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THE CHINESE THEATER
kj ez'en hundred and fifty copies
of The Chinese Theater have
been printed from type and the
type distributed. Of this Lim-
ited Edition, seven hundred and
twenty copies are for sale, of
which this is
Number ../.^....
I
THE
CHINESE THEATER
BY
A. E. ZUCKER
Prafusor of Compcratiee Literature, Universily of Maryland
Form - ' ■-■•'anl Professor of English ,
i . ion Medical College
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
BOSTON
LfTTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY
MCMXX^
A GENERAL
Chinese Character Type
? '
THE
CHINESE THEATER
BY
A. E. ZUCKER
Professor oj Comparative Literature, University of Maryland
Formerly, Assistant Professor of English,
Peking Union Medical College
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS
63^9
BOSTON
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY
MCMXXV
Copyright, 1925,
By LiTTtE, Brown, and Company.
All rights reserved
Published November, 19*5
792. 09S/
7L
PRINTED IN THE OMITED STATES OF AHEEICA
\
w / ;..
To
MY WIFE, LOIS MILES
=L!=[?[!g [2Q=C£F
PREFACE
>^<--r-7'HE genial Reverend Arthur Smith in his
" Village Life in China " says that the
Chinese sometimes finds it hard to under-
' stand the Westerner. As an instance
;he cites the case of a tired traveler
who stops at an inn for the night and is told that
there will be theatricals in the evening. Instead
of sharing the glee of the natives, he gathers his
tired self together and hurries on to the next village
that he may enjoy his sleep far away from sounding
brass and clanging * cymbal. Possibly this explains
why among all the books written on China compara-
tively few concern themselves with the theater. One
might add too that the drama stands on a relatively
lower level than some other Chinese arts, for ex-
ample, landscape painting and lyric poetry. Yet
though his dramas are poor the Chinese actor has
at his command consummate skill to hold the mirror
up to life; he is no less of an artist than his Occi-
dental colleague.
Still, the subject has attracted a fair number of
' As I find the Revised Version, with a fuller understanding of
Oriental life, prefers to phrase it.
[vii]
PREFACE
Occidental writers. Du Halde was the first ; in his
monumental description of China published in 1735
he printed a translation by a Jesuit missionary of
the Yuan Dynasty drama, "The Orphan of the Chao
Family." It was this translation that inspired Vol-
taire's "L'Orphelin de la Chine." Other transla-
tions followed in the nineteenth century, together
with some critical material and various descriptions
of Chinese staging. In the last few years the in-
terest in the Chinese stage has evidently become
greater than ever, both in China and in Western
lands. A history of the Chinese drama, however,
has never been written ; largely because the Chinese
themselves have no such work. Only a few present-
day innovators among Celestial scholars consider
the drama as literature. Thus the information we
possess on this vast subject is very meager, and
much of it is also out of print. This book is an at-
tempt to gather together what is known on the sub-
ject, as well as to present in a volume supplied with
vivid illustrations the results of five years' experi-
ence with the Peking theater by a student of com-
parative literature possessed of a modest knowledge
of the Peking dialect.
Those who have so far written on the subject
have always spoken of a decadence of the drama
which set in immediately after the first period of
bloom in the Yuan Dynasty (1280-1368). In the
course of the revaluation of values now going on in
China this opinion is being changed. Mr. Wang Kuo-
[ viii ]
PREFACE
wei has recently compiled a dramatical catalogue
which shows that numerically, at least, there is no
decrease in the production of dramas. A trenchant
critic. Doctor Hu Shih, holds that only technically
can the drama of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)
be said to be inferior, because the compact and
unified plays of the Yuan period become diffuse
and of serpentine length ; but that in the matter of
characterization, poetic diction, and content they
are far superior. Furthermore, modern Chinese
criticism considers the very highest point of the
drama to have been reached in two historical trag-
edies of the Ching Dynasty (1644-1911). As can
readily be seen, there is an enormous amount of
work to be done in this field; and if the gaps and
errors in this book shall impel a competent scholar
to write the long overdue history of the Chinese
drama this work will have served its purpose.
In general the Chinese drama is like ours. It is
divided into acts, often corresponding in number to
our customary four or five. It is presented in a
manner strikingly similar to that employed during
our greatest period of the drama — Shakespeare's
day. It can be classified according to content into
our usual divisions. Historical drama prevails per-
haps; because of the great love of the Chinese for
his long tradition contemporaries of the Romans or
even earlier heroes are favorites on the stage.
Family drama is extremely popular, with subdivi-
sions such as the drama of the court room and
[ix]
PREFACE
criminal drama. The magic or mythological drama,
recalling perhaps " A Midsummer Night's Dream ",
is also very important; among this group the very
best plays are those that treat superstitious beliefs
satirically. Then there are dramas of character,
among which can be found a good counterpart to
" The Miser " of Plautus or Moliere. Dramas of in-
trigue abound on every program. Even the mono-
drama can be found among modern innovations.
And last, but by no means least, there is the religious
drama in some ways analogous to our miracle and
mystery plays.
The three chief religions of China have exerted
their influence on the stage. Confucianism supplies
the general moral background of the majority of
plays. The veneration of the scholar rather than
of the warrior makes the former the chief hero on
the Chinese stage, while filial piety is the most out-
standing virtue which the hero displays. Taoism,
generally described as the religion of superstitions,
is responsible for the many mythological and ghostly
figures that fill Chinese plays. Rational Confucian-
ism is not conducive to imaginative writing, but
under the influence of Taoism the Chinese allowed
his fancy to roam to the end that innumerable de-
lightful fairy and ghost stories were invented. The
keen sense of humor of the Chinese often comes to
the fore in plays dealing with Buddhist monks.
These monks are the exact counterpart of the lazy,
ignorant, sensual, superstitious brethren who people
[x]
PREFACE
the pages of Boccaccio, Chaucer, Hans Sachs, and
many other tellers of droll tales. In fact when Pere
Premave first came to China (aromid 1700) and
saw the monasteries with the celibate monks, who
abstained from meat, chanted offices, burned incense,
shaved their heads, prayed with beads, and gathered
money from the pious, he decided that this was an
invention of the Evil One for the sole purpose of
exasperating the Jesuits. With the exception of
some satire on the migration of souls the doctrine of
Sakyamouni has had little influence, but whenever
chanting priests or monks are brought on the stage
they are burlesqued. The Chinese are extremely
tolerant in regard to religion and never fanatical;
their attitude toward the supernatural has been
aptly defined as " politeness toward possibilities."
But the main theme of the Chinese drama, as of
all drama, is the human side of life. The stage is
naturally enough a mirror in which we can see the
Chinese as they see themselves. They present them-
selves not as the wise men of the East that some
idealizing travelers would like to make them, nor
as the bloodthirsty monsters of the " Limehouse
Nights" brand; but as human beings, neither white
nor black. We see the corruption of officials, the
callousness toward suffering, the selfishness of par-
ents, the eagerness for compromise, and the lack
of physical or moral courage; on the other hand the
polite civilization with its long tradition, the respect
for the past and for learning, the love of poetry and
[xi]
PREFACE
art, the general kindliness and honesty of the people,
the love of humor, the extreme democracy in social
relations, and the reasonableness and lack of fanati-
cism. He who would know the Chinese ought to
know their stage; and furthermore, he who loves
our Middle Ages will derive endless pleasure from
its counterpart, the pageant of Chinese life.
In my years in the East I received helpful sugges-
tions from many friends in the course of hundreds
of visits to the theater. Professor Soong Tsung-
faung first introduced me to this fascinating spec-
tacle. Doctor Hu Shih discussed it illuminatingly
in conversation and by correspondence. Lucius
Porter, Professor of Chinese, Columbia University,
1922-1924, offered helpful suggestions on the manu-
script, which he read in part, as did likewise Pro-
fessor Ferdinand Lessing, formerly of the National
University, Peking. Two of my students, Huang
Ke-k'ung and Jung Tu-shan, who learned from me
about Sophocles and Shakespeare, introduced me in
turn to many fine things on the Chinese stage. And
finally, I wish to express my appreciation to Mr.
Chang Ziang-ling and the many other p'iao-yu
(amateurs) for acquainting me with the nonprofes-
sional stage. Thanks are due to the editors of La
Revue de Litterature Comparee and of Asia for
permission to reprint a number of chapters.
A. E. ZUCKER
RivERDALE, Maryland
December 7, 1024
[xii]
i
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface vii
CHAPTER
1 Early History 3
2 Formal Development — Yuan Dynasty, 1206-
1368 A.D 19
3 The Ming Dynasty, 1368-1644 a.d. The Pi-
Pa-Chi 43
4 The Drama under the Manchus and the Repub-
lic— 1644 to the Present Day 69
5 Modern Tendencies 108
6 External Aspects of the Chinese Theater ... 129
7 The Conventions 161
8 Mei Lan-fang — China's Greatest Actor .... 171
9 Analogies Between East and West 190
Chronological Table 221
Bibliography 223
Index 231
[ xiii ]
ILLUSTRATIONS
For the purpose of giving a vivid impression of the colorful-
ness of the Chinese stage, the pubHshers have imported
from China four thousand paintings on silk, done by
students of the Peking School of Fine Arts. They rep-
resent four of the standing character type of the Chinese
stage, in their traditional make-ups.
A General Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
A Scholar 52
A Demi-Mondaine 152
A Qown 206
FACING PAGE
Illustration by a Chinese artist for "The Chalk
Circle" 28
Illustration by a Chinese artist for " Tlie Chalk
Circle" 32
Illustration by a Chinese artist. Tou-E before the
judge 38
Illustration by a Chinese artist. Tou-E about to be
■ beheaded 40
A Chinese artist's conception of two pious souls . . 48
[xv]
ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PAGE
Warrior-acrobats 80
Amateur actors in an old-style Chinese play ... no
HuShih 118
A typical Peking audience with the inevitable tea-
pots 130
Orchestral instruments 146
Orchestral instruments 148
The actress Kin Feng-Kui in a male role .... 164
Mei Lan-fang in European dress, and in parts . . 176
" Burying the Blossoms " 180
The Fortune Theater 198
A typical Peking theater 198
The orchestra seated in a corner of the stage . . . 202
[xvi]
THE CHINESE THEATER
CHAPTER ONE
Early History
ruDENTS of the Pear Garden" (Li Yuan
Tzu Ti) is the name by which actors
in China are called in elegant literary
style. This appellation was given them
in memory of the traditional origin of
the Chinese theater in the imperial palace gardens
of a T'ang Dynasty emperor, Ming Huang (Yuen
Tsung, 713-756 A.D.), who was a generous patron
of the arts in his splendid capital Ch'ang An. This
ruler established a college called the Pear Garden
for the training in music and dramatics of young
actors of both sexes. His plan for court entertain-
ment the emperor had derived, according to legend,
from a visit to the moon where he had seen a troupe
of performers in the Jade Palace of the lunar em-
peror. In the annals of the T'ang Dynasty the fol-
lowing is told about the art-loving ruler :
" Ming Huang was not only passionately fond of
music, but he also had a thorough knowledge of its
essential principles. He established an academy of
[3]
THE CHINESE THEATER
music with three hundred students. Ming Huang
himself gave them lessons in the Pear Garden; if
any of the students sang in poor taste or incorrectly
the emperor noted the fault immediately and cor-
rected it sharply. The young girls of the harem,
several hundred in number, were later also attached
to the academy as students. . . . On the occasion
of the emperor's birthday the empress ordered them
to perform some musical numbers in the Palace of
Eternal Life."
The French scholar Bazin in the introduction to
his translation of four Chinese plays comments
upon this as follows : " Surely it is a great thing
that, at a time when the Chinese had as yet no idea
of dramatic performances, a man who had founded
the institution of the Han-Lin (literally ' The Forest
of Pencils', i.e., The Imperial Academy of Schol-
ars), and who could justly call himself 'the teacher
of his nation', conceived and carried out single-
handed a work of art, in which we find for the first
time with all its marvelous charm the union of lyric
poetry with the drama. This work, fitted to arouse
in the souls of the spectators the sentiment of the
sublime, could be the product only of a genius."
In "The Chinese Drama", William Stanton
writes on the origin of the drama as follows :
The long reign of Yuen Tsung, styled the Illustrious
Emperor (Ming Huang) owing to its splendid begin-
ning and disastrous close, is one of the most remarkable
in Chinese history.
[4]
EARLY HISTORY
On ascending the throne, the young emperor zealously
strove to purge the empire of the extravagance and de-
bauchery that was ruining it ; and in his austerity went so
far as to prohibit the wearing of the then fashionable
costly apparel, and, as an example to his subjects, he made
a large bonfire in his palace of an immense quantity of
embroidered garments and jewellery. Under the wise ad-
ministration of this stern ruler and his able ministers the
state attained a great height of prosperity. But unex-
pectedly the emperor's character underwent a change;
he developed a love of sensuality and himself indulged in
the luxuries he had formerly so strongly condemned.
In A.D. 734 he obtained a sight of his daughter-in-law,
the beautiful Yang Kuei-fei, and became so violently
enamoured with her that he took her into his own seraglio.
She speedily obtained a complete ascendency over him and
succeeded in getting raised to the highest position next
the throne.
According to legendary stories the Herdsman and
Spinning Damsel are two lovers who each inhabit a star
separated by the Silver River (the Milky Way) and are
unable to meet except on the seventh night of the seventh
moon, when magpies from all parts of the world assemble,
and with their linked bodies form a bridge to enable the
damsel to cross to her lover. Consequently this is one of
the great festive occasions of China. On the said eve-
ning of A.D. 735, Yuen Tsung and his celebrated consort
stood gazing into the starlit sky. Remembering the occa-
sion Yang Kuei-fei burst into protestations of affection
and assured the monarch that she was more faithful than
the Spinning Damsel, for that she would never leave him,
but, inseparably with him, tread the spiritual walks of
eternity. In order to reward such love the emperor
sought to discover a novel amusement for her. After
consideration he summoned his prime minister and com-
[5]
THE CHINESE THEATER
manded him to select a number of young children, and,
after carefully instructing and handsomely dressing them,
to bring them before the beautiful Yang Kuei-fei, to re-
cite for her delectation the heroic achievements of his
ancestors. That was the origin of the drama in China.
The first performances were generally held in a pavilion
in the open air, among fruit trees, and Yuen Tsung subse-
quently established an Imperial Dramatic College in a pear
garden, where hundreds of male and female performers
were trained to afford him pleasure. From the site of the
college the actors become known as the " Young Folks of
the Pear Garden ", a title they claim to the present day.
The Pear Garden origin of the Chinese drama is
a fine legend and heroic history, but it is typical of
Chinese who have come in touch with Occidental
science that they should search for a more realistic,
if less picturesque, account of the beginning of their
theater. The first, and so far the only, systematic
and scientific work on this subject is " The History
of the Drama under the Sung and Yuan Dynasties",
by Mr. Wang Kuo-wei.^ This author has taken
great pains in collecting all evidences of pantomimes,
dramatic dances, satirical buffoonery, or anything
else to which the roots of a theater might be traced.
While he is not yet able on the basis of his evidence
to lead us back step by step to the genesis of the
theater — as could for example a scholar dealing
with the Greek drama — yet the evidence he adduces
is most interesting.
' Commercial Press, Shanghai. 1915. — A small volume of about
200 pages. Not translated into a European language. — The same
author has issued a " Dramatical Catalogue ", same publishers, 1917.
[6]
EARLY HISTORY
About 2000 B.C. there were found mediums called
wu when they were women or hsien when men,
who performed dances and sang songs in the
worship of the gods, to exorcise evil spirits, to in-
duce the gods to send rain, or to act as mourners in
times of calamity. It was believed that the gods
descended to earth and communicated with men
through these mysterious beings, especially in the
course of violent dances. This form of worship de-
signed for the pleasure of the gods was evidently
much according to the taste of men, for we find it
such a widespread form of popular amusement
that I- Yin, famous minister of the Shang Dynasty
(1766-1122 B.C.), issued an edict prohibiting it,
" The late sovereign instituted punishments for the
officers, and warned the men in authority, saying,
' If you dare to have constant dancing in your man-
sions, and drunken singing in your houses, I call it
wu- fashion '." * During the classical Chou Dynasty,
beginning 1122 B.C. with Wu Wang, everything in
Chinese life was cast into the fetters of a strict
ritual. There were regulations governing the dress
to be worn, the speeches to be made, and the postures
to be assumed on all possible occasions, whether at
the court or in private life ; in fact, these rules were
the prototypes of most of the characteristic features
governing Chinese public and social life down to the
present day. It can be seen readily that the more or
' Quoted by De Groot, " Religious Systems of China ", vol. VI,
p. 1 187.
[7]
THE CHINESE THEATER
less spontaneous and popular mimicry of the wu
(mediums) would naturally enough be suppressed
at this time; but in later dynasties we find again
many references to the beauty, the splendid cos-
tumes, the singing and dancing, and in general the
charm of these actors in popular religious cere-
monies.
These performances of the early Chinese centered
about the divine worship, as everything of aesthetic
nature in the life of primitive man seems to do.
Even to-day all of the theatrical performances in
China outside the large cities are a form of divine
worship, usually harvest festivals staged by way of
thanksgiving for good crops. That there is in the
minds of the Chinese a definite religious association
with theatricals performed in the villages is shown
by the fact that the Christian converts always re-
ceive a dispensation for their share of the sum de-
manded by the traveling company. Sometimes
missionaries hear complaints from the village elders
that some thrifty members of their flocks save the
tax for theatricals and yet go to look on at the
shows; however, thanks to the reasonable and un-
fanatic character of the Chinese such quarrels are
usually easily adjusted.
Because of this close association of the theater
with temple worship,^ it seems reasonable to seek
' The chief reason why theatricals are given at the village temples
to-day is that they are public buildings with convenient stages. Not
only religious but also secular plays are performed, sometimes vulgar
and immoral ones. On the whole the moral standard of the Chinese
[8]
EARLY HISTORY
for another possible origin of the drama in the early
ancestor worship in which the deceased forefather
of the family was impersonated by one of his de-
scendants. A ceremony of honoring a revered an-
cestor could easily be expanded into a representation
of his great deeds. It is also known that not only
men but also gods were impersonated by the actors ;
as Mr. Wang puts it, they dressed in the attire of
the gods and imitated their gestures. However, in
regard to these representations of the gods our
author feels that it is impossible to give any definite
details. Yet in the verse of the time there are allu-
sions to these performances referring to extrava-
gance in dress and in articles of toilet, such as
perfume; to a change in the style of music; to the
employment of themes of love or of sadness in part-
ing— all of which indicates the great popularity of
these entertainments of singing or dancing. Hence
our Chinese scholar believes that out of these be-
ginnings the drama has grown.
In this connection it would seem proper to men-
tion the work of the Cambridge University scholar,
Professor William Ridgeway. He holds that Greek
tragedy proper did not arise in the worship of the
Thracian god Dionysus; but that it sprang out of
the indigenous worship of the dead, especially dead
stage is very high and must be called a good influence for the largely
illiterate population. The worship at Chinese temples in the course
of the religious festivals has the general character of a carnival with
money changers, booths for eating and drinking, acrobats, magicians,
beggars, gambling devices, etc.
[9]
THE CHINESE THEATER
chiefs who in some cases are later deified.^ In
dramatic dances in honor of ancestors or deceased
heroes in Asiatic countries Professor Ridgeway
finds support for his theory of the origin of the
Greek theater. Speaking of the Chinese theater, he
says that already in the time of Confucius certain
solemn dances were held in the ancestral temples;
at the present time in the temples of local deities,
who were once heroes or heroines of the immediate
neighborhood, dramatic performances are held in
which these deified heroes are supposed to take an
interest for the reason that they are themselves fre-
quently the object of the worship; and that these
modern theatricals seem to be descended directly
from the ancient cult practiced five hundred years
before Christ. It would seem from the foregoing
that Mr. Wang's evidence gives support to Pro-
fessor Ridgeway's theories of the origin of tragedy
out of the worship of deified heroes.
Doctor Berthold Laufer, curator of the Field
Museum, Chicago, has stated to me that in his opin-
ion a discussion of the origin of the Chinese drama
ought to differentiate between the beginnings of the
"military plays" and the "civil plays." The latter
are, as will be explained more fully in a later
chapter, plays in our sense of the word, while the
"military plays" consist of acrobatics that sym-
bolize fighting. Doctor Laufer believes that these
* See Sir William Ridgeway, " The Dramas and Dramatic Dances
of Non-European Races in Special Reference to the Origin of Greek
Tragedy," Cambridge University Press, 1915.
[10]
EARLY HISTORY
last-named take their origin from ancient cere-
monials in which the use of weapons was the chief
feature. Doctor Laufer has had considerable ex-
perience with the Chinese theater, and his museum
is the only one in the world, so far as I know, which
possesses life-size figfures of Chinese actors in cor-
rect costume.
So much for ancestor worship as the source of
the drama with the wu or hsien. Mr. Wang ad-
duces records also of other types of actors. As
early as 1818 b.c, according to a none too reliable
Han Dynasty (206 b.c.-22I a.d.) record, a ruler is
said to have abolished the temple rites and cere-
monies and to have collected about his court clowns,
dwarfs, and actors to perform amusing plays. In
the more historic period of " Spring and Autumn "
(770-544 B.C.) there are records of dwarfs in roles
similar to those of our court fools. They attempted
to gain the favor of the rulers by their witty sayings
which were often full of satire. Confucius in his
capacity of prime minister saw himself forced to
put to death one of these wits ^ because of his disre-
spectful allusions to the ruler — an action, inciden-
tally, that seems most characteristic of the noble
sage, who with all his virtues certainly was not en-
dowed with a sense of humor. The function of these
dancing, singing, play-acting dwarfs was not a re-
' Professor Porter calls my attention to the fact that Doctor Hu
Shih calls these court jesters " sophists." They were the ones to make
the shrewdest observations among all courtiers. The suggestion of
the revolutionary element probably accounts for the death sentence.
[II]
THE CHINESE THEATER
ligious one ; " they were to amuse men, not to amuse
the gods."
In a review^ of Mr. Wang's "History of the
Drama under the Sung and Yuan Dynasties"
Professor Soong calls attention to the follow-
ing interesting analogies between Orient and
Occident:
The influence of the court fools was considerable, and
on the whole salutary in China. Shih Huang-ti (255-206
r..c.), the builder of the Great Wall, was so addicted to
great building enterprises that the people suffered in con-
sequence. It was Yu Sze, the court fool, who caused the
emperor to treat the people with more consideration.
The successor of this mighty ruler conceived the plan of
having the Great Wall painted — perhaps just a caprice
on his part, perhaps in order to render the Wall less sub-
ject to the influence of the weather. Again Yu Sze dis-
suaded the emperor from carrying out such a costly and
wasteful project. The history of Yu Meng is even more
interesting. In the kingdom of Chou the family of Suen
Lo Ngao had become extremely impoverished because the
king had forgotten the merits of the chief of the house,
a famous general. Yu Meng, the court fool, donned the
armor of the defunct military leader and sang of his
exploits before the royal palace; now the king could no
longer refuse to recognize and recompense the merits of
the family. This touching episode told by the historian
in the " Biography of Court Fools " cannot but recall
Will Sommer to whom " The King would ever grant what
he would crave."
During the Han Dynasty records show the ex-
istence of jugglers, magicians, rope-walkers, sword-
* La Revue de Genive, January, 1921.
[12]
EARLY HISTORY
swallowers, and also of plays in which masked
actors disguised as gods, fearful leopards, cruel
tigers, white bears, and gray dragons had their
parts. Dwarfs and giants were made to play to-
gether in humorous pieces. Singing girls in cos-
tumes of feathers executed artful dances. Some of
these performances are said to have been so in-
decent that passers-by covered their eyes. How-
ever, such performances were sharply censored
at the time, just as they would be in present-day
China.
All of these performances were very much favored
by the rulers, but they consisted mostly of singing
and dancing, while there was very little that might
be called drama. In the northern Ch'i Dynasty
(550-570 A.D.) however, there arose what might be
called a historical play based on an episode in the
life of a heroic warrior, Duke Lan Lu. This war-
rior had a somewhat effeminate aspect, and there-
fore he wore a mask in battle to inspire fear in the
hearts of his enemies. His story was dramatized
and became a very popular play, probably similar to
the present-day "military plays" in which the play
with swords and spears forms the piece de resist-
ance. There is a record about the same time of a
comedy also based on an actual occurrence, called
"The Drunkard." A certain man, Su Pao-pi (a
name alluding to red spots on his nose) was a very
heavy drinker and after each spree would beat his
wife in the village street until she wept pitifully.
[13]
THE CHINESE THEATER
Two actors, one dressed as a woman and the other
as a man, would amuse the people by a popular farce
portraying this quarrel between husband and wife.
The playlet must have been one of extraordinary
vitality, for there are records of it in the Chi, Chou,
and Sui dynasties — to be sure, three short dynasties
that followed one closely upon the other. Music and
dancing also played a part in these two early dra-
matic presentations, so that they were probably of
the melodramatic (in the etymological sense of the
term) variety, such as is most of the Chinese drama
of to-day.
The dramas in China are classified according to
the style of music they employ. Another play of the
same, or perhaps a little earlier period, called " The
Tiger," is thought by Mr. Wang, because of the
music of foreign tribes employed in it, to have been
brought into China from " The Western Regions "
(central Asia).^ It is the story of a man who was
killed by a tiger and whose son then set out on a
search for the wild beast, fought with it and avenged
his father by killing it in turn. Mr. Wang even
hazards the suggestion that the two plays mentioned
above, "The Mask" and "The Drunkard," were in
their music and manner of presentation imitations
of " The Tiger," in which case this form of drama
' Note by Professor Porter: Mr. Wang develops his argument
very well, using evidence from the odd foreign names of countries,
localities and places. At the period it is known that there was ex-
tensive intercourse between Western countries and China along the
northern and southern caravan routes.
[14]
EARLY HISTORY
would be a borrowing from a foreign country and
not indigenous to China.
Two other early plays which Mr. Wang mentions
deal with historical episodes. From the Han dy-
nasty (206 B.C.-221 A.D.) dates the story of an un-
just mandarin who had " squeezed " as they say in
China, ten thousand rolls of silk and was put in jail.
Later on the emperor moderated this punishment,
because of the mandarin's great learning, into the
following : the culprit had to appear at court dressed
in a white robe while for the period of one year the
court fools were at liberty to make sport of him.
This became the basis of a play shown by a number
of records to have been acted frequently before the
T'ang Dynasty. The plot seems, indeed, to have been
a comedy made to order for the court fools to dis-
play their wit. There is evidence to show that this
play was enacted in the imperial palace in the middle
of the eighth century. A group of actors from
Chekiang in presenting this play were said to have
had voices so loud that they penetrated to the clouds
— a circumstance that would win the favor of the
devotees of certain types of modern Chinese drama.
The other historical play has for a hero Fan Kuai,
a noble who saved the emperor's life by his prompt
action against rebels. It is said to have been written
by the T'ang Dynasty emperor, ChaoTsung himself,
and to have been acted in the imperial palace in
Ch'ang An.
It was during the T'ang Dynasty especially that
[IS]
THE CHINESE THEATER
a nonmusical type of drama flourished in the form
of extemporized comedies. The plots hinged on
local occurrences and differed with practically each
presentation. However, much as in the Italian corn-
media dell' arte, with its Arlecchino, Pantalone, Dot-
tore, Scapino, etc., certain characters or character
types seem to have arisen. The very same extor-
tionate mandarin, mentioned above as the central
figure of a play, became such a type who figured in
almost all of these comedies — in fact he is a stock
character on the Chinese stage even to-day — while
opposite him there appeared as his regular compan-
ion a fool wearing a green cap. Thus dialogue be-
tween two actors — in other words rudimentary
drama — became firmly established. Since the satir-
izing of current events and of local characters was
the avowed purpose of these comedies, it will be
readily understood by all familiar with life in the
East that the dishonest official came in for his fair
share.
A topical comedy with a purpose from the Sung
Dynasty (960-1 126 a.d.) played before the emperor
attained all that might have been desired. Through
the efforts of an unpopular ofiicial a system of coin-
age had been introduced in which the smallest coin
had a value of ten cash. Naturally enough this
caused great inconvenience to very many poor peo-
ple. Therefore some actors called upon to play be-
fore the emperor in the course of a feast proceeded
to give him a lesson in rudimentary economics. A
[16]
EARLY HISTORY
vendor of syrups appeared and shortly afterwards a
thirsty customer. The latter paid one coin and de-
manded one drink. The merchant explained that he
had no change for the coin and asked his patron
therefore to take a number of drinks. The buyer
does his best, but after the fifth or sixth cup taps
his bulging stomach and exclaims, " Well, I 've done
it at last. But if the gentlemen in the government
were to make us use hundred-cash coins I should
surely burst!" The emperor was moved to gay
laughter and smaller coins were at once issued.
However, the efforts of these actors were not al-
ways so fortunate in outcome. The story is told,
for example, of actors who had dressed up to repre-
sent Confucius, Mencius, and other sages for the
purpose of giving the emperor some very pertinent
advice on the division of land in the very words of
the great moral teachers. The advice proved to
be so inconvenient that the emperor had the actors
whipped for their pains.
From the Sung Dynasty (960-1127 a.d.) Mr.
Wang reports the names of 280 plays and from the
Chin Dynasty (11 15-1234 a.d.) 690 plays, but fails
to state how many are extant. Of the so-called
Ancient Drama it is known that a certain kind of
free metrical form adapted to music (ch'ii) was em-
ployed; that as a rule only two actors appeared in
each play; and that theatricals, though still very
primitive, were quite popular, as they were pre-
sented both to the general public in shabby mat-
[17]
THE CHINESE THEATER
sheds and to the court at magnificent feasts. Our
knowledge of the Ancient Drama is very meager to
be sure, yet the work of Mr. Wang has made it
possible to go beyond what Mr. Giles says in his
"History of Chinese Literature"^ after having
mentioned the Pear Garden myth : " Nothing, how-
ever, which can be truly identified with the actor's
art seems to have been known until the thirteenth
century, when suddenly the Drama, as seen in the
modern Chinese stage play, sprang into being."
Owing to the great interest in Western drama in
China at the present time it is very likely that other
Chinese scholars will make researches in this inter-
esting field and that more light will soon be shed on
the origin of the Chinese drama.
" Page 257.
[i8]
CHAPTER TWO
Formal Development — Yuan
Dynasty, 1206-1368
I
HE rise of the Chinese drama was due
to a national disaster that broke the
sway of the ruling literary class. In
1264 Kublai Khan with his Mongols
, fixed his capital at Peking and for the
first time in their history the sons of Han passed
under the rule of an alien sovereign. The barba-
rians naturally enough abolished the literary ex-
aminations for government posts, consisting of
competitions in the writing of essays and poetry in
the language of the classics, for they did not care
to appoint as viceroys and justices members of the
subject race. The Mongol language had absolutely
no literature and, indeed, not even an alphabet until
1279, when a Tibetan priest constructed one by im-
perial order. Chinese scholars were thrust out of
their high offices and could find employment only as
writers of petitions or as lowly clerks. There was no
longer any call for the exercise of their talents in
[19]
THE CHINESE THEATER
the writing of descriptive essays or lyrical poetry
such as had been demanded in the examinations
formerly leading to the highest offices ; they found,
however, a fruitful outlet for their literary powers
in a genre previously greatly despised by the literati
— the drama.
The cause of the scholar's disdain for the drama
and the novel was the great chasm that yawned
between the classical language and the spoken lan-
guage of the day in which, perforce, popular litera-
ture of entertainment or of the stage had to be
written. For over a thousand years the literary
language had been a dead language, so dead that a
learned scholar could comprehend it only if he saw
the text in black and white before his eyes — to hear
it read did not by any means enable him to under-
stand it. Everything that had been considered
literature up to that time was composed in this
language, and anything composed in the vulgar
tongue was considered beneath the dignity of a
scholar. Now, however, clever writers turned to
the drama and the novel with the result that the
written language was to a certain extent democra-
tized in the works that appealed to the broad masses
of readers or hearers. But let it be noted, to a cer-
tain extent only; for, as vanquished Greece in turn
conquered Rome by her superior culture, so Chinese
culture conquered the Mongols. After having been
abolished for practically eighty years the literary
examinations were reinstated and the drama too
[20]
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
was gradually caught in pedantic fetters of formal-
ism. Yet in spite of the fact that the Yuan drama-
tists moved away from the spoken language to one
presupposing considerable erudition on the part of
the reader, there are many scholars even to-day who
regard the novel and drama as beneath their notice,
just as a medieval scholar would have despised any
work not written in Latin.^
In fact these works have been recognized at their
true worth only as late as 1917, when Hu Shih,
Columbia University doctor of philosophy and pro-
fessor at the National University in Peking, began
to lecture on the Chinese drama as drama and to
publish the best of the novels with historical intro-
' The difficulty in acquiring a reading knowledge of the classical
Chinese (Wen Li) does not consist chiefly in learning to read five
thousand or more ideograms — that is only a minor trouble — but in
the retention in the memory of the texts of the classics to which con-
stant allusion is made in a manner to confuse utterly the uninitiated.
" The dragon has gone down to the sea " means " the emperor has
died." Or to translate the idea into English ; the Bible says, " The
words of the wise are as goads" (Ecclesiastes xii, ii) and Shakes-
peare (Hamlet V, i). "There is no ancient gentleman but garden-
ers " ; therefore the reader would have to know that " goads " stands
for the words of the wise and " ancient gentlemen " for garden-
ers. But connoisseurs regard this classical language as the greatest
monument of China, far finer than Sung pottery or the Temple
of Heaven. Said a friend to me one day, picking up a copy of
Omar at the verse :
O Thou, who man of baser earth didst make.
And didst with Paradise devise the snake.
For all the sin wherewith the face of man
Is blackened, man's forgiveness give and take.
" Such is this wonderfully rich, poetic Wen Li, while in Pai Hua (the
vernacular) this same thought would cover pages of dull, colorless
prose." Of course, the spoken language is still as poor a vehicle for
poetic thought as Italian was before Dante, but its advocates hope for
its growth and development.
[21]
THE CHINESE THEATER
ductions. Professor Hu Shih finds in the language
of these works a compromise which he hopes will be
an aid in inducing the Chinese of to-day finally to
adopt the vernacular as the language of science and
belles-lettres. For, in spite of the concessions made
to the firmly rooted conventions of the conservative
class of scholars for the sake of lending dignity to
their works and securing the approval of the literati,
the novel and the drama, owing to their popular
appeal, deviated largely from the dead language and
approached the vernacular of the day.
The dramatists are as a rule men who are not
otherwise famous as writers. Biographical material
concerning the authors of the " One Hundred Yuan
Dramas ", the collection of plays considered classical
in China, is so meager that it does not seem worth
while to mention names about whose bearers little
more can be said than that they "flourished."
About five hundred plays were extant at the be-
ginning of the Ming Dynasty, while to-day there
exist but one hundred and sixteen. Modern Celes-
tial scholars are proud of the fact that an over-
whelming percentage of the authors were real
Chinese, practically all from the territory now cov-
ered by the provinces of Chihli, Shantung and
Shansi, about a third of them born in Peking (called
Yenching at the time). Nine tenths of the authors
lived in what is called the first period of the Yuan
drama (1235-1280) with its center in Peking; while
the much smaller Southern School developed later
[22]
\
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
(1280-1335) around Hangchow. Most of the au-
thors were from among the common people, and
only one among the whole ninety odd was a Tartar.
Chinese critics regard Kuan Han-ching (the author
of "The Sufferings of Tou-E", a play discussed
below) as the greatest of all these writers, because
his manner is true and natural. Others are spoken
of as having a style that is lofty and magnificent, or
pure and beautiful, or biting and vigorous.
The historian of the Chinese drama, Mr. Wang
Kuo-wei, quoted above, states that the Yuan drama
is a natural growth out of the previously existing
forms and the traditional plots. More than thirty
Yuan plots, he points out, had been used before in
plays of the Sung Dynasty. He finds the chief ad-
vance of the Yuan drama to consist in the employ-
ment of more flexible verse forms for the poetic
sections and the use of more dialogue in the place
of narration and description. Thus the essence of
drama, action, takes the place of narration. More-
over, the drama rose to the dignity of an art. Previ-
ous to this the plays, generally dialogues by clowns,
had been mostly interlarded in entertainments of
acrobatics, dancing, and music. Such performances
took place frequently at the royal court and are de-
scribed also in the writings of the Italian Ma-Ke-
Po-Lo (Marco Polo) when he tells about the feast
of the Grand Khan : " When the repast is finished,
and the tables have been removed, persons of various
descriptions enter the hall and amongst these a troop
[23]
THE CHINESE THEATER
of comedians and performers on various instru-
ments, as also tumblers and jugglers, who exhibit
their skill in the presence of the Grand Khan to the
high amusement and gratification of all the spec-
tators." ^
As has been stated above, the dramas soon took
on certain formal aspects. In general they have
four acts, with a prologue, epilogue, or interlude,
which makes them in appearance and length quite
similar to our five-act plays. Some plays — analo-
gous to our trilogies — have acts of a number that
is a multiple of four and each group of four acts
forms a unity by itself. For example, "The West-
ern Chamber", has twenty acts and forms really
five plays. According to Chinese critics the drama
is composed of three elements: (i) action; (2)
speech; (3) singing. Speech may be divided into
monologue and dialogue; the purpose of the latter
is to advance the action and of the former to arouse
emotions — a function that very properly invites
comparison with the role of the chorus in the Greek
drama. No longer are there only two characters in
these plays, but we now find four chief roles along
with various minor parts. In very rigid manner
only one character is made to sing in each act, which
means that each of the four characters has one act
in which he or she plays the main role. This ar-
rangement has had its peculiar effect which can be
' " Travels of Marco Polo ", Everyman Edition, Button and Ojm-
pany, page 1 86.
[24]
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
witnessed in present-day Peking, where plays of
this type are staged, inasmuch as a famous actor
who plays, let us say, the role of the lover, will not
present entire dramas, but only such of the acts as
give him the principal part. In the new plays of
to-day, of course, a different practice is followed
but the old repertoire of the average Chinese theater
is so well known that it makes very little difference
whether a drama is presented as a whole or in part.
The character types of the Yuan drama, the Met
(male) and Tan (female), with their many varia-
tions, are in general quite similar to the types of
present-day drama, a discussion of which is given
in a later chapter. In the printed texts of the play
characters are designated not by their names, but
by the roles which they play.
The classical drama of China offers many inter-
esting parallels to different stages in the develop-
ment of our drama, though it nowhere equals the
plays of our great masters. Its greatest height
reaches the level of perhaps the pre-Shakespearean
drama in content, construction, and manner of pres-
entation. The presentation of Chinese plays with
the projecting platform stage, the lack of scenery
and the emphasis on gorgeous costume, the play-
ing of female parts by male actors, the extempo-
rizing of clowns, and the use of music in " flourish "
and " alarums " offers a strikingly close parallel to
Elizabethan staging. But that is a chapter by itself.
In the consideration of Chinese drama a few facts
[25]
THE CHINESE THEATER
of Chinese life must be borne in mind. The beau
ideal in the Middle Kingdom is not the warrior, but
the scholar. There is no hereditary aristocracy, but
wealth and power falls to him who distinguishes
himself in the competitive examinations and thus
becomes viceroy of a province or some other type
of high official. The passing of the examination
therefore serves as the deus ex machina in many
plays, solving all knotty problems accumulated by
the fifth act. Marriages are arranged by the par-
ents, and the romance of courtship is a rare and
forbidden fruit. The religious and ethical back-
ground consists chiefly of a respect for the minute
moral precepts of Confucius, with some Buddhistic
notions of reincarnation and some Taoist super-
stitions impartially admixed.
To examine a few of the acknowledged master-
pieces of the Yuan drama is to invite fascinating
comparisons. In "Chao Mei Hsiang" (Intrigue of
a Lady's Maid) we have a young servant girl
uniting two lovers, a sort of Dorine of Moliere's
"Tartufife" in a Chinese setting. The destiny of
the young man and the girl have been settled before-
hand by their parents, much as Orgon in "Tartufife"
disposes of his daughter's future :
Enfin, ma fille, il faut payer d'obeissance,
Et montrer pour mon choix entiere deference.
The lovers in both plays revolt against parental
authority, and in both cases a happy ending is
[26]
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
brought about indirectly through fortunate inter-
vention on the part of the monarch himself. The
meat contained in the Chinese play is about what
"Tartuffe" would be with Tartuffe left out.
Two generals arrange, shortly before they die in
battle, that their children are to marry. The son of
the one, therefore, while on his journey to the cap-
ital to take his examination, visits at the home of
the widow of his father's friend. The widow in-
vites him to take up his abode in a pleasant pavilion
in the garden, but she meets with icy silence every
reference on the part of the young man to marriage.
This is because she wishes to observe the very
strictest code of conduct, which ordains that when
a girl has lost her father she dare not marry until
three years afterward. The young people fall in
love at first sight ; the young man so desperately that
the yearning for the girl he is not permitted to see
after their first accidental meeting causes him to
become violently ill. The quick-witted, impertinent
maid sent to look after the wants of the patient
carries messages between him and the young girl
and finally arranges a meeting on a moonlit night.
The lovers have exchanged but a few words when
the mother discovers them. She punishes the maid
and sends the young man away in disgrace. He
goes to the capital and passes such a brilliant ex-
amination that he attracts the attention of the em-
peror. The latter becomes interested in the young
man's future and decides to carry out the wish of
[27]
THE CHINESE THEATER
his two faithful generals. The marriage is arranged
by imperial command. Both lovers are in ignorance
as to who their selected mates are to be, and at first
are very much dejected ; but when they meet as bride
and groom their happiness is all the greater when
they realize that the choice of their elders is also the
choice of their hearts.
The play moves in an atmosphere of strictly pre-
scribed etiquette of which the mother is a stony-eyed
incarnation. The facetious little maid is a breaker
of rules in the interest of more human considera-
tions, and, like the servant in all our comedies from
the time of Menander downward, she tells her mis-
tress some frank home-truths. Not only is the
young man a scholar, but the heroine with her maid-
companion also have been ardent students of the
classics. Quotations from Confucius, Mencius,
Laotze, and the Buddhist writings lend their sparkle
to the dialogue. The lovers exchange poems ex-
hibiting that charming impressionism of delicately
sketched moonlight on the lotus or snowfall on pine
trees so characteristic of Chinese verse. Allusions
to myths abound ; for example, to the moonlit cloud
that wooed the mother of Huang Ti as Jupiter
did lo. As in the plays of Bernard Shaw and of
his predecessor Shakespeare, the heroine takes the
initiative by tossing into the room of the rather pas-
sive hero a bag embroidered with characters reveal-
ing her love. A wistful note is sounded by the young
scholar when the wedding commanded by the em-
[28]
ILLUSTRATION BY A CHINESE ARTIST FOR "THE
CHALK CIRCLE"
This, together with three similar illustrations, has been taken from the
standard edition of the Yuan Dynasty classics
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
peror is, as he believes, about to unite him to a
woman other than the one he loves : " Musicians,
please do not now play the air of the teals meeting
in chaste pleasure who lament and yet feel no sor-
row." This speech gives the same blending of the
emotions so often spoken of by our poets in analyz-
ing the mystery of love, perhaps most strikingly in
Goethe's lines:
Freudvoll und leidvoll,
Gedankenvoll sein,
Langen tmd bangen
In schwebender Pein,
Himmelhoch jauchzend,
Zwm Tode betriibt,
Glucklich allein ist
Die Seele die liebt.
The play "Ho Lang Tan" (The Singing Girl)
portrays the punishment of vice and the triumph of
virtue. A rich merchant decides to take into his
house a second wife, a certain singing girl. He finds
himself desperately in love with this lady of easy
virtue, while the girl herself is planning to get his
money in order to run off with her real lover. There
is a scene between husband and wife in which the
latter bitterly resents the plan of bringing a concu-
bine into the house and pronounces grave warnings
of the evils that will befall her husband in con-
sequence. But the merchant persists in his plan and
brings the singing girl to salute his wife as mistress
of the house. The former is required by etiquette
[29]
THE CHINESE THEATER
to make four bows, of which the last two must be
returned by the wife. The wife refuses to greet the
interloper, and after a short but violent quarrel she
dies of anger. The next scene shows the singing
girl stealing the merchant's money and setting his
house on fire. Her lover, disguised as a boatman,
throws the husband into a stream and tries to
strangle the latter's son and his nurse. But pass-
ers-by prevent the cowardly murder, and one of the
strangers buys from the nurse the seven-year-old
boy for one ounce of silver. The poor nurse faces
starvation and decides to adopt the profession of a
singing girl. While traveling about in this capacity
she meets the merchant who has had a miraculous
escape from drowning and has sunk to the position
of swineherd in a far country. His lowly state
eloquently points the moral. At first he upbraids
the nurse for having adopted her dishonorable call-
ing, but afterward he accepts her invitation to quit
his miserable post and to be supported by her.
Thirteen years have passed and the young son has
become a famous judge by virtue of having passed
a brilliant examination. He happens to arrive in the
same city where his relatives are and calls on the
keeper of his inn to provide some singers for his
entertainment. The host leads in his childhood
nurse and his father. The young judge wipes his
teacup with a piece of paper which he throws on the
floor. As this paper happens to be the contract of
his sale by the nurse to the kind-hearted stranger
[30]
\.
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
who later made him his heir and as it happens to be
picked up by the father, a recognition is effected.
At the same time two thieves are brought before the
judge, who turn out to be the erstwhile second wife
and her scoundrel lover. They meet their just pun-
ishment ; the judge puts them to death with his own
hand as a pious offering to the spirit of his deceased
mother. The father praises the justice of Heaven
and asks his son to order a feast that they may
celebrate in due form this remarkable meeting.
The chief interest of this clumsy play lies in the
light it throws on Chinese life. The indignation and
subsequent death of the wife show how even in
countries where " they are used to it " women resent
bitterly the advent of a concubine into the house.
During my stay in Peking there occurred several
weddings that were marred by violent quarrels be-
tween the first wife and the new bride. The hus-
band in our play vainly exhorts his wife to be good,
to observe the three obediences and the four virtues
of a wife.^
Yet he cannot exile her, because she has borne
him a son. All of the characters are drawn with
great realism in their ignoble conduct. The sale of
the child by the nurse is followed by a tearful mono-
logue on the part of the sailor who had come to the
' The Chinese woman must as a child obey her father, as a wife
her husband, and as a widow her son. The four wifely virtues are:
(i) to honor and serve her mother-in-law; (2) to respect her hus-
band; (3) to live in peace with her sisters-in-law; and (4) to have
pity on the poor.
[31]
THE CHINESE THEATER
rescue : " Poor child, your lot is to be pitied. This
woman who was just about to be strangled by the
brigands finds herself reduced to the necessity of
selling her child. Could one find a sadder and more
heart-rending situation? Who would not shed tears
of pity for her?"
The author sets out with a realistic portrayal of
a phase of life, but he yields to the force of conven-
tion which required a moral and happy ending —
an influence not unknown in the drama of Western
countries.
Our plays, from "The Merchant of Venice" to
"Madam X", abound in court scenes, but the Chinese
theater makes use of this effective device even more
frequently. A play called " The Chalk Circle " pre-
sents in a trial scene a story almost identical with a
Biblical one. Two women appearing before a judge
with a child each claim it as their own. The judge
orders the child placed in a circle drawn on the floor,
while the women are to decide who is the mother by
pulling at the child in a sort of tug-of-war. One
woman refuses to hurt the child by pulling at his
arm, and the judge decides with Solomonic wisdom
that she must be the true mother. Very frequently
these plays are satirical in character, making sport
of the notoriously corrupt judges. In one of the
naively primitive speeches of introduction, required
by the theatrical convention of every character on
entering the stage, a judge is made to say, " I am
the governor of Ching-Chou. My name is Sou
[32]
-^tk
ILLUSTRATION BY A CHINESE ARTIST FOR "THE
CHALK CIRCLE"
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
Shen. Although I fulfill the functions of a judge,
yet I do not know a single article of the code. I like
only one thing and that is money. By means of the
bright metal every plaintiff can always make sure
the winning of his suit."
"The Transmigration of You Hsin" is a play
dealing with the popular superstitions regarding the
reincarnation of souls in much the same spirit in
which Voltaire in " Candide " treats the belief that
this is the best of all possible worlds. As in Gogol's
" Revizor " the government sends an inspector to a
certain village where the officials of the law court are
said to be corrupt. The rumor of the coming inspec-
tion reaches town before the inspector ; and most of
the judges flee. Only You Hsin remains, together
with the clerks and minor officials. One of these ex-
presses his surprise at the fact that You Hsin is
going to meet the inspector so calmly, especially
since he had recently accepted a scandalously large
bribe. You Hsin answers, " Yes, to be sure, I 've
accepted presents. But my friend, you certainly are
simple! Isn't it necessary that we fulfill our des-
tiny? No one can die before his time has come.
Have the courts ever prolonged by one minute the
life of a man? H it were otherwise people would no
longer believe in lucky and unlucky fates; they
would no longer call Heaven and Earth the arbiters
of life and death." A famous anchorite appears
prophesying that You Hsin will die within two
hours. Then the inspector enters the village and
[33]
THE CHINESE THEATER
begins immediately his examination of the court
records. However, since he is an extremely stupid
and incapable man, the clerks succeed in persuading
him that everything is in order. But You Hsin in
his home has fallen ill. He implores his beautiful
wife never to show her face in public and to remain
a widow forever. He dies at the very hour the holy
man had foretold — even though his death is not
due to a sentence imposed on him because of his
corrupt practices.
You Hsin's soul appears before the judge of the
lower world. As he had been very avaricious in life
his punishment is to consist in having to gather
coppers tossed into a deep kettle of boiling oil. But
the holy man appears and obtains forgiveness for
You Hsin, because he allows himself to be quickly
converted to Taoism and makes the vows of poverty
and chastity. The judge will even grant him the
boon of a speedy return to earth. He cannot reenter
his own body, because his wife has been a bit pre-
cipitate in cremating it ; but he is allowed to enter
that of a butcher who has just died, a blue-eyed,
lame, and otherwise ugly man. The butcher's par-
ents, wife, and neighbors are engaged in mourning,^
when the dead man suddenly rises from his coffin.
You Hsin wants, first of all, to see his pretty wife,
but when he tries to walk he stumbles with his lame
leg. As they hand him the crutch he reflects, " Ah,
yes, in my former life I had a crooked conscience
and in this life I have a crooked and useless leg. I
[34]
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
realize only too well the heavenly justice ! " The
butcher's relatives follow him to his former home,
where his wife had been happy to receive him after
he had fully explained his miraculous return. A
violent quarrel breaks out between the two women,
each of whom claims her husband. The case is taken
before the stupid imperial inspector, who is in great
perplexity before the question as to whether the
body or the soul constitutes the husband. The case
and the play end when the anchorite arrives to re-
mind You Hsin of his vows and to take him into
the unworldly wilderness.
Plautus' and Moliere's subject for a comedy of
character, the miser, has been employed by a Chinese
playwright with strong local color to his humor.
One of the many scenes of his play describes how
the miser comes to feel that he must have a son to
pray at his grave and therefore decides to buy one
from an unlucky scholar reduced by poverty to sell-
ing his children. He offers the parents one ounce
of silver. The mother exclaims in her disappoint-
ment, " Why, for that sum you could n't buy a boy
modeled in clay." Perhaps this is a bit unmotherly
in sentiment, but the retort is truly miserly, " Yes,
but a boy of clay does not eat or cause other ex-
penses." When this sum is refused the miser in-
structs his servant to go once more to the man, to
hold the silver high, very high, above his head and
to say, "There, you poor scholar, His Excellency
Lord Kou deigns to give you one precious ounce of
[35]
THE CHINESE THEATER
silver." His servant replies that no matter how high
he holds it an ounce will be only an ounce; and
finally he pays the father more out of his own
wages !
When the son has reached the age of twenty the
miser scolds him one day because he seems to think
that money is for the purpose of buying food and
clothes ! By way of instruction he tells how one can
live economically:
"One day I felt inclined to eat roast duck and
therefore I went to the market to that shop which
you know. They were just roasting a fine duck and
the delicious juice was running down. Under the
pretext of bargaining I handled it and soaked my
fingers thoroughly in the gravy. Then I went home
without having bought it and called for a plate of
boiled rice. With each spoonful of rice I sucked one
finger. At the fourth spoonful I became tired and
fell asleep. During my nap a treacherous dog came
and licked my last finger. When on awakening I
noticed this theft, I became so angry that I have
been ill ever since."
The house is in need of a picture of the god of
luck, and the miser instructs his son to order the
artist to paint a rear view, because to paint the face
costs most. When he is about to die he orders his
son to bury him not in a cofiin of pine, nor even of
willow wood, but to use the old watering trough
standing in the back yard. The son objects that it
is too short, but the father instructs him to chop
[36]
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
his body in two to make it fit. "And there is one
more important thing I wish to say to you before I
die ; don't use my good ax to cut me in two, but bor-
row one from the neighbor."
" Since we have an ax, why should I bother the
neighbor ? "
" Perhaps you don't know that my bones are ex-
tremely hard, and that if you 'd use my good cutting
edge you'd have to spend some coppers to get it
resharpened."
The miser's last words are inaudible, but he per-
sists in holding up two fingers. All the relatives
assembled in the death chamber are very much
puzzled and try to please him by doing this or that,
but the dying man's discomfort increases. Finally
his old servant enters and he understands. There
are two candles burning where one might do; and
after one of them has been extinguished the miser
dies in peace.
Tragedy is not found in the Chinese drama. The
plays abound in sad situations, but there is none
that by its nobility or sublimity would deserve to be
called tragic. The closest approach to it is found
perhaps in "The Orphan of the Chao Family",^
made familiar to Western readers by Voltaire; or
in " The Sorrows of Han." This latter play, in the
Chinese literally " Autumn in the House of Han ",
is full of poetical touches. North of the Great Wall
there is the Tartar Khan who sees in the weakness
See Bibliography.
137}
THE CHINESE THEATER
of the Han emperor his opportunity for further con-
quest. This young emperor is addicted to a Hfe of
dissipation, and through his minister Mao he gathers
beauties for his harem from the four corners of his
realm. As a true Oriental, Mao demands a heavy
bribe from the family of every girl whose portrait
he submits to the emperor. But the family of the
most beautiful girl of all is so poor as to be unable
to pay a bribe, and therefore the minister causes the
artist to distort the portrait. Naturally the emperor
does not summon this lady into his presence. But
one evening, when in a melancholy mood he walks
in an unfrequented part of his palace grounds, he
comes by chance upon this girl as she is singing to
her lute. Her beauty enchants him. "The very
lantern shines brighter in the presence of this maid,"
he exclaims, and falls violently in love with her. Of
course, he orders the grasping minister to be be-
headed; but the latter flees to the Tartar Khan to
show him a truthful picture of the favorite and to
incite him to war against China.
The Khan sends an ultimatum : " Either give me
this beauty for a wife or I will make war on China."
The emperor is aghast with fear of a Tartar in-
vasion, but the princess is willing to be sacrificed.
" In return for your bounties it is your handmaiden's
duty to brave death for you," she says and adds that
surpassing beauty has always been coupled with
great sorrow, but that she will leave a name ever
green in history. After a sad farewell she departs
[38]
ILLUSTRATION BY A CHINESK ARTIST. TOU-E BEFORE
THE JUDGE
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
for the country of the Tartars and meets the Khan
on the banks of the Amur. She drinks a last cup of
wine to her lover: "Emperor of Han, this life is
ended. I await thee in the next." With these words
the princess casts herself into the swift current and
drowns in spite of the Khan's valiant effort to save
her. He erects for her a tomb on the bank of the
river, which tradition says is green both summer
and winter. Moved by her noble character, the
Tartar decides to live in peace with China.
A play that is even to-day a favorite in Peking
playhouses under the title of " Snow in June " was
called by its Yuan dynasty author " The Sufferings
of Tou-E." It is the record of the endless suffer-
ings at the hands of a pitch-black, wicked world of
an innocent girl and her final vindication through a
triple miracle from Heaven. In her childhood she
was sold by her own father into a family where she
became the son's wife and the drudge of her mother-
in-law. For thirteen years she was a dutiful wife
and when her husband died she hoped to remain
faithful to his memory, as every widow in China is
expected to do. But two cowardly ruffians, father
and son, force themselves into the house where she
is living with her likewise widowed mother-in-law
and demand that the women marry them, endowing
them at the same time with all their worldly goods.
The two women refuse to yield to these insolent
demands. Then the younger intruder, or rather
bandit, places some poison in a bowl of soup, in-
[39]
THE CHINESE THEATER
tending to murder the older woman, but his father
drains the cup by mistake. Hereupon he tries once
more to coerce the heroine into marriage by threat-
ening to fasten the murder upon her. She feels quite
secure in her innocence and dares him to bring the
case to court, very certain in the belief that justice
will prevail. But the wicked judge begins by hav-
ing the accused tortured, and this so brutally that
the girl is at last forced into a false confession
merely to escape the unbearable pain. Upon this
she is promptly condemned to death. As she is
kneeling to be beheaded she announces that three
things will prove her innocence; her blood will not
fall on the ground but on a banner ten feet above
her head ; snow will fall although the season is sum-
mer; and there will be a drought of three years'
duration. All of this comes true as it had been fore-
told, and the strange tale is noised abroad in the
land. Finally, a just judge — her very father who
as a poor scholar had been forced to sell his child ! —
hears of the case and decides to investigate it. The
spirit of his daughter comes to enlighten him in re-
gard to the true state of affairs, and the real mur-
derer is punished by being nailed to a wooden ass
and cut into a hundred and twenty pieces.
This obtrusively moral ending is a sine qua non
in Chinese plays ; likewise the crude plot as well as
the role played by accident rather mar one's enjoy-
ment of the play. Yet the courage of the girl in the
face of her persecutors, her firm belief that justice
[40]
ILLUSTRATION' BY A CHINESE ARTIST. TOU-E ABOUT TO BE
BEHEADED
I
FORMAL DEVELOPMENT
will prevail in the end, and her stoical manner of
meeting death are elements not without their charm.
The scene of the execution is rather impressive in
its simplicity.
Tou-E: (sings) Ye clouds that float in the air on my
account, make dark the sky ! Ye winds that sigh because
of my fate, come down in storms! Oh, that Heaven
would make my three predictions come true!
Mother-in-law : Rest assured that snow will fall for
six months, and that a drought will afflict the country for
three years.
Now, Tou-E, let your soul reveal clearly the great in-
justice which is about to cause your death.
(The executioner strikes off Tou-E's head).
The Judge (seized with terror): O Heavens! The
snow is beginning to fall ! This is surely a miracle 1
Executioner: I behead criminals every day and their
blood always flows on the ground, but the blood of
Tou-E has spotted the two banners of white silk and not
a drop has fallen on the ground. There is something
supernatural about this catastrophe.
The Judge : This woman was truly innocent !
The plays discussed in this chapter are sufificient to
show that in the thirteenth century the Chinese pos-
sessed a theater of fair merit. To be sure, the tech-
nique is extremely crude; characters on their first
appearance on the stage tell the audience their
names followed by a conscientious account of their
past lives and the part to be played by them in the
drama; the motivation of the actions is very poor;
many plays seem to be dramatized narratives rather
than real dramas ; there is a great paucity of inven-
[41]
THE CHINESE THEATER
tion as shown by the rather frequent repetition of
dramatic devices and motives ; the necessity of hav-
ing a moral ending leads to numerous absurdities;
and chance rules the playwright's world from be-
ginning to end, always in the interest of the good.
Furthermore, there is lacking a real sense of the
tragic ; there are no sublime heroes overcome by the
universal human limitations which they challenge,
nor are there moral conflicts of an elevating nature
in which poetic justice triumphs. The characters
are in general types rather than individuals, and
there is very little deep psychological insight dis-
played. And on the whole it must be said, the plays
do not rise to a very high spiritual level. Yet there
is great charm in this drama which brings on the
stage characters of all sorts from emperors down to
coolies, and displays in full the rich life in the
Middle Kingdom of the days when Marco Polo
described it.
[42]
CHAPTER THREE
The Ming Dynasty — 1368-1644
The Pi-Pa-Chi
jyt<7-yHE Yuan Dynasty of Mongol rulers was
a very powerful one and extended the
Chinese frontiers to include Korea, Yun-
nan, Annam, and Burma. The rulers
proved themselves very tolerant of
Chinese religions and institutions; the emperor
Jen Tsung even reestablished the Hanlin Academy
and the official examinations. But though the gov-
ernment of these foreigners was fairly efficient yet
it was by no means popular, and frequent rebellions
occurred. Finally, the Chinese under the leadership
of a former Buddhist monk, Chu Yuan-chang, drove
the Mongols beyond the Great Wall and founded the
Ming Dynasty. The ex-monk ascended the throne in
1368 and is known in history as Emperor Hung Wu.
The Ming Dynasty is known as a period of pros-
perity in which industry and commerce, as well as
the arts of poetry and painting, flourished. It was
also a great period for the drama. Over six hun-
[43]
THE CHINESE THEATER
dred Ming dramas are still extant or are at least
known by title, and many of them were written by
well-known authors of high literary standing and
great scholarship. The drama was so much appre-
ciated at this time that many high officials and
wealthy families had private troupes of actors, a
large number of the dramas being specially written
for these troupes. Since the audiences were com-
posed of the elite, the language of the dramas could
be of a highly literary character.
A development took place at this time that altered
considerably the form of the drama. Instead of the
compact and unified three, four, or five-act plays of
the Yuan period, playwrights began to produce
dramas of thirty-two, forty, or even forty-eight
acts. The name of this new form is ch'an ch'i (lit-
erally "novel") in distinction to the tsa ch'i of the
Yuan Dynasty. Doctor Hu Shih, writing to me
about these two forms, suggests that one might call
the former " play " and the latter " drama." " Tech-
nically the new form seems to be a degradation," he
says, " but aside from the aspect of literary economy
the Ming dramas were superior to the Yuan plays
in many respects, viz. (i) profounder conception.
(2) far better characterization, (3) more even dis-
tribution of parts among the characters. In the
Yuan plays only one character had a ' singing ' part
and the others were completely subordinated ; while
in Ming dramas the roles are more evenly balanced.
In many cases the same theme was treated by Yuan
[44]
»
THE MING DYNASTY
and Ming dramatists, and in most cases the Ming
version is far better."
In this chapter I am presenting an example of this
new variety of drama, a 24-act piece called " Pi-Pa-
Chi" (The Story of a Lute). Except for the fact
that dialogue and stage directions are used the work
might well be called a novel. Aside from the tech-
nical interest of the drama it is most significant as
a presentation of Confucian ideals, a revival of
which was typical likewise of the Ming Dynasty.
Such ideals are embodied in the family system with
the selfishness — as it appears to us — of old age.
After reading about the adventures of the hero,
Tsai Yung, the Westerner can understand why in
Confucian writings along with widows and orphans
there are enumerated "son-less fathers." The con-
flict in the drama centers about the "higher" and
the "lower" obedience — service to the state or to
the family. But the problem is not a clear-cut one,
as the son is to serve the state in the interest of the
greater prosperity of his own family; nor can it be
said that it is solved in any way. The drama, how-
ever, is full of Chinese moralizing along lines far
removed from the thinking of the " practical "
Westerner.
Indeed, much of the famous mystery of the East
or the inscrutability of the Orientals might be less
baffling to the average American if he were better
acquainted with the literature of China. I have
known, for example, a young Chinese politician who
[45]
THE MING DYNASTY
was none too scrupulous in the manner in which he
went about earning his living, who drank, supported
a number of concubines, and in fact was what might
be called by the vulgar a " rounder." In the course
of a dinner one evening he told me between the
sharks' fins and the Peking duck that he had been
offered a post in Washington, but, lucrative though
it was, he could not accept it because of " filial piety "
— his very words. Now piety in any sense of the
word was the last thing I associated with this youth,
and therefore his statement seemed to me surpris-
ing. There was another Chinese, the owner of an
excellent stable, with whom I went riding frequently
in the Temple of Heaven. He was a vigorous young
man, educated in Paris, very businesslike and pro-
gressive in all his ideas. One day I received an in-
vitation to his wedding, and, on going, found a
merry throng in the gaily decorated courtyard, with
dancing in European fashion going on in full blast.
I noted the groom among the dancers, congratulated
him and remarked, "Well, I'm sure you're very
happy to-day ! " But he shook his head and, as tears
came into his eyes, he told me that the bride was not
of his choice but had been selected and forced on
him by his elder brother, the head of the family.
Again, in speaking one day with a progressive young
student who talked a great deal about reforms in
politics and who participated eagerly in parades and
other demonstrations staged for that end, I men-
tioned a certain official who had flagrantly stolen
[46]
THE CHINESE THEATER
funds collected for the famine sufferers. The stu-
dent expressed perfunctory disapproval of the offi-
cial's conduct, but added, " Still, if I were in his
position, I 'd probably do the same." Such is the
manner in which the Chinese act and as such they
show themselves in their literature.
" Pi Pa Chi " was written by an otherwise un-
known author, Kao Tsi-ch'ing, about the end of
the fourteenth century. The first performance of
the play is known to have taken place in 1404, in the
reign of Yung Loh, the ruler who, as every tourist
knows, has the most prominent monument among
the Tombs of the Ming Emperors north of Peking.
The play is typically Chinese inasmuch as the hero
is not a warrior or a prince, but a poor scholar who
rises to fame through his knowledge of literature.
It abounds in sad situations and is praised by Chinese
critics because it makes the spectators or readers
weep. Furthermore, it conforms to the demand
made on all Chinese dramas by being strictly ethical
in its tendency. The moral lesson inculcated is that
of the chief virtue of the Chinese — veneration of
parents. This is done with such devotion and force
that the play might well be called the Song of Songs
of Filial Piety.
The first scene introduces a young scholar, Tsai-
yung, face to face with the alternatives of remain-
ing in his village to take care of his aged parents or
of going to the capital in search of honors and luc-
rative posts. His own wishes are to remain at home,
[47]
THE CHINESE THEATER
less for his parents' sake than because of the beauti-
ful wife whom he has married but two months ago.
But his father urges him to go to Ch'ang An, to use
his talents, and to gain fame and wealth. " At fif-
teen one must study, at thirty a man must act." A
friend of the family, an elderly gentleman called
Chang, sides with the father against the mother, who
wishes to keep her son at home. She tells the story
of a young man who had left his family to take the
examination at the capital, but who, when at last his
learning had gained him a post as superintendent of
an almshouse, found his parents as inmates in the
very institution. The young wife takes no part in
the discussion at all ; in fact, the elderly gentlemen
seem to consider affection for her an unmanly weak-
ness on the son's part. " He thinks of nothing but
love and the sweet pleasures of the nuptial couch,"
says his father. " Here it 's two months that he is
married, and yet one cannot tear him away from
this place." This represents a very common attitude
in China — I remember reading in a Peking paper
in 191 7 in an attack on the vice-president of Tsing
Hua College that one of his faults was that he oc-
casionally went walking with his wife ! One of my
students from Shansi told me one day that he had
been married during the summer vacation. I asked
whether his wife was with him in Peking, and when
he answered in the negative, whether he was writ-
ing to her. "Oh, no," he said shamefacedly, "I
would n't do such a thing."
[48]
A CHINESE ARTIST'S CONCEPTION OF TWO PIOUS SOULS
THE MING DYNASTY
The father calls on the son to state what he un-
derstands by filial piety. The son answers by quot-
ing the " Book of Rites," " It is the duty of the son
to take every care that in summer as well as in
winter his parents should enjoy all comforts of life.
He must every evening himself arrange the bed on
which they are to sleep; every morning at the first
crowning of the cock he must inquire in aflfectionate
terms about the state of their health; then, in the
course of the day, he must ask repeatedly whether
they are suffering from the cold or whether the heat
incommodes them. The duty of the son is to watch
over his parents wherever they go, to love those
whom they love, honor those whom they honor ; he
must even love the horses and dogs whom his father
loves." And he adds from the " Sayings of Confu-
cius": "A son should not leave the home of his father
and his mother so long as they are still living."
To this the father retorts with a quotation from
"The Book of Filial Piety"; "The first degree of
filial piety consists in serving one's parents ; the sec-
ond in serving one's prince, and the third in seeking
after honors." The father persuades the son to go.
His son will soon be a mandarin, he says, and then,
" The three kinds of meat (beef, mutton and pork)
and the rare foods which are offered up in the great
sacrifices will be served to me three times a day
in tripods of elegant form or in dishes of fine porce-
lain. That will be better than eating beans and
drinking: water."
't5
[49]
THE CHINESE THEATER
But the mother gives expression to her grief in a
metaphor praised by Chinese commentators : " In a
moment they will tear away the pearl I was holding
in my hand." Forebodings of evil fill her heart.
" Go then, my son, but if during your absence your
father and mother should die of hunger and cold,
your honor will not therefore be smirched when you
return in an embroidered robe."
The second scene of the play transfers the action
to Ch'ang An, the old capital. With the symmetry
so characteristic of all Chinese art the action of the
drama is divided almost equally between the scenes
in Tsai-yung's native village, and those in the im-
perial city. We are introduced into the palace of an
imperial minister, a certain Niu, and here through
the words of a maidservant we learn of the dull,
tedious, joyless life in the women's apartments.
The author pictures the minister's daughter, Niu-
hsi, as the model young woman who prefers work-
ing at embroidery to playing in the open air. The
servant girl on the other hand is sad because spring
(used symbolically for love) is passing her by. In a
beautiful allegory on spring and its manifestations
she gives expression to her feelings, while her mis-
tress cites in reply the ancient Chinese rule of
conduct : "Women must not leave the interior apart-
ments." The scene seems to be a protest on the
author's part against this cruel stunting of the lives
of his countrywomen.
Into Minister Niu's house come two rival go-
[So]
THE MING DYNASTY
betweens who make offers of marriage for Niu's
daughter in the interest of two fathers of distin-
guished sons. But Niu refuses; he will accept for
his daughter none but the scholar who has won the
very highest honors at the examinations. The two
women begin to quarrel and are driven off with
blows by Niu's orders, because by fighting in his
house they offend against the rites. A marriage
arranged by such wrangling old hags between young
people who meet for the first time on the day of
their wedding certainly does not offer much in the
way of romance. An even more depressing picture
of the life of the young girl one gains from the man-
ner in which Niu takes his daughter to task for hav-
ing walked in the garden. "Don't you know of
what the principal merit of a young woman con-
sists? I have told you before, men are looking for
women who don't like to leave the women's apart-
ments." Everywhere the ghost of Confucius giving
precepts for the regulation of the private life down
to the minutest details!
The play returns to Tsai-yung, who is now on the
road to the capital in the company of three other
candidates for the examination. Each in turn tells
of the purpose of his studies. Tsai-yung outlines
his principles as follows :
"Here is the method I have adopted. When I
was seated I read, when I walked I recited from
memory what I had learned. I have studied thor-
oughly ten thousand chapters; I have carried on
[51]
THE CHINESE THEATER
difficult studies and researches. But as there are
two things in Hfe that one must never lose sight of
— loyalty to the prince and filial piety — I have al-
ways tried to show myself grateful for the emper-
or's benefits and to return with thankfulness the
kindness of my parents." This speech is applauded
by the other scholars and they in turn give their
answers, some of which are of rather satirical turn,
especially the one of the student who explains that
with him the essential is correct pronunciation and
beautiful penmanship !
The next scene presents a burlesque on the lit-
erary examinations. It recalls somewhat an en-
trance examination given in a " prep" school I once
attended, where the older students, dressed up in
frock coats and with false beards on their faces,
took the part of faculty. The examination of fresh-
men consisted of the singing of hymns, the shining
of shoes, and a guessing contest as to which of the
"professors" had paddled them in the rear. The
imperial examiner announces solemnly to the five
hundred candidates that the present test would not
be like last year's, when they had been asked to write
essays, one on literature, another on morals, and a
third on politics, but that he was going to ask them
first, to compose a rhyme ; second, to guess a riddle ;
and third, to sing a song. Needless to state, Tsai-
yung passes with flying colors in this test full of
humorous puns which are, of course, untranslatable.
The examiner is made to say at the end, "Tsai-
[52]
A SCHOLAR
Chinese Character Type
THE CHINESE THEATER
difficult studies and researches. But as | there are
two thi 'ife that one must never lo.'le sight of
— 1 . e and filial piety — \L have al-
ii grateful for the
- urn with thankfuliu ..:c
rents." This speech is applauded
and they in turn give their
ire of rather satirical turn,
'■"'''•" '• "lo explains that
•nunciation and
\va
or ~
kiii
by the
answer>, avr.iv; i
especially the t»nt
with him the esst-
beautiful pennlan^l
The next scene presents a b»;
erary examinations. It
trance examination given .,,
attended, where the older b
frock coats and with false beards
took the part of faculty. Th<r
men consisted of the singi;
of shoes, and a guessing c- . .
"professors" had paddled thon> ••
imperial examiner announce
hundred candidates that the ;
be like last year's, when thc\ :,
essays, one on literature, a iv i
third on politics, but that he •
first, to compose a rhyme : sev '
and third, to sing a song. !"
yung passes with flying v
humorous puns which are.
The examiner is made to say ar the end,
[52]
on the lit-
an en-
' I once
up in
faces,
Mve
not
write
. and a
. ask them
^ • : s a riddle ;
•e, Tsai-
.- .c^L full of
untranslatable.
Tsai-
XAJOHOa A
THE MING DYNASTY
yung, I recognize the superiority of your talents,
your learning is indeed profound ; you rise far above
the others; your merit is most extraordinary. Im-
mediately I am going to apprise the emperor of the
outcome of the examinations!" This scene leads
one to suspect that the author of the play had
good reasons for venting his satire on the inane
literary competitions — probably he had failed and
was therefore forced to waste his talents in a life
of retirement.
The real hero, or rather heroine, of the play now
appears for the first time, namely Tsai-yung's young
wife Wu-niang. No news has come from the capital
as to her husband's success, a famine is ravishing
the district, and the old parents of Tsai-yung are
making one trip to the pawnshop after the other.
But Wu-niang is determined to do her duty as
daughter-in-law ; she is going to show filial piety to
the last in conformity with precepts such as the fol-
lowing, quoted from the "Book of Rewards and
Punishments ", a work which is not for sale in book-
shops but is distributed in the temples to the pious:
" A daughter-in-law must serve the father and
mother of her husband as a daughter serves her
father and mother. She must show filial piety and
complete obedience. If she lacks in her duty toward
them she lacks at the same time filial piety. This
crime always becomes known to Heaven, as the fol-
lowing story illustrates. In the territory of Chang-
Chu there were three sisters-in-law entirely lacking
[53]
THE CHINESE THEATER
in filial piety. One day they heard a clap of thunder
and at the same time they were changed : one into a
cow, the second into a lamb, and the third into a
dog; their heads alone preserved the original form.
. . . Chin-ing, the governor of that district, had an
engraving made showing the metamorphoses and
had it distributed among the people to teach them a
lesson. That is how Heaven punishes!"
Wu-niang's immediate duty is to try to make
peace between her aged parents-in-law. Tsai's wife
is not slow in telling her husband " I told you so "
in regard to the evils that have followed their son's
departure, while Tsai naturally enough does not be-
come any calmer for being told what a fool he is.
To appease their wrath and to supply a bit of food
Wu-niang pawns the few hairpins and other orna-
ments that she possesses.
While his parents are slowly dying of hunger,
Tsai-yung, by his brilliant record, has attracted the
attention of the emperor himself. The latter orders
that the daughter of Minister Niu, who has been re-
fused to many a deserving suitor, should be given to
him. Niu is overjoyed to receive as a son-in-law
the candidate accorded the highest honors and im-
mediately sends a go-between to arrange the affair.
However, she returns to announce that Tsai-yung
refuses, because he is married and has various ob-
ligations toward his parents. But the real reason,
she whispers, is that the bride's feet are too long.
Minister Niu flies into a rage; he says that no one
[54]
THE MING DYNASTY
would any longer respect his position if he were to
accept this refusal. He is going to speak to the em-
peror about it. Small wonder that under the cir-
cumstances Tsai-yung's petition to the emperor to
be allowed to return home is refused; instead he is
again ordered to marry Niu-hsi in a mandate begin-
ning with the words, " If filial piety is the basis of
all virtues, then the perfection of all morals consists
in serving one's prince." With tears he leaves the
imperial palace and must submit to being married
against his wishes to a second wife. He regrets
that he cannot return to his parents (does not seem
to feel any regrets about Wu-niang) and breaks out
into a lamentation : " High reputation is a tie that
binds ; good fortune is an iron chain. Fortune and
reputation are the instruments used by Heaven to
inflict tortures on mankind ! "
The scene again shifts to the famine-stricken
province. A mandarin finds that a corrupt official
has stolen the little grain that is to be distributed to
the poor. This commissioner is caught in the very
act, yet in typical Chinese fashion he has a ready
but translucent excuse to offer ; however, when he is
threatened with torture he is willing to confess that
he is a robber. This wicked official is then made to
sign a written confession of his guilt and is led off
to jail. His kind appears in hundreds of plays; in
fact, he is probably the very favorite type on the
Chinese stage. The mandarin asks Wu-niang why
she had come to the court herself instead of sending
[55]
I
THE CHINESE THEATER
a male member of the family; a woman, he says,
should not leave the inner apartments of the house.
It is interesting to note that a Chinese commentator
considers this an erroneous interpretation of the
passage in the " Book of Rites " ; it is only the young
girl who is not to leave the inner apartments ; once
a woman is married she may do so. When the man-
darin learns of Wu-niang's sad situation, he com-
mands an attendant to give her three portions of the
rice embezzled by the official. Another official, who
seems to be hand in glove with the embezzler, fol-
lows Wu-niang and in a lonely place on the road
demands that she return the rice, lest he kill her on
the spot. Wu-niang ofifers him her clothes; if he
will only not demand the food that is to save the
lives of the old people. The black-hearted villain
says that he wants the rice and does not care to ex-
pose her limbs to the fury of the elements. Then
comes the young woman's touching answer, which
reaches perhaps the highest level of a daughter's
devotion : " What matters it if my body be exposed
to the fury of the elements, so long as I can save the
lives of my father-in-law and my mother-in-law ! "
The cowardly wretch pretends to be touched and bids
her go her way in peace, but as soon as she is off her
guard he snatches from the defenseless woman her
bag of rice. Fearing the reproaches of her parents-
in-law Wu-niang plans suicide, but the memory of
her husband's admonition that she watch over his
parents decides her to continue in the thankless task.
[56]
THE MING DYNASTY
The next scenes show just how ungrateful her
parents-in-law are for her unlimited devotion. Wu-
niang herself is eating roots, buds, the bark of trees,
and other things classified as material containing
some slight food values in so-called " famine food
books " — a type of literature enjoying a wide cir-
culation in China. But her suspicious mother-in-
law fears that the young woman is eating better
food than she is serving to her, because Wu-niang
eats her miserable stew in private. At one of her
meals the author, by a strange realism, has her say,
"When I have eaten this mess my hunger ceases,
but then there begin pains in the intestines much
more violent than the hunger had been." When the
mother-in-law surprises her she finds that Wu-
niang had been extremely self-sacrificing instead of
selfish as she had supposed, and the shock is too
much for her weakened body ; she dies.
The husband too is very much enfeebled, and
when the friend of the family, Chang, comes to call,
he is mortified that he cannot rise to meet his guest.
Throughout the play there is in the speeches of
practically all the characters an urbanity and a po-
liteness which show how deeply the lessons of Con-
fucius to do or say always the fitting thing have
gone over into the flesh and blood of his nationals.
Wu-niang tells Chang of their greatest cause for
anguish — they have not the means to give the de-
ceased a proper burial. Chang then shows himself
an ideal friend from the Chinese point of view by
[57]
THE CHINESE THEATER
saying, " I shall order a servant to prepare a wooden
coffin in which we shall place the body of your wife.
I myself shall then select a lucky day for the funeral,
and after having had a grave dug on the hill in the
south, I shall accompany the procession."
The scene that gives the title to the play is one in
which Tsai-yung gives expression to his tenderest
emotion by playing on the lute. This instrument is
regarded by the Chinese as the noblest and aestheti-
cally the highest musical instrument in existence.
A Chinese lover of music cannot find words to ex-
press the delight the lute can provide.* As a general
thing the Chinese are ashamed to display emotion,
and the Westerner is often shocked by apparent cal-
lousness, as for example when a person who has just
lost a dear relative gives vent to a nervous laugh in-
stead of yielding to tears when the subject is alluded
to. Therefore it is by means of the lute that Tsai-
yung gives expression to his repressed feelings. He
does this with the delicate touch employed by Chinese
painters in their impressionistic pictures and by the
poets in their suggestive verses in which, as some
one has said, the i's are never dotted, but a definite
' The Chinese name for the instrument is chin. Chinese writers
on music have set down seven conditions under which one should not
play the instrument: when one has just heard the news of a death;
when some one is playing the flute in the vicinity; when one is op-
pressed by business cares ; when one has not purified his body ; when
one is not wearing the ceremonial cap and gown ; when one has not
lighted sweet-smelling incense ; and when there is not present a friend
who understands music. Chancellor Tsai Yuan-pei, until 1923 the
head of the National University in Peking, was a believer in training in
aesthetics, and considered a proper appreciation of the music of the chin
a most desirable element in the mental equipment of a cultured man.
[58]
THE MING DYNASTY
mood is nevertheless conveyed all the more force-
fully/ While Tsai-yung touches the strings of his
instrument one servant fans him with an ivory fan,
and a second burns incense, and a third places
his books before him. Under such ideal condi-
tions the Chinese scholar is quietly singing to his
lute.
At this point his newly wedded wife, Niu-hsi,
enters. Evidently the relation between the two is
still an extremely distant one, for his wife, in asking
Tsai-yung to sing a ballad for her, remarks that
every time she comes to listen to his music, he stops.
She too has her grief which she would like to have
dispelled by sweet music. Tsai-yung begins to play,
" The pheasant in the morning begins his long
flight", and "The wild duck separated from the
companion he loves." But these songs do not suit
Niu-hsi's mood. She wants not a song of a disap-
pointed lover, but one to fit the present situation
where husband and wife are together.
" My lord, in the calm of this lovely evening, in
full view of this ravishingly beautiful scenery, sing
' Giles, " Qiinese Literature ", page 155. "A poet should not dot
his i's. The Chinese reader likes to do that for himself, each accord-
ing to his own fancy. Hence such a poem as the following, often
quoted as a model in its own particular line :
" A tortoise I see
on a lotus-flower resting:
A bird mid the reeds
and the rushes is nesting ;
A light skiflf propelled
by some boatman's fair daughter.
Whose song dies away
o'er the fast-flowing water."
[59]
THE CHINESE THEATER
me the ballad, ' When the storm wind moves the pine
trees.'" Tsai-yung starts to play it, but alas! as
Niu-hsi discovers, he gradually slips into the air,
"When I think of returning to my native land."
Niu-hsi is disappointed because she cannot pene-
trate her husband's melancholy mood. He explains
that he cannot play better because he has his old
lute no longer. In answer to his wife's questions
Tsai-yung speaks of his lute with evident symbolism,
telling her that he has thrown his old lute aside but
that at the bottom of his heart he loves it still. Niu-
bsi guesses the cause of her husband's grief, but she
cannot persuade him to confide it to her. The two
drink wine together and recite verses, but when the
hour becomes late Tsai-yung asks his wife to retire
and calls for his servant. Before the latter appears
Tsai-yung sings to notes of his lute about a dream in
which Wu-niang had appeared to him ; but, in the
words of Heine, " Es war ein Traum."
He asks the servant to find him a trustworthy
messenger whom he may send to his native village
to inquire about his parents. But before this plan is
put into operation an impostor appears, bringing an
alleged letter from Tsai-yung's father, according to
which all the family are enjoying the very best of
health. The letter gives the young scholar great
pleasure and earns its bearer a rich reward; Tsai-
yung gives the impostor some pearls and some gold
for his father in addition to a letter in which he states
that he is detained at the capital, but that he hopes to
[60]
THE MING DYNASTY
return home soon. Meanwhile, he very humbly
begs forgiveness for the long delay. The false
messenger is portrayed in a monologue as the most
cowardly and the direst of villains. That it is so
easy for him to deceive Tsai-yung is not so far-
fetched as it may seem to the Westerner, for the
employment of professional letter-writers is a very
common practice in China where the percentage of
illiteracy is high.
Of course, the father never receives his son's
letter; on the contrary, the next scene shows him
dying of hunger. His faithful daughter-in-law
watches over him to the last. For three years Tsai-
yung has been absent without so much as sending a
letter; therefore the father asks his daughter-in-law
to marry again as soon as he has died. Wu-niang
replies with a Chinese proverb, " No one can serve
two masters", and affirms her resolve to remain
faithful to her husband. He is so grateful to her
that he hopes, according to Buddhist beliefs, to be
her daughter-in-law in his next life while she is to
be his father-in-law. He curses the day he asked
his son to leave home and gives to his friend Chang
the injunction: "I leave you my cane. When this
ungrateful and disobedient son of mine returns
home, beat him for me with my stick and chase him
out of the house." With these fatherly words he
breathes his last.
In order to earn the money for her father-in-
law's funeral Wu-niang cuts her hair and tries to
[6i]
THE CHINESE THEATER
sell it in the street. Her bald head gives her the
appearance of a nun, although she feels scarcely
worthy of becoming one. In the anguish of her
poverty she runs through the streets, imploring peo-
ple not to bargain with a wretched woman in her
position, but to help her by buying the very last
thing of value she possesses. The faithful Chang
meets her in the street, and, on learning her story,
promises to send to her house enough money to en-
able her to bury her father-in-law properly accord-
ing to the rites. She in return gives him her hair,
asking him to sell it. He accepts it, but not in order
to sell it ; far from that, he is going to keep it until
Tsai-yung's return, in order to prove to him the full
extent of Wu-niang's filial piety. This piety is so
great that when Wu-niang goes to the cemetery to
erect a monument over the grave of the deceased,
a genie, touched by her devotion, comes to her aid
by calling the white monkey of the south and the
black tiger of the north to help him erect this tomb
with the well-known speed and skill that genii
possess. He also advises Wu-niang through the
medium of a dream to assume the garb of a nun and
to search for her husband in the capital. Wu-niang
decides to follow this advice. She plans to earn her
subsistence by taking with her Tsai-yung's lute, in
order to sing in the villages songs in praise of filial
piety. In order to be able to accord the spirits of
her parents-in-law their proper worship she paints
their portraits and carries them with her. The
[62]
THE MING DYNASTY
Octogenarian Chang totters with Wu-niang to the
edge of the village and bids her godspeed on her
long journey.
Meanwhile Tsai-yung has been acting all this
time like a man in a stupor, his wife says. Niu-hsi
is pictured as a kindly young woman watching over
her husband with loving care. "What ails you?"
she asks. "You have the finest delicacies served
you. You eat boiled tongues of orang-outang and
roasted leopard embryos. You wear robes of violet
silk ; your belt is a belt of jade. When you go out or
when you return your horse crushes under foot all
manner of flowers which people spread on your
path. Your head is shaded by an umbrella with
three layers of silk. Formerly you were only a poor
scholar living in a thatched hut; now you fulfill the
highest functions in the emperor's palace. You
swim in wealth, but this wealth is not sufficient for
you ; you do nothing but wrinkle your forehead and
heave sighs."
Niu-hsi asks many more questions, but her hus-
band refuses to reveal the cause of his grief. But
when she leaves the room Tsai-yung relieves his
feelings in a monologue which she overhears. When
he has finished lamenting his separation from his
parents and his wife (the latter is always mentioned
after father and mother), Niu-hsi comes in to say
simply that she will travel with him to his native
village, if that is what he is longing for. He retorts,
with the timidity found in most scholar-heroes in
[63]
THE CHINESE THEATER
Chinese plays, that he is afraid to let her father hear
of the matter and that he therefore forbids her to
mention it. But the otherwise docile and obedient
wife simply overrides his wishes and takes the mat-
ter to her father. The latter is quite willing to give
his permission for the journey; only suggests that
it might be better to send a faithful servant to bring
Tsai-yung's parents and wife to the capital. This
plan is agreed to by all except the servant who, in
a somewhat humorous scene, speaks of the evils that
are sure to follow when two wives are living under
one roof. But at last he agrees to go, even though he
feels his mistress will never thank him for having
obeyed on this occasion.
Wu-niang has meanwhile reached the capital.
She enters a Buddhist temple where she is asked to
sing by two clowns who pretend to be mandarins.
The long series of misfortunes that has followed
her consistently does not forsake her at this point —
the two clowns simply make sport of her and pay her
nothing. After her disappointment she unrolls the
pictures of her parents-in-law to render homage be-
fore them and to pray to Heaven that she may find
her husband. At this very moment Tsai-yung enters
to pray for a safe journey for his parents. The
bonze asks Wu-niang to leave and to make room for
the great man. She forgets the pictures in her haste,
and Tsai-yung carries off the scroll without having
looked at it closely. But Wu-niang recognizes him
and makes inquiries in regard to his residence. In
[64]
THE MING DYNASTY
this whole scene there is, as in many Chinese plays,
a great deal of satire on Buddhist priests. One
priest while saying a prayer is corrected by the ab-
bot for mispronouncing one of the Sanskrit names
for Buddha, Po-lo-t'ang instead of Po-lo-mi. The
ignorant priest retorts, " Well, ' fang ' is sugar and
'mi' is honey; both are sweet, so what difference
does it make?" An Occidental parallel for this
scene would be the medieval priest who baptized,
" In nomine patriae, filiae, et spiritus sanctae."
Wu-niang goes to her husband's house as a men-
dicant nun and meets Niu-hsi. In a scene which the
Chinese commentators consider the best in the play
she gradually tells her story and reveals her identity
to her husband's second wife. Niu-hsi is touched
by the filial piety of Wu-niang, calls her sister, and
asks her to live with them. First she advises her
how to reveal herself to her husband, namely by
writing him a letter and placing it on his table in
the library where he will be sure to find it. When
Tsai-yung comes home he reads in the " Book of
Annals", a collection of historical illustrations se-
lected by Confucius to give point to his moral teach-
ings. In every passage he finds a rebuke for his
lack of filial piety, and when he finds Wu-niang's
letter with the picture of his parents in their fam-
ished condition this means to him a greater reproof
still. He begins to suspect that the messenger with
the letter from his father had been an impostor.
His wife's letter contains nothing but hidden allu-
[65]
THE CHINESE THEATER
sions to his actions. Among ancient examples quoted
there is mention of one man to whom an emperor
had offered his daughter but who had refused to
degrade his wife to the rank of a concubine, and of
another who had under similar circumstances re-
pudiated his wife. Niu-hsi asks him whose conduct
he approves of and he says the former's, of course.
Then she asks whether, if his first wife were to step
before him now clad in rags, he would not blush
with shame and repudiate her? He answers that he
would not, that he considers his marriage indis-
soluble. When Wu-niang appears and tells him her
story he feels deep shame because an ironic fate had
led him to serve his emperor but to neglect his par-
ents. Since his parents have died Chinese etiquette
demands that he give up his office for a number of
years and mourn for the death of his father and
mother. Tsai-yung with his two wives sets out to
make a pilgrimage to the ancestral tomb to offer
proper worship to the deceased. The emperor is
going to give posthumous honors to his parents be-
cause of Wu-niang's faithfulness, and the historians
will keep ever fresh the memory of the daughter-in-
law's filial piety.
Even after the death of his parents the son must
put their interests (or supposed interests) above his
own by a three-year period of mourning, a space of
time which is simply lost out of his life. In his
" Chinese Characteristics ", Doctor Arthur H. Smith
points out the one-sidedness of the matter of filial
[66]
THE MING DYNASTY
piety — the Chinese ethical code mentions no duties
of the parents toward their children. His summary
of the subject, given in the chapter on Filial Piety,
seems most apropos of the action of this play:
" Every son has performed his filial duties to his
father, and demands the same from his own son.
That is what children are for. Upon this point the
popular mind is explicit. ' Trees are raised for
shade, children are reared for old age.' Neither
parents nor children are under any illusions upon
this subject. ' If you have no children to foul the
bed, you will have no one to burn paper at the grave.'
Each generation pays the debt which is exacted of
it by the generation which preceded it, and in turn
requires from the generation which comes after full
payment to the uttermost farthing. Thus is filial
piety perpetuated from generation to generation, and
from age to age."
Of course, this is as the matter appears to the
Occidental from the outside. But for the Chinese,
who has grown up in a deep veneration of Con-
fucius, filial piety is the most laudable institution in
existence. Confucius laid it down as a principle
that in the relations of ruler and subject, husband
and wife, father and son, elder brother and younger
brother, there must be rule on one side and sub-
mission on the other. Moreover, the " Book of
Filial Piety " condemns sharply " selfish attachment
to wife and children " ; in other words, if the claims
of father and wife clash, the son must neglect his
[67]
THE CHINESE THEATER
wife to serve his father. These things are among
the bases of Chinese society on which it has outHved
the Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, Roman and
other civiHzations ; it is small wonder therefore that
they seem good to the Chinese. The other extreme
perhaps is found in Anglo-Saxon countries where
a son, on becoming of age, goes where he likes and
does what he likes without feeling any responsibility
toward his parents. To quote Doctor Smith once
more, " To the Chinese such customs must appear
like the behaviour of a well-grown calf or colt to the
cow and the mare, suitable enough for animals, but
by no means conformable to li (ethical standards)
as applied to human beings. An attentive consider-
ation of the matter from a Chinese standpoint will
show that there is abundant room in our own social
practice for improvement, and that most of us really
live in glass houses, and would do well not to throw
stones recklessly." To both the Westerner and the
Chinese the practice of the other seems inferior, and
neither can express an impartial opinion as to which
is the better system. But the Westerner who wishes
to understand the Chinese point of view can gain an
insight into many things from reading " The Story
of a Lute."
[68]
CHAPTER FOUR
The Drama under the Manchus and the
Republic — 1644 to the Present Day
^^N 1644 the last of the Ming emperors com-
% mitted suicide when a rebel army entered
', his capital. But the rebel did not be-
come the next emperor ; the throne went
ito a Manchu leader who, in character-
istically Chinese manner, had been called in by
the Ming ruler to help put down the rebellion. The
Manchus soon established themselves as firm rulers
of the land and forced all Chinese to adopt the
queue. China became under their rule a strong
and united empire; in fact, many writers believe
that the reigns of K'ang Hsi (1662-1723) and of
Ch'ien Lung (i 736-1 795) were the most glorious
in all Chinese history. Both of these rulers were
great warriors and administrators, as well as pa-
trons of literature and the arts. The drama, too,
flourished; a recently published catalogue of Chinese
dramas records eight hundred and fifteen plays of
some literary merit from the Ch'ing Dynasty.
[69]
THE CHINESE THEATER
Among these the critics assign the first places to
two historical tragedies written about the beginning
of the eighteenth century: "The Blood-Stained
Fan" (T'ao Hua Shan) by Kung Shang-jen and
"The Palace of Eternal Life" (Ch'ang Shan Tien)
by Hung Sen. The former deals with the last days
of the Ming Dynasty. The author presents the
struggles of the various parties and the dissensions
among the generals in the face of a tottering throne.
In the foreground of the revolutionary scene stand
two lovers. The hero, a courageous young literary
man, is forced to flee before his political enemies,
and the heroine is likewise threatened. Since she
prefers death to disgrace she attempts suicide. The
play takes its name from the fact that some of her
blood stained the fan her lover had presented to her.
An artist, coming across this fan, painted the blood-
stains into peach blossoms so cleverly as to de-
ceive every one. After years of civil war, in the
course of which the dynasty is overthrown, the
lovers meet again. They feel that love has no place
in a broken and disrupted fatherland ; patriotism is
higher than love — such seems to be the author's
meaning.
The other play, "The Palace of Eternal Life",
goes back to a much earlier period, that of the T'ang
Dynasty. It has for hero and heroine the emperor
Ming Huang, traditional founder of the Chinese
theater, and his capricious concubine, Yang Kuei-fei.
The Palace of Eternal Life was the name they had
[70]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
g^ven to the pleasure dome where the famous lovers
gave themselves up to idyllic and voluptuous amuse-
ments/ This story is full of romantic and dramatic
elements ; there are said to be more than fifty plays
that have Yang Kuei-fei for heroine. Versions by
ballad singers have been well translated by George
Carter Stent,^ a Britisher who secured unprinted
popular ballads by having street singers come to his
house to recite them while his teacher wrote them
down verbatim. Since Yang Kuei-fei and her lover
play such an important part in the Chinese drama,
it might be well to quote two of the numerous bal-
lads about her.
AN IMPERIAL LOVER
Tang Ming-kuang loved Yang Kuei-fei —
Living for her, in her, with her, —
Walking by her, hither, thither —
In the pleasant summer weather.
Strolling hand in hand together.
Side by side with Yang Kuei-fei,
Listening to the play of fountains —
Climbing up the mimic mountains —
Through romantic scenery
Of hill and lake, rock, dell and tree.
' A most readable biography in English has just been published
by the Commercial Press, Shanghai : " Yang Kuei-fei ", by Mrs. Wu
Lien-teh. — In the Mercure de France, beginning August, 1922, there
appeared a fascinating series of articles : " La Passion de Yang Kuei-
fei ", by Soulie, translations of songs by blind Chinese singers woven
into the story of the greatest Chinese tale of love.
' " The Jade Chaplet, A Collection of Songs. Ballads, etc., from
the Chinese." Triibner and Company, London, 1874.
[71]
THE CHINESE THEATER
" If I had not Yang Kuei-fei,
What were all my Empire worth?
With her, earth is heaven to me, —
This is paradise on earth."
Mid-day in the lakelet found them,
Lotus leaves and blossoms round them ;
Disporting gaily in the water,
(Daily to this place he brought her).
Now an avenue they tread.
Where the trees arch overhead, —
Saving just enough of space
To catch a glimpse of heaven's face,
Showing its intensest blue,
Peering down upon the two.
" If I had not Yang Kuei-fei,
What were all this lovely scene ?
With her, walking thus by me, —
This is heaven, and she its queen."
On the sward beneath their feet,
Flowers of every hue were springing;
Bright plumed birds with voices sweet
Their passage here and there were winging.
Sheltered here from mid-day heat,
She taught to them the art of singing.^
Now is heard from every tree
Leafy voices, softly uttering
Whispers, which sound mysteriously —
Like wings of angels, gently fluttering.
" If I had not Yang Kuei-fei,
What were all my empire worth ?
With her, sitting thus by me, —
This is paradise on earth."
' The Chinese actually say that the birds imitated her voice in
their notes.
[72]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
Streaks of light through foliage glancing -
Mixing, blending, interlacing —
Now retreating — now advancing —
Sunbeams after shadows racing.
Flinging on the sward a net-work
Of embroidered golden fret- work —
Quaintly beautifully grotesque,
As of flickering arabesque
Sculpt'd from sunbeams, light and shade,
Its ground the green enameled glade.
" If I had not Yang Kuei-fei,
What were all this lovely scene ?
With her, sitting thus by me, —
This is heaven, and she its queen."
THE DEATH OF YANG KUEI-FEI
In silence unbroken.
They sat side by side ;
Not a word had been spoken : —
They both of them tried
The dread that was o'er them
Of what lay before them
In their bosoms to hide.
What is that? In the distance a murmur is heard.
Is 't the wail of the night wind — the surge of the sea?
As nearer it floats it takes form in a word —
And that word. Oh, God! is the name Yang Kuei-fei!
They listen, but speak not — though both know full
well
Those murmuring sounds are for one a death-knell.
Nearer, — still nearer
Those hoarse murmurs came:
[73]
THE CHINESE THEATER
Now they sound clearer,
They shout out a name.
'T is Yang-fei's name they call !
Break her accursed thrall !
Too long we have borne it —
This night, we have sworn it —
Her life pays for all !
Where is she, — your minion, — frail Yang Kuei-fei?
Drag her forth — the vile traitress ! our daggers would
see
If in her fair body the blood flows more pure
Than in those of your subjects who have had to endure
Wrongs, which her arts have heaped on them for years :*
Whose bread has been moistened by blood, sweat and
tears !
Whose sons have been slaughtered — whose daughters
defiled !
Whose homes have been pillaged — whose fields made
a wild !
'T is she is the cause of rebellion and strife,*
We fight not your foes till we've taken her life!
' One of the many complaints against Yang Kuei-fei was her fancy
for fresh Li-chihs. She was so fond of these, that she had them,
when in season, brought from the South to Ch'ang An daily, a distance
of three thousand li. This apparently simple fancy was the cause of
immense suffering, distress, and injustice; the messengers carrying
the luxury, presuming on the protection of their mistress, committed
all manner of depredation and violence.
" Yang Kuei-fei had intrigued with a noble named An Lu-shan,
who afterwards raised the standard of rebellion, it is said, with the
hope of obtaining possession of her. Be that as it may, the Emperor
assembled a large army, and accompanied by Yang Kuei-fei, went to
meet him. On arriving at a place called Ma-kuei in Sze-chuen, the
Emperor's troops mutinied, declaring that Yang Kuei-fei was the
cause of the rebellion, and demanding her life, otherwise they would
not fight. The Emperor, having no alternative, was forced to comply.
Some say he ordered her to be strangled, and that this was done by
the soldiers; others again, that she strangled herself — the latter ap-
pears the correct version.
[74]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
" Nought but the blood
Of Yang Kuei-fei
Can stem this flood
Of anarchy ! "
" Oh ! bitter destiny !
Oh ! dire necessity !
Must I pronounce your doom?
Consign you to the tomb?
" Alas ! my Yang Kuei-fei,
I 'm powerless to save !
My life — throne — empire — all I 'd give
Had I the power to bid you live —
To snatch you from the grave.
Yet they have willed it thus — and I
Who 'd die to save you, bid you die."
" See I am calm, — it is not death I fear.
It is their savage mode of death I dread;
Say could you bear to see me lying here.
Weltering in blood, by ruthless butchers shed ?
" Fancy their bloody hands wreathed in my hair —
That silken hair you used so much to prize;
Dragged — struck — faint — bleeding ! — could you
bear
To see all this before your very eyes ?
"Pierced by a hundred knives, my life-blood
flows
In purple streams — could you look on and see,
Unmoved — my murderers watch my dying throes —
With hungry eyes gloat on my agony ?
[75]
THE CHINESE THEATER
" I have been vile, but let my penitence
In these last moments that to me are given,
Make some atonement for my great offence,
And Oh ! ' forgive me as you 'd be forgiven ! '
" One last entreaty — let me die alone —
Let no one enter — none but you stand by
To watch my death ; — the act, too, be my own;
Let not the ignoble rabble see me die.
" The means are here ; I have but to unloose
This silken girdle from my slender waist;
I knot it thus, and thus, and form a noose.
This by my own hand round my neck is placed.
" With my own hands the ends are tightly drawn,
And I die thus " — scarce had the words been said-
A few brief struggles, and Yang-fei had gone
" With all her inperfections on her head."
" Hide her from my sight !
Let me not see
That face so ghastly white —
Those eyes so wildly bright
Glaring at me!
" They follow mine everywhere,
Look where I may —
On the earth — in the air,
Still the same glassy stare.
Take them away!
" Place her gently in the grave
E'en as she fell ;
Here, where the willows wave.
Near this old well.
[76]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
Lightly cover her with earth —
Oh ! Yang Kuei-fei !
What is all my empire worth
Now I 've lost thee ! "
During the Ch'ing Dynasty the native music was
gradually superseded by a much cruder, less melodi-
ous product imported from barbarian lands. With
the old style of music went many of the better plays ;
in many cases they were replaced by the so-called
" military plays ", that is to say acrobatic exhibitions
of stage fighting to the accompaniment of crashing
orchestral pandemonium. Toward the end of the
Ch'ing Dynasty the Yuan drama had almost entirely
vanished from the Peking stage. In a later chapter
will be found a fuller discussion of the newer types
of music.
But the chief innovation in the drama under the
Manchu rule came through the influence of popu-
lar novels. Episodes from the famous novels read
by everybody were brought on the stage in ever-
increasing numbers. The novel, like the drama, is a
literary form despised by the pundits and it too
began to flourish during the Mongol Dynasty when
the literary examinations were suppressed. Many
novels are of unknown authorship, because their
authors considered such works as beneath their dig-
nity. But for the very reason that the authors did
not employ the literary language the great masses
of the people were able to enjoy these stories. Let it
be remarked in passing that the novel is now coming
i77^
THE CHINESE THEATER
into its own and is receiving its just share of atten-
tion from scholars, at least from the progressive
ones. Doctor Hu Shih, of the National University,
Peking, has pointed out that it is the novel written
in the vernacular that has given to spoken Chinese
such unity as it possesses, and that it is through
works in the popular language that a common speech
for all China may ultimately be achieved. To-day,
of course, natives of Peking, Shanghai, and Canton
speak languages differing as widely as do those of
Berlin, Amsterdam, and London, or Rome, Paris,
and Madrid. Due to the crystallization of the writ-
ten language, however, students from the three
Chinese centers can read one another's letters, al-
though, as I have often observed in laboratories or
on the playground, when they converse they have
recourse to English. It is due to their linguistic and
literary importance that Doctor Hu Shih has edited
critical editions of about a dozen famous Chinese
novels.
Among the novels, "The Story of the Three
Kingdoms" (San Kuo Ch'i) is by far the most
popular. It was written in the Yuan Dynasty and
deals with the period of romantic chivalry, 221-265
A.D., when three dynasties ruled in three separate
capitals. In it appear the cruel Tsao Tsao and the
resourceful Chu Ko-liang, together with many an-
other brave warrior. Every educated Chinese has
read it, and the illiterate coolies have hired readers,
that they too may learn of the stirring adventures
[78]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
of their more or less mythical heroes. The enthu-
siasm for this book is simply unbounded, as the fol-
lowing instance may serve to illustrate. Friends of
mine in Peking, a young architect and his wife,
were continually annoyed during hot August eve-
nings by a fairly loud voice with a monotonous
rising and falling inflection that kept coming over
the wall of the adjoining courtyard from eight
o'clock until midnight. It cast a shadow over con-
versation, it distracted attention from reading, and
it effectually prevented peaceful sleep. My friends
began by setting their victrola on their side of the
wall to playing " Over There ! " for an hour or two
on end ; next they sent out the house boy to buy fire-
crackers and ordered him to set off package after
package under a tin pail ; and finally they allowed a
bottle of asafetida to trickle over the wall — but all
to no avail. They recovered neither their peace of
mind nor their slumber until the shuo-shu-te had
read to his coolie audience the last chapter of " The
Three Kingdoms ", a novel as long as the whole
Bible.
An endless number of plays are based on this book
of romantic history, which deserves to be called the
national epic of the Chinese. A long list of "mili-
tary plays" derive their plots from the " Shui Hu
Chuan" (Story of the River Bank), a novel based
upon the doings of a band of brigands who terror-
ized a number of provinces early in the twelfth
century. Some of the swashbucklers in this story
[79]
THE CHINESE THEATER
had Robin Hood's habit of giving to the poor what
they had stolen from the rich and corrupt officials.
From the "Liao Chai" (translated by Mr. Giles,
"Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio") come
many plays dealing with fairies and other super-
natural beings. The novel that might be considered
a possible rival in popularity to the story of " The
Three Kingdoms", is "The Dream of the Red
Chamber " (Hung Lou Meng), the story of the love
of a young idler for his two pretty cousins, and the
decay of an old and wealthy family. Poetic love
stories from this novel were brought on the stage
only in recent years by Mei Lan-fang, the actor who
is responsible for many innovations in the Peking
theater. The play, "Burying the Flowers", men-
tioned in the chapter on Mei Lan-fang, is one ex-
ample of a dramatization of an episode from this
book.
In his "Geschichte der chinesischen Litteratur"
the German scholar Wilhelm Grube, who knew the
Chinese character well, remarks in discussing the
novel that a ruse or a sly calculation on the part of
a warrior seems to appeal to the Chinese much more
than actual bravery on the battle field. A number
of plays taken from the story of " The Three King-
doms " bear out this point by reason of their peren-
nial popularity. No play perhaps is oftener acted
than " The Ruse of the Empty City " (Kung Chuan
Chi). The famous hero Chu Ko-liang is in a city
stripped of all its defenders when suddenly a strong
[80]
WARRIOR-ACROBATS
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
enemy force arrives. He orders the gates to be
opened wide as though peace were reigning through-
out the country, and seats himself on the wall above
the gate. When the advance guard of the enemy
arrives it finds the commander, who more than any
other is known for his resourcefulness and his strat-
agems, calmly reading a book in the face of the
threatening attack. Naturally enough the enemy
fears an ambush of some sort and withdraws. By
his calm Chu Ko-liang has saved a city ; his bluff has
won.
Another "peculiar" (as Bret Harte would put
it) play from the same source is " Hsii Mu Ma
Tsao" (Hsii's Mother Curses Tsao Tsao). The
famous general Tsao Tsao found that he was being
defeated continually through the clever stratagems
suggested to his opponent by a certain Hsii Su. He
therefore plotted to get this clever adviser into his
hands in order that he might profit by his knowledge
of strategy. For this purpose he kidnaped Hsu Su's
mother and sent a forged letter asking the son to
come to her. Filial piety demanded that Hsii Su
obey and therefore he came into Tsao Tsao's camp
only to be forced into the service of his enemy.
When Hsii Su's mother heard how her son had been
tricked she went to Tsao Tsao's tent, called him a
man without honor, a traitor, and a wretched de-
ceiver. This scene, when the tottering old lady
scolds in a shrill voice, as only a Chinese woman can
ma, is of course the piece de resistance of the play.
[8i]
THE CHINESE THEATER
When she has spoken out her mind she returns to
her own tent and commits suicide. Although Tsao
Tsao continued to hold Hsii Su, yet the latter never
offered a single stratagem to the general, an out-
standing piece of bravery according to the Chinese
view. The very favorite play from this novel is
" Ch'un Yin Hui " (The Meeting of Many Heroes).
When this play is staged with the parts of the great
heroes of the novel filled by stars, the Chinese
theater lovers feel that such an ensemble offers
about the finest thing possible. The plot again turns
chiefly upon a ruse by Chu Ko-liang. His side is
facing tremendous odds in the huge fleet of wooden
vessels under the control of the enemy, and there-
fore his commander decides to attack them with
fiery arrows. Chu Ko-liang is commissioned to pro-
cure 100,000 arrows, and is given for this task five
days, which he himself cuts down to three. Two
and a half days he spends in calm meditation, doing
nothing about the arrows. When one of his com-
rades discovers him sitting under a tree he is very
much alarmed at the waste of time and suggests
that the only thing left for his friend is to commit
suicide. But our hero is undaunted. He places a
number of straw men in the prows of a few boats
and sails toward the position of the enemy. Owing
to the dense fog the enemy commander is unable
to ascertain the size of the attacking force, but he
orders his archers to shoot as fast as they can. The
arrows strike the straw men and pierce them with-
[82]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
out doing any harm. When 100,000 arrows have
been caught up in his decoys, Chu Ko-liang orders
his boats to retreat, and thus is able to deliver the
required number of arrows to his commander on
time. The manner in which the play is staged, with
two or three arrows flitting across the scene, pro-
vides, at least for the Westerner, a distinct anti-
climax.
Another play in which three stars play together
to good effect is "The Three Strange Meetings"
(Ch'i San Hui) or, as it is popularly nicknamed,
" The Three Pulls." It is a popular comedy written
during the time of the Manchu Dynasty, and is one
of the favorite plays of Mei Lan-fang. Through
his great prestige he is able to induce other stars to
play with him, and when he presents the role of the
wife supported by Chii Su-yiin as husband and Li
Shou-shan as father, the Chinese consider it a per-
fect performance. The play is rich in glimpses of
Chinese life and also full of excellent opportunities
for the actors to show their mettle. The opening of
the play is also most unusual, for, like Goethe's
" Faust " and some of our other famous plays, it has
a prologue in heaven. There is as a general thing
no curtain used in the Chinese theater, a rule to
which a scene in heaven forms an exception. Stage
hands bring on a curtain about eight feet high and
twelve feet wide, supported by bamboo poles and
painted with clouds and bats to symbolize the sky.
Behind this the stage is set for the divine scene.
[83]
THE CHINESE THEATER
When the curtain is removed the spectator sees a
god seated on a high throne. Four spirits bearing
tall shields painted with the conventionalized cloud
pattern stand by his side. The horns of the orchestra
are blown mightily and fireworks are set off until
finally the god begins to speak in a slow, impressive
bass. Like a Homeric Zeus he sends a messenger to
earth to free a certain innocent man who is languish-
ing in prison. The messenger is ordered to find the
man's daughter and to conduct her to the prison.
The divine herald departs, carrying a horsehair
switch, the conventional symbol by which a spirit
may be recognized on the Chinese stage.
The next scene begins the first of the four acts
on earth: i. The Weeping in Prison; 2. Writing
the Petition; 3. The Three Pulls; 4. The Family
Reunited.
Li Kuei-chih (played by Mei Lan-fang), newly
married to a young magistrate, visits the prison, in-
spired by the divine messenger. There she sees the
jailer mistreating an old man, in whom, to her sur-
prise and grief, she recognizes her father, from
whom she had been separated in childhood at the
time of his unjust condemnation. The jailer is will-
ing to relent after the daughter, without disclosing
her identity, has paid him a good-sized bribe. Li
Kuei-chih then asks her husband to make an eflFort
to free her father by writing an appeal to a higher
court. The husband complies very willingly, but, in
order to write the petition he must know his wife's
[84]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
" little name ", a sort of family nickname of the little
girls, which, according to Chinese custom, is never
revealed to the husband. There ensues a fine comedy
scene in which the wife at first withholds and then
shamefacedly tells her " little name ", to the great
triumph of her husband. In presenting the petition
to the judge of the higher court, the wife is recog-
nized by the judge as his long-lost sister. He rises
from his seat, and discarding the stiflf formality of
the courtroom, pulls Li Kuei-chih out of the room
in order to reveal his identity to her in the privacy
•of his home. The husband is told of this by the
servant, and rushes to the court in a rage, because
he fears that the judge has been induced by his
wife's beauty to make her his concubine. The judge
is not in the courtroom, but he sends out two officers
to bring the husband also into his home. The second
of the three pulls comes when the messengers drag
the husband off-stage in a state of comical terror;
for, like a true Oriental, he fears sudden death, —
a fear that caused Abraham to lie to the Pharaoh of
Egypt about his relationship to the beautiful Sarah.
In the next scene brother, sister, and husband are
happily reunited. The father is summoned from
the prison into the court. He recognizes his son, the
presiding judge, and gratefully bows toward the
audience (that is, toward heaven) for, according to
Chinese custom, a father dare never bow toward his
son, no matter what position the latter may hold.
Thereupon the father is also pulled off-stage to com-
[85]
THE CHINESE THEATER
plete the happy family reunion. The jailer, know-
ing full well what manner of unpleasant death may
be in store for him, ends his life by jumping down a
well.
This last-named action is accomplished by the
jailer's making a quick leap and running off-stage,
the conventional expression for suicide by drown-
ing. The court scenes, especially when the play is
given by Mei Lan-fang, abound in gorgeous cos-
tumes of richly embroidered silk. The various char-
acters wear historically correct dress, the Manchu
robes with wide sleeves. So far as my own observa-
tion goes, I have found that for Manchu or Ming
Dynasty events the styles of the respective periods
are followed, but that beyond this no attempt is
made at providing historically correct costume.
Characters in plays taking place before the Ming
Dynasty wear Ming costume; it is the style worn
before the coming of the Manchus and therefore
serves for all ancient settings.
The actor who plays the part of the husband in
this play is Chu Su-yiin. He is nearly fifty years
old, but he continues to play the role of the lover
opposite Mei Lan-fang, because there is no younger
man who can do it half so well. He is really as good
as any Occidental comedian in assuming the expres-
sions of surprise, anger, or terror ; he stutters admi-
rably whenever necessary, and in laughing gets a
comical effect by means of his faulty teeth, black-
ened by opium smoking. In another play, "Ngoh
[86]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
Chia Chuan " (The Ngoh Family Village), he plays
the part of a young boy who has prodigious strength ;
in fact, he, though a mere child, protects his family's
home by killing two generals. In one of the first
scenes the parents forbid their abnormally strong
offspring to handle dangerous weapons, whereupon
this actor in the costume of a child goes into tan-
trums of weeping that convulse the audience by
their realistic imitation of the overgrown baby. Li
Shou-shan, in the role of the father, is made up as a
fine, dignified old Chinese gentleman. He brings
out very poignantly the tragic situation of the help-
less old man unjustly imprisoned; though perhaps
by some of his pitiful wails he somewhat overdoes
his part.
Another very popular domestic drama is "Ta
Chih Shang Wen " (Beating the Nephew and Wor-
shiping at the Grave). The Chinese prodigal son
is Ta Kuan, an orphan boy raised by his uncle.
Wicked companions taught him gambling and other
ways of squandering money, and as he needed funds
for these pursuits he insisted that his uncle give him
his paternal heritage. In a short time, of course,
all his substance has been wasted with riotous living
and Ta Kuan is forced to beg for his food. His
uncle at that time is distributing alms among the
poor and the nephew is not ashamed to appear
among the beggars at his uncle's door. Naturally,
the uncle's "loss of face" is tremendous ; he becomes
extremely angry and chases Ta Kuan off with
[87]
THE CHINESE THEATER
blows. But his aunt, in the kindness of her heart,
gives him some money and urges him to avoid his
angered uncle. But in China too there is a destiny
that shapes our ends: Ta Kuan's money is stolen
from him, and with no prospects whatever before
him, he suddenly becomes pious and worships at his
father's grave. While he is busy burning paper
money (i.e. paper imitations of silver ingots) for
the spirits of his ancestors his uncle and aunt hap-
pen also to visit the family graveyard. The moment
Ta Kuan sees them, remembering his uncle's blows
and curses, he runs away. His foster-father is very
much surprised that some one should have been
burning paper money at his brother's tomb. He
never would have suspected his nephew of such an
action, but when he finds that it really was Ta Kuan,
his heart is touched by such a display of filial piety
that he sends for the nephew, inviting him to re-
turn to his house, and then persuades him to study
under the direction of a teacher. There has been a
real change of heart in the youth, for he applies
himself diligently to his task. And virtue is not
without its reward ; for when Ta Kuan takes the ex-
amination he passes with the very highest honors.
A play similar to the previous one in that it is
much more moral than probable is " Chu Sha Chii "
(A Cinnabar Spot). A certain elderly gentleman
by the name of Han was very unhappy because he
had no son. To remedy this condition he bought
himself a concubine; but when the marriage was
[88]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
about to be consummated, the bride wept bitterly.
Han asked the cause of the tears at such an inap-
propriate time, and learned that his new spouse was
in reality a married woman who had allowed herself
to be sold to aid her sick husband. The old man took
pity on her, burned the marriage contract, and pre-
sented her with more money for her unfortunate
husband. A noble and unusual action, to be sure,
which merited and received an unusual reward?
The woman returned to her husband and the latter
recovered at once. Returned once more to health,
he went about his business which carried him to
Sze-chuan province. He brought with him a present
for his benefactor, a young boy whom he had bought
in a district afflicted by famine. Han was very
much pleased with the bright boy and devoted him-
self eagerly to his education. He gradually re-
marked that the boy resembled him a great deal and
began to wonder if it might not be possible that it
was his own son, who had been carried off a few
years before in the course of a rebellion. One day it
occurred to him to examine the sole of the boy's
foot, and there he found the very same cinnabar
spot that had always been his own distinguishing
mark. This proved conclusively that it was his own
son, and both were very happy over the reunion that
had been brought about through Han's kindness to
a poor woman !
The moral Chinese stage sets forth not only the
reward of virtue, but also the punishment of vice.
[89]
THE CHINESE THEATER
There can be seen on the Peking stage almost any
day a warning to cruel husbands called " Pang Ta
Pao Ch'ing Lang" (Beating the Heartless Hus-
band). Mu Chi was a scholar holding the first de-
gree (Hsiu Tsai, corresponding somewhat to our
A.B.), but he was very poor because his parents had
not left him any property whatsoever. When a
famine struck the country he was forced to beg for
his bread. In his half-starved condition he was one
day caught in a snowstorm, in the course of which
he fell to the ground more dead than alive. In this
condition the daughter of the head of the beggar's
guild found him lying before the door of her home.
She took pity on him and nursed him back to health.
At first her father was none too pleased with his
daughter's action; but when the daughter repre-
sented that the gods would surely reward her good
deed, he became reconciled to the presence of the
young man in the house. The daughter fell in love
with her protege and was very proud of his rank as
a Hsiu Tsai. The father also became quite fond of
the young man and gave him his daughter in mar-
riage. Then it was arranged that Mu Chi was to go
to Peking to take the examination, while his wife
and father-in-law were to go along to beg and thus
furnish the young man with a livirig until such time
as he should have secured a profitable post. Mu Chi
passed the examination and was appointed the mag-
istrate of a town. The moment he had received his
appointment he became extremely disdainful of his
[90]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
new relatives and in the course of the journey by
boat to the town where he was to become magistrate
he pushed his wife overboard into the stream and
drove off his father-in-law. However, a certain
high official saved the life of the beggar chief's
daughter and adopted her as his child. When he
had learned from her the story of her husband's in-
gratitude he decided to punish the wretch properly.
He called on him in his magistracy and offered him
his daughter in marriage. Mu Chi, the cad, nat-
urally was glad to marry into the family of such an
influential man, and accepted eagerly. But what
was his chagrin and fright when on the evening of
his marriage he raised the bride's veil to find under
it the beggar's daughter ! The official then entered
the bridal chamber with a powerful stick and or-
dered the beggar's daughter to give Mu Chi a
sound thrashing. This she did with a great deal of
" heart ", as the Chinese say, for which no one can
blame her. But Mu Chi decided to become a wiser
and a better man ; he sent out men to find his father-
in-law, and the three lived happy ever after.
But the very crowning piece of righteous moral
indignation in all the Flowery Kingdom is found in
a story connected with Yo Fei, deified as the god
of war and worshiped as a special patron of the
theater. In his lifetime Yo Fei was a faithful gen-
eral of the Sung emperors, a great fighter against
the Mongols. In fact, he had almost succeeded in
capturing the Mongol emperor with his entire army
[91]
THE CHINESE THEATER
when the enemy bribed some high Chinese officials,
chief among them Ch'in Kuei, to do away with their
great patriotic leader. Yo Fei was summoned be-
fore a court for trial, but was cleared of all charges.
Then he was tried again before Ch'in Kuei and two
other judges, this time being condemned to death
by strangling. Before the sentence was carried
out, his cruel executioners tore the skin off his
back where his mother had tattooed the famous
inscription, " I repay the state with integrity and
loyalty."
At Hangchow is found the tomb of this great
Chinese patriot. Before it, as every tourist sees to
his surprise, are four statues in a kneeling position
and bound with chains, while an inscription invites
the wanderer to urinate on them.^ These villains,
who are literally in very bad odor, are Ch'in Kuei,
his wife, and the two other judges who condemned
Yo Fei to death. This drastic, posthumous punish-
ment seems to have had very little effect in further-
ing patriotism in China, for in recent decades neither
the Russians nor the Japanese seem ever to have had
any trouble in finding Chinese statesmen willing to
accept bribes for the betrayal of their country. The
story is also told that in 1678, fully 500 years after
Yo Fei's death, this play was performed in a certain
town, when suddenly an excited spectator rushed on
the stage and stabbed to death the unfortunate actor
' For similar practices among the Romans, see Sumner, " Folk-
ways ", page 445.
[92]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
who was playing the part of Ch'in Kuei, the traitor.
In the course of the trial this fervent patriot told
that in all his books he had carefully cut out the
name of Ch'in Kuei wherever it occurred. The man
was not put to death, as would have been the case
had he been a Britisher, nor was he celebrated as a
hero, as would have been the case had he been a
Frenchman, but in characteristic Chinese manner
he was dismissed as an idiot.
Though as a general thing there is very little
courtship on the part of young people in China, yet
there are on the stage quite a number of romantic
love stories. In the chapter on Mei Lan-fang I have
mentioned some taken from the novel, " Dream of
the Red Chamber." The same actor frequently pre-
sents " Yii Chan Chih" (A Precious Hairpin), the
plot of which might be an Occidental love story. In
a certain convent the abbess had living with her the
daughter of her deceased brother, a very attractive
young girl by the name of Ch'en Miao. In the
vicinity there lived also the abbess' nephew, with
whom, because of his personal charm and great
learning, the young lady fell in love. One day the
nephew became ill and Ch'en Miao asked permission
to assist in taking care of the patient. Under the
tender care of such an attractive nurse the young
man recovered speedily, but he too had lost his heart.
He found means to visit Ch'en Miao in her room one
day as she was reading poetry, whereupon, like
Paolo and Francesca, that day they read no more.
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THE CHINESE THEATER
In the village there lived an elderly magistrate who
wished to marry Ch'en Miao, but when the generous
judge learned that she loved a younger rival, he did
not show any signs of jealousy ; on the contrary, he
went to the abbess to urge her to join in marriage
the young lovers.
Peking theaters have very few properties, as has
been stated, but behind practically every stage one
finds a pair of plaster-of-Paris lions in imitation of
the marble lions that guard the gateways of Chinese
palaces and temples. They are used in a very popu-
lar play called "Chu T'eng Kuan Hua" (Trial of
Strength and Viewing the Ancestral Portraits).
The play seems to be a modern imitation of the
Yuan Dynasty drama "The Orphan of the Chao
Family." A wicked minister persuades the emperor
that an entire family, one of whose members he
hates, must be exterminated root and branch. A
friend decides to save the family name by substitut-
ing just before the execution his own young son for
a child of the condemned family. His wife abso-
lutely refuses to enter upon his plan, but when he
kneels before her she is compelled to yield to his
wishes to sacrifice her child; this is typical of the
Chinese, inasmuch as they seem to think that when
some one humbles himself unduly he must gain his
end and other people must grant him whatever he
asks. The man and his wife then bring up the
orphan as their own son. The child they sacrificed
was chopped into three pieces by the wicked minister
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DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
himself, because he feared that it might some day
revenge on him the slaughter of his relatives.
The play as given in Peking theaters opens at the
time when the orphan has attained the age of fifteen.
He and his servant are playing in the courtyard of
his foster-father's house. The boy proposes that
they make a test of their strength by moving the
stone lions standing at the door of the house. The
servant tries in vain to move them, while the boy,
a prodigy of strength, picks up the massive stones
and moves them with ease. Soon afterward the
master of the house returns and asks angrily who is
responsible for displacing the stone lions. The good-
natured servant, who has the role of the clown in
this play, says that he did it. His master then orders
him to return them to their proper place, and thus in
a comedy scene he is soon proved a liar. Then the
adopted son is called; like George Washington he
acknowledges what he has done, and returns the
lions to their proper places without the slightest
trouble. His foster-father now perceives that al-
though but fifteen years of age, the boy is strong
enough to avenge the cruel injustice done his family.
Therefore he conducts him into the ancestral temple
where he shows him the portraits of his ancestors
down to the ones put to death by the wicked min-
ister. No sooner has the orphan boy heard the story
than he puts on his armor and sets out on his mis-
sion of revenge on the enemy of his family. In-
cidentally there is often a bit of comedy of a simple
[95]
THE CHINESE THEATER
kind thrown in by the stage hands when they remove
the stone hons, which they pretend to find very
heavy.
On one occasion when I saw this play I was sur-
prised to hear the audience break out into peals of
laughter at the point when the boy set out on his
errand of revenge. I inquired the cause of this
from a Chinese friend. Amid sobs of mirth he told
me that the orphan boy had left the temple on horse-
back ! As usual, there was no scenery, the stage was
bare, only a picture suspended from a chair set on
a table marked the locality as an ancestral temple.
The actor dressed for war had absent-mindedly
acted as though he were on the battle field and had
made with his leg the conventional sign for mount-
ing a horse. I had not noticed the gesture at all, as
it was a rather inconspicuous one. The humor of
the episode is of about the same variety as that
engendered years ago in the Philadelphia Little
Theater when, in the course of the action, a cat
wandered on the stage and in her haste to remove
him an actress thrust him into the glowing stage
fireplace — in reality, of course, oflF-stage into the
wings.
In this imitation of a Yuan drama, in fact of the
drama that several Western writers have called the
nearest approach to true tragedy among all Chinese
plays, practically all that is presented to modern
audiences is the farcical element. Of farces the
Chinese stage possesses many, some good and some
[96]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
less SO. A certain Liu Yen-ming, in a farce by that
name, lends money to a magistrate for a journey to
the capital. The loan is arranged, like most things
in China, through a third party — in this case an
abbess of a convent. When a year has elapsed and
the magistrate has not returned, Liu demands his
money, or, in case the abbess cannot repay him, the
hand of Yu Ying, the magistrate's pretty daughter.
He brings such pressure to bear by means of threats
that the abbess finally agrees to arrange a rendez-
vous at midnight in the Convent of Great Purity.
Yu Ying naturally enough refuses to marry a man
just because her father owes him money, but when
the abbess pictures the old miser as a dashing youth
of twenty-three she gradually changes her tone and
at last gives her consent. At midnight, therefore,
Liu Yen-ming stealthily approaches the convent,
but unfortunately he meets with a patrol of police
who arrest the nocturnal prowler as he is unable to
account for his presence near the convent at such
an unseemly hour. Instead of in the arms of his
beloved the money-lender spends the night in jail.
But much more disagreeable for him is another de-
velopment of the story. A young scholar on his
way to the capital is on the same road when he
observes that the police have arrested Liu Yen-
ming. He decides that the police must be very strict
in these parts and so demands hospitality at the very
next house, which is of course the convent. The
door is opened by a novice who has been told by the
[97]
THE CHINESE THEATER
abbess what to do; the young scholar is asked to
enter and to await the young lady. The youth,
though somewhat surprised, is wise enough to hold
his tongue and to follow instructions. Soon Yu
Ying enters and finds that the young man possesses
all the charms the abbess had falsely attributed to
her father's creditor. Love at first sight, then fol-
low mutual explanations, and before morning an
engagement sealed by pledges.
A rather good scene follows when on the next day
the abbess calls on the miser to felicitate him on the
pleasant night he has spent! There are delightful
misunderstandings, but at the end of the scene Liu
Yen-ming is in a towering rage, and determined to
have revenge. He forces the daughter of his debtor
to become a maid in his tavern, where she must per-
form the most menial tasks. In the end, of course,
the young scholar returns from the capital as a
magistrate ; he enters the very inn where his beloved
is serving the guests, recognizes and rescues her,
giving the miser the punishment he so richly de-
serves.
One evening when I had gone to see Mei Lan-
fang at the Chen Kwang Theater, there was per-
formed as the last play among the curtain raisers
another farce, "San Yao Hui" (Shaking Dice).
This farce is much less presentable in every way,
but is, I believe, more typical of the present-day
drama, because of its episodic nature and lack of
real plot. On the eve of the husband's return the
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DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
wife and the concubine are quarreling as to which is
to share his first night at home. The dispute waxes
hot and violent ; herewith follows a prize specimen
of the dialogue :
Wife : He has no right to have a concubine.
Concubine: He would not have one, if you were able
to bear him a son.
Wife: Don't say that, for before I was married I
had several sons.
Two neighbors, the clowns in the piece, enter and
after much discussion suggest that the women settle
the disagreement by shaking dice. Three dice are
used, and the wife throws a score of seventeen. The
concubine then prostrates herself before the house
god and when her dice are counted it is found that
she has eighteen points. She is victorious!
Probably about as much as one fourth of the
drama played in China at the present time deals
with religious or mythological subjects. Kuan-yin,
the goddess of mercy, the Buddhist madonna, very
frequently figures in these plays, releasing unfor-
tunates from punishments and otherwise doing
deeds of kindness. A direct contrast to her is found
in the cruel judge of the lower world. In the Field
Museum, Chicago, there are exhibits portraying a
number of Chinese religious plays and the curator,
Doctor Berthold Laufer, has written an excellent
guidebook dealing with these theatrical representa-
tions having for their aim the inculcation of better
morals through the fear of punishments in the here-
[99]
THE CHINESE THEATER
after. I cannot resist quoting from Doctor Laufer
on the typically Chinese attitude toward this form
of religious drama:
It must not be supposed, however, that the Chinese
have ever in reality practiced the tortures demonstrated
in the ten courts of Purgatory. This lore is not their own,
they adopted it from India. It is the visual illustration
of what is described in the sacred books of the Buddhists.
On the stage, moreover, everything is mitigated and per-
meated by a willful, grotesque humor which makes it
difficult for the spectator to take these punishments too
seriously. Skeptical and rationalistic as many of the
Chinese are, they will be moved to smile at this perform-
ance, or to entertain doubt as to its reality. The baroque
features and semi-comic gestures of the devils contrib-
ute to the relief and exhilaration of the audience. The
visitor should bear in mind that he is witnessing a fine
piece of scenic illusion, which, while moralistic at its root
and ethical in its tendency, is far from being calculated
to shock the nerves or frighten the conscience, but which,
on the contrary, will encourage and elevate by pointing
the way to ultimate salvation. The keynote of this drama
is not misery and despair, but hope and the possibility of
self-perfection.
A favorite example of the mythological drama is
the story of " The White and the Black Snake " (Po
She Chuan), taken from a novel of the same name.
Two snake demons took on the form of lovely vir-
gins. One day they quarreled and the White Snake
said to the black, "If you can defeat me in a fight
I 'II serve you, but if you are beaten you shall be my
slave." The White Snake won and according to
[loo]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
the agreement the other became her servant. In a
former incarnation a certain young man had saved
the Hfe of the White Snake and she decided to re-
ward him by becoming his beautiful and loving
wife. Their marriage was indeed a very happy one
for a time. It is a Chinese custom on the fifth day
of the fifth month to drink a cup of wine containing
a certain blossom which acts as a charm against
venomous animals. Hsii Hsuan, the husband, fol-
lowed this custom and gave some also to his unsus-
pecting wife. The White Snake felt uncomfortable
after this draught and retired early. Hardly had
she gone to sleep when she lost her human form and
was changed into a snake. When her husband later
on parted the curtains of their bed, he saw a huge
white snake lying there, raising her head toward
him and spewing fire. Hsii Hsuan was so fright-
ened that he fell to the ground dead. Aroused by
the noise, the Black Snake came on the scene and
awoke her mistress, who on awakening once more
took on human form. When she realized what she
had unwittingly done, she burst into tears ; but she
soon recalled that on the mountain dominated by the
God of Long Life there grew an herb capable of
restoring the dead to life. She hurried to this moun-
tain to steal a bit of the herb. But the God of Long
Life saw her and in great anger pursued her. By
means of enveloping her in the fumes of a charm
against snakes he captured her ; but on learning for
what purpose she had come to steal he not only re-
[lOl]
THE CHINESE THEATER
leased her, but presented her with the herb. By
means of it the dead man was soon restored to Hfe.
The two demons wished to please Hsii Hsuan in
every way, but in doing him favors they harmed the
community. They robbed the state treasury to en-
rich their favorite ; but the treasurer was beheaded
in consequence. Thereupon they opened a drug
store and in order to make the business prosper they
spread various diseases in the village. But the
abbot of a nearby monastery discovered their tricks.
He visited Hsii Hsuan under the pretense of collect-
ing alms and warned him that he had better come
for a time to the monastery to be freed from the
influence of evil demons that were besetting him.
Hsii Hsuan, who remembered only too well his ex-
perience on the fifth day of the fifth month, was glad
to go. He told his wife that he was going to the
temple to worship.
But when her husband failed to return, the White
Snake decided to go to the monastery to seek him.
On the way she confessed to her servant that she
was soon going to give birth to a child, an event
which she hoped would give great pleasure to Hsii
Hsuan. The two snakes in human form rode in a
boat to the monastery which was located on an
island. The abbot met them and sternly ordered
them off lest he destroy them utterly by means of
his magic power. Full of anger the two demons
drew their magic swords against the abbot, but the
latter tossed into the air his cane with a dragon's
[ 102 ]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
head, which was changed immediately into a Hving
dragon and attacked the two snakes so savagely that
they were forced to flee for their lives. But by
means of their magic they sent a flood which threat-
ened to destroy the island. The abbot, surrounded
by all his priests, spread his garment at the edge of
the water, thereby causing the island to rise in the
same degree as the water. At this point K'uei
Shing, god of the literati, arrived like the deus ex
machina of a Euripidean play. He had been sent by
Wen Chang, the god of science and literature, to
put an end to the quarrel because the son of Hsii
Hsuan and the White Snake was destined to obtain
the highest degree in the literary examinations.
Thus the island was saved and the snakes returned
home unscathed.
Hsii Hsuan, on the abbot's advice, also set out
for home, and met his wife with her servant on a
bridge. The Black Snake drew her sword to avenge
on him the humiliation done her mistress, but the
White Snake protected him from the fury of her
servant. Both were overcome by their emotions;
they wept in silence, unable to put their feelings into
words, in this struggle between love and fear. Soon
afterward the son was born ; but three days later the
god Wen Chang abducted the two demons to his
magic pagoda, while Hsii Hsuan was left in wistful
happiness with his promising son, the greatest boon
in the life of a Chinese.
This charming story, by the way, forms the
[103]
THE CHINESE THEATER
basis of Grimm's tale, "The White and the Black
Snake."
I have never seen the first part of this play, but on
several occasions I saw the visit of the snakes to the
island monastery called "Chin Shan-tze." One of
these performances was at the annual benefit for the
poor riksha-runners of Peking organized by that
widely beloved American missionary, Mrs. Good-
rich. As the play was given at the theater of the
foreign community, many of the crudities and in-
congruities of the Chinese stage were absent. The
orchestra was not sitting on the stage and was
muffled somewhat. Back and side drops with good
lighting effects served to set off well the colorful
robes of the shaven-headed monks praying before
an immense image of Buddha. The fighting staged
by the demon warriors was an exhibition of grace-
ful and acrobatic movements that would do credit
to a Russian ballet. The story with all its pathos
was very well acted, so that the whole formed a
memorable performance such as would, I am sure,
delight American audiences if a theatrical manager
were to engage Mei Lan-fang with his troupe for a
tour.
In Chapter Six are mentioned the many seasonal
plays of the Chinese theater which make of this in-
stitution a true folk theater. In concluding this
chapter I shall quote a synopsis of the libretto of
"Ch'ang-O Pin Yueh" (Ch'ang-O's Flight to the
Moon). This playlet is one of those into which Mei
[104]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
Lan-fang has woven his graceful dances, an innova-
tion on his part on the Chinese stage. I follow the
translation given on the program at a performance
before the American College Club on November 17,
1917.
FOREWORD
The youthful Emperor Ho Yi of the Hsia Dynasty
(about 2,000 B.C.) being of divine origin, as a child
played with fairies. When he grew to manhood, he was
in a dream led by fairies to the palace of the Heavenly
Queen, Hsi Wang Mu, who gave the young Emperor the
Elixir of Life. Ch'ang-0, the Imperial Concubine of Ho
Yi, famed for her grace and beauty, learned of this pre-
cious gift and in childish innocence drank it, scarcely real-
izing what she had done. Filled with remorse and shame,
upon being apprised of the gravity of her offence, she flew
to the moon, where because of her wonderful beauty she
was elected by the moon fairies as their queen. The scene
of the play is laid in the moon and has to do with the
preparations for and the celebration of the Mid-Autumn
Festival with Ch'ang-0, the Queen of the Moon, as the
central figure and the moon fairies and their invited guests
as participants.
SYNOPSIS
First Act. — The scene depicts a garden blossoming in
celestial flowers, with Ch'ang-O plucking the flowers
to be used in making the wines for the Mid-Autumn
Festival Banquet.
CHANG— O opens with a song in praise of the beauti-
ful surroundings in which she is about to pick flowers.
(Speaks) Since arriving in the Moon, I have had a very
pleasant time. The hot summer is now past and Mid-
Autumn is come. In preparation for the celebration of
[105]
THE CHINESE THEATER
the Festival, I look forward with delight to the making
of wine for the entertainment of the fairies whom I am
inviting to my feast. (Sings) Deftly though I roll up
my sleeves and lightly though I pluck the flowers, I can-
not help brushing off the bees and butterflies. This sprig
is full of fragrance and is weighed down with abundance
and splendor. That one is yet in bud. And when I lift
up my eyes I behold above me a tree that reaches to the
clouds. Lifting my hand I begin to pluck the flowers.
(Speaking) Ah! How beautiful! I have so soon filled
my basket with flowers, and now I must carry them home
to make my wine. (Singing) How thickly do the butter-
flies follow in my trail !
Second Act. — The Moon Fairies invite other fairies to
the Banquet.
Third Act. — The invited guests proceed to the Banquet
Hall.
Fourth Act. — The Moon Palace. The Moon Fairies
dust the Palace and make preparations for the com-
ing Banquet and the receiving of their guests.
Fifth Act. — The Banquet. Ch'ang-O, under the in-
fluence of wine, soliloquises on the lonesomeness of
her life amid her present surroundings and yearns
for the companionship of mortals and more par-
ticularly of Ho Yi.
CH'ANG— 0(.ym^in^). Forsaking the mortal world, I
have come to the Moon to be Queen of the Fairies. My
time has passed so pleasantly and fast that I have lost all
count of time. I have gathered flowers and made wine,
and have invited other fairies to join me on this festive
occasion. (Sitting in meditation) Spring and autumn
come and go, as the evening follows the morn. My time
has flown by pleasantly amidst these beautiful surround-
ings. Once a year the moon is fullest on this night.
[io6]
DRAMA UNDER THE MANCHUS
Heaven and earth are happy in mutual enjoyment.
(Speaking) This day is the Mid-Autumn Festival. I
have directed the Palace to be dusted and cleaned. The
attendants have conveyed the invitations to the fairies to
share with me in my happiness. You, attendants, await
their arrival. (The fairies arrive and sit doztm to feast.)
FAIRIES. O Queen ! behold the mortal world ! See
how every family on earth prepares its delicious food and
wine to offer to thee as sacrifice? (Ch'ang-0 speaking)
Let me look. (Ch'ang-0 is moved and the fairies speak. )
FAIRIES. Why, Queen, dost thou feel so sad?
CH'ANG— O. Look at the mortals and see how they
celebrate in couples. A hundred times better are they than
we who lead a lonesome life.
FAIRIES. Do not speak thus, O Queen ! But partake
more of this beautiful wine and drown thy sorrow.
CH'ANG-O. Then let us drink. (Lifts her cup.)
(Ch'ang-0 is overcome with wine and the fairies take
their leave. )
CH'ANG— O. When we were feasting I perceived how
mortals celebrated this happy occasion in couples and en-
joyed each other's company. The thought of my lonely
life fills me with sorrow. (Singing) I go down by
marble steps and part the crystal curtains to see how
mortal couples live and prepare fresh fruits and delicious
wines to celebrate the Festival. Here I see a family feast-
ing and chatting, there a group walking hand in hand,
and others while away their time in their modest homes,
while I sit in my Palace, lonely and companionless. Ah !
who is there to pity me? (Speaking) Deeply do I re-
gret my offence of stealing the Elixir of Life. As punish-
ment I am now destined to spend my nights in sorrow.
(Fairies reappear to escort Ch'ang-0 to visit the Heav-
enly Queen, Hsi Wang Mu.)
(Exeunt all.)
[107]
CHAPTER FIVE
Modern Tendencies
URiNG the last decades of the Ch'ing
, Dynasty, that is to say about forty
years ago, many of the idle and rich
members of the ruling class, the Man-
chus, developed an interest in the thea-
ter. The government provided these men with an
income but imposed no duties on them; and while
a large number filled the time that hung heavy on
their hands by smoking opium, others imitated the
work of the socially disinherited actor. Sometimes
princes of the royal family appeared on the stage in
much the same spirit of a search for new sensations
in which others impersonated beggars on the streets.
Naturally enough, such undignified behavior was
highly disapproved of in government circles, and
therefore the idlers who spent most of their time in
the theaters found it more expedient to perform in
private when their artistic natures felt the itch for
self-expression. For this purpose clubs were formed
[io8]
MODERN TENDENCIES
called p'iao yu, friends of the theater or amateurs.
It is interesting to note that many of the palaces of
the princes of the Manchu Dynasty in the vicinity of
Peking are provided with stages where the theater
lovers could perform in private. Many wealthy
merchants followed this fashion set by the princes,
and in recent years also a large number of students
have devoted their leisure time to the study of act-
ing. To-day the number of amateurs in Peking is
enormous; there is such a craze for acting that
every photographer's shop is provided with cos-
tumes and other theatrical paraphernalia in order
that the p'iao yu may have his picture taken in the
role of his favorite character.
Among this class of amateurs the tendency is to
be very conservative. When a club is formed the
members hire an old and experienced actor who
teaches them to sing and to act in the traditional
manner. Once a month performances are given at
which the amateurs show what they have learned.
Frequently, too, these tyros are given opportunities
to act at weddings, funerals, or other festivities held
in private homes or in restaurants. To belong to
such a club is within the reach of even the ordinary
clerks, for the dues are about four dollars a year.
I have known former members of the diplomatic
corps who had spent many years abroad as well as
ten-dollar-a-month clerks among the ranks of the
amateurs.
When an amateur goes over to the professional
[109]
THE CHINESE THEATER
Stage the Chinese call it " hsia hai", going down to
the bottom of the sea, an expression that indicates
the low esteem in which the professional actor is
held. However, in these days of the Republic, when
the social disqualification of the actor counts for
very little, and what is more important, a good actor
can command the equivalent of a princely income of
the days of the Empire, the actor is no longer de-
spised so thoroughly as in former days. Formerly
an actor who could read and write was a notable
exception, while now occasionally a fairly well-
educated man goes on the stage.
I know, for example, a youth of twenty who had
been carefully trained by a devout American lady
in the Christian way in which he was to go. She
had taught him stenography and typing, and Percy,
as all Americans called him, worked in an office in a
modest but useful capacity. Suddenly rumor had it
that he was going to go on the stage and, to be sure,
an enterprising manager had offered him about forty
times the sum the ofiice was paying him. Many of
the pious folk felt grieved when Percy accepted.
Percy's going on the stage was perhaps more of
a surprise to some other people than to me, for I had
not only seen him perform several times with other
amateurs at weddings, but I had also observed him
during office hours studying Mei Lan-fang's acting
in the Market Theater. One hot summer night I
went to a feast where Percy had told me that he was
going to play. In the first courtyard of the host's
[no]
AMATEUR ACTORS IN AN OLD-STYLE CHINESE PLAY
The face painting of the actor on the right shows him to be a wicked man,
probably a robber. The other is the hero of the piece, a young warrior
MODERN TENDENCIES
large residence a score of guests were eating deli-
cious Chinese food and drinking cool beer, while a
temporary stage had been erected in the second
courtyard. Accompanied by loud music from the
orchestra an indifferent play was going on; there-
fore I set out to find my hero of the evening. I
found Percy seated at a table back of the stage busy
with his make-up. On his head he was wearing a
wig, his eyebrows were penciled, his cheeks rouged,
and he was busy painting his eyeballs.
" Good heavens, Percy," I said. " What are you
doing to your eyes ? "
" I have to put Chinese ink into them to make my
pupils large and black."
" Doesn't it hurt like the very Satan? "
"Oh, yes, it hurts pretty badly, but when it's
done it looks lovely."
How I wished that Percy's missionary sponsors
might have seen the show ! As imitator of Mei Lan-
fang he played the role of the maid, and he certainly
looked beautiful. The maid in this particular farce
(" Yi Tsai Hua ", one of the plays forbidden by the
police!) is sent by her mistress — who is minded to
improve her husband's absence — to induce a hand-
some young man to come to the lady's boudoir. But
the maid prefers, unlike John Alden, to speak for
herself! So she sets about destroying the young
man's virtue, while the efforts of the youth to escape
her coquettish wiles supply the comic element. It
was a bedroom farce, and I noticed with pride the
[III]
THE CHINESE THEATER
effects of Percy's Christian training — he used
sheets on his bed!
But in recent years other groups of amateurs have
arisen with the definite purpose of reforming the
Chinese theater. In 191 5 a group of returned stu-
dents from Japan who had derived their inspiration
from modern European dramas they had seen in
Tokyo founded a dramatic club in Shanghai called
"The Spring Willow Dramatic Society." Their
aim was to educate the taste of the public both as
regards modern drama and modern staging. They
introduced non-musical, spoken drama acted on a
stage with footlights and scenery. " La Dame aux
Camelias " and " Uncle Tom's Cabin " formed part
of their repertoire. But they found only a small fol-
lowing composed of students and people who had
been abroad, and therefore this effort was discon-
tinued after one year. Shanghai is the logical spot
for such modern theaters — there have been quite
a number of others since — because Occidental in-
fluence is stronger in this city than anywhere else
in China, and the Southerners on the whole are less
conservative than the Northerners.
One of the idealists of the " Spring Willow So-
ciety ", on finding that the audiences were not yet
ready for drama in the European style, began to act in
the Chinese theater the role of the ingenue (Ch'ing-I
and Hua-tan). However, he made the reform of
avoiding all plays that taught superstitions and of
turning to social plays with a purpose. But this ex-
[112]
MODERN TENDENCIES
periment did not succeed very well either, and there-
fore in 1920 he accepted the position of director of
the dramatic club in Nantun, in the province of
Kiangsi, endowed by Mr. Chang Chien, one of the
wealthiest business men in China. This gentleman
believes that the theater is an instrument of great
potential force in making over society and that
through the proper kind of theater his fellow coun-
trymen can be made honest and patriotic. Nantun
is an industrial city and an educational center with
ten middle schools and three colleges, and therefore
a favorable location for an experimental theater.
Moreover, through Mr. Chang Chien's influence, a
course in dramatics has been made a part of the
curriculum in all the schools, in order that every
student may learn to act. The students, Mr. Chang
Chien hopes, will spread the message of the modern
drama far and wide by giving performances in their
native towns and villages.
Such a tour of student actors, from quite another
educational center, to be sure, was described to me
by one of my students, Mr. Jung Tu-shan. The
lad undoubtedly had considerable talent as an
actor — I remember particularly a performance of
" Maitre Patelin " given at the Peking Union Med-
ical College in which he played the leading part with
great success. In the year 191 7, thirty-six students,
all from the vicinity of Wusih, set out to perform
plays in all the villages in the district. They carried
with them some painted scenery and each student
[113]
THE CHINESE THEATER
supplied his costumes and traveling expenses. The
families of different students acted as hosts to the
whole company in the various villages visited. Per-
formances were given in the afternoon. In the
course of the morning the stage was gotten ready —
usually the stage at the village temple. Four coppers
admission fee was charged to pay for the cost of
transporting the scenery, and the surplus was given
to various charitable enterprises. The audiences
numbered from two hundred to eight hundred spec-
tators. The plays were propaganda against opium
smoking and foot binding or — as this was the time
of the patriotic fervor of the students — anti- Japa-
nese agitation. The most popular play was " The
Sorrowful Korean", in which the maltreatment of
Koreans by the Japanese was graphically portrayed,
together with the warning that the same thing
would happen to the Chinese if they did not show
more patriotism. After the representation of the
pulling out of finger nails or other tortures, the cry
of "boycott the Japanese" would arise among the
spectators, and those who had had the forethought
to provide themselves with Japanese-made umbrellas
would start a bonfire with them. Next, everybody
would swear never again to buy Japanese goods.
At times, too, improvised plays would be given in
which the foibles or crimes of certain natives of the
village would be castigated. Some professional
blackmailers whose machinations were publicly ex-
posed became very angry at the students, but since
[114]
MODERN TENDENCIES
they were sons of wealthy and influential men they
could not harm them. It is quite a favorable testi-
monial for the native ability of the Chinese as actors
that such plays could be gotten up at a moment's
notice; the method of the students was for one of
the members to tell the story in the morning, while
in the afternoon those who had been awarded the
various parts would act it out. Mr. Jung Tu-shan
is of the opinion that for his illiterate countrymen
such performances are of vast educational value,
especially since nevv^spapers are few and travel is
rather restricted.
It would lead too far afield to enumerate even a
small number of the professional companies and stu-
dent clubs now presenting "modern drama", i.e.
drama in imitation of the present-day drama of the
West. Moreover most of these undertakings are
very short-lived. The professional companies are
generally found in Shanghai where many a modern
European or American drama has been presented
for better or for worse. The best work among the
student dramatic clubs has been done by the one at
Nankai College, Tientsin. In the Quarterly of that
institution many plays have been published dealing
with Chinese life in imitation of the manner of
Ibsen, Tolstoy, Shaw, and other moderns. One play
from this school, "The New Mayor", was singled
out for particular praise by a revolutionary critic,
because it overthrew one of the ancient traditions of
the Chinese drama — the villain is not punished at
[115]
THE CHINESE THEATER
the end of the play. This play too is quite realistic
and " peculiarly " Chinese.
Mr. Tsao, the mayor of a village, together with
three other unscrupulous men, agrees to sell to a
European company the land around the village
temple on which are situated the huts of many poor
people. The agents of the foreign company begin
to drive off the poor people and cause untold suffer-
ing among them. At this point a nephew of the
mayor appears on the scene. He has been studying
in a "modern" school in Shanghai and has ac-
quired some conceptions of honesty and pity. He
takes the matter of the illegal sale to court and
when he appears followed by a mob of the poor the
court annuls the contract of sale. There is even
some talk of punishing the four guilty scoundrels.
In this crisis the son of the mayor rushes to one of
the three other villains, named Hou, in order to plan
for his father's safety. Mr. Hou tells him that the
only thing to do is to bring him $4000 for bribes,
with which he says he can save the situation. The
family of the mayor sell all their property in order
to raise this large sum, so that only the hope of
future extortions stands between them and absolute
poverty. After what has passed the mayor is forced
to resign, but Mr, Hou promises to do all he can
to influence the election to the effect that the son
succeed his father as mayor and the office re-
main in the family. With this understanding the
mayor's family pay out the $4000. But when
[116]
MODERN TENDENCIES
the votes are counted it is found that the new mayor
is none other than Mr. Hou !
It may be worth while briefly to summarize the
views of two critics on how to reform the Chinese
theater. Professor Soong Tsung-faung of the Na-
tional University, Peking, for many years a student
in France, Germany and Switzerland, in his book
"La Litterature Chinoise Contemporaine " makes
suggestions as follows: i. Music and drama should
be separated, performances of operas and plays
should be made as distinct genres ; 2. An approach
should be made to the Aristotelian unities; 3. The
false morality of the stage should be replaced by a
realistic presentation of life; 4. More attention
should be paid to effective dialogue; 5. Male and
female roles should be played by actors of the two
sexes respectively; 6. The stage and auditorium of
the Chinese theater should be reformed to resemble
that of the modern European theater.
" Europeanize the theater " is, in short, what Pro-
fessor Soong suggests. Much the same thing, from
a somewhat different angle, is said by Doctor Hu
Shih, professor of philosophy in the same univer-
sity. He argues that literature is constantly chang-
ing and that such a change is a gradual progress
from low origins to classical perfection. The his-
tory of Chinese drama represents a continuous
struggle against formal restrictions which have
been gradually overcome. But in the course of this
advance useless survivals remained intact owing to
[117]
THE CHINESE THEATER
the conservatism of the Chinese. As such survivals
he mentions ballad singing, military plays (acro-
batics), a conventional manner of walking on the
stage, facial painting in a highly unnatural manner,
use of falsetto speech, and musical accompaniment.
These ought to be eliminated, just as the chorus,
the mask, and the aside have long gone out of style
in the Western theater. Furthermore, since prog-
ress in literature generally comes about through
contact with foreign literatures (he quotes here the
influence of Ibsen on the English stage), China
ought to learn from the Occidental drama. Two
things especially China is in need of : first, the con-
ception of tragedy to take the place of the eternal
happy ending; and second, a conception of dramatic
economy.
This same critic has himself written a play, which
he modestly calls a farce. It has been acted very
successfully by student dramatic societies in Peking
and other cities. Doctor Hu Shih does not pride
himself particularly on this effort of his, yet, in my
opinion, it is by far the best " modern " play written
by a Chinese under the influence of the Western
drama, including some published in American maga-
zines. I shall reprint it here as an index, show-
ing the direction the Chinese drama of the future
may take. The influence of Mei Lan-fang, as Pro-
fessor Soong notes in his book, is in the direction of
art for art's sake, while the drama of the students
and reformers is the play with a purpose.
[ii8]
HU SHIH
Doctor of Philosophy, Columbia University. Professor of Philosophy,
National University, Peking. Author of first critical history of Chinese phi-
losophy, giving a new evaluation of the ancient sages. Editor, poet, and
author of play reprinted in chapter five. His most important work was his
campaign for the introduction of the vernacular in place of the dead language
of the scholars, a reform that will be of inestimable consequence in democra-
tizing knowledge among China's four hundred million
MODERN TENDENCIES
THE GREATEST EVENT IN LIFE
A Farce in One Act by Doctor Hu Shih
CHARACTERS — Mr. Tien, a gentleman and scholar.
Mrs. Tien, his wife.
Miss Tien Ah-may, their daughter.
Lee Fuh, their old servant.
A fortune-teller (blind).
SCENE — A parlor in Mr. Tien's home. A door on the
right leading to the hall; a door on the left leading to the
dining room. Sofa at the back end. Armchairs. A round
table in the center with flower-vase and writing materials on
it. Two chairs beside the table. A writing desk at the left
side of the stage.
On the walls are hanging rolls of Chinese painting and
writing, together ivith framed Dutch landscapes, bespeaking
the complexity of taste in a partially modernized Chinese
family.
As the curtain slozvly goes up, there is heard the voice of
the fortune-teller, who is seated by the table, and the final
notes of his accompanying string instrument are still audible.
Mrs. Tien is seated on one of the armchairs.
MRS. TIEN — I don't quite understand what you say.
Tell me, what do you think of this match.
FORTUNE-TELLER— I only speak the truth, Mrs.
Tien. We all speak the truth. You see —
MRS. TIEN — But what is the truth ?
FORTUNE-TELLER— I am sorry to say that this
match is undesirable. It would be a very unhappy marriage
if your daughter should marry this young man.
MRS. TIEN — Why so?
FORTUNE-TELLER — Well, you see, I only speak the
truth. This young man was born in the year of the Tiger
and your daughter was born in the year of the Rabbit. In
the books of fortune-telling, this is called " conquering the
rabbit by the tiger."
[119]
THE CHINESE THEATER
The wife would live in constant fear of being swallowed up.
And, as the conquest is complete, the wife will probably die
long before her husband. I have examined the Month and the
Day and the Hour, and found no way to escape it. Of course
I am only telling the truth : please don't blame my frankness.
MRS. TIEN — Not at all. I like truth spoken in frank-
ness. I know what you said is true. For the Goddess of
Mercy said the same thing yesterday.
FORTUNE-TELLER — So the Goddess of Mercy also
disapproved of this union ?
MRS. TIEN — Yes, she said that this couple, if married,
will not live long together.
FORTUNE-TELLER — That's exactly what I said.
MRS. TIEN — What the Goddess said must be true.
But you see, this is a very important matter ; it is the great-
est event in my daughter's life. We parents cannot take too
much care in selecting the best possible mates for our chil-
dren. So, having known the Goddess's opinion, I sent for
you to see if there is any possible escape. You know the
words of the gods are always very brief : one may not be
sure of their exact meaning.
FORTUNE-TELLER— Quite so, quite so.
MRS. TIEN — I am glad that you have confirmed the
Goddess's judgment. {Rises and hands him some money)
Thank you ; here is your pay.
FORTUNE-TELLER— (Groping for the money) No,
no, that is not necessary. Thanks, thanks. I am glad that
the Goddess has confirmed my truth. (Rises)
MRS. TIEN — Lee Fuh! (Enter Lee Fuh from the
right-hand door) Show him out. (The fortune-teller goes
out led by Lee Fuh )
MRS. TIEN — (Taking up the red paper on which are
written the dates of the young couple, folds it and puts it
back into a drawer of the writing desk) It's a pity! — it's
a pity I —
(Miss Ah-may Tien enters by the right-hand door. She
is a young woman of about twenty-four, tastefully dressed
and wearing a rather anxious look on her face)
[120]
MODERN TENDENCIES
MISS TIEN — Mother, are you consulting fortune-
tellers again? I met one at the gate. Have you forgotten
that father had forbidden fortune-telling in our house ?
MRS. TIEN — Just once more, my dear.
MISS TIEN — But you have promised father never to
call fortune-tellers into our house.
MRS. TIEN — I know that. But you see I can't help
doing it just once more. I have sent for him to see if you
and Mr. Qien —
MISS TIEN — Oh, Oh! —
MRS. TIEN — You see this is the greatest event in your
life, and you are my only child. I can't let you marry a man
with whom you can't live long.
MISS TIEN — But we can!
MRS. TIEN — No, you can't. The fortune-teller says so.
MISS TIEN — What does he know about us?
MRS. TIEN — And the Goddess of Mercy says so, too.
MISS TIEN — So you have asked the Goddess too?
What would father say to this ?
MRS. TIEN — I know your father would object to this,
as he always objects to everything I do. But how can we
old folks decide a matter which concerns your entire life?
We are liable to make grave mistakes. But the gods cannot
deceive us. Moreover, the fortune-teller has confirmed what
the goddess said. (Going to the desk and opening the
drawer) Let me show you what the goddess said.
MISS TIEN — Oh, no! I don't want to see it!
MRS. TIEN — (Closing the door reluctantly) My dear,
don't be too obstinate. I like your young man whom you
have known during your stay in Japan. He seems to be a
fine fellow. You say you know him well. But you are
young and inexperienced. Even we old folks dare not trust
our own judgment in such important matters. That 's why
I went to the Goddess of Mercy and sent for the fortune-
teller. They both said that this match would be undesirable.
It must be true. The fortune-teller said that this is a case
of conquering the rabbit by the tiger, because you were bom
in the year of —
[121]
THE CHINESE THEATER
MISS TIEN — Please don't say any more of it. (Sob-
bing) I don't want to hear it. I know father will not agree
with you. I know he will not.
MRS. TIEN — I will tell him what I have done. He
must not give away my daughter against my wish. (Ap-
proaching her daughter and trying to dry her tears with a
handkerchief) Now, don't cry. I '11 leave you to think it
over. Your father will be back soon ; I go to see if dinner
is ready. Be a good child and cry no more. (Goes by the
door leading to the dining room.
A pause. As Miss Tien looks up, Lee Fuh appears at
the door. She beckons him to come near)
MISS TIEN — Lee Fuh, I need your help. (Lee Fuh
bows amicably) My mother does not want to let me marry
Mr. Chen.
LEE FUH — It 's a pity, a great pity. He is such a fine
gentleman. He even bowed to me when I met him this
morning at the street comer.
MISS TIEN — Yes, he saw you bring in the fortune-
teller and he was afraid of any sudden change. So he tele-
phoned to me at the school and followed me back in his
motor-car. He may still be waiting at the street corner. Go
and tell him that my mother has made up her mind not to
let us marry. Of course father will help us. Tell Mr. Chen
to move his car to the next street and wait for further news.
Go quickly. (Lee Fuh bows to go) Comeback. Tell him —
tell him — not to be anxious. (Lee Fuh bows smilingly and
goes by the right-hand door)
MISS TIEN — (Goes to the desk and opens the drawer;
looks at its contents without taking it out. Then looks at her
watch) Father ought to be back now ; it is almost twelve.
(Mr. Tien, a man of about fifty, enters by the right-hand
door)
MISS TIEN — (Quickly closes the drawer and rises to
meet him) Oh, father, you are back! Mother was —
(hesitates) mother has something to say to you, — some-
thing very important.
MR. TIEN — What's that? Tell me first what it is.
[122]
MODERN TENDENCIES
MISS TIEN — Mother will tell you. (Runs to the
dining-room door and calls) Mother, mother, father is
back.
MR. TIEN — What's in this now? (Sits down in the
armchair. Mrs. Tien enters) Ah-may told me that you have
something very important to say to me.
MRS. TIEN — Yes, something very important. Now
don't contradict me. (Sitting down by the table) It is
about Mr. Chen's proposal to marry Ah-may.
MR. TIEN — Yes, I have been thinking about it too.
MRS. TIEN — Good, we all ought to be thinking about
it. It is the greatest event in her life. I was simply over-
awed at the idea of its importance. It is true that Ah-may
has known this young man for some years during their stay
in Japan. But we don't know him. How can we be sure
of his character? He is wealthy, but many wealthy young
men are simply awful. He is well-educated, but I have
heard many returned students abandon their wives.
MR. TIEN — What are you driving at ?
MRS. TIEN — My point is this. We should not trust
our own poor judgments. At least I can't, I dare not trust
myself in this matter. So I went yesterday to the Temple of
the Goddess of Mercy.
MR. TIEN — What! Have you forgotten what you
promised me ?
MRS. TIEN — I can't help it. I did it merely for the
sake of our daughter.
MR. TIEN — Pooh, pooh! Goon.
MRS. TIEN — I went there and asked for a Divine
Stick. It says that this match is undesirable. Let me show
you the poem on the Stick. (Going to the desk)
MR. TIEN — Pooh, pooh! I don't want to see it. I'U
have nothing of this stuff! If you don't trust yourself, how
can you trust such an important matter to wooden images
and clay idols?
MISS TIEN — (Cheering up) I know father doesn't
believe in all this. (Going to him) Thank you, father.
We should trust our own judgment, should we not ?
[123]
THE CHINESE THEATER
MRS. TIEN — But it isn't the Goddess alone that
says no.
MR. TIEN — Who else then?
MRS. TIEN — I still had my doubts, so I sent for the
best fortune-teller in this city.
MR. TIEN — Ahem! You have broken another promise
to me.
MRS. TIEN — I know it, but you see this is the greatest
event in Ah-may's life, and I want to clear up every little
doubt in my mind.
MR. TIEN — But, for heaven's sake, why did you create
the doubt by going to the Goddess ? Why did n't you come
to me?
MRS. TIEN — Don't be blasphemous. Well, the for-
tune-teller said exactly the same thing as the Goddess of
Mercy. Was n't that wonderful ?
MR. TIEN — Oh, come. Don't be foolish. You have no
confidence in your own eyes, so you go and put complete
confidence in those who have no eyes at all !
MISS TIEN — I quite agree with you, father. I knew
you would be on our side.
MRS. TIEN — (To her daughter) How dare you talk
in that manner about your own marriage ? " Our " side ?
Whose side is "our" side? For shame! You all conspire
against me! (Putting her face into her handkerchief and
sobbing) Have I no right to decide my own daughter's
greatest event in life?
MR. TIEN — Just because this is our daughter's greatest
event in life, we must go about it in a sane and intelligent
manner. We must not be deceived by wooden images and
clay idols, — and blind fortune-tellers. Am I not right,
Ah-may ?
MISS TIEN — You are quite right, father. I knew you
would not believe in all this.
MR. TIEN — Now, let us talk seriously. (To Mrs. Tien)
Don't cry. No more childish superstitions ! (To Miss Tien)
Sit down and we '11 have a serious talk. (She seats herself
on the sofa. A pause)
[124]
MODERN TENDENCIES
MR. TIEN — Ah-may, I don't want you to marry Mr.
Chen.
MISS TIEN — (Greatly agitated) Oh, father, you don't
mean it!
MR. TIEN — Yes, I do mean it. This union is impos-
sible. I am sorry.
MISS TIEN — Have you found anything against him?
MR. TIEN — No, I like him very much. I could not
possibly choose a better son-in-law. So much the more I
am sorry.
MISS TIEN — (Puczled and grieved) And you don't
believe in the gods and fortune-tellers?
MR. TIEN — Oh, no.
MRS. TIEN AND MISS TIEN — (^/ the same time)
What is it then?
MR. TIEN — (To Miss Tien) My child, you have been
abroad for so long that you have forgotten our own custom
and etiquette. You have even forgotten the law of our
ancestors.
MISS TIEN — What is the law of our ancestors that
forbids our marriage?
MR. TIEN — Let me show you. (Goes out by the
dining-room door)
MRS. TIEN — What could it be? But I am glad that
he is opposed to this union.
MISS TIEN — (Reflecting, then suddenly showing de-
termination) I know what to do.
MR. TIEN — (Enters with a set of big folio volumes)
Here is our genealogy. (Turning over the leaves) Look
at this long line of our ancestors and see if there has been
any marriage between the Chens (0t) and the Tiens (BB).
MISS TIEN — Why couldn't there be any marriage be-
tween the two families?
MR. TIEN — Because it is the custom of the country to
forbid intermarriage between persons bearing the same
family name.
MISS TIEN — But our family is Tien and Mr. Chen's
family name is Chen : we are not of the same family name.
[125]
THE CHINESE THEATER
MR. TIEN — Yes, we are of the same family name.
About two thousand five hundred years ago, these two
words, Tien and Chen, were pronounced in the same way,
and our family name was sometimes written in the form of
Chen and sometimes in the form of Tien. As the ages
passed by, these two words came to be pronounced quite
differently, and the two branches of our family had all the
appearances of a separate origin. But the philologists
know it, and our family records show that the two families
have sprung from one and the same stock. The law of both
the Chen family and the Tien family forbids intermarriage
between them.
MISS TIEN — Does this prohibition apply to persons
whose relationship dates back two thousand five hundred
years ?
MR. TIEN — Unfortunately it does.
MISS TIEN— Oh, father, surely you don't believe in
the reasonableness of such a custom.
MR. TIEN — I don't, but society does and the old schol-
ars do. A story was told of a peasant woman of the Tien
family who married a Mr. Chen by mistake. But after her
death, she was not allowed to occupy a seat in the ancestral
temple until her name was changed into Shen (^) by pro-
longing the middle stroke of the word Tien (HJI.
MISS TIEN — I am willing to prolong the middle stroke
of my family name, if that is the only objection.
MR. TIEN — You are willing, but I am not. I don't
want to be criticized by the old scholars of our clan on your
account.
MISS TIEN ~ (Sobbing) But we are not of the same
family !
MR. TIEN — Our genealogy says we are, and the old
scholars say we are. I have consulted a number of scholars
on this point, and they all oppose this union. You see, in a
matter of such importance, although one must not be de-
ceived by the wooden gods and blind fortune-tellers, one
must respect the opinion of old scholars. And then, your
young man is from a very weathy family. I don't want
[126]
MODERN TENDENCIES
people to think that I sold my daughter to a rich man at the
cost of sacrificing my family name.
MISS TIEN— (In despair) Oh, oh! Father! You have
destroyed the idols of superstition, but you bow to the idols
of tradition!
MR. TIEN — You are angry with me? Well, I don't
blame you. I understand your feelings. (Lee Fuh enters)
LEE FUH — Dinner is ready. (All rise except Miss
Tien)
MR. TIEN — Let us talk it over after dinner. Come,
I am hungry. (Goes into the dining room)
MRS. TIEN — ( Going to her daughter) Don't cry now.
We all wish for your best. Compose yourself and come to
dinner.
MISS TIEN — I don't want dinner.
MRS. TIEN — Don't be obstinate. We'll wait for you.
(Goes into the dining room. Lee Fuh closes the door after
her)
MISS TIEN — (Looks up and sees Lee Fuh standing)
Is Mr. Chen still waiting in his car ?
LEE FUH — (In a low voice) Yes, here is a note for
you. (Hands her a note)
MISS TIEN — (Reads) "This concerns us alone. De-
cide for yourself." (Repeating the last sentence) "Decide
for yourself." Yes. I must decide for myself. I must !
(To Lee Fuh) Tell father and mother not to wait for me.
I '11 join them after dinner. (Lee Fuh bows knotvingly and
retires. Miss Tien rises and puts on the cloak which she had
taken off when she first entered. Goes to the desk and writes
a note which she leaves under the flower vase; then she
hurries out by the right-hand door. A pause)
MRS. TIEN — (From within) Ah-may, you must come
and have dinner with us. (Enters) Where are you?
Ah-may !
MR. TIEN — (From within) Leave her alone for a
while : she is angry with us. (Enters) Where is she?
MRS. TIEN — Where is she? She has gone with her
cloak on.
[127]
THE CHINESE THEATER
MR. TIEN — (Seeing the note under the vase, takes it
and reads) " This is the greatest event in my life. I must
decide for myself. I am gone with Mr. Chen in his car.
Good-by!"
(Mrs. Tien sinks into the armchair. Mr. Tien rushes to
the door and then hesitates. Curtain.)
[128]
CHAPTER SIX
External Aspects of the Chinese
Theater
crowded.
Y oreigners in general regard the Chinese
theater as noisy, dirty, and dull, and
therefore as a most unattractive spot;
yet the Chinese must think differently
about it, for the houses are always
When still at a great distance from the
theater one can hear a horrible racket of drums,
cymbals, and screeching string instruments. On
entering the building one is struck by the lack in
the Chinese of the sense of how to make things at-
tractive, for, just as one enters a Chinese restaurant
through a dirty kitchen, so one often enters a theater
through the laundry; four or five men are seen in
the " foyer " bending over steaming tubs, washing
towels, essentials in a Chinese theater the use of
which the spectator is soon to learn. On entering
one finds the house — which, by the way, is arranged
like a beer garden with the spectators seated at little
tables — packed to the last seat. But the usher says
[129]
THE CHINESE THEATER
nothing about S. R. O. ; he leads you somewhere and
as the other spectators seem to telescope you are
asked to sit down either at a table or on a bench
which has before it a board to hold the teapot and
watermelon seeds that arrive the minute you have
taken your seat.
As you settle down and look about, you find your-
self in the usual kindly, dirty, ill-smelling, smoking,
talking, shouting, eating crowd that one finds every-
where in China. Everybody is glad to give the new-
comer information or a match ; the inimitable, gentle
Peking old men with their pairs of walnuts in their
right hands which they roll around to keep their
fingers supple for writing Chinese characters, drink
tea, and smoke pewter water pipes, smiling the care-
free smile that old age has graven on their faces.
Waiters are continually walking around, jostling
the spectators and shouting the merits of their to-
bacco, candy, fruit or what not, and depositing tea-
pots and steaming dishes of food wherever they are
wanted. The most spectacular thing is the manner
in which the towels arrive. One waiter throws them
to the other in tightly wrapped bundles, the pitcher
standing near the entrance and the catcher near the
stage or wherever people need to wipe their hands
and faces. In hurling these bundles they show an
unfailing aim and in catching they never miss. Even
though one of these soggy masses of steaming cloth
seems headed straight for your face, you need not
dodge, for without fail a waiter's hand will always
[130]
A TYPICAL PEKING AUDIENCE WITH THE
INEVITABLE TEAPOTS
From Jacovleff, *' Lc Theatre Chinois"
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
be Stretched out to catch it and all that the drama
lover will ever suffer is to have a fine mist sprinkled
over his face. Needless to say for this he neither ex-
pects nor receives any sympathy — not even a pass-
ing notice. A great many soldiers — about whom
the Chinese says the worst thing he can think of,
that they are "rough" — are admitted free, not
because the manager is exceedingly patriotic, but
because he thinks that discretion is better than hav-
ing the door kicked in. In the gallery are seated the
women, also eating, drinking, smoking and chatter-
ing. How much attention does this audience pay to
the play? About as much as we do to the music in
a restaurant. They don't come for a few hours'
excitement, they come to pass the day that hangs
heavy on their hands. As one French returned stu-
dent put it, " In Europe one works during the day
and amuses oneself at night; in China one amuses
oneself during the day and sleeps at night."
The returned student finds the Chinese theater
very little to his taste, but yet he goes because
Chinese social life is so dull that there is nothing
better to do. Comforts in our sense are lacking ab-
solutely in these theaters. You sit on stools without
backs, your feet rest on stone slabs when the ther-
mometer is hovering about zero and the cold wind
is blowing down on Peking from Mongolia; there
is absolutely no effort at heating or ventilation — it
is Chinese animal heat that keeps the spectators
comfortable and in a frame of mind to enjoy the
[131]
THE CHINESE THEATER
performance. Yet these discomforts are felt only
by those used to Western standards of life, for nine
out of ten who leave the theater after the last villain
has been duly punished go to houses that are like-
wise unhealed and have no light, no agreeable com-
pany, and of course no play to charm the soul away
from reality.
Peking is the real center of Chinese drama, the
city that sets the style for the rest of the country
so far as native drama is concerned. Innovations of
Occidental nature generally have their origin in
Shanghai and are adopted later on in Peking; such
imitations of Western institutions are, for example,
the amusement arcades called in both cities "The
New World"; boxes in the theaters in which men
and women sit together ; and, of course, motion pic-
tures, at first imported from Europe and America,
but in recent years manufactured by Chinese firms
in China. But as regards the native theater, Shang-
hai learns from Peking. The language of the thea-
ter, in general, is the Peking dialect spoken by actors
all over China. Famous actors from Peking regu-
larly visit Shanghai. It is only in Peking and the
treaty ports that regular theaters exist. The vast
majority of the four hundred million also have their
plays, but they are dependent for them on travel-
ing companies, that set up their mat-shed theaters
wherever the citizens are willing to pay them for
acting. Thus the political capital Peking is also the
leading city for Chinese drama.
[132]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
The eight hundred thousand residents of Peking
have, according to Mr. Gamble's recently published
social survey, twenty-two regular theaters and eight
mat-shed theaters; that is, portable buildings cov-
ered with matting. Furthermore, there are some
nine restaurants, provincial halls, and temples where
theatrical performances are regularly given. It
is customary to mark all big weddings, funerals,
banquets, charity events, and other festivities by
theatricals for which the services of professionals
are engaged or in which the many eager amateurs
are given opportunities to appear in public. Most of
the large buildings, — temples, guildhalls, palaces,
etc. — are equipped with the simple projecting
stages, either inside a large hall or out of doors in
a courtyard. If you happen to live near a restaurant
or a temple you will be able to speak feelingly of the
love of the Chinese for theatricals!
The business organization of the Chinese theater
is the same as that which obtained in Elizabethan
playhouses. Our theater owner-manager of to-day
who selects a play, determines the manner in which
it is to be staged and played, and then engages actors
to do what he pays them for — this enemy of real
art and bete noire of the theater uplifters can be
found neither in Elizabethan England nor in the
Chinese theater. In staging and acting the company
of players has entire freedom in China, just as it
had in London. The theater-owner (quite like the
"housekeeper" of Shakespeare's day) engages a
[133]
THE CHINESE THEATER
troupe to play in his theater, but he never dreams
of interfering with the actor's art. The Chinese
call him the " behind-the-curtain " while the actors
are the " before-the-curtain." The former receives
thirty per cent, of the income, while seventy per
cent, goes to the manager of the company, who then
pays the salaries of his actors. Some of these
troupes or actors' clubs are of a rather democratic
nature, because all the actors belong to their guild.
The actors' guild has its special temple just outside
the Hata Gate, for the actors are religious folk —
much as are the members of most guilds in China.
In this temple the actors worship three deities, or
rather deified men. The first of these is Kuan Yu
(Yo Fei), the god of war, during his lifetime a
great fighter against the Chin Tartars in the course
of the twelfth century. There is a well-known play
that sets forth the high qualities of this hero.
Though he had been dismissed by the emperor as
the result of a court intrigue, yet he refused to join
the rebels, no matter how tempting the offers they
made him, but remained loyal to his emperor. His
mother was so pleased at this that she tattooed on
his back : " He repays the state with loyalty and in-
tegrity." Later on the emperor reinstated him in
his high honors and placed his mother's inscription
on the banner of the army.^
The second deity is the T'ang Dynasty emperor
mentioned in the first chapter as the traditional
' See also pages 91 and 92.
[134]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
founder of the theater, T'ang Ming Huang. In his
" Pear Garden " school for actors he is said himself
to have acted the role of the clown. It is for this
reason that the clown enjoys special privileges ; for
example, he is the first one to receive the attention
of the make-up artist, while other actors must wait
until the clown has had his turn ; and he may sit on
any actor's box in the greenroom. It is the clown,
furthermore, who burns the incense before the idols
found in every theater on the rear wall just opposite
the stage and in the dressing room. Such a little
religious ceremony is carried out before and after
every performance to ward off bad luck. Another
feature of the theater that impresses us as being
typically Chinese is found in the boards placed at
the rear of the stage and on the two supporting
columns on which are found inscriptions, generally
in gilt characters, setting forth the high moral pur-
pose of the stage. In comparing these mottoes with
what is being presented on the stage one is often
reminded of the saying of the Reverend Arthur
Smith, that no one knows so well as the Chinese
what is fitting and proper.
The third deity is Lin Ming-ju, generally pictured
as a little boy. This noble youth was a pupil in the
" Pear Garden ", and all who were friendly to him
made rapid progress in their art. Hence they real-
ized gradually that he was a god. Like other well-
known gods he afterwards disappeared in a sudden
and miraculous manner. Because the second part
[135]
f
THE CHINESE THEATER
of this god's name is the word for dream, actors
never speak of their dreams in the morning.
But religion does not mean to the actors merely
the burning of incense or the making of an annual
pilgrimage to Miao Feng Shan, two days' journey
from Peking. There is a definite tradition that an
actor must show filial piety. Whenever he under-
takes something out of the ordinary, such as perhaps
accepting a contract to act in Shanghai, he must
first ask his mother's permission. I asked repeat-
edly about this custom, and learned not a reason for
it, but simply the fact that if an actor did not ask
his mother's permission he would be laughed at.
Often it is the mother who makes the contract and
receives most of the money. Of a certain rising
actor it is said that his mother never allows him to
act unless he is to receive twenty dollars for each
performance.
In the fairly democratic China of the imperial
times the son of the poorest man could rise to the
position of viceroy of a province by virtue of pass-
ing a brilliant literary examination — and if we are
to believe Chinese playwrights he often did. How-
ever, the actor, together with the son of the prosti-
tute, and one or two other despised classes, was
debarred from these examinations. Of course, with
the discontinuance of the examinations in 1907 and
the establishment of the republic in 19 12, these dis-
qualifications dropped away. Socially the position
of the actor is improving rapidly nowadays. For
[136]
I
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
example, in July, 1922, the son of a high official of
Shantung Province married the actress Li Feng-
yiin. Far from being ashamed of her profession,
she acted several plays on her wedding day as part
of the festivities of the occasion. However, she
abandoned her professional career on becoming the
wife of this wealthy man. The fact that she was
the first wife was the remarkable thing to the
Chinese who spoke to me of the event ; for that an
actress becomes the concubine of a rich official is
almost an everyday occurrence in Peking. Progress
along such lines is not a unique or surprising thing
in Qiina ; to mention but one example, coeducation
has come into being since 1919, almost overnight, so
to speak, with surprisingly little opposition. Ac-
tresses were forbidden on Chinese stages during the
days of the Manchu Dynasty, but since 191 2 their
number has increased rapidly so that they are ap-
pearing now on eleven stages in Peking. Only in
the foreign concessions of such treaty ports as
Tientsin and Shanghai do men and women appear
together on the stage, however ; in Peking, Chinese
prudery still forbids this.
There is a current notion that Chinese plays last
a week or a lunar month, but as a matter of fact
about a dozen plays, or separate acts taken from
different plays, are given in one performance.
Toward the end of the afternoon's or evening's
entertainment the spectator may observe that some
long strips of red paper covered with Chinese char-
[137]
THE CHINESE THEATER
acters in black ink are removed from the two side
railings of the balcony and others substituted in
their place. In this manner the program of the fol-
lowing day is announced. The performances gen-
erally last from noon to about six and from seven
in the evening until midnight. The best plays with
the stars are reserved until the last, while dull, long
plays with inferior actors generally begin the pro-
gram. These poor actors are often retained merely
for charity's sake; often, too, famous actors give
benefits for their less fortunate colleagues. In
Shanghai actors get monthly contracts; but in Pe-
king the minor actors are hired by the day, and some
of them must play in several theaters in one after-
noon in order to eke out a meager living at about
twenty coppers a day.
Men of this type, of course, are hardly more
than "supers." Regular actors on the average earn
about one dollar a day, while some of a higher
grade receive five dollars to ten dollars. To receive
twenty-five dollars for a regular performance a
man must be quite prominent in the theatrical world.
A few stars, like Mei Lan-fang and Yang Hsiao-lo,
receive one hundred dollars for each regular per-
formance, and considerably more when they act at
banquets or on other special occasions.
The charges in the theaters depend on the type of
theater and even more on the actors. Theaters
where women or boys appear as actors are lower in
price. There is no ticket or money demanded as one
[138]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
enters the theater, but the price is collected by the
usher when he seats the spectator. In the ordinary
theater one can sit at a comfortable table for forty
cents or in a box for a dollar and a half. There are
two large theaters in Peking built in Occidental style
with receding stages, in which the prices are some-
what higher : eighty cents for a first-class seat and
nine dollars for a box seating eight persons. When
a star is playing, these prices are augmented some-
what. The poorer classes can enjoy theatrical per-
formances for five coppers by going to the mat-
shed theaters. The average seating capacity of
a Peking theater is about a thousand, and the aver-
age attendance is very near this figure, if not
above it.
The course of an actor's training is an extremely
hard one. For seven years he is instructed in sing-
ing and acrobatics, and then he begins to play in
some of the boys' theaters, institutions connected
with the training schools for actors. During the
longest part of his apprenticeship he receives no
wages, he has long hours, menial tasks, and severe
taskmasters. Actresses are trained by special private
teachers and their courses have not yet become so
uniform as have those for the men. The police have
very strict regulations to prevent actresses from
becoming prostitutes, but according to Mr. Gamble,
in some theaters women from the licensed quarter
appear, make engagements after giving their acts,
and do some other soliciting. The connection be-
[139]
THE CHINESE THEATER
tween the lower-grade theaters and the segregated
district is rather close.
In order to give an idea of the different kinds of
theaters one encounters in Peking, I can do no
better than to describe several typical entertain-
ments from my notes stretching over five years.
There is in the Southern City, for example, the Tung
Lo Yuan, a fine specimen of the old-style Chinese
theater. No women are allowed to visit this theater
— not because of immoralities, but simply because
the place is conservative. The seats run at right
angles to the stage, along tables, showing that peo-
ple come to hear the music rather than to observe
the action on the stage. I paid twenty-four coppers
for my seat in the balcony; the usual price in this
theater is eighteen coppers, but because Han Hsi-
ch'ang was going to act, the price was raised on that
particular day. After a series of plays dealing with
murders and robberies, in the course of which the
audience gloated over the shuddering and weeping
of the victims, there came the chief play of the day
— a Yuan Dynasty drama revived in this theater.
The play deals with a poor woodcutter and his
wife. The hero takes no interest in his humble call-
ing; in fact, he neglects it for the study of literature.
Since he does not support his wife, she deserts him
for a smith. Finally the husband goes to Peking for
the literary examination and passes with honors.
When the wife learns that her first husband is to
become a mandarin she is filled with joy; she sits
[140]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
down at a table, falls asleep, and has a wonderful
dream. The dream is portrayed just as it would be
in our moving pictures; a conventional symbol, a
short pause in the action and the tapping of the
drum, indicates to the audience that there is going
to be a dream, and then the dream action continues
in the same way in which the rest of the play had
gone on. A number of men — recalling the Wise
Men of the East — enter, bringing all manner of
silk robes, headdresses, and other rich gifts for the
lady. In her dream the faithless wife sees all this;
she tries on her robes, shows them off to the neigh-
bors, and glories in her riches. Then she returns to
her sleeping position at the table and awakens to
find that all had been a dream. In the fourth act the
husband returns, dressed in embroidered robes, a
prosperous mandarin. He pours a cup of water on
the ground, saying that he will take his wife back
provided she can gather up the water again. From
this play comes the proverbial expression, " Water
once spilled cannot be gathered up again", which
means, of course, that a wife who has been unfaith-
ful cannot be taken back by the husband.
According to the custom of Chinese theaters only
one act was presented; it was the third act, the
dream, that I saw. The too-severe strain on the
chief actor who must sing very long arias is gen-
erally given as the reason why plays are not pre-
sented in their entirety. Sometimes when an entire
play is presented — this is frequently done at guild-
[141]
THE CHINESE THEATER
halls and other private theatricals — three or four
actors in turn play the leading role. The actor por-
trayed exceedingly well the wife's emotions of joy,
surprise, and pride. He wore a black dress, because
this is the conventional color for the poor, although
it was made of fine silk instead of the cotton which
is actually worn by the masses. In the old-style
Chinese music (called kuan-ch'ang) the flute is the
leading instrument and the strains are melodious
and sweet, not at all offensive to the foreigner's ear
as is a great deal of the modern music.
One evening I was the guest of Mr. Chang Ziang-
ling, the present Chinese Consul-General in New
York, at a performance by Mei Lan-fang in the
so-called First Theater, a large playhouse built in
European style. The usher took us to two good
seats near the stage occupied by two ragamuffins,
and asked the latter to give up their seats to us. Mr.
Chang then paid him two dollars for two seventy-
cent seats and explained that it is a little graft on
the part of the ushers to place vagabonds in good
seats until people who they know will tip them come
to the theater.
The play again was a Yuan drama called " Snow
in June"; a play discussed in a previous chapter
under the title, "The Sufferings of Tou-E." Mei
Lan-fang is introducing many innovations into the
manner of producing plays, turning the stage into a
veritable riot of colors selected with exquisite taste.
The rear of the stage is covered by a curtain painted
[ 142 ]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
with plum blossoms and chrysanthemums in allusion
to two of the characters of his name. The execu-
tioners, dressed in rich red trousers lined with white,
come on the stage leading in their midst the victim
wearing a long robe of a delicate shade of light blue.
Some of the executioners have their faces painted in
vivid reds and blacks; I find that this adds a great
deal to the spectacle, even though it is the very op-
posite of realism. To illustrate the sort of gagging
constantly practiced by Chinese actors I might quote
what the judge says to the prisoner: "What! One
so young as you is accused of having committed a
murder? For this you will be beheaded. Let that
be a lesson to you not to do it again." Such a feeble
joke in the face of the innocent young victim is, of
course, just as fitting as many calembours in Shake-
speare's tragedies. After the execution snow falls;
that is, bits of paper are tossed down from above.
All in all the staging of the play is most agreeable
and Mei Lan-fang's acting is extremely good.
Quite a different performance can be observed in
one of the " new " theaters, a blight which has come
to Peking via Shanghai. One evening I went to the
one in the " New World ", a four-story concrete
building, an amusement palace offering for the
single admission fee of thirty cents, old-style plays,
" new " drama, story-tellers, singsong girls, moving
pictures, performances by acrobats, jugglers, and
sword-swallowers, restaurants both for foreign and
Chinese food, tea room, billiard tables, and bowling
[143]
THE CHINESE THEATER
alleys, convex and concave mirrors, and penny slot-
machines showing pictures of various sorts. ("A
number of these pictures were of rather coarse nat-
ure," observes Mr. Sidney Gamble in his " Peking,
A Social Survey", "but none of them could be called
immoral.") My goal was the "new" theater,
namely plays staged in what the Chinese fondly be-
lieve to be the manner of the Occidental theaters.
Before a very crowded auditorium a play was being
performed by actors dressed in European style, or
perhaps better, the style of the mail-order-house
type of clothing. The play was in spoken Chinese,
and no music accompanied the action. Only in the
intermissions between the rather short scenes the
band from the Boys' Industrial School, sitting in
a corner in the rear of the hall, played "John
Brown's Body " and other appropriate dirges.
The play dealt with a woman who had lured men
into her house in order to have them robbed there
by her accomplices. This woman was dressed in a
red silk waist and a lavender skirt; she no doubt
seemed very Western to the audience, because she
wore a corset and allowed the contour of her body
to show instead of being bound so as to look
flat-chested like the Chinese women. The part, how-
ever, was acted by a man who spoke in a high fal-
setto. There was a great deal of love-making of a
kind unknown to the Chinese stage — the men kissed
the woman's hand and even put their arms about
her. At times the vampire left the stage for a short
[144]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
time with one of the victims, in a significant manner.
Most applause was accorded the actor who played
the ruffian, when he strode "toughly" across the
stage with his coat collar turned up and his cap
pulled down over his eyes. By way of giving a good
imitation of the manners of Europeans the actors,
when speaking to the lady, consistently took ofif
their coats, held them on their arms, and displayed
brand-new red suspenders ! The scenery was changed
with every act and showed crude imitations of our
painted interiors or street scenes with lamp posts.
The play was endless and the action extremely slow.
This heart-breaking imitation of our worst melo-
dramas is, I am glad to say, not making the rapid
progress it has made in India, where it has driven
out completely the native drama, at least in Calcutta
and Bombay.
As I have stated above, the Chinese stage lacks
scenery almost altogether. Practically the only or-
nate— and to a certain extent the most realistic —
part of the Chinese theater is found in the costumes.
In regard to the dress of the actors, historical truth,
as has been stated, is observed to a certain extent.
The magistrates, the courtiers, the yamen-runners,
the merchants, the doctors, the students, the priests,
the monks and nuns, the matchmakers, and similar
characters appear in appropriate costumes, but
usually much more elaborate than they would be in
real life. In the troupe of Mei Lan-fang, Peking's
most famous actor, the men carrying banners in
[145]
THE CHINESE THEATER
processions are dressed in silk of the same color as
the cotton gowns which these ragamuffins wear in
the streets of Chinese cities. Honorable personages
appear in silk robes in solid colors: purple, yellow,
orange, or red. In the dress of common soldiers
the spectator finds the styles of the various periods
followed with historical accuracy, but the dress of
great warriors is fanciful and highly ornamented.
These peacocks of the Chinese stage with their
feather headdress, their painted faces, and their
richly embroidered gowns studded with little mir-
rors, are the most colorful sights in the theater.
Such warriors wear shoes with thick soles, thus add-
ing about three or four inches to their natural height,
a touch recalling the soccus of the classical theater.
The peculiarly slit-eyed expression of the warrior
is achieved by binding a strip of silk tightly about
the head, pulling up the eyebrows.
A conception of the immense popularity on the
Chinese stage of the warrior performing acrobatics
signifying tremendous battles can be gained from
the Chinese classification of plays. One of the two
main divisio^as is the wu-hsi or fighting play, in-
volving very little plot and almost continuous acro-
batics or " fighting." The other main division is the
wen-hsi or civil play, which is practically the same
thing we mean by the term drama. In general, the
two kinds of plays alternate in the course of the
performances so that each division makes up about
fifty per cent, of the plays presented. Westerners
[146]
ORCHESTRAL INSTRUMENTS
1 — Skou. 2 — T i-tze. 3 — Peng-ku. 4 — Hu-ch'in. 5 — Ch'a. 6 — La-pa
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
are frequently surprised that the Chinese do not
make the division into comedy and tragedy, but it
may be well to recall that even with us this differ-
entiation is a floating conception. Practically all the
divisions mentioned in " Hamlet " could be matched
on the Chinese stage; historical, comical, tragical,
pastoral, and so on. The Chinese have farces called
nao-hsi (noise plays) and fen-hsi (painted, make-up
plays), both full of comical and burlesque elements.
The only difference between them is, an old Peking
resident has observed, that the latter excel the
former in obscenity.^
A cross division of the above classification is
found in the distinction drawn between plays ac-
cording to the style of music employed ; kuan-ch'u,
er-huang, hsi-p'i, and pan-tzu. Among them only
the first mentioned has an appeal to literary men,
while the other three are considered fit for the
mob only. The kuan-ch'u music is a real Chinese
product descended from the classical plays of the
Yuan Dynasty. It flourished during the Ming
Dynasty, but during the Ch'ing rule it fell into des-
uetude until at the time of the late Dowager Em-
press it had entirely passed out of fashion. In the
last decades there have been made fairly successful
efforts to revive it, especially on the part of Mei
Lan-fang. The chief instrument in this style of
music is the flute. Er-huang and hsi-p'i are very
similar. Both styles came to Peking from the prov-
' See Bibliography, book by Arene, for examples.
[147]
THE CHINESE THEATER
ince of Hupeh at the beginning of the Ch'ing
Dynasty, and in both the hu-ch'in, a string instru-
ment with a sounding-box played by a bow, gives the
characteristic touch to the music. These two styles,
together with the pan-tsu, are considered rather
vulgar music, especially the pan-tsu. This latter
style came to Peking from the province of Shansi,
where the barbarian Mongol blood predominates in
the population over the purer Chinese strain. The
hu-ch'in is also played in pan-tzu; but the instru-
ment that gives the name as well as the character to
this style is a wooden board held in one hand by a
member of the orchestra and beaten with the other
to indicate the rhythm. As can be gathered from
this fact, the music is very simple and primitive.
In addition to the instruments mentioned above
there are various others employed by the orchestra
sitting on the stage. On the whole the instruments
are practically the same for all kinds of music. They
are shown in the accompanying illustrations drawn
for me by a Chinese artist. The hsien-tzu is a sort
of three-stringed banjo, the sounding box of which
is covered with a snake skin. The yileh-ch'in (moon
guitar) has four strings and a wooden sounding-box.
Other wind instruments in addition to the ti-tzu
(flute) are the shou, resembling somewhat a bag-
pipe, and the la-pa, a brass horn used to announce
the entry of great military personages. Instruments
of percussion outnumber those of other varieties.
The ch'iao-pan are two flat boards tied together
[148]
ORCHESTRAL INSTRUMENTS
1 — Hsien-tze. 2 — Ah. 3 — YUeh-ch'in. 4 — Chiao-pan or pan-tze. 5 — Lo
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
with a string, used by the leader of the orchestra to
indicate the time. The t'ang-ku is a brass plate
beaten furiously in battle scenes, as are also the lo
and the ch'a (cymbals). The peng-kii is a drum
made of a solid block of wood which gives piercing,
high notes when beaten in a whirlwind tattoo by
means of two thin sticks. The ku has a leather
drumhead and resembles somewhat our kettledrum.
It should be noted that the size of the orchestra and
the kind of instruments employed vary a great deal.
However, the above may serve to give an approxi-
mate conception of the Chinese theater music. Just
as in much of our own earlier drama, emotional or
poetic passages are sung by the actors on the Peking
stage.
Another striking similarity to the European me-
dieval theater is the fact that the Chinese stage has
its fixed character types. The four most important
among these, called the t'ai chih or pillars of the
stage, are: i, the cheng-sheng ; 2, the zmi-sheng; 3,
the ching-i; 4, the hua-tan. Each company must al-
ways have its best actors among these four, because
one of them is sure to be the star in the play.
The cheng-sheng is an elderly man wearing a long
beard. The great actor T'an Shen-pei, who died
about five years ago, but whose fame lives on in his
many imitators, played this part. It comprises the
roles of emperors, generals, and also old faithful
servants, the latter generally characters oppressed
by grief. T'an Shen-pei, who became the founder
[149]
THE CHINESE THEATER
of a tradition called the t'an-p'ai, was famous for
his skill in acting, his fine singing, and his distinct,
measured pronunciation. Among his most famous
followers are Yii Ssu-yen and T'an Hsiao-sheng,
the latter one of his sons. A related type is the hsiao-
sheng, a youthful civilian or military character, fre-
quently the young scholar who plays the part of the
lover. The young military hero is called the ch'ii-fei-
sheng (wearing pheasant feathers) and the young
scholar and lover shan-tze-sheng (carrying a fan).
Chu Su-yung is the most famous hsiao-sheng in Pe-
king at present. He has been nicknamed the " living
Chou Yii", after a hero from the ancient tale of
"The Three Kingdoms" whom he frequently im-
personates upon the stage. Mei Lan-f ang has found
in the handsome Chang Miao-shang a very satis-
factory partner for his romantic plays. This young
man, who acts the part of the ardent lover to per-
fection, has the probably unique distinction among
actors of being the product of a Christian mission-
ary school, the Peking Methodist Academy. The
Chinese criticize the weakness of his voice and say
that his reputation is due only to the fact that he
plays opposite the greatest actor of the present day
in China.
The wu-sheng is the military hero. To imper-
sonate this role properly an actor must be very skill-
ful in the art of stage fighting, which means that he
must possess great acrobatic skill. He must under-
stand how to fence with wooden stage swords or
[150].
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
spears, and furthermore how to box. Chinese box-
ing has nothing whatever to do with the blood-
thirsty Boxers of 1900, for the latter received their
name through a misunderstanding. It is, on the
other hand, a most inoffensive art, consisting of a
series of poses rapidly and skillfully executed. I be-
lieve that formerly it was a method of fighting, but
that it has become thoroughly conventionalized at
present into a system of posturing and rapid move-
ments.
For a gorgeous riot of color one might recom-
mend a play acted by Yang Hsiao-lou, Peking's most
famous actor of military plays, who is beginning to
command the same salary as Mei Lan-fang. He is
known not only for his ability in fighting, but also
because he can sing well and enunciate very clearly.
The tourist can tell the home folks that he has seen
something if he has watched Yang Hsiao-lou with a
face painted in heavy reds and blues, wearing tall
feathers on his head, dressed in a garment embroid-
ered in rich colors and studded with little mirrors,
mounted on shoes with very thick soles, strutting
about the stage in martial attitude, and finally en-
gaging in combat a similarly dressed hero to the end
that both whirl about the stage with lightning speed,
while the orchestra supplies the excitement by means
of a terrific noise which threatens to take the roof
off the building. It makes a truly exciting spectacle
of which even an untrained Westerner can feel the
thrill.
[151]
I
THE CHINESE THEATER
The two types of ching-i and hua-tan are both
young women characters. The difference made be-
tween them is that the former represents an honest
and simple girl generally playing a sad part in which
great emphasis is placed on the singing, while the
hua-tan represents a woman of doubtful reputation
or a maid servant in a comedy part, requiring great
skill in acting. It is one of the merits of Mei Lan-
fang that he acts both types and thus breaks down
one of the stiff rules of the Chinese theater in the
interest of developing it into a freer art. Indeed,
for over ten years he has been the supreme artist in
both types. It is said of him by Peking critics that
he sings as beautifully as a nightingale, that he has
a pretty face, that he dances gracefully, and that his
acting, in the Chinese simile, is like quicksilver which
fills up every crevice and crack of a hole into which
it is poured — that is to say, satisfying to the last
detail. Teh Hing, a man over sixty years old, is an-
other famous ching-i; however, he scorns to play the
role of the hua-tan, the flowery maiden who treads
the primrose path. Still another type in which
Mei Lan-fang appears at times is that of zvu-tan,
or warrior maiden, a role comparatively rarely
seen.
For some of the best make-ups and the most nat-
ural action on the Chinese stage one ought to see
men playing the part of lao-tan, or old woman. I
have frequently found it difficult to believe that it
was a man who appeared with the sorrowful, lined
[152]
A DEMI-MONDAINE
Chinese Character Type
THE CHINESE THEATER
The two types of chiug-i and hua-tan are both
) haracters. The difference made be-
ii... .:iat the former represents an honest
and - ^irl generally playing a sad part in which
great emphasis is placed on the singing, while the
kua ' Us a woman of doubtful reputation
— " \ .lilt in a comedy part, requiring great
ig. It is one of the merits of Mei Lan-
fang that he acts both types and thus breaks down
one of the stiff rules of the Chinese theater in the
interest of developing it into a freer art. Indeed,
f,^v over ten years he has been the supreme artist in
types. It is said of him by Peking critics that
he sings as beautifully as a nightingale, that he has
a pretty face, that he dances gracefully, and that his
n in the Chinese simile, is like quicksilver which
n.. .., -^^very crevice and crack of a hole into which
it is poured — that is to say, satisfying to the last
detail. Teh Hing, a man over sixty years old, is an-
other famous ching-i; however, he scorns to play the
role 'tf the hua-tan, the flowery maiden who treads
the primrose path. Still another type in which
Mei Lan-fang appears at times is that of uni-tan,
or warrior maiden, a role comparatively rarely
. ir .some of the best make-ups and the most nat-
ural action on the Chinese stage one ought to see
men playing the part of lao-tan, or old woman. I
have frequently found it difficult to believe that it
was a man who appeared with the sorrowful, lined
[152]
amAcmoM-nfaa a
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
face, the black headdress, tottering along with the
stiff walk engendered by bound feet, leaning on a
tall staff with a carved handle, and all in all giving
a perfect representation of a lao-t' ai-f ai (old lady).
Very touching bits often appear in plays in which
an old woman in her broken voice bewails the loss of
a son, her only support in life. Among other minor
types are found the lao-sheng (old man), the ta-
cking (male part, either wicked or honest — his
character is indicated by the style of face-painting
he wears), and the er-hua-mien (usually a robber).
In addition to these there are an infinite number
of other possible parts; for example one sees not
infrequently various wild and domestic animals in-
terpreted in very droll make-ups that recall Shake-
speare's "Midsummer Night's Dream."
A very important type is the ch'ou, the clown, as
much an institution on the Chinese stage as he was
on that of our Middle Ages. It is very difficult,
Chinese critics say, to become a famous clown. The
part of the clown consists largely of improvisation,
but it is quite risky for him to be as funny as he can.
He is permitted topical allusions, but he must gauge
carefully the mood of the audience. I remember one
quite successful hit. In a certain play a husband re-
turns after an absence of ten years and finds his
wife and son in good health, but with an added bless-
ing of Heaven in the shape of a one-year-old boy.
He berates his wife for her infidelity and exclaims,
"Who could have done me such a turn?" At that
[153]
THE CHINESE THEATER
moment the clown leaped to the edge of the stage
shouting, "It was he!" and allowed his pointing
finger to sweep slowly across the sleek, blushing
faces of the row of rich merchants in the front
seats.
It may seem surprising that I speak so glibly of
the "best" actors among the various types, but I
should hasten to state that this is a matter in which
I do not give my own judgment but the result of
popular balloting. A Peking newspaper holds an
annual vote for the best actors among each rubric,
and the judgment of the readers of this journal is
generally accepted among theatergoers. Although
the daily papers are an innovation in Peking, per-
haps less than twenty years old, yet many of them
have their theatrical critics who " puff " actors and
more often actresses for other reasons than for art's
sake. Press-agenting is far from being an unknown
art in the Middle Kingdom. Much of the writing
is done by students of the National University who
earn a little extra money by this means. The most
picturesque among the Peking critics is a Japanese
called by his Chinese name, T'ing Hua. For the last
twenty years he has devoted himself to the Chinese
theater heart and soul, and shows his devotion by
adopting orphans whom he gives a schooling as
actors. T'ing Hua has over twenty such "sons",
one of whom is becoming very famous, especially in
the Shun T'ien Shih Pao, the paper for which father
writes. Yet in spite of all touting the vote reflects
[154] '
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
the popular feeling, especially as regards Mei Lan-
fang and Yang Hsiao-lou, the most famous inter-
preters of the roles of young girl and military hero
respectively.
Theaters on a commercial basis are also practi-
cally a new thing in China ; that is to say something
that has developed on a large scale only within the
last twenty years. Before that time theatrical per-
formances were given mostly at temples or harvest
festivals, at the houses of rich men, and, most elab-
orately, at the imperial court. As a sign of the times
I should like to quote an item clipped from the
Peking Daily News of June 28, 1922. The article
tells of a meeting of the representatives of Peking's
five thousand blind men held in a temple. The end
of the paragraph I shall quote verbatim in the Eng-
lish of the Chinese translator:
Among the business matters discussed was the organ-
ization of a blind man's association for the purpose of
carrying on their trade effectively. The usual crafts of
the blind men in Peking are singing and fortune telling,
but conditions have gradually changed, whereby theaters
are established everywhere, popular education has para-
lyzed superstition, so now their crafts are generally get-
ting out of date, and thereby need refonnation.
But the Peking police force, perhaps the best in
the world, has drawn up full regulations, which are
adequate for preserving order in the playhouses that
have multiplied so rapidly in the capital. Each com-
pany must be registered, must pay a tax of five
[155]
THE CHINESE THEATER
dollars for each performance, must reserve certain
seats for policemen who keep order, must not crowd
extra seats into the aisles, must avoid immoral plays,
must submit all new plays to the police, and must
apprise the police beforehand of every performance
to be held. The ordinance requiring the separation
of the sexes in the theater is an Eastern touch that
is sure to impress Occidentals — who have forgotten
that in Shakespeare's day also women were confined
to the gallery. Peking police rules demand that the
ushers and tea-venders in the galleries must also be
women and that these galleries must have their
separate exits. The rule that spectators are for-
bidden to sit on the stage also recalls Elizabethan
manners. One can read in these police regulations :
If the program has been changed and the spectators
start a protest by throwing teacups at the actors, these
disturbers of the peace must be arrested and conducted
to the nearest police station.
There is, however, very little disturbance in the
theaters ; at least I have never seen the least sign of
a fight or quarrel among the spectators. Actors on
the stage are forbidden to curse and are fined if they
do so. The hours for the performances are fixed
from twelve noon to five in winter and spring, and
from noon to six in summer and fall, while all eve-
ning performances must end at midnight. The latter
are an innovation at Peking and are taxed more
heavily than the regular daytime performances.
[156]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
There is also a ruling aimed against "claques" which
forbids too boisterous applause.
On one occasion when I took some New Yorkers
to see Mei Lan-fang in the role of " Yang Kuei-fei
on a Spree", one of my guests exclaimed, "If this
play is permitted, I wonder what kind of plays the
police forbid!" The obliging Chinese police have
supplied me not only with the regulations for
theaters, but also with the list of forbidden plays.
Naturally enough gross immorality realistically pre-
sented is forbidden. There is no question of the
display of nudity; it never occurs and, I believe,
would hold little appeal for a Chinese audience.
Some of the plays forbidden are rather interesting.
There is the "Shang Ting Chi" (Ruse of the
Nail). A wife killed her husband because she was
in love with another man. The police were unable
to learn the cause of the man's sudden death, but the
examining magistrate was told by his superior that
he must fathom the mystery or be himself beheaded.
When he went home sorrowfully to tell his wife of
his plight, the latter asked whether he had examined
the part of the head covered with hair. The officer
hastened to investigate the back of the victim's head
and found that a nail had been driven into it. When
the superior learned of this he ordered the officer's
wife to be arrested. She confessed that she had
known of the ruse because she had put her former
husband to death by driving a nail into his head and
braiding the queue over the wound. Thereupon
[157]
THE CHINESE THEATER
both women were put to death. The play is for-
bidden lest women learn how to rid themselves of
their husbands !
Another forbidden play is " Sha Tze Pao ", the
story of a young woman who loved a monk. One
day her young son discovered them in flagranti.
The mother feared that the boy would tell of her
shame and therefore she killed him. His sister
suspected a crime, told the boy's teacher about it,
and he in turn reported it to the authorities. As a
result, both the woman and the monk were put to
death. The play is based on an actual incident that
happened in the province of Hunan about forty
years ago. The sister, later in life, at one time visited
a theater where this very play was being staged and
received a shock comparable to the one an honest
son of a famous murderer might receive if he went
to visit Madame Tussaud's Waxworks and sud-
denly beheld his own father reenacting his crime in
wax. The Chinese authorities forbid the play be-
cause the killing of the child by the mother is real-
istically acted out. The mother's face is covered
with blood as she cuts the body into many pieces and
places them in a wine vat. It is a curious thing that
on the Chinese stage where fixed conventions leave
so much to the imagination one finds occasionally
the most revolting realism in plays of the " shudder-
ing" variety. I have seen, for example, the victim
of an assault dragging his entrails across the stage
— a nauseating imitation of the real thing. The
[158]
EXTERNAL ASPECTS OF CHINESE THEATER
Chinese love their "horrors" just as much as our
medieval ancestors did.
It is a custom on the Chinese stage to play on the
occasion of various seasonal festivals pieces per-
taining to the holiday in question. The best known
of the seasonal plays is perhaps the "Ta Yin Ho"
(Crossing the Milky Way), played on the seventh
day of the seventh month of the Chinese calendar,
that is to say, generally some time during our month
of July. This story is an old legend, varying some-
what in different versions, related in the quotation
from William Stanton in Chapter One, where Yang
Kuei-fei in the T'ang Dynasty makes allusion to it.
It can be seen on a number of stages in Peking at
the time of this festival, and is staged in an espe-
cially colorful manner by Mei Lan-fang.
The same actor plays another mythological
fancy on the occasion of the mid-autumn festival,
"Ch'ang-O Pin Yiieh" (Ch'ang-0's Flight to the
Moon) .' This custom of seasonal plays shows a very
close connection existing between the popular be-
liefs and the theater which recalls in a manner the
medieval mysteries of the Easter and Christmas
seasons. The fact that some of the plays have been
written within recent years only indicates that the
Chinese theater is in no way declining as a typical
Chinese institution, as is, for example, the popular
theater of India. What the visitor sees in the native
theaters of Calcutta or Bombay, as has been stated
' See outline, page 105.
[159]
THE CHINESE THEATER
above, is a diluted imitation of our weakest and
worst melodrama with all its mannerisms. In con-
trast to this the Chinese theater of Peking is con-
tinuing as a living popular art, introducing some
external features from our stage, but on the whole
remaining true to its own genius.
[i6o]
CHAPTER SEVEN
The Conventions
>ytgr— yo the average Occidental the Chinese
stage appears a very queer institution
with ridiculous customs. This is due
largely to the fact that in the Chinese
make-believe world the conventions
differ from those employed by us on the stages where
we mock life. We accept our own stage conventions
as something so natural that habit permits us to for-
get the strangeness of the devices employed. How
many Americans among those who have been under
the spell of the realistic action of " The Bat " have
thought of the fact that the characters were at all
times moving about in rooms with only three walls,
that darkness was symbolized by lights carried by
the actors, that the attic in the country home of the
astute spinster was lighted by footlights, and that
an actor who had been killed appeared a moment
later for a curtain call? And if in a play that has
been pushed approximately to the extreme of real-
ism, an unsophisticated rustic on his first visit to
[i6i]
THE CHINESE THEATER
New York might discover the above-mentioned
ridiculous customs, what might his comments be on
the fact that Mephistopheles sings melodiously in
encouraging Faust to fight for his life, that stage
whispers are heard by every one in the house except
the one person most in need of hearing them, that a
flimsy canvas door can shut out a stout villain, or
that the last words of a dying man reach to the very
highest seat in the top gallery ?
Thus it would seem that any one who laughs at
the conventions of the Chinese stage simply displays
his provincialism. Our forefathers tolerated almost
the identical conventions on the medieval stage, as
I have shown at length in Chapter Nine. More-
over, it is a very striking fact that there is in many
of our theaters at present an extreme reaction
against a minute and pedantic imitation on the stage
of the realities of everyday life. Because it is felt
that too much attention to external things deadens
the imagination of the spectators, stage managers
of to-day are beginning to prefer once more a con-
ventional presentation.
As a Westerner learns to recognize the conven-
tions of the Chinese stage he quickly becomes used
to them, and soon he is as little disturbed by the
make-believe of the Oriental theater as he had been
before by that of the Occidental. He is then ready
to appreciate the art of the Chinese actor, which
runs the gamut of human emotions quite as fully
as that of the great actors of the West. He must
[162]
THE CONVENTIONS
know, however, that the rug on the floor of the pro-
jecting, curtainless stage is a magic carpet which
carries the actors without change of scenery from
Mongolia to Tibet, from the market place to the
audience hall in the palace, or from the forest to the
prison by the simple device on the actor's part of
walking once or twice about the stage or of exiting
and reappearing immediately afterward. The stage
has two doors ; the one at the spectators' left is gen-
erally used for entrances and the one at the right
for exits. However, at times the door at the left is
also used for exits, if the actor wishes to indicate
that he is not leaving the house or is otherwise re-
maining in the immediate vicinity. The crossing of
a doorsill is presented by raising the feet about eight
inches off the floor in making the steps. To open
or close a door the actor raises both hands and
makes the pantomime of drawing a bolt and moving
a door. Slow steps in which the feet are raised well
off the floor show that the actor is walking up a
stairway. When a general ascends a hill to review
a battle he mounts on a chair or table. If a moun-
tain is to be crossed, a similar pantomime is per-
formed. That a man is on horseback is shown by
the fact that he carries a riding whip. When he
mounts he takes the whip and raises one leg in a
movement intended to imitate the action of leaping
into the saddle, and when he dismounts he hands
the whip to an attendant with a similarly appro-
priate movement. When the groom leads off the
[163]
THE CHINESE THEATER
horse he pulls after him the seemingly refractory
whip. Sometimes these actions attain a touch of
realism, but generally they are — in better taste —
confined to quite conventionalized movements. Fre-
quently they escape the newcomer entirely.
A mandarin arriving in a chair walks on the stage
surrounded by four attendants, who make a stoop-
ing movement such as chair-bearers might make by
way of setting down the imaginary palanquin. A
lady traveling in a carriage carries with the aid of
a servant two pieces of canvas about three feet
square, on each of which is painted a wheel; the
squares of cloth are supported on bamboo rods, the
lady holding the rear ends and the servant the front
ends of the rods as they walk across the stage.
When she descends she makes an appropriate move-
ment, while the servant folds up and carries off the
two painted wheels. Characters who wish to show
that they are riding in a boat indicate this by carry-
ing oars with which they paddle in the air. If some
one is to enter the boat an oar is stretched out, the
new arrival grips it and takes a long step, as though
he were boarding a vessel. A man committing
suicide by drowning performs a leap as though he
were jumping into a well and then quickly runs off
the stage. Some commit suicide by throwing them-
selves down from a wall, indicating this by leaping
off a table or a chair placed on top of a table, at times
falling on their backs in a manner that requires
great acrobatic skill. However, many of the somer-
[164]
THE ACTRESS KIN FENG-KUI IN A MALE ROLE
The long feathers and the headdress mark the warrior, while the riding-
whip signifies that the general is on horseback
THE CONVENTIONS
saults and similar feats performed on the stage are
simply ornamental, with no symbolic significance
whatever.
Stage fighting has been developed in China into
an intricate art with many cut-and-dried conven-
tions and a minimum of realism. The warriors fly
at one another, but they never hit with their swords
or spears. The art consists simply in making quick
passes at the opponent, whirling about rapidly,
throwing a weapon into the air and catching it
again, or spinning a spear about much as a drum
major does his baton. All the while the orchestra
is playing wild and loud music, the kind that Thomas
Moore's Mr. Fudge would call the music of the
spears, for every tone seems to go right through
you. As neither of the contestants is wounded or
falls down, the spectator learns the issue of the
battle from the fact that the defeated warrior exits
first, while his victorious opponent makes a sort of
bow to the audience and then struts off with a digni-
fied step. Sometimes a spear is thrown at a soldier
who catches it and sinks to the ground clutching it
to his breast, denoting that he has been pierced ; then
he runs off quickly, a dead man. In stage armies
one man carrying a banner signifies one thousand
men.
The stage in Peking theaters is lighted by day-
light or by means of huge arc lamps that illumine
the auditorium and the stage alike. Therefore dark-
ness must be indicated by a conventional symbol,
[165]
THE CHINESE THEATER
and the same one is chosen that we have selected in
the West, namely, a lighted (sometimes unlighted)
candle, lamp, or lantern. It is hardly necessary to
recall here that even in our most realistically staged
plays the darkness on the stage is only relative and
never, except for very brief moments, absolute.
The passing of time at night is indicated by the
drummer of the orchestra, who beats the hours on
his kettledrum while otherwise there is silence on
the stage. As the Chinese divide their day into
twelve periods of two hours each, this can be done
more quickly than would be the case if our divisions
of time were used and the entire gesture is fairly
inconspicuous.
High military officers can be recognized readily
by the four pheasant feathers, sometimes as long as
six feet, which form part of their headdress. The
Chinese call them "back-protecting feathers", be-
cause they are supposed to ward off the blows of
the enemy swords. In the same way the painted
faces of the warriors can be traced to originally
utilitarian purposes; about a thousand years ago a
famous Chinese warrior whose scholarly face had
a very unmartial appearance painted his face in a
gruesome manner in order to inspire fear in the
hearts of his enemies.
The manner in which the faces of traditional
heroes of war are painted is an attempt at a conven-
tionalized reproduction of the facial expression of
these terror-inspiring men as they are described in
[i66]
THE CONVENTIONS
the books of history or in novels. Therefore it is
not possible to give a definite color or color scheme
for warriors. But in some other respects there is
a definite custom. A face painted pure white de-
notes a wicked person, while no color on the face
means a good character. Pure red designates an
honest and faithful man, gold a heavenly being, and
several colors applied unevenly a robber. The white
nose is the mark of the clown. It is interesting to
note that in Chinese clown has likewise the three
connotations given for the word in Webster's dic-
tionary: rustic, ill-bred, and buffoonish.
Gods and spirits can be recognized by the horse-
hair switch they carry whenever they appear and
by the slight tapping of the gong as they enter the
stage. The ghosts of the deceased wear black veils
over their heads, or bundles of strips of paper under
their right ears. Whenever any character from the
world beyond, god or ghost, appears, fireworks are
set oflf by a stage hand ; usually this takes the form
of large flames emitted repeatedly from an oil lamp.
Monks and nuns carry the same horsehair switch,
perhaps because of their " spiritual " lives. A bride
can be recognized by the red veil she wears on her
head. Good officials wear square hats, while wicked
officials wear round ones. The wicked jailer in his
round hat is a frequent figure on the Chinese stage.
A strong wind is indicated by the waving of flags,
which recalls the fact that the flags used in our
operatic performances are not made of silk as are
[167]
THE CHINESE THEATER
ordinary banners, but of stiff material, giving them
the appearance of banners flying in the wind. A
snowstorm is produced by flakes of paper tossed
into the air by a stage hand in full view of the audi-
ence. A sick person is designated by a yellow cloth
which covers his face. When a character has died
his face is covered with a red cloth. The head of a
decapitated person is symbolized by some object
about the size of a human head, wrapped in red
cloth. Sometimes an execution is portrayed by
making a sword thrust at the victim who then runs
off the stage, after which his head is brought on.
For new or exceptional situations new symbols
must be invented. There is a play called " Chu Fang
Ts'ao" taken from the novel "The Three King-
doms." It is the story of a guest who hears his host
sharpening a butcher knife and, as he fears the
worst, runs off under somewhat amusing circum-
stances. However, his host was the very reverse
of a robber ; he was in fact slaughtering the fatted
pig in honor of the visitor. The business of slaugh-
tering the pig is done in the following manner : an
actor with a black cloth thrown over his head and
back walks on the stage in a stooping posture, driven
forward by another actor's stick and making the
various deviations from the right path by which a
pig in real life exasperates the swineherd. The
actor-pig finally walks up to a chair on which he can
rest his hands in comfort, while the business of
slaughtering is given in pantomime. After this has
[i68]
THE CONVENTIONS
been done the cloth is removed and the man, now
neither pig nor actor, walks off the stage erect.
The above conventions, which have come under
my observation in the course of my attendance in
Chinese theaters, do not by any means exhaust the
list, nor do they represent anything permanent.
Changes are continually occurring. One that I have
been observing is that the long conventionalized
beards no longer hang down from the upper lip,
covering the mouth ; probably because this was found
to be inconvenient for purposes of speaking or drink-
ing tea, and some one hit upon the idea of having
the beard only below the mouth and of painting in
the moustache to match. Incidentally, only good
characters have a moustache, while the villains of
the Chinese stage have no hair on the upper lip. One
ought to note, too, that these conventions are not so
arbitrary as they might seem at first glance, but are
generally founded on some real element in Chinese
life. The yellow dress denoting the emperor, the red
veil marking the bride, and the black costume sig-
nifying the poor man have their basis in everyday
Chinese custom. A mourner on the Chinese stage
appears in white, and the long beards of old men
naturally enough have the same color, both quite as
in real life. The symbols are an imitation of real
life more or less stiffened into conventions. Of
course, the origins of the conventional signs are
sometimes a bit difficult to trace, especially in the
case of ghosts and gods.
[169]
THE CHINESE THEATER
From the instances cited above it is plain that the
Chinese theater contains much that from our point
of view tends to "destroy the illusion." Another
factor in this process is the "property man" —
made known to Americans through "The Yellow
Jacket" — who is ever on the stage in the midst of
all action. When the heroine must kneel before the
judge a coolie in a dirty blue cotton gown rushes
forward to place a pillow on the floor lest the actor's
costly embroidered gown be soiled. An actor is fre-
quently handed a cup of tea by another such at-
tendant ; some actors to-day even equip their servants
with thermos bottles for these occasions. A general
preparing for combat by removing his outer coat is
aided in this operation by ordinary stage hands, not
by servants forming part of the dramatis personae.
From all the above it would seem that human nature
does not demand any particular kind of realism on
the stage, but is quite able to adapt itself to any
illusion whatsoever.
[170]
CHAPTER EIGHT
Mei Lan-fang — China's Greatest
Actor
VERY traveler who comes to China hears
of the fame of Mei Lan-fang. He is
told that in his visit to Peking he ought
not to miss the opportunity of seeing
this male actor of female roles inter-
pret the gay or tragic events of the lives of coy
Chinese maidens. When the Chinese Government
entertains a distinguished foreign visitor, General
Joffre or Secretary of the Navy Denby, for example,
Mei Lan-fang gives a performance which forms the
pidce de resistance of the Oriental splendors shown
to the visitor by way of hospitality. Americans who
in turn entertain Chinese friends in Peking gen-
erally resort also to a play by this actor. In 1919 a
group of American bankers paid Mei Lan-fang four
thousand dollars (I have the information from the
man who wrote out the check) for half an hour of
acting and singing; it is true that in this case an
especially large price was paid by way of gaining
[171]
THE CHINESE THEATER
that imponderable Oriental asset known as " face ",
because shortly before this a group of Japanese
bankers had tried to impress their Chinese guests by-
paying Mei Lan-fang one thousand dollars for
an evening's entertainment. The common masses
among the Chinese also appreciate this actor, and
a manager who succeeds in inducing Mei Lan-fang
to sign a contract with him is always sure of a
crowded house. For five years I have had the op-
portunity of observing Mei Lan-fang's work and I
have come to the conclusion that he justly deserves
his fame and his popularity.
Perhaps some who have heard Mei sing in his
falsetto voice and have seen him act a " slow " play,
or opera, if you will, in the conventionalized Chinese
manner, to the accompaniment of a screeching violin
and ear-splitting brass cymbals, feel that they would
have been willing to pay a good sum to be excused
from the performance. There is, to be sure, a long
list of martyrs who with lavish Oriental hospitality
were treated to interminable sessions of Chinese
drama; General Wood, for example, recently suf-
fered two hours of it. I should like to say that in
my opinion, keenly as I appreciate the Chinese
drama and its interpreter, Mei Lan-fang, I realize
fully that it does not present such a finished product
as is found in our theater. The Chinese have no
great tragedies to place by the side of Shakespeare's ;
they have no profound comedies such as Moliere's ;
their plays are never so closely knit as are our " well-
[172]
MEI LAN-FANG
made" plays; while in staging they are centuries
behind us. The Chinese drama is a case of arrested
development ; it is childish, medieval, and very trying
to our ears. Yet it is typically Chinese. No other
art is so popular in China as that of the theater,
which presents the old legends of the nation, the
famous novels read by the masses, intrigues such as
occur on every hand, the music of the various prov-
inces, and the moral ideals of the four hundred mil-
lions in general. In fact, the Chinese consider the
theater fit for ihe gods; for whenever they wish to
thank their deities or reconcile them, they give the-
atrical performances for the pleasure of the gods
and that of the entire village as well. As Mr. R. F.
Johnston remarks in his characteristic manner, de-
signed to shock the ultra-pious, the taste of the gods
as regards the drama seems to coincide in a remark-
able manner with that of the villagers. Since the
theater is in a manner the mirror of the Chinese
nation, and is also of intrinsic interest to the stu-
dent of the drama, it is well worth some attention on
the part of any Westerner at all interested in the
Orient. Furthermore, because Mei Lan-fang is the
most widely known actor, and because he is an ex-
tremely intelligent and progressive artist, it is per-
haps best to approach this exotic drama through
him.
Since Mei Lan-fang is an actor and his ancestors
were actors before him, he comes from the lowest
class of society. In the otherwise extremely demo-
[173]
THE CHINESE THEATER
cratic organization of the Chinese empire, where the
poorest boy could rise to weahh and fame by virtue
of passing the hterary examination in the capital,
sons of prostitutes, lictors, and actors, as has been
said, were barred from competing for government
posts. This system of examinations was abolished
in 1907, but the social disqualification was felt by
Mei Lan-fang, for he is now just thirty years old.
His youth was tainted also by his being subjected to
unspeakable immoral practices which were openly
tolerated in Peking until the Revolution in 191 1.
Quite aside from this, the childhood of an actor is
no bed of roses in a land where the struggle for ex-
istence is so desperate, and ninety per cent, constantly
hover near the starvation line. In the Southern City
of Peking one meets frequently a long line of boys,
with prematurely old faces, ranging from eight to
sixteen years, marching along seriously and apa-
thetically under the stern eye of a preceptor — the
pupils of an actors' training school. Or if one takes
the morning canter along the city wall on the smooth
stretch to the south of the Temple of Heaven, one
may see the boys at their interminable lessons, which
begin at sunrise. They must learn to sing in the
shrill, artificial falsetto voice characteristic of the
Chinese theater, under a master whose cruel dis-
cipline would make Dotheboys Hall seem a pleasant
place for week-ends. When there is a sharp wind
blowing Peking dust in a gale, the boys are taken to
sing against the storm in order that their throats
[174]
MEI LAN-FANG
may become properly hardened. The competition
for a HveHhood as actor is deadly. Three boys*
theaters are training hundreds of boys, while about
two thousand actors are already out of work in
Peking or are being hired by the day with about
twenty coppers' reward for their long hours of labor.
In such an environment Mei Lan-fang grew up
facing a drab, dismal existence such as the vast ma-
jority of Orientals suffer cheerfully.
But Mei Lan-fang's originality and talents
brought him to the highest position in his art. He
had been trained, because of his slender build, girl-
like face, and high voice, to act the type of hua-tan,
the hetaera. This figure appears regularly in Chinese
plays in the role of servant girl, lady's maid, or demi-
mondaine. The method pursued by most tyro actors
is to attempt to approximate down to the minutest
mannerisms the style of the actor at the top of their
special class. Mei Lan-fang, however, decided to
copy nature instead. He introduced into his acting
female traits and foibles observed in the women
about him, and this freshness in his style pleased his
audiences. He was gradually accorded more and
more prominent parts until twelve years ago he was
voted the most popular interpreter of female roles
in the capital. The actors selected as the best
"lovers", "warriors", "old men", "old women",
and the various other conventional types can count
their fortunes as made. After he had been chosen
as the most popular actor of female roles, Mei Lan-
[175]
THE CHINESE THEATER
fang commanded fifty to one hundred dollars for
one regular daily performance, and for private per-
formances some such amounts as were mentioned
in the first paragraph of this chapter. He organized
his own company, made a triumphal tour through
Japan, and began to fill annual engagements in
Shanghai, the " Paris of China " so-called.*
Let us suppose that in wishing to see Mei Lan-
fang you have done as many Pekingese do — sent
your servant to the theater to hold a seat for you.
Your menial has been enjoying an afternoon's work
by grabbing a good seat in the almost empty theater
at one o'clock and warming it until five-thirty,
at the same time drinking tea, chewing water-
melon seeds, smoking cigarettes, gossiping blandly
with his neighbors, and occasionally watching the
actors on the stage. Now comes the hour for the
star, and you, with many sleek Chinese merchants,
displace coolies whose figures — in blue cotton —
shrink inconspicuously toward the exit. The mo-
ment you sit down a waiter with the inevitable tea-
pot is at your elbow, depositing on the table before
you a cup containing one grimy thumb. The tea and
watermelon seeds are, as they say in the Moulin
Rouge, " obligatoire", but you are free to refuse
threescore flies resting on a bar of candy, eggs of
uncertain age whose whites have become black, or
apples just the proper softness with which to pelt
' About a year after the earthquake Tokio's Imperial Theater was
reopened, and the Japanese honored Mei Lan-fang by engaging him
for this occasion.
[176]
In European Dress
Ch'ang-0's Flight to the Moon
Burying llie Blossoms A Young Nun Seeks Love
MEI LAN-FANG
MEI LAN-FANG
actors. At the tables all around you men are audibly
sipping tea or eating dishes of steaming viands, after
which they wipe face and hands on hot towels which
the waiters are passing. Bundles of towels continu-
ally soaring overhead may remind you of bats under
the rafters, or if you are medically minded you may
exclaim, "Look at them throwing the smallpox
around ! "
The indifferent actors have been on the stage for
hours, impersonating famous emperors of the time
of Attila, cunning counselors as old as Alcuin, or
sages contemporary with Pope Sylvester. One short
play or part of a play after the other — each lasting
about thirty to forty-five minutes — has been going
on without intermission since noon. The fact that
no pause is made between the plays often leads for-
eigners to believe that Chinese plays are of serpen-
tine length, while in reality they are no longer than
the separate numbers of our continuous vaudeville.
The orchestra leader merely beats a few short notes
on a gong and the stage is set for the next play —
that is to say, Chinese drama has no stage settings
whatever. A brightly colored curtain forms the
background of the bare stage; in other words, the
scenery is left to the imagination, as it was in Shake-
speare's theater.
When the hour for the star has finally come, a
special fluteplayer takes his seat as leader of the
orchestra and sends out soft, wistful notes that con-
trast gratefully with the brass din of the preceding
[177]
THE CHINESE THEATER
battle scene. With tense interest Mei Lan-fang is
awaited, for to-day he is to play "A Young Nun
Seeks Love."
With light, mincing step he enters in a long nun's
gown of white silk, over which he wears a white coat
dotted with a diamond pattern in light blue. Long
black tresses and a narrow black belt set off the
delicate shades of the light colors. The exquisite
color combination is enhanced by his soft, clear
voice and the emotional play of his facial expres-
sion. The theme of the forty-minute monodrama is
similar to Browning's " Fra Lippo Lippi ", a story
which Mei alternately sings and recites to orchestral
accompaniment.
A pitiful existence is that of the nun with the shaven
head ! At night only a lone lantern consorts me to sleep.
Time quickly pursues one to old age, leaving only the
memory of a monotonous youth.
Sent to the convent at a tender age, she finds her
life at sixteen a dull round divided between the burn-
ing of incense and the reading of monotonous
Buddhistic sutras. The abbess has deprived her of
the ornament of her hair and forces her to carry
water from the well at the foot of the hill. On these
excursions she has stolen long looks at a handsome
youth playing outside the city gate, and he seems not
indifferent toward her.
For the price of a little sympathy I would be willing ^
to go to the palace of Yen Wang, the god of Hell, to be
ground up in the mortar, cut into bits by the saw, crushed
[178]
MEI LAN-FANG
between the millstones, or to seethe in burning oil. My
love is deep enough to outweigh the punishments of all
devils.
Her childhood at the home of her pious parents
had been an interminable droning of the sacred
syllables, " O mane padnie hum, o mane padme
hum", beating of drums, ringing of bells, blowing
of horns, tinkling of cymbals — all to drive away
the devils. Her heart, hungry for a bit of bright-
ness, feels cramped in her cell and she decides to
enter the large hall filled with the statues of five
hundred saints and Buddhas. Since the stage is
absolutely bare, Mei at this point goes through the
pantomime of opening a door and closing it again
behind him. After some quaint meditations before
the various ascetic lohans and the figure of the
"laughing Buddha *V who seems to say, "Why
waste the precious days of sweet youth ?", the young
nun decides to risk all for the sake of finding love.
In a graceful, rhythmic dance Mei moves oflf the
stage. The young girl has gone into the "black
world", as the Buddhist nuns call life outside the
convent walls.
Another favorite among Mei Lan-fang's plays is
" Burying the Blossoms." A young girl, tormented
' This popular figure, called also " big stomach " or " cloth sack "
Buddha, is laughing in anticipation of the happiness to come. His
image is found in practically all Buddhist temples and frequently
among the bibelots collected by foreigners. In regard to the taste of
collectors, Baron de Stael-Holstein, a Russian scholar versed in
Buddhist lore, remarked to me one day, " The ugliest of all these
figures is the one most sought after by Westerners."
[179]
THE CHINESE THEATER
by jealousy and doubt of her lover's good faith, finds
the garden path covered with fallen blossoms. In
these flowers, broken from their stems and lying
crushed on the ground, she sees the image of her-
self, a girl whose parents are dead and who is neg-
lected by every one. She takes pity on the flowers,
and, placing them in a silk bag, buries them under a
tree. As she is shedding tears over the little mound
her lover comes upon her. The explanation that
follows effects a deepening of their love.
In Professor Giles' translation (" Chinese Litera-
ture", page 368) we have the sentiment of the play ex-
pressed (C/. Moore's "The Last Rose of Summer") :
Farewell, dear flowers, forever now,
Thus buried as 't were best,
I have not yet divined when I,
With you shall sink to rest.
I who can bury flowers like this
A laughing-stock shall be;
I cannot say in days to come
What hands shall bury me.
See, how when spring begins to fail
Each opening floweret fades;
So too there is a time of age
And death for beauteous maids;
And when the fleeting spring is gone,
And days of beauty o'er,
Flowers fall, and lovely maidens die,
And both are known no more.
But not only such pale, wistful themes are found
in Mei's repertoire. The " Three Pulls "^ is a tragi-
' See page 83^.
[180]
BURYING THE BLOSSOMS
The setting in this amateur production shows more stage properties
than are customary in most Chinese theaters
MEI LAN-FANG
comedy of bourgeois life where Mei presents a de-
lightfully coquettish wife. This is a four-act play
in which a large company appears in gorgeous cos-
tumes of embroidered silk studded with the little
mirrors characteristic of Chinese stage apparel.
The various characters wear historically correct
dress, the well-known Manchu robes. But as an ex-
ample of the extreme incongruities in the mixture
of the Oriental and the Occidental now taking place
in Peking I should like to mention an incident that
occurred when the play was staged for the first time
at the Chen Kwang Theater. This new playhouse
has a large European stage and various other mod-
ern conveniences as yet not fully understood or ap-
preciated by the Chinese, for I observed that the
petition written by the husband and later flaunted
in court was written on a three-foot strip of toilet
paper !
The very best-beloved of Mei Lan-fang's plays is
"Yang Kuei-fei Tsui Chou" (Yang Kuei-fei's
Spree). Yang Kuei-fei, the famous concubine of
the Emperor T'ang Ming-huang, of about 900 A.D.,
as has been stated, lives on in Chinese poetry as a
charming beauty of absolutely bewitching qualities.
In connection with this play one ought to say that
drunkenness is rare in China and is not considered
a vice or a disgrace. On the other hand a genial
spree is looked upon as an exploit. A Chinese gen-
tleman will tell you "I was roundly drunk last
night ", much as an American might beamingly con-
[181]
THE CHINESE THEATER
fide his triumphs at golf. K'ang Hsi, perhaps the
greatest emperor China ever had, used to urge his
guests to drink heartily, assuring them that if they
drank too deep he would have them taken to their
homes in a dignified manner.
The plot of the play is a short episode in the im-
perial palace. Yang Kuei-fei learns from two
eunuchs that the emperor is supping with a rival
beauty, and in her jealous rage she orders one
bumper of wine after the other. As the wine begins
to take eflfect, she performs some charming dances
in which other court ladies join, to the end that a
beautiful inebriated ballet is performed. The eflfect
of the dancers in the ancient Chinese dress, the style
with the long sleeves taken over by the Japanese as
the kimono, is much like a vision of fluttering, multi-
colored butterflies. Later Yang Kuei-fei, in a low-
comedy scene, uses her charms first on one and then
on the other of the servants, who prefer to run away
rather than be found in a compromising position
with the favorite concubine. Finally Yang Kuei-fei
leaves the stage alone, singing, " Now lonely I re-
turn to the palace."
One specialty of this play is the manner in which
Mei Lan-fang drinks the wine. He grips the cup
with his teeth and bends backward very slowly until
his head touches the ground. Such "stunts" are
fairly frequent in Chinese plays and are used just
as traditionally as some of the byplay in French
masterpieces staged at the Comedie Frangaise. The
[182]
MEI LAN-FANG
great T'an had a very famous trick which no actor
has been able to imitate; in the play, "Seeing the
Ancestral Portraits ", he would kick off his shoe in
such a manner that in falling it would always strike
exactly on his head. Mei Lan-fang is not stressing
these acrobatic and other tricks, but is placing the
emphasis on the interpretation of the emotional con-
tent of the scenes.
A little farce that Mei presents in a droll manner
is the "Ch'ing Shang Lao Shiieh" (Slave Girl Plays
Tricks on the Old Schoolmaster). This play pre-
sents the perennial theme of the impertinent servant.
The make-up of the old scholar in Ming costume is
comical to the last degree. The slave girl receives
instruction, together with her mistress. When
asked to recite she does so with the swaying body
motion commonly found in our urchins when they
" say their piece." She catches a fly off the teacher's
face, and in mixing ink, spits in his eye. When he
sets out to beat her, she catches the switch, and as
he pulls, lets go, with the result that teacher falls
back into his chair and rolls over on the floor with
a tremendous crash. After suffering many similar
tricks the pedagogue decides to teach in that house
no longer. As he leaves the room the audience sees
that the slave girl has pinned on his back a picture
of a turtle — than which there is no greater insult
in all the Middle Kingdom !
This is the only play I have ever seen that makes
fun of a scholar. I consider it a pleasant tribute to
[183]
THE CHINESE THEATER
the Chinese sense of humor that it allows them to
laugh occasionally, even at the figure of their na-
tional hero. The scholar who by virtue of having
passed the examination in Peking is made magis-
trate or even viceroy of a province is the hero of
hundreds of Chinese plays. The examination in the
capital with the attendant change of fortune in the
life of the hero is the dens ex machinaoi the Chinese
stage. As an example I shall mention another play
of Mei Lan-fang's, the one he played before Secre-
tary of the Navy Denby on July 17, 1922. This play
is called " Yii Pei T'ing" (The Pavilion of the Royal
Monument). A poor scholar on his way to Peking
is caught in a heavy storm and seeks shelter in the
pavilion of a royal monument. He finds, however,
that a lady has come before him and taken posses-
sion of the interior of the small building. Since he
is both a scholar and a gentleman, he passes the
night on the outside, where the eaves afford him only
insufficient shelter from the rain. In the morning
the lady thanks him for his consideration, and he
continues on his way. The courtesy of the young
scholar has made so deep an impression on the lady
that she cannot refrain from telling her sister-in-
law about it, who in turn tells the lady's husband.
The latter thinks that the story is only a disguise
for what he believes to have been the true state of
affairs, namely that his wife has been unfaithful to
him. He therefore divorces his wife and abandons
her to a life of misery and disgrace. The scholar,
[184]
MEI LAN-FANG
on the other hand, passes his examination with such
distinction that the emperor grants him an audience,
in the course of which he asks the young man to tell
of the noblest thing he has ever done. The scholar
tells of his night spent out in the rain for the sake
of an unknown lady. The husband happens to be
among the courtiers present, and, upon this cor-
roboration of his wife's story, he takes her back into
his home, and all live happy ever afterward !
The scholar's quick change of fortune as a theme
in the Chinese theater finds a close rival in the mo-
tive of filial piety. Among Mei Lan-fang's plays
the latter is best illustrated by the play " Mu Lan ",
the name of a girl who goes to war in place of
her father because the latter is too old to undertake
a heavy campaign. It is characteristically Chinese
that this Joan of Arc does not fight for motives of
patriotism, but out of regard for the comfort of her
aged father. This fascinating play gives Mei an
opportunity of showing in the first part his skill in
portraying a demure young maiden, while in the
second part he can display his address in the
extremely conventionalized art of Chinese stage
fighting.
All of these and many more characters Mei Lan-
fang is on the stage, but of his real character very
little is known among foreigners in China. It is
known that he has a kindly heart, for every year he
contributes his services to a dramatic entertainment
arranged by American missionaries for the purpose
[185]
THE CHINESE THEATER
of providing shelters for the riksha runners during
the bitter Peking winters. One reads about it in the
papers when he makes his annual pilgrimage to
Miao Feng Shan, a mountain temple three days
distant from Peking, the traditional shrine where
actors worship. But artists eager to paint his por-
trait have never been able to secure him as a sitter,
because he is very shy about entering any society
outside his immediate circle. I considered myself
very lucky when after some negotiations I secured
an interview with him in the typical Chinese fashion
through some friends of some friends of his friends.
The house in which I called on Mei was his house ;
he keeps two other establishments — one for his
wife and the other for his concubine. For many
years Mei Lan-fang was known as the faithful
husband of one wife, but finally friends prevailed
on him to act in the manner of every Chinese gentle-
man who respects himself and to take a concubine
into his domestic circle. Among Mei's friends I met
a young actor with eloquent scars on his cheeks ; he
had been the one who introduced Mei to the con-
cubine and the scars were the result of some acid
thrown by a brother of the jealous wife. Another
gentleman present was a stocky officer of the Peking
gendarmerie, a useful friend to the actor, because
on several occasions ruffians have attempted to ex-
tort blackmail from him by violence — as they do
with every one in China who has any money. Mei
was the last one to appear, wearing a long white
[i86]
MEI LAN-FANG
silk gown, the customary hot-weather dress of the
Chinese gentleman.
Some of the coyness that gives such a true ring
to his stage presentations of young ladies clings to
Mei off-stage. He seems like a charming, bookish,
slightly effeminate boy of seventeen. In reality he
is thirty, but like so many other Orientals he appears
to Westerners much younger than he is. He is of
the frail, willowy build demanded in a Chinese
beauty, but he is the very opposite of languid, spar-
kling with vivacity and full of life. His voice is
high, gentle, and soft ; in fact, it sounds very much
like that of one of his heroines on the stage.
All in all Mei gives the impression of a youthful
scholar rather than of an actor. There is not the
slightest touch of Bohemianism about him. His
favorite avocations are music and drawing; opium
smoking and other fashionable dissipations hold no
charms for him whatever. He is very fond of
Western music, and hopes ultimately to win over his
audiences to an appreciation of the piano and the
violin, which would give him an immensely richer
field for his musical repertoire. He has for a close
friend and daily companion a learned scholar with
whom he makes researches in ancient works dealing
with the drama. Instead of following in the beaten
path he is intent on improving the drama by present-
ing ancient plays with a staging historically correct,
and by reviving whatever was vital in the past.
With great pride he showed me his extensive library,
C187]
THE CHINESE THEATER
lingering long over a neatly written text of a play
copied by his grandfather, who had been musician
to the great actor T'an.
To sum up Mei Lan-fang: like most other men
who achieve distinction, he is in love with his work
and devotes himself to it night and day.
His great merit is that he is bringing good taste
and sensible innovations to the Chinese theater,
which had been stagnant — in a state of arrested de-
velopment. The old Empress Dowager, showing her
usual bad taste, had made fashionable in Peking a
Mongolian style of music intended for open-air
theaters on the wind-swept plains, which in a roofed
theater is absolutely ear-splitting. Mei Lan-fang
is returning to traditional Chinese music in which
the soft notes of the flute prevail. Instead of the old
hackneyed themes Mei has staged numerous new
plays based on the famous romantic novel, "The
Dream of the Red Chamber ", as well as many other
plays written especially for him. Into his fanciful
plays of the type of " Midsummer Night's Dream "
he has woven graceful dances, an absolute innova-
tion on his part. New and often historically correct
costumes appear in his plays, enlivening the other-
wise rather drab Chinese stage. In contrast to the
Chinese habit of presenting only the favorite acts
of the well-known plays (as though our managers
should stage only the balcony scene from " Romeo
and Juliet", or the husband-under-the-table scene
from "Tartuffe"), he presents even the older plays
[i88]
MEI LAN-FANG
in their entirety. When he plays in Japan or in the
European theater in Peking, he removes the ill-
clothed orchestra from the stage ; but he cannot do
this in the native theaters, where the strong tradition
insists that the musicians must sit on the stage and
destroy the illusion, for the foreigners at least.
In this ability of his to make innovations and at
the same time to adapt himself to his audiences to a
certain extent, lies the key of Mei Lan-fang's suc-
cess. Even the most hidebound theater devotees
and connoisseurs must recognize the skill of his
acting and the perfection of his enunciation, and
therefore they are v^filling to accept the foreign ele-
ments which he introduces. Mei Lan-fang's great-
ness lies in the fact that he is able to introduce bold
reforms into the theater without cutting himself off
from the tradition.
[189]
CHAPTER NINE
Analogies Between East and West
HAVE often met with people who ask:
Do the Chinese have the division of
plays into tragedies and comedies?"
and when they learn that there is no
I such division they feel this to be a great
defect in the Chinese theater. But it might be well
worth recalling that these Greek terms did not orig-
inally have their present-day connotations, and that
their original meanings were perhaps not far re-
moved from the divisions which the Chinese make
in classifying their plays. Tragedy meant origi-
nally a "goat song", and philologists are divided
on the question as to whether the name is derived
from the fact that the song was sung by revelers
worshiping Dionysus, who, because of their ap-
pearance and licentious character were called
" goats ", or whether it was sung at the sacrifice of
a goat, or whether a goat was the prize which was
awarded to the successful poet.* At any rate there
' See Haigh, " The Tragic Drama of the Greeks ", Oxford Uni-
[190]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
is no doubt that tragedy was a musical term. The
same is true of comedy, which is the song of the
comus, or band of revelers, who marched along in
procession carrying aloft the phallus and chanting
songs to Dionysus which were called phallic songs.
The scurrilous remarks interlarded in the intervals
between songs by the leader of the comus gave
rise to the form of light entertainment known as
comedy in the theater of to-day. In the Middle Ages
it had the meaning of a poetic work with a happy
ending, for which reason Dante called his long poem
a "comedy", which later writers made " The Divine
Comedy." Thus we see the two words have deviated
altogether from their original meanings. We know
very little about Greek music of these earliest days,
but we hear also of Doric music and Phrygian music
employed in the theater. The Doric music was
grave, dignified, and employed the harp as the chief
musical instrument, while the Phrygian mode was
emotional and was accompanied by the flute.
Now let us look for a moment at the Chinese clas-
sification of styles of drama. We generally hear of
the divisions of kuan-ch'ii, p'i-huang (a telescop-
ing of hsi-pi and er-hiiang) and thirdly of pang-
tsu. These are all musical terms. Kuan-ch'ii is ac-
companied by the flute, and is said to be the most
literary, the most graceful and soft ; also because of
versity Press ; Murray, " Ancient Greek Literature ", Appleton, etc. —
So far as I know no scholar has suggested that the goat did the sing-
ing of the •' goat songs."
[191]
THE CHINESE THEATER
its lack of vulgarity it is caviare to the general. It
is rarely performed nowadays, but was quite popu-
lar in the Ming Dynasty. It was directly descended
from the classical Yuan drama, whose authors were
scholars ousted by the Mongols from their public
offices. This name is derived from a geographical
term, just as are the Greek Doric and Phrygian
modes. The pang-tzii came to Peking from Shansi
during the Ch'ing Dynasty. The chief instrument is
a rude kind of fiddle with a round, flat sounding
box, and the genre is considered to be exciting and
vulgar. The er-huang or hsi-p'i (said to be very
similar) are also styles adopted during the Manchu
Dynasty. They employ as their chief instrument the
well-known hu-ch'in. There is a great similarity
between Greek and Chinese thought, in that both
speak of the good moral eilects of music if only
there be the proper harmony; and likewise of the
immoral effects of vulgar, exciting music. I believe
one could find almost exact parallels in the writings
of Plato and of many Chinese authors,* even so
modern a one as Tsai Yuan-pei. We modern Euro-
peans and Americans, on the other hand, seem to
have given up the idea of music as a means for
developing harmonious and moral souls.
In practice music was employed in the Greek
theater not only by the chorus, but also by the actors
in the midst of the spoken dialogue when a partic-
ularly emotional point was reached. When the pas-
• • See " Sacred Books of the East ", vol. XXVIII, pp. 92-131.
[192]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
sions rose to a high pitch the musical accompaniment
commenced and the actor sang; such a passage was,
for example, the recital of the forebodings of Cas-
sandra in ^schylus' "Agamemnon", interrupted
by the Argive elders who form the chorus. Exactly
the same practice obtains in the Chinese theater, as
any one can readily observe in almost any play.
Some scholars have asserted that the whole of a
Greek play was accompanied by music, but it is gen-
erally believed now that only the lyrical passages
were sung, while the iambic dialogue was spoken.
In this similarity of the Greek and the Chinese
theaters we can find an aid in our efforts at recon-
structing the past — perhaps worthy of considera-
tion by regisseiirs who attempt to put on the stage
to-day some of the plays which stirred the imagina-
tion of the Athenians of old. Possibly it may also
be a shock to some who have seen modern repre-
sentations in which the actors, as well as the chorus,
employ a solemn and stately, sometimes monotonous
recitative, to learn that the ancients sang or chanted
a great part of their plays ; a shock such as we are
likely to receive when we first learn that the ancients
did not employ marble in their architecture in its
austere virginal whiteness only, but that they fre-
quently colored their buildings. But just as a
traveler coming to China may see beautiful archi-
tectural results achieved by the bold use of color in
architecture, so he may come closer to the real —
not the pseudo-classical — art by reflecting on the
[193]
THE CHINESE THEATER
efifect of musical interruptions in Sophocles' " CEdi-
pus " or Euripides' " Medea."
In Greece the theater was an institution which
gave performances at the time of certain religious
festivals, and it was in this sense a folk theater. In
Peking also there are certain plays given always at
particular festivals, and dealing always with the
supernatural, or if you prefer, with religion. On
the first day of the New Year, for example, there is
the "Ch'ing Shih Shan", a play dealing with the
gods' conquest of the devils; on the fifth day of
the New Year comes a play in honor of the god
of wealth; on the fifth of the fifth month, a play
describing the overcoming of the five dangerous
poisons; and on the seventh of the seventh month
the "Meeting on the Milky Way." These plays
persist in spite of the commercialization of the Pe-
king theaters.
The student of European literature whose field of
research lies in the reconstruction of the past can
find in China a wonderful source book, for this is a
magic land where for Europeans and Americans the
clock has been set back several centuries. We can
see the Middle Ages enacted before our very eyes,
and get in that way a vivid picture of things as they
were in the Europe of yesterday. In illustration of
this I wish to cite the Chinese theater of to-day, and
to oflfer the suggestion that the Shakespeare scholar
who has seen the Peking theaters of the present time
[194]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
has — if one may use the figure — not only the
words, but also the tune, of the Elizabethan drama.
If I take a tourist to the theater his first remark
often is that this is just like the Shakespearean
theater. And it is indeed not surprising that it
should be so, for China to-day is at about the same
stage of culture as England was at the beginning
of the seventeenth century. There is a court where
royal splendor can be seen; the deposed emperor
still receives in the Forbidden City the faithful
Manchus, who come in gorgeous raiment and with
fastidious regard for court etiquette to oflfer their
congratulations on the occasion of his birthday.* The
ordinary man of means dresses not in the stereo-
typed manner of our present-day civilization, but
follows his taste in the selection of rich purple, wine-
colored, or other shades of silk. Sedan chairs are
still used as a common means of transportation.
Torture is still practiced, and the heads of executed
criminals are hung up in the streets in case of a
revolution or other great excitement. The servants
are typical Dromios in their submissiveness and
occasional impertinence. The streets are frequently
still the narrow and filthy lanes of medieval times.
Most important, there are few factories, and manu-
facture is done by leisurely home industry. Much
of this is passing with the coming of industry, the
automobile and the tram car, the Europeanized
' This has now come to an end. In October, 1924, the deposed
emperor was driven out of his palace by the " Christian " General
Feng Yu-hsiang.
[195]
THE CHINESE THEATER
tailor and the moving-picture machine; yet much
that is picturesque in Peking continues to flourish,
and the theater with its huge community of actors
is one of the most conservative elements.
To begin with, the Chinese and the Elizabethan
theaters are almost identical in structure, and for
much the same reasons. The origin of the sixteenth-
century theater in London is to be found in the inn-
yard in which a platform had been erected for the
performance; and when James Burbage in 1576
built the " Theater " outside the jurisdiction of the
City Fathers of London he erected what was prac-
tically an innyard without the inn. There was a plat-
form stage projecting into the yard, where the rabble
could find standing room, and a gallery in which the
wealthier patrons could be seated. The origin of the
Chinese theater building, such as it is found in Pe-
king, is very similar. Performances were first given
in the courtyards of temples or of the houses of rich
men. A platform was erected at one end. The spec-
tators stood in the courtyard or sat at tables. The
latter was particularly the case when theaters were
held in the private courtyards of princes or other
rich men. For centuries theatricals in China were
either religious or private, and public theaters which
any one may attend for the payment of an admission
fee are a fairly recent institution, but when they
were built they were constructed on the model of the
temple or palace theaters, with a projecting roofed
stage at one end, the cheaper seats on the ground
[196]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
floor and the more expensive ones in the gallery.
The Chinese audiences have been trained to regard
the stage as anywhere and not as a particular place ;
it is unlocalized, as in Shakespeare's time. The roof
on the stage serves the same purposes as in Eliza-
bethan times ; it is a protection for the actors against
rain, and a " heaven " from which deities may be
lowered.
In distinction to our modern theater in which we
present a series of pictures within a frame called the
proscenium, which we cover with a curtain while the
pictures are being shifted, both the Elizabethan and
the Chinese stage have neither a proscenium nor, in
general, a curtain. In both the stages is an un-
framed rostrum thrust bodily forth into the audi-
torium, surrounded on three sides, if not on four,
by spectators. In short it is not a picture stage, but
a platform stage. On such a stage there can be, of
course, no question of artistic lighting effects; the
plays are performed either by daylight, as they were
in Shakespeare's day, or by the light of huge arc
lamps that illuminate stage and audience alike. As
the actors cannot present artistic stage pictures to
three sides of the house at the same time, it is not
surprising that, as the English literary historians
tell us, the appeal was more to the ear than to the
eye. That this is equally true in China is seen from
the Peking term for a theatrical performance, t'ing-
hsi, which means a play that is heard. In old Pe-
king theaters the seats on the ground floor are
[197]
THE CHINESE THEATER
arranged at right angles to the stage, along tables on
which are served tea and cakes ; recently built thea-
tres, however, have their seats (with rails for the
inevitable teapots) running parallel to the stage.
In speaking of the chief characteristics that dis-
tinguish the Elizabethan from other stages Pro-
fessor Thorndyke says : *
The fixed and most important principle was the use of
the projecting platfomi as a sort of neutral, vaguely
localized territory, where almost anything might happen.
The second principle was the use of the inner stage with
its curtains (and to some extent the upper stage) as a
means to denote locality more exactly, to employ prop-
erties more readily, and to indicate changes of scene more
eflfectively.
From what has been said it is apparent that in
regard to the first principle the Chinese and the
Shakespearean stage are identical. In regard to the
use of the curtain and the inner stage, scholars are
very much divided as to the manner and frequency
with which they were employed. To quote Pro-
fessor Thorndyke once more : '^
The total evidence of the stage directions alone in-
dicates that the arrangement prescribed was in general
use in important theaters, public and private, though
doubtless its adoption was gradual and subject to varia-
tion. We may suppose that the size and visibility of the
inner stage varied in different theaters, and that the extent
' Thorndyke, " Shakespeare's Theater ", Macmillan Company,
page 139.
' Jb., page 87.
[198]
THE FORTUNE THEATER
A TYPICAL PEKING THEATER
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
to which the curtain was used changed from decade to
decade, or playwright to playwright, or manager to
manager, or even according to the state of the weather
and hght.
The use of the curtain in Chinese theaters is very
rare; and the curtain itself is by no means like the
curtain to which we are accustomed. When a rela-
tively elaborate setting is about to be placed on the
stage a curtain about ten feet high by about twenty
feet wide is carried by stage hands to the front of
the stage, and there stretched out to cut off the view
of the audience. The ends of the curtain are each
sewed to a bamboo pole held upright by two coolies.
In this most primitive manner a garden setting or a
heavenly throne is made to appear to the audience
in one burst of glory instead of being carried on
piece by piece, as is the case with most properties
and sceneries. The Chinese playhouse has no inner
and likewise no upper stage. Curtains about beds
or other pieces of furniture are used to " discover "
actors in the same manner as was done on the Eliza-
bethan stage. But all of these articles are regularly
carried on the stage in full view of the audience.
The size of the two stages seems to be about the
same, except that the Elizabethan was much wider.
The dimensions given for the stage of the Fortune
are forty-three feet wide by twenty-seven and a half
feet deep; while a typical Chinese stage measures
about twenty-five feet in both directions.
We generally think of the Elizabethan stage as
[199]
THE CHINESE THEATER
very primitive, and in this respect the Chinese stage
is very much like it, only a bit more so. Both stages
lack curtains, and therefore in both properties are
brought on in full sight of the audience, making
necessary in China the "property men" who fur-
nished so much amusement in the performances of
"The Yellow Jacket." Shakespeare however ar-
ranged that at the end of a play, for example in
"Hamlet", the dead were carried off the stage,
while in Peking convention allows that a victim
of murder arise and walk off, after having gone
through the motion of falling dead. The London
theaters also had (at least such seems to have been
definitely proved by recent writers) a small curtain
at the rear of the stage shutting off a place which
served as cave, shop, tomb, bed, Bathsheba's bath,
or any other locality that needed to be "discovered."
In Peking theaters things are much more conven-
tionalized; a. table represents a shop, a blue curtain
with lines painted on it, held up by two stage hands,
makes a city wall, a chair may be a gate or a prison
door, a boat on a lake may be represented simply by
the actors appearing with oars with which they seem
to be rowing. Much is also symbolized ; an actor on
the bare stage goes through the motions of opening
and shutting a door and thus shows that he has left
the house. When a curtain is needed to represent a
listener in another room, or a patient in a bed behind
drawn curtains, two vertical bamboo poles with a
horizontal one attached to them from which the cur-
[200]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
tain hangs are placed on the stage by the " property
men." The arrangement is most primitive and
casual ; the poles are generally tied to chairs. If the
drawing of the "Swan" showing neither an inner
stage nor a curtain is authentic, a similar portable
curtain may have been the method employed in
Elizabethan times. In Peking this is a rich, figured
fabric, even though not exactly an "Arras." If a
Chinese Polonius were to conceal himself behind
the arras, it would have been previously brought on
by the " property men" at the beginning of the act
or perhaps even just a few moments before it was
needed. In a Chinese theater the center back of the
stage is a wall hung with a rich piece of tapestry just
as free from doors or recesses as the wall of the
" Swan." There are doors, however, at both sides
of the rear wall, corresponding to those in the
" Swan " drawing. As the Chinese theater has no
upper stage, men on a city wall, for example, stand
on a table behind the curtain held up by the stage
hands. A general surveying his troops from a moun-
tain top or a god on his throne in heaven sit on a
chair placed on top of a table.
In the paucity of the stage properties we find an-
other parallel. In Albright's "The Shakespearean
Stage",* the properties are listed, and I can say
from my five years' experience that the same and no
more are found on the Chinese stage; bedroom: a
bed, table, chairs or stools, and lights ; a hall : table,
• Page 76.
[201]
THE CHINESE THEATER
chairs, and stools ; presence chamber : a throne, and
occasionally tables and chairs; a church: an altar,
and if needed a tomb; prison scenes: usually no
properties are mentioned except fetters and chains ;
woods or park : large and small artificial trees, shrub-
bery, and benches ; shop scenes : a counter and a few
wares. The Chinese theater is often even a bit more
simple; for example, a chair serves as a throne, or a
table with a few decorations as an altar. However,
for certain plays fairly elaborate paper properties
are used, which are brought on and removed in full
sight of the audience. In both theaters the imagina-
tion of the audience is strained a great deal more
than is the case in a Belasco play; and many conven-
tions that differ from ours, such as bringing on
properties in full sight of the audience, seem just as
natural as it seems to us that a stage room has only
three walls.
Even though the Elizabethan and the Chinese
stages have no scenery of any kind, yet it is wrong
to imagine that they seem bare, for the color is sup-
plied in the rich and elaborate robes of the actors.
A Chinese stage filled with actors in court costumes
of yellow, red, black, blue, or purple, with inwoven
designs, fierce warriors with masks or painted faces,
wearing pheasant feathers six feet long, and lovely
maidens in costumes of exquisite pastel shades,
walking or running about on a gaudy Oriental rug
against a background of rich tapestry, form a veri-
table riot of color, very similar in its effect, no doubt,
[202]
THE ORCHESTRA SEATED IN A CORNER OF THE STAGE
From Jarovleff, "Le Theatre Chinois"
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
to what was seen on the Elizabethan stage when the
actors appeared in their gowns costing from f8o to
£100 in modern money. They were elaborate crea-
tions of velvet trimmed with gold and silver lace
and embroidery, capped by the " forest of feathers "
that Hamlet mentions as necessary for the equip-
ment of an actor, with tapestry from Arras as back-
ground. To quote Professor Thorndyke,^ "No
stage cared more for fine clothes than the Eliza-
bethan or lavished a larger portion of its expenses
on dress." In both theaters almost no attention is
paid to historical appropriateness of costume. Eliza-
bethan actors sometimes wore masks also, just as
the Chinese often do.
The stage direction " alarums " for the entry of a
king or other important personage, which may never
have been associated by the reader with anything
definite at all, will be full of meaning to any West-
erner who has heard the Chinese orchestra sound
the Leitmotiv for the entry of a famous general.
The Chinese orchestra sits on the stage in full view
of the audience, while in Shakespeare's day the upper
stage was the normal place for the "noise." The
use in the Elizabethan days of the word "noise"
for both music and orchestra establishes another
great similarity between the two theaters. In Shake-
speare's day the music seems to have been confined
chiefly to the intermissions between the acts and to
occasional songs, while in the Chinese drama almost
' op. cit., page 304.
[203]
THE CHINESE THEATER
every emotional part is punctuated by song. It ap-
proaches close to opera in many cases in the number
of lines sung by the actors. One division of Chinese
plays is that into civil and military, and in the latter
the fighting is always accompanied by a terrible din
of brass, drum and string music. This frantic noise
stimulates in the audience the excitement which the
desperate contest in arms is supposed to arouse. As
a fact, these military plays are very popular with the
masses, and they take up fully half the program.
In the eating, drinking, smoking, hawking, towel-
throwing, spitting, and loud interruptions always
found in the Chinese theater we have another close
parallel to the Elizabethan. It is well known that
hawkers went about before and during the perform-
ance selling ale, tobacco, and various articles of
food. Apples were fought over by young appren-
tices and sometimes even used to pelt the actors.
The women in the galleries were offered pipes to
smoke. Young nobles insisted on sitting on the
stage in order that they might display themselves
and their garments, while pages lighted their pipes
for them. The groundlings in the yard were intent
on the broad humor and the fighting in the plays.
The women of the town in the gallery probably also
had other motives for coming besides that of seeing
the play. All of this a Westerner can understand
very much better after he has seen a Chinese theater,
for the conditions are very similar ; except that the
Chinese lack of pugnacity makes the spectators per-
[204]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
haps a little less violent.^ In this connection it is in-
teresting to compare the methods of applause and
criticism in Shakespeare's time and in present-day
China. Applause was rendered by clapping — some
writers refer to it as "thundering" — while dis-
approval was evinced by hissing, and by even more
violent methods, as may be judged from the verse of
an Elizabethan drama:
We may be pelted off for aught we know,
With apples, egges, or stones, from thence belowe.
In China applause is expressed by shouting the
word " liao ", good, and disapproval by no more vio-
lent method generally than by a sarcastic intonation
of the same word ! It it difficult for a foreigner to
tell which is meant, especially since applause is ren-
dered for subtleties of intonation often lost even on
natives. However there is also the word "t'lmg",
which is very rarely used to express disgust with
the performance; but when it is employed the
actors are driven off the stage in utter shame and
confusion. In recent years, however, clapping has
been introduced from the West along with many
other innovations. But in spite of all distractions
one can very often see a Chinese audience sitting
spellbound during the recitation of a particularly
beautiful passage or the presentation of a tragic
scene, as I imagine must have been the case in
Shakepearean England also.
' See Taine's description, Book II, chapter II, in his " History of
English Literature."
[205]
THE CHINESE THEATER
Without the aid of scenery or lighting the acting
must be splendid to hold an audience, and there is
the danger that it become loudly declamatory and
bombastic. Hamlet's well-known criticisms fre-
quently apply in Peking, for there are many who
mouth their lines so that the town crier could im-
prove upon them, who saw the air too much with
their hands, who tear a passion to tatters, who strut
and bellow as though one of nature's journeymen
had made them, and thus make the judicious grieve.
However, good actors of all times avoid this. Ham-
let tells of a good actor who
Could force his soul to this conceit
That from her working all his visage wann'd ;
Tears in his eyes, distraction in 's aspect,
A broken voice, and his whole function suiting
With form to his conceit! and all for nothing!
For Hecuba!
It is similarly impressive to see Mei Lan-fang,
for example, playing Mu Lan, the Chinese Joan of
Arc, presenting in the first part the coy maiden and
loving daughter, and in the second the brave war-
rior, or to see him (he is an actor who always in-
terprets female roles) portray the emotions of the
daughter who finds her old father in prison but who
dares not make herself known. In most theaters in
Peking the acting is good, so that the foreigner can
often follow the play, even though he does not under-
stand one word of what the actors are saying. For
vivid portrayal of emotions, facial expression, and
[206]
A CLOWN
Chinese Character Type
THE CHINESE THEATER
Without the aid of scenery or lighting the acting
must ' r hold an audience, and there is
the dai .i^.-i ' ecome loudly declamatory and
bombastic, i - well-known criticisms fre-
quently apply m ! eking, for there are many who
mouth their lines so that the town crier could im-
prove upon thetTi, who saw the air too much with
their h- ' '''^ ' ear a passion to tatters, who strut
and b< uirh one of nature's journeymen
had made tlicm. ; s make the judicious grieve.
However. > of all times avoid this. Ham-
let tells of a gijoc ai.ic*r who
C
TL;.; . .
Tears in
ifre wann'd;
ect.
W.... . ....
For Hectiba '
It is similarly it
for example, pi;j\ r
Arc, Y
loving ..,L
rior, or t'
terprets female r
daughter whr
da-
Pe.._
often follow tl,
j:!i.:i.
' '^ip t , . -ec .Set Lan-fang,
? ; u \jiXi, - Joan of
.iden and
: Hve war-
. always in-
ay the emotions of the
ither in prison but who
ijwn. Ill most theaters in
■io that the foreigner can
lough he does not under-
stand one word of what the actors are saying. For
vivid portrayal of emotions, facial expression, and
[206]
VIWOX> A
I
^ iifilf ilii 'Alfitlt^'.lij'J'iiti:iU'
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
delightful byplay, the Chinese actors are wonderful,
just as the scholars conjecture that the English
players must have been in Shakespeare's day.
The Chinese audiences demand the fool, the acro-
bat, and the dancer quite as loudly as they were
demanded by the groundling in Shakespeare's time.
The Chinese clown is very good at improvising, and
provokes the same criticism that Hamlet made,
" And let those that play your clowns speak no more
than is set down for them." Giles in his " History
of Chinese Literature" writes in this connection,
"As they stand in the classical collections or the
acting editions, Chinese plays are as unobjection-
able* as Chinese poems or general literature. On
the stage, however, actors are allowed great license
in gagging, and the direction which their gag takes
is chiefly the reason which keeps respectable women
away from the playhouse." This recalls that in
Elizabethan days the respectable women who at-
tended the theater wore masks or made judicious use
of their fans to hide their blushes.* It is only in the
last few years that the better class of women have
begun to attend the theater in Peking; just as the
mingling of the sexes in the theater was an innova-
tion in the early seventeenth century in England.
In Peking, as formerly was the case in London, the
women are admitted to the gallery only.
* Page 261. — According to my friend Ferdinand Lessing, a Ger-
man sinologist, Giles has here made a mistake. In Lessing's words,
Chinese plays contain " faustdicke Zoten."
' " Shakespeare's England," II, 308^.
[207]
\
THE CHINESE THEATER
A vital similarity between the two theaters is the
fact that women's parts are played by men. The
reasons in both cases are moral or Puritanical mo-
tives. The similarity in this case is accidental, for
it was only about George Washington's time that
women were forbidden to appear upon the stage;
during the Ming Dynasty many princes and officials
had large numbers of actresses in their palaces — a
custom that led to gross abuses and immorality.
Therefore the early Manchu emperors forbade
women to appear as actresses. But things are fast
changing in this respect in China, for in some parts
of the country men and women appear together on
the stage, while in Peking, where this is forbidden
by the police, there exist two theaters in which
women act both male and female roles. The Chinese
consider the women poor artists, and the connois-
seurs do not patronize these theaters, or if they do
they apologize for it. A Chinese actor who respects
himself will never appear on the same stage with
actresses. That the Elizabethans likewise thought
women incapable of good acting can be seen from
the patronizing tone of Thomas Coryat in which
he tells (1611) of having seen women acting in
Venice "and they performed it with as good a
grace, action, gesture and whatsoever convenient
for a player, as ever I saw any masculine actor." *
In connection with the subject of impersonation
" Quoted from " Shakespeare's England ", II, 246. See also
Thorndyke's " Shakespeare's Theater ", page 372.
[208]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
of the Other sex, which we see nowadays only in
burlesque or minstrel shows, I should like to quote
some observations made by Goethe* in Italy on see-
ing a performance of Goldoni's "La Locandiera"
in which a man acted the part of the heroine, the
pretty innkeeper. Goethe of course grants that the
highest form of art cannot be found in such a rep-
resentation, but he says that he would like to speak
a few words in defense of this practice to tell how
one might well derive considerable pleasure from
such a performance. He states that he went to the
theater with prejudice, but once there he became
reconciled to it and even experienced a certain kind
of pleasure never felt by him before. He tried to
analyze this aesthetic sensation and came to the con-
clusion it consisted in the enjoyment of the fact that
the actor could not possibly play himself, but had to
put his art of imitation to a far greater test, that of
holding the mirror up to life in a sex not his own.
The spectator enjoys a much more self-conscious
delusion, just as when he sees a young man playing
the part of Rip Van Winkle or King Lear. There is
a more conscious aesthetic pleasure in seeing how
well a young man has studied the actions of a young
girl in order to present a Rosalind, or how perfectly
Mei Lan-fang can copy the dainty dress, actions, and
walk of a Chinese lady. My experience has been
that this is much more pleasant than to see round-
* Goethe, " Frauenrollen auf dem romischen Theater von Mannern
gespieh."
[209]
THE CHINESE THEATER
cheeked girls essay the roles of fearful generals or
cruel husbands in the woman's theater in Peking.
It has often been remarked that as a result of the
fact that boy actors played the women's parts in the
Elizabethan theater we find Shakespeare's heroines
very frequently masquerading as pages. Julia,
Portia, Nerissa, Jessica, Viola, Rosalind, and Imogen
all appear as handsome youths. An analogous re-
sult in the Chinese theater of to-day is that the
heroines appear in an endless number of cases as
warriors. The Chinese have not only their Mu Lan
(who goes to war in her father's place because the
latter is old and feeble), but very many other
heroines who invariably defeat men in battle.
Chinese history or legend does not account for this,
but it is due to the fact that the actors who portray
women seek opportunities to display their skill in
fighting. This fighting is a highly conventionalized
art, a combination of dancing and acrobatics per-
formed to a deafening and exciting music, which, in
regard to its place on the program, can best be com-
pared to our ballet. Most foreigners in Peking are
kept away from the theater by the fearful noise
made in these " fighting plays ", as they are called,
but if these same people could attend an Elizabethan
theater they would possibly find that the great de-
light of the audiences was the "noise" (music), the
clatter and scuffle of the battles, the drums, the
squibs, and the cannon.*
' " Shakespeare's England ", page 252^.
[210]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
There are in Peking three companies of boy
actors, the largest of which has about three hundred
in its theater. These are training schools for actors
in which the boys of eight to sixteen or eighteen
years are given very arduous courses in singing,
acrobatics, stage fighting, and all the other arts that
an actor requires. The competition of these " little
eyases" in Peking might well arouse the ire of some
of the regular actors, as it did Shakespeare's
("Hamlet", II, 2, 362), for in China the life of the
common actor is a hard one, most of them eking out
a meager living at about twenty cents a day.
The position of the actor in society is very low in
Peking, just as it was in London. A Chinese mor-
alist might well apply to them the words written in
1759:^ "Players are masters of vice, teachers of
wantonnesse, spurres to impuritie, the Sonnes of
idlenesse, so longe as they live in this order, loathe
them." Under the former dynasty the actors and
their sons, together with the sons of prostitutes,
jailers, and lictors, were not eligible for taking the
examinations. Even now they usually intermarry
only among their own number, and they suffer
also from various other discriminations. Most
of them were catamites, until the Republic abolished
this formerly legalized institution. Mei Lan-fang,
an actor who has risen to high perfection in his
art, as well as to great wealth, an artist who
may tour America in the near future, would have
' " Shakespeare's England ", II, 241.
[211]
THE CHINESE THEATER
ample reason in the present organization of Chinese
society to reproach Fortune in Shakespeare's words :
That did not better for my life provide,
Than public means which public manners breeds,
Thence comes it that my name receives a brand,
And almost thence my nature is subdued
To what it works in, like the dyer's hand :
Pity me then and wish I were renewed.
Peoples are alike and differ also in what they con-
sider to be humorous. It has been said that the first
comedy was the torture of a captive by his enemies.
This sort of performance would nowadays of course
be impossible ; yet in most of our comedies we enjoy
heartily the discomfiture of victims of circum-
stances. We have not yet become too refined to
enjoy the difficulties of a man whose senses are be-
numbed by alcohol, of a bald man, a lame man, yes,
even a deaf man. The condition of a blind man,
however, strikes us as too tragic to figure in a
comedy, and no modern comedian could draw a
laugh from his audience by fooling a tottering old
man bereft of his sight. Yet every one who has seen
"The Merchant of Venice" acted recalls very well
what Launcelot Gobbo does to his blind old father,
and I have seen in Chinese theaters how a blind old
beggar deceived by a clown affords huge amusement
to the audience.
As I have already stated, Chinese and Elizabethan
audiences are alike also in that they use their im-
aginations much more vividly than we do. For them
[212]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
a draped screen represents a city wall, and the bare
stage any country, a ship, a mountain, any house,
a street, or whatever is needed in the particular
scene acted. Warriors on horseback in the Chinese
theaters carry whips to let the audience know that
they are mounted on chargers, while Macbeth and
Banquo rode on the stage on hobbyhorses — and
were taken seriously. I recall a performance in the
Chinese City in which there suddenly came running
on the stage on all fours a man in a tiger skin, and I
laughed because of droll recollections of Shaw's
" Androcles and the Lion." But no one else laughed ;
to the Chinese present it was a tiger, just as real a
tiger as the actors on the stage were for the moment
real kings and queens, soldiers and servants. Of
this particular illusion more anon.
Because there are many similarities in the thea-
ters, stages, actors, conventions, audiences, and the
psychology of the spectator of Shakespeare's day
and of present-day Peking, I certainly should be the
last to say that because a thing is so in local theaters,
it must have been identical in London three hundred
years ago. Yet it seems that since human nature is
very much the same everywhere, it would be safer,
if one wished to hazard conjectures as to what was
true in the past, to take a living example of the thea-
ter on the same level of culture, than to look back at
the Elizabethan stage in the light of what has been
accomplished since, and what happens to be the fad
at the present time. This is the day of stage light-
[213]
THE CHINESE THEATER
ing and color effects, of Gordon Craig, Max Rein-
hardt, and Bakst, but we should hardly think that
these problems troubled Burbage, who had neither
electric light nor scenery, and who performed his
plays on an uncurtained stage by daylight. Yet
Professor H. T. Stephenson of Indiana University,
for fifteen years a lecturer on Shakespeare, author
of " Shakespeare's London ", and " The Elizabethan
People ", by profession a specialist in reconstructing
the times of " Merrie England", discusses seriously
in his very stimulating "Study of Shakespeare"
(page 40) the plight of the stage manager of Shake-
pearean days, who could never tell beforehand how
the gaily dressed young nobles sitting on the stage
would fit into his color scheme! He also believes
that changes in the stage setting could not have been
made in full sight of the audience, because "this
would have upset entirely the unity if not the grav-
ity of the piece."
In Peking one can see very remarkable things on
the stage that fail to upset the gravity of any present
except the Westerners, who are used to different
conventions in the theater. Professor Stephenson,
with the results of three hundred years of stage ex-
perience at his hand, believes that the Elizabethans
must have been fools if they could not have thought
of the same useful devices for the theater that he
knows of. To quote (page 47) :
"To my mind the situation suggested by these
facts reduces itself almost to a mathematical prob-
[214]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
lem; if one of us can easily invent such a staging
for an Elizabethan scene, as any ingenious person
could construct out of what we know they had in
those days, is it unfair to assume that the ingenious
Elizabethans did as well if not better? More likely
better. They were more used than we are to mak-
ing a little go a great way." He even goes on to ex-
plain how one could put up a curtain, simply by the
use of canvas, wire, a few rings, and presto, the
thing is done. A play without the commonplace
scenic devices of the twentieth century is unthink-
able to him.
Another theorist is Mr. Corbin, in the Century
Magazine for December, 191 1. He proves to his
own satisfaction that Burbage and his colleagues
had means for darkening the stage.* It seems this au-
thor staged "The Winter's Tale" in New York a few
years ago. In this play a bear has to appear on the
stage, and this part was acted by a man on all fours.
At first the scene was played on a lighted stage, and
all the New Yorkers present laughed at the sight of
the actor in a bearskin. Then they hit upon the de-
vice of darkening the stage, and having the actor-
bear run quickly across. When this was done, no
one's risibilities were affected. This forms one of
Mr. Corbin's chief arguments for his assumption
that the Elizabethan stage was darkened; namely,
' Thorndyke, page 138, refers to this article, but takes no stock
in Mr. Corbin's arguments. He says that darkness was symbolized
by lighted candles, etc., which is precisely the thing done on the
Chinese stage.
[215]
THE CHINESE THEATER
that it would have ofifended the good taste of the
audience to see in broad daylight in a serious scene,
an actor impersonating a bear. If human nature
can endure this convention in Peking, with the
above-mentioned tiger, why should we assume that
three hundred years ago people felt as we do now,
and base on this the novel theory that stages were
darkened in those days ?
A large measure of the success attained by " The
Yellow Jacket " was due to the fact that the Chinese
stage conventions employed seemed so funny to us
provincial Westerners that they caused a great deal
of happy laughter. But this is really quite as intel-
ligent as the attitude of the rustic who sought out
Richard III after the performance and offered to
sell him a good horse for less than a kingdom. It is
very strange that even otherwise scholarly men,
like, for example, Victor Albright in "The Shake-
spearean Stage", struggle with all fours against
the possibility that in the theater of the gentle Shake-
speare there might have been committed such dese-
crations as setting properties on the stage in full
view of the audience. He approaches the evidence
with blinkers when it seems to contradict his theory.
He says (page 126) : "Only the dramatists had not
yet learned to use explicit stage directions." On
page 143 he tells us that the Elizabethans did not
read stage directions literally. Then on page 106:
" Here in the midst of a street scene is a direction to
set the stage with a table, stand, chairs, stools, etc.,
[216]
I
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
— just such properties as are used in the next scene,
a counting room. We cannot believe that a man-
ager would disturb an important scene by setting the
stage for a coming one." Further, on page no:
" The placing and replacing of a regular setting in
full view of the audience never was a general cus-
tom. It is contrary to the very nature of the stage,
— an illusive, make-believe world." In my opinion
it is contrary only to the very nature of a provincial
New Yorker.
Let me add in passing that William Archer holds
that " in the generality of cases properties were
brought on in full sight of the audience, often in the
middle of the action." *
Doctor Albright, in " The Shakespearean Stage "
(pages 122 ff.) condemns with sarcasm (which
seems well merited) the theory of Brodmeier, who
holds that the entire stage in Shakespeare's theater
was curtained from view. But I should like to ques-
tion whether or not his own judgments would have
been quite the same if he had known the Chinese
stage before he wrote his estimable thesis. A
Chinese actor walks once around the stage in full
view of the audience, and in conformity with the
ruling conventions he has traveled miles, or hun-
dreds of miles, as the plot requires. Doctor Al-
bright, arguing backwards from the Restoration
staging, comes to the conclusion that there was in
the Elizabethan theater a regular changing from
* " Shakespeare's England ", II, 301.
[217]
THE CHINESE THEATER
inner to outer scenes, and vice versa, and that the
few pieces of furniture which constituted the stage
setting were always carefully shut off from the view
of the audience. He quotes an example with his
comment from a play called " Pinner of Wakefield ",
Act IV, Scenes 3-4. " Jenkins enters a shoemaker's
shop, and dares the owner to meet him at 'the
towne's end.' The challenge is accepted, and after
a certain amount of stage business, during which
the curtains must have been closed [italics mine],
Jenkins says, ' Now we are at the towne's end, what
say you now ? ' " However, I should add that in his
concluding paragraph Doctor Albright is by no
means dogmatic, but gives this merely as his theory,
stating that there is absolutely no way of proving it.
With all the striking similarities in the Shake-
spearean and the Chinese theater there are of course
also vast differences, especially in the background
of the two. So far as I know there has never ex-
isted in China a manner of staging which could in
any way be compared to the medieval system of
mansions. Likewise the evolution of the platform
stage into the picture-frame stage of the present day
makes it seem that even on the projecting stage the
feeling for the need of the curtain for the sake of
the illusion increased as time went on. I repeat that
I have not the slightest intention of arguing from
certain conventions on the Chinese stage that they
must have been identical in Elizabethan times. My
point is simply that scholars ought not to assert that
[218]
ANALOGIES — EAST AND WEST
certain primitive conventions are "against the na-
ture of the stage" or "contrary to human nature",
for this point of view is based on the current con-
ventions with which the particular writer is ac-
quainted. I should like to quote the concluding
words of Doctor Albright's thesis, spoken out of the
depth of his experience of wrestling for years with
the problems we are discussing. He calls an article
by William Archer "one of the most original and
enlightening articles on the Shakespearean stage
that has yet appeared." He says further about this
writer, " As a learned dramatic critic of to-day, he
approaches the Elizabethan stage with that special
insight and ability which a closet student cannot
hope to have. The stage and the staging have
changed since the days of Shakespeare, but the
mimic world is still the mimic world; and the deeper
the scholar is grounded in the stage of to-day, the
better he is qualified to study the stage of yesterday."
And, allow me to add, the knowledge of a living
stage at a similar period of culture will likewise
add to his qualifications to study the theater of
the past.
[219]
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
B.C.
2705-2595
2357-2206
255-206
206 B.C. to
221 A.D.
A.D.
221-265
618-906
960-1127
I 280-1 368
I 368-1 644
1644-I9II
I9I2-
Huang Ti, mythological emperor.
Legendary sages to whose teachings Con-
fucius harked back.
Birth of Confucius.
Ch'in Shih Huang Ti, the emf>eror who
burned the books and built the Great Wall.
Han Dynasty — Recovery of literature —
Introduction of Buddhism.
The " Three Kingdoms " — Age of romantic
chivalry.
The T'ang Dynasty — Emperor Ming Huang,
traditional founder of the theater, and his
consort Yang Kuei-fei, China's most fa-
mous beauty. China was at this time the
most civilized country in the world. Li
Po and other great lyric poets.
The Sung Dynasty — Development of land-
scape painting.
The Yuan or Mongol Dynasty — Classical
age of Chinese drama. Genghis Khan and
Kublai Khan. Marco Polo.
The Ming Dynasty — Restoration of Chinese
rulers — Drama in the hands of scholars.
The Ch'ing or Manchu Dynasty — Emperors
K'ang Hsi and Ch'ien Lung encourage arts
and letters, including the theater.
The Republic.
[221]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
History of the Drama under the Sung and Yuan Dynas-
ties. Wang Kuo-wei. Commercial Press. Shanghai,
1915-
Not translated into any European language.
Theatre Chinois, ou Choix de Pieces de Theatre Com-
posees sous les Empereurs Mongols. Bazin Aine.
Paris, 1838.
Four Yuan Dynasty plays translated by a French sinologue
who was for years Professor of Qiinese at the Ecole des
Langues Orientalcs.
Chine Moderne, ou Description Historique, Geograph-
ique, et Litteraire de ce vaste Einpire, d'apres des
Documents Chinois. Paris, 1853.
In the second part of this volume M. Bazin gives numerous
discussions of Chinese plays with summaries of their plots.
Very valuable work.
Le Pi-Pa-Ki, ou L'Histoire du Luth. Traduit sur le texte
original par M. Bazin Aine. Paris, 1841.
Contains also a very good introduction to this important
Ming drama.
L'Orphelin de la Chine. Drame en prose et en vers,
accompagne des pieces historiques qui en ont
fourni le sujet, de nouvelles et de poesies chinoises
traduit de chinois par Stanislas Julien. Paris,
1834.
[223]
THE CHINESE THEATER
A complete translation by the famous French sinologue of
the Yuan drama, The Orphan of the Chao Family. Voltaire
made an abridged version by a Jesuit missionary the basis of
his L'Orphelin de la Chine (i75S), a stiff and artificial piece,
presenting a Genghis Khan who falls in love in the manner of
a French courtier of the i8th century.
L'Histoire du Cercle de Craie. Traduit du chinois par
Stanislas Julien. London, 1832.
Translation of a Yuan drama.
The Sorrows of Han. Translated by John Francis Davis,
F.R.S. London, 1829.
A Yuan drama translated by a British sinologue ; The For-
tunate Union, a Chinese romance, appears in the same volume.
Le Chagrin dans le Palais de Han. Louis Laloy. Public
par la Societe litteraire de France. Paris, 1921.
M. Laloy's version of this Yuan drama attempts to intro-
duce some modern motivation. In his preface the author ex-
presses the fear that in working over this Chinese tragedy
" j7 I'a defiguree en tachant de I'embellir ", and perhaps his
fears were justified.
La Chine Familiere et Galante. Jules Arene. Paris, 1876.
In this volume by a French consul " qui contient des de-
tails fort curieux et interessants sur les chinois, et surtout
sur les chinoises " are printed translations of four realistic
comedies of popular life, " sorte de vaudeville au gros sel,
ou, en gestes comtne en paroles, la license chinoise se donne
litre carriire." About ninety pages are devoted to the
theater.
The Chinese Drama. William Stanton. Kelly and
Walsh. Hongkong, 1899.
A British colonial official has translated three plays, The
Willow Lute, The Golden-leafed Chrysanthemum, and The
Sacrifice for the Soul of Ho Man Sau. In an introduction
of eighteen pages the author discusses the types and conven-
tions of the Chinese stage as seen in Hongkong and Canton.
It is interesting to note that in general the southern theater
is identical with that of Peking, but that there are some varia-
tions, particularly in customs and ceremonials.
Catching a Golden Tortoise.
[224]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Beating the Gold Bough.
Two Chinese plays translated by Charles Budd, Tung Wen
Kuan Translation Office, Shanghai, 191 3. Short and mildly
interesting plays, translated partly for the purpose of aiding
Chinese who wish to learn English.
Chinesische Schattenspiele. Ubersetzt von Wilhelm
Grube, herausgegeben und eingeleitet von Berthold
Laufer, Verlag der koniglich bayerischen Akademie
der Wissenschaften. Miinchen, 1915.
A huge volume containing in translation the entire reper-
toire of a company of shadow players which Berthold Laufer,
Curator of the Field Museum, had bought in Peking in 1901
and which were translated by the famous German sinologue.
Though these plays are not presented on the stage, but recited
by shadow players to accompany the movements of their
puppets that cast shadows on a screen, yet the plots are the
same as those of the theater. The book thus serves as a
wonderful source for some one wishing to familiarize him-
self with Chinese plays. Berthold Laufer has prefaced the
book with a meaty introduction.
Pekinger Volksleben. Wilhelm Grube. Berlin, 1901.
Sociological studies on popular customs and usages in Pe-
king. A chapter is devoted to the theater in which numerous
summaries of modern plays are given. The author also deals
with related subjects : acrobats, story-tellers, annual cere-
monies of guilds, etc.
Geschichte der chinesischen Litteratur. Wilhelm Grube.
Leipzig, 1909.
Several chapters are devoted to the drama. Professor
Grube, in his discussion of Yuan and Ming plays, is using
Bazin's translations, but in his evaluation of modern plays he
is drawing on his long and intimate experience with the
theater in Peking.
A History of Chinese literature. Herbert A. Giles.
Heinemann, London.
This well-known sinologue devotes two chapters to the
drama, but they are not up to the standard of the rest of this
excellent work. Pi-Pa-Chi is the most modern drama he
discusses.
[225]
THE CHINESE THEATER
Das Theater und Drama der Chinesen. Rudolf von
Gottschall. Breslau, 1887.
This small volume of 209 pages was written by a minor
German dramatist without first-hand knowledge of China.
The author based his study upon French translations of older
dramas. Yet the book is not lacking in remarks showing a
keen insight into the Chinese character.
La Litterature Chinoise Contemporaine. Soong Tsung
Faung, Journal de Pekin. Peking, 1919.
A volume by a professor of literature at the National Uni-
versity, Peking, in which his critical articles from Peking's
French paper are reprinted. Forty-seven pages are devoted to
the theater under headings such as the following : " Origin of
the Drama ", " Evolution of the Modern Chinese Theater ",
" Ibsenism in China ", etc. Professor Soong follows to a
certain extent Wang Kuo-wei's History of the Drama under
the Sung and Ming Dynasties. His thorough knowledge of
the European stage enables him to make very striking com-
parisons.
Peking, A Social Survey. Sidney Gamble and Stewart J.
Burgess. Doran, 192 1.
The chapter " Recreations " in this interesting and pains-
taking survey presents statistics on the number of theaters,
their locations, prices of admission, status of the actor and
actress, etc.
En Chine, Mceurs et Institutions, Hommes et Faits.
Maurice Courant. Paris, 1901.
The French diplomat devotes one chapter to the theater.
He writes before the Revolution, but most things connected
with the theater have been changed very little. He reports
one abuse, however, which the Revolution (1912) abolished.
Page 144: "La prostitution feminine restc discrite, car la
femme est tou jours tenue a I'ecart; mats la prostitution mas-
culine s'etale au grand jour; il n'est guere de partie de
theatre oii I'amphitryon ne reunisse ses amis d'abord au
restaurant et ne convie quclques jeunes garfons de bonne
mine, richement habilles, sachant causer et ' rendre le vin plus
agreable ' ; ils plaisantent et rient avec les convives, les accom-
pagnent au theater et restent avec eux jusqu'i ce que, la fete
finie, chacun rentre chez sot. Naturellement, aux simples
lettres on ne demande que leur bonne humeur, et ce sont les
[226]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
riches qui paient la note; bien de fits de famille se ruinent de
cette faQon."
The Yellow Jacket. A Chinese play done in the Chinese
manner, in three acts, by George C. Hazelton and
Benrimo. Bobbs-Merrill, 19 13.
This play represents a unique example of Chinese influence
producing a worth-while drama on our stage. Will Irwin
was kind enough to write to me concerning its origin :
"... I can tell you the history of the play. Harry Ben-
rimo, actor and stage-director, is a native of San Francisco.
He saw much of the Chinese in California. His father was a
contractor, employing Chinese labor and doing business with
Chinese merchants. As a young actor, Benrimo became in-
terested in the Chinese theaters of San Francisco. That was
the golden age of the Chinese theater in America. The price
of admission made the Jackson Street Company and the
Washington Street Company rich on Chinese standards and
they were able to get some great actors — just as the money
from the Metropolitan Opera drew Caruso from Italy. Ah
Chic, leading tragedian of the Jackson Street Company, was
as great an actor as I ever saw. . . . Benrimo sketched out a
scenario made not from any one Chinese play, but from a
dozen — situations or bits of business or dialogue which he
remembered from his old days in San Francisco theaters.
Benrimo called into collaboration the late George Hazelton,
playwright. On this scenario they worked out The Yellow
Jacket. . . . Several Chinese, notably one man — name for-
gotten — from the Consulate helped with the rehearsa's.
Deliberately the authors took certain liberties with Chinese
drama and psychology in order to make the play effective for
an Occidental audience. Notably, they made the love of man
for woman the main theme. One piece of business, I remem-
ber, caused endless dispute. It is where the happy and united
lovers kiss. That would not happen, of course, with the
Chinese. Benrimo understood that perfectly. But he said
that an Occidental audience would expect it. And he had his
way. I remember that whenever this piece of business oc-
curred in the rehearsals, the man from the Consulate used to
giggle.
" Lately I was talking over The Yellow Jacket with Percy
Hammond, dramatic critic. ' Do you know what made it a
success ? ' he said, ' The Property Man as played by Shaw.'
Possibly he's right about that. But the play served its
artistic purpose. It made American audiences understand
something of this extraordinary art. And I 've no doubt but
[227]
THE CHINESE THEATER
that if Hazelton and Benrimo had stuck close to the originals
our audiences would n't have understood half so well."
So far as my experience goes, making love the main theme
is not un-Chinese, but The Property Man as played on our
stages is. Possibly Cantonese usage differs in this respect,
but in Peking property men are always on the stage, coolies
dressed in shabby blue cotton, but they are conspicuous only
to the Westerner not used to Chinese conventions. They by
no means have the importance attached to them in The Yellow
Jacket. Compare the chapter, " External Aspects."
The Chinese Drama. R. F. Johnston. Kelly & Walsh,
192 1.
A slender volume that came to be written because the pub-
lishing firm had four paintings of Chinese actors which they
wanted to issue in calendar form with a few words of com-
ment from the well-known sinologue. Mr. Johnston became
absorbed in the subject and wrote so much and so interest-
ingly on it that Kelly & Walsh decided to make a book out
of it. The text is much better than the pictures.
Le Theatre Chinois. Chu Chia-chien. Paris, 1922.
The chief features of this book are the excellent paintings
and sketches made in Peking theaters by the Russian artist,
Alexandre Jacovleff. An English edition has been published
by Putnam. No other book can give such a vivid notion of
the real appearance as well as the spirit of the Chinese stage
as this volume of inspired drawings. M. Chu Chia-chien,
instructor in the Ecole des Langues Orientales in Paris, writes
well, but too briefly, on the conditions and conventions of the
Chinese stage.
Chinesische Literatur. Eduard Erkes. Hirt, Breslau,
1924.
A brief, but up-to-the-minute sketch of Chinese literature.
This volume by a University of Leipzig Privatdozent is one
of a series on the literatures of various nations. The book
came to me too late to include what it said on the origin of
the theater in China in the text, and therefore I shall quote
an interesting paragraph here. (The author speaks of the
Pear Garden origin as a myth and says that the Chinese had
a theater as early as other nations) :
" Es hat sich aus den bet festlichen Gelegenheiten aller Art,
bei Krieg und Jagd, bet Opfer und Gclagc, inssenierten Tdnsen
entvnckelt, in dcnen man vorher im Spiel darstellte, was sich
nachhcr zutragen sollte, um so auf magische Weise das Ge-
[228]
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Schick giinstig su Icnkcn, und nachhcr seiner Frcude mimischen
Ausdruck verlieh. Zu diesen Tdnscn sang man Wechscl-
gcsdngc tnit Rede und Gcgenrede, wie solche uns anscheinend
aus mehrercn Liedem des Schi-king erhalicn sind, so dass
das China dcr Urzeit auch hierin das Leben anderer primitiver
Volker gefiihrt hat. Aus Siidchina sind uns Texte solchcr
Dramcn religioscn Charakters, wic sic auch K'iih Yiian int
driitcn Jahrhundert vor Christo bearbeitete, mchrfach tiber-
liefert, und bereits aus dem Jahre S45 ''■'■ Chr. haben wir eine
Noti: nach der bei Tcmpelfesien, ganz dhnlich wie int alien
Hellas, nach den ernsten Schaustellungen cine Burleske von
den Stallknechten auf gefiihrt ztntrde. Das seigt also, dasz die
dramatische Kunst der Tang-Zeit nicht einen Anfang, son-
dcrn nur eine spijte Elappe auf einem langcn Wege bedeutet.
Auch die Han-Zcit hatte ihrc Singspicle, die bereits tnit
einem umfangreichcn szenischcn Apparat aufgefuhrt wurden
und vielleicht komptisiertere Biihneneinrichtungen voraus-
setzen lassen, als sie das hcutzutage an Einfachheit unserer
modernstcn Schaubiihnc ehcnbiirlige — vielleicht fur sie vor-
bildlich geu'ordenef — chinesische Theater jetzt bietet."
Pages 58-59.
Altchinesische Liebeskomodien, aus dem chinesischen
Urtexte ausgewahlt und ubertragen von Hans Rudels-
berger. Kunstverlag von Anton Schroll & Co. Wien,
1923-
Free translations of five comedies of love (among them two
comedies discussed in this book on pages 33 and 96). The
work is a splendid specimen of book-making with five colored
illustrations by the Chinese artist Hua Mei-chai and numerous
woodcuts from the original Chinese editions.
Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society.
This very interesting journal, so far as I have been able
to examine the files, contains only two articles on the theater :
Volume XX, " Chinese Theatricals ", and Volume XXI,
" Histrionic Notes." Neither is very important.
This bibliography is by no means exhaustive. There
are a great many articles not mentioned here, but they are
generally not very instructive. In most cases they are
written by travelers who note the obvious things about
the Chinese theater. Naturally there is also a great deal
of repetition in these writings.
[229]
INDEX
[The names of Chinese dramas are printed in italics]
Albright, Victor, 201, 216, 217,
218
Amateurs, 109
Archer, William, 217, 219
Autumn in the House of Han.
See Sorrows of Han
Bakst, Leon, 214
Bazin, A. P. L., 4
Beating the Heartless Husband, 90
Beating the Nephew and Wor-
shiping at the Grave, 87
Bloodstained Fan, The, 70
Brodmeier, Professor, 217
Burying the Flowers, 80, 179
Butchering the Pig, 168
Chalk Circle, The, 32
Ch'ang An, 3, 15, 48, 50, 74
Chang Chien, Mr., 113
Ch'ang-0's Flight to the Moon,
104/., 159
Ch'ang-OPinYUeh. SeeCn'XNG-
O's Flight to the Moon
Ch'ang Shan Tien. See Palace
OF Eternal Life
Chang Yao-shang, actor, 15
Chang Ziang-ling, 142
Chao Chia Ku-er. See Orphan
OF THE Chao Family
Chao Mei Hsiang. See In-
trigues OF a Lady's Maid
Chao Tsung, Emperor, 15
Character Types, 25, 112, 149,
151, 152, 153, 17s
Chen Kuang Theater, 181
Ch'i San Hui. See Three
Strange Meetings
Ch'ien Lung, Emperor, 69
Ch'ing Shang Lao Shileh. See
Slave Girl Plays Tricks on
THE Old Schoolmaster
Ch'ing Shih Shan, 194
Cku Fang Tsao. See Butcher-
ing the Pig
Chu Sha ChU. See Cinnabar
Spot, A
Chu Su-yiin, actor, 83, 86
Chit T'eng Kuan Hua. See
Trial of Strength and View-
ing the Ancestral Portraits
Chu Yuan-chang. See Hung Wu
Ch'un Yin Hui. See Meeting
of Many Heroes
Cinnabar Spot, A , 88
Civil Plays, 10, 146
Classical Language. See Wen Li
Clowns, 23, 25, 153, 207. Cf.
Court Fools
Commedia dell' Arte, 16
Confucius, 10, 17, 25, 28, 49
Corbin, John, 215
Corryat, Thomas, 208
Court Fool, Yu Meng, 12
Yu Szu, 12
[231]
INDEX
Court Fools, II, 12, 15, 16. CJ.
Clowns
Craig, Gordon, 214
Crossing the Milky Way, 159, 194
Dances, Dramatic, 6
Dottore. See Commedia dell'
Arte
Dream of the Red Chamber, The,
80, 93, 188
Drunkard, 13
Duke Lan Lu, 13
Dwarfs, 11, 13. CJ. Court
Fools
Elizabethan Theater, 25, 133,
194/-
Empress Dowager, 188
Fan Kuai, 15
Feng Yu-hsiang, General, 195
Fools, Court. See Court Fools
Gamble, Sidney, 133, 144
Giles, Herbert, 18, 59, 80, 180,
io7
Goodrich, Mrs., 104
Greatest Event in Life, The, iigff-
Greek Theater, 10, 192^.
Grube, Wilhebn, 80
Han Hsi-ch'ang, actor, 140
Han Kung Tsu. See Sorrows
OF Han
Han Lin Academy, 4, 43
Harlequin. See Commedia dell'
Arte
Ho Lan-chi. See Chalk Circle,
The
Ho Lang Tan. See Singing Girl,
The
Ho Yi, Emperor, 105
Hsi Hsiang Chi. See Western
Chamber, The
[232]
Hsien, 7, 11
HsU Mu Ma Tsao. See HsC's
Mother Curses Tsao Tsao
HsU's Mother Curses Tsao Tsao,
81
Hu Shih, II, 21, 22, 74, 78, 117,
198
Hung Lou Meng. See Dream op
THE Red Chamber, The
Hung Sen, author, 70
Hung Wu, Emperor, 43
Intrigue of a Lady's Maid, 26
I-Yin, 7
Jade Palace, 3
Jen Tsung, Emperor, 43
Jesters. See Court Fools
JungTu-shan, 113, 1x5
K'an Tsie\ Wu. See Miser,
The
K'ang Hsi, Emperor, 69, 182
Kuan Han-ching, dramatist, 23
Kuan Yin, 99
Kublai Khan, 19
Kung Chuan Chi. See Ruse of
the Empty CiTy
Kung Shang-jen, author, 70
Lao Tze, 28
Laufer, Berthold, 10, 11, 99
Lessing, Ferdinand, 207
Li Fang-yun, 137
Li Shou-shan, actor, 83
Li Yuan Tzu-ti, 3
Liao Chai. See Strange Stories
FROM A Chinese Studio
Literary Language. See Wen Li
Liu Ming-ju, 135
Liu Yen Ming, 96
Marco Polo, 23, 41
Mask, The, 13, 14
INDEX
Meeting of Many Heroes, The, 82
Mei Lan-fang, Chapter VIII;
80, 83, 84, 86, 98, 104, los, no,
118, 138, 142, 143, 145, 150.
151, 152, iSS. 157, IS9, 2C56,
211
Mencius, 17, 28
Military Plays, 10, 13, 77, 79,
146
Ming Huang (Yuen Tsung), Em-
peror, 3, 70, 135, 181
Miser, The, 35/.
Mu Lan, 185, 201, 212
Music, Typ)es of , 142, 147, 191^.
Musical Instruments, 148^., 192
New Mayor, Tbe, 115
New World, 132, 143
Ngoh Chia Chuan. See Ngoh
Family Village
Ngoh Family Village, 87
Orphan of the Chao Family,
The, 37, 94
PaI HUA, 21, 22
Palace of Eternal Life, 4, 70
Pang Ta Pao Ching Lang. See
Beating the Heartless Hus-
band
Pantalone. See Commedia dell'
Arte
Pantomimes, 6
Pavilion oj the Royal Monument,
184
Pear Garden, 3, 18, 135
Pi Pa Chi. See Story of a Lute
P'iao Yu. See Amateurs
Plays, Types of, 146 Jf., 197
Po She Chuan. See White and
Black Snakes, The
Porter, Lucius, 11, 14
Precious Hairpin, The, 93
Reinhardt, Max, 214
Ridgeway, Professor William, 9,
10
Ruse of the Empty City, The, 80
Ruse of the Nail, The, 157
San Kuo Chi. See Three King-
doms, The
San Yao Hui. See Shaking
Dice
Scapino. See Commedia dell'
Arte
Seasonal Plays, 104^., 159, 194
Seeing the A ncestral Portraits. See
Trial of Strength
Shaking Dice, 98
Sha Tze Pao. See Slaying the
Son
Shang Ting Chi. See Ruse of
the Nail
Shih Hu. See Hu Shih
Shih Wang-ti, Emperor, 12
Shui Hu Chuan. See Story of
A River Bank
Singing Girl, The, 29
Slave Girl Plays Tricks on the
Old Schoolmaster, The, 183
Slaying of the Son, 158
Smith, Doctor Arthur H., 66, 68
Snow in June. See Sufferings
OF Tou-E
Soong Tsung-faung, author, 12,
117, 118
Sophists. See Court Fools
Sorrowful Korean, The, 114
Sorrows of Han, 37
Spring Willow Dramatic Society,
112
Ssu Pao-pi. See Drunkard,
The
Stael Holstein, Baron de, 179
Stanton, William, 4, 159
Stent, George Carter, 71
[233]
INDEX
Stephenson, Professor H. T., 214,
Story of a Lute. See Chapter III
Story of the River Bank, 79
Strange Stories from a Chinese
Studio, 80
Suen Lo Ngao, 12
Sufferings of Tou-E, 23, 39, 142
Ta Chib Shang Wen. See Beat-
ing THE Nephew
Ta Yin Ho. See Crossing the
Milky Way
Tai Yu Chuan Hua. See Bury-
ing THE Flowers
Taine, H., 205
T'an Shen-pei, actor, 149, 188
T'an Shiao-shan, actor, 150
T'ao Hua Shan. See Blood-
stained Fan, The
Taoism, 34
Teh Hing, actor, 152
Theater. See Elizabethan The-
ater; Greek Theater
Thomdyke, Professor A. H., 198,
203, 208
Three Kingdoms, The, 78, 79, 80
Three Pulls. 5ee Three Strange
Meetings
Three Strange Meetings, 83, 180
Tiger, The, 14
T'ing Hua, critic, 154
Tou-E. See Sufferings of
Tou-E
Transmigration of You Hsin, 33
Trial of Strength and Viewing the
Ancestral Portraits, 94, 183
Tsai Yuan-pei, 58
Tung Lo Yuan, 140
Tyf)es of Character. See Char-
acter Types
Types of Music. See Music,
Types of
Types of Plays. See Plays,
Types of
Vernacular. See Pai Hua
Wang Kuo-wei, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12,
14, IS, 17, 18, 23
Wen Li, 20, 21
Western Chamber, The, 24
White and Black Snakes, The, 100
Wu, 7, II
Wu Lien-teh, Mrs., 71
Wu Wang, Empress, 7
Yang Kuei-fei, 4, 70, 71, 72^.,
159, 181/.
Yang Kuei-fei on a Spree, 157,
181
Yang Kuei-fei Tsui Chou. See
Yang Kuei-fei on a Spree
Yang Shiao-lo, actor, 138, 151,
iSS
Yellow Jacket, The, 170, 200, 216
Yi Tsai Hua, in
Yo Fei, 91, 92, 134
Young Nun Seeks Love, ^,178
Yii Chan Chih. See Precious
Hairpin, A
Yu Meng, Court Fool, 12
Yii Pei T'ing. See Pavilion of
THE Royal Monument
Yu San-yen, actor, 150
Yu Sze, Court Fool, 12
Yuen Tsung. 5ee Ming Huang
Yung Lo, Emperor, 47
[234]
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