ensure plentiful harvests. When the sultan was asked 
whether he would sell his jar for £20,000, he answered that no offer in 
the world could tempt him to part with it." * 

This desire for old jars was by no means confined to the traders and 
Japanese, for the tribes of the interior had secured a great number of 
them at a very early period, and later when the supply from the coast 
had ceased, they began to mount in value until a man's wealth was, and 
still is, largely reckoned by the number of old jars in his possession 
(compare PI. III). As they were handed down from one generation 
to. another, they began to gather to themselves stories of wondrous 
origin and deeds, until to-day certain jars have reputations which extend 
far beyond the limits of the tribes by which they may be owned. While 
among the Tinguian of Abra, the writer continually heard tales of a 
wonderful jar called Magsawi (PI. IV). It was credited with the ability 
to talk; sometimes went on long journeys by itself; and was married to 
a female jar owned by the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte. A small jar at 
San Quintin, Abra, was said to be the child of this union and partook 
of many qualities of its parents. 2 The history of this jar as related by 
its owner, Cabildo of Domayco, is as follows: " Magsawi, my jar, when 
it was not yet broken talked softly, but now its lines are broken, and the 
low tones are insufficient for us to understand. The jar was not made 
where the Chinese are, but belongs to the spirits or Kabonian, because 
my father and grandfather, from whom I inherited it, said that in the 
first times they (the Tinguian) hunted Magsawi on the mountains and 
in the wooded hills. My ancestors thought that their dog had brought 
a deer to bay (which he was catching), and they hurried to assist it. 
They saw the jar and tried to catch it but were unable; sometimes it 
disappeared, sometimes it appeared again, and, because they could not 
catch it they went again to the wooded hill on their way to their town. 
Then they heard a voice speaking words which they understood, but 
they could see no man. The words it spoke were: 'You secure a pig, 
a sow without young, and take its blood, so that you may catch the jar 
which your dog pursued.' They obeyed and went to secure the 
blood. The dog again brought to bay the jar which belonged to Kabon- 
ian (a spirit). They plainly saw the jar go through a hole in the rock 

1 Jagor, Travels in the Philippines, p. 162. In Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, Vol. I, 
1869, pp. 80-82, Jagor describes an ancient burial cave in Southern Samar. 
In it were found broken pieces of crudely decorated pottery associated with human 

2 Other jars credited with the ability to talk were seen by the writer, and similar 
jars are described by travelers in Borneo. See Ling Roth, Natives of Sarawak and 
British N. Borneo, Vol. II, p. 286; Hein, Die bildenden Kunste bei den Dayaks 
auf Borneo, p. 139; also St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East. — The idea 
of sex in jars is widespread throughout the Archipelago. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 13 

which is a cave, and there it was cornered so that they captured the 
pretty jar which is Magsawl, which I inherited." x 

Other jars of equal fame "were found in caves in which the spirits 
dwelt," or were called into being by supernatural agencies. References 
to these wonderful jars abound in the folktales, the following quotations 
from which will serve to show the character of all. 2 

"Not long after he started, and when he arrived in the pasture, all 
the jars went to him, and all the jars stuck out their tongues; for they 
were very hungry and had not been fed for a long time. The jars were 
somadag, ginlasan, malayo, and tadogan, and other kinds also. 3 When 
Aponltolau thought that all the jars had arrived, he fed them all with 
betel -nut covered with lawed leaves. As soon as he fed them, he gave 
them some salt. Not long after this they went to the pasture, and they 
rode on the back of a carabao. As soon as they arrived, all the jars 
rolled around them and stuck out their tongues, and Aponlbolinayen 
was afraid, for she feared that the jars would eat them. The wide field 
was full of jars. Aponltolau gave them betel-nut and lawed wine and 
salt. As soon as they fed them, they went back home." (Extract 
from the tale about Gimbangonan.) 

"And they took many things to be used at the wedding. So they 
agreed on the marriage price, and Bangan and his wife said, the price 
must be the balaua 4 nine times full of different kinds of jars. As soon 
as the balaua was filled nine times, Daluagan raised her eyebrows, and 
immediately half of the jars vanished, and Aponlbolinayen used her 
(magical) power, and the balaua was filled again, so that it was truly 
filled. When they had danced, all the guests took some jars, before they 
went home." (From the Kanag tale.) 

"'Now we are going to pay the marriage price according to the 
custom,' said Aponlbolinayen, 'our custom is to fill the balaua nine 
times with different kinds of jars.' So Aponlbolinayen said 'Ala, you 
Alan 5 who live in the different springs, and Bananayo b of Kadanan 

1 Similar stories of jars turning to animals and vice versa are encountered in the 
Southern Philippines and in Borneo. Sae Ling Roth, Natives of Sarawak and 
British North Borneo, Vol. II, p. CLXXVI; Hein, Die bildenden Kunste bei den 
Dayaks auf Borneo, pp. 132-134. 

2 The following are extracts from Tinguian folktales. During the dry season 
bonfires are built in various parts of the village and around them the men and 
women gather, the former to make fishnets, the latter to spin. Meanwhile some good 
story-teller chants these tales. 

* Each type of jar has its particular name. 

4 A small spirit house built during a certain ceremony. 

5 Lesser spirits. 

14 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

and you Liblibayan, l go and get the jars which Kanag must pay as the 
price for Dapillsan.' As soon as she commanded them, they went and 
filled the balaua nine times." (Tale of Dumalawl.) 

"So they danced and the big jars which she had hung about her 
neck made a noise, and the earth shook when she moved her body. 
The people did not agree, and they said: 'Five times full, if you do 
not have that many (jars) he may not marry Aponibolinayen.' He 
was so anxious to marry her that he told his parents to agree to what 
they said. As soon as they agreed, Langaan used magic so that all the 
jars which the people wanted were already in the balaua. The day 
came when they agreed to take Lingglwan to Aponibolinayen, and he 
carried one jar. As soon as they arrived there, they made the rice 
ceremony." 2 (Extracts from tale of Ginambo and Gonlgonau.) 

"Soon after they started, they met the doldoli (a jar) in the way. 
'Where are you going, young men,' it said. 'Where are you going,' 
you ask; we are going to secure the perfume of Bale wan, for though we 
are still far from it we can smell it now.' The jar replied: 'Ala, young 
men, you cannot go there, for when anyone goes there, only his name 
goes back to his town,' {i. e. he dies), but the boy replied: 'We are going 
anyway. That is the reason we are already far from home, and it is 
the thing which the pretty maiden desires.' 'If you say that you are 
going anyway, you will repent when you reach there.' So they left 
the jar and walked on." (From Bale wan tale.) 

"The food was of thirty different kinds, and they were ashamed 
to be in the house of Ilwfsan which had in it many valuable jars, for the 
Alan (spirit) had given them to him." (Aponibolinayen tale.) 

Great prices are offered and sometimes paid for the more renowned 
jars, and successful war parties are accustomed to return home with 
numbers of such trophies. 

Every wild tribe, encountered by the writer, in the interior of Luzon, 
Palawan and Mindanao, possesses these jars which enter intimately 
into the life of the people (PI. V-VIII). Among many the price paid 
by the bridegroom for his bride is wholly or in part in jars (PI. IX- 
X) . When a Tinguian youth is to take his bride, he goes to her house 
at night, carrying with him a Chinese jar which he presents to his 
father-in-law, and thereafter he may never address his parents-in-law 
by name. The liquor served at ceremonies and festivals is sometimes 
contained in these jars (PI. XI-XVI), while small porcelain dishes 

1 Lesser Spirits. 

2 This is still the custom when the groom finally claims the bride. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 15 

contain the food offered to the spirits. Porcelain plates are used by 
the mediums when summoning the spirits, and having served in such a 
capacity are highly prized; so much so that they are never sold during 
the lifetime of the medium, and after her death only to an aspirant for 
mediumship honors (PI. XVII). When about to call a spirit into 
her body, the medium sets herself in front of the spirit mat, and 
covering her face with her hands, she trembles violently, meanwhile 
chanting or wailing songs in which she bids the spirits to come and 
possess her (PI. XVIII). From time to time she pauses, and holding 
a plate on the finger tips of her left hand, she strikes it with a string of 
sea shells or a bit of lead, in order that the bell-like sound may attract 
the attention of the spirits. Suddenly a spirit takes possession of her 
body and then as a human the superior being talks with mortals (PI. 

In districts where head-hunting is still in vogue, a. Chinese jar is 
readily accepted as payment in full for a head, and many feuds are 
settled on this basis. In 1907 the writer accompanied a war party from 
Apayao to a hostile village several days' march distant. The two 
villages agreed to make peace on the terms of one jar for each head the 
one town held in excess of the other, and on this basis the Apayao 
paid eleven jars to their erstwhile enemies. 

Most tribes of the interior have pottery of their own manufacture. 
These generally bear distinctive names according to the uses to which 
they are put. Thus among the Tinguian a jar used for greens or 
vegetables has a definite name, while another in which meat is cooked 
has its own designation. 

In Northern Luzon the women of certain towns have acquired such 
fame as potters that their wares have a wide distribution, and the 
industry has almost vanished from neighboring villages. 

The general method employed by the potters (PI. XX-XXI) is 
as follows: The clay after being dampened is carefully kneaded with 
the hands, in order to remove stones and bits of gravel. A handful of 
the mass is taken up and the bottom of the bowl roughly shaped with 
the fingers. This is placed on a wooden dish, which in turn rests on a 
bamboo rice winnower — forming a crude potter's wheel. The dish is 
turned with the right hand while the woman shapes the clay with the 
fingers of the left or with a piece of dampened bark cloth. From time 
to time a coil of fresh clay is laid along the top of the vessels and is 
worked in as the wheel turns. Further shaping is done with a wooden 
paddle, after which the jar is allowed to dry. In a day or two it is hard 
enough to be handled, and the operator then rubs it, inside and out, with 
stone or seed disks, in order to make it perfectly smooth. The jars 

16 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

are placed in dung or other material which will make a slow fire and are 
burned for a night, after which they are ready for service. 1 Some tribes 
understand the art of glazing with pitch, but this is not generally prac- 
ticed throughout the Islands. These jars are generally red in color, 
and in form quite distinct from those of Chinese manufacture. They 
are in daily use and have a value of only a few centavos. 

1 The writer found this process both in Luzon and Mindanao. Dr. Jenks 
found a slightly different method of production at Bontoc (see Jenks, The Bontoc 
Igorot, pp. 117-121). This process is illustrated by a life sized group in the Field 
Museum of Natural History. PI. XXII. 

By Berthold Laufer 

At the request of Mr. Cole I take the liberty to append a few notes 
on the subject of Chinese pottery in the Philippine Islands. From 
the very interesting information furnished by Mr. Cole on the subject, 
it becomes evident that two well-defined periods in the trade of Chinese 
pottery to the Islands must be distinguished. The one is constituted 
by the burial pottery discovered in caves, the other is marked by the 
numerous specimens still found in the possession of families and, 
according to tradition, transmitted as heirlooms through many genera- 
tions. Let us state at the outset that from the viewpoint of the Chinese 
field of research a plausible guess may be hazarded as to what these 
two periods are, — the mortuary finds roughly corresponding to the 
period of the Chinese Sung dynasty (960-1278 a. d.), and the surface 
finds to that of the Ming dynasty (1368-1643). 1 By this division in 
time I do not mean to draw a hard and fast line for the classification of 
this pottery, but merely to lay down a working hypothesis as the basis 
from which to attack the problem that will remain for future investiga- 
tion. There is the possibility also that early Ming pieces are to be 
found in the graves or caves and, on the other hand, the existence of 
Sung and After-Ming specimens, say of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries, in the hands of the natives will no doubt be established with 
the advance of search and research. But these two cases, if they will 
prove, will surely remain the exceptions, while the formula as expressed 
above carries the calculation of the greatest probability. 

It is well known that during the middle ages a lively export trade in 
pottery took place from China into the regions of the Malayan Archi- 
pelago, India, Persia, Egypt, the east coast of Africa, and Morocco. 
Quite a number of ancient specimens of China ware have been discovered 
in all those countries and wandered into collections of Europe. The 
curiosity of investigators was early stimulated in this subject, and to 
A. B. Meyer, Karabacek, Hirth, A. R. Hein, F. Brinkley and others, 
we owe contributions to this question from the ceramic and trade - 

1 Certainly I have here in mind only those specimens prized by the natives as 
heirlooms and looked upon by them as old. There is assuredly any quantity of 
modern Chinese crockery and porcelain spread over the Philippines, which, however, 
is of no account and not the object of legends and worship on the part of the natives. 


18 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

historical standpoint, while active explorers, particularly on Borneo, 
have brought to light considerable material in the way of specimens. 
For the Philippines , little had been done in this direction, and it is the 
merit of Mr. Cole to render accessible to students a representative 
collection of that pottery which may be designated as "second period," 
and which is of the highest interest as palpable evidence of the inter- 
course between China and the Philippines during the Ming period. 

The establishment of the two periods is reflected also in the tradi- 
tions of the Malayan tribes. Mr. Cole (p. 12) relates that the Magsawt. 
jar was not made where the Chinese are, but belongs to the spirits or 
Kabonlan. There are other jars clearly recognized as Chinese by the 
natives. In regard to the latter, the tradition is still alive; the former 
are of a more considerable age or were made in a period, the wares of 
which could no more be supplied by the Chinese, so that the belief 
could gain ground that they had never been made by the Chinese, but 
by the spirits. Among the Dayak of Borneo, this state of affairs is 
still more conspicuous. There, the oldest jars have been connected 
with solar and lunar mythology. Mahatara, the supreme god, piled 
up on Java seven mountains from the loam which was left after the 
creation of sun, moon and earth. Ratu Tjampu, of divine origin, used 
the clay of these mountains to make a great number of djawet (sacred 
jars) which he kept and carefully guarded in a cave. One day when 
his watch was interrupted, the jars transformed themselves into animals 
(compare Cole, pp. 12, 13) and escaped. When a fortunate hunter kills 
such game it changes again into a jar, which becomes the trophy of the 
hunter favored by the gods. According to another tradition, the god 
of the moon, Kadjanka, taught the son of a Javanese ruler, Raja Pahit, 
to form jars out of the clay with which Mahatara had made sun and 
moon; all these jars fled to Borneo, where they still are. 1 I do not 
believe that these traditions point to Java as a place from which pottery 
found its way to Borneo; Java has merely become a symbol for the 
mysterious unknown. This mythical pottery attributed to the action 
of gods, it seems to me, is to be identified with Chinese pottery of the 
Sung period, while that accompanied by mere narrative traditions 
seems to correspond to that of the Ming period. This sequence of 
myth and plain story has its foundation in long intervals of time and 
in many changes as to the kinds and grades of pottery introduced from 

1 A. R. Hein, Die bildenden Kunste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, p. 134 (Wien, 
1894), an d F. S. Grabowsky, Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie, Vol. XVII, 1885, pp. 121- 
123. Grabowsky is of the opinion that Perelaer, to whom the second tradition is 
due, can never have heard it from the lips of a Dayak, but simply ascribed to them 
this tradition originating from Java. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 19 

China. This does not mean that a piece ascribed to the spirits will 
necessarily be a Sung, and one credited with a tale always a Ming, for 
interchanges, adjustments and confusions of traditions are constantly 
at operation. 

As no material regarding the earlier period of burial pottery (except 
a small fragment) exists in the Field Museum, I must be content with 
a few suggestive remarks regarding the latter. Chinese-Philippine 
trade must have existed early in the thirteenth, and very likely in the 
latter part of the twelfth century, as I tried to establish on a former 
occasion, 1 chiefly guided by the accounts of a Chinese author, Chao 
Ju-kua, who around 1220 wrote a most valuable record of the foreign 
nations then trading with China. His work has been translated and 
profusely commented on by Prof. Hirth. 2 Chao Ju-kua mentions three 
times the export of porcelain, by which also pottery not being porcelain 
must be understood, in the barter with the Philippine tribes. Unfortu- 
nately he does not tell us of what kind, or from which locality this 
pottery was, but one interesting fact may be gleaned now from a com- 
parison of the Philippine place-names known to him with those re- 
ported by Mr. Cole as having yielded finds of burial jars. Dr. Miller, 
Mr. Cole informs us, discovered jars containing human bones and 
beads in mounds opened by him on the Island of Camiguin, lying north 
of Luzon. This name is doubtless identical with Ka-ma-yen mentioned 
by Chao Ju-kua as forming the "Three Islands" with Pa-lao-yu (Pala- 
wan?) and Pa-ki-nung, 3 and he gives a lively description of the barter 
with the Hai-tan (Aeta) living there, with the express mention of porce- 
lain. Fragments of large jars, says Mr. Cole, were also found in the 
burial cave of Pokanin in southern Mindoro ; now Chao Ju-kua describes 
a country in the north of Borneo which he calls Ma-yi(f) and identified 
by me with Mindoro, the ancient name of which was Mait. Mindoro, 
where Spaniards and Chinese met for the first time in 1570, was an old 
stronghold of the latter, and probably at an earlier date than Luzon. 
These coincidences cannot be accidental, and must further be taken in 
connection with the fact to which Mr. Cole justly calls attention, that 
jar burial may have been practised, especially by those Filipino in 
direct trade relations with Borneo. It seems to me that we are bound 
to assume an historical connection between the two and an influencing 

1 The Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands, p. 252 {Smithsonian 
Miscellaneous Contributions, Vol. L, Part 2, 1907). 

2 A complete translation of the work jointly edited by Hirth and W. W. Rockhill 
has been printed by the Academy of St. Petersburg and is soon expected to be out. 

3 See Hirth, Chinesische Studien, p. 41. 

20 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

of the Filipino by the Borneo custom. 1 On both sides, we encounter 
almost the same kinds of Chinese ceramic wares, the same veneration 
for them, and a similar basis of folklore and mythology associated with 
them, so that the belief in an interdependence seems justifiable. The 
one fact stands out clearly: Chao Ju-kua, a reliable author of the Sung 
period, himself a member of the imperial house, relates the export of 
pottery to Borneo and the Philippines (in the case of Borneo also that 
of celadons) at his time, the beginning of the thirteenth century, a 
trade which may have set in at a much earlier date. This pottery can 
but have been the contemporaneous pottery of the Sung period, and we 
are, for this reason, entitled to look to the Philippines for Sung pottery. 
As the pottery found in the caves is, in all probability, older than that 
now possessed by the natives, there is the greatest likelihood of identi- 
fying this burial pottery with the productions of the Sung period. The 
investigations of the antiquities of the Philippines are in their begin- 
nings, and further results and more tangible material must be awaited 
before definite verdicts can be arrived at. The pottery fragments must 
be carefully gathered and examined ; it is obvious that they will be pi 
immense value in helping to make out the periods of these burial places. 
The terminus a quo is given by the eleventh century. The small vessel 

1 The subject of jar-burial remains one to be investigated. It is still practised 
in China among the Buddhist priesthood and, according to the observations of W. 
Perceval Yetts (Notes on the Disposal of Buddhist Dead in China, Journal R. 
Asiatic Society, 191 1, p. 705), occurs throughout the region of the Middle and Lower 
Yangtse. The same author informs us (p. 707) that the earthenware tubs required 
for this purpose resemble those commonly used for holding water or for storage of 
manure. "Occasionally two ordinary domestic tubs (kang) joined mouth to mouth 
are made to act as a coffin, though usually tubs specially manufactured for funeral 
purposes are obtained. These are made in pairs, and are so designed that the rim 
of the lid of the uppermost tub fits closely over the rim of the other, producing 
a joint easily rendered airtight by the aid of cement. A pair thus joined together 
forms a chamber resembling a barrel in shape." Most of these vessels are said to 
come from the kilns of Wu-si in Kiangsu Province. The ancient earthenware 
coffins, however, considered by Mr. Yetts in this connection, must be separated from 
these burial jars, as they are pre-buddhistic in origin; such a pottery coffin with 
green-glazed lid attributed to the T'ang period, is in the Chinese collection of the 
Field Museum. E. Boerschmann (Die Baukunst und religiose Kultur der Chinesen, 
Vol. I, P'u t'o shan, p. 175) states that the cremation and preservation of Buddhist 
priests in large urns of glazed pottery is generally practised; that in the pottery kilns 
of all provinces such jars are made up to 1.50 m in height and shipped far away, 
and that a district on the Siang River in Hunan, a little north of the provincial 
capital Ch'ang-sha, is a well-known place for their production. The jars are mostly 
glazed brown, concludes Boerschmann, and adorned with reliefs alluding to death, 
e. g. two dragons surrounding a dragon-gate and a pearl in the entrance, indicating 
that the priest has passed the gate of perception and reached the state of perfection. 
This information sheds light on the fact that it was dragon-jars which were utilized 
on Borneo for purposes of burial. 

An interesting practice of jar-burial is revealed by Paul Pelliot (Le Fou-nan, 
Bulletin de l' Ecole francaise a" Extrime-Orient, Vol. Ill, 1903, p. 279) from a passage 
in the Fu-nan ki, written by Chu Chi in the fifth century A. D. It relates to the 
kingdom of Tun-sun, a dependance of Fu-nan (Cambodja), which seems to have 
been largely under the influence of Brahmanic India. Over a thousand Brahmans 

July, 1912. Chinese Pottery. 21 

mentioned by Jagor is most probably a piece of celadon pottery. 
Prof. Eduard Seler has been good enough to inform us that it is not 
preserved in the Berlin Museum, but he describes a similar piece extant 
there, a fragment of a plate or a flat bowl found by Dr. Schetelig in a 
cave of Caramuan, Luzon, on the Philippines. "The material," 
Prof. Seler says, "is a red-burnt hard clay including small white bits 
of what is apparently calcareous matter. The well-known salad-green 
glaze exhibiting numerous fine crackles covers the entire surface except 
the circular foot. On the lower face, the marks of the potter's wheel 
are visible. On the glazed surface shallow grooves are radially ar- 
ranged." This description, beyond any doubt, refers to a specimen of 
celadon pottery of the Sung period, and I am especially interested in 
the fact that it is hard, red-burnt stoneware, and not porcelain. The 
former authors always spoke of celadon porcelains exclusively, an 
error first refuted by Captain F. Brinkley, 1 who justly says that all 
the choice celadons of the Sung, Yuan, and even the Ming dynasties 
were stoneware, showing considerable variation in respect to fineness 
of pate and thinness of biscuit, but never becoming true translucid 
porcelain. The majority of celadon pieces in the Sung period seem to 
have been stoneware, while the porcelain specimens increase during the 

from India were settled there, married to native women and engaged in reading 
their sacred books. When they are sick, says the Chinese report, they make a vow 
to be buried by the birds; under chants and dances, they are conducted outside of 
the town, and there are birds who devour them. The remaining bones are calcined 
and enclosed in a jar which is flung into the sea. When they are not eaten by the 
birds, they are placed in a basket. As regards burial by fire, it consists in leaping 
into a fire. The ashes are gathered in a vase which is interred, and to which sacrifices 
are offered without limit of time. The inference could be drawn from this passage 
that the practice of burial in jars is derived from India. "Among the tribes of the 
Hindukush," reports W. Crooke (Things Indian, p. 128), "cremation used to be 
the common form of burial, the ashes being collected in rude wooden boxes or in 
earthen jars and buried." This was the case also in the funerary rites of ancient 
India (W. Caland, Die altindischen Todten- und Bestattungsgebrauche, pp. 104, 
107, 108) when the bones after cremation were gathered in an urn; according to one 
rite, the bones collected in an earthenware bowl were sprinkled with water, the bowl 
was wrapped up in a dress made from Kuca grass and inserted in another pottery 
vessel which was interred in a forest, or near the root of a tree or in a clean place in a 
durable relic-shrine. Among the Nayars or Nairs of Malabar, the pieces of unburnt 
bones are placed in an earthen pot which has been sun-dried (not burnt by fire in the 
usual way) ; the pot is covered up with a piece of new cloth, and all following the 
eldest, who carries it, proceed to the nearest river (it must be running water), which 
receives the remains of the dead (E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern 
India, p. 215, Madras, 1906). The latter practice offers a parallel to the burying 
of the jar in the sea, as related above in regard to Tun-sun. Nowadays, the bones 
after cremation are gathered on a gold, silver, or copper plate in Cambodja (A. 
Leclere, Cambodge: La cremation et les rites funeYaires, pp. 76, 82, Hanoi, 1906). 
On jar-burial on the Liu-kiu Islands compare the interesting article of M. Haber- 
landt, t)ber eine Graburne von den Liukiu-Inseln (Mitleilungen der Anthropol. 
Gesellschaft in Wien, Vol. XXIII, 1893, pp. 39-42); the specimen figured is doubtless 
a Chinese production as used for the burial of the ashes of a Buddhist monk. 

1 China, Keramic Art, p. 34 (London, 1904). 

22 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

Ming epoch. To this conclusion, at least, I am prompted by a series 
of celadons gathered by me in China and including specimens of the 
Sung, Ming, and K'ien-lung periods. It is somewhat a matter of sur- 
prise that a larger number of celadons has not been discovered on the 
Philippines. Judging from the account of a Japanese writer on ceram- 
ics, translated farther below, there must have been a large quantity 
of this fine and curious pottery on the Islands in former times, and the 
search of the Japanese for ceramic treasures there in the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries was chiefly prompted by their craving for cela- 
dons. Maybe the Japanese have taken hold of the best specimens, 
maybe these are still hidden away in solitary caves or untouched burial 
mounds. We hope that these remarks will instigate present and future 
explorers on the Islands to keep a vigilant watch on celadons, and to 
pick up even small fragments, always with exact statements of locality, 
site, nature of the find (underground, surface, cave, mound, etc.) and 
traditions of the natives, if there are any, because they may be of great 
significance. Everything relating to celadons is of utmost historical 
importance; in almost every case, in my opinion at least, it is possible 
to define the age or period of a piece of celadon, and also the place of 
its production, — China, Japan, Korea, or Siam. The Sung celadons 
are inimitable and could never be imitated, and the varying character 
of this pottery through all ages affords a most fortunate clue to chrono- 
logical diagnosis. 

In glancing over the collection of pottery brought home by Mr. 
Cole, we are struck, first of all, by a certain uniform character of all 
these pieces, if we leave aside the three small dishes reproduced on 
Plate XVII, which in correspondence with their different ceramic char- 
acter enter also a different phase of religious notions. Only in the 
latter lot a single piece of porcelain is found (PI. XVII, Fig. 3). All 
other specimens are characterized as stoneware of an exceedingly hard, 
consistent and durable clayish substance; most of them are high and 
spacious jars of large capacity; all of them are glazed, and well glazed, 
and betray in the manner and color of glazing as well as in their shapes 
and decorative designs a decidedly Chinese origin; all of them have a 
concave unglazed bottom, most of them are provided with ears on the 
shoulders for the passage of a cord to secure convenient handling and 
carrying ; none of them is impressed with a seal, date-mark, or inscrip- 
tion of any other kind. All of them are the products of solid workman- 
ship executed with care and deliberation, apparently with a side-glance 
at a customer who knew. On the whole, two principal types are dis- 
cernible, — dragon-jars and plain jars. Both groups are distinguished 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 23 

at the same time by different glazes, and it may be surmised at the out- 
set that they originate from different kilns. 

The three jars on Plates VI-VIII exactly agree with one another 
in shape and glaze (evidently an iron glaze) the color of which moves 
from a light-yellow to a dark-brown. In the form of rim, neck and 
shoulders, the identity is perfect. The shoulders are decorated with 
five massive lion-heads l formed in separate moulds and stuck on to the 
body of the vessel, perforations running horizontally through the jaws. 
The designs, wave-bands and a couple of dragons with the usual cloud- 
ornaments, are incised in the body of the clay and in the two specimens 
on Plates VI and VII not covered by the glaze, while in the case of the 
specimen in Plate VIII the outlines and scales of the dragon have been 
overlaid with a glaze of darker tinge, resulting in a flat-relief design. 
The dragon-jar in Plate V differs from those three in form and technique, 
and is an extraordinary specimen. The clay walls are of much thinner 
build and covered with a fine dark-greenish slip. Six ears (two of which 
are broken off) rest on the shoulders; they are shaped into the very 
frequent conventional form of elephant heads ending in curved trunks. 
The two dragons are turned out in moulds and playing with the pearl 
(not represented in the illustration) designed as a spiral with flame. 

In this connection, attention should be drawn to the dragon-jars 
of a similar type discovered in large numbers on Borneo. The Tung 
si yang k'ao, an interesting Chinese work describing the far-eastern 
sea trade of the sixteenth century and published in 1618 (Ming period) 
relates that the people of Bandjermasin on Borneo at first used banana 
leaves in the place of dishes, but that, since trade had been carried on 
with China, they had gradually adopted the use of porcelain ; that they 
liked to bargain for porcelain jars decorated with dragons on the sur- 
face; and that they would keep the bodies of the dead in such jars in- 
stead of burying them. 2 Despite everything that has been written on 
the subject of these jars, their descriptions, from a ceramic and historical 
point of view, are still rather unsatisfactory. The illustrations referred 
to below are made from sketches, not from photographs. A. B. Meyer 
and Grabowsky describe the glazes as brown or mottled brown, on e 

1 A. B. Meyer (Altertumer aus dem Ostindischen Archipel, p. 7, Leipzig, 1884) 
describing similar jars from Borneo speaks of five Rakshasa or lion-heads. They are, 
according to Chinese notion, nothing but lion-heads. The Rakshasa heads are quite 
different in style, are always characterized by long protruding tusks, and never occur 
as decorations on Chinese pottery. 

2 Hirth, Ancient Chinese Porcelain, p. 182. — The Dayak designation rangkang 
for these jars seems to me to be suggested by the Chinese name lung kang ("dragon- 
jar"). — For illustrations of Borneo dragon-jars see F. S. Grabowsky, Zeitschrift 
furEthnologie, Vol. XVII, 1885, PI. VII, or A. R. Hew, Die bildenden Kunste bei den 
Dayaks auf Borneo, p. 133 (Wien, 1890). 

24 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

glazed white being the only exception. Not having had occasion to 
see any of them, I think I should not be too positive in my judgment, 
but can merely give it as my impression that the Borneo dragon- 
jars are very similar in shape, glaze and design to those from the 
Philippines, and that both seem to have originated from the same 
Chinese kiln. 

Unfortunately, our knowledge of Chinese pottery is far from being 
complete, and anything like a scientific history of it does not yet exist. 
Our collectors have been more interested in porcelains, and the subject 
of common pottery has been almost wholly neglected. Porcelain is 
nothing but a variety of pottery and can be properly understood only 
from a consideration of the subject in its widest range. Porcelain and 
stoneware appear in China as parallel phenomena, that is to say, the 
same processes of glazing and decorating have been applied to both 
categories alike, and certain porcelain glazes have their precedents in 
corresponding glazes on non-porcellanous clays. The study of this 
ware is therefore of importance for the history of porcelain, and it has 
besides so many qualities and merits of its own that it is deserving of 
close investigation for its own sake. If we had at our disposal such 
complete collections of pottery from China as we have from Japan, it 
would presumably be easy to point out the Chinese specimens cor- 
responding to those of the Philippines, and to settle satisfactorily the 
question as to the furnace where they were produced. Such a collec- 
tion, whose ideal object it would be to embrace representative speci- 
mens, ancient and modern, of the many hundreds of Chinese kilns, will 
probably never exist, as it would require for itself a large museum to be 
housed. From my personal experience, restricted to the more promi- 
nent kilns of the provinces of Shantung, Chili, Honan, Shansi, Shensi and 
Kansu, I may say that dragon-jars of the Philippine type are not 
turned out there at the present day, nor can ancient specimens 
of this kind be obtained there. Both facts are conclusive evi- 
dence, for if once made, some vestiges of them would have sur- 
vived in modern forms, in view of the stupendous persistency of 
traditions among the potters. A priori it may be inferred that the 
Philippine pottery came from those localities which were in closest 
commercial touch with the Islands, i. e. the provinces of Fukien and 
Kuangtung in southern China. The fictile productions of the latter 
province are included under the general term Kuang yao, Kuang being 
an abbreviation of the name of the province, yao meaning "pottery." 
The city of Yang-kiang in the prefecture of Chao-k'ing, not far from 
the coast, may be credited, in all likelihood, with the manufacture 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 25 

of the dragon-jars. Dr. Bushell l thus describes the productions of 
this locality: "A peculiarly dense, hard, and refractory stoneware is 
fabricated here, the body of which ranges from reddish, brown, and 
dark gray shades to black. All kinds of things are made at this place, 
including architectural ornaments, cisterns, fish bowls and flower pots 
for gardens, tubs and jars for storage, domestic utensils, religious images, 
sacred figures and grotesque animals, besides an infinity of smaller 
ornamental and fantastic curiosities. These potteries are distinguished 
for the qualities of the glazes with which the dark brown body is in- 
vested. One of them, a souffle blue, was copied in the imperial porce- 
lain manufactory by T'ang Ying [in the eighteenth century], from a 
specimen specially sent from the Palace at Peking for the purpose." 
Nothing accurate is known about the history of this factory, and 
additional proof is required to show that dragon- jars were once manu- 
factured there. It is not very likely that jars strictly identical with 
those found on Borneo and the Philippines will ever turn up in China, 
unless by excavations on the ancient sites of the kilns. Chinese col- 
lectors of exquisite ceramic treasures were not interested in this com- 
mon household ware which the religious spirit of the Malayan tribes 
has faithfully preserved. The age of these dragon-jars is illustrated by 
the fact stated by several observers that the Dayak refused to buy any 
later imitations made in China which speculative dealers tried to palm 
off on them, and that any remembrance of their Chinese origin is lost. 
The same is the case, according to the statement of Mr. Cole, on the 
Philippines. This fact is singular, as the natives there have been in 
constant relations with the Chinese, as a Chinese colony has been 
settled at Manila for centuries, and it can be accounted for only by the 
explanation that at one remote period dragon-jars of a superior quality, 
at least in the eyes of the natives, were fabricated which were not 
rivaled by the later productions. This assumption will be quite plaus- 
ible to one familiar with ceramic developments in China exhibiting 
different aspects and ever-varying processes and qualities through all 
periods. For this reason, I feel inclined to set these dragon-jars in the 
epoch of the early intercourse of the Chinese with the Philippines, the 
end of the Sung or the early Ming period, say roughly the time of the 
thirteenth to the fifteenth century. 2 

. • Chinese Art, Vol. II, p. 13 (London, 1906). 
' In China, large vessels of the shape of these dragon-jars, usually of much 
larger size, are still used everywhere for the storage of the water-supply needed in 
the household. They find their place in a corner of the courtyard and are filled, 
according to want, with the water drawn from wells, which is brought in by carriers 
or on wheel-barrows. They are called kang or wing, and no doubt represent an an- 

26 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

The other group of pottery in the Cole collection is characterized 
by well-made thick and oily glazes ranging in color from a peculiar light- 
blue to shades of grass-green, dark-green, olive-green, and lilac, some- 
times combined on one surface. There can be no doubt that all these 
pieces represent Kuang yao, either made at Yang-ch'un, or at Yang- 
kiang, in Kuangtung Province. None of them is a real celadon, though 
some of the glazes, in particular the jar on Plate XII, come near to it, to 
a certain degree. 1 Similar glazes are still turned out at Yi-hsing on the 
Great Lake (T'ai hu) near Shanghai, but they are inferior in quality to 
these specimens. They owe their attractions entirely to the glaze 
brilliant with its varying colors blue speckled, flecked with green, or 
green being the prevailing tint, the blue looking out from beneath it in 
spots or streaks; in one example (PI. IX, Fig. 2), fine purplish lines 
like bundles of rays are brought out around the shoulders under the 
glaze. The only exception is represented by the jar in Plate XI, which 
is covered by a dark olive-green glaze, (also in its interior) interspersed 
with yellowish and brownish spots. It is possibly a Sung production, 
while the others may belong to the Ming period. The only decorated 
jar is that in Plate XIV which is adorned with a flat-relief band of floral 
designs. The jar in Plate XII has the four ears worked into animal-heads 
which differ in style from the lion-heads on the dragon-jars. The 
larger jars are used in China for holding water, the smaller specimens 
are wine-vessels. 

In regard to the three small pieces grouped on Plate XVII, I have 
no positive judgment, for lack of material that could be adequately 
compared with them. The most interesting of these specimens is that 
in Fig. 1 . The ornaments of this stoneware dish are laid out in a cinna- 
bar-red paint over a buff -colored glaze; this paint is produced either by 
means of vermilion or silicate of copper. A ring on the inner side of the 
dish is left unglazed ; the lower side is completely glazed with exception 

cient type of pottery. During the middle ages, the province of ChSkiang enjoyed 
a certain fame for their manufacture (see S. W. Bushell, Description of Chinese 
Pottery and Porcelain, p. 130). At the present time, the best are made in the kilns 
of Yi-hsing in the province of Kiangsu. — Porcelain jars decorated with dragons are 
mentioned as having been made in the imperial factory established under the Ming 
(St. Julien, Histoire et fabrication de la porcelaine chinoise, p. 100). The extensive 
rdle which the dragon played during that period is too well known to be discussed 
here anew. But as early as the Sung period (and possibly still earlier) the dragon 
appears as a decorative motive on pottery. In our Chinese collection in the Field 
Museum, e. g., there is a large Sung celadon plate the centre of which is decorated 
with the relief figure of a dragon. Dragons and many other motives were doubtless 
applied to common pottery centuries before they made their debut on porcelain. 

1 1 am inclined to think that such pseudo-celadons have caused travellers in the 
Archipelago unfamiliar with the ceramics of China or having merely a book knowl- 
edge of the subject to see celadons in many cases where there are none, and am 
seconded in this opinion by Dr. Bushell (/. c, p. 13). 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 27 

of the raised rim on which the dish stands. Nothing like this dish is 
known to me from China, and I should rather suspect a Japanese origin 
for it. However, he who will take the trouble to peruse the Japanese 
account on Luzon pottery, translated below, will receive the impression 
that it may belong to that still mysterious class styled "Luzon ware" 
by the Japanese author. 

The tiny cup in Fig. 2 is covered with a grayish glaze with an impure 
yellowish tinge and has a floral design in black-blue overglaze painting ; 
three ornaments along the outward rim resemble fishes. Fig. 3 repre- 
sents a blue and white porcelain dish, as said before, the only porcelain 
in this collection; scenery of mountains and water, a rock and a building 
in the foreground, are painted under the glaze in a darkened blue of 
poor quality. ' This piece is of crude and coarse workmanship, . and I 
do not remember having seen anything similar in China. I believe I 
do not go far amiss in assigning it to the early attempts of the Japanese 
to imitate the Chinese cobalt-blue, which was first studied by Shonzui 
on his visit to King-t£-ch£n in 15 10. Also the mark on the bottom 
(Fig. 3b) betrays a decidedly Japanese trait, and the dish is probably 
connected with the great export era of Japanese porcelain in the seven- 
teenth century. Brinkley (Japan, Vol. VIII: Keramic Art, p. 87) 
remarks: "With regard to the possibility of Japan's porcelain having 
found its way to Eastern countries in the early years of its manufacture, 
it appears from the evidence of a terrestrial globe in 1670 and preserved 
in the Tokyo Museum, that Japan had commercial relations with the 
Philippines, Cambodja, Tonkin, Annam, Siam, and various parts of 
China, in the beginning of the seventeenth century." 

The exaggerated valuation affixed to these pieces of pottery by the 
Malayan tribes is not by any means justified by their merits, but seems 
to be largely the consequence of the wondrous stories associated with 
them. It is accordingly a mere ideal estimation resulting from social 
and religious customs. Hardly any of these pieces can lay claim to 
unusual ceramic or artistic qualities, and from a Chinese ceramic view- 
point they are average common household productions, which would 
not be very costly affairs when made in China at the present time. 
While the natives have apparently linked their own ideas and beliefs 
with this pottery, the question is justified as to whether the impetus for 
the formation of this ceramic lore was possibly received from Chinese 
traders. It would be plausible to assume that these were clever enough 
to trade off on the innocents not only the jar, but also a bit of a marvel- 
ous story about its supernatural qualities, which was capable of in- 
creasing the price by not a few per cent. It was not even necessary for 
them to strain their imagination to an extraordinary degree, while on 

28 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

the lookout for such stories, as they abound in the domain of their own 
folklore, so that an optimist might feel inclined to think of them as 
honest rogues who themselves believed what they told their customers 
in a mere good-natured attempt to be entertaining. 

In the T'ao shuo "Discourse on Pottery" written by Chu Yen in 
1774 and translated by Dr. Bushell, l we find the following tradition 
on record: 

"Chou Yi-kung (a celebrated military commander during the Sung 
dynasty) sent a teacup as a present to a poor friend, who after his 
return home prepared tea and poured it into the cup, whereupon there 
immediately appeared a pair of cranes, which flew out of the cup and 
circled round it, and only disappeared when the tea was drunk." 

"Such wonderful stories," continues the Chinese author of the 
treatise, "may not be impossible like the transformations which happen 
spontaneously in the furnace. Porcelain is created out of the element 
'earth,' and combines in itself also the essential powers of the elements 
'water' and 'fire.' It is related in the Wu ch'uan lu, that when the 
military store-house at Mei-chtin, in the province of Sze-ch'uan, was 
being repaired, a large water- jar was found inside full of small stones. 
After the religious worship on the first day of each moon, another lot 
of water and stone used to be added, and this was done for an unknown 
number of years, and yet even then it was not quite full. We read 
again in the Yu ya chih, that while Ts'ao Chu was a small official at 
Ch'ien-k'ang, Lu was officiating as Prefect, and there stood in front of 
his Yamen a large jar of the capacity of five hundred piculs, from the 
interior of which used to come out both wind and clouds. These are 
similar stories, and are quoted here on that account." 

In the same work (p. 47) a story referred to the year 1 100 is told to 
the effect that at a wine banquet of friends the sounds of a pipe and flute 
were suddenly heard, faintly echoing as if from above the clouds, rising 
and falling so that the musical notes could almost be distinguished, and 
how upon investigation it was discovered that they came out of a pair 
of vases, and how they stopped when the meal was over. Here we meet 
an interesting analogy with the Philippine talking jars discussed by 
Mr. Cole. Another magic legend is related regarding a scholar who 
bought an earthenware basin to wash his hands in. The water remain- 
ing on the bottom froze on a cold winter day, and he saw there a spray 
of peach blossom. Next morning there appeared a branch of peony 
crowned with two flowers. On the following day a winter landscape 
was formed^ filling the basin, with water and villages of bamboo houses, 
wild geese flying, and herons standing upon one leg, all as complete as 

1 Description of Chinese Pottery and Porcelain, p. 127 (Oxford, 1910). 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 29 

a finished picture. The scholar had the basin mounted and enclosed 
in a silk-lined case - ; and in the winter, he invited guests to enjoy the 
sight. The logic of this story is intelligible: designs and scenery as 
painted on pottery here appear on a plain, coarse basin by a magical 
process which is suggested to imagination by the flowers formed in an 

While these stories seem to have emanated from the literary circle 
of society and savour of bookish estheticism, there are also others into 
which more popular elements enter, and which characterize themselves 
as originating from Taoism. There is a saying in regard to the mysteri- 
ous ways of the Taoists capable of concentrating Heaven and Earth in 
a vase. The legend goes that a certain Fei once noticed a stranger 
jumping into a vase and completely disappearing in it. Fei, in utmost 
surprise, hurried to the scene and respectfully greeted the old man who 
invited him to enter also the marvelous vase. He gladly accepted 
the offer and found a palace with a table covered with exquisite dishes 
and wines which he heartily enjoyed. The old man possessed the fac- 
ulty of placing the finest sights of nature in this jar and called himself 
Vase-Heaven (Hu T'ien), subsequently changed into Hu kung, "Mr. 
Vase." ' Based on this legend, a potter at the end of the Ming period 
gave himself the sobriquet "the Taoist hidden in a Vase" (Hu yin tao 
jen). 2 

Taoist priests are generally called in by the people to expel evil 
spirits. They are able to capture the demons and sometimes put 
them in an earthenware vessel closed with a cover containing some 
magic character, and the devils are thus safely carried away by the 
priests. These and other spirits are sometimes sold to the people as 
imbued with the power of conferring prosperity on their owners, at 
prices ranging from twenty to forty Mexican dollars. 3 

If the Chinese were lovers of fine porcelains and celebrated them 
in verses, the Japanese may be called maniacs and worshippers of 
pottery. In view of their relations with the Philippines and the inter- 
change of pottery between the two, a subject discussed farther below, 
it may not be amiss to allude briefly to the ceramic folklore of Japan, 
which, after all, may have stimulated to a certain degree the imagina- 
tion of the Philippine tribes. It is well known that tea was the chief 
agency in the refinement of pottery, in Japan as in China, and also 
in a refinement of life and social manners. The tea-plant was intro- 

1 Petillon, Allusions litt^raires, p. 70. 

2 Hirth, Ancient Chinese Porcelain, p. 200. 

3 Compare E. Box, Shanghai Folklore (Journal China Branch Royal Asiatic 
Society, Vol. XXXIV, p. 125). 

30 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

duced into Japan from China in the thirteenth century, and at the 
close of the fifteenth, tea-clubs were formed which practised an elaborate 
tea-ceremonial growing into a sort of esthetic and religious cult. Need- 
less to say that these tea-tasting competitions were derived also from 
China and in full swing there as early as the Sung period. 1 

The Japanese devotees of the tea-cult were intent on supplying 
their cherished pieces of pottery with a history and with poetical names ; 
they were animated with a soul, and wrapped up in precious brocades, 
treated as gems and relics. They were eagerly bought and sold at 
prices far out of proportion with their real value. It is recorded, 
says Brinkley (Japan, Vol. VIII, p. 270), that the Abbot Nensei, in 
exchange for a little tea-jar of Chinese faience, known as "First Flower," 
obtained in 1584 a vermilion rescript excusing himself and his descend- 
ants from the payment of all taxes forever; and it is further a fact that 
amateurs of the present time disburse hundreds of dollars for speci- 
mens of Soto-yaki that scarcely seem worth the boxes containing them. 
Kuroda, the feudal chief of Chikuzen, had a triple case made for a 
Chinese tea- jar presented to him, and appointed fifteen officials who 
were all held responsible for its safety {Ibid., p. 319). Of wonderful 
tales of Japan connected with pottery, the story of the dancing tea-jar 
which assumed the shape of a badger (tanuki) 2 may be called to mind 
as an analogy to the personification and zoomorphy of Malayan jars. 

In 1854 Tanaka Yonisaburo wrote a book under the title Tokiko 
"Investigations of Pottery," which was published in 1883 at Tokyo 
in two volumes of moderate size. This author has devoted a noticeable 
study to the pottery introduced into Japan from foreign countries, and 
shows that many pieces taken for Japanese are in fact of foreign origin. 
He dwells at length on the pottery of Luzon, which was highly appre- 
ciated in Japan, and which seems to have acted as a stimulus to the 
productions of her kilns. Owing to the importance and novelty of this 
subject, a complete translation of two chapters of the Tokiko is here 
added. In the first chapter, foreign pottery, inclusive of that of Luzon, 
is considered in general ; in the second chapter, Luzon pottery is dealt 
with more specifically. The general designation of this pottery is 
Namban. The latter is a Chinese word composed of nan "south" 
and Man, originally a generic term for all non-Chinese aboriginal 
tribes inhabiting the mountain-fastnesses of Southern China. It is 
usually translated "the southern Barbarians," but it is very doubtful 

1 Bushell, /. c, p. 124. The Japanese tea-ceremonies have been described in 
many books. Of monographs, W. Harding Smith, The Cha-No-Yu, or Tea Cere- 
mony (Transactions of the Japan Society London, Vol. V, pp. 42-72) and Ida Trot- 
zig, Cha-No-Yu Japanernas Teceremoni (Stockholm, 191 1) may be mentioned. 

2 First told in English garb by A. B. Mitford in his Tales of Old Japan. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 31 

to me whether any such sting adhered to the name in the beginning. 
In the ancient Chinese texts, the Man tribes are frequently spoken of 
with dignity and respect, and Chinese authors do not shun to admit 
many cultural elements which the Chinese owed to them. The term 
Man may occasionally be used contemptuously, — and in what com- 
munity would an extratribal name not be turned to such an occasional 
use? — but this certainly does not mean that a stigma is implied in each 
and every case. In the Chinese accounts of the conflicts with the 
Spaniards on the Philippines, the Spaniards are sometimes entitled Man 
instead of their usual name, because the chronicler gives vent to his 
exasperation at their outrages, and there, it is doubtless intended for 
savages. 1 The Japanese adopted from the Chinese the term Nan-Man 
or Namban and applied it first to all foreign regions south of their home 
(with the exception of China), its meaning being simply "foreign tribes 
of the south" or "southern foreigners" including Formosa, the Philip- 
pines, the Malayan Archipelago, Malacca, and the two Indias. Sub- 
sequently, it was transferred also to the Portuguese, Spaniards and 
Dutch who made their first appearance in the southern waters, and it 
finally assumed the general meaning "foreign," especially in connection 
with foreign products, like namban kiwi ''foreign millet," i. e. maize, 
namban tetsu, "foreign iron." The church built by the Jesuits at Kyoto 
in 1568 and destroyed in 1588 after Hideyoshi's edict of proscription 
was called Namban-ji, "Temple of the Foreigners." 

1 Laufer, The Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands, pp. 262, 271, 
276. (Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. L, Part 2, 1907.) 


I. Objects of the Namban 

The pottery of the Namban Islands which are Amakawa, 1 Luzon, 2 
Mo-u-ru, 3 Eastern India, 4 Cochin, 5 Annam, Nekoro, 6 and Taiwan 
(Formosa) is usually named according to the locality where it is manu- 
factured. In case that its place of origin is not obvious, the people 
simply speak of Namban objects, as Namban is a general designation 
for all these places. While the best productions of the Namban are 
tea-canisters (cha-ire), we have no reason to doubt that they produce 
also utensils of othefr character. When I investigated a pitcher (mi- 


zusashi) shaped like] pi, experts took it for the ware called Enshu- 

Mikirigata Takatori. 7 It was made from a black-purple clay covered 
with a silvery lustre and brilliant with black marks. I had it exposed 

1 The name is transcribed in the text only in Katakana signs, not given in 
Chinese characters, which would facilitate its identification. Judging from its 
phonetic composition, it sounds Japanese, and amakawa is indeed a Japanese word 
(meaning "the inner bark of a tree"). No such geographical name, as far as I know, 
occurs in Japan, the Luchu Islands, or the Philippines. It is mentioned farther 
below in this text that it forms with Luzon and Formosa the group of Three Islands 
(Mishima) and produces pottery of white clay and grayish glaze. 

2 In Japanese pronunciation: Rusun (Chinese: Lii-sung). 

3 Presumably the Moluccas; written only in Katakana. 

4 In Japanese : To Indu. In other passages the word Tenji (Chinese : T' ien- 
chu) is used for India. 

6 The Chinese designation Kiao-chih is used. 

6 Possibly the Nikobars. 

7 The designation of the famous master of tea-ceremonies (chanoyu) Kobori 
Masakazu (i 576-1 645) and a group of pottery manufactured according to his 
instructions in Takatori in the province of Chikuzen (see F. Brinkley, Japan, Vol. 
VIII, Keramic Art, p. 318; Oueda Tokounosouke, La ceramique japonaise, pp. 
89, 93). This name is given in distinction from the Ko-Takatori (Old Takatori) 
started by Korean settlers in that district. It is not very likely that the above 
mentioned pitcher is of real Takatori make, as a glaze of that description does not 
occur among Takatori productions known to us, which generally are of white, 
light-blue or ash-colored glazes, or take the Chinese "transmutation glaze" (yao 
pien) as model. Our author evidently means to express the same opinion which 
leads him to class the piece in question among foreign or Namban wares. — In this 
connection, it is interesting to note that in the ancient pottery kilns at Sawankalok, 
Siam, small vases and bottles have been discovered by Mr. T. H. Lyle, described 
by Mr. C. H. Reid as being "of a fine pottery covered with mottled glaze, the 
shapes often elegant, and sometimes highly finished, recalling the fine tea-jars made 
at Takatori in the province of Chikuzen in Japan" {Journal Anthropological Insti- 
tute, Vol. XXXIII, 1903, p. 244). 


July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 33 

to a fire, and the glaze assumed a golden hue. The clay was a mixture 
of yellow and red earths and changed into a brown. It proved to be a 
Namban production. 

Further among Yashiro Karatsu-hakeme 1 wares, there was a 
specimen of black-purplish clay emitting, when struck, a metallic 
sound. I had a piece broken out, and clay and glaze on examination 
under a lense attested to its being Namban. Among old Hakeme, 
that kind known as kodai 2 with black-purplish clay and dark-brown 3 
and silvery lustre is Namban Hakeme. When investigating some pieces 
without marks among Bizen, 4 Imbe, 5 Karatsu, 6 and Tamba, 7 they 
proved to be Namban. 

Mishima ("Three Islands") pottery is that made on the three 
islands of Amakawa, Luzon, and Formosa. Among this so-called class 
of Mishima, the large pieces with purple-black clay and green glaze 
(sei-yaku) are Luzon pottery; 8 those of white clay and grayish 9 glaze 
are Amakawa. As to Formosa, I have as yet no proofs, but pieces 
popularly called Hagi Mishima 10 with a light lustre and decorated with 

1 Karatsu or Nagoya on the north-west coast of Hizen has been the harbour of 
entry and exit for the greater part of the traffic between Japan, China and Korea; 
the name Karatsu means "port for China." Brinkley (/. c, pp. 307 et seq.) and 
Edward S. Morse (Catalogue of the Morse Collection of Japanese Pottery, pp. 37 
et seq.) have devoted full discussions to the pottery productions of Karatsu. Those 
with a broad brush-mark of white are termed hakeme, i. e. brush-marked. Brinkley 
maintains that the potters of Karatsu were chiefly imitators, and that, their best 
efforts being intended for the tea-clubs, they took as models the rusty wares of 
Korea, Annam, Luzon, etc., or the choicer but still sombre products of the Seto kilns. 
If this statement be correct, the specimen alluded to above might be also a Karatsu 
imitation of a Namban pottery. 

2 Lit. high terrace. 

3 Jap. shibu, the juice expressed from unripe persimmons (kaki), from which a 
dark-Drown pigment for underglaze decoration was obtained in Korea (Brinkley, 
p. 49). 

* The province of Bizen is celebrated for its hard reddish-brown stoneware 
described by Brinkley (pp. 328 et seq.) and Morse (pp. 49 et seq.). 

5 Imbe is a district in the province of Bizen. Under the name Imbe-yaki, ' ' pot- 
tery of Imbe," or Ko-Bizen, "Old Bizen," the ware made there at the end of the 
sixteenth century is understood (Brinkley, p. 329). Nearly every piece of Imbe 
ware bears a mark of some kind, usually impressed (Morse, p. 49) so that the 
pieces without marks seem to be the exceptions justifying to some extent the sus- 
picion of a foreign origin. 

6 It is difficult to understand what is meant by unmarked pieces of Karatsu, as 
the Karatsu potters were not in the habit of marking their productions, and have 
left no personal records (Brinkley, p. 311). See also the last paragraph of this 
chapter where the presence of marks on Karatsu is utilized as evidence of its foreign 

7 On the pottery of the province of Tamba see Brinkley, p. 398, and Morse, 
pp. 178, 347, 360. 

8 Apparently celadons. 

'Jap. shiro-nezumi, "white rat." 

10 Manufactured in the province of Nagato, with a pearl gray glaze (Brinkley, 
p. 343; Morse, p. 81). 

34 Field Museum or Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

a row of round knobs, or water pitchers with black marks on the bottom 
appear to be Formosan. I shall deal with this subject in a subsequent 
book. Among Gohon x Mishima, there are Korean and Mishima. 
Specimens called Kumo-tsuru Mishima 2 with good lustre and fine 
writings are Amakawa. Mishima is merely a general designation. It 
should be specified as Higaki 3 Mishima, Rei-pin 4 Mishima, Hana 5 
Mishima, Hakeme 6 Mishima, Muji 7 Mishima. 8 

Among the Irapo 9 I tested the clay of Old Irapo with the brush- 
mark {hakeme) Kukihori Genyetsu Irapo, 10 and found it to be Namban 
clay. Its make-up is crooked {yugami), and it is hard like Korean. As 
regards the name of the potter Genyetsu, he was usually called Kuki- 
hori. 11 Writing the latter name with the Chinese characters for kugi 
("nail") and hori ("to carve") is of recent origin. Kukihori is the 
name of a locality. His style is not limited to the Irapo, but some 
of the Gohon 12 are like it. Considering a rice-bowl, 13 a confusion 
with Korean ware is possible; in regard to tea-canisters (cha-ire), how- 
ever, they are obviously Namban. The Genyetsu Irapo very seldom 
go by the mark "made by Genyetsu" (Genyetsu-saku) . It is the same 
case as with the Ki-Seto of Hakuan 14 under whose name originals and 

1 Gohon is the name of a pottery made in Korea at the instigation of Iyemitsu, 
the third Shogun of the Tokugawa family (1623-49) which was imitated in the kilns 
of Asahi in Yamashiro Province (T. Oueda, La ceramique japonaise, p. 89). Brink- 
ley (p. 356) remarks that in the Asahi ware imitations are occasionally found of the 
so-called Cochinchinese faience, but that they are rare and defective. This fact 
may account for the above definition of Mishima. 

2 /. e. Mishima with clouds {kumo) and cranes (tsuru) ; also to be read Un- 
kwaku in Sinico- Japanese pronunciation. According to Brinkley (p. 48), this 
design was a favorite in the Korean celadons manufactured at Song-do. In all 
probability, celadons are involved also in this case. 

3 Higaki means a hedge or fence (kaki) formed by the tree hi or hinoki, Thuya 

4 Evidently a transcription of the name Philippines, the first syllable being 
dropped. Japanese lacks the sound / and substitutes r for it. 

5 /. e. flowery or decorated. 

6 Decorated with brush-work. 

7 Plain or undecorated. 

8 Here the term Hana Mishima is repeated, though occurring only in the pre- 
ceding line. The book is somewhat carelessly written. 

9 The irapo were low-priced bowls serving in Korea for making offerings to the 
dead on the cemeteries (T. Oueda, /. c, p. LVIII). 

10 /. e. an irapo bowl made by the potter Genyetsu from Kukihori. 

11 Written with Katakana signs. 

12 See above note I . 

13 Jap. chawan, lit. a tea-bowl, by which a large bowl to eat rice from is understood 
at present, while a tea-cup is called cha-nomi-wan, "bowl for tea-drinking." 

14 The name of a potter in the latter part of the fifteenth century about whom 
very little is known. Brinkley (p. 274) and Morse (p. 200) place him in the latter 
part of the fifteenth century, Tokounosouke Oueda (p. 8) in the first half of the 
seventeenth. His name is connected with the production of a yellow faience, the 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 35 

imitations are included. It is a mistake to designate all Gohon as 
Korean. 1 

Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1 536-1 598) despatched a ship from Sakai to 
Luzon and had a genuine jar (tsubo) made there. At that time, not 
only jars were brought home from there, but it is also probable that he 
sent to Luzon samples of Furuori Enshu. 2 Among Namban ware we 
find a cup to wash writing-brushes in (fude-arai) called Hana Tachi- 
bana, 3 copied from Raku ware, 4 and also a plain bowl in the style of 
Shigaraki Enshu Kirigata. 5 The fact that the lord of Enshu allowed 
the seal of this ware to be placed only on the pottery for his own royal 
household and on that of Ido 6 is of deep significance. 

The Mishima bowls (domburi) now in general use are made of pur- 
yellow ware of Seto (Ki-Seto), some of which are attributed by tradition directly to his 
hand. The later copies of his work were, as in so many other cases, named for 
him, and this makes the point of coincidence with the Irapo of Genyetsu. 

1 This is a repetition of what was stated above in regard to the Gohon. 

2 The Takatori pottery named for the lord of Enshu, Kobori Masakazu (see 
above, p. 32). The term furuori (or according to Sinico-Japanese reading ko-shoku) 
means "ancient weavings," and possibly refers to a group of pottery decorated 
with textile patterns. If the above statement should really prove to be an historical 
fact, it would shed light on the piece of alleged Enshu pottery discussed by our 
author in the beginning of this chapter and explained by him as Namban. We 
could then establish the fact of an interchange of pottery between Takatori and 
Luzon which would have resulted in mutual influences and imitations. 

3 /. e. decorated pottery with an orange glaze. This ware was produced toward 
the middle of the eighteenth century at Agano, Buzen Province; its glaze was 
granulated so as to resemble the skin of an orange, hence known as tachibana (Brink- 
ley, p. 403). The process is of Chinese origin (St. Julien, Histoire et fabrication de 
la porcelaine chinoise, p. 195; S. W. Bushell, Description of Chinese Pottery and 
Porcelain, p. 58). 

* Raku is the designation of a hand-made pottery originating from a Korean 
potter Ameya Yeisei who settled at Kyoto in 1525. His son Chojiro was protected 
by Hideyoshi and presented by him with a gold seal bearing the character Raku 
("Joy") derived from the name of his palace Juraku erected at Kyoto in 1586; 
hence the mark and name of this pottery. 

5 Shigaraki is a place in the Nagano district, Omi province, where pottery 
furnaces were at work as long ago as the fourteenth century. Large tea-jars for 
the preservation of tea-leaves were the dominant feature of its manufacture. A 
tea-jar of this kind, of extraordinary size, glazed a light-reddish tinge with splashes 
of pale-green overglaze on the shoulders, is in the collections of the Field Museum. 
The variety of Shigaraki mentioned in the text is usually called Enshu-Shigaraki, 
named after Kobori Masakazu, the lord of Enshu, to whom reference was made 
above (p. 32). According to Brinkley (p. 369), the productions with this label 
offer no distinctive features, but are valued by the tea-clubs for the sake of their 
orthodox shapes and sober glazes. 

6 Ido is a keramic district in Korea from which Shinkuro and Hachizo hailed, 
two Korean captives who after Hideyoshi's expedition to Korea settled at Takatori 
in Chikuzen and started a kiln there. During the early years of their work they 
used only materials imported from their native country, and these productions were 
therefore designated as Ido. Kobori Masakazu, the feudal chief of Enshu, interested 
himself in the Korean potters and became influential in the perfection of their work. 
The Ido-yaki seems to have served also the Korean potter of Hagi as a model, for 
the chief characteristic of his productions was grayish craquele glaze with clouds of 
salmon tint (Brinkley, p. 344). 

36 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

plish clay, and the glaze is decorated in the style of nipples (chichimi 
mbyo). They are much neater than Korean ware. As they are fired 
under an intense heat, their shapes are well curved, and their sound is 
metallic. They are all of Kukihori style. 

Old Ido {Furu-Ido or Ko-Ido), Green Ido {Ao-Ido), and Ido-waki 
which are green and hard are manufactured in Eastern India. The 
book Wa-Kan-cha-shi ("Records regarding Tea in Japan and China") 
says that this pottery comes from India, and that even those pieces 
said to be produced in Korea have come over from India; the assertion 
of some that it is called Ido as being made in the style of a certain potter 
Ido is erroneous ; Furu-Ido and Ao-Ido are entirely different from other 
Ido both in clay and glaze. This explanation of the Book on Tea is 
correct: the Ido mentioned above are of Indian make, and the other 
Ido are Korean. 1 There are also Shiusan 2 Ido and Sowa 3 Ido which 
appear to be kinds of pottery of India Ido. Their glaze is blistered and 
of low grade. Ao-Ido is the celadon 4 of India. Among the objects 
left in the temple Kin-chi-in by Todo Takatora 5 (i 556-1630), there are 
also Ido which seem to be celadons (seiji). 

Namban Totoya 6 pottery has a blue-black glaze uncrackled. Its 
clay is black and purplish, and its sound is metallic. Some have three 
or four apertures 7 in the body, and others more. The old ones are 
called Kaki-no-heta ("Persimmon-calyx"). Among this class, also 
incense-boxes {kogo) and pitchers {mizusashi) are found. 

As regards Namban celadon {seiji), it has a black-purple clay and 
green glaze {sei-yaku) running in white streams {tamari-yaku) here and 
there. It has a metallic sound and is popularly called Muji Kumo- 
tsuru or Un-kwaku, 8 or Hagi make. As regards the production of the 
green, it is called Karatsu Kumo-tsuru. What the ancients called 
Muji Kumo-tsuru is this. 

The pottery designated as Old Kumo-tsuru and Kumo-tsuru is a 
production of the Namban. Its style of painting is fine, and the mark 

1 Regarding these Korean Ido see Brinkley, pp. 51-52. 

2 The name is composed of the two characters for "ship" (shiu, Jap. June) and 
"mountain" (san, Jap. yama). The name is derived from Chou-shan, a place in the 
province of Fukien, China, where a hard white porcelain was made. 

3 Transcribed in Katakana. 

4 Jap. seiji, "green porcelain," identical with the Chinese name for celadons. 
Probably the celadons of Siam are meant here (T. H. Lyle, Notes on the An- 
cient Pottery Kilns at Sawankalok, Siam. Journal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 
XXXIII, 1903, pp. 238-245). 

6 A daimyo who served Nobunaga and then Hideyoshi and retired on his master's 
death into the monastery Koyasan. 

6 Transcribed in Katakana. 

7 Lit. eyes. 

8 1, e. plain, with clouds and cranes, a favorite design in celadons. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 37 

of a tripod vessel (gotoku) with which it is provided is also a tripod vessel 
of the Namban. 

On the preceding pages the difference between Korean and Namban 
pottery has been explained. Further details will follow. Namban 
are the various countries as described in the previous notes (koguchi- 

Namban pottery provided with the seal of the oven from which it 
originates is usually not recognized as such by our contemporaries, 

though clay and glaze point to its being Namban. The mark 1 1 
finely made on Imbe ware, the mark >\ on a jar (tsubo) of Bizen, the 


mark I three times on a tea-canister (cha-ire) of the same ware, and 

the mark Roku-zo on a pitcher (mizusashi) , and marks on several other 
potteries represent the national writing of Luzon (Luzon-no kokuji)} 
Also a deep-brown glazed tea-canister (shibu yaku-no cha-ire) on which 

the character t"^ 3 is written consists of Namban clay. Some of these 


marks may have been produced by Japanese who crossed over; but 
others may have been made by the natives (Man-jin), for it cannot be 
ruled that Namban has no marks of the furnace. There is, e. g., on a 
fire-pan (hi-ire) of Annam the mark Ta-kang 4 impressed by means 
of a seal, which is the name of the maker. The tea-canisters called 
Chosen-Garatsu (Korean Karatsu) 5 which have a plant-green (moyegi) 
glaze and purplish clay, or also dark-brown (shibu) glaze with purplish 
clay are taken by our contemporaries for real Karatsu-make on account 
of their seals of the furnace, but I consider them as foreign manufac- 

1 This is a Chinese character {ting, Jap. tei). Imbe pottery is characterized by 
a great variety of peculiar marks the significance of most of which is unknown (see 
Morse, pp. 49 et seq.). 

2 The following characters, found in Philippine alphabets, resemble somewhat 


: Pampanga; 5 Tagalog; ^ 

> Visayan ; 

the markings on these vessels: Pampanga; 3 Tagalog; ? Ilocano, 

equivalents for la; \ Visayan; Pampanga and Tagbanua for na; 

Tagbanua for ka. [F. C. C] 

3 Denoting the numeral 7. 

4 The two characters are transcribed according to the Annamite pronunciation. 

5 Brinkley, p. 310. 

38 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

tures in view of the presence of the seals. Such canisters were the 
models of the Oribe ware. 1 Karatsu pots are not made with a view to 
durability and therefore not in need of affixing a seal of the furnace. 
According to clay and glaze, they are objects of the Man. It may be 
that Japanese who went abroad imported this ware, or some may have 
imported the clay and glaze and baked the vessels at home. At any 
rate, it is not the clay and glaze of Karatsu. 

II. Luzon 

Of pottery vessels of Luzon, there is a large variety. As a rule, 
people call only jars (tsubo) and tea-canisters (cha-ire) Luzons. Owing 
to the fact that all other articles of Luzon bear out a similarity to those 
of Hagi, Karatsu, Seto, Bizen, Tamba, Takatori, Higo, Oribe, and 
Shino, 2 Luzons are erroneously believed to be restricted to the above 
two articles. Comparing the specimens discovered by me with those 
imported at present by Chinese junks, I may give the following de- 
scriptions of the various wares. 

1. Tamba looks very much like Luzon. Luzon is of hard clay 
and lustrous glaze. Greenish -yellow glaze is splashed (fukidasu) over 
the bottom. Our home-made ware (i. e. Tamba), however, is soft, 
and greenish -yellow glaze is painted on the bottom. It frequently 

1 Brinkley, p. 275. 

2 These are, with the exception of Shino, names of pottery-producing localities 
in Japan; the wares themselves are simply named for the places of production. 
Most of them have been referred to in the preceding chapter. Hagi is the chief 
town in the province of Nagato where pottery kilns were started in the sixteenth 
century by a Korean whose descendants have continued the manufacture down to the 
present time. Higo is the principal province on the island of Kiushu where pottery- 
making, also under Korean influence, commenced in 1598. The Shino pottery, a 
rude stoneware of thick, white crackled glaze, decorated with primitive designs in 
dark-brown (shibu) pigments, was originated in 1480 by Shino Ienobu, a celebrated 
master of the tea-ceremonies (Brinkley, p. 276); Morse (p. 191) gives 1700 as the 
earliest date to which pieces recognized under the name of Shino go back, but the 
type of this pottery must have been made long before this date, as the gray, white- 
inlaid Shino is accorded an age of three hundred and fifty years. 

Our author Tanaka has a different story to tell regarding the origin of Shino. 
In his second volume (p. 9) he relates that Shino Munenobu utilized a white-glazed 
water-basin from Luzon and turned it into a rice-bowl, which gave rise to the name 
"bowl of Shino" {Shino chawan) ; later on, this bowl was handed down to Imai Mune- 
hisa, but the book Mei-butsu-ki ("Records of Famous Objects") says that it is 
Chinese; imitations of this bowl made in Owari are called Shino-yaki; there are 
many wares from Luzon and Annam which are like Shinoyaki, and which should be 
carefully distinguished according to clay and glaze. This account plainly shows how 
hazy and uncertain Japanese traditions regarding their potters and pottery are. 
The man Shino Munenobu is called by Brinkley Shino Ienobu, by Morse Shino 
Saburo or Shino Oribe (pseudonym Shino So-on), by T. Oueda Shino Soshin. Has 
he really lived, and when? If he lived in the latter part of the fifteenth century, as 
maintained by a weak tradition, he is not very likely to have obtained any pottery 
from Luzon, as there is no evidence of Japan having had any intercourse with the 
Philippines at such an early date. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 39 

happens that Luzon is mistaken for a Tamba. 1 The distinction must 
be made by examining the particular features, as they closely resemble 
each other in their general make-up. 

2. Matsumoto Hagi 2 is of soft (yawaraka) clay, its glaze is not 
transparent (sukitoru), and its sound is mellow (yawaraka) . Luzon has 
a white clay and lustrous glaze, its lustre being more vigorous than the 
green of a snake (jakatsu) ; 3 it has a clear sound. There are Tamba 
which are alike Matsumoto; they are of yellow clay. 4 

3. Takatori is of red clay and crackled glaze. Luzon is of white 
and yellow clay, with uncrackled glaze, and has the design of a whirl 
(uzu) on the handle. 

4. Among Seto there are Luzons. 5 Among these there are pitchers, 
bowls and tea-canisters with gold glaze and black streaks running over 
it. They are found scattered among those called "certain wares" 

5. Oribe and Luzon resemble each other. Luzon is hard and 
lustrous; Oribe is soft and of poor lustre. 

6. There are also Shino which are identical with Luzons. Luzons 
have a transparent glaze, and on the bottoms and handles of the bowls 

1 The notice of Brinkley (p. 399), presumably derived also from a Japanese 
source, that the early productions of Tamba, — a peculiar faience having reddish 
paste and blisters on its surface, — are supposed to resemble an imported ware at- 
tributed to Siam, is remarkable in this connection. Brinkley, further, alludes to 
splashed glazes on Tamba which occasionally occur and are not without attractions, 
and Mr. Morse (p. 179) describes a Tamba jar of rich brown Seto glaze with splashes 
of lustrous brown, mottled with greenish-yellow; but neither mentions splashes or 
paints on the bottom. Oueda Tokounosouke (La c£ramique japonaise, p. 90) 
says regarding the ancient Tamba pieces that their surface is uneven or rough like 
the Korean vases or those of the Namban, — the only previous instance in our 
literature where this term has been used with reference to pottery. 

2 Matsumoto is a place in the Abu district, province of Nagato. The Korean 
Rikei who opened pottery work in Hagi, on his search for suitable clay, first dis- 
covered it at Matsumoto, and there he settled (Brinkley, p. 344; Morse, p. 82). 

3 Jakatsu is the name of a peculiar glaze invented in China, imitated in a ware 
of Satsuma; its dark gray and green glaze is run in large, distinct globules, supposed 
to resemble the skin of a snake (but not the scales on a dragon's back, as Brinkley, 
p. 137, says). In China, this glaze (called "snake-skin green," shi p'i lii) nrst ap- 
pears in the era of K'ang-hi (1662-1722) and is still imitated at King-t6-ch6n (St. 
Julien, Histoire et fabrication de la porcelaine chinoise, pp. 107, 195). 

4 Mr. Morse (p. 178) speaking of the earliest Tamba made in Onohara evidently 
alludes to this passage when he says: "These are probably the ones mentioned in 
Tokiko as resembling old Hagi." But Morse maintains that these pieces have 
reddish clay. 

s Seto is a small village in the province of Owari. The Seto ware {setomono 
or setoyaki) which has become the generic term for all ceramic manufactures of 
Japan was originated by Toshiro, the so-called Father of Pottery (regarding his life 
see Morse, pp. 183-184). In Vol. II, p. 11 of his work, Tanaka remarks that 
among a kind of yellow Seto (Ki-Seto), to which we referred above (p. 34), with 
lustrous glaze and metallic sound. Luzon. Annam, and Fukien wares are mixed, that 
the latter has fine white clay, while Seto clay is coarse. 

40 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

there are designs of tomoye and three apertures. Shino has nothing 
of the kind. 

7. The tea-canisters of Luzon are of the best quality. Those 
which might be confounded with Tamba are first and second grades. 
Those looking like Seto are coarse and low grades of Luzons. They 
are frequently found together with those ranging as second qualities 
among the Namban. 1 The water-dishes (mizu-ire) 2 and oil-dishes 
(abura-ire) among the Namban with yellow clay and splashes of dark- 
brown (shibu fukidasu) are Luzons. 

8. I obtained a tea-canister of the shape 1 / similar to Tamba. 

On its shoulders, four plum-blossoms and two seals are impressed by 
means of a stamp. The writing was first illegible, but when I rubbed 

it, it appeared as follows: 

3 % 


The symbol in the latter 

seal may be the character \rji Lit in the national writing of Luzon. 4 

This vessel was of yellow clay and tea-colored glaze with splashes of 
dark-brown (shibu). 

9. Pearl-gray celadon (shuko seiji) is the celadon (seiji) of Luzon. 

10. Sun-koroku should be written Rusun- (*. e. Luzon) koroku. 5 

1 Namban is here expressed in the text by "insular objects." 

2 Dishes containing the water to be poured on the ink-pallets and used in rubbing 
a cake of ink. 

3 In the Japanese text, the two seals are placed the one below the other; for the 
sake of convenience, they are here arranged side by side. 

4 This supposition is probably correct. The case is as follows. The second 
portion of the seal plainly contains two Chinese characters reading sung ch'i; this 
character sung is used in writing the second syllable in the name of Luzon, Chinese 
Lii-sung, Japanese Ru-sun. It is therefore logical to conjecture the character for 
Lii preceding that for sung. The sign in the first seal, however, is not obviously 
identical with the latter, but apparently a variation of it in ornamental style, which, 
as suggested by our author, may have developed on Luzon itself. If we adopt 
this reading, we obtain the legend: Lii-sung ch'i (Chinese) or Ru-sun tsukuru (Jap- 
anese), which means: "Luzon make," or "made on Luzon." I see no reason to 
doubt the credibility of our informant, and take it for granted that a vessel with such 
a seal really was in existence. This fact, then, is of great historical importance, 
for it demonstrates that pottery may have actually been manufactured on the 
Philippines either by Chinese or Japanese, or by both. 

5 Mr. Morse (p. 321) alludes to this passage in the following notice: "The 
work Tokiko says that the word Sunkoroku ought to be written Rosokoroku. It 
further adds that Sun stands for the Chinese dynasty, and Koroku the name of a 
pottery." But it will be seen from the above text that our author means to express 
a different sense. He is far from identifying the word Sun with the Sung dynasty, 
but proposes to interpret it as Lii-sung, Rusun, Luzon (the reading Roso is certainly 
possible, but the Tokiko, in the first passage where the word occurs, transcribes the 
characters in Kana as Rusun). The pottery called Sunkoroku is, according to 
Morse, a hard stoneware with dull yellowish or grayish clay (that having the former 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 41 

On Luzon it is the designation for a dyed article. On a flowerpot of 
Mitani Rioboku Fukushiu, the legend Karamono Koroku (i. e. Chinese 
Koroku) is inscribed. Koroku is an article of pottery. It is so called 
by combining the names of the utensil and the locality. It is soft 
because it is not thoroughly baked. Among later imports some with 
black designs and pale-yellow glaze are encountered. Its sound is 

11. Luzon is compact and dense both in clay and glaze. After 
years, when washed, it appears like new, and its age may be doubted. 
This is due to the intense heat of the tropical regions. 

12. The genuine jars and tea-canisters have their bottoms concave. 1 
The "Book on Tea" (Cha-kei) says: "When placed on the bottom and 
on the sides of the body, tea keeps well in these jars." Luzon, therefore, 
is serviceable for tea. 

13. The best qualities are of white clay; the middle grades are of 
yellow clay mixed with white clay and sand ; and the lowest grades are 
of purplish-black clay. 

14. All Luzon pieces have the wheel-mark (rokuro) Cq) • ® n the 
incense-boxes (kogo) it is always found inside of the body and on the 
lid. On the basins (hachi), censers (koro) and bowls (chawan) it is 
outside on the bottom. On the pitchers (mizusashi) it is on the handle. 
Among the so-called Koshido of Iga Shigaraki, Luzons are numerous. 
They should carefully be distinguished. Those of stronger lustre 
and free from any defilements are Luzons. One will surely find two 
vertical spatular marks on the right. 

The following varieties are encountered among Luzons: Tea- 
canisters with plum-blossoms impressed by means of a stamp, and a 

color being the oldest) with a peculiar archaic decoration of scrolls and diapers, 
rarely landscapes, carefully drawn in dark brown; whatever the origin of the style 
of decoration, it forms a most unique type. There are fifteen pieces of this pottery 
in the Morse collection at Boston, and one of these is dated 1845. It may hence 
be inferred that the first part of the nineteenth century is the period when the Sun- 
koroku was in vogue. The Japanese concerned seem to agree in assigning to it a 
foreign origin. T. Oueda (La c^ramique japonaise, p. 69) explains the word as the 
name of a centre of foreign manufacture the products of which were imitated. 
Brinkley (p. 171) holds a more elaborate theory. He makes Sunkoroku a variety 
of Satsuma copied from a faience of archaic character manufactured near Aden, and 
valued by the Japanese for the sake of its curiosity and foreign origin. "The 
pdte is stone-gray, tolerably hard, but designedly less fine than that of choice Satsu- 
ma wares. The glaze is translucid, and the decoration consists of zigzags, scrolls, 
diapers, and tessellations in dark brown obtained from the juice of the Kaki. The 
Indian affinities of this type are unmistakable. It is not without interest, but a 
somewhat coarse gray faience with purely conventional designs in dark brown cer- 
tainly cannot boast many attractions. The original ware of Aden is, in some cases, 
redeemed from utter homeliness by a curious purplish tinge which the glaze assumes 
in places." It is evident that this pottery is different from that of our Japanese 
author, which is stated to be soft. 

1 This is the case in all specimens of Philippine jars in Mr. Cole's collection 

42 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

thin yellow-green glaze. The same with a combination of black and 
gold glaze. The same with gold glaze. The same with black glaze. 
The same with tea-colored (brownish) glaze and provided with ears. 
The same with green-yellow glaze. The same with yellow glaze. The 
same of the shape of a rice-kettle. The same with four nipples. 1 The 
same with projecting bottom. The same called Usu-ito-giri. 2 The 
same called Hi-tasuki. 3 The same with candy-brown 4 glaze. Mon- 
rin. 5 Tegami. 6 Oil-pitchers. The same with ears. The same, Utsu- 
mi and Daikei. 7 The same called Nasubi. 8 The same called Wari- 
futa. 9 Various shapes of Bizen. Shapes of Iga, and other kinds. 

Of Mishima there are the following: Undecorated common ones 
(muji-hira). The same, of the black variety of the country Go. 10 
With painting of a trout (ayu). Various kinds with brush -marks 
(hakeme). Old Mishima. Deep bowls (domburi). Various Mishima. 
Gourd-shaped fire-holders with brush -mark. 

Of white porcelain, there are the following: Pitchers (katakuchi) . 
Hand-jugs (te-bachi). Boat-shaped jugs (fune-bachi) . n Various bowls. 
Tachimizu. Gourd-shaped fire-holders. Plain basins. Fire-holders 

1 /. e. knobs. The Chinese archaeologists avail themselves of the same expression 
in describing the knobs on certain ancient bronze bells and metal mirrors. Com- 
pare p. 36. 

2 1, e. cut with a thin thread. The thread was used to cut off the superfluous 
clay at the bottom of the piece before removing the latter from the wheel, a con- 
trivance first applied by the famous potter Toshiro of the thirteenth century (Brink- 
ley, p. 266). The term is here simply used in opposition to the pieces with pro- 
jecting bottom. 

3 1, e. vermilion cord; tasuki is a cord used for girding up the sleeves while work- 
ing. These vessels doubtless had a cord brought out in relief around the neck, as 
may be seen, e. g., also in Chinese terra cotta of Yi-hsing. 

4 A me or takane is a kind of jelly made from wheat or barley flour. 

8 Or Bun-rin. Brinkley (p. 319) mentions a tea-jar named Fun-rin cha-tsubo, 
without explaining this designation. 

6 Jars with ears. 

7 Utsumi (Chinese: nei hai) means inland sea, and daikei (Chinese: t'a hai) 
great sea; expressions to denote certain varieties of pottery. 

8 1, e. egg-plant. 

9 1, e. with divided lids. 

10 Chinese: Wu. Wu was the name of an ancient kingdom in China inhabited 
by a non-Chinese stock of peoples and comprising the territory of the present prov- 
ince of Kiangsu, the south of Anhui, and the north of ChSkiang and Kiangsi. An 
ancient tradition has it that the Japanese called themselves descendants of the 
ancestor of the kings of Wu (Chavannes, Les memoires historiques de Se-ma 
Ts'ien, Vol. IV, p. 1), and the oldest cultural relations of Japan with China refer to 
this region. The Japanese understand the name Wu (or Go according to their 
pronunciation) in the sense of middle China, also as China in general, sometimes 
more specifically as the region of the Yangtse Delta, or as Nanking. 

11 A jardiniere in the shape of a boat, of Shino pottery, is figured in Collection 
Ch. Gillot, p. 104. 

July, 1912. Chinese Pottery. 43 

with ears. Kaya-tsubo. 1 Wine-cups 2 with ears, on stands. KCroku 
water-pitcher. Koroku deep bowls (domburi). The same, hexagonal 
incense-box. The same, incense-box in straight lines. 

Of Oribe shapes, the following are known: Three incense-boxes. 
Water-pitcher (mizutsugi). Flower-vase. Bowl. Basin. 

Of Shino shapes, a bowl, incense-box, water-pitcher, wine-cup, 
saucer, basin, jug (katakuchi) , and others, are known. 

Of black-glazed ware, flower-vases with ears, various water-pitchers, 
and tachimizu with ears are known. 

Of Iga shapes, water-pitchers with ears, one made by Koson, 3 and 
various pieces similar to Iga and Shigaraki are known. 

Various pieces resembling Seto, Tamba, Takatori, Yasshiro, Karatsu, 

Of plainly burnt ware: 4 bottle with vermilion cord (hi-tasuki 
tokuri); fire-holder; gourd-shaped water-pitcher; large and small 

Of gourd-shaped pieces there are: jugs {katakuchi); hexagonal ones; 
tachimizu; flower-vases with horizontal rope and ears; rippled bowls 
with sea-slug glaze ; 5 basin in the shape of a fish ; water-pitcher with 
dark-brown (shibu) glaze and potato-head (imo-gashira) . 

Of Shibu ware there are water-pitchers with indented rim; green- 
glazed katakuchi, and the same of black glaze and gold glaze. 

This account is exceedingly interesting, but must certainly not be 
accepted on its face value. The author apparently suffers from a 
certain degree of Luzonitis by seeing Luzon ware in every possible case, 
and without rendering himself a clear account of what this Luzon 
pottery is. Judging from the extensive trade carried on between China 
and the Philippines, the large bulk of foreign pottery brought to the 
Islands must have been of Chinese origin, and the descriptions given 
by our Japanese author, however succinct they may be, hardly allow 
of any other inference than that the pieces referred to are Chinese. 
If we adopt this point of view, an embarrassing difficulty arises at once. 
If it is here the question of plainly Chinese pottery, why does the 
Japanese scholar not make any statement to this effect? Is it believable 
that a Japanese expert in ceramics who is bound to know Chinese 
pottery thoroughly, and who writes about it with authority in the same 

1 Lit. mosquito-net jars. 

2 Choku, lit. pig's mouth. 

J Apparently provided with this mark. 

4 Suyaki-mono, i. e. unglazed pottery. 

• Namako-gusuri, so called from the likeness which the flambi glaze bears to the 
greenish-blue mottled tints of the sea-slug (namako), a Chinese glaze imitated in 
Satsuma ware (Brinkley, p. 137). 

44 Field Museum of Natural History- 1 — Anth., Vol. XII. 

book, should have failed to recognize the Chinese character of pieces 
brought from Luzon over to Japan? If he does not allude to any 
Chinese relationship, but classifies this ware as a distinct group of 
Luzons, — what is, or could then be, the specific character of these pro- 
ductions to differentiate them from Chinese or any other? One point 
is obvious at the outset, — that this Luzon ware cannot be due to any 
native tribes of the Philippines. The descriptions refer to highly 
glazed pieces of an advanced workmanship, such as have never been 
turned out by the aborigines, whose primitive unglazed or polished 
earthenware could hardly have tempted the Japanese, not to speak of 
having elicited their admiration, as we read on the preceding pages. 
In order to understand, on the part of the Japanese, the assumption of 
an individual, artistic Philippine pottery coveted by them and deemed 
worthy of imitation, we have three possibilities to take into considera- 
tion: the trade of Siam and Cambodja with the Islands by which 
pottery of these countries has doubtless reached them, particularly 
the celadon made in Siam; a special manufacture of pottery in China 
for the needs of the Philippine market; and possibly, to a certain extent, 
a home production on the Islands through Chinese or Japanese settlers 
(or both) } By availing themselves of local clays and glazing materials, 
these may have accomplished a ware of fairly peculiar qualities and yet 
not much removed from what they had learned in the lands of their 
birth. Such an hypothesis would indeed meet the requirements of the 
situation advantageously and satisfactorily. The only objection to 
be made to it, — and it is certainly a strong one, — is that no record of 
any Sino-Japanese pottery-making on the Islands exists, either in 
Spanish accounts, or in native traditions, or in Chinese and Japanese 
literature. On the other hand, no valid reason could be advanced 
against the possibility of its existence, and in the same manner as the 
ruins of the celadon kilns of Siam, for a long time disowned, have finally 
been discovered, we may expectantly look forward to a future similar 

1 In the Seiyd-ki-bun, an old Japanese manuscript by Arm Hakuseki, trans- 
lated by S. R. Brown (Journal North China Branch Royal Asiatic Society, N. S., 
Vols. II and III, Shanghai, 1865 and 66), there is the following passage relative to 
the Japanese settlement on Luzon (Vol. II, p. 80) : "In the southwest part of Luzon, 
there is a mountain which produces a large amount of silver. More than three 
thousand descendants of Japanese emigrants live there together and do not depart 
from the customs of their fatherland. When their officers make their appearance 
abroad, they wear two swords and are accompanied by spear-bearers. The rest of 
these Japanese wear one sword. The Spaniards have laws for the government of 
this colony of Japanese, and do not let them wander about in the country indis- 
criminately. Four years ago twelve Japanese who had been driven off from our 
coast by a storm, arrived at Rusun [Luzon], and the Spaniards assigned them a 
place with the rest of their countrymen." The political platform of these Japanese 
colonizers, who seem to have been settled before i^g8,was an entente cordiale with the 
Spaniards and hostile attitude toward the Chinese, in their own interest (see Rela- 
tions of the Chinese, etc., p. 269). 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 45 

discovery on the Philippines. One palpable piece of evidence pointing 
in this direction is furnished by our author in the description of a tea- 
canister bearing the Chinese seal "Luzon make" (p. 40). The only 
plausible explanation for this, if the report is correct, — and I see no 
reason to take umbrage at it, — is that a jar with such a special mark 
could but have been produced on the very soil of Luzon. 

Conspicuous among the pottery recorded in the TokikO are the 
celadons. They are attributed to the Namban in general, to India and 
to Luzon in particular. The black-purple clay, the green glaze, the 
metallic sound, the designs of clouds and cranes, all pronounced char- 
acteristics of celadons, are insisted on by our author. The search of 
the Japanese for celadons in the Philippines is the more remarkable, as 
they received these vessels from China and Korea and subsequently 
manufactured them in their own country. Celadon was imitated at 
Okawachi in the province of Hizen, though the time of its beginnings 
seems not to be known. According to Brinkley (p. 99) the color of 
the glaze in some of the best specimens is indescribably beautiful; 
only a practiced eye can perceive that, in point of delicacy and lustre, 
the advantage is with the Chinese ware. In the first part of the seven- 
teenth century, celadon was produced at Himeji in the province of 
Harima on the Inland Sea (Ibid., p. 372), in the eighteenth century by 
the potter Eisen at Kyoto (p. 210), later on at Meppo (p. 378), from 1801 
at Inugahara (p. 380), quite recently by Seifu at Kyoto (p. 417), and 
at Otokoyama in the province of Kishiu (p. 377). 

Hideyoshi, the Taiko, a liberal patron of the ceramic industry which 
was revived and promoted under his untiring activity, had a genuine 
jar made for himself on Luzon, as stated by our author. This is in 
accord with contemporaneous Jesuit relations. The Jesuit Ludwig 
Froez (Frois) wrote in 1595: "In the Philippines jars called boioni are 
found which are estimated low there but highly priced in Japan, for the 
delicious beverage Cie (tea) is well preserved in them; hence what is 
counted as two crowns by the Filipino, is much higher valued in Japan 
and looked upon as the greatest wealth like a gem." 1 Hideyoshi 
monopolized the trade in this pottery and is said to have confiscated 
similar jars on their arrival from Japanese Christians who had purchased 
them at Manila, and to have prohibited any further trade in them under 
penalty of death. 2 But the same Hideyoshi was visited in his castle at 
Osaka by Chinese merchants who brought him the choicest ceramic 
productions of their country. Many a noble pair of celadon vases 

1 Quoted by O. Munsterberg, Chinesische Kunstgeschichte, Vol. II, p. 247. 

2 O. Nachod, Die Beziehungen der Niederlandischen Ostindischen Kompagnie 
zu Japan, p. 57 (Leipzig, 1897). Compare also Cole, above, p. 10. 

46 Field Museum of Natural History — Anth., Vol. XII. 

thus came into his possession, and were presented by him to temples 
throughout the country where several of them are still carefully pre- 
served. 1 For this reason, we are bound to presume, either that the 
celadons hunted by the Japanese on the Philippines were different from 
those imported from China, or that the Chinese imports did not suffice 
to fill the demand, and that the commercial opportunities afforded on 
the Philippines must have had a special attraction for them. This may 
indeed be inferred from the political events of the time. Hideyoshi's 
military expedition to Korea in 1597 was a blow directed against China. 
During the rule of the Ming dynasty (1 368-1 643), commercial relations 
between China and Japan were crippled; Japanese corsairs pillaged 
the coasts of southern China, and fear of them led to the exclusion of 
Japanese trading-vessels except admission on special passports, and 
but few Chinese junks stealthily made for Japan. Only the advance 
of the Manchu dynasty brought about a change in these conditions, 
and after the Dutch had lost the possession of Formosa (1662), China's 
trade with Japan began to flourish. While Hideyoshi, owing to the 
high ambitions of his politics, observed a hostile attitude toward China, 
he cast his eyes Philippine ward. In 1592, he despatched a message to 
the Spanish Governor, demanding the recognition of his supremacy; 
otherwise he would enforce it by an invasion and devastation of the 
Islands. The frightened Governor, not prepared for such an attack nor 
willing to lose the profitable trade relations with Japan, sent an embassy 
under the leadership of a Dominican to the Taiko to whom he offered a 
treaty of amity. Hideyoshi promised to desist from military action, 
on payment of a yearly tribute. In 1593, the conditions of this treaty 
were stipulated, according to which the Japanese promised to despatch 
annually to Manila ships freighted with provisions, to stop piracy, and 
to grant passports to Spanish captains for the safety of their ships. 2 

In many cases where our Japanese author believes to recognize 
Namban or Luzon types among well-known Japanese wares, I am under 
the impression that such coincidences, partially, may be due to the 
common ancestorship of these pieces being in China. The traditions 
of Japanese potters rest on those of China, and even in comparatively 
modern productions of Japanese furnaces, many ancient Chinese forms 
are rather faithfully preserved. Mr. Morse (p. 320), in speaking of 
Satsuma, has the following interesting remark: "One of the types 
of Ninagawa 3 resembles very closely in form a jar found among ancient 
Chinese pieces discovered in caves in Borneo, an example of which is 

1 Brinkley, /. c, p. 31. 

2 Nachod, /. c, pp. 58, 60. 

3 A Japanese writer on pottery. 

July, 191 2. Chinese Pottery. 47 

in the Trocadero Museum in Paris." This can only mean to say that 
the piece in question is derived from a Chinese type, which was also 
the parent of the Borneo jar. 

But whatever our criticism of this Japanese record may be, it re- 
veals a good many interesting facts hitherto unknown to us. It unrolls 
a picture of a former intimate contact between the two cultures, and 
undeniably shows that at a time the Philippines must have been a rich 
storehouse of fine pottery of various descriptions coveted and imitated 
1 >y the Japanese. We are thus confronted with the fact that historical 
problems worthy of investigation are connected with the Philippines, 
and that the question of foreign potter)' in existence on the Islands is 
much more complicated than it appears on the surface. Inquiries 
should be made in Japan as to any surviving examples of this so-called 
Luzon pottery and its possible influences on indigenous manufactures. 
Further research conducted in the Philippines may bring to light addi- 
tional material toward the solution of this problem. 


03 . 
•rt <o 

J3 O 


Pokanin burial cave. Southern Mindoro. 
Compare pp. 8, 19. 



Burial Cave. 





Chinese Dragon- Jar. 
Catalogue No. 109159. Height 53.7 cm., diameter of opening 12.6 cm. 
From Abra Sub-province, Northern Luzon. A man's wealth is largely reckoned 
in these jars; they also are used as part payment for a bride. 
Compare pp. 14, 23. 


Chinese Dragon-Jar. 

Plate VI. 

_ , Chinese Dragon- Jar. 

Catalogue No .109157. Height 51.7 cm., diameter of opening 16.6 cm. 

t rom Abra Sub-province, Luzon. 

Compare pp. 14, 23. 


Chinese Dragon-Jar. 


Chinese Dragon- Jar. 
Catalogue No. 109156. Height 50.5 cm., diameter of opening 16.4 cm. 
From Abra Sub-province, Luzon. 
Compare p. 14. 



Chinese Dragon-Jar. 

Plate IVIII. 

Chinese Dragon- Jar. 
Catalogue No. 109 158. Height, 50 cm., diameter of opening 17.7 cm. 
From Abra Sub-province, Luzon. 
Compare pp. 14, 23. 


Chinese Dragon-Jar. 

x "fi « « s a 

5 hai* 

5-Sf-Sf.3 S 


gvOvO o 0> 

s on o\<< «j 
.goo . . 

o vo 
3 a a, 6 . 

c8 cd oj cd q. 

. .<' w 1 




Chinese Jar with Blue and Green Mottled, Crackled Glaze. 
Catalogue No. 109164. Height 22 cm., diameter of opening 8.6 cm. 
From Abra Sub-province, Northern Luzon. A highly prized jar used for the 
same purposes as those shown in Plate IX. 
Compare pp. 14, 26. 


Chinese Jar with Blue and Green mottled. Crackled glaze. 

Plate XI. 

Chinese Dark Olive-Green Glazed Wine- Jar. 
Catalogue No. 109165. Height 21.5 cm., diameter of opening 6.5 cm. 
From Abra Sub-province, Northern Luzon. A highly prized jar used as a 
receptacle for sugar cane wine. 
Compare pp. 14, 26. 


Chinese Dark Olive-Green Glazed Wine-Jar. 


Chinese Light-Blue Glazed Jar. 
Catalogue No. 109160. Height 39.5 cm., diameter of opening 11.7 cm. 
From Abra Sub-province, Northern Luzon. Such jars are not in daily use, but 
frequently contain the liquor served at ceremonies and festivals. 
Compare pp. 14, 26. 



Chinese Light-Blue Glazed Jar. 


uj 2 a 

e I 5 

« 5 a, 

* a 8 J 











Chinese Liquor- Jar. 
Catalogue No. 128644. Height 48.9 cm., diameter of opening 12.7 cm. 
From North Central Mindanao. In this locality the jars while highly prized 
are put to practical use as liquor jars. 
Compare pp. 14, 26. 


Chinese Blue and Green Glazed Liquor-Jar. 


Chinese Green-Glazed Jar. 

Catalogue No. 128645. Height 61 cm., diameter of opening 15.3 cm. 

From North Central Mindanao. The possession of such a jar is a sign of wealth. 
The lashings are attached in order that the jar may be more easily carried when 
filled with liquor. 

Compare pp. 14, 22, 26. 



Chinese Green-Glazed Jar. 


Chinese Green-Glazed Wine- Jar. 
Catalogue No. 128643; height 22.3 cm., diameter of opening 9 cm. 
From North Central Mindanao. The wine used for ceremonies and other great 
occasions is kept in such jars. 
Compare pp. 14, 22, 26. 



Chinese Green-Glazed Wine-Jar. 


.cj fl rt 


1) H „ 

ing or 

de of t 


rj J) MM 

a >h N 



ium when 
ts the low' 
are pp. 15 




£.2 2 



*S 8 M 

01 (Ufr* 


< g