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CHINOOK 

BY 

FRANZ BOAS 



559 



<^- 



/K^.Z^y, lo (p3 (^ 



CONTENTS 



Page 

§ 1. Distribution and history 563 

§§ 2-13. Phonetics 564 

§ 2. Vowels : 564 

§ 3. Consonants 565 

§ 4. Phonetic laws 566 

§§5-6. Effects of accent 566 

§ 5. Vocalic changes 567 

§ 6. Consonantic changes 568 

§ 7. Laws of vocalic harmony 569 

§ 8. Consonantic assimilation 570 

§ 9. Vocalization of consonants 570 

§ 10. Vowel changes 570 

§ 11. Metathesis 570 

§ 12. Dieresis and contraction 571 

§ 13. Weakening and strengthening of consonants 571 

§ 14. Grammatical processes 571 

§ 15. Ideas expressed by grammatical processes 572 

§§ 16-56. Discussion of grammar 575 

16-45. Syntactic words 575 

§ 16. Structure of syntactic words 575 

17. Modal elements 577 

18. Pronominal elements 580 

§ 19. The post-pronominal g 581 

§ 20. The third person dual 583 

§ 21. The third person plural 583 

§ 22. Pronouns of the transitive verb 584 

§ 23. Possessive pronoun 584 

§ 24. Elements expressing the possessive relation between subject and 

object -. . 587 

§ 25. Adverbial prefixes 588 

26. Directional prefixes 590 

27. Verbal stems 592 

28-33. Suffixes 593 

§ 28. General remarks 593 

29. Generic suffixes 593 

30. Local suffixes 595 

31. Semi-temporal suffixes 595 

§ 32. Temporal and semi-temporal suffixes 596 

§33. Terminal suffix " 597 

34-43. The noun 597 

§34. Gender 597 

§ 35. Dual and plural 602 

§ 36. Secondary significance of gender 603 

§ 37. Gender of plural 603 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 36 561 



562 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 



16-56. Discussion of grammar — Continued. Pago 
16-45. Syntactic words — Continued. 
§§ 34r-43. The noun — Continued. 

§ 38. Plural suffixes 605 

§39. Vocative 612 

§ 40. Derivation of nouns 612 

§ 41. Nouns and verbs derived from particles 616 

§ 42. Compound nouns 617 

§ 43. Substantives as qualifiers 617 

§ 44. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs 617 

§ 45. Independent personal pronoun 626 

46-52. Particles 627 

§ 46. Attribute complements : 627 

§ 47. Adverbs 633 

§ 48. Exhortative particles 635 

§49. Interjections 635 

§ 50. Conjunctions 636 

§51. Adjectives 637 

§ 52. Adverbs derived from intransitive verbs 638 

53-54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism 638 

§ 53. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Wishram (by 

Edward Sapir) 638 

§ 54. Diminutive and augmentative consonantism in Chinook and 

Kathlamet 645 

55-56. Syntax 646 

§ 55. Syntax of Lower Chinook 646 

§ 56. Post-positions in Wishram (by Edward Sapir) 650 

57-60. Vocabulary 655 

§ 57. Onomatopoetic terms 655 

§ 58. Nouns expressing adjectival and verbal ideas 657 

§ 59. Phonetic characteristics of nominal stems 658 

§ 60. Verbal stems 658 

Texts '. 666 



CHINOOK 



By Franz Boas 



§ 1. DISTRIBUTION AND HISTORY 

The Chinookan stock embraces a number of closely related dialects 
which were spoken along both banks of Columbia river from the 
Cascades to the sea, and some distance up the Willamette valley. 
The Chinook were neighbors of tribes belonging to many linguistic 
stocks. In Shoalwater bay and on the lower course of Columbia 
river, along its northern bank as far as the Cascade range, they came 
into contact with tribes of the coast division of the Salishan family. 
On the upper course of Willapa river they were contiguous to a 
small Athapascan tribe ; farther to the east they were surrounded by 
Sahaptin tribes; in the Willamette valley they bordered on the 
Molala and Kalapuya. On the southern bank of Columbia river, 
opposite Cowlitz river, lived another Athapascan tribe whose neigh- 
bors they were; while south of the mouth of Columbia river they 
bordered on the Tillamuk, an isolated branch of the Coast Salish. 

The language was spoken in two principal dialects, Upper Chinook 
and Lower Chinook. The former was spoken on the upper course of 
Columbia river, as far west as Gray's Harbor on the north bank and 
a little above Astoria on the south bank of the river. It was sub- 
divided into a number of slightly different dialects. The principal 
representatives are Kathlamet and Clackamas which were spoken 
on the lower course of the Columbia river and in the Willamette 
valley, and Wasco and Wishram which were spoken in the region of 
The Dalles. The Lower Chinook includes the Clatsop dialect on the 
south bank of the river (from Astoria downward) and the Chinook 
proper of the north bank from Grays harbor down, and on Shoal- 
water bay. The last-named dialect is discussed here. 

The name Chinook (Ts!inu'~k) is the one by which the tribe was 
known to their northern neighbors, the Chehalis. 

563 



564 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The grammar of the Chinook language has been discussed by 
Horatio Hale, 1 Friederich Muller, 2 Franz Boas, 8 John R. Swanton, 4 
and Edward Sapir. 5 

Unless otherwise stated, references in the following sketch refer to 
page and line in Franz Boas, Chinook Texts. 

PHONETICS (§§ 2-13) 
§ 2. Vowels 

The phonetic system of Chinook is characterized by a super- 
abundance of consonants and consonant-clusters combined with great 
variability of vowels. Since practically all our information on the 
Lower Chinook has been derived from one single individual, the last 
survivor capable of giving intelligent information, there remain many 
uncertainties in regard to the system of sounds. My informant was 
in the habit of changing the position of the lips very slightly only. 
There was, particularly, no strong forward movement of the lips in 
the vowel u and the semivowel w. This tendency has been observed 
in many Indian languages and was probably characteristic of all 
Chinook speakers. For this reason the u and o sounds are very 
slightly differentiated. Obscure vowels are frequent and seem to be 
related to all long and short vowels. 

The system of vowels and semivowels may be written as follows : 

Diph- Semi- 
thong vowel 

W 

au 

While the o and u sounds are indistinct, owing to the similarity of 
lip-positions, the e and i sounds seemingly alternate in accordance 
with the character of the adjoining sounds. They assume a decided 
i tinge by contact with a following a, or when following an anterior 
palatal. There is no strong retraction of the lips, but a considerable 

i Wilkes Expedition, Ethnography and Philology, 562-564. See also Tnnsactions of the American Eth- 
nological Society, n, xxiii-clxxxviii; Hale's Indians of Northwest America and Vocabularies of North 
America; with a* Introduction by Albert Gallatin. 

* Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, n, 254-256. Vienna, 1882. 

• Notes on the Chinook Language, American Anthropologist, 55-63, 1893; Chinook Texts, Bulletin 90 of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894; Kathlamet Texts, Bulletin 26 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
1901; The Vocabulary of the Chinook Language, American Anthropologist, n. s., vi, 118-147, 1904. 

* Morphology of the Chinook Verb, American Anthropologist, n. s., n, 199-237, 1900. 

• Preliminary Report on the Language and Mythology of the Upper Chinook, American Anthropologic 
n. s., rx, 533-544; Wishram Texts, Publications of the American Ethnological Society, II, 1909. 

§2 









Vowels 








Semi- 
vowel 


Diph- 
thong 








E 












u 





A 




A 


A 

e 


(*) 


A 
% 


y 




u 





(o) 


a 


A. 

e 


(«) 


• 




ai 


u 





A 

a 


a 


•• 

a 


e 


(f) 







^^^^w^^^^ 



^ m L * ^^ n p ii ^ *P*gFfP"« f ^lf "U ' - 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 565 

linguo-palatal constriction. In the short vowel the i character is 
rather accentuated. In the long vowel the e character predomi- 
nates, unless contact and contrast phenomena emphasize the i char- 
acter. 6 seems to occur only with Jc sounds and is probably due to 
an assimilation of short a. & is rare and seems to occur only in ono- 
matopoetic words, e and a are also of peculiar character, a seems 
to be always either a rhetorical broadening of e (as in a'Jca for e'Jca), 
or an onomatopoetic element which is frequent as terminal sound in 
interjections. The a series is related to the o and u series in so far 
as a may be transformed into o or u, while e and i can never be thus 
transformed. We will designate the o and u sounds as w-series and 
the e and i sounds as i-series. The only diphthongs that occur are 
au and ai. Doubled vowels, unless separated by a consonantic 
glottal stop, do not seem to occur. Short i and u when preceding 
vowels have always consonantic values. 

§ 3. Consonants 

The consonants consist of labials, dentals, and a very full series of 
palatals. There are also a number of I sounds. I did not succeed, 
however, in distinguishing these satisfactorily. There is also much 
confusion regarding surds and sonants, not only because the sonant 
has greater stress than our sonant, but also on account of the occur- 
rence of a labial sound with semiclosure of the nose and weak lip- 
closure, which is therefore intermediate between 6, m, and w, with 
prevalent m character. Between vowels the sound approaches a b. 
The occurrence of d is also doubtful. Each stop occurs as fortis and 
surd. 

The series of consonants may be represented as follows : 

Nasal Lateral »«& 





Sonant 


Surd 


Fortis 


Spirant 


Semi- 
nasal 


Glottal . 


e 

• 


— 


— 


— 


— 


Velar . . 


. (??) 


2 


«/ 


X 


— 


Palatal 


• 9 


Jc 


Tel 


X 

• 


— 


Anterior 
palatal 


\ Or?) 


Ir 


Tc-! 


X' 


— 


Alveolar . 


• (dt) 


t 


t! 


8, C 


— 


Dento - alve- 












olar affrica- 


-^ 


ts, tc 


ts!, tc! 


— 


— 


tive 












Labial . . 


• 


V 


p! 


— 


m 


Lateral 


. £ 


L 


l! 


1 A 


— 



n (I) (y) 



m - (w) 



§3 



566 BTJKEATJ OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The alveolar s, c, and the affricative ts f tc, are pronounced with 
open teeth. The two m's are not distinguished, since the former 
occurs only before vowels. It is doubtful if they represent two really 
distinct sounds. 

The glottal stop and the velar surd are closely related, the former 
often taking the place of the latter. An omission of a q after a stop 
transforms the latter into a fortis. I have placed I and n in the same 
line, on account of their frequent alternation. Since the glottal stop, 
velars, palatals, and anterior palatals have certain peculiarities in 
common, we will designate them as Tc sounds. The consonants of the 
anterior palatal series have a decided affricative character, which is 
least prominent in the fortis. The medial palatal Tc and the velar g 
appear also as affricatives. In these cases the continued sound 
appears so long, that I have written them as Tex and qx. 

The language admits of extensive consonantic clusters, and I have 
not been able to discover any sequence of consonants that is inad- 
missible except that clusters consisting of a stop followed by m and n 
seem to be avoided. 

§ 4. Phonetic Laws 

Nevertheless we find complex phonetic laws. These may be classed 
in nine groups: 

(1) Effects of accent. (5) Vowel changes. 

(2) Laws of vocalic harmony. (6) Metathesis. 

(3) Laws of consonantic as- (7) Dieresis. 

similation. (8) Contraction. 

(4) Vocalization of consonants. (9) Weakening and strength- 

ening of consonants. 

Only the first two of these laws are purely phonetic, while the others 
are restricted to certain grammatical forms. Groups 2-5 are changes 
due to contact phenomena. 

Effects of Accent (§§ 5, 6) 

The accent affects the character of the vowel upon which it falls 
and modifies consonants in so far as certain consonants or consonantic 
clusters are not tolerated when they precede the accent. On the 
whole, these changes are confined to the Lower Chinook, but they 
occur also in part in the western dialects of the Upper Chinook. 

§4 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 567 

§ 5. Vocalic Changes 

1 . Vocalic changes consist in the introduction of an e in an accented 
consonantic cluster which consists of a combination of steins. The 
e is inserted after the accented consonantic stem. The same change 
occurs in Kathlamet, while it is absent in Wishram. 

a-tcE'-L-a-x he made it (a- aorist; tc- he; l- it; -a directive; -x 

to do) 
a-gE , -L-a-x she made it (a- aorist; g- she; l- it; -a directive; -x 

to do) 
tE f -TcEmon ashes (t- plural gender) 

2a. Accented short u, when followed by m, n, or I which are followed 
by vpwels, becomes ud'. 

id'gunat his salmon iguafnat salmon 

tqlulipxund'yu youths iqlud'lipx youth 

26. Accented e and short a, when followed by m, n, or Z which are 
followed by vowels, become a. The short vowels i and u, when fol- 
lowed by vowels, have consonantic values and affect preceding e and a 
in the same manner. 

icd'yim grizzly-bear icdyd'mukc grizzly-bears 

xd'pEnic giving herself in pay- pd'nic to give in payment to 

ment to shaman shaman 

aqtd'witx he gives them to 

them 249.13 

Accented i followed by an a or u vowel becomes dy. 

atcid'x he is accustomed to atcd'yax he makes him 

make him 
mLopid'Lxa you will gather it agiupd'yaLx she gathered him 

Here belong also the terminal changes of I in plural forms : 

%'cklale clam basket LcklcHd'yvks clam baskets 

ocul'l frog tcued'yuks frogs 

Compare with this the following cases, where n and I belong to 
consonantic clusters: 

nlXE f l s oko he awoke 
mE'nx'% a little while 

In one case e accented changes to a before x: 

lUl'Iex bird tlald'xukc birds 

All these changes given under 2 are confined to Lower Chinook. 
They do not occur in Kathlamet and Wishram. 

§5 



1 



568 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lbull. 40 

§ 6. Consonantic Changes 

Consonantic changes due to accent are as follows: 

(1) A Tc following the accented syllable tends to become the affrica- 
tive lex. 

leaf is sk middle o'lexotSEle middle daughter 

ige'lxtcuik flint oyaflexilxtcutle his flint arrow- 

point 

(2) When the vowel following the cluster Ix is accented, the x is 
dropped. 

I'lxam town ile'e country 

atcio'lxam he said to him tciold'ma he will say to him 

uko'lxul mouse ukolo'lules mice 

(3) In words in which a q follows the accented syllable it changes to 
e when the accent shifts to a syllable following the q. When the j 
follows the surds p and t, these are changed to the corresponding fortes: 

LafqauwUqt its blood L^d'vMqt blood 

e'qeL creek t!d f LE7na creeks 

uya' qalEptcleix' his fire d 6 o'lEptckix' fire 

id'qana its beavers e 6 e'na beaver 

This change takes place also when the accent remains on the syllable 
preceding the q, when the vowel following the q is short. 

b'<lbL fish- weir dyd' s aL his fish-weir 

These changes mark a phonetic differentiation of Upper and Lower 
Chinook. In Upper Chinook the q is preserved almost throughout; 
while in Lower Chinook it tends to be replaced by the glottal stop £ , 
— when following p and t by the corresponding fortis, — whenever the 
accents stand after q, or when it is followed by a short syllable, or 
when it is terminal. 



Kathlamet 


Chinook 




wd'yaq 


d'ya* 


his mother 


zid'paqa 


Lid'pa s a 


his nape 


isEmE'lq 


isd'mEl* 


nose-ornament 


eqe'paqte 


e e e'paqte 


. beam 


tid'qoit 


tid e wit 


his legs 


tqu'Ll 


Hol 


house 



The process of modification is, however, incomplete, since we find 
a number of Chinook words that retain the q. 

eqtq head ai'aq quick 

I'cElqcElq porcupine Ltcuq water 

§6 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 569 

Here may also be mentioned the loss of terminal x and ar, which is 
characteristic of Upper Chinook, in many Lower Chinook forms. 

Kathlamet Chinook 

imo'lEkumax imo'lEJcuma elks 

tqd'LEmax tla'LEma creeks 

md'Lnix' md'Lrie seaward 

Other characteristic changes are from Upper Chinook t to Lower 
Chinook «, as in — 

Kathlamet Chinook 

tqa'totinikc tqa'sosinikc boys 

anixEriEmd'txem anix' EUEmo' 8X' Em I fooled him 

and from Upper Chinook * to Lower Chinook tct. 

Kathlamet Chinook 

e'mas e'matct shame 

ano'suwulxt ano'tduwulqi I went up on the water 

§ 7. Laws of Vocalic Harmony 

When a u vowel precedes a Jc sound, and the Jc sound is either fol- 
lowed by a vowel or is a prefix, it must be followed by a vowel of the 
u- series. The following special cases may be distinguished: 

(1) An obscure vowel following the Jc sound is transformed into 
short u. 

o'pLlilce bow dgu'pLlike my bow (with prefix 

-<^-my[§ 18]) 

(2) a following a Jc sound is transformed into o or u. 

ilrtd'ckc boy okfo'ckc girl 

ikani'm canoe okumlm canoes 

(3) An e sound following a Jc sound requires a u before the e sound. 

aLge'pxaie alder country ogue'pxate' alder-bark tree 

L e afgil a woman d £ o'guil the woman 

(4) If the Jc sound is a prefix, it is considered as a phonetic unit 
and an o is inserted following the Jc sound, even if it is followed by 
a consonant. 

na'xLxa she begins to burn no'xbhxa they begin to burn 

e'Jctcxam he sang b'Jcbtcxam they sang 

The following examples show that the rule does not hold good in 
consonantic clusters that form a stem. 

atco'Jctclctamit he roasts her oqct louse 
(stem -JctcJct) 

§7 



5*70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 8. Consonantic Assimilation 

It is doubtful whether there is a single case of consonantic assimi- 
lation that is purely phonetic, not dependent on the grammatical 
value of the consonants involved. For instance, the assimilation of 
I by preceding and following n, observed in no'ponEm it gets dark 
(from o'pol night), finds no strict analogies in other similar sound 
groups. An assimilation of I by preceding n is found whenever the 
I is a frequentative suffix (§ 31). 

aksd'pEna he jumps akso'pEnan he jumps about 

(instead of akso'pEnal) 

What is apparently an assimilation of I by preceding n is also 
found in cases of insertion which occur with the suffix -l (see § 31.8). 

§ 9. Vocalization of Consonants 

1 I and n show a peculiar behavior when occurring in the prefixes 
-gEl-, -xeI-j and - £ eI; or the corresponding -gEn- and -xeu (§ 25). 
Whenever these prefixes are preceded by o, the I and n become e, so 
that the prefixes assume the forms -(o)goe-, (p)xoe-, -(o) £ we. 

agigE'lxem she called him nogolxl'ma I shall call them 

ax euo' ten he helped sing nbxoexb'ten they helped sing 

In other cases the combinations Tcul and Jcol are admissible, as in 

oko'lxul mouse dJcvld'm surf 

2. The intransitive t of the third person plural (§ 21) becomes o 
before all Jc sounds, and also before adverbial I and n (§ 25). 

§ 10. Vowel Changes 

The verbal prefix -o- (§ 26), when accented and preceding a Jc 
sound or a w } becomes a. 

anio'cgam I took him anid'wa* I killed him 

This change does not take place in Upper Chinook. 

igio'waq (Kathlamet), agid'wa 6 (Chinook) she killed him 
Unaccented o does not change in this position. 

afnoxtk I steal her ayvwd'x-it he is pursued 261.1 

§ 11. Metathesis 

Metathesis seems to be confined to cases in which two suffixes are 
thoroughly amalgamated; for instance, -dko and -i combined form 
-alukL (§ 30). 

§§8-11 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 5*71 

§ 12. Dieresis and Contraction 

1. Dieresis is confined to the formation of a few verbal plurals, in 
which the vowel is expanded by insertion of the syllable -yu. Pre- 
sumably the expansion is related to the dieresis of accented i (see 
§ 5). It seems, however, quite possible that this is really a suffix 
-yu indicating the distributive. (See § 38.6.) 

Singular Plural 

-x € ot -xtoyut to bathe 

-XElatck -XEldyutck to rise 

2. A short a, when preceding or following a and tl, is contracted 
with these vowels, which remain unchanged. In the same way i is 
contracted with a following I or e. 

oc she is (instead of a-oc) e'lxam country (instead of 

atciungo'mit he causes him to i-e'lxam) 

run (instead of atciungo'-amit) 

§ 13. Weakening and Strengthening of Consonants 

A modification of significance is brought about by a modification of 
consonants. 1 This phenomenon was discovered by Dr. Edward Sapir 
in Upper Chinook, but it occurred undoubtedly also in Lower 
Chinook. The relation of consonants in Upper Chinook is as follows: 

b, p hardened become p! p ) pi softened become b 

d, t hardened become t! t, t! softened become d 

g, Jc hardened become Jc! Jc,Jc! softened become g 

<j, 2 hardened become Tc! q, q! softened become g 

Similar relations are found between the sibilants: 

tc! hardened becomes Is! 8 softened becomes c 

tc hardened becomes ts ts softened becomes tc 

c hardened becomes s, ts ts! softened becomes tc! 
ts hardened becomes ts! 

The hardened x becomes x. (Cf. § 53.) 

§ 14. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

According to their grammatical forms, Chinook words may be 
grouped in two large classes — syntactic words and particles. While 
the former, except in exclamations, always contain pronominal and 
other elements that define their function in the sentence, the latter 
occur as independent and isolated words. The elements of the syn- 

i See Edward Sapir, 1. c, 537. 

§§12-14 



572 BUKEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull 40 

tactic words are often phonetically weak, and consist sometimes of 
single consonants, of consonantic clusters, of single vowels, or of weak 
monosyllables. In combination these may form polysyllabic words. 
The particles are necessarily of such phonetic character that they 
can stand by themselves. For these reasons, both classes of words 
appear as fixed phonetic and formal units, so that in Chinook there 
can be no doubt as to the limits of words. 

The grammatical processes applied with these two classes of words 
differ. Some of the particles may be duplicated, while duplication 
and reduplication never occur in syntactic words. Particles when 
transformed into syntactic words may, however, retain their dupli- 
cations. Syntactic words are modified by means of prefixes and 
suffixes and by modification of the stem, which, however, is probably 
always of phonetic origin. Prefixes are much more numerous than 
suffixes, but are phonetically weaker, rarely consisting of more than 
a single sound. They appear in considerable numbers in single 
words. Six prefixes in one word are not by any means unusual 
The number of suffixes that may appear in combination is more 
limited. They are phonetically stronger. More than two or three 
suffixes are rarely found in one word. 

Word-composition is not infrequent. However, some of the ele- 
ments which enter into composition rarely appear alone, or rather, 
combined with syntactic elements only. They represent principally 
a definite group of local ideas, and therefore give the impression of 
being affixes rather than independent stems. These words are, for 
instance, motion into, out of, up, down (see § 27). Setting aside 
compound words of this class, composition of independent stems, or 
rather of stems which are used with syntactic elements only, is infre- 
quent. Nouns are, however, largely of complex origin, and in many 
of them stems and affixes may be recognized, although the significance 
of these elements is not known to us. 

The position of the word is quite free, while the order of the con- 
stituent elements of syntactic words is rigidly fixed. 

§ 15. IDEAS EXPRESSED BY GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES 

In discussing the ideas expressed by means of grammatical forms, 
it seems best to begin with syntactic words. All syntactic relations 
of these are expressed by pronominal and adverbial prefixes. Syn- 

§15 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 573 

tactic words may be divided into three classes that receive different 
treatment — transitive verbs, intransitive verbs, and nouns. All of 
these have in common that they must contain pronominal elements, 
which in the first class are subjective and objective, while in the 
other two classes they are objective (from the Indo-European point 
of view., subjective). The noun is therefore closely associated with 
the intransitive verb, although it is not identical with it. It retains, 
to a certain extent, a predicative character, but is in form partly 
differentiated from the intransitive verb. 

The differentiation of transitive and intransitive is contained in 
the pronominal elements. The subject of the transitive differs in 
some cases from that of the intransitive, which is in form identical 
with the objective form of the transitive. 

The relations of nouns are expressed by possessive pronouns, which 
seem to be remotely related to the subjective transitive pronouns. 
Owing to the predicative character of the noun, the possessive form 
has partly the meaning having. 

Both intransitive and transitive verbs may contain indirect pro- 
nominal objects. These are expressed by objective pronouns. Their 
particular relation to the verb is defined by elements indicating the 
ideas of for, to, with, etc. The possessive relations of subject and 
object — i. e., the possession of one of the objects by the subject, or 
of the indirect object by the direct object, and vice versa — are also 
expressed. 

All the syntactic relations between the verb and the nouns of the 
sentence must be expressed by means of pronominal and adverbial 
elements incorporated in the verb, so that the verb is the skeleton of 
the sentence, while the nouns or noun-groups held together by 
possessive pronouns are mere appositions. Certain locative affixes 
which express the syntactic relations of nouns occur in the dialect 
of the Cascades; but these seem to have been borrowed from the 
Sahaptin. 

The function of each pronominal element is clearly defined, partly 
by the differentiation of forms in the transitive and intransitive 
verbs, partly by the order in which they appear and by the adverbial 
elements mentioned before. 

In the pronoun, singular, dual, and plural are distinguished. 
There is an inclusive and an exclusive in dual and plural, the exclu- 
sive being related to the first person. The second persons dual and 

§15 



574 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

plural are related to the second person singular. The third person 
singular has three genders — masculine, feminine, and neuter — and a 
single form each fot dual and plural. These forms are not only true 
sex and number forms, but agree also with a generic classification of 
nouns which is based on sex and number. 

The nominal stem itself has no characteristic of gender, which is 
expressed solely in the pronoun. The sex and number origin of the 
genders is clear, but in the present status of the language the genders 
are as irregularly distributed as those of Indo-European languages. 
These genders are expressed in the incorporated pronominal repre- 
sentative of the noun, and since there is generally sufficient variety 
in the genders of the nouns of the sentences, clearness is preserved 
even when the order of the nouns in apposition is quite free. 

Besides the sex and number classes we find a classification in 
human beings on the one hand and other beings and objects on the 
other. These are expressed in the numeral, the demonstrative, and 
in plural forms of nouns. 

It was stated before, that, in the pronoun, duality and plurality 
are distinguished. In the noun, a true plural, not pronominal in 
character, is found only in some words. These were evidently origi- 
nally the class of human beings, although at present the use of this 
nominal plural is also irregular. Furthermore, a true distributive 
is found, which, however, has also become irregular in many cases. 
Its original significance is discernible in numeral adverbs (§ 38). A 
distributive is also found in a small number of verbal stems. 

There are few nominal affixes of clear meaning, and very few that 
serve to derive nouns from verbal stems. There are only two 
important classes of verbal nouns which correspond to thfe relative 
sentence the one who — and to the past-passive relative sentence 
what is — ed; of these two the latter coincides with ordinary nouns, 
while the former constitutes a separate class. Still another class 
contains local nouns, where — (§ 40). 

Demonstrative pronouns form a class by themselves. They con- 
tain the personal pronouns of the third person, but also purely 
demonstrative elements which indicate position in relation to the 
three persons, and, in Lower Chinook, present and past tense, or 
visibility and invisibility. 

Only a few modifications of the verb are expressed by incorporated 
elements. These are the temporal ideas — in Lower Chinook those of 

§15 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 575 

future and perfect and of the indefinite aoristic time, to which are 
added in Upper Chinook several other past tenses. In some cases 
these temporal elements express rather ideas that may be termed 
transitional and continuative. There is a series of semitemporal 
suffixes expressing the inchoative and varieties of frequentatives; 
and also a number of directive prefixes, which seem to express the 
direction of the action in relation to the speaker. 

All other ideas are expressed by particles. A somewhat abnormal 
position among these is occupied by the numerals from 2 to 9 and by 
a very few adjectives. These numerals are nouns when they are 
used as ordinals; when used as adjectives, they are generally par- 
ticles; when referring to human beings, they are nouns of peculiar 
form (§ 51). 

Most remarkable among the particles is a long series of words, 
many of which are onomatopoetic and which are mostly used to 
express verbal ideas. In this case the verbal relation is expressed by 
an auxiliary verb which signifies to do, to make, or to be. These 
words exhibit a gradation from purely inter jectional terms to true 
adverbial or, more generally, attributive forms. They are analogous 
to our English forms like bang went the gun, or ding dong made 
the bells, and merge into forms like he was tired. If we imagine 
the word tired pronounced with imitative gestures and expression, 
it attains the value that these particles have in Chinook. The num- 
ber of these words is considerable, and they take the place of many 
verbs. Most of them can be used only with verbs like to do and 
to go. Other adverbs differ from this class in that they are used 
with other verbs as well. There is no clear distinction between these 
adverbs and conjunctions. 

DISCUSSION OF GRAMMAR (§§16-56) 
Syntactic Words (§§ 16-45) 

§ 16. Structure of Syntactic Words 

All syntactic words contain pronominal elements which give them 
a predicative character. A few seem to contain only the pronominal 
element and the stem, but by far the greater number contain other 
elements besides. Most words of this class are built up by compo- 
sition of a long series of elements, all of which are phonetically too 

§16 



576 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

weak to stand alone. The most complex of these words contain all 
the elements of the sentence. Their order is as follows: 

(1) Modal element (transitional, participial). 

(2) Pronominal elements. 

(a) Subject. 
(6) First object. 
(c) Second object. 

(3) Following one of these may stand an element expressing the 
possessive relation between the subject and the objects. 

(4) Adverbial prefixes. 

(5) Direction of verbal action. 

(6) Verbal stem, sii^gle or compound. 

(7) Adverbial suffixes. 

These elements are, of course, hardly ever all represented in one 
word. Following are a few characteristic examples of these words : 

arm-L-a-z-cg-d'm-x thou weft in the habit of taking it from her 

a- aorist (1, see § 17) 

ra- thou, subject (2a, see § 18) 

l- it, object (26, see § 18) 

a- her, second object (2c, see § 18) 

-x- indicates that it belongs to her (3, see § 24) 

Elements 4 and 5 are not represented. 

-eg- stem to take (6) 

-am completive (7a, see § 29) f 

-x usitative (76, see § 32) 
tcrtro-l-d'-t-a he will give them to her 

tc- he, subject (2a, see § 18) 

t- them, object (26, see § 18) 

a- her, second object (2c, see § 18) 

-I- to (4, see § 25) 

-o- direction from speaker (5, see § 26) 

-ot- stem to give (6) 

-a future (7, see § 32) 

Elements 1 and 3 are not represented. 

There are, of course, transitive vfcrbs with but one object. In 
most intransitive verbs all the elements relating to the object disap- 
pear and the form of the word becomes comparatively simple. 

l-o-c it is 

l it, subject (2a, see § 18) 

-o- direction from speaker (5, see § 26) 

-c stem to be, singular (6) 

§16 



J 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 577 

Complex intransitive forms are, however, not rare. 

tE-nrXE-l-d'-x-o they will be on me 
t(E)- they, subject (2a, see § 18) 
n- me, indirect object (2c, see § 18) 
-x(e)- indicates that they belong to me (3, see § 24) 
-Z- to (4, see § 25) 

-a- direction from speaker (5, see § 26) 
-x stem to do, to be (6) 
-o future (7, see § 32) 

Nouns are similar to simple intransitive verbs, but they have (or 

had) nominal (modal) prefixes. They have no directive elements. 

They may take possessive forms which do not appear in the verb. 

The order of elements in the noun is the following: 

(1*) Nominal (modal) element. 
(2*) Pronominal elements. 

(a*) Subjective. 

(&*) Possessive. 
(3*) Nominal stem, single or compound. 
(4*) Suffixes: 

W-d'-lEmlEm Rotten-wood (a place name) 

w- nominal prefix (1*) 

a- subjective feminine (2 a*) 

-lEmlEm stem rotten wood (3*) 
e'-me-qtq thy head 

e- subjective masculine (2 a*) 

-me- possessive second person (2 &*) 

-qtq- stem head (3*) 

In the following sections these component elements will be taken 
up in order. 

§ 1 7. Modal Elements 

1. a-. This prefix indicates a transitional stage, a change from one 
state into another. Therefore it may be translated in intran- 
sitive verbs by to become. In transitive verbs it is always 
used when there is no other element affixed which expresses 
ideas contradictory to the transitional, like the perfect, 
future, or nominal ideas. In the transitive verb it appears, 
therefore, on the whole as an aoristic tense. The action 
passing from the subject to a definite object is in Chinook 
always considered as transitional (transitive), since it implies 
a change of condition of object and subject. In the Kathlamet 

• dialect of the Upper Chinook the corresponding prefix is i-. 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 37 § 17 



i 



578 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Whenever the a- stands before a vocalic element, its place is taken 
by n-. The masculine i- preceding a vowel has consonantic 
character, and retains, therefore, the a-. In Kathlamet n- 
is used under the same conditions; but, besides, a form occurs 
beginning with i-, which is followed by a -g-. 

Intransitive, before consonant: 

a-L-E'-Jc'im it said (a- transitional; l- it; -k'im to say) 
a-n-o f -tx-uit I began to stand (a- transitional; n- I; -b- directive; 
-tx to stand; -nit to be in a position) 

Intransitive, before vowel : 

n-e'-Jcim he said (n- transitional; t- he; -Jc'im to say) 
n-b'-x-o-x they became (n- transitional; o- they; -x reflexive; 
-o- directive; -x stem to do, to be) 

Transitive: 

a-tcE'-t-a-x he did them (a- transitional; tc- he; t- them; -a- 
directive; -x stem to do) 

The following examples are taken from the Kathlamet dialect: 

Intransitive, before consonant: 

i-L-E'-k'im it said; Kathlamet texts 99.4 (analysis as before) 
i-m-xa-t-Jc!od-mam you came home ibid, 132.15 (m -thou; -x (a)- 
reflexive; -t- coming; -Tcloa to go home; -(m)am to arrive) 

Intransitive, before vowel: 

i-g-e'-x-Jc!oahe went home ibid. 169.6 (-e- he; -x- reflexive) 
i-g-d-x-JcIoa she went home ibid. 191.8 

Transitive: * 

i-q-i-o'-lxam somebody told him ibid. 169.7 (-q somebody; i- him; 

-o directive; -Ixam to tell) 
i-gif-t-u-x she acted on them ibid. 217.16 (gs- she; t- them; -Vr 

directive; -x to do) 

2. ni~. This prefix is confined to the dialects east of the Kathlamet. 
It takes the form nig- before vowels, like the preceding. It 
occurs in transitive and intransitive verbs. It expresses a 
somewhat indefinite time past, and is used in speaking of 
events that happened less than a year or so ago, yet more than 
& couple of days ago. (E. Sapir.) 

ni-y-u'ya he went (ni- past; -y- he; -uya to go) 

nig-u'ya she went (the same before vocalic element; -a- she, 

being contracted with -u- into -u) 
ni-tc-i-gilr-TcEl he saw him {ni- past; -tc- he; -i- him; gil- verbal 

prefix; -JceI to see) 

§17 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 579 

3. a-. This prefix is confined to the intransitive verbs of the Upper 

Chinook (Kathlamet), and indicates the future. ,When fol- 
lowed by a vowel, it takes the form al-. 

arm-d'-lcL-a thou wilt carry her (a- future; m- thou; 6- con- 
tracted for a- her and 6- directive; -Jcl stem to carry; -a 
future) ' • < • ' ' * • 

Before vowel : 

al-o'-mE-qt-a she will die (al- future; -o- contracted for a- she 
and -o- directive ; -mEqt stem to die; -a future) 

In the dialects east of the Kathlamet it is used also with transitive 

verbs (Sapir). , 

aAc-i-qE'l-kEl-ql he will see her (a- future; -to- he; -i-him; -</eI- / 

verbal prefix; -TceI to see; -a future) v\r. / ,,l -ir-'j >.uS> *^t 4/ of » --j *, 

4. ga- 9 before vowels gal-. This prefix is confined to the dialects 

east of the Kathlamet. It expresses time long past, and is 

always used in the recital of myths (Sapir). 

ga-y-u'ya he went (see analysis under 2) 
gal-u'ya she went (see analysis under 2) 
ga-tc-i-gE f l-TcEl he saw him (see analysis under 2) 

n- may be used in place of this prefix. 

5. na- 9 before vowels nal-. This prefix is confined to the dialects 

east of the Kathlamet. It refers to recent time exclusive of 
to-day, more specifically to yesterday. Its use is analogous to 
that of the preceding. (E. Sapir.) 

6. Jc-\ g-* This prefix has nominal significance, and designates the 

ONE WHO IS, DOES, or HAS. 

Ic-tgE'-Jca-l those who fly (Jc- nominal; -tgE they; -Tea to fly; -Z 

always) 
Tc-ck-t-a-xo'-il those two who always make them; (cJc- they two 

[transitive subject]; -t- them; -a- directive before -x; -xo-il to 

work always) 

This prefix is used most frequently with nouns in possessive form, 
designating the one who has. 

g-i-ta'-ki-TcEl-al those who have the power of seeing (i- mascu- 
line, -td- their; -lei- indicates that there is no object; -JceI to 
see; -al always) 

g^i-La/-ma £ the one who is shot {%- masculine; -zd- its; -ma e the 
condition of being shot) 

Ic-Ld'qewam the one who has shamanistic power (-Ld- its; -qewam 
shaman's song) 

§17 



580 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 

• 

7. w-. This seems to have been at one time the prefix which charac- 

terized nouns. It is no longer in general use, but persists in a 
few terms like we'wuLe interior op house, we'lcoa day 
(Kathlamet), welx country (Kathlamet), and in geographical 
names like WapLd'tci salal-berries on stump. It is always 
followed by the masculine or feminine intransitive pronoun. 
Its former general use may be inferred* from the pronominal 
form o- of all feminine nouns, which is probably a contraction 
of w- and the ordinary intransitive feminine pronoun a-. In 
Upper Chinook the forms wi- and wa- are preserved before 
short words. There is no trace of the former existence of 
this prefix before the pronominal forms of neuter, dual, and 
plural, all of which are consonantic, while masculine and femi- 
nine are both vocalic (e- and a-) . It seems probable that its 
use, like that of n-, was confined to vocalic pronouns (§ 17.1). 

8. wa-. This is a nominal prefix indicating locality. It occurs 

principally in place names, Nakotla't (see § 40). 

§ 18. Pronominal Elements 

It has been stated that the pronominal elements in the verb are 
subject, first object, second object. The whole series occurs in some 
transitive verbs only. In form, the subject of the transitive verb is 
somewhat differentiated from the other forms, while the objective 
pronouns coincide with the subjects of the intransitive, and are 
closely related to the personal pronouns which appear attached to 
nouns. 

The possessive has a series of peculiar forms. In the noun the 
order is personal pronoun, possessive pronoun. Thus the pronouns 
may be divided into three large groups; which may be called transi- 
tive, intransitive, and possessive. 

TABLE OF PRONOUNS 

Transitive Intransitive Possessive 

1st person n- n- -tcE- -gE- 

Exclusive dual nt- nt- -nt- 

Exclusive plural ntc- ntc- -ntc- 

Inclusive dual tx- tx- -tx- 

Inclusive plural Ix- Ix- -Ix- 

2d person singular m- m- -m- 

2d person dual mt- mt- -mt- 

2d person plural mc- mc- -mc- 

§18 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 581 

Transitive Intransitive Possessive 

3d person singular, masculine . . . tc- i- -i- 

3d person singular, feminine 



3d person singular, neuter 
3d person dual . . . . 
3d person plural . . . 
Indefinite 



g- a- -tea- -gch 

x- l- -l- 

c- c- ct- -ct- 

t- t- (a-, rir, a-) -t- -g- 

It will be seen from this list that most of the forms in the three 
series are identical. A differentiation exists in the first person and 
in the third person singular (masculine and feminine). In all these 
forms the exclusive appears as the dual and plural of the first person, 
while the inclusive seems to be characterized by the terminal -#-. n- 
may be interpreted as the first person, m- as the second person, t- as 
the characteristic of the dual, and c as that of the plural of these 
persons. 

The third person plural exhibits a number of irregularities which 
will be discussed in § 21. 

§ 19. The Post- Pronominal g 

In a number of cases these pronouns are followed by the sound g, 
which, judging from its irregular occurrence in the present form of 
the language, may have had a wider application in former times. 

(1) The transitive subject (except the first and second persons 
singular, the third person singular masculine and feminine, and the 
indefinite q) is followed by g or Tc, which give to the preceding pronoun 
its transitive value. 

a-L-Tc-L-a'-wa e it killed it (a- transitional; l- neuter subject; -it- 
prefix giving the preceding l- its transitive character; -z- 
neuter object; -a- directive; -wa* stem to kill) 

a-t-Tc-L-o'-cg-am they took it (a- transitional; t- they; -Tc- [as 
above]; l- neuter object; -cistern to take; -am completion) 

a-n-L-o'-cg-am I took it (same as last, but with n- i as subject, 
which does not take the following -Tc-) 

When followed by a vowel (including e), the -Tc- sound is more 
like a sonant, and has been written -g-. When the subject pronoun is 
accented, the e, which carries the accent, follows the g, so that the 
transitive pronoun and the -g- form a unit. 

a-L-g-i-o f -cg-am it took him (same as above, but with z- it as 
subject, followed by -g- instead of -Jc- before i-, which is mas- 
culine object) 

Ortg-E , -tra-x they do them. 

§19 



582 BtmEATT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOG? tuuLt,. 40 

(2) The intransitive subject third person plural is followed by g in 
two cases. 

(a) When the subject t would normally precede the directive ele- 
ment -o- (§ 26.1), this element is omitted, and instead the t is followed 

by?. 

a-y-o'-xurie he drifted 24.15 (a- transitional; y- fort- before o he; 

-o- directive ; -XEne stem to drift) 
a-t-gE'-XErie they drift 38.10 (a- transitional; ir they; -g- inserted 

after subject; -e- carries accent [§ 5.1]; -xeuI stem to drift) 

(b) When the subject t is changed to o before Jc stems (§ 9.2; § 21), 
the g follows it when the Jc sound is a stop. It seems, however, more 
likely that originally this element had a following the g. 

n-e'-Jc'im he said 107.2 (n- transitional before vowel [§ 17.1]; e- 

ha; -Jcim- stem to say) 
n-o-go' -Tcoim they say 266.5 (n- as above; -o- third person plural 

before Jc sound; -g- following third person plural before Jc stop; 

o inserted according to phonetic law [ § 7.4]; -Jcoim, -Jc'vm stem 

to say; o inserted according to § 7.3) 

(3) The possessive pronoun of the third person plural in neuter and 
plural nouns has the form -g-, which probably stands for tg-, the t 
being elided between the neuter prefix l and the plural prefix t 
respectively, and the g. Thus we have 

t-g-a'-qtq-ar-Tcc their heads 165.9 (t- plural; -g- for tg- their; -a- 
vowel following possessive [§ 23]; -qtq stem head; -a- con- 
nective vowel depending upon terminal consonant of stem; -he 
plural suffix [§38.1]) 

L-g-d'-xauyam-t-ilcc their poverty 13.18 (l- neuter; -g- for tg- 
their; -a- vowel following possessive [§23]; -xauyam poverty; 
-t-i/cc plural with connective sound [§ 38.1]) 

It appears that the g occurs most frequently following the third 
person plural. It seems probable that in these cases, at least, it is 
derived from the same source. Whether the g after the transitive 
pronoun is of the same origin, is less certain, although it seems likely. 
This g never occurs after objects. The rules given above have the 
effect that the g can not occur in intransitive verbs which contain a 
reflexive element and in intransitive verbs with indirect objects. It 
is possible that this may be explained as due to the fact that all intran- 
sitive pronouns in these cases are really objective. The g never 
appears after the personal pronouns prefixed to the noun. 

§19 



w>A8) HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 583 

§ 20. The Third Person Dual 

The third person dual has two forms, c- and d-. rt- is used — 

(1) As intransitive subject preceding a vowel, except e and its 
representatives. 

Examples of the use of d-\ 

a-d-o'-y-am they two arrive (a- transitional; d- third person 

dual; -6- directive; -i stem to go; -am to complete motion) 
d-a'qoaiL they two are large 

Examples of the use of c-: 

c-xeld'itx they two remained 

a-CE'x-a-x they two became (a- transitional; -c dual; -x- reflexive; 
-a- directive before -x; x to be) 

(2) As object of the transitive, when the accent is on the pro- 
nominal subject. 

Examples of the use of d-\ 

a-tCE f -d-u-k u L he carried their two selves 26.20 (a- transitional; 
tc- he [transitive] ; -e carries accent ; d- them [dual] ; -u- direct- 
ive ; -Jc u l stem to carry) 

a-LgE f -d-a-x it did them two (a- transitional; lqe- neuter sub- 
ject; -d-they two) 

Examples of the use of c-\ 

a-Tc-c-o'lx-am she said to these two (a- transitional; Tc- she; f- they 
two; -olx to say; -am completive) 

(3) In all possessive forms. 

LE f -d-a-qco their two selves' hair 77.3 (l- neuter pronoun; -e 
carries accent ; d- their [dual] ; -a- vowel following possessive 
[ § 23] ; -qco stem hair) 

§ 21. The Tliirtl Person Plural 

It has been mentioned before that the third person plural before 
single Tc sounds, and before adverbial I and n (§ 25), is o- instead of t-. 
This change occurs both when the pronoun is intransitive subject 
and when it is first or second object. The transitive subject is 
always tg-, tic- (see § 19). 

Plural t-: 

art-e'-x-a-x they came to be on him (a- transitional; t- they; 

e- him; -x indicates that they belonged to him; -a- directive; 

-x stem to do, to be) 
artcs'-t-a-x he did them (a- transitional; tc- he; e- carries accent; 

-t them; -a- directive; -x stem to do) 

§§20,21 



584 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [boll. 40 

Plural a-: 

n-o'-x-o-x they became (n- transitional before vowel; -o they 
before Jc sound; -x reflexive; -o- directive; -x stem to do, to be) 

a-c-g-d f -xuina they placed them in the ground (a- transitional; 
c- they two; -g- marks preceding c- as transitive subject; 
-o- them [before Jc sound]; -xena stem to stand [plural]) 

a-q-t-a r -w-i-tx somebody gave them to them (a- transitional; 
q- indefinite; t- them; -a!- inserted in accented syllable before 
semivowel w [ § 5.2&]; -w- stands for -a- [between two vowels], 
them; -i- stands for -Z- after preceding o [see § 9]; -tx stem 
to give away) 

Before Jc stops, a -g is inserted after the subject third person plural, 
as described in § 19.26. 

In a few nouns the third person plural is n instead of t; for 

instance: 

nafe'tarme Indians 
naua'iik net 

Numerals take a- instead of t- for indicating the plural of human 

beings (see § 51). 

§ 22. Pronouns of the Transitive Verb 

The first person and the exclusive subject do not occur with a 
second person object. In place of these combinations we have the 
forms yam-, yamt-, yamc-, for the combinations i — thee, i — your two 
selves, i — you; and qam-, qamtr, qamc-, for the corresponding forms 
with dual and plural exclusive subject. The inclusive subject can not 
occur with second person objects, since this would be a reflexive 
form (see § 24). In transitive verbs with two objects the same 
irregularities occur when either the first or second object is second 
person while the first person is subject. In case the second object is 
second person, the forms begin with the first object. 

t-am-l-o't-a I shall give them to thee (t- them; -am I — thee; 
-I- to; -ot to give; -a future) 

The indefinite subject q- is peculiar to the transitive. 

§ 23. Possessive Pronoun 

All possessive pronouns are followed by -a-, except the first and 
second persons. The first person is always followed by e, which, 
after the -tc- of the masculine, takes an % tinge, while after the o- of 
the feminine it becomes u (§ 7.1). The second person is followed by 
22, 23 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 585 

e. When the accent falls on the possessive pronoun, the a is length- 
ened. If the accent precedes the possessive pronoun, the a remains 
short. In this case the consonantic pronouns introduce an e before 
the possessive (§ 5.1). When followed by m and y, this e is length- 
ened to d in accordance with the phonetic rules given in § 5.26. The 
g of the first person and of the third person feminine, when following 
the accent, becomes lex in accordance with the general tendency to 
make a Tc following an accent affricative (§ 6.1). 

The possessive pronoun exhibits a peculiar modification in the 
first person and in the third person singular feminine. Masculine 
nouns have in both cases -te-, while all the other genders have -</-. 

For the insertion of -g- in the third person plural possessive of 
neuter and plural nouns, see § 19.3. 

Examples of possessive forms with accent on possessive pronoun : 

i4cif-ts!EmEnd my wooden spoon 115.18 

o-gu'-xamukc my dog 16.11 

L-gE'-qacqac my grandfather 211.1 

8-gtf-xanim my (dual) toy canoe 115.21 

t-gif-xawok my guardian spirits 211.4 

i-me'-xal thy name 72.26 

o-me'-putc thy anus 114.1 

L-me'-tata-iks thy uncles 10.12 

c-me'-ktcxict thy nostrils 113.20 

tE-me!-xeqLax thy hunter's protectors 234.10 

i-d'-ok his blanket 74.14 

u-yd'-teinkikeda his head wife 74.16 

L-ia'-nEmckc his wives 74.16 

c-id'-hdq!ast his squinting (on both eyes) 139.5 

t-ia' -xcdaitanE-ma his arrows 10.16 

i-tca'-yuLlL her pride 74.11 

u-go'-cgan her bucket 115.11 

L-gd'-cganE-ma her buckets 115.12 

c-gd'-xa her two children 14.4 

tyd'-po'te her arms 115.24 

i-Ld'-qula their camp 73.15 

u-Ld'-xk!un their eldest sister 73.15 

Ld'wux their younger brother 74.15 

c-Ld'-amikct its double spit 93.10 

Ld'-ULema their houses 227.23 

t-Ld'-xilkue their bushes in canoe 47.10 

i-ntd'-xanim our two selves' (excl.) canoe 163.4 

LE-ntd'-mama our t^vo selves' (excl.) father 

i-txd'-kikala our two selves' (incl.) husband 76.12 

§23 



586 BUREAU Off AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tutrix. 40 

d-txd'-Lok our two selves' (incl.) aunt 116.11 
L-tm'-xWun-ikc our two selves' (incl.) elder brothers 11.19 
c-*txa'-xamuks our two selves' (incl.) dogs 16.9 
txd'-colal our two selves' (incl.) relatives 224.12 
i-mtd f -k!e-tenax what you two have killed 163.6 
o-mtd'-xamukc your two selves' bitch 16.12 
LE-mta'-naa your two selves' mother 13.24 
i-ctd'-molak their two selves' elk 115.25 
o-std'-xamuJcs their two selves' dog 16.10 
. L-ctd'-amtJcct its double spit 96.22 
ctd'-xos their two selves' eyes 129.28 
t-ctd'-xti their two selves' smoke 75.22 
i~ntcd'-lxam our (excl.) town 234.11 
d-ntcd'-hat!au our (excl.) virgin 150.21 
L-ntca'-xgacgac our (excl.) grandfather 22.20 
i4xd f -xdk!E7Yiana our (incl.) chief 224.25 
o-hcd'-qxalptckix' our (incl.) fire 73.21 
&-lxa'-mTc!Emaria our (incl.) two chiefs 37.10 
i-mcd'-mlclEmdna your chief 50.3 
o-rncd'-potcxan your sister-in-law 224.26 
LE-mca'-cguic your mat 173.23 
tE-mca'-nEmckc your husbands 138.6 
i-td'-Lan their rope 227.15 
u-td'-xanim their canoe 163.16 
Lgd'-xauyamtilcc their poverty 13.18 
tgd'-wun-alcs their bellies 14.21 

Examples of possessive forms with accent preceding the possessive 

pronoun: 

e'-tca-mxtc my heart 12.26 
le'-Tcxe-])s my foot 41.20 
SE f -Tc-xest my arrogance 
tE'-lcxu-qh my house 24.4 
e'-mi-La thy body 
sd'-me-xest thy arrogance 
td'-me-ps thy f^pt 
d'ya-qco his skin 115.24 
L-d'ya-qtq his head 73.13 
c-d'ya-qtq his two heads 14.11 
t-d'ya-qh his house 15.12 
e'r>tca-qtq its head 223.8 
stf-lcxa-xest her arrogance 
tif-kxa-qL her house 89.7 
e'-La-te!a its sickness 196.6 
o'-Ld-qst its louse 10.21 
LE'-La-ps its foot 191.20 

§23 



»OAsl HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 587 

ts'-La-ps its feet 137.16 
e'-nto-m our two selves' (excl.) father 29.16 
tif-nta-qlpas our two selves' (excl.) targets 30.12 
e'-txa-m our two selves' (incl.) father 29.11 
trf-tea-ps our two selves' (incl.) feet 
trf-mta-ps your two selves' feet 
e?-ctartc!a their two selves' sickness 193.18 
LE'-ctarqco their two selves' hair 77.3 
tE'-ctchqL their two selves' house 193.4 
ttf-ntca-qL our (excl.) house 129.26 
tE'-lxa-qL our (incl.) house 225.25 

§ 24. Elements Expressing the Possessive Relation 

Between Subject and Object 

When there is a possessive relation between the subject and one of 
the objects, the element -x- is inserted. 

(1) After the first object of the transitive verb, it indicates that 
the object belongs to the subject. 

CMj-Or-frd'-pc-am she hid her own 216.5 (a- transitional; g- she; 
a- her; -x- indicates that the object is possessed by the sub- 
ject; -o- directive; -pc stem to hide; -am completion) 

(2) After the second object of the transitive, it indicates that the 
first object belongs to the second. 

Orm-L-a '-x-cg-am you take it (hers) from her 185.16 (a- tran- 
sitional; m- thou; l- it; a- her; -x- indicates that it belongs 
to her; -eg stem to take; -am completion) 

(3) After the intransitive subject, it has the force of a reflexive 
transitive verb; i. e., it indicates sameness of subject and object. 

n-e'-x-a-x he does himself; i. e., he becomes (n- transitional 
before vocalic pronoun [§ 17.1]; e- he; -x- reflexive; -a- direct- 
ive; -x stem to do) 

OrWi-x-a'-n-El-gu' L-itck you expressed yourself to me; i. e., you 
told me 97.10 (a- transitional; m-thou; -x- reflexive; connect- 
ive e with secondary accent becomes a- before n [ § 5. 2b] ; ri- 
me; -Z- to; -guL stem to talk; -tck inchoative) 

(4) After the object of a verb with intransitive subject, it has the 

force of a transitive reflexive in which subject and second subject are 

identical. 

n-l'-L-x-a-x he does it in reference to himself; i. e., he becomes 
from it 244.16 (same analysis as above under 3, with the 
object l- it inserted) > ^ , 

. - '■ § 24 



588 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 25. Adverbial Prefixes 

A number of adverbial ideas — particularly those defining the rela- 
tion of the verb to the object, and corresponding to some of our prep- 
ositions — are expressed by prefixes which follow the pronouns. The 
adverbial character of these elements appears in forms like — 

a-q-e'-l-gi-ik somebody placed him near by (a- transitional; q- 
some one; I- him; -Z- to; -gi- eliminates one object [§ 26.4]; 
•4k stem to place) 

The verbal idea is to place near, and the form is purely transitive. 
The same construction appears clearly in — 

a-L-g-i-gE / l-tcxEm it sings for him 260.17 (a- transj^yj^l; l- it; 
-g- post-pronominal [§ 19.1]; i- him; -gel- on account of; 
-tCXEm to sing shaman's song) 

These examples show that the prefixes do not belong to the objects, 
but that they qualify the verb. Following is a list of these prefixes: 

1. -?- TO, FOR. 

z,-d'-Z-6-c it was to (in) her 71.6 (l- it; a- her; -Z- to; -o- directive ; 

-c stem to be) 
a-c-Jc-L-e'-l-o-IcL they two carried it to him 29.9 (a- transitional; 

c- they two; -k- post-pronominal [ § 19.1]; L-it; e-him; -Z-to; 

-6- directive; -Tcl stem to carry) 

The third person plural of the pronoun, when preceding this -Z-, 
has the form o (§ 21). In this case the -Z- changes to -e- 
(§9.1), and the o is then weakened to w. 

a-q-t-a-w-e f -m-alcu-x they distributed them to (among) them 
246.10 (a- transitional; q- somebody; t- them; (-a-) probably 
connective; -w- for 6- them; -£- for -Z- after o; -m stem to 
hand [?]; -dko about; -z usitative) 

2. -w- IN, INTO. 

a-tc-a^LE-n-gd^n-ait he threw her into it 173.6 (a- transitional; 
tc- he; a- her; x- it; -n- into; -gsm, stem to place changed to 
gan on account of accent [§ 5. 26]; -ait to be in position) 

s-a'-n-po-t she closed her eyes 47.18 (5- they two; a- her; -n- in; 
-postern to close; -£ perfect) 

3. -fc- on. 

OrL-g-b'-tx she stands on it 191.20 (a- she; x- it; -jr- on; -o- 

directive; -to stem to stand) 
OrLEf^nrkart-lca it comes flying above me (a- transitional; l(e)- 

it; 71- me; -t(a)- on; -t- coming; -Jca stem to fly) 

§25 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 589 

m^-n-k-o'-tx-umitra you will make her stand on me 24.13 (m- 
thou; a- her; n-me; -fc- on; -o- directive; -to stem to stand; 
-(u)mit to cause [§ 29]; -a future) 

4. -gf-El- ON ACCOUNT OF. 

<i-L-g-i-gE'l-tcxEm-x it sings on account of him 260.17 (a- transi- 
tional; l- it; -gr- poet-pronominal [§ 19.1]; i- him; -gEl- on 
account of; -tcxEm stem to sing shaman's song; -xusitative 
[§32.11]) 

mc-g-a-n-gEl-d'-tg-a ye shall keep her for me (rac- ye; -</-[§ 19.1]; 
a- her; n- me; -gr^J- on account of; -6- directive; -Jgr stem to 
put; -a future) 

4a. -xEl- reflexive form of -gr^Z- on account of. In many cases 
the translation for, on account of, does not fit in this case, 
although the etymological relation is clear. 

n-a! -l-xeI-o-x she makes it for herself 267.2 (n- transitional before 

vowel; a- she; £-it; -xdr- on account of; -a- directive ; -zstem 

to do, to make) 
a-L-a-XE , l-tciam it combed her for itself; i. e., she combed herself 

13.2 (a- transitional; jd- it; a- her; -xeI- on account of; -tciam 

stem combing) 

5. -gEm- WITH, NEAR. 

a-q-L-gEm-o'-to-uit somebody stands near it 238.4 (a- transitional ; 

q- some one, transitive subject; l- it; -gEm- near; -o- directive; 

-tip stem to stand; ~(u)it to be in a state [ § 29]) 
a-L-x-L-gE'm- e ap]co-x it steamed itself near it (a- transitional; l- 

it; -x- reflexive; l- it; -gEm- near; - 6 apko stem to steam; -x 

usitative) 

5a. -xEm- reflexive form of -gEm' with, near. 

n-i-n-XEm-tce'na he lays me near himself; i. e. f I lay him near 
me (n- transitional before vowel; i- he; n- me; -XEm- near; 
-tce'na stem to lay) 

c-XEm-i-d'it they two stood near each other 228.25 (c- they two; 
'XEm- near; -Z- stem to move [?]; -a-it to be in a position) 

6. -05- ON THE GROUND. 

e'-xro-c he is on the ground 39.18 (e- he; -x- on ground; -o- 
directive; -c stem to be) 

7. -*!#-. No translation can be given for this element, which appears 
in a position analogous to the other adverbs in a few verbal 
stems. 

- € eI-1ceI to see 
- 6 El-ge'l~alco to uncover 
- e Elrtaikc to leave 

§25 



590 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 26. Directional Prefixes 

I use this term for a group of prefixes which are difficult to classify. 
One of them designates undoubtedly the direction toward the 
speaker, another one negates the direction toward an object, and a 
third one seems to imply direction from the actor. For this reason 
I have applied the term " directional prefixes/' although its pro- 
priety is not quite certain. 

1. -©-, a very frequent verbal prefix which seems to indicate 
motion away from the actor, although this significance does 
not readily apply in all cases. This prefix occurs with most 
verbs and immediately precedes the stem. 

a-tc-i-o'-cg-am he takes him 135.9 (-o- directive; -eg stem to 

take; -am completive) 
i-o'-c he is (-o- directive; -c stem to be) 

When the stem begins with a velar, a glottal stop, or a w, the 
-o- changes to -a-, but, when not accented, it remains -o- 
before stems beginning with w. 

a-tc-i-a! -wa* he killed him 23.20 (-a- directive; -wa e stem to kill) 
tCE-n-u-wu'l € -aya he will eat me 212.15 
a-tcE'-t-a-x he did them 9.5 (-a- directive; -x stem to do) 
a-tc-a/y-a-qc he bit him 9.9 (-a- directive; -qc stem to bite) 
a-q-i-a- € d'nim some one laughs at him 184.3 (-a- directive; 
- € dnim stem to laugh) 

This change is evidently secondary, and an older form — in which 
o was used in all cases, as we find it now in Upper Chinook — 
must have existed. This is proved by the persistence of o in 
place of all a vowels that occur after this stem, even when the 
directive 6 is changed into a. 

tc-i-n-l-a'-x-o he will make him for me 69.25 (terminal -6 for 
future -a, as would be required by the laws of vocalic harmony 
if the directive -a- before the stem -x had remained -6-) 

a-tc-t-af -x-om he reached them 191.12 (terminal -dm for -am) 

This explanation does not account for a form like naiga'tlom she 
reaches him, in which the change from am to -dm follows 
the fortis which stands for tq. (See § 29.4.) 

The directional -o- is never used with imperatives. As stated in 
§ 22, the imperative of the transitive verb has also no subject. 

§26 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 591 

Intransitive imperatives: 

mE'-to-uit stand up! 211.21 (m- thou; 4$ to stand; -nit suffix 

[§29.1]) - 
ms'-x-a-x do! 15.25 (m- thou; -x- reflexive; -a- directive; -x to do) 
mE'-Lx-a go to the beach 175.16 (m- thou; -lx to the beach; -a 

future) 

Transitive imperatives: 

e'-cg-am take him! 43.8 (e- him; -eg- to take; -am completion) 

a'-latck lift her! 15.7 (a- her; -Zatefc to lift) 

d'-t-JcL-a carry her here! 15.24 (a- her; -tf- here [§ 26.2]; -Jcl to 

carry; -a future) 
SE'-pEna jump! 16.3 (se- them two, namely, the legs; -pEna to 

jump) 

2. -f- designates direction toward the speaker. 

a-k-L-E'-t-TcL-am she brought it 124.24 (-t- toward speaker; -Jcl 

stem to bring; -am completion) 
a-LE'-t-ga, it comes flying 139.1 (-t- toward speaker; -ga to fly) 
a-LE'-n-ka-t-ga it comes flying over me (-k- on) 

3. -£- potentiality, i. e., the power to perform an act moving away 

from the actor, without actual motion away. This prefix is 

identical with the preceding, but, according to its sense, it 

never occurs with the transitional. 

tc-LE-t-x he can do it 61.8 (-t- potential; -x stem to do) 
q-tE'-t-piaLx-ax somebody can gather them 94.15 (-t- potential; 
-piaLX stem to gather; -x usitative) 

4. -M- negates direction toward an object, and thus eliminates one 

of the two objects of transitive verbs with two objects, and 

transforms transitive verbs into intransitives. 

a-q-i-L-gEm-o'-kle-x somebody pays him to it 261.23 (-gEm- with, 
near; -o- directive; -kte thing; -x usitative) 

a-tc-a-gEm-lci'-Jcte he paid her 161.9 (-gEm- with; -Id- elimi- 
nates first object; -kte thing) 
a-L-k-L-o-lect it looked at it 256.8 (-o- directive; -Jed stem to 
look) 

a-LE'-Jci-Jcd it looked 218.9 (-Jci- eliminates object; -Jed stem 
to look) 

The interpretation of these forms is not quite satisfactory. The 
element -t occurs also as the stem to come, and the forms a'no, a! lo 
i, it went, suggest that -o may be a stem of motion. If this is the 
case, the first and third prefixes of this class might rather form com- 
pound stems with a great variety of other stems. The potential -t- 

§26 



592 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

and the intransitive -ki-, on the other hand, do not seem to occur as 
stems that can be used with pronominal elements alone. 

Attention may be called here to the analogy between the prefixes 
-gEl- and -gEm and their reflexives -xeI- and -XEm- (§ 25) and the two 
forms -Jci- and -x-. However, since -ki- never occurs with following 
directive -o- or -a-, while -x- appears frequently combined with it, 
this analogy may be due to a mere coincidence. 

It would seem that the directive -5- is always retained after Z-, and 
sometimes after -gEl-, -gEm-, -xeI-, -xetti-, but that it never occurs 
with other adverbial elements. 

§ 27. Verbal Stems 

The verbal stems are either simple or compound. It was stated in 
the preceding section that what we called the prefixes -t- and -o- 
may be stems expressing to come and to go. There are a number of 
verbal stems which appear with great frequency in composition, and 
almost always as second elements of verbal compounds. All of these 
express local ideas. They are: 

(1) -pa motion out of. 

(2) -pi motion into. 

(3) -wulxt motion up. 

(4) -tcu motion down. 

(5) -lx motion from cover to open. 

(6) -pick motion from open to cover. 

We find, for instance — 

nr-e'-t-p! he comes in 211.18 (-t toward speaker; -j>/4notion into) 
a-L-o'-pa he goes out 46.8 (-o- directive; -pa motion out of) 
a-k-L-o'-kcb-ptck she carries it up from the beach 163.11 (-kct- to 

carry; -pick motion from open to cover, especially up from 

beach) 
a-n-o'-tct-wulxt I travel up in canoe (-tct motion on water; -wvlxt 

motion upward) 

There are a few cases in which these verbs appear in first position 
in the compound verb. 

n-e'-Lx-Lait he goes to the beach and stays there (-lx motion 
from cover to open, especially from land to sea; -zait to stay) 

Compounds of nouns and verbs are much rarer. 

a-tc-a-i-nE^md'k!- e oya-kd he makes her (the breath) in his throat 
be between; i. e., he chokes him (-n- in; -mok- throat; - € oya 
to be between; -ako around) 

§27 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 593 

Here belong also the compounds with t!o well 

l-tlb'-eg-am hold him well! 44.15 (-t!o- well; -eg to take, hold; 
-am completion) 

The idea around (-ako) does not seem to occur independently, 

and is therefore treated in the next section. 

Suffixes (§§ 28-33) 

§ 28. GENERAL REMARKS 

According to their significance and position, the verbal suffixes 
may be classified in five groups : 
First, generic suffixes: 

1 . -a-it to be in a position. 

2. -amit to cause. 

3. -x'it to be made to. 

4. -am to complete a motion, to go to. 

Second, local suffixes: 

5. -ako around. 
Third, semi-temporal suffixes: 

6. -tek to begin. 

7. -Z repetition, so far as characteristic of an action. 

8. -l continued repetition. 

9. -Em repetition at distinct times. 

10. -a-itx habitually. 

Fourth, temporal and semi-temporal suffixes, always following the 
preceding group : 

11. -x customary. 

T 

12. -t perfect, 

13. -a future. 

Fifth, terminal suffixes: 

14. -e successful completion. 

On the whole, the suffixes appear in the order here given, although 
sometimes a different order seems to be found. In the following list 
the combinations of suffixes so far as found are given. 

§ 29. GENERIC SUFFIXES 

1. -a-tf to be in a position. Followed by -amit (2), -x 'it (3), -tck 
(6), and all the suffixes of the fourth group. 

a-y-o'-L-a-it he sits, he is 212.16 (-6 directive; -z stem to sit) 

a-lc-L-a-qd'n-a-it she laid it 44.9 (-a directive before q; stem 

-qEn [accented before vowel becomes -qa'n] long thing lies) 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 38 § § 28, 29 



594 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

After 1c sounds with u tinge, this ending' is -uit; after a terminal o, 
it seems to be -it 

from stem -tx u to stand mtf-tx-uit stand! 

from stem -ck u hot OrL-o'-clc-uit it is hot 174.13 

from stem -x to do Ix-a-x-o'it-a we shall do 136.14 

2. -amit to cause. Preceded by -a-it (1); followed by -ako (5), -I 

(7), -Em (9), and all the suffixes of the fourth group. 

a-L-g-o-L-a'it-amit it causes her to sit 249.3 (combined with -a-it) 
a-tc-d'-Tctcikt-amit he roasted her 94.4 

After a terminal o, the two vowels o and a are contracted to 6. 

a-tc-i-w-ngo'^mit he causes him to run (= he carries him away) 

3. -wit, with intransitive verbs, to be caused; with transitive 

verbs, this suffix forms a passive. Preceded by -a-it (1), -tck 
(6); followed by all the suffixes of the fourth group. 

a-L-u-wa'-x'it it is caused to be pursued 
a-n-o-qww-a 'it-x'it I was caused to lie down 45.5 
a-y-d-la/-tcku-x'it he was made to begin to rise 137.5 

4. -am, to complete a motion, to go to. Followed by all the suf- 

fixes of the fourth and fifth groups. 

a-tc-i-t-1cL-am he came to take him 26.6 
nr-i-xa-t-ngo'-p!-am he arrives inside running 

When the directive -o- is changed to an -a- before 1c sound, and 

when, in accordance with the law of harmony, the a in am 

would have to be changed into -o-, this change is made, even 

though the a before the 1c sound is substituted for the -o. 

a-tc-t-a'-x-om he did them reaching (he reached them) 
a-q-L-g-a'- € -dm some one met it 117.24 

This -o- is retained even where the -£- is substituted for -o-. 
n-a-i-ga'-t!-om she reached him (for naiga'tqam) 

After Z, n, a, e, i, 6, u this ending takes the form -mam. 

Lga'lEmam go and take it 25.26 
exikiriEmam go and search for him 25.14 
nxoguile'mama I shall go to shoot birds 
aLgoguixl'mam they invited them 98.19 
aqaxilctcgd'mam one gives her in marriage 250.19 t 

The form ayo'yam he arrives, from a'yo he goes, forms an 
apparent exception to this rule. Presumably the verb to go 
contains a stem -y- which is suppressed in some forms. 

§29 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 595 

§ 30. LOCAL SUFFIXES 

5. -ako around. Preceded by -amit (2) ; followed by -x (11), -it (1). 

With -l it amalgamates by metathesis (see § 31.8). 

m-i-t-El-m-a'lcd you distribute him among them 154.4 
n-l'-x-L-akb he goes around him 88.24 
Wre-x-JcIe'ni-dkd he wraps it around himself 138.9 

The significance of this suffix is often only inadequately rendered 

by the word around. 

a-n-e'-x-k-dko I get the better of him 
a-q-i- € El-ge f l-akd cover is taken off 329.6 
n-i-xe 'qaw-ako he dreams 22.11 

Preceded by -amit: 

a^q-i-XL-afmit-dko some one was made to be around him 

Followed by -it: 

a-L-awe-d 'y-aJcu-it he inclosed them 

§ 31. SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES 

6. -tck to begin. Preceded by -a-it (1), -ako (5); followed by -am 

(4) and the suffixes of the fourth and fifth groups. 

TWb'-wi-tck she dances (d'-wi-l she dances always) 
rirlcLe'war-tclc I begin to paddle (ws-TcLe'wa-l I am paddling) 

7. -? repetition, as characteristic of an action. Followed by -mam 

(4), -Em (9), -a-itx (10), and the suffixes of the fourth and fifth 

groups. 

a-g-i-d'-l-El she shook him 72.24 
n-e'-k-Lxe-l he crawled about 95.14 

a-tg-i-o-mEl-a'l-Emam-x they went to buy him 260.15 (-al on 
account of accent preceding I) 

These forms are used very often with verbal nouns: 

e-ctxu-l what is carried on back 
e'-tcxEm-al what is boiled 185.7 
Jc-tgE / -Jca-l those who fly 60.5 

After n as terminal sound of the stem, the I of this suffix becomes 
n (see § 8). 

8. -L continued repetition. This suffix exhibits a number of curious 

traits in the maimer in which it enters into combination with 

words. It is only rarely suffixed without causing changes in 

the preceding elements of the word. Often after t, m, x, u, it 

appears in the form -nil. 

Jc-c-il-a' '- s -dm-niL always arriving 

a-cg-i-d'-qc-im-niL they two took him here and there 

§§30,31 



596 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Lk-c-il-pe'xu-niL she blows it up 238.16 
Lg-e'-ctxo-niL he will carry him on his back 110.9 
Ic-LJc-t-d-La't-niL one who always shoots (disease) 200.16 
a-tc-L-El- € em-niL he always gives food to him 22.12 

In certain cases, perhaps by assimilation or metathesis, an -Z- 
appears inserted in the syllable preceding the suffix -l. 

a-tc-L-o'-tipa he dips it up n-L-d-WlipL I dip it up often 

a-g-i-o'-lapa she digs it out a-k-L-o-ld'lEpL she digs it often 

a-ya'm-xg-dkd I am before a-yam-xg-d'luJcL I am always be- 

you fore you 

a-Llc-t-d'-wul e it eats them i-Jc!e'^wvlElqL food 

45.27 

Following an m or n the inserted sound is generally n. 

a-LTc-c-i-k-Lkafrwikd it steps a- Lk-c-i-lc-LJcd'nanukLX she 
across steps across 264.14 

9. -Em distribution at distinct times, probably related to -ma (see 

§ 38.2). Preceded by -amit (2),-Z (8); followed usually by -x 

(11). 
Ghtc-L-kxdtE'qo-im-x he always stood on them severally 98.6 
a-Lg-i-o-pco'tet-Em-x he hides it everywhere 199.18 
a-L-x-d f -x-um-x they always did here and there 228.8 

10. -a-itx habitually. Always terminal ; often preceded by -Em (9), 

and -l (8). • . 

a-L-x- 6 d'tdL-a-itx she always bathes 256.14 (probably with -x[8]) 

a-y-o'-tx-uit-a-itx he always stood 109.2 

a-Lk-L-o-la'lEpL-a-itx they are in the habit of digging continually 

74.18 

§ 32. TEMPORAL AND SEMI-TEMPORAL SUFFIXES 

11. -05 customary. Preceded by all prefixes except -e (14). 
a-Lk-t-d'-lcVL-x it is customary that they carry them 267.16 
as-L-x- € o't-am-x it is customary that she goes bathing 245.11 

12. -f perfect. Preceded by all suffixes; followed by -I. 

tg-i-af-wa-t they have followed him 139.2 
tc-i-gE'n-xao-t-e he has taken care of him 133.20 

13. -a future. Preceded by all suffixes. This suffix draws the 

accent toward the end of the word. 

n-i-o-cg-a'm-a I shall take him 

q-o-pid' Lx-a some one will catch her 15.19 

In those cases in which the suffix -am takes the form -dm (see 
p. 605), namely, after Tc sounds, which would normally require o 
§32 



*0A8] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 597 

in harmony with the directive -o- that has changed to -a-, the 

future is -o. 

tc-i-n-l-af-x-o he will make him for me 70.6 

After stems ending in a vowel the future is generally -ya. 

m-m-t-gd'-ya you will come back 212.2 
yam-zdnenernd'-ya I shall show you 234.11 

In Kathlamet the future has also a prefix, a- or al- (see § 17.3). 

§ 33. TERMINAL SUFFIX 

14. -e successful completion. This suffix is always terminal. Its 
significance is not quite certain. 
n-i-go'-ptcg-am-e finally he came up to the woods 166.8 
It occurs very often with the meaning across. 

d-tc-a'-lc-xone he carried her across on his shoulder 27.8 
mc-i-go'tct-am-ar-e you will get across 51.6 

The Noun (§§ 34-43) 

§ 34. GENDER 

The pronominal parts of the noun have been discussed in § 18. 
It is necessary to discuss here the gender of nouns. 

Nouns may be masculine, feminine, neuter, dual, or plural. It 
would seem that originally these forms were used with terms having 
natural gender, with sexless objects, and objects naturally dual and 
plural. At present the use of these elements has come to be exceed- 
ingly irregular, and it is almost impossible to lay down definite rules 
regarding their use. 

In the following a summary of the use of gender and number will 
be given. 

(1) Masculine and feminine respectively are terms designating 
men and women. 

In all these terms the idea of indefiniteness of the individual, 
corresponding to the indefinite article in English, may be expressed 
by the neuter; like ika'nax the chief, ika'nax a chief. 

Masculine Feminine 

I'kala man d s o'Jcuil woman 

iklasks boy - oklosks girl 

iqloa'lipx youth oxo'tlau virgin 

e'ptfau widower o'ptfau widow 

iqfeyo'qxut old man oqloeyo'qxut old woman 

ela'etix' male slave ola'etix' female slave 

§§33,34 



598 



BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



tBULL. 40 



(2) Large animals are masculine, as : 

badger -pEnpEU (-ple'cxac, 
Kathlamet) L; feminine 

SKUNK 

bear, black -i'tsxut (-$qe'ntxoa y 
Kathlamet) 

bear, cinnamon -UeJc 

bear, grizzly -ca'yim 

beaver - s ena y -qoa-ine'ne 
(-qd'nuJcj Kathlamet) 

bird (sp. ?) -tcu'yam 

bird (sp. ?) -po'epoe 

bird -qso'iloildt 

bullfrog -qtoatE'xexe 

deer -ma'cEn (-la'lax, Kathla- 
met) 

coyote -tla'lapas 

rat -qa'lapas (Kathlamet) 

buffalo -to'ika 

crane -qoa'sqoas 

crow (mythical name) -Laq!o' 

duck (sp.?) -we'guic 

eagle, bald-headed -nine'x'd 

elk -mo'ldk 

a small fish -qalE'xlEX 

fish-hawk -Itcap 

grass-frog -qlEno'neqen 

gull -qone'qorie 

hawk -tll'tll 

heron -qloa'skloai, -qulqvl 

horse -Tce'utan 

humming-bird -tsEntSEU 

blue jay -qe'cqec 

kingfisher -po'tsElal 

lizard (?) -Tcine'pEt 

mall ard-duck (male) -dml'wat 

(3) Small animals are feminine, as: 

beetle -hie 

bird (sp. ?) -pe'qciuc 

bird (sp. ?) -tde'nakoaeJcoae 

sea-bird (sp. ?) -LqeJcc 

sea-bird (sp. ?) -cxvle'x 

chicken-hawk -'npitc 

§34 



mink -'galElLx, -po'sta (-fco'so- 

it, Kathlamet) 
mountain-goat -ci'xq 
mussel, small -tgue'(maik) 
mussel, large -nia'^matk) 
otter -nana'muks 
owl -qol'lqoel 
oyster -lo'xlox 
panther -Tctoa'yawa 
pike -'qoqo 
porcupine -CElqElq 
rabbit -sJce'epxoa (-kanaxmE'- 

nem, Kathlamet) 
raccoon -qloala's (-Lata'U 

Kathlamet) 
raven -koale'xoa 
salmon, fall -qElEma 
salmon, spring -gu'nat 
salmon, steel-head -goarie'x' 
sea-lion -ge'pix'L 
sea-otter -la'lce 
shag -'paowe 
shark -kla'yicx 
skate -aia'iu 
snake -tciau 
sperm whale -moTcHxi 
squirrel -"kla'utEn 
sturgeon -na'qon 
sturgeon, green -JcdLe'nax 
swan -qdb'q 
turtle -Laxoa 
whale -'hole 
lynx -puk 
wolf -ll'qlam 
woodpecker -qstd'iconkon 



chipmunk -'tsiJcin (-gtisgu's, 

Kathlamet) 
mud clam ~'i 6 e 
fresh-water clam -'sola 
cormorant -wanio 
crane -qlucpale' 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



599 



crow -kluno (-Ua'ntsa, Ka- 

thlamet) 
killer-whale -gam' mat 
dogfish (see shark) -qfoaficx 
eagle -tcldktcla'k 
fawn of deer -qte'xcap 
fish (sp. ?) -no! wan 
fish (sp. ?) -klotaqe' 
fish (sp. ?) -le15 
flounder -pkicx 
frog -cue' el 
halibut -Ltclalo'c (said to be 

borrowed from Quinault) 
louse -qct 
maggot -'moa 
mallard-duck (female) -goe'x- 

goex 
mole -ce'ntan 

mosquito -' plonate! Ekte! Ek 
mouse -ko'lxul (-co, Kathla- 

met) 
newt -qosa'na, -latse'mEnmEn 



pheasant (?) -ni'ctfuic 
pigeon -qamEn 
porgy -qalxtlE'mx 
porpoise -ko'tckotc 
robin -tsid'stsias 
salmon, calico -laatcx 
salmon, silver-side -'qawEn 
salmon, blue-back -tsoyeha 
seal -'Ixaiu (-qe'sgoax, Kath- 

lamet) 
sea-lion, young -xoe 
skunk -pEnpETi (masculine 

badger) 
snail -tstEme'nxan 
snail -tslEmo'ikxan 
snail -Lle'xtan 
snipe -e'xsa 

teal-duck -muntsfe'ktsiek 
trout -pi alio 
trout (?) -qle'xone 
woodpecker (female) -'kxuLpa 
woodpecker (male) -ntciawi'ct 
wasp -'pa 



screech-owl -cxux 

(4) Very few animals are neuter, as: 

bird -la/lax (-p-WcptEC, Ka- 

thlamet) 
dog -ke'wisx (-k!u'k!ut f Ka- 

thlamet) 

(5) Almost all nouns expressing qualities are masculine, as: 



shellfish (sp.?) -kliha'ta 
crab -qazxe'la ( = one 
crawls much) 



who 



-nu'kstx smallness 
-'(k!e)siL sharpness 
-'xalxie flatness 
-'pik heavy weight 
-'tslaxan large belly 
-'wa expense 
-'qfatxal badness 
-qfe'latcxena meanness 
-Iqle'latcxita quiet 
-yuLll pride 
J k!oac(fomit) fear 
-ka'kxuL homesickness (sub- 
ject of transitive verb) 
-kand'te life 
-tsa'tsa cold 



-'Ikuile similarity 

-'tukLtx good luck 

-'tela sickness 

-'pfouEnkan blindness 

-kunariEm diligence 

-(Jci)ma'tct(amif) shame 

-Llkin bow legs 

-'hklop being squeezed out 
(= one-eyed) 

-qe'wam sleepiness (subject of 
transitive verb, and pos- 
sessive) 

-telpux round head ( = fore- 
head) 

-'plaqa flat head 

§34 



600 



BtJBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



tfcutx. 40 



-'mEnukt blackened face 

«-' (Jci)matck spots, painted face 

<-'tckc stench 

"*q!ES sweet smell 

*'ts!emEn sweetness 

j l!l bitterness 

-Lelam ten 

-Jdamonak hundred 

-'tlvwil experience (from t!o 

good) 
-(Jce)t!oi 1 ,.,, 
-tfoxotsJcinl 

The following are exceptions: 

Feminine 

-xti smokiness (= cataract 
of eye) 

-Id hunger (subject of tran- 
sitive verb) 



-'tlbmkwmit (= good mind) 

cleverness 
-Llme'nxut lie of a male (sub- 
ject of transitive verb) 
-go' Lgile lie of a female (sub- 
ject of transitive verb) 
-'raa £ actof hitting (= to hit) 
-Icakamit mind ( = to think) 
-'qalqt a wail ( = to wail) 
-Jcux smell ( = to smell) 



- , m e o what is chewed 
-qotck cold in head 



Neuter 



-xax sadness 
-'patseu red head 

-Jc u lU custom 
-Tc'iLau taboo 



Plural 



-xauyam what excites sym- 
pathy 

-Qci)pa!lau witchcraft 
-'Tcatakox cleverness 



(6) The verbal noun corresponding to the past-passive participle 
is generally masculine, as : 



-LxalEmax what is eaten 
-tcxEmal what is boiled 
-ctxvl what is carried 



-'Icll'wuldl what has been 

picked 
-xotckin work 



Exceptions to this rule are 
o'mEl purchase money 



Lia'pona what has been 
brought to him 

(7) Nouns formed from particles are generally masculine, as: 

-yuLfl pride (from yuLfl) -giiqlup cut (from zqlup) 

-Jcle'wax flower (from wax) -ge' LlmEULlmEn syphilis 
-waxo'mi copper (from wax) from LlrriEn rotten) 

-Jdwasfd'mi fear (from Jclwac) 

(8) No rules can be given for the gender of other nouns. 

Masculine are, for instance: 

-md'ma pewter wort -qtco hair, skin with hair 

-L e a body -qot eye 

-qtq head -Tcatcx nose 

$34 



boas} 



HANDBOOK Off AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



601 



-cqL mouth, beak, bill 

-mist beak 

-tuk neck 

-mxtc heart 

-to breast 

-wan belly 

-itcx tail 

-pote arm 

-pd'tpat net 

-'UeUceI brass buttons 

-kupku'p short dentalia 

-ga'ZsaZ gambling-disks 

-lIoIlIoI gambling-disks 

-q!d'lq!al short baton 

-qd'mxom cedar-bark basket 

-' Lluw'alJcLluwalJc mud 

-qlVqotqot fever 

-'pqunx large round spruce- 
root basket (f. small round 
spruce-root basket) 

-ctcll'ct clam basket 

-'max bay, sea, river 

- € o'Jc blanket 

-Ifcau cradle 

-qeL creek, brook 

-IctexEm dance of shaman 

-Lq digging-stick 

- e am dish 

-pqon down of bird 

-qcU fish-trap 

Feminine are, for instance, 

-Tcta thing 
J qat wind 
- u ElqEl polypodium 
-cd'qcaq pteris 
-plo'xplox elbow 
-tcxo'ltcxol lungs 
-SE'qsEq buck-skin 
-k!oye'lc!oye finger-ring 
-ga'cgas sealing-spear 
- € wisqwis breaking of wind 
-' lJc ! eulJc ! En open basket 
-IexIex scales 
-lEmlEm rotten wood 



-ci'Jcc friend 

-pxil grease 

-lx ground, earth 

-zan short thong, string, pin 
for blanket 

-cgan cedar (f. bucket, cup; 
n. plank) 

-tsdh harpoon-shaft 

-msta hat 

-toL heat 

-Jc'ik hook 

-led! pa ice 

-paqc boil, itch 

-lexdn leaf 

-m e ECx log, tree, wood (f . ket- 
tle)' 

-lTcuilx mat 

-pd'Jcxal mountain 

-silc paddle 

-*apta roe 

-pa-it rope 

-n$at plank 

-gd'cax sky 

-tcxa point of sealing-spear 

-kd'wok shaman's guardian 
spirit 

-Vo horn spoon 

-maktc spruce 

-qd'ndkc stone (f . large bowl- 
der) 



-tspux forehead 
-utca ear 
-atcx tooth 
- e atcx chest 

• 

-md'lcue throat 
-Jcutcx bark 

• 

-'putc anus 
-Jcci finger 
-'pxa alder-bark 
- e lE f m bark 
-' pL Hlce bow 
-Le'gtSEn box 
-pd'utc crab-apple 



§34 



602 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



- e alEvtckix fire 
~'ga,L fish-weir 
-lalx camass 
-tcala grindstone 
-'mala marrow, kernel 
-put night, darkness 
-md'p plank 
-ga'we raspberry 
-'mopa rushes 

Neuter are, for instance, 
-tSE'xtSEX gravel, thorn 
-quld' e vla egg 
-paa nape 
-list tail of fish 
- e wit leg 
-pc foot 



-gu'nkxun salal-berry 

-sIcl sinew 

-tcin stump, foot of tree 

- e a'Lax sun 

-e'xaik trail 

-mo'tan twine of willow-bark 

-pcam piece of twine 

-tea' nix wedge 

-pLX well 

-qoaq blanket 
- 6 a'tcau grease 
-skuic mat bag 
-to milk, breast 
-tcuq water 
-kckul' pitch wood 



-qzq armor 

The number of these words that appear only in the neuter gender 
is so small that we may almost suspect that the neuter was until 
recently indefinite and used to indicate both indefinite singular and 
plural. 



§ 35. DUAL AND PLURAL 



(1) Nouns that are naturally dual are: 



ckucku'c testicles" 
sxost eyes, face 
cJcuUcvIo'l spear 
CEmtk spit for roasting 
CEfqxo double-pointed arrow 
cpafix blanket made of two 

deer-skins 
etc! a/ mag castorium 
c*6la/l ground-hog blanket, 



double-barreled 



CEqoala'la 

gun 
tile! ok double ball for game 
ci'lxatct bed platform on sides 

of house 
sxutso'osiq bed platform in 

front and rear of house 
SLan bowstring 
CLd'nist two-stranded twine 



made of two skins 
There are other words that are always dual, for the form of which 
no reason can be given, as: 

ckaflcole eel ckagifl dentalia of the length 

CEnqetqe't hawk of 40 to a fathom 

SEfntEptEp shrew tii'q half-fathom 

8Eq!aldlo butterfly egl'can fern-root (pi. ogue'ean) 

(2) Nouns that are naturally plural are: 
tqamila'lEq sand Hol house ( = dwelling of sev- 

tE'pso grass eral families) 

ikte'ma property tkEmom ashes 

§35 



BOasI HANDBOOK Otf AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 60S 

In other cases where the noun occurs always with plural prefix the 

reason is not apparent, as in: 

taftdris codfish tapb smoke 

tme'rtfa flounder t-'sko tattooing 

ttsle'laq grasshopper tEm e d'ema prairie 

§ 36. SECONDARY SIGNIFICANCE OF GENDER 

Masculine and feminine have assumed the secondary significance of 

largeness and smallness. This feature appears most clearly in those 

cases in which a stem used as a masculine expresses a large object, 

while as a feminine it expresses a similar smaller object. Examples 

of this use are : 

i'pEnpEn badger o f pEnpEn skunk 

e'pqunx large round spruce- b'pqunx small round spruce- 
root basket root basket 

Vegan cedar o'cgari basket, cup 

e'm e ECx log, tree, wood o'm s ECX kettle 

One example at least of the reverse relation has come to my 

notice : 

iqd'nakc stone oqo'nakc large bowlder 

In one case the feminine pronoun expresses plurality: 

ikanl'm canoe okuni'm canoes 

There are also a few cases in which smallness is expressed by what 

appears to be the dual form: 

ikanl'm canoe tfame'lcsds toy canoe 

skETil'm toy canoe 

§ 37. GENDER OF PLURAL 

The use of the pronouns for expressing plurality has come to be 
exceedingly irregular. The verbal forms suggest that originally f- 
was the true third person plural, which was perhaps originally used 
for human beings only. 

(1) Many plurals of words designating human beings retain the 
pronoun t-. 

Singular Plural 

man I'kcda tkd'lauks 

women td'uEmckc 

children tqaf cocinilcc 

virgin ohb'tlau thatlaund'na 

old man iqleyb'qxut tqleyo'qtikc 

In some cases a more indefinite number may be expressed by l-. 

Thus we find for women both Ld'riEmckc and td'nEmcJcc; for common 

person Lxald'yuema and txcdd'ywma. 

§§36,37 



/ 



604 



BTTBEATJ of amemcan ethnology 



[bull. 40 



(2) The articles used in the majority of cases for expressing plu- 
rality are t- and z-. Examples of these are the following: 





Singular 


Plural 


beak 


e'-mist 


t-mectkc 


belly 


e = wan * 


t = unaks * 


bird (sp. ?) 


i-po'epoe 


t-poepb'yukc 


blanket 


e- e b'k 


tlbkkc (also indefinite 
L B ok) 


cheek 


i^mElqtan 1 


t = 'mElqtanuks * 


crane 


i-qoa'cqoac 


t-goacgoW ceJcc 


deer 


e-ma!cEn 


trmaca'nukc 


a bird 


entslx 

• 


tEntslE'xukc 


eye 


e'-qxbt 


t-qb'tEkc (dual s-qbef) 


dorsal fin 


e'-gala 


t-kala(ikc) 


monster 


iqctxe'zau 


t-qctxeLofwukc 


pectoral fins 




t-qoea'nikc 


arrow 


b'-kulaitan 


t-Jcalai'tanEma 


bunch of grass 


b-pa'wil s 


t-pa'wil*-ma 


chicken-hawk 


b'-npitc 


tE-npVtckc and 
LE-npl'tckc 


coat 


b-q!oe f Lxap 


t-q!eLxa' puke and 
L-q!eLxa' puke 


chipmunk 


b'-tsMcin 


tE'-ts!ikin 


flounder 


b-la'ta-is 


tE-la'ta-ia- 


dip-net 


b-klunxafte 

m 


t-k!anxa'te / 

• 


board 


LE'-cgan 


trf-cgem 


bird 


l-Vl'Iex 


t-lala'xukc 


albatross 


i-ta'mEla 


L-tarriElafyikc 


open-work clam 


l'-ck!ale 


L-cklald'yukc 


basket 






large cedar-bark 


i-qb'mxbm 


L-qbmxb'mukc 


. basket 






grizzly-bear 


i-ca/yim 


L-cayd'mukc 


eyelashes 




L-lxb'tks 


bailer 


o- e oetewa' 'zxte 


Lliiewa' Lxfe 


open-work basket 


d-Lk!E'rik!En 


jk lEnik la! nuke 


round basket 


b'-pqunx 


Lpqu'nxukc 


long baton 


b'-kumatk 


LE f -kumatk 


belt 


b'-koema 


Lif-kema 


bucket 


b'-cgan 


LEf-cgEn-ma 


antler 


L- 6 E'tcam 


L- B atca!ma 


mountain-goat 


L~qoa'q 


L-qoa'q-ma 


blanket 







s 



i The sign = indicates that a possessive pronoun is here required. 



§37 



V 







Singular 




coat 


b'Lqekc 


* 


canoe 


ikani'm 




eagle 


u-tc!aTctc!afTc 


• 







boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 605 

(3) There are a few cases in which the article 6- is used for express- 
ing the plural, as: 

Plural 

b'-Lqekc 
o-kuni'm 

u-tc laktc la/lcciniks 
(only used in tale) 

(4) A number of words whose plural was originally a distributive 
retain the masculine pronoun, as: 

Singular Plural 

abalone i-lcU'luwa-itk i-Jcteluwd'itgEma 

bone arrow-point i-gd'ma(tk) i-gomaftgEma 

short baton i-q!d'lqal i-q!alq!ald'ma 

black bear i-i'tsxut i-i'UxutEma 

buck-skin straps i-t!aflEqEma 

cedar e'-cgan ef-cgEUEma 

elk i-mo'lak i^mo'lakuma 

female e'-nemckc e-nemckco'ma 

Not all words of this type, however, retain the masculine pro- 
noun, as: 

Singular. Plural. 



bay 


e'-ma,L 


LE-ma'LE-ma 


small bluff 


i-Tcdk! aflat 


L-Jcak ! aflat E-ma 


creek 


e'-qlL 


tla'LEma (fortis for 
elided q, see § 6.3) 


disease 


ef-tcla 


t-tc!afma 



Feminine distributives do not seem to retain their gender, as: 

Singular Plural 

arrow o'lculaitan t-lcalai'tanE-ma 

bunch of grass o-pafwil* t-pd'wil € -ma 

dip-net o'-nuxcin L-nuxci'nE-rna 

§ 38. PLURAL SUFFIXES 

(1) Besides the use of pronominal gender for designating plurality, 
Chinook seems to have distinguished human beings from other nouns 
also by the use of a separate plural suffix -iitc, -uks the use of which for 
human beings is illustrated by the examples given in § 37.1. At 
present the ending -uks is used for forming the plural of many words, 
including names of animals and of inanimate objects. 

On the whole, this suffix is accompanied by a shift of the accent to 
the penultima. When the last vowel is the obscure e followed by an 
Z, m, or n, it is lengthened to a under the stress of the accent (see § 5) ; 
-e changes in these cases to -ay. 

§38 



/ 



606 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



The following are examples of the shift 
panying change of vowel : 



of accent without accom- 



A 





Singular 


Plural 


owl 


i-qoe'lqoel 


t-qoelqoe'luks 


crane 


%-qoa'cqoac 


t-goacgoa 'cElec 


large cedar-bark 


i-qo'mxom 


L-qwnxd'mulec 


basket 






Tillamook Indian 


Lle'lem 


THle/muks 


dog 


L-Tce'wucx 

• 


t-kewu' cxeIcs 

• 


coat 


o-q!oe'Lxap 


L-qleLxd'pukc 


fawn 


o-q!oe'xcap 


t-qlexcd 'pules 


twine 


c-m'nict 


zane'ctules 


sea-lion 


i-ge'pix'L 


i-gipe'x'Luks 


eight 


lesto'xtkin 


lestoxfke'nilcs (eight per- 
sons) 


moon 


o-lcLE'men 


L-TcLme'ndks 


egg 


L-quIa' e wula 


L^ula e wula'ulcs 


monster 


i-qctxe'mu 


t-qctxem'wuks 


turtle 


c'Ldxoa 


Laxod'yilec 


albatross 


i-td'rriEla 


L-tam,Ela'y%kc 


dead, corpse 


L-me'malust 


t-wiemalo' 'stiles 


du/fk 


o-munts le'lets !ik 


t-munts lekts H'leuks 


wolf 


v-ll'qlam 


L-leq!a f mules 


mole 


u-ce'ntan 


t-centd' nules 


mouse 


u-leo'lxul 

• 


u-leolo'luks (Ix changes 
to 7; see § 6) 


evening 


tsd'yust 


tsoyo'stEles 


Words are quite numerous in which the shift of accent produces a 


change of vowel : 








Singular 


Plural 


pigeon 


o'-^OTfiEU 


tlama'riiks 


fly 


e'-motsgEU 


t-motsga 'nules 


box 


o-Ll'qsEn 


Leqsa'nuks 


open-work basket 


b-iklE'niklEn 


hklEnzklofnuks 


deer 


l-ma'sEU 


t-masd'mks 


skunk 


d-pEThpEU 


t-pEnpa'nuks 


badger 


I'-pEnpEn 


i-pEupa' nules 


squirrel 


i-lela'utEn 


t-lelauta' nules 


pelican 


I'-tcuyEU 


L-tcuyd' nules 


grizzly bear 


%-ca'yvm 


L-caya'mulec 


lance 


i-squi'LlEm 


squiLla'mules 


clam basket 


i'-clelale . 


L-cle!ala'yukc 


frog 


i-qfoatE'nxexe, 


t-qloatEnxexd'yukc 


frog 


o-cue'e 


t-cuea'yukc 


§38 







\ 



\ 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



607 



-> 



The plural of i-po'epoe (a bird), is t-poepd'yuks. Here the accent 
remains on the o, although it is shifted to the next syllable, and the 
e becomes consonantic. 

Here belongs also l-Icl'Iez bird, plural t-ldld'xulcc, in which word 
the lengthening of the e to d before x is irregular. 

A number of monosyllabic stems are treated in the same manner, 
as those here described : 





Singular 


Plural 


kettle 


o e ome'cx 

• 


L- £ me f cxukc 

• 


flounder 


o-pke'cx 


o-plce f cTukc 


round basket 


o'-pqunx 


L-pqu'nxukc 


eye 


e'-qot 


t-qo'tEkc 


eyelashes 




L-l-xo'iks 


cinnamon bear 


i-Ue'Tc 


i-t!E'lcks 


blanket 


e-'o'lc 


Uokkc 


chicken-hawk 


b'-npitc 


tE-npi'tckc 


well 


O-pLX 


L-pLxaa'lcc 



In a number of words the accent does not shift : 

Singular Plural 

old person i-q!eyo'qut t-q!eyo'qtik8 

shag i-pa' e owe L-pd'qo-ikc 

male i'-kala t-ka'la-ukc 

This is particularly frequent in terms which occur always with 

possessive pronouns, such as terms designating parts of the body and 

relationships : 



ear o'-utca 
his belly ia'-wan 
mouth i-cqL 
head e-qtq 
cheek e'-mElqtan 



fin e'-gala 

his father L^id'mama 

his elder brother ia f -xk!un 

his younger brother w'-vmx 

his maternal uncle id'-tata 

Here belong also : 

lid i-sa'mEl € 

five quVnEm 

ten of them i-ta'-Lelam 

six tE r XEm 



I 



t-id'-utcdlcc his ears 
tgd'-unalcc their bellies 
tga'-cqLEkc their mouths 
tgd'-qtqEJcc their heads 
tgd'-mElqtanulcc their cheeks 
tgd'-amcvlcc their guts 
t-id'-gala-ikc his fins 
L^mcd'^marria^ilcc your fathers 
id' -xk luniks his elder brothers 
id'-wuxtikc his younger broth- 
ers 
L-dd'-tatayukc his uncles 

L^id'-SEmElqalcs their lids 
qui'riEmiks five persons 
i-td'-Lelamyuks ten persons 
i-td'-1c!a-txEmiks six in a canoe 

§ 38 



608 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



The ending -tike instead of -(i)Jcc is used particularly with indefinite 
numerals, and expresses a plurality of human beings: 



all Tca'nauwe 

few mE'nx'lca 

many (their number) zga'pEla 

several LE'xawe 

Analogous are the forms of — 

up river ma'lma 

poor (his poverty) Ld'xauyam 

his younger brother wfvmx 

Still a different connective element appears in — 

man i'-kala i-kd'lamuks men 

Attention ma,v also be called to the forms — 

Singular Plural 

children t-qW coclnikc 



Jcanauwe'tiks all persons 
mE'nx'Icatikc a few persons 
Lgd'pElatikc many persons 
LE'xawetikc several persons 

t^maema'tEkc those up river 
Lga'xauyamtikc the poor ones 
id '-wuxtikc hisy ounger brothers 



eagle 


u-tcdktcd'Jc 


u-tcaTcUd'TctciniTcc 


gull 

raven 

crow 


i-qorie, 'qorie 

i-qoale'xoa 

u-Jclono' 


i-qorieqorie'tcinikc 

i-qoale'xoatcinikc 

u-Jc!ond'tcinikc 



The last four forms occur in a wail in a myth (Chinook Texts, p. 40) 
and are not the ordinary plurals of these words. 

(2) The frequent plural-suffix -ma (Kathlamet -max) seems to 
have been originally a distributive element. This appears par- 
ticularly clearly in the words e'x'tEmae sometimes (ex't one; -ma 
distributive; -e adverbial); Tcand'mtEma both (kana'm both, to- 
gether; -ma distributive). Following are examples of this suffix. 
In most cases the accent is drawn toward the end of the word : 





Singular 


Plural 




abalone 


i-kte'luwaritJc 


i-lcieluwa'itgEma 




bone arrow-point 


i-go'maik 


i-goma'tgEma 




chisels 




zqayd'tgEma 




willow 


e-ld f itk 


e-ld'itgEma; e-ld'ema 




disease 


I'-tcla 


t-tcld'ma 




geese 




t-Tc!eldk!eld'ma 




knife 


i-qewi'qe 


i-qewiqe'ma iron 




saliva 


L-ia'-mxte (his — ) 


tE-mxte'ma 

• 




whale 


I'-lcole 


i-kole'ma 




meat 


e'-L £ wuLe 


Llole'ma 




pike 


e'-qoqo 


t-qoqo'ma 




seal 


o'-lxaiu 

• 


d-lxaio'ma 

• 




elder brother! 


Ica'pxo 


led'pxoma, a'pxoma 




breast (female) 


i'-tca-to (her — ) 


t-ga'-toma (their — ) 


\ 


§38 






\ 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



609 



Singular Plural 

t-cgE'nma 

%-cgE f nma 

ta'nma 

t-tci'nma 

d-lculai'tanEiria, t-kar 

lai'tariEma 
t-nuxci'nEma 
L-*Etca'ma 
i-itsxu'tEma 
L-kaJc!d'latEma 
u-lcotekd'tCEma 
L-pakxa'lEma 
L-po'lEma 
t-pd' 6 wilEma, 
gita'-q latxalEma 
i-qe'talcEma 
%-md'lakEma) i-mo'la- 

Tcuma 
L-qoa'qEma 
i-tsusa'qEma 
cpE'qEma 2 
cii'qlma 
tpayi'xEma 
tEno'xuma 
Lkue'LXEma 

m 

m'pLxuma * 
tga'Lxewulx ' Etna 
fklewaxE'ma 

LE-TYWb'LEma 

tqlo'xLma 
pafima 2 

A peculiar form is oxb'xbc pile, plural oxo xocEma, which is a verbal 
form signifying they are on the ground. 

In a few cases in which the suffix -ma occurs with obscure connective 
vowel, like the preceding ones, changes of consonants occur in the 
end of the word : 

Singular Plural 



bucket 

cedar 

what 


o'-cgan 
I'-cgan 
tan 


stump 
arrow 


o'-tcin 
o-Tculai'tan 


dipnet 
antler 


o'-nuxcin 

m 

L- e E f tcam 


bear 


i-i't$xut 


bluff 


i-kalcla'lat 


porpoise 
mountain 


u-lcd'tc-kotc 
i-pd'lcxal 


night 

bunch of grass 

common person 

year 

elk 


b-'pbl 

d-pd' € wil 

gia'-qlatxal 

i-qe'tak 

i-mo'la~k 


blanket 
nail 


L-qoa'q 
i-tsu'saq 


grey 

half fathom 


cpEq 
cii'q! 


deerskin blanket 


cpa'ix 


another 


WJnux 

• 


mat 


e'-LkuiLX 

• 


well 

strong person 

torch 


O-pLX 

tgELxewulx' 
tkle'wax 


bay 
knee 


e'-maL 
b'qlbxL 


full 


wiL 



dav 

(his) fathom 

spruce 

sea-otter 



o e o / Lax 
a'yana 
e'-maktc 
e-la'Tce 



ifam'ma 



L-ia'-nxama (stem -nx) 

t-ma'lctc-XEma 

i-lage'lEma 



Irregular is also the change in vowel in I'-qeL creek, plural t!a f LEma. 



1 Also Ld'pLxoakc. 2 These are particles without, pronominal plural sign. 
44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 39 



§38 



610 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



A number of words take the ending -ina with connective vowel. 
Examples of the connective vowel -6- are: 



female 


Singular 

e'-riemckc 


Plural 

e-rierriclccd'ma 


ground-hog 
blanket 


c £ old'l e 


t!dld'l e dma 


baton 

rock 

skin 


i-q!d'lq!al 
b-qo'ncikc 
e-*e'c 


i-q!alq!ald f rria 

t-qEnakco'ma 

e- e co'ma 


grandson! 
prairie 


qdc 
tE-m e a'ema 


qd'cbma 
tE-m e a'emaydr 



The last of these seems to be a double plural, the stem being proba- 
bly -m e a. 

Another series of words take -e- as connective vowel, sometimes 
-we- or -oe- : 

Singular Plural 



son! 


dq 


d'qxoema 


young seal 


d'-xoe 


arxb'yewema 


widow whose hus- 


a-lcE'tial 


t-JcElid'lowema, 


band has been 






dead a long 






time 






island 


LEX 

• 


LEXoe'ma 

• 


younger sister! 


dts 


d'tsema 


younger brother! 


a'o 


a'olma 


town 


e'lxam 

• 


telxarrie'ma 

• 


house 


tlOL 


HdLe'ma 


Here belong also: 






thing 


i'-Jcta 


t-dd'-lctema his things 


prairie 




tEm*d'lma * 


' a plant 




i-q!aLxoe'ma 


and the irregular forms : 






log 


e'-m e ECX 

• 


l E-mqcEmd'yema 


common man 


L-xd'ydl 


L-xald'yuema 


warrior 


L-tlo'xoyal 


tloxold'yuema 



In at least one of these words the origin of the -e is reducible to a 
probable fuller form of the word. The stem of the word house is 
-quze in Kathlamet, and would naturally form the plural tquLema, 
which, in Lower Chinook, would take the form HdLe'ma. 

(3) A considerable number of words have no plural suffix what- 
ever, but differ only in the pronoun, or may even have the same 



1 See above. 



§38 



t 



! ( 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



611 



t 



> 



\ ■■ 



pronoun in singular and plural. Examples of these are contained in 
the lists in § 37. Additional examples are: 

Singular Plural 

t-qoa-ine'ne 

t-pote 

t-TcEmEla'pix' 

t-gite'tcxala 

t-kamo'Jcxuk 

• 

tE'-qxacga 

LE'-gxun 

LE'-sala 

L-qafLxatsx' 

L-pd'utc 

t-kci 

o-kuni'm 

(4) Several terms of relationship and a few other related words 

have a plural in -nana, as : 



beaver 


i-qoa-ine'ne 


arm 


I'-poU 


arm-pit 


i-TcETtiEla'pix' 


cut of blubber 


i-gite'tcxala 


bone 


i-lcamd'icxuk 

• 


dip-net 


e'-qxacga 


buoy 


o-'qxun 


fresh-water clam 


o'-sala 


coal 


o-qo' f Lxat8X m 


crab-apple 


o-pa'utc 


finger 


o-kci 


canoe 


i-Tcanl'm 



parent-in-law 
sister's son 
wife's sister 
father's sister 
cousin (children of 
brother and sis- 
ter) 

Also : 
virgin 
friend 



Singular 

e-'qsix* 

i'-uatx'En 

o'-potsxan 

d-Lak 

L-qa'mge 



Plural 

tE'-qsix'-nana 

t-Latx'En-nana 

t-po'tsxan-nana 

t-Lak-nana 

t-qa'mge-nana 



d-ho't!au 
%-ci'lcc 



t-Ttaftlau-nxiria 
t-ci'lcc-nana 



A few terms of relationship have plural forms in -iks or the 
distributive -ma, as: 

Plural 

L-mamar-ikc 
t-xk!un-ikc 



Singular 

L-mama 
i-xk!un 



father 

elder brother 
younger brother i-wux 
mother's brother i-tata 
younger brother! 

(address) a'o 

daughter's child! 

(address) qdc 



t-wux-tikc 
t-tata-ikc 

a'oema 



qa'coma 



(5) A number of words have peculiar plural suffixes: 

Singular Plural 

i-ka'nax t-lcana'x-imct 

L-aa L-atci 

i-q'oa'tipx' ' t-q!ulipx'-und'yu (see 

under 6) § 12 
L-qolix' t-'qoleyu 

§38 



chief 

mother 

youth 

sweetheart 



612 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



(6) In a number of cases the plural is formed by the insertion of 
the syllable -yu- which may be either an affix or may be considered 
as an expansion of the vowel of the stem by dieresis. 

Singular Plural 

- 6 dt - e dyut 

-xalatck -xalayutck 

-tslezx -tsfafyuLX 

-vAtck -wayutck 

- s otc - € oyutc 

(7) The personal demonstrative pronoun has a plural in -c. 

xl'ta these things xl'tac these menl, _ SAA . 

qqta those things qotac those menJ 

(8) Several nouns and verbs form singular and plural from distinct 
or distantly related stems, as: 



to bathe 
to rise 
to notch 
to dance 
to awaken 



Singular 

woman d- € d'kuil 

child L-Jc!d'slc8 

child (some one's) L-xa 
relative l-icx 

m 

slave e-la'itix' 

eye e'-qot 

to be -o-c 

to cry -gtftsax 

to stand -txuit 

to die -o-m,Eqt 

to kill -d-wa € 



Plural 

t-a'riEmckc 
t-qa' sdsiniTcs 
L-a 
t-colal 
t-eltgeu 

Dual s-qoct 
-x-elar-itix' 
-xenem 
-xena 
-XEf-L-ait 
-o-tena 



§ 39. VOCATIVE 



A few nouns, particularly terms of relationship, have a vocative, 



which has no pronominal element, as: 

ad younger brother! 

dts younger sister! 

Icd'pxd elder brother! elder sister! 

qdc grandchild ! (said by man) 

lea' I grandchild! (said by woman) 



ma' ma father! 
dq son! 
dc daughter! 
cikc friend ! 



§ 40. DERIVATION OF NOUNS 

On the whole the derivation of the numerous polysyllabic nouns in 
Chinook is obscure. Evidently a considerable number of nominal 
affixes exist, which, however, occur so rarely that their significance 
can not be determined. Examples are the derivatives from the stem 
elx land, country — ill'l country (the x disappears because the vowel 
following Ix carries the accent) LgdLe'lxEmk person, e'lxam town, 

§§39,40 



iwaaarr^ 



* 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES .613 

te'lx'Em people. From the stem xe we have iqoatE'xexe bullfrog; 
from the stem Tcon, iqto'Tconkon woodpecker. 

A few affixes only occur fairly frequently, but even in these cases 
it is sometimes impossible to classify the words satisfactorily. 

1. -fce-. I presume this prefix is the same as, or at least related to, 

the verbal prefix -K, -gi, which signifies that a verb usually 

transitive is used without object. Thus may be explained — 

o'giLqlup a cut 

ige'LlmEULlmEn something rotten 

Ujile'maik store 

ogue'pxate alder ( = wood for dyeing) 

ik!e f wulElqL food 

e'lc it payment for a wife 

Lkle'wax torch, flower 

tJcipald'wul word 

ikimd'cx'Em toy 

iklete'nax game 

2. -ge-. This seems to be a nominal prefix corresponding to the 

verbal reflexive -x-. 

oqogu'nlcLaik club (from -x-gunk to club) 
Lqe'tcamete comb (from -xEl-tciam to comb one's self) 
LqeLe'tcuwa hat (from -XEULe'tcuwa to hang a round thing on top 
of one's self) 



iqats!e f Lxak panther 
oqotsia'yuLxak ants 



(from -xtse' Lxako to have a notch around 
one's self) 

Judging from these examples, it would seem plausible that most 

nouns beginning with -gi- r -ki-, -k!e-, -qe-, -q!e- y contain these 

prefixes, for instance: 

ige'luxtcuik arrow-head 
ige'mmtk burial 
ige'Pote elk-skin 
oque'nxdk plank 
oklwe'lalc dried salmon 

and other similar ones. Here may also belong 
oquewi'qe knife 

oqlweld'wulx maturing girl (the one who is moved up, hidden?) 
iqleyo'qxut old 

The extensive use of these prefixes is also illustrated by — 
iqeklE's brass, but 

UcIe'scl gall (both from IcIes yellow) 

iqe'plal doorway (probably from -pi a into [ =that into which 
people always enter]) 

§40 



/ 



614 BTTREAtJ OF AMERICAN ETHfcTOtOGY [bull. 40 

3. na- is a local prefix. 

naLxoa'p hole (from Lxoafp to dig) 

na e e'lim the country of the Tillamook (from € elim) 

4. -£2 a suffix signifying tree, wood. 

ogue'pxate alder (= wood for dyeing). 

5. -tk is a nominal suffix the significance of which is quite obscure. 

In a few cases it indicates the point of an object, but in many 
cases this explanation is quite unsatisfactory. It seems pos- 
sible that this suffix is the same as the verbal stem -tk to put 
down, to deposit, so that its meaning might be something 
on the ground, or something attached to something else, or a 
part of something else. This explanation would be satisfactory 
in words like — 

i'potitJc forearm 
ige'luxtcuik arrow-head 
iwa'nEmafk belly-cut of a fish 

ilEme'ik bed may be derived from -elx ground, and may mean 

PUT DOWN ON THE GROUND 

ikdLXEflEmatk may mean put down to eat from (= dish) 

The following list contains some stems with their nominal and 
verbal derivatives. It will be noted that in a number of cases the 
verb is derived from the noun. 

-pXd ALDER-BARK. 

o'-pxa alder-bark 
o-gue'-pxa-te alder 
L-ge'-pxcb-ie alder-woods 
-al-d'-pxa to dye in alder-bark 
L-q-L-al-o'-pxa dyed cedar-bark 

-tslllX TO NOTCH. 

i-qa-ts!e f Lx-ak what has a notch around itself ( = panther) 
d-qo-ts!afyuLx-ak those with notches around themselves ( = ants) 
-s-x-tsleLx-alcd to make a notch around a thing 

-klanxaffe drift-net. 4 

d-Tclunxa/te drift-net 
-XEn-lclanxa'te-mxim to go to catch in drift-net 

naud'iik net. 

-xe-naua'itge to catch in net 

-wiuc urine of male. 
L-b'-wiue urine 
-xorwiuc to urinate 
o-wiu'c-matk chamber 

§40 



*oas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 615 

-Jcxamit to pay attention. 

i-kar-lcxamit mind 
-a-kxamit to pay attention 

-gunk to club. 

o-qo-gu'nk-La-tk club 
-x-gunlc to club 

-tciam to comb. 

L-qe-team-e-te comb 
-Lxe to crawl. 

L-qa-Lxe'-la one who crawls much ( = crab) 

-utca EAR. 

o'-utca ear 
-x-wu'tca-tlc to hear 

-LXEl(Em) TO EAT. 

i-ka-LXE'l-matk dish 

- e oic TO BREAK WIND. 

-XE f l*o\c-qc to break wind (perhaps for - € oicqoic) 
o'- e wic-qc wind broken 

-X05 AROUND NECK. 

-LX-ot it is around the neck 
i-q!e'-Lx-ot necklace 

-^Wa TO BAIL OUT. 

-x-tewa to bail out canoe 

o-H-tewaf-Lx-te for bailing out into the water ( = bailer) 

-Icamdt property. 

-x'Emota to barter 
t-kamo'ta property 

-kema(ik) baton. 

o'-kumafk baton 

-xemaik to beat time with baton 

-Ll to catch with herring-rake. 

-x-Le-n to catch with herring-rake 
i-qa~Le' f -ma-ik herring-rake 

-mocx'Em to play, to fool. 

t-ki-wio' ex' Ema toys 

-m*cx wood. 

e^m € cx tree 

o-m £ ecx kettle 

-XEl-wiEqci to gather wood 

-p!a to enter. 

} i-qe'-p!al doorway 

§40 






616 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-Letcuwa TO PUT hollow thing on top of something. 

L-qe-Letcuwd'-ma hat 
-qct LOUSE. 

o-qct louse 
-ge-$cta to louse 

-JcHck TO NET 

c-kHck-ma'tk net-shuttle 
-XEl-gl'-kHck to net 

-tciakt TO POINT. 

-gEU-tciaJcte to point at something 
gi-tcd'dkte-l pointer ( = first finger) 

-mq to spit. 

-o-mqo-it to spit 
-d-m e -a to vomit 
L-mx-te saliva 

-Ida THING, SOMETHING, what. 

i-Jcta thing, something, what • 

-gEm-o-lcti to pay 

§ 41. NOUNS AND VERBS DERIVED FROM PARTICLES. 

Many particles (see § 46) can be used as stems of nouns. I have 

found the following examples: 

i-yuL!l pride 74.11 (from yiiLll proud) 

ikle'waxEma torches 27.22 (from wax light, to shine) 

ikle'wax flower 165.27 (from wax to bloom) 

ewaxo'mi copper (from wax light, to shine) 

ik!wac e o'mi fear 213.10 (from Tclwac afraid) 

igi'Lqlup cut 46.2 (from Lqlup to cut) 

ige' LlmEULlmEn syphilis (from lIt/ieu soft, rotten) 

natslE'x piece 69.3 (from ts!EX to tear) 

naLXoa'p hole 23.7 (from Lxoa'p to dig) 

wilb'lo something round (from lo'lb round) 

•xafpEnic a woman gives herself in payment for services of a 

shaman 203.11 (from pa'nic to give in payment for services of 

a shaman) 
-ge'staqloam to go to war 270.1 (from staq! war) 
L-xq!am to be lazy (from q!am lazy) 
ne-dxaxome to notice 40.14 (from xdx to notice) 
ce'lcpElEpt it boils (from lsp to boil) 
-xd'giLqlup to cut one's self (from Lqfup to cut) 

Nevertheless this series of stems is sharply set off from all others, 
since the latter never occur without pronominal elements, excepting 
a few vocatives that have been mentioned in §39. 

§41 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 617 

§ 42. COMPOUND NOUNS 

There are only very few examples of nouns compounded of two 
independent elements, as : 

c-gE-mo'lak-tcxict my elk nose 193.19 (c- dual; -gE- my; -molalc 

elk; -tcxict nose) 
ttagela'lcfe woman's utensils (t- plural; - e age'lak woman; -kte 

things) 
i~k!<mi-y-i'lxam myth town 216.8 (i- masculine* -kanam myth; 

-dxam town) 

A number of nouns, particularly names of animals, are descriptive 
in character. These were probably used as alternates in case one 
name of an animal became tabued through the death of a person 
bearing its name, or a name similar to it. Examples are: 

iqatsIe'Lxalc having a notch around itself, i. e., with a thin belly 

( = panther) 
oqotelia'yuLxak those having notches around themselves ( = ants) 
itcafyau d'yaqtq snake's head ( = dragon fly) 
I'gdlELX going into the water ( = mink) 
otco'itxvl dip-net maker ( = spider) 
eqe'wam the sleepy one ( = a fish[sp.]) 
okd'lxvl thief ( = mouse) 
ik!u'tk!ut the one who always breaks (bones) ( = dog [Kathla- 

met dialect]) 

§ 43. SUBSTANTIVES AS QUALIFIERS 

Substantives are often used to qualify other substantives. In this 
case the qualifying substantive takes the gender of the one qualified: 

o'Tcxola o e o'wun a male silver-side salmon 109.3 
e € e f 1cii imo'lak a female elk 264.3 
e'hpala imo'lak a male elk 264.2 

These qualifiers are not adjectives, but remain true substantives, 
as is shown by the feminine prefix o-, which is characteristic of 
substantives. 

§ 44. Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverbs 

(1) Demonstrative Pronouns of Lower Chinook. The 

structure of the demonstrative pronoun of the Chinook proper 
is analogous to that of the noun. It consists of a modal element, 
which seems to express visibility and invisibility; the personal 
pronoun which expresses gender; and the demonstrative element, 
which expresses position near the first, second, and third persons. 

42-44 



618 BUREAU OF AMERICAN EtHKOLOGY (bull. 40 

(1) Modal element. 

Visibility, or existence in present time x'- 
Invisibility, or existence in past time q- 

(2) Gender. 
Masculine -i- 
Feminine -a- 
Neuter -l- 
Dual -ct- 
Plural -t- 

(3) Demonstrative element. 

Near first person -Jc 

Near second person -au (-i-a) 

Near third person -x (-o-a) 

In the forms with consonantic pronoun (-L-, -c£-, -£-), the demonstra- 
tive element is represented by a secondary character 1- (-£-) pre- 
ceding the pronoun for the demonstratives of the first and second 
persons; -o- for the demonstrative pronoun of the third person. 

Thus the following table develops : 

Present, Visible 

Masculine Feminine Neater 

Near 1st person xik x'ak tIlUc 

Near 2d person x'iau x'au x'ilo, 

Near 3d person x'ix' x'ax x'olo, 

Plural, 
Dual Plural human 

beings 

Near 1st person x'lctik • x'itik x'itikc 

Near 2d person x'lcta x'ita x'ltac 

Near 3d person x'dcta x'dta x'dtac 

Past, Invisible 

Masculine Feminine Neuter 

Near 1st person ...... - , - - 

Near 2d person ..... qiau - qeLa 

Near 3d person qix' qax qdLd 

Plural, 
Dual Plural human 

beings 

Near 1st person - - - 

Near 2d person qecta qeta qetac 

Near 3d person qocta qota qotac 

The forms for past or invisible near the first person do not seem to 
occur. Besides these, emphatic forms occur in which the initial 
elements are doubled. Of these I have found the following: 

§44 






boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



619 





Present, Visible 




Masculine 

x'ix'i'Jc 


Feminine 

xaxa'k 

• • 


Neuter 


x'ix'iau' 
X'ix'l'x' 


xaxau' 

• • 

xaxd'x 

• • • 


• 

x'ix'o'ua 


Dual 


Plural 


Plural, human beings 


x'ix'd'cta 


x'ix'd'ta 
Past y Invisible 


x'ix'd'tac, xix'd'mc 


Masculine 


Feminine 


Neuter 


qiqiau' 
qiqe'x' 


qaqau' 
qaqd'x 


qiqo'm' 


Dual. 


Plural. 


Plural, human beings. 






qiqo eta qiqota qiqo ctac 

On the whole, these doubled forms are used more frequently in a 
predicative sense than the single forms. Apparently they are often 
substantival forms, but I think they are better characterized as 
predicative. Quite often these forms may be translated this one, 
who. 

x'ix'e'Jc aLge'ik u Lam x'%La Lqleyo'qxot it is this (masc), he brought 
it (masc.) this (neut.) old man 67.6 

oqlo'xoL xaxau' o'zxat Oq/6'xoL, this is the one, she has come 
down to the beach 107.9 (6- she; -lx to the beach; -t perfect) 

x'ix'iau amigd'tfom this one whom you met 185.12 (a- transi- 
tional; m- thou; i- him; -gatq to meet; -am completive) 

ania'wa* qiqiau' x TctcEnxga'lukL I killed that one who always went 
first 89.5 (-wa £ to kill; qiqiau' x probably for qiqiau' ; Tc- the one 
who; tcEn — he me; -xgaJco to go about; -l with suffix -dko by 
metathesis -oIuTcl) 

The simple forms occur generally in adjectival form. 

nal s e'ma xak okfu'ltcin I will give her this fish head 183.7 (nal- 
I her to her; -*em to give food; -a future; oklu'ltcin fish head) 

atciLE'l s em ikamo'Tcxuk qo'za Lge'wusx he gave a bone to that dog 
187.12 (atciLEl- he him to it; ikamo'Tcxuk bone; Lge'wusx dog) 

k u ca'la x'ik ne'mal up this river 220.2 

In some cases I have found tike, tik, L%k instead of the same elements 
with the prefix x'i, but I am not certain whether in these cases the 
beginning of the word was not slurred over. 

§44 



620 BtiKEAtf OF AMERICA** ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Apparently there is also a duplication of the terminal element in -k. 
At least this is a possible explanation of the form x'ix'e'Jcik. 

x'ix'i'gik mkd'nax tcEmd'xo this here is what will make you rich 
218.1 (ra- thou; -Jcdnax chief, rich man; tcEm- he thee; a- 
directive before x; -x to make; -o future after x) 
e'hta Umwa'ya x'ix'e'kik what can this one do! 134.25 
id! x'ix'e'kik! oh, this (miserable) one! 41.10, 147.1 
tgti'ma* x'ite'Jcik these are shot 213.20 (tgd- their; -ma e being shot) 

To this form may belong the demonstratives o'Jcuk, y o'Jcuk, ya'xkuk, 
x'ix'd'Tcuk, qiqo'k, but all these seem to be demonstrative adverbs. 

(2) Demonstrative Adverbs of Lower Chinook. These 
are very numerous and it is difficult to present them in a system- 
atic way. One set corresponds strictly to the set described before. 
The forms expressing present have the element x*- } those express- 
ing past g-. Both occur with the two vowels -£- and -o-, which, 
in this case, seem to express this and that. Their locative char- 
acter is expressed by the suffixed locative element go. Thus we 
find— 

x'lgo x'dgo 

qigo qogo 

a'Ua d'zo iau'a x'igo nauxoa'p azgd'yax ile'e now they went thus 
to this place where they had dug up the ground 23.7 (a'lta 
now; a- transitional; l- indefinite; -o to go; iau'a here thus; 
no- place; zxoa'p to dig; a- transitional; Lg- indefinite transi- 
tive subject; -ay- for -i- masculine object; -a- directive; -x to 
do; ile'e ground masc.) 

x'lgo Nagarn'matj go tga'Jc u LU qo'ta-y-e'lca here at GaLa'mat is 
their custom thus 240.25 {no- place; go there; tya'-their; -1c u lH 
custom; e'lca thus) 

id'xkewa taz! x'oh qfat aqd'nax nevertheless there I am loved 39.5 
(id'xJcewa there thus; iah! nevertheless: q!at to love; a- tran- 
sitional; -an me [accented a]; -a directive; -x to do) 

tela' a, qa'da x'dgu rtE'xax see! how I became here 178.8 

a'lta Lpil qigo le!c u ne'xax now it was red where it was broken 
185.20 (Lpil red; leTc v to break) 

pdL ikd'pa qigo md'LTie it was full of ice there seaward 44.24 
(pdxfull; ikd'pa ice; md'Lne seaward) 

aLE'xElatcgux qigo nopo'nEmx he would arise when it was night 
165.6 

qogu itcd'qlatxala ayd'xElax utcd'nix there the wedge was bad 
161.8 (i- masculine; -ted- feminine possessive; -qlatxala bad- 
ness; ayd'xElax hers is on her; utcd'nix wedge) 

§44 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 621 

a'ctop! go qogo gitano'kstx V.ol they entered that little house 29.14 
(a'cto they two go; -p/ into; go there; gitano'kstx having their 
smallness) 

A distinct series, continuing the idea in this manner are ya'hwa, 
yau'a, e'wa, qewa, ya'xkewa. 

Related to these is the interrogative qd'xewa. All of these contain 
the element -wa. They designate nearness and distance, but I am 
unable to tell the difference in their use, which is rather indefinite. 
According to their form ya'Jcwa ( =yak-wa) probably belongs with the 
series designating position near the speaker, yau'a (=yau-wa) posi- 
tion near the person addressed. The form ewa seems to correspond 
to the demonstrative position near the third person, while ya'xkewa 
always refers back to a place previously designated: thus just at 

THAT PLACE. 

iakwa' goye' a'tcax here he did thus 65.21 (goye' thus; ate- he 

her; -ax to do) 
riekct mo'ya iau'a do not go there! 185.17 
ne'k'ikst e'wa we'wuLe he looked there into the house 130.17 (rie- 

he, intransitive; -ki designates lack of object; -Test to look; 

wVwulI inside of house) 
id'xkewa ne'xanko there (to the place pointed out) he ran 23.17 
id'xkewa ayuqund'etix't there (where he was shot) he fell down 

62.22 

The forms in -wa are used often to express the idea here — there : 

e'wa e'nata, iau'a e'natai here on this side, — there on that side 

201.12 
ia'Jcwa no'ix a'exat, iau'a ta'nuta no'ix a'exat here went the one 

(feminine); there to the other side went the other 75.14 

But we find also forms in -vk used in the same way — 

io'Tcuk aga'yutk iqe'sqes, ia'Jcwa e'natai aga'yuik lca'sa-it here on one 
side she put blue-jay, there on the other robin 50.4 

Ld'yapc idkwa' , — io'kuk ia'mElk his foot there, — here his thigh 
174.15 

The same adverb is not often repeated to indicate different direc- 
tions or places. 

id'ma iau'a mb'yima; ndket iau'a mai'eme iLta'yim only there (up- 
stream) go; do not go there downstream 192.9 

Generally repetition refers to the same places. 

iau'a acgixa'lukctguXj iau'a acgixa'lukctgux here they two threw 
him down, here they two threw him down; i. e., they threw 
him down again and again 26.8 

§44 



622 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibull. 40 

yaua' actikleld'pxuitxe, yaua' actikleld'pxuitxe there they turned 

over each other again and again 127.4 
id'koa-y-ext, ia'koa-y-ext kand'mtEma one here, one here, both; 

i. e., one in each hand 45.10 (see also 157.22) 

As stated before, the forms in -uk seem to have adverbial meaning. 
Following are examples of their uses : 

o'kuk km'qewam ike'x ime'xandte there (with that) shaman is thy 
soul 199.23 Qcud'qewam one having a shaman's song; i- he; 
-Tee- indicates absence of object; -x to do, to be; -me- thy; 
-kanate soul) 

io'kuk agd'yuik go itca'xEmalaplix' here she put him in her arm- 
pit 50.4 (-tic to put; -JcEmalapIix' armpit) 

aqa'nukct x'ix' o'kuk some one looked at me here 30.8 (-kct to look) 

Ldnas yaxku'k Ltxd'mama loc may be our father is there 29.14 
(Ldnas may be; -mama father; -c to be) 

tcintuwa' e omx qiqo'k antsauun'p!End'nanma-itx tE'kxEqL he comes 
to kill me when I always jump in my house 64.25 (tc- he; Ti- 
me; t- to come; -wa e - to kill; -am to arrive; -x habitually; a- 
transitional; n- I; ts- probably for s- both [feet]; -auvn- for 
-dn into them [see § 9]; -pEn to jump; -an assimilated for -al 
always [§ 8] -aAtx always [§ 31.10]) 

Quite isolated is the form ia'xkati, which appears with great fre- 
quency. The ending -ti is evidently adverbial, as is shown by the 
parallel Kathlamet form gipa'tix* there, and no' Lllcatix' for a little 
while. It signifies the position near the third person, there. 

ia'xkati mo'playal enter there! 24.5 
ia'zkate ayo'i/L-Ai there he stayed 76.14 

Still another form, apparently related to the forms in -uk, is 

ia'xkayuk here. 

ia'xkayuk ayo f yam here he arrived 64.24 
ia'xkayuk nL s Eltd'qLa I shall leave it here 186.1 

Related to this form may be yukpa! here and yukpa't to this 

point here. These contain the locative suffix -pa at, which is 

characteristic of Upper Chinook, but does not occur in Lower Chinook, 

while the ending -t is directive and related to the Upper Chinook -ta 

(see § 55). 

yukpa' ia'ma* atce'lax here he hit him (his shooting he did to 

him here) 62.22 
yukpa' ayagEltce'mEX'it here it hit him 153.22 
yukpa't Ld'yaqso aqLe'lax im'uqta his hair was made that long (to 

here his hair someone made it on him its length) 156.17 
yukpE't nxLe'LOrit Ltcuq up to here he stood in (it) the water 225.8 

§44 



i 
* 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



623 



It will be noticed that the element iax (yax) occurs quite frequently 
in these demonstratives. As terminal element it is found in x'ix'd'yax, 
gd'yax and the interrogative qd'xeyax. 

As initial element it occurs in ya'xkuk, ia'xkayuk, ia'xkewa, ia'xlcati. 

It is undoubtedly identical with the terminal yax of the Kathlamet 
demonstrative and with the first element in ia'xka he alone, the 
third person masculine personal pronoun of Lower Chinook. 

(3) Demonstrative Pronouns of Kathlamet. In Kathla- 
met and Wishram, the distinction of visible and invisible does not 
occur and the structure of the demonstratives is quite different. In 
both Kathlamet and Wishram, the demonstrative expressing location 
near the first person has a prefix (which in Kathlamet has the same 
form for masculine and feminine), while all the other genders are 
designated by their characteristic sounds. In Wishram this prefix 
is invariable. The location near the second and third persons is 
expressed in both dialects by invariable suffixes. 

Kathlamet 



Near 1st person . . 
Near 2d person . . 
Near 3d person . . 


Masculine 

. tayax 
. yd'xaul 
. yax'l'(yax) 


Feminine 

tawd'x 

• 

d'xaue 

• 

wax'l'iyax) 


Neuter 

lam'x 
Ld'xaue 

• 

uax'l'(yax) 


Near 1st person . . 
Near 2d person . . 
Near 3d person . . 


Dual 

. ctactd'x 

• 

. ctd'xaue 

• 

. ctaxl f (yax) 


Plural 

tatd'x 

• 

td'xaue 

• 

tax'i'{yax) 


Plural, persons 

Lam'xkc tatd'ikc 

. (?) . 

La-itci ta-itci 



Besides these forms, Kathlamet has two very short forms, gi and 
tau. Both are used for positions corresponding to here, but their 
exact relationship has not been determined. They occur with all 
genders and numbers. The form tau is undoubtedly identical with 
the Wishram dau, which characterizes the first and second persons as 
prefix and suffix. 

its!d'ts!emdm gi d'meqct her sweetness this thy louse (=your 
louse here is sweet) 118.12 (Kathlamet Texts) 

Ld'ema gi Lutein Ld'tgatcx only this stump drifts down 92.5 (ibid.)' 

qatcqi Tela igo'xoax gi tgu'nat% why have these salmon disap- 
peared? (why nothing became these salmon?) 47.8 (ibid.) 

qd'mta io'ya tau igixaiklod'mam% where went he who came home? 
162.7 (ibid.) 

ilcLotd'mit tau aqagl'lak this woman carried him away 163.1 (ibid.) 

The element gi appears also presumably in tdnki something. 

§ 44 



624 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

(4) Demonstrative Adverbs of Kathlamet. The two most 
frequent forms of the demonstrative adverbs in Kathlamet are 

gipd' here gbpd' there 

both compoimds of demonstrative stems and the locative suffix -pa. 

gipd' gi txd'qcqEmapa ayarriElge'tga here to these our wedges I 
shall put you 114.13 (Kathlamet Texts) (txd- our; -qcqEm 
wedge; -ma plural; -pa to; ayamEl- I to thee; -gi- indicates 
absence of object; -ik to put; -a future) 

gipd' cxqlod' Lqox here the two were grown together 17.1 (ibid.) 

icxe'la-itx Tco'pa they stayed there 10.6 (ibid.) 

Tcopa' igixi'qoAtq then he awoke 21.8 (ibid.) 

imo'ldk gbpd' cd'xalix an elk is up there 71.5 (ibid.) 

In place of gipd' the stronger form gipd'tix' is found. 
gipd'tix' sia'xostpa right here on his face 76.14 (ibid.) 

Compare with this form — 

iLd'yam elxpadix they arrived in that land 17.14 (ibid.) 
ioque'wulxi iqa'mEnoqpd'tix' he climbed a pine there 11.14 (ibid.) 

Corresponding to the forms yukpE't, yukpE'tEma, in Lower Chinook, 

we find here gipE't, gipE'tEmax. 

gipE't d'yajoqt up to here its thickness 189.5 (ibid.) 
LxpIoctEmtix LE'mqco gipE'tErrcax braided was his hair to here 
131.10 (ibid.) 

Often yax'l' (masc. dem. 3d person) is used as an adverb: 

yaxl' aqaud'x there (was) the sun 109.3 

ya'xi md'Lnix ige'kta there seaward he ran 172.11 

The series of forms of Lower Chinook ending in -wa is represented 

by d'koa, e'wa. 

iqcxe'mu a'lcoa itco'xoa here thus he made her a monster 224.3 

(ibid.) (iqcxe'zau monster; itcb'- he her) 
zdn Laxi a'Tcua Lxo'lai who is that here thus talking? 51.9 (ibid.) 

Ldn who; lxo- it by itself) 
icto'Lxa e'wa ikalcld 'lUx the two went down there thus to the 
lake 18.95 (ibid.) 
It is characteristic of Upper Chinook that these forms occur often 
with distributive endings and with directive -ta. 

mdkct a'wimax itdd'uqtax two these thus their length 189.4 (ibid.) 
(mdkct two; itcd'- her; -zqtax length) 
Another adverb is found in this dialect, -te'Jca thus here. 

te'Tca gi atxdqo'ya! here we will sleep! 109.4 (ibid.) 
te'Jca $t$lc!Qya'v)vlalEma here we will play! 167.17 (ibid.) 

§44 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 



625 



I 



(5) Demonstrative Pronouns and Adverts in Wish" 
ram (by JE. Sapir). 

Masculine 



Near 1st person . 



V 9 



Near 2d person . . . 

Near 3d person . . . 

Near 3d person (formed 

from ya/xdau) . . . 



Near 1st person 



Near 2d person . . . 

Near 3d person . . . 

Near 3d person (formed 
hom ya'xdau) . . . 



da'uya(x) 

da'ya(x) 

ya'xdau 

ya'xda(x) 

ya'xia(x) 

yakd'xdau 

Dual 

da'ucda(x) 
da'cda(x) 

cda'xdau 
cda'xda(x) 



Feminine 

da'ua(x) 

da'wa(x) 

a'xdau 

a'xda(x) 

a'xia(x) 

akd'xdau 

Plural 

da'uda(x) 
da'da(x) 

{da'xdau 
da'xda(x) 



cda'xia (x) da'xia (x) 



cdakd'xdau dalcd'xdau 



Neuter 

da'ula(x) 

da'la{x) 

la'xdau 

la'xda(x) 

la'xia(x) 

lalcd'xdau 

Plural, persons 

da'udaAtc 

da'daAtc 

da 1 \u)larbtc 

da'(u)a-itc 

da'xdauaitc 

la'xdauaitc 

Wxdauaiic 

da'xiaitc 

• 

la'giaitc 
a'xiaitc 

m 

dakd'xdauaitc 
lakd'xdauaitc 



akd'xdauaitc 

Note. — It is somewhat doubtful whether ya'xdau should be so read 
or as ya'xdau. (x) in personal and demonstrative pronouns is deictic 
in value. 

-Tea may be added to demonstratives in -itc. 

Elements -t!a and -Hike are perhaps " diminutive " forms of demon- 
strative pronominal stem da this and personal plural -dike. 

Following is a list of the demonstrative adverbs of the Wishram 
dialect : 

Locative up to 

Stem da(u) da'ba here dapt 



Stem iaxi 
Stem di 



Stem kwo kwo'ba there kwopt 

(yaxda'ba 48.16) 1 

ia'xiba yonder ya'xpt 

ia'xi away, off 

di'lea here 

(dika dabd' 92.11) (-pt also in 

qa'n t ci p t 
how long?) 



towards, on . . . side 

dabd't little ways fur- 
ther on 
kwobd't 



iaxd't further on 



di'gat (18.17) 



1 References in the rest of this section relate to E. Sapir, Wishram Texts (vol. II, Publication Amer. 
Ethnolog. Society). 

-40 § 44 



44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10- 



*>* 



626 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Locative towards, on . . . side 

Stem gi gi'gat (18.17) 

i'wat to you (place) 
i'wa thus, there (106.22) 

iwa'ika (158.24) 

Note. — Compounded with gi are also da'ngi southing; qa'tgi 
somehow; qxa'matgi somewhere (96.11). 

Related to di'lca and di'gad is perhaps digu'tcix perhaps (96.17); 
also di'wi like. 

In -xi we have, besides ya'xi, also {ago) du'xi oh, well! (60.4). 

Note. — Ya'xa indeed (also in quct i'axa as it turned out); 
an (perhaps =aw', a'wa, and related to Chinook ya'wa) in da'n an 
ayamlu'da what, pray, shall i give you? (154.6); yaxa'wa how- 
ever. 

Note also kwo'bixix right there, not very par. 

-a'dix forms: a'ngadix long ago; ixtka'dix (192.2); ina'fkadix 
(192.5)'. 

With stem daw. lcwd'dau and; da'ukwa just as before; qpldau 

THUS. 

§ 45. Independent Personal Pronoun 

The independent personal pronoun is formed from the objective 
pronoun by means of a number of suffixes of unknown origin and the 
terminal suffix -ka only. 

naika I ntailca we two (exclusive) ntcaika we (exclusive) 

maika thou txaika we two (inclusive) Ixaika we (inclusive) 

ia'xlca he mtaika your two selves mcaiJca ye 

a'xka she cta'xka their two selves 

La' ska it ta'ska they 

These forms may also be interpreted as intransitive verbs. Another 
emphatic form, apparently more verbal in character, is — 

na'mka I alone 
ma'mka thou alone, etc. 

A peculiar form ml?ca you occurs in the texts (23.1) 
In the Kathlamet dialect an emphatic form na'yax I, ma'yax thou 
(Kathlamet Texts 114.11) is found, which occurs also in Wishram. 
The forms for I, thou, etc., alone are: 

na'ema I alone txa'ema we alone 134.16 

These correspond to Wishram forms recorded by Sapir: 

na'-ima I alone la'imadikc, da'-imadikc, a'-imadikc 

ma'-ima thou alone thev alone 

Ixa'^imadikc we (incl.) alone 

§45 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 627 

Besides these, Doctor Sapir has recorded in Wishram the following: 

Shortest form : 

na(x) I ya(x) he da' Ate they 

la'-itc they (Wishram Texts 

48.4) 

a'-itc they 
Inclusive : 

nai'tla I too ya'xtla he too la'-it!ilcc they too 
Ixai'tlxkc we too da'-it!ilcc they too 

a' -it like thev too 
He remarks that the demonstratives of the third person (ya'xia) 
seem morphologically parallel to first and second personal emphatic 
pronouns (na'ya) ; that the demonstrative element -v is characteristic 
of the first and second persons, -x- of the third; as in 

na-i-lca I ya-x-lca he 

na'-i-tla I too ya-x-tla he too 

na'-{i)-ya I ya'-x-ia he 

These elements -i- and -x- are probably identical with Chinook -i- 
and -x*, -x in x^'xa and x'ix' y x'ax. 

Particles (§§ 46-52) 

§ 46. Attribute Complements 

It is one of the most striking characteristics of the Chinook lan- 
guage that a few verbs of very indefinite meaning which require 
subjective and objective attribute complements are applied with 
great frequency. By far the greater number of these, and the most 
characteristic ones, are words that do not require pronominal prefixes. 
Many are clearly of onomatopoetic origin. In some cases it appears 
doubtful whether the words belong to the regular vocabulary of the 
language, or whether they are individual productions. This is true 
particularly when the words do not form part of the sentence, but 
appear rather as independent exclamations. Examples of this kind 
are the following: 

oxuiwa'yvl Tcumm, Tcumrrhj Jcumm, Jcumm they danced, kumm, 

kumm, kumm, kumm, 167.5 (here Tcumm indicates the noise of 

the feet of the dancers) 
Ttomm, igua'nat eniLa'lcux hdmm, I smell salmon 67.3 
a'lta, pEmm, tEmdtsgd'nuhs go iafyacgL now pemm, flies were 

about his mouth 72.22 (pEmm indicates the noise of flies) 
texj tcx, tcx, tcXj go Lkamela'lEg there was noise of footsteps (tcx) 

on the sand 75.3 

§46 



628 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

In a number of cases onomatopoetic terms which undoubtedly 
belong to the regular vocabulary are used in the same manner: 

tcxup, tcxup, tcxup, tcxup dLEfxax Ld'JcIewax the torch flickered 

(literally, made tcxup) 50.24 
Llaq, Lltiq, Llaq, Ld'xa rie'xax iske'pxoa, out, out, out, out came 

a rabbit 113.6 

These cases make it plausible that most terms of this kind belong to 

the regular vocabulary. The frequent use of such onomatopoetic 

words and the occurrence of new words of the same kind (such as 

dentin clock, watch, time ; tsi'Jctsik wagon) suggest that in Chinook 

the power of forming new words by imitative sounds has been quite 

vigorous until recent times. 

Examples of onomatopoetic words of this class are: 

tie'he to laugh tSEX to break 

hd'ho to cough tcxup to flicker 

po to blow tcxoap to gnaw 

tlEq to slap Jclut to tear off 

tlak to break a piece out xwe to blow 

to' to to shake Iep to boil 

cix to rattle " Llaq to crackle 

cau low voice lHep to go under water 

It is difficult to say where, in this class of words, the purely onomato- 
poetic character ceases, and where a more indirect representation of 
the verbal idea by sound begins. I think a distinct auditory image 
of the idea expressed is found in the following words: 

iu'l!1 proud ~ku'Tkul light (of weight) 

wax to pour out Jc!d silent 

pdL full q!am lazy 

tEmE / n clear q!uL fast 

tEU tired lo'lo round 

tdpdJc loud leII to disappear 

gu'tgut exhausted Ldx to appear 

gBfcgEC to drive zxoap to dig 

Most stems of this class occur both single and doubled, sometimes 
they are even repeated three or four times. Repetition indicates 
frequency of occurrence of the verbal idea; that is to say, it is dis- 
tributive, referring to each single occurrence of the idea. We have — 

wax to pour out (blood) 68.1 wa f xwax to pour out (roots) 43.2 
po to blow once 66.25 pb f po to blow repeatedly 129.20 

tEll tired ttfUtEll to be tired in all parts of 

the body 
Tclut to tear off 89.25 ~k!u'fk!ut to tear to pieces 249.4 

§46 



x 



} 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMEKICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 629 

A few stems, however, occur in duplicated form only, probably on 

account of the character of the idea expressed, which always implies 

N repetition. Such are— 

Tie'lie to laugh gvttgut exhausted 

Tio'ho to cough Tcu'Ikul light (of weight) 

' to' to to shake lolo round 

Others do not occur in duplicated form, but take the distributive 

ending -ma. These are — 

pdL full 39.1, distributive pd'Lma 229.24 

vmk! straight, real 24.12, distributive wuklma 107.20 

cpEq gray, distributive cpE'qEma 

Still others do not seem to undergo any change for the distributive. 

tEmifn clean, empty Ic'le to disappear, nothing 

tafmEnua to give up 61.18 lc!wac afraid 90.5 

tg!ex to wish 129.27 z!ap to find 140.1, 138.15 
stag! war 272.5 

On the whole, it would seem that those least onomatopoetic in 
character lack the doubled distributive. 

In a few cases the doubled form has acquired a distinctive signifi- 
cance. 

Iclwan hopeful 134.8 lc!wa f nk!wan glad 38.20 

lax sideways 267.3 la'odax to deceive 65.19, to rock 129.2 

The most common verbal stem which is used in connection with 
these attributes is -x to be, to become, to do, to make, -6 (-$?), 
the general verb for motion, is sometimes used with steins signifying 
motion. It seems difficult to classify these words, except those that 
clearly express noises. Among a total of 126 words of this class, 44 
express activities 'or processes accompanied by noises; 16 are decid- 
edly imitative; 22 designate states of the mind or body which may 
be expressed by imitative sounds, such as cold, tired, fear; 7 are 
terms of color; 45 express miscellaneous concepts, but some of these 
may also be considered as imitative. It seems likely that, in a 
language in which onomatopoetic terms are numerous, the frequent 
use of the association between sound and concept will, in its turn, 
increase the readiness with which other similar associations are 
established, so that, to the mind of the Chinook Indian, words may 
be sound-pictures which to our unaccustomed ear have no such 
value. I have found that, as my studies of this language progressed, 
the feeling for the sound-value of words like wax to pour, Tc'le noth- 

§46 



630 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY tsuLL. 40 

ing, Tclomm silence, lo calm, pd' £ pd e to divide, increased steadily. 
For this reason I believe that many words of the miscellaneous class 
conveyed sound-associations to the mind of the Chinook Indian. 

It will be noticed that verbs of motion and transitive verbs, except 
such as are accompanied by decided noises, are almost absent from 
the list of these words. 

In quite a number of cases these words seem to be rather adverbs 

than attribute complements: 

cd'ucau naxayi'UJc u Le she told him in a low voice 40.21 
lux nuLdftax'it it fell down broken 49.2 
lJce'plIcep ateio'cgam it took it in its talons 137.15 

If I remember rightly the cadence of the spoken sentence, these words 
must rather be considered as standing alone, the auxiliary verb -x being 
omitted. 

LIST OF ATTRIBUTE COMPLEMENTS 

(1) Actions and processes accompanied by noises. 

(wd a noise under water 217.15) 

ukvf noise of an arrow striking a body 49.3 

QiEmm noise of wind 41.25) 

Ji&mm smell 67.2 

Qbd noise of an arrow breaking 49.4) 

fief fte to laugh 12.22 

Tio'Tio to cough 

pEmm noise of flying 72.22 

pd to blow 66.25; pd f pd 129.20 

pa , pa, pd 175.3 

(<IeII noise of bursting 49.19, noise of bear spirit 217.14) 

t!Eq to slap 40.25; tE'qtEq 26.8 

to' to to shake 194.1 

tumm noise of fire 45.16, noise of bear spirit 217.13 

tEmm noise of feet 133.17 

tlak to break a piece out of something 

cix noise of rattles 22.5 

ceII noise of rattles on a blanket 61.22; ci'UcUl rattling of breath 
of one choking 150.7 

cd'ca to break, to wreck 198.7 

can low voice 162.11 ; ca'ucau 40.21 

cxx noise of flying birds 137.14 

U!ex (tdEX, tc!ux, Uex) to break a piece of wood, antlers, etc., 
with hands 60.7 ; to split wood 27.2 ; sinews 138.19 ; roots 95.14 
(not used for splitting planks out of trees); to skin a bird 
136.23; to bark a tree 164.16; tsfifxtslEX 45.19; natslifx a piece 
of flint flaked off 69.3 

M6 



/ 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 631 

tcxup, tcxEp to extinguish 51.2, to flicker 50.24; tcxriptcxEp 28.8 

tcx noise of footsteps on sand 75.3 

tcxoa'p to gnaw; tcxoa' ptcxoap 175.23 

gumm a noise under water 217.16 

gom noise of something heavy falling down 27.9 

leumm noise of dancing 167.5 

g if eg ec to drive 15.5 

Jclut to tear off 89.25; lc!u'ik!ut to clear up (sky) 249.4 

Jcu'tcxa to sneeze 64.24 

qyll noise of falling objects 67.1, noise of heels striking the ground 

65.13 
q!a'lq!al to beat time 
q!e door creaks 66.14 
xx to blow 113.20 
xafxa to rub 65.9 

xwe to blow nose 113.21, to blow on water before drinking 213.13 
leTc u to break 165.19; lb/TcleTc 68.16 
le'IcleIc to burrow 95.13 

lex to split (planks) 27.1, to burst 204.4; lIe'xlIex to tear 145.20 
l if xl ex noise of scratching 153.7 
Lap noise of shooting 272.20 

lux to come out 49.2, 201.1 ; lu'xlux to pull out (of ground) 138.9 
lJce'plIcep to grasp in talons 137.15 

Lklop to squeeze 9.8; Lklo'piklop with eyes run out 29.20 
Lqlop to cut 114.3 

Lxoa'p to dig 23.5; Lxoa'pLxoap 115.15 
lIlI to fitter 177.15 
LlEq to hit, to strike 156.23 
Llaq, Llax to crackle 38.1, 185.8 
Lllsp under water 14.8 

(2) Descriptive words. 

ptiL full 39.1 ; pa'Lma 229.24 

wax to pour out 68.1, to take across river in canoe 23.24 ; wa'xwax 

43.2 
wax to light, set afire 28.2, to bloom 165.26 
Jclomrn no noise 
1c!a'ya no, none - 

Jell no 128.5, nothing 14.1, to disappear 128.28 
q!sl strong; qlrflqlEl hard, 139.8, too difficult 204.12 
tEmE'n empty, clean 
ttftE to stop doing something 
tuwa'x to light, shine 12.1 (see wax) 
Tcu'llkull light of weight 199.9 
Jc!am, TclEm no, none 37.15 
Iep to boil 173.1 

§46 



632 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

lo'lo round 186.23 

Llak spread out 178.7 

LlrrtEn to break into small pieces, soft 130.4; LlrriE'nLlmEn 17.9 

(3) Words expressing states of mind and body. 

iu'lH proud 93.16 

pEt quiet 177.24 

plaid' quietly, safe 198.4 

tEU f tal tired 62.14; Ie'TUeH tired all over (= rheumatism) 

tqlex to like 129.27 

tlayd' well, healthy 165.21 

tSES cold 41.9 

tSE'xtSEX unwell, feeling uncomfortable 

tcxap to hesitate 27.15 

qlat to love 41.6 

xax to notice, observe 75.17 

leTc!, Lok! weak 212.21 

tde'Jctdelc almost choked 151.1 

lax lonesome 22.3 

gu'tgut exhausted 

1c! ex cloyed 46.24; 1c!e'x1c!ex grease smell 137.7 

Tela silent 37.9, 129.2 

Jclwan hopeful 134.8; Tclwa'nlclwan glad 38.20 

Jc!wac afraid 211.15 

1c! co stiff in joints 

q!am lazy 138.4 

Llo'ya stingy (?) 139.11 ♦ 

Lid to fear 212.11 

Llpaq to recover 196.22 

(4) Color-terms. 

lVeI black 25.11 
1c Ids yellow 

cpeqgray (dry?) 109.10 
tklop white 124.25 
ptcix green 30.21 
LpU red 185.20 
tslEmm variegated 

(5) Miscellaneous words. 

ia'c to let alone 187.13 

ux to take a chance 

wuk! straight 24.12; wuklEma' 107.20 

pE / nka afoot 217.8, 107.6 

pa'nic to give secretly payment to a shaman 200.7 

pd e to divide; pd' e pa e 248.4 

pax unlucky 264.13 

§46 



«2-'« 4 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMEBICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 633 

pox foggy 37.4 

pux lukewarm 

po'xoie to make a mistake 

ttiel! wet 37.5 

marie' x to learn a secret 200.10 

ta'mEnua to give up 61.18 

tJcE'likEl dull 

tk!e to sit looking on 

tla'nuwa to exchange 228.8 

ueIco to keep, to retain 277.14 

staq! war, attack 272.5 

stux to untie, to unwrap 135.13; stu'xstux 116.10 

(tctdx around a point) 

tsklES to stoop 

tclpak strongly 164.9, 110.1 

lc!au to tie 123.19; Iclau'lclau 118.6 

qoaft reaching 48.6, high water 198.24 

quL to hang, to fish with gaff-hook 27.16, to put on garment, to 

dress 136.23 
qMcqlEC dry 14.19 (== thirsty) 21.1 
(qloa'p near 40.9) 
q!vl low water 198.26 

q!uL fast; q!uL e'cgam hold fast 44.15 (see qui) 
xul't half full 166.8 

*-ov streaming 

lax sideways 267.3, afternoon 63.18, to miss 13.19; la'oAax to rock 

129.2, to deceive 65.19 
lu'xlux slick 
lu'xpame adultery 
lex to sit still 
Laq to step aside 146.14; to turn 137.12, 63.4; to cut off, to fall 

off 154.28, 194.1 ; to take out 65.11 ; ua'qmq zigzag, also plural 

for the other meanings 
mx to appear^ become visible 23.13; lo/ximx to emerge 
Lex' to cohabit 228.16; l&x'lIx* to prepare corpse for burial 253.3 
lo calm 25.18 
Luwaf freshet 
Llap to find 261.8 
Llap fitting 154.8 

§ 47. Adverbs 

The dividing line between attribute complements and a number of 
adverbs can not be drawn very definitely. I am particularly doubtful 
how t!aya[ well should be classed, and a few others which are placed 
in parentheses in the preceding list. 

§47 



634 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibull. 40 

A considerable number of temporal and modal adverbs occur, the 
latter expressing certainty, compulsion, intention, and a great variety 
of ideas which we express by auxiliary verbs or by separate clauses. 
These can not be derived from simpler forms. Such are: 

ai'aq can * 

xa'oxaL can not 

qoi will 

qe'xtce without reaching the desired end 

ka'ltas in vain, only 

qa'doxue must 

aisuwa' probably ± 

lx may (implying uncertainty) 

Tcloma perhaps 

zd'nas I don't know (expression of uncertainty) 

poc contrary to fact 

pEt really 

nakct not 

na interrogative particle 

Leqs almost 

qalaftcx'% hardly 

a'nqa(U) already, before 

a'lta now 

a'zqe later on 

Icawa'ika soon 

and' sometimes 

nau'i at once 

le, le'le a long time - 

qlastE'n for the first time 

tcax for a while 

wixt again 

IcidE'ts once more 

ald'tewa again in this manner 

gud'nsEm always 

wax next day (wux'i' to-morrow; Icawi'x' early) 

qlod'p near 

tclpak quickly 

Lawaf slowly 

(ai'aq quickly) 

txvl too much 

• 

maniqla' too much 
tldfqea just like 

a'la even 

— — — » 

i Evidently the original significance of this word is quickly; for instance, ai'aq n6'ya (if you tell me to 
go) i go quickly, I. e M I can go. 

§47 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 635 

§ 48. Exhortative Particles 

A number of exhortative particles form a peculiar group of words. 
They are applied so regularly and seem to be so weak, that I do not 
quite like to class them with interjections. It would seem that the 
meanings conveyed by some of these have very nice shades. Exam- 
ples are: 

wuska a somewhat energetic request — now do let us make an 

end of it and — 37.12 
nixua please, just try to 130.3 
tcux since this is so, do (or let us) 24.10 
tayax oh, if he would! 22.4 
ho'ntdn be quiet 
tea! well! introducing a new idea 
(qa'tlocxEm look out!) 
(nau'iika indeed!) 
ifgt!o'Tcti good!) 

The last three of these hardly belong here. They are derivatives : 

qa'tfocxEm is probably derived from tlo well; nau'iika, perhaps 

from nau'i at once; tgV.o'Tcti, from tlo well and -Jcta thing. 

§ 49. Interjections 

The line between the last group of words and true interjections is 

very indefinite. As might be expected, the number of interjections 

in this language which has such strong onomatopoetic tendencies is 

considerable. Some of these are: 

d, a, 6 oh! 

ode' surprise 29.13 

e pity for hardships endured 187.19 

nd pity 116.15 

ana! pain, regret, sorrow, pity 22.4, 161.13 

ahaha' pain 177.16 

and'x pity 153.8 

he call 12.2, indeed 38.22, 186.8 

he a long distance 28.3, 123.13 

ho, hoho', oho' surprise at the success of an action 24.3, 25.22, 

67.14 
Lxuaf disgust 46.26 

ha £ o'm, had' now I understand! 39.27, 100.23 
nd disapproval 145.12 

naq! contemptuous rejection of an offer 124.11 
hohu' derisive rejection of a remark 23.25 
aha' ridicule, disbelief 166.23 
ehehiu' derision 45.1 

48, 49 



636 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Ie derision of weakness 60.14, 146.1 

iaf reproach for foolishness 117.9 

naxaxax anger 186.16 

tcxa that is nothing! 47.4 

Jcuc good! 89.4 (also used by the Chehalis) 

Jc!c oh! (?) 

As mentioned before, many of the imitative attribute comple- 
ments may be used as interjections. This may, indeed, be their 
original function. Such are JiEmm noise of wind, Tcumm noise of 
dancing, Tctomm silence. A few differ so much in form and use 
from the attribute complements, that I include them among the 
interjections: 

Tui'IeIeIeIeIeIe noise of flight of an arrow 62.21 

wu'IeIeIeIe noise of flight of cormorants 77.16 

wa'tSEtsEtSEtSEtSE cry of bluejay 31.2, 157.25 

qa'nawvlEWvlEWulEWulE cry of gull 88.21 

wo bark of dog 23.9 

wa cry of child 185.24 

lid cry of a person weeping 118.8 

wduuu low voice 162.3 

Jcukuku voice of bluejay after he had be- 
come a ghost 166.19 

In this group belong also the burdens of songs, a few of which 

occur in the texts. 

§ SO. Conjunctions 

A number of invariable words perform the function of conjunctions. 

The meanings of a few of these are not quite certain. The most 

important are the following: 

Tea and, then (connecting sentences) 26.18 

cka and, while (connecting sentences) 25.4 

Tela and (connecting nouns) 

tcxi a little while passed, then 37.4 (often following the conjuncr 

tion qia'x if) 
ten or 276.1 

tatda although it is so, still 44.4 
taL! although I did not expect it, still 74.9 
afoLEL although I did not intend to, still 13.3 
takE then 135.6 
a'lta now 135.5 
taua'lta otherwise 134.8 
manix when 253.14 
qia'x if 127.20 (ge, qecV) 

§50 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 637 

§ 51. Adjectives 

Color-terms, the plural of small, the numerals from two to nine, 

and the indefinite numerals are used without pronominal prefixes. 

The ccdor-terms were enumerated among the attribute complements, 

because they are generally used in that form. gEntfm small 38.17 

is used only for plurals. I have found very few cases only in which 

these words are clearly used as adjectives: 

aqho'cgam ptcix le'luweIIcluweIIc green mud was taken 30.21 
lo'lo ikta something round 127.5 

This is possibly due to the rarity of adjectives, except numerals and 

a few others in the texts. It would seem, however, that in most 

cases derivatives of these stems are used whenever the substantive 

or adjective is to be used, for instance: 

ma' nix ka/ltac im'yuLll kwlqewam when a shaman only has pride 
203.18 

More often nouns with the prefix k- the one who has (p. 579) 

are used to express adjectival ideas. 

ge'Ldtda a sick one (the one who has its sickness) 196.14 

The cardinal and indefinite numerals of this class are: 

mokct two si'namokct seven ka'nauwe all 

Ldn three Icstd'xkin eight kape't enough 

la'Jcit four kui'tst nine qdmx part 

qui'nEm five ted several manic few 
trixEm six 

All the cardinal numbers of this group when used as distributives 
take the suffix -mtga; when used as adverbs, they take the adverbial 
suffix -e. The ordinals are formed by the third person pronominal 
prefix and the possessive form; for instance, eualLon its third one 
(m.) 217.21, am'Lon (f.) 211.20; and from these, again, ordinal 
adverbs, I'mLorie, the third time 134.23. When counting human 
beings, all these numerals (cardinals as well as indefinite) take the 
prefix a- and the plural suffix -Ice. mokct two may also take the dual 
prefix c-. 

To the groups of indefinite numerals belongs, the peculiar form 
JcanEm each, all, together, which occurs alone only in its distribu- 
tive form TcanafmtgEma 157.23, while generally it appears as a prefix 
of numerals: kanEmqoa/nEm five together 201.22, LkanEmqoa'nE- 
miks 176.8. With mokct two it seems to lose its m: skanasmokst 
both 76.14. In this form it appears also in ka'nawl all. 

§51 



638 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibull. 40 

§ 52. Adverbs Derived from, Intransitive Verbs 

Particles used as adverbs have been mentioned before. It has also 

been stated that numeral adverbs are formed from both ordinal and 

cardinal numbers by the suffix -e. This is also used with intransitive 

verbs, the adverb being formed from the masculine third person 

singular. 

iu'Lqat it is long; iu' zqte long 

e'nata the one on the other side ; e'natai on the other side 

Diminutive and Augmentative Consonantism (§§ 53-54) 

§ 53. Diminutive and Augmentative Consonantism in 

Wishram {by Edward Sapir) 

Very characteristic of Wishr&m, as also without doubt of all other 
Chinookan dialects, is a series of changes in the manner, and to some 
extent in the place, of articulation of many of the consonants, in 
order to express diminutive and augmentative ideas in the words 
affected. This peculiar process of " consonantal ablaut," though 
perhaps most abundantly illustrated in the case of the noun, is exem- 
plified in all parts of speech, so that it has almost as much of a 
rhetorical as of a purely grammatical character. Of the two series of 
consonantic changes referred to, that bringing about the addition to 
the meaning of the word of a diminutive idea is by far the more 
common, an actual change to augmentative consonantism hardly 
being found outside of the noun. The main facts of consonantic 
change may be briefly stated thus: To express the diminutive, non- 
fortis stopped consonants become fortis, the velars at the same time 
becoming back-palatals (the treatment of velar stops, however, seems 
to be somewhat irregular) ; c and its affricative developments tc and 
tc! become s, ts, and ts! (s seems sometimes to be still further " diininu- 
tivized" to ts, ts to ts!, so that c, s, ts, ts! may be considered as repre- 
senting a scale of diminishing values); x becomes x, in analogy to the 
change of velar stops to back-palatal stops just noted; other con- 
sonants remain unmodified. To express the augmentative, fortis 
consonants become non-fortis (generally sonant) stops, no change 
taking place of back-palatal to velar; s, ts, and ts! become respec- 
tively c, tc, and tc! (in some few cases ts and tc affricatives become 
dj, pronounced as in English judge, this sound not being otherwise 
known to occur in Wishram); other consonants remain unmodified, 

§§52,53 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 639 

The following table of consonantic changes will best make the matter 
clear : 



Normal 


Diminutive 


Augmentative 


6, p 


p! 


(h) 


d,t 

* m 


t! 


(d) 


9,k 


Tc! 


(9) 


9,2 


Tc!, (g, Tc) 


(?) 


qx 


Tex 

• 


(qx) 


<?•' 


Tc!, (Tex) 


9 


pi 


(p!) 


b 


t! 


(t!) 


d 


Tc! 


a-.o 


g 


c 


s, ts 


(c) 


tc 


ts 


(tc), (?) dj 


tc! 


ts! 


(tc!), dj 


s 


(s) 


e 


ts 


(ts), ts! 


tc,dj 


ts! 


(ts!) 


tc!, (?) dj 


X 


X 

• 


(x) 


X 

• 


(*) 


(?)* 



On the whole, there is a distinct tendency to have all the consonants 

* 

of a word bear a consistent diminutive or augmentative coloring, 
though absolute concord in this regard is by no means always 
observed. In general it may be said that c and s sounds are most 
easily varied in accordance with our rule. Final non-affricative stops 
seem incapable of change. It often happens that the normal form 
of a word is itself partly diminutive in form owing to its meaning; in 
such cases the form may be still further " diminutivized" if it is 
desired to give the word a more than ordinarily diminutive force. 
Thus -Tc!ac- in %l-Tc!a! c-Tcav child is evidently a semi-diminutive 
form of the stem-syllable -Tcac; little child , baby appears in more 
pronouncedly diminutive form as ilTda'sTcas (Wishram Texts 176.3). 

The following table of body-part nouns will serve as a set of exam- 
ples of diminutive and augmentative forms. The diminutives would 
naturally refer to the body-parts of a tiny child, the augmentatives 
to those of an abnormally large being, as a giant. 



Normal 


Diminutive 


Augmentative 


i-p!a'qxa flat-headed- 




i-ba'qxa 


ness (dim.) 






i-gE'tc nose (aug.) 


i-k!E'tc 


• 


i'l-pe foot 


-i'l-ps 





§53 



640 



BUBEAU 


OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibdll. a 


Normal 

i-qxvri't leg 
a-q!o'xl knee 


Diminutive 

i-khwi't 
a-k!u'xl 

• 


Augmentative 

a-go'xl 


a-wiE'luqtan cheek 


OHtoE'lukltan 


9 


irmElEXtk lu'lamat 




i-mElExtgu'lamat 


tongue 






i-mi'ct lips 


i-wii'st 




i-k u cxa't mouth 

• 


i-k! u sxa't 

• 




wa'-TccEn finger 


wa'-ksEU 




is-qxu's eyes (dim.) 
id-WE'qco face-hair 


id-rriE'lcso 


ic-qxv!c 


iJctwafyat crown of 
head 




i-gwa'yat 


a-tckE'n shoulder 


oAsTcIe'u 




wa-qxa'tc breast 


wa-Jcxa'ts l 

• 




i-kxa'tc tooth 

• 


i-kla'ts 




i-q!a'qctaq head 
ic-Tc!a'lkal hip-joints 


is-TcIallcal 


i-ga'qctaq 
ic-ga'Ikal 


is-qlwd'gwost jaws 
(dim.) 


is-k!wa'gwast 




a-mu'qlwal paunch, 
stomach 




a-mu'gwal 



Examples of other than body-part nouns are: 



Normal 

it-q!u'tcu bones 



i-tcli'au snake 
i-tsi'ktsik wagon 

(dim.) 
i-cgi'lukc wolf 

(aug.) 



da-gafc yellow 
x-cga'n cedar 

board 
i-lc!a'lamat stone 
a-Tc!a'munaq fir 
il-lcla'ckac child il-Tcta'skas 

(dim.) 
a-t!u'-gagilalc good, 
strong woman 



Diminutive 

it-qluts'ie'lxlEm dog 
(literally, eater of 
small bones) 

i-ts!i'au 

is-tsti'ldsik buggy 

il-skli'luks new-born 
wolf cub (Wishram 
Texts 56.30) 

a-qx-lclVc gold 

wa-ska!n box 

wa'-tsk!un cup 



Augmentative 



i-dji'au 

i-dji'Jcdjik heavy truck 



i-ga r lamat 
a-ga'munaq 



a-du'-gagilalc strap- 
ping big woman 



iCf. wa-q!a'tc thorn, dim. wa-kja'ts (Wishram Texts, p. 26.1) 



§53 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 641 

In these lists, (dim.) and (aug.) mean that the words so designated 
are wholly or partly diminutive or augmentative in consonantism 
owing to their primary significance. In i-p!a'qxa, for instance, the 
diminutive notion implied by pi is easily understood if we remember 
that head-flattening is associated with infancy. In some cases a 
consonant change involves or is accompanied by a vocalic change; 
it seems that the change of a to u or e has in itself more or less 
diminutive force (cf. wa'-tsk!un from wa-ska'n with ila-k!d'its very 
little [Wishram Texts 176.3] ordinarily -Jclaits small). The case 
of i-cga'n as compared with wa-sJca'n and wa'-tsJc!un illustrates the 
fact that the diminutive form of a noun often has a specialized 
meaning of its own. A few more examples are : 

Normal . Diminutive 

i-tc!Vn6n eagle . il-tsli'non bird 

i-tc!i'laq cricket i-ts!i'laq grasshopper 

i-q!apca'lwac turtle is-Tc!a'psalwas lock (of door) 

a-tca'la grindstone a-tsa'la file 

It will be observed that several nouns on becoming diminutive in 
form at the same time change to a more suitable gender, masculines 
often becoming feminines (e. g., wa-s&a'n), neuters (e. g., il-skU'luks), 
or diminutive duals in is- (e. g., is-k!a f psalwas). Most examples of 
diminutives and augmentatives hitherto given have been formed 
from nouns that in themselves have no necessary diminutive or aug- 
mentative force. Other examples than those already given of words 
wi,th inherent diminutive force, and hence with at least partial 
diminutive consonantism, follow : 

a-k lu'lcslc !uks ankle is-ga'~k laps hat 

a-plu'xplux elbow-joint i-lc!a'its smallness (contrast -gail 

i-plu'xc cotton-tailed rabbit bigness) 

a-t!ardsa crow (contrast i-k!a'stila crab 

i-cka'lax raven) il-xan (somebody's) child 

i-sklu'lya coyote (? cf. i-slelwo'latsintsin swallow 

i-cgilukc wolf) wa-tslc! 'e 'ulx nit 
a-gu'sgus chipmunk 
a-pluna'tSEktsEk mosquito 
(? cf. -bEna jump) 

Particularly instructive as indicating a live feeling for diminutive 
consonantism are such words as a-lik!u'lc chicken and a-laplu's cat 
borrowed from Chinook jargon (p in -pus would not be consistent 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 41 § 53 



642 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ibull. 40 

with diminutive s). It is perhaps not too far-fetched to recognize 
augmentative consonantism in the following nouns : 

i-ga'nule beaver ic-kcku'ct testicles (contrast is- 
i-gu'nat Chinook salmon (con- qxu's eyes) 

trast wa-tsu'iha blue- i-gu'cax sky 

black salmon) ic-qwo'lala gun 

ircs'lgcElq porcupine wa'-itc tail of mammal 

ic-ga'kwal eel ic-li'ct fish-tail (contrast is-p!i'ost 

i-du'iha buffalo tail of bulb, dried fish) 

It sometimes happens that a change to diminutive consonantism 
implies not so much the diminutiveness of the object referred to as a 
sense of endearment. This seems particularly true in the case of 
certain terms of relationship : 



Non-diminutive Diminutive 

man's son's -lc\a!c-u-c paternal grandfather 
child 



-qcE-n 

</a'c-u (vocative) 



-galc-an lman'sdaugh- -ga'lc!-u-c maternal grandfather 

^'^-^(vocative)] ter's child 

-gi-an woman's son's child -fc/i-c paternal grandmother 

Interesting as examples of augmentative consonantism are the 
names of Coyote's four sons, all of which are derived from words 
denoting body-parts of the salmon. The augmentative consonantism 
implies the lubberliness of Coyote's sons. 

Body-parts of salmon Names of Coyote's sons 

i-lc!la'tcin salmon-head gristle Sipa'-glatsin Big Gristle (Wish- 
ram Texts 66.5) 

i-ksa'Ik!uts backbone of fish Sipa'-ksalguts Big Backbone 

(Wishram Texts 66.6) 

i-q!wi'nan fin Sapa'-gwinan Big Fin (Wishram 

Texts 66.7) 

a-k!a'tlc u tgwax adipose fin Sapag-a r tk u tgwax Big Adipose Fin 
(? better -qla'tlcHgwax) (Wishram Texts 66.8) 

As has already been remarked, the noun is not the only part of 
speech that illustrates the consonantal play here discussed. Adyerbs 
and particle verbs of appropriate meaning sometimes show diminutive 
consonantism: tslu'nus a little; sak! to whistle; sa'u sau to 
whisper (contrast Lower Chinook cau); Lower Chinook Tela and may 
be diminutive to Tea. The diminutive form of a particle verb denotes 
a less intense state of being or activity than its correlative form. 
Sometimes its meaning is considerably specialized: 

§53 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 643 

Non-diminutive Diminutive 

tdc cold (tsfu'nus) a-itea's just (a little) 

cool (Wishram Texts 190.15) 
ma'ca to spoil ma'sa to be ashamed 

gut to break up (earth) by Te!u'tk!ut to pluck 
" digging 

Possibly also — 

wax to pour out wax to set on fire; to bloom 

lq!up to cut lk!up to shoot 

The dual in is- is not the only example of a diminutive form of a 
purely grammatical element. The diminutive stem -qjwa'lasup fast 
running occurs with possessive prefixes showing diminutive con- 
sonantism. Thus the normal elements -tea- her and -cda- of them 
two appear as -tea- and -st!a- in i-tea-q!wa f lasup she runs fast 
(Wishram Texts 66.9) and i-st!a-q!wa'lasup they two run fast 
(Wishram Texts 66.13). Similarly, in a song (Wishram Texts 94.23), 
where the reference is to is-pH'ast tail of bulb, a noun of diminu- 
tive form, the pronominal element cd- and the post-positive local ele- 
ment -ba at appear as st- ( ? better si!-) and -p!a. Thus : 

staimapta' gisleipH'ast it-alone-at the-my-tail 

Finally the verb may show diminutive consonantism, partly in the 
stem itself, partly in its local and adverbial prefixes and suffixes, 
partly and most freauently in its pronominal prefixes. Examples of 
verb stems in distinctly diminutive form are not exactly common, 
but certain cases seem clear enough. Thus gaqiulat!a r -ulx he was 
tossed up (Wishram Texts 84.26) and gatciulatla'rriElq he swal- 
lowed him by sucking him in evidently contain a diminutive 
form of the verb stem -lada- to throw away; silu'slcwax it trem- 
bles (Wishram Texts 116.10) and gasi f ximle!na-ule u ateJe he looked 
around (Wishram Texts 30.6) show diminutive consonantism both 
in their stems (-slew- and -1c!na-u-) and in their first incorporated 
pronominal objects (dual s-), the latter verb also in its adverbial 
suffix -tele, doubtless the diminutive form of -tck up from position 
of rest; gate(s)altsgi'ma he laid her belly up (Wishram Texts 
56.27) shows diminutive consonantism in both stem (-tegi) and 
incorporated pronominal subject(-te-) and first object (dual -s-). 

We have already given -tele as an example of a derivative suffix 
with diminutive consonantism. Other such suffixes are -p!a slightly 
out (of position) (from -ba out) in ayulapla'tcguxwida it will tilt 
up, literally, it will spontaneously move out up from its sitting 

§53 



644 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

position (Wishram Texts 184.10) and tsu (from -tcu down) in 
ililu'stsu (water) moved down into the (hollow place). As 
examples of diminutive forms of local prefixes may be given -1c!eI- 
(from -gEl- directed toward) in ga-tssi'TclElutk he looked at him 
and its reflexive correlative -xeI- (from -xeI) in gasi'xEluik he looked; 
sic! em- under in iniaslcfEmla'cUztcu I threw it down under her is 
doubtless diminutive to -gEm- next to (cf. -tcu and -s-tsu above). 

The only examples of diminutive consonantism in the pronominal 
prefixes of verb forms occur in the case of ts (for tc, third person 
masculine subject transitive) and s (for c, third person dual subject 
intransitive and transitive and object transitive). Whenever the 
object of the transitive verb (or the apparent subject, really first 
object, of the "half-transitive " verb) is diminutive in form, the 
pronominal prefixes tc and c appear as ts and s; the ts by no means 
implies the diminutive character of the transitive subject. Examples 
are: %'wi gatssu'x isi&'nqxoq he looked at his fish-line (Wishram 
Texts 140.28), where the incorporated pronominal dual element 
-$- of gatssu'x refers to the diminutive dual object is-ie'-nqxoq his 
fish-line, while the pronominal subject -ts- he agrees with the 
object in diminutive consonantism; galksu'Mam (-lies- always appears 
for -slcl-) the two (women) came home with the (baby) (Wishram 
Texts 2.12), the diminutive dual -«- referring to the grown-up 
women, not to the baby; gasEngaiklagwd'x gas Tctenaktuxi' 'st it- 
waves - FREELY - OVER - ME - MY - FEATHERED - CLOAK ( Wishram Texts 

142.5), where the first object -s- of the half-transitive verb refers 
to the diminutive dual noun s-tenak!wa'st j(small) feathered 
cloak. Particularly noteworthy in this connection is the idiomatic 
use of a diminutive dual object -s- referring to an irilplied, unex- 
pressed noun of diminutive significance; there need not even exist 
such a diminutive dual noun to which reference, if desired, could be 
explicitly made. A good example is: gaksi'lutk she cradled him, 
literally, she put the-two-small (objects) down to him, where 
the two small (objects) refer to an implied word for cradle, 
though the word for cradle in actual use is a masculine (i'-lleau). 
Similarly, verbs of jumping and somersaulting have an incorporated 
diminutive dual object -s- referring to the two small (feet), though 
the actual word for feet is plural (i't-pc). Examples are: galcsu'bEna 
she jumped; gasixmi' Lgwa he turned a somersault (Wishram 
Texts 82.18); and gats(s)altsgi , ma he laid her, belly up. The 
§53 



\ 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 645 

most transparent example of the use of an incorporated diminu- 
tive dual object to refer to an unexpressed but existing noun is 
afforded by certain verbs of looking, in which the -s- has reference to 
is-qxu's the two eyes. A frequently occurring example of such a 
verb is gatssi'JclEluik he looked at him, literally, he put the two 
small (eyes) down toward him, the -tc- and -gEl- appearing in their 
diminutive forms -te- and -1c!eI- to agree with the object -s-; gasix&m- 
JcIna'-uJPatsk he looked around is another such verb. 
. As a rule, it will have been observed, a verb form tends to be con- 
sistently diminutive or non-diminutive in its consonantism. It is 
at least possible, however, to limit the application of the diminutive 
idea to some specific element of the action by " diminutivizing " only 
some corresponding element of the verb form. An example already 
published elsewhere will again do service here. The normal word for 
I struck him with it is inigE'ltdm. If the verb stem -trim appears, 
with diminutive consonantism, as -trim, it implies that the person 
struck is small; if the verbal prefix -gEl- 7 which implies in this case 
intent to hit, is pronounced -1c!eI- the implication is that the missile 
used is a small one. Hence we have four forms: inigE'ltcim i hit 
mM with, it ;inigE'ltsim I hit him (a child perhaps) with it; iniklE'l- 
trim I hit him with it (something small), and iniklE'ltsim I 
hit him (a child) with it (something small). To be sure, such 
examples are very uncommon and the one just given is perhaps 
little more than a linguistic tour de force. Nevertheless, it shows 
very clearly how thoroughly alive is the feeling for the significance of 
consonantal play. 

§ 54. Diminutive and Augmentative Consonantism in 

Chinook and Kathlamet 

So far as I am able to discover, the diminutive and augmentative 
consonantism of the p and t stops does not occur in Chinook; per- 
haps because the strengthening of these consonants in case of the 
dropping of a following velar counteracted this tendency. When 
the word HaLe'ma creeks has a fortis t! on account of the dropping 
of g in the stem -qlL, the same strengthening can not very well denote 
at the same time diminution. 

There are, however, indications that the changes from c to s and 
the corresponding affricatives occurred, although the significance of 

§54 



646 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the process does not seem to have been very clear in the mind of 

my sole informant, Charles Cultee, while my only Clatsop informant 

considered changes of this type as distinguishing characteristics of 

the Chinook and Clatsop dialects. For instance: Clatsop, e'cElqcElq; 

Chinook, e'sElqsElq porcupine. 

The most characteristic case that I have found in Chinook is the 

following : 

itsa'antca-y-ogo'lal the waves are too bad (too great) 
iUa'antsa-y-ogo'lal the waves are a little bad 

I have also : 

e'cgan cedar i-sgE'riEma young cedars 

It is, however, worth remarking that this plural occurs with the 
particle — 

gE'riEm, isgE'riEma small young cedars 
without strengthening of the g of gE'riEm. An examination of the 
texts and explanatory notes collected from Cultee makes it fairly 
certain that he did not use the diminutive changes of stops in Lower 
Chinook. 

It seems possible that a relation like that between c and s may 

exist between l and ts. 

id'qoa-iL large id'qoa-its small 

ib'Lqat long iu'isqat short 

l!ex to split large planks tslEX to split small pieces of wood 

Lxoa'p to dig tsxoa'p to gnaw 

In Kathlamet I have found one very clear case of consonantic 

change, analogous to those found in Wishram : 

IcsEmm taxi ikluna'tEmax o'xoaxt small are those little salmon 98.8 
(Kathlamet Texts) 

Here the s in IcsEmm indicates smallness, and tguna'tEmax salmon 

has been changed to ikluna'tEmax. 

Syntax (§§55-56) 
§ 55. Syntax of Lower Chinook 

In the discussion of the morphology of the verb it has been shown 
that every verbal form contains incorporated pronominal represent- 
atives of the subject, and of the direct and indirect objects when 
these occur. Nominal incorporation is almost entirely absent. The 
nominal subject and the object are treated as appositions, with- 
out any organic connection with the sentence, except in so far as the 

§55 



hoasI HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 647 

pronouns agree with the nominal gender. This agreement is, on the 
whole, one of form, but in the Lower Chinook texts cases occur in 
which the noun has indefinite (neuter) gender L-, while, according to 
its actual sex or number, the incorporated pronoun is masculine, 
feminine, or plural. I do not know whether this is an individual 
trait of the narrator of the available texts or not. 

Generally the verb with its incorporated pronouns precedes the 
subject and objects, but there is great freedom of usage. 

Sentences with intransitive verbs : 

ayo'maqt im'xaklEmJana dead was their chief 37.1 
aiil'mam LgoLe'lxEmk it came a person 11.15 

Sentences with transitive verbs, nominal subject and object: 

aLktd'plEna Ld' e ewam qo'ua ua'riewa he utters his song that first 

one 196.7 
tgigE'nxaute xkana'tl tEmewa'lEma they watch it a soul the ghosts 

199.10 (tgi- they it; i-lcand'te soul; t-mewd'lEma ghosts) 
dLgo'ctxQx L e d'gil qax d*o'Tcuil she carries her on her back a 

woman that woman 248.21 

Examples of inverted order are the following: 

eqctxe'mu atcungo'mit LEmea'wux a monster (he) carried (her) 

away your younger sister 11.5 
lea go' La iau'a ~k'!imta' aiktbplEna'x Ld' e ewam and that one there 

behind (he) utters (them) his songs 196.9 
ema'cEn aLgid'x Tcm'gewam a deer makes the one who has (his) 

songs (i. e., the shaman) 199.11 
aqui'nEmikc ikald'mukc atga'qcx o'IexIcuI five men (they) hold 

(her) in their mouths dried salmon 267.19 
e e o'lc aLge'LElbtx IcLtdplEna'n te'lx'Em a blanket he gives (it) to 

(them) those who named the people 267.25 

Particle verbs always precede their auxiliary verb : 

Ldg° atca'yax he took him out 133.13 
stux atca'yax he untied him 135.13 
uhu' nl'xax he made uhu' 49.3 
le!c u rm'xax it (fern.) broke 70.24 
Lllap a'yo he went under water 14.16 

This agrees with the most frequent position of adverbs: 

a'lca aLxa'x thus it does 239.16 
nau'i aLd'rriEgtx it faints at once 239.6 
nakct aLgid'wa* they did not kill him 99.18 
ya'xkati atgE f p!x there they entered 49.14 

The discussion of the prefixes in § 25 shows that the relation of 

indirect objects to the verb are expressed by verbal elements. In 



§5 






648 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Lower Chinook prepositional elements are practically absent, but we 

find the demonstrative go, which is used almost like a preposition. 

io'c go iqe'ptal he was in the doorway 65.3 
atca'yaqc go ia'tuk he bit him at his neck 9.9 
naxalgu* Litck go ogo'xo she told her daughter 11.20 
atcLiikLam go wl'wuLe they brought it into the house 11.23 
po'po agE'iax go Ltcuq she blew on them with water 12.6 
(igid'xtkinEma, go te'lxim she searched for him among the people 
13.8 

The demonstrative character of go appears in sentences like — 
mo'ya md'LXole go go there inland! 13.1 
a'lta gd-y-o € o' Lax now (when) there the sun 13.5 
Ld'nas go Lqetcame'te lTcIx perhaps a comb is there 13.20 
go no' yam o € o f Lax there arrived the sun 97.16 

It will be shown in § 56 that Wishram possesses quite a number 

of post-positional elements. In Lower Chinook a few of these appear, 

clearly loan-words, taken from Upper Chinook : 
yulcpE't up to here 13.9 
IcapE't (go-pE't?) up to there, enough 98.4 

In Kathlamet the number of post-positional elements is greater, 

but only one or two are used with any degree of freedom : 

-pa. This post-position takes the place of go of the Lower Chinook. 

It is used quite freely (see § 56.1). 

igiqlcloa'mam tE'ctaqLpa he arrived at their two selves' house 91 . 13 1 
itcLdm'etamit Laxi ilm't ztcu'qoapa qlod'p he placed it that one 

at the water near 121.4 
q!at igl'yuxt e'tcamxtcpa like she did him her heart in 132.5 

Here belong also the common demonstrative adverbs — 
Wpa there 216.9 
gipa f here 250.14 

-ptt . The post-position -pEt is not quite free in Kathlamet. 

gipE'tEtnax to those places 131.10 

e'lxpat as far as the ground 67.12 
-ta toward. 

io'ya e'wata ca'xalcuta he went there, then upward 219.2 
-at from 

e'wa ia'potca't Lqd'wulqt mx iiA'xox then from his anus blood came 
out 184.5. 
-te like. 

z!a jkdkl Etna' note itcd'lkuile like a chief was her resemblance 
247.6 

8id'xost La Lktemena'lcste his face was like the moon 246.6 . 

1 References on the rest of this page refer to F. Boas, Kathlamet Texts. 

§55 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 649 

In most cases transitive and intransitive verbs are used in the 
ordinary manner, but a number of peculiar forms of expression de- 
serve mention. The directional -o- (§ 26) occurs in many transitive 
and intransitive verbs. When, however, a stem, according to its sig- 
nificance, is transitive, it may be made intransitive either by means 
of the prefix -ifci- (§ 26), which brings about elimination of an object, 
or by the use of reflexive forms. Which of these forms is used depends 
in part on usage. In some cases the two forms are used for express- 
ing different tenses. Thus i-ke'-x (i- he ; -Tee- prefix eliminating object ; 
-x to do) signifies he is, the continuative tense, r\rl'-x-a-x (n- modal; 
re- he; -x- reflexive; -a- directive; -x to do) signifies he becomes, 
the transitional tense. The manner of eliminating objects has been 
discussed before (§ 26). It seems, however, desirable to call atten- 
tion here to the frequent use of implied objects and to the peculiar 
intransitive verbs with indirect objects which occupy a prominent 
position in Chinook sentences. Implied objects occur frequently with 
verbs implying the use of parts of the body, as 

aiJcsd'pEna it jumped (literally, it jumped the two [feet]) 9.6 
atlcclntEnd'xe they kneel (literally, they kneel them two) 270.6 
sa'rupot she closed her eyes (literally, they two were closed in 
her) 48.10 

They occur also with other verbs : 

rriELnEltcd'ma you will comb me (literally, you will comb it 

[namely, the comb] to me) 
atca-ia'lqmnax he shouted at him (literally, he shouted her 

[namely, the shout] at him 236.9) 
ariLe'ltdcd I oil him (literally, I oil it [namely, the oil] to him) 

Intransitive verbs with indirect object are used often in place of our 
transitives. These forms also contain often implied objects. 

ne'nxLayu he deserts me (literally, he removes himself from me) 
ayaxE'lHomEqt she forgets him (literally, he on account of her 

forgets his own) 167.16 
ninxE'lgiLX I burn him (literally, he catches fire from me) 
sriEnpd'xuit I close my eyes (literally, they two are closed in 

me) 
mcageld* etd-e you cure her (literally, you cure on account of 

her) 

Subordinate modes are not indicated in Chinook by changes in 
the form of the verbs. Subordination of sentences is indicated only 
by conjunctions which are followed by the usual verbal forms. The 

§55 



650 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY I bull. 4o 

most frequent form of subordination is brought about by the particle 
ma! nix which indicates primarily a temporal relation. 

ma' nix aqi s E'lgElax ike'utan when someone sees (it) a horse 198.1 
ma' nix Lte'mama, mitElo'ta when they come, give it to them 66.22 
mixEULkld'yogo ime'tuk ma' nix aqEmo'lEktca bend your neck when 

some one will roast you 107.21 (mi- you him; -XEn reflexive; 

-lTclJUc to bend, plural -ikldyuJc; i-tuk neck; -IeTcU to roast) 

The conditional conjunctions are closely connected with the demon- 
strative pronoun. The forms qe f qea, qid'x occur, which perhaps 
express nearness and absence. When a statement contrary to 
fact is to be expressed, the particle pos is used. 

qe riekctx mai'Tcxa ime'qlatxala, poc nekct e'ka atci'lxax if it had 
not been for your badness, he would not have done so to us 
139.19 {nekct not; mai'kxa thou; i-q!aixala badness; ^'itathus; 
tc- he; -Ix us; -a directive; -x to do) 

qia nakct qax o £ o'kuil, poc nakct aqid'wa* if it had not been for 
that woman, he would not have been killed 64.5 {qax that, 
feminine; o 6 o'kuil woman; qi- somebody him; -a- directive; 
-wa e to kill) 

tlayd' qia' mkLle'mEn good, if you dive 12.12 

qid'x qlod'p ile'e tcx'l pos amLo'lxam azgio'cgam when you were 
near the land you should have said to it to take it 44.2 {qlod'p 
near; ile'e land: tcxi then; amir- you it; -o- directive; -Ixam 
to say; azgi- it him; -o- directive; -cgam to take) 

qid'x itcd'yan, tcx'l mid'xo if it is a snake, then you shall eat it 
194.2 

The interrogative is expressed by the particle na, which, however, 

is not used when there is an interrogative pronoun or adverb. 

tsnld'xo^ix na tgE'ellgeut are (they) known to me my slaves? 

117.10 
nekct na tne'txixt do I not know it? 66.2 
e'ktaLX Lgid'xot what will he eat? 22.20 {e'kta what; -lx may be; 

Lgi- it him [masc. object corresponding to e'kta]) 
qd'xewa d'Ldf where did they go? 23.14 
La'ksta x'ix'd'm? who is that? 73.14 

The imperative differs from other verbal forms in that it has no 

directive prefix. The imperative of the transitive verb has no subject 

of the second person. (See §§ 22,26). 

§ 56. Post-positions in Wishram {by Edward Sapir) 

Wishram, differing markedly in this respect from Lower Chinook, 
makes rather considerable use of a series of post-positive particles 
§56 



\ 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 651 

defining material case relations (chiefly local and instrumental). As 
most such relations can be expressed by means of local and adverbial 
prefixes and suffixes in the verb, the denominating parts of speech 
being in apposition to incorporated pronominal elements, this use of 
postpositions must be considered as un-Chinookan in origin; the fact 
that some of the postpositive particles are phonetically identical with 
corresponding Sahaptin case suffixes proves the whole process to be 
borrowed from the neighboring Sahaptin linguistic stock. As a rule 
such postpositive particles are used with denominating parts of 
speech (nouns, pronouns, adjectives), but some of them may also be 
suffixed to predicating words (verbs, particle verbs); in the latter 
case the predicate is to be considered as substantivized syntactically, 
though not morphologically, and is used subordinately to another 
predicate. Wishram thus utilizes its postpositions to some extent 
in the building up of subordinate clauses. Where a noun or other 
denominating part of speech has been already represented in the 
verb by an incorporated pronominal element, its relation to the verb 
and to other nouns in the sentence is necessarily already defined, so 
that no postposition is necessary; even here, however, it not infre- 
quently happens that a postposition is pleonastically used (compare 
such English possibilities as "He entered into the house "). If a 
noun is modified by a preceding attributive word (demonstrative 
pronoun, numeral, noun, or adjective), the postposition is used with 
the modifying word. The postpositions, with examples illustrating 
their uses, are listed in the following paragraphs: 

1. -ba (-pa) in, at. With this element should be compared Yakima 
-pa in. Examples illustrating its use with nouns and pro- 
nouns occur with very great frequency, so that only a few 
need here be given. 

cikxa'-imat ci'tlix yak u cxa'tpa half of it lies in his mouth 4.3 1 
gaklalcm'-^mcb illcla'ckac dkni'mba she put the child in the canoe 

2.11 
atgadi'mama da'uydha wi'lx they will come in this land 6.17 
gayu'yam ixtpo' vnlx he arrived at one land 6.28 
itcqxE'mEm axqxatcpa I am sick in my breast 12.27 
gatci'upmt itlo'xwatckpa he hid it in the bushes 18.25 
galu'ya yaxka'ba he went up to him 20.10 (one can also say 

galiglu'ya he went to him with local prefix -gEl-) 

i References are to Wishram Texts. 

8 56 



652 BUREAU OF AMEBtCAtf ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

gadiqlEllxi'uba icia'gitcba ya f Tc u cxaipa wamLlu'xiba they went out 
through him at his nostrils, at his mouth, and at his ears 28.24 
galu'xuni yaga'ilpa wi'mal it floated in the great river 48.7 
alxu'ya wa'tcktiti itga'qpuks let us go on the tops of the grass 
70.26 (literally, the-grass-at its-tops) 
Observe that the first two examples illustrate its pleonastic use; 
the nouns yak u cxa't and dknVm have been respectively antici- 
pated in the verb by the pronominal elements -i- and -a-, 
while their local relation to the verb is defined by the prefix 
-it- on following these elements, -ba is also used with demon- 
strative stems to form adverbs of place where : da/ha here ; 
Icwo'ba there; ia'xiba yonder. 
As subordinating element, -5a denotes where; less frequently it 
indicates cause. It is suffixed either to the verb itself, or, 
similarly to the case of the modified noun, to an adverb or 
particle preceding the verb. Examples are : 

cWJxya i'nadix qIa'tsEnba gatccgE'lgElx across yonder (were) the 

two where he had first seen them 8.10 (literally, first-at 

he-saw-them) 
galilcto'ptclc gatccgEllcE'lxpa he came to land where he had seen 

them 8.5 
e'wi gali'xox gayaxa'limalxpa he looked back to where he had 

thrown himself into the water 8.6 
mafsa gali'xox qlu'mba gagi'ux he was ashamed because she had 

disturbed him in his sleep 58.26 (literally, disturb-in-sleep 

at she-made-him) 

2. -iamt (often with palatalized a as -4amt, -demt) to, from. This 
suffix is probably Chinookan in origin; it may be plausibly 
analysed as verb stem -i- go + verb suffix -am arriving 4- 
tense suffix -t. This analysis would explain its two appar- 
ently contradictory meanings. It tends to draw the accent to 
itself. Examples are: 

ickte'lgwiptck wimalia'mt they collected (driftwood) from the 

river 2.2 
nigElga'ha ieiagitcia'mt it flew out of his nostrils 80.29 (liter- 

ally, out of him from his nostrils) 
gacxPklwa'x tctoqlia'mt the two returned to their house 2.12 
gayuktwi'xa ilaxni'mwmt he swam to the person's canoe 18.23 
mxa'tdctcamwirnalia'mt go to the river and wash yourself 22.18 

(literally, go-and-wash-yourself to-the-river) 

gatclu'TcH itqHia'mt iticqoa he took the water to the house 28.8 

As subordinating element it may be translated as to where. An 

example of its use after verbs is: 
§56 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 653 

asEmxElu'tka a'tpxiamd aga'mx you shall look towards the east 
188.21 (literally, she-comes-out to-where the-sun) 

3. ha' ma for, belonging to. This is evidently the Yakima suffix 

-pama for. Examples of its use with denominating words are : 

na'ikabam' amtklni'dama ilqagi'lak for my sake you two will go 
and get me the woman 62.25 

ya'xtau laxka'bama Igiubl'tcEma that (fish) he obtains for himself 
186.4 

gaqxo'gvngax itsli'nonks wi'lxpama animals were taken belonging 
to the country 16.13 

ctmo'tcct gactu'ix ntca'ikabama two of our men (literally, us-for) 
went on 216.16 

da'nbama qxe'dau mxu'lal what for do you speak thus? 132.24 

Iga'tqwom luwa'n qa'xbabama he has come I know not where from 
128.17 (literally, what-in belonging-to) 

kla'ya lewd'babama idE'lxam tcduxt he had not made people be- 
longing to there 44.23 

gi'gwalbam' itkli'tit underclothes (literally, below-for clothes) 

Less commonly bama may precede. An example is — 

bam 1 iLxe'wulx aklugwi" ilkla'lamat he carries rocks for (i. e., in 
order to gain) strength 186.17 (cf. iLxe'wulx bama 188.2) 

When used at the beginning of a predication, bama gives it the 
meaning of a clause of purpose. Examples are : 

ba'ma la'-itcka a'lEm' atcludi'na in order that he might kill them 
54.2 (literally, for them will he-will-kill-them) 

bama capca'p qiuxu'nnil ika'ba 188.19 for chopping up the ice 
(literally, for chop-up it-is-always-made the-ice) 

When accented (bama'), it is used after predicates to mean ever 

since. An example is — 

rik!a/ckacbama' kla'ya qxantcix itctc<jE f mEm ever since I was a 
child I have never been sick 190.9 

4. (E)nEgi with, by means of, less frequently made out of. It 

seems to be the Yakima genitive case ending -ngi. Examples 
are — 

axk' E'riEgi amcgiu'xa lq!6'p with it you will cut it off 12.4 
Lqlo'p galgi'ux aqE'riEkc E f UEgi they cut it off with the stone knife 

18.5 
galklo'qV alakcE'n EUEgi he counted them with his finger 18.19 
itla'ma ngi gayu'ya he went by means of a round-pointed canoe 

38.21 
iga'bEndc E'nEgi gatclu'x he made them out of young oak 4.13 

§56 



654 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Less frequently ngi may precede. Examples are — 

xa'u xau galxu'x ng' ilkcE'n they combed themselves with the 

hand 78.10 
ayakla'lamat ngi wa'nux his pipe (was) made out of a stomach 

94.9 

a'mEni made out of, less frequently with. It is perhaps 
the Yakima -nmi. Examples are — 

sa'q u iikla'lamat a'mEni dkilxax it is entirely out of stones 82.13 
islclu'ly' amEni isga'lclaps aqsu'xwa a hat is made out of coyote 

182.7 
allclwa'dit amEni aqiu'xwa it is made of tule 182.9 
itqlu'tc 1 a'mEni tSE'xtsEX gaqtu'x iikla'munaq they split trees by 

means of antlers 182.14 

6. -pt up to is used to form adverbs out of demonstrative stems: 

dapt up to here; Tcwopt up to there, then, enough; ya'xpt 
up to yonder. Probably etymologically identical with this 
element is -T)Et , frequently added to verbs or other words in 
the predicate to form temporal clauses. Examples are — 

gatclE'mquit Iqa'wulqt gagiula' dahit he spit blood when she threw 

him down 14.11 
galikta'tckpEt pla'la igi'xox when he had come up out of the 

water, he stopped 22.18 
lE f p(Jb)Et alxu'xwa anigElga'ya when he dives, I shall take hold 

of it 18.20 
nkla'dcacbst when I was a boy 188.8 
aga'lax alaxu'xwa yaxtadi'wi gali'xux galxo'qbEt the weather will 

be as it was when they came together 130.27 

When rhetorically lengthened to -bd't, this post-position has a gen- 
eral cumulative significance; with verbs it is best translated as many 
as. Examples are — 

gwE f nEmaba f d ilgwo'mEX antic twa'lalaqwida I shall be absent as 
much as five days 122.12 

Icwd'pt natcdupgEnayaba't that many (ropes) as he had appor- 
tioned 188.6 ' 

qxa'ntcipt alklxa'tgway 1 atclulxamaha't he piles up as many as he 
tells him to 186.19 

7. diwi (emphatic d&'wi) like. This element is very likely of 

demonstrative origin, and so does not perhaps belong here. 

It is freely used, however, as a post-position, and so may be 

included. Examples are — 

ickla'li diwi datcli'p striped like a basket 166.2 

iya'lqx ilgwa'lilx diwi his body (was) like a person's 166.17 

naika dd'wi itcE'lgulit exactly like my appearance 104.10 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 655 

VOCABULARY (§§ 57-60) 
§ 57. Onomatopoetic Terms 

The most important trait of the Chinook vocabulary is the abun- 
dance of onomatopoetic terms. 

There are many nouns of onomatopoetic origin. All of these con- 
tain the imitative group of sounds doubled. Since, in onomatopoetic 
words when used as verbs, duplication of the stem signifies repetition, 
the doubling of the stem in nouns may be interpreted as meaning that 
the particular sound is uttered habitually by the object designated 
by the onomatopoetic term. Some nouns contain other phonetic 
elements in addition to the doubled group of imitative sounds. 

This class of nouns includes particularly names of birds, of a few 
other animals, and a miscellaneous group of terms among which are 
found names of parts of the body and a few terms of relationship. 
Some of these are not strictly onomatopoetic, but may be included in 
the class of doubled stems for the sake of convenience. 

(1) Birds. 

From stem tie is formed tile? tie hawk 

qoel iqoe'lqoel owl 

poe ipo'epoe (sp. ?) 

qes iqe'sqes, o*e'c?ec blue jay 

qods iqoafsqoas crane 

qorie iqorie'qorie gull 

tSEn e'tSEntSEU humming-bird 

goex ogoe'xgoex female mallard-duck 

tclak utcIdktcIa/Tc eagle 

tsids otsid* 'stsias robin 

qui e'qvlqvl heron 

lot iqso'iloildt (sp. ?) 

tslek omuntsle'lctslek teal-duck 

Tcoae otcle'nakoaekoae (sp. ?) 

tcxEn tqle'ptcxEntcxEn sprigtail ducks 

qet CEnqetqe't hawk 

Icon iqstd'iconkon woodpecker 

(2) Mammals. 

From stem pEn is formed o'pEnpEn skunk; I'pEnpEn badger 
nam (?) enamna'muks otter 

Jcdtc uko'tckotc porpoise 

tEp 8E f ntEptEp shrew 

cslq I'cElqcElq porcupine 

§57 



n 



656 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Lbull. 40 

(3) Other animals. 

From stem qo is formed Vqoqo pike 

lox ilo'xlox oyster 

Iex iqalifxlEX a small fish (see Iex scales) 

xe iq!oatE / xexe bullfrog 

msn clatee'mEnmEn newt 

Id 8Eq!alold butterfly 

(4) Plants. 

From stem ma is formed ema'ma pewterwort 
qEl o e ElqEl polypodium 

cdq ucafqcaq pteris 

(5) Parts of body. 

From stem p!ox is formed upto'xplox elbow 
tc$6l utcxd'Uacol lungs 

Tcuc ckucku'c testicles 

(6) Terms of relationship. 

From stem ga is formed ia'gaga his mother's father 

qac ia'qacqac his father's father 

cga oya'cgacga his mother's mother 

Jcle oya'Tcfflcle his father's mother 

ma ma! mama his father 

ta zia/tata his mother's brother 

Tclac ikia'ckc boy 

(7) Miscellaneous terms: 

From stem pat is formed ipa'tpat net 

IceI I'tCElteEl brass buttons 

8Eq dSEfqsEq buck-skin 

t8EX LtSE / xtSEX gravel, thorn 

Jcloye oktoye'Tcloye fingering 

gac ogo'cgac sealing-spear 

Jcup ikupku'p short dentalia 

qal (?) iqd'lxal gambling-disks 

l !al %l lalz !al gambling-disks 

q!al iq!a'lq!al short baton 

qwis o e wi8qwis breaking of wind 

qom (?) iqo'mxom cedar-bark basket 

lTcIeti o' iklmiklEn open basket 

quia Lqvla u vla egg 

Iex o'IexIex scales 

Lluvxdlc e' L!uwdHcL!uwalk mud 

Iew, olEmlEm rotten wood {-Hsm rotten bark) 

qot iqle'qotqot fever 

A second large class of onomatopoetic terms, those used in place 
of verbs, has been discussed before (§ 46). 
§57 



»oas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 657 

§ 58. Nouns Expressing Adjectival and Verbal Ideas 

In Chinook a great many adjectives and verbs are expressed by 
substantives. In these expressions the quality or action becomes 
the subject or object of the sentence, as the case may be. The 
Chinook will say, the man's badness killed the child's poverty, 
meaning that the bad man killed the poor child. It is true that such 
expressions are not entirely unfamiliar to us; for we can say, he 

WENT THE WHOLE LENGTH OF THE WAT, or HE MASTERED THE DIFFI- 
CULTIES of the problem, in which we also treat a quality as objec- 
tive. In Chinook this method is applied to a greater extent than in 
any other language I know. Many qualities are used only as abstract 
nouns, while others may be transformed into adjectives by the prefix 
gr-, which expresses possession (see § 17.6); for instance: 

id'qlatxal his badness 

gid'qlatxal the one who has his badness (i. e., the bad one) 

In the same way, verbs appear as nouns. This also is a mode of 
expression not unfamiliar to us, although the frequent application of 
such expressions and the ideas they express appear very strange. 
We can say, like the Chinook, he makes a hit and he has a sick- 
ness, instead of he hits and he is sick; we can even use the verbal 
idea as the subject of a transitive verb, or form analogous passive 
constructions; for instance, sorrow filled his heart, he was 
seized by a fit of anger ; .but the absence or rarity of the corre- 
sponding verbal forms and the strong personification of the verbal 
idea in the noun appear to us quite strange. 

Most of the nouns of this class are always used with the possessive 
pronoun. The following examples illustrate their uses : 

a'lta (1) itsano'Tcstx (2) dLklEfnilclEn (3) agxa'loik (4) ik!Ena/tan 
(5) now (1) she put (4) potentilla-roots (5) into (4) the small- 
ness of (2) a clam basket (3) 43.22 

oho' (1) itci'qdqcin (2) Lw'xauyam (3) / oho' (1) my wife's 
relative's (2) poverty (3) ! i. e., oh, my poor relative ! 67.21 

taqe' (1) ee'tcxot (2) iaflkuile (3) just like (1) a bear's (2) simi- 
larity (3) 275.11 
* quLtftc (1) igb' Lgisli (2) tcdxt (3) Ib'i (4) once more (1) her he 

(2) has done her (3) Ioi (4) i. e., Ioi has lied again 163.14 
o'lo (1) aJctd'x (2) te'lx-Em (3) hunger (1) acts on (2) the people 

(3) 260.16 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 42 § 58 



658 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Ica'nauwe (1) tEUda/xukc (2) o f tam e o (3) all (1) birds (2) their 
chewed thing (3) i. e., all birds eat of it 40.18 

ta'TcE (1) d'yatda (2) nixa'lax (3) then (1) his sickness (2) came 
to be on him (3) i. e., then he became sick 

qafda (1) itxd' e alqt (2) qtgiafxo (3) t how (1) shall we make (3) 
our wailing (2) ? 

A list of these nouns has been given on pp. 599-600. 

It will, of course, be understood that these words, from the Chinook 
point of view, do not form a separate class, but that they are simply 
concrete or abstract nouns, as the case may be. They are in no way 
different from similar constructions in English, in which the quality 
of an object is expressed as its property. We find, therefore, also, 
that many ordinary concrete nouns perform the functions of adjec- 
tives. Aya'fXEla (1) icimefwat (2), literally, the duck (2) its fat 
(1) means the duck had (much) fat, or the fat duck. The only 
peculiarity of Chinook in this respect is, that certain ideas which we 
consider as qualities or activities are always considered as concrete 
or abstract nouns. A glance at the list shows clearly that quite a 
number of these words can not be considered as stems. Some are 
derivatives of unchangeable words, and others are evidently com- 
pounds. 

§ 59. Phonetic Characteristics of Nominal Steins 

On account of the intricate derivation of Chinook nouns, and our 
unfamiliarity with the component stems, it is impossible to describe 
the phonetic characteristics of nominal stems. The lists of nouns 
given before (pp. 597 et seq.) contain a number of stems consisting of 
consonants only, while most of the others are monosyllabic stems. It 
is doubtful if the purely consonantic stems have originated entirely 
through phonetic decay. A comparison of the Upper and Lower 
Chinook dialects gives no decisive answer to this question. 

On the whole I am under the impression that a considerable number 
of monosyllabic nouns, and perhaps a few of two syllables, may be 
considered as stems. 

§ 60. Verbal Stems 

The onomatopoetic stems which do not readily form true verbs, 
and the nouns used for expressing verbal ideas (so far as they are 
not derivatives) reduce the total number of true verbal stems con- 
siderably. These are very brief, consisting sometimes of a single 

§§59,60 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 659 

sound, often of a group of consonants, or of a single syllable. Steins 
of this character are relatively so numerous as to arouse suspicion 
that all dissyllabic stems may be compounds. 

In many cases it is very difficult to determine the stem of the verb, 
because it remains often doubtful whether an initial -x, -fc, and -g 
belong to the stem or to a prefix. The following list contains only 
such steins the phonetic character and significance of which appear 
reasonably certain. The steins are arranged according to their initial 
sounds — first vowels, then labials, dentals, palatals, and finally 
laterals. The beginning of the stem is marked by parallel lines: 
suffixes are separated by single lines; tr., signifies transitive; intr., 
intransitive. 

-mux others, apart 
-a'mka only, alone 
-a'newa first 

-ext one (for animals and inanimate objects) 
-Vmt one (person) 

-o\\i to go. The forms of this verb are irregular. Some are 
derived from a stem -i, while others seem to have the stem -5. 
It may be, however, that the latter is only the directive pre- 
fix -o-. The stem -i (which is absent in forms like a'yb he 
goes, a! Lb it goes) reappears in 

ayd'yam he arrives 

ayb'ix he is in the habit of going 

no'ya I go 

no'yam I arrive 

rie'gEmoya he goes along it 

nigEld'ya I go for a purpose, i. e., I go hunting 

ayoe'wvlxt he goes up 
-XEl\\di\ma other, different 
-wa to pursue 

-a\\wa to pursue tr. 62.12 

-xd\\wa to run pi. intr. 276.9 

-XE f l\\wa\lco to follow around 

-u\(U)a'\\x'it to flee ( = to be pursued) 223.10 

-u\\wa'\lco to demand 157.19 
-a\\wa £ to kill sing. obj. 
-a\\wan belly 186.6 ( = pregnant) 
-a\ \wvl e to swallow 46.12 
-a\ \wintsx to melt 
-u\\we' s raw, unripe 93.26 
-pETia to jump 

~o\\pEna tr. with dual obj. to jump 192.13 

§60 



660 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-palau to talk 

-o\\palaw\ul to address some one tr. 213.15 

-Jci\\palau substantive to bewitch (=word) 62.16 
-o\\pia'LX to gather, to pick 245.5 
-o\\peqLa to scratch 26.21 
-o\\peL to stretch out 109.12 
-po to close, to shut 

-x\\po\te to be locked 12.3 

-d\ \po to shut a box 

-n||po|J to shut in (==to shut eyes) 47.18 
-x\\pdna to carry food to wife's relatives 249.7 
-o\\pon\it to put up 29.8 
. -pol darkness, night 

-po'lakli dark 29.8 

no'ponmrh it gets dark 23.5 
-o\\pcut to hide 9.10 
-o\\ptca to lead by hand 130.6 
-o\ \ptcx to mend 

-o\p!Ena to pronounce, to utter 253.21 
-o\\m\alco to distribute, to give presents 98.8 

-l\\m\ako 77.17 
-o\\ma'inx rotten 199.26 
-o\\metck to find, gather up 162.21 
-l\\me'ctx to loan, to lend; tr. with two obj. 
-o\\meqL to lick 42.8 

-o\\mela to scold 93.24 (=bad? Kathlamet) 
-mexa one more 
-o\\m,Et to grow up 224.4 
-oWmsl to buy 94.20 
-oWmnqt to die sing. 114.3, to faint, 239.6 

-dWmsqtit thirsty 71.1 
-mEq to vomit, to spit 

-o| \m,Eq\o-it to spit 

-d\\m% to vomit 13.6 

e'\\m e a\lqL qualmish 
-XEn\\md'sx*Em to play, to fool, to make fun of 178.18 
-o\\t to give 164.6 
-t to come 

-t\e to come 15.18 

-t\e\mam to arrive coming 161.14 

-x\\t\aka to come back 28.21 

-x\\t\aJcdm to arrive coming back 16.17 

-ga\\t\!dm (for -gatqom) to meet 94.11 

§60 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 661 

-jrieZ \ta to leave 250.8 

-XEl\\ta to leave 250.10 

- e El\\ta\qL to leave sing. obj. 123.15 

-e\\ta[qL to leave pi. obj. 128.7 

-l\\ta\tkc to leave to somebody 177.5 
-1c\\ta to pursue, to meet 197.24, 23.19 
4\\taqt to meet 164.26 
-o\\iena to kill pi. obj. 23.22 
-Z| \tigd to oil, to grease; tr. with two objs., the direct obj. 

-L- standing for grease 
-&El\\tdm to accompany 135.20 
-o\\tukc to suck 
-ik to put down 

-6| |$ to put away 177.6, to snow 42.1 

-XEm\o\\tk to stake 30.16 

'0\\tg\akd to put down around ( = to step) 240.29 

-o\tcin\\ik to put first ( = to begin) 
-o\\tx to give away 
-to to stand sing. 

-o\\tx\uit to stand 184.20 

-g\o\tx to stand on, to strike 191.20 

-o\\tx\uit\tcu to fall down 

-o\\tx\umit to place upright 48.5 

-d\\tx\uitck to make ready 42.17 

-xeI\ \tx\uitck to get ready 
-team to hear 

-x\tcimaq to understand 165.16 

-l\\tcimaq to hear 24.18 
-o\\tcena to lay down 98.6 
-o\\tceqLlc u to be crosswise 266.13 
-gEl\\tcim to strike, to hit 66.4 
-tct to move on water 

-o\\tct\tcu to go down river by canoe 277.3 

-o\\tct\amit to push into water 74.22 
-o\\tctxom to finish 46.23 

naxifl \tctxom to finish one's own (breath), to faint 
-o\\tcktc to wash 39.23 
-o| \tsqat short 
-XEl\o\\tcx to observe 25.1 
-o\\tcxEm to boil 23.4 
-c to be somewhere sing. 

-o\\c to be 219.7 

-Z|61|c to be in 151.3 

-Ic\d\\c to be on 39.12 

-x\o\\c to be on ground 39.18 

§60 



662 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-o||ci to roast in ashes 185.4 
-o\\ctx to carry on back 114.20 
-eg to take 

-o\\cg\am to take 134.1 

-o\\cge\LX to take to water 116.24 

-x\ \cg\am to take away 

-gEl\ge\\cg\am to help 28.6 

-xWcglallii, to play 17.4 
-o\\8Tco\it warm 174.13 
-ckta to search on beach 88.4 
-o\\cJc u !l to turn over fire 
-\\nata on the other side, across 
-mclzl to miss something that is needed 

-o\\naxL\atck to lose 43.17 
-o\ \na,LX to wipe 
-ni to tie (?) 

-Jc!e\\ni\aTco to tie around 253.2 

-x\\ni\ako to tie around 115.24 
-ngo to run sing. 

-xa\\ngo to run 23.23 

-xa\tE\ \ngo to come running 28.3 

-o\\ngo'mit to cause to run (= to carry away) 27.16 

-o\\ngue to flutter 
-JceI to see 

- s eI\\TceI to see sing. obj. 115.1 

- e e\\lcEl to see pi. obj. 66.11 
-Jca to fly 

-o\\Jco to fly 

-t\\lca to come flying 

-t\\Jca\mam to arrive flying and coming 
-Jcim to say 127.17 
-ge'xa to swim 

-o\\guexa to swim 14.15 

-gEl\\gexa\xe to swim across 217.11 
gexe (-guexeY) to sweep 

-o\\guexe 172.5 
-A:o to go home, to pass 

-x\\Tcd to go home 25.9, to go past 

-xaf\\ko to come home 212.2 
-Jca (-Jcol) 

-o\\ko to order 129.29 
-gon another 

-x\\kxue to throw away 17.11 
-o\\lcuman to look at 47.2 

60 



ftOAs] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 663 

-o\\kula to sharpen 15.21 

-o Jctik to lie down on side 76.8 

-Jcto\mit to take revenge on relative of a murderer 203.10 

-ktuq to enslave 

-o \Jctc to carry 66.4 

-Jctcax (-giftcax) to cry 275.2 

-o Jctcan to hold in hand 271.10 

-o JctciTct roasted, done 134.10 

-o\\Jctcikt\amit to roast 93.26 
-o\\kc to harpoon 92.9 
-o\Jcct to see 217.22 

-o\\kct\am to go to see 187.10 
-o\\kct (probably the same as -Jctc above) to carry 38.18 
-xp\\kcti to lie down, to sleep 76.20 
-xalpJcctgo to throw down 16.8 
-o JcHck to make net 95.4 
-o,|fc tt z to carry 129.19 

-t\\lc u L to bring 127.13 

-t Jc u L\am to arrive bringing 67.6 
-Tc u l to tell 

-xil\guL\itck to tell 37.17 

-x\\lc u L\el 41A 
-kLlwa to paddle 135.1 
-o\\lcLpa to miss 271.13 
-Tela to haul, to pull 

-x\\k!a 117.19 

-gat\k!a to haul here 
-k!oL to glue 
-a] \q to meet 

-ga\\ e \om to arrive meeting 117.24 
-a\\qamt (-a\'q\amit1) to look 218.11 
-a, qamst to drink 
-Z| \qamx to shout 
-qanafit to lie 

-o\\quna\it to lie down 16.23 

-TcWqanait to lay on top of 

-o\\quna' itx'it to fall down 
-qa'yaqt between 
-o\\qa-iL large 
-qena orphan 
- e em to give food 

-l\\ £ em to give food 22.10 

-t\\!em to come to give food 

-geWqoim 240.28 

§60 






664 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

- e oya between 

-n\\ e oya to put between into 172.20 

-a\\ € oyamit to leave meanwhile 93.26 

-a\\ € oya time between (= days) 175.9 
-a\fwewuL to invite 176.18 

-t t \!ewuL to invite here 41.6 
-a\fwilx m to hit, to strike 65.12 
-a\\ e optit to sleep 255.16 
-a\\ s bpk to steam on stones 97.25 
-a\\qot to bathe 

-x\\ e ot to bathe sing. 12.8 

-x\\ e oyut to bathe pi. 
-a\\ s otc! to awaken sing. 137.23 

-a\\ e oyutc! to awaken pi. 
-a\\*onim to laugh at 184.3 
-a\\qc to split wood 45.18, to bite 100.13 
-aWqcti to be satiated 172.12 
-qua to count 

-qua/wit to be counted (= to menstruate) 245.20 
-o \xun to drift 
-o\\xik to' steal 163.12 
-o\\x'tkin to search 12.5 
-xgo to be transformed 

-xgo\mit to transform 30.23 
-alls tr. to do; intr. to become, to be 

-I Worn to arrive 

-a\ \x\otck to begin to do ( — to work) 
-muwl many 

-xdyal common man -(xaU) 
-xena to stand pi., to place upright 23.6 

-xena\x'it to stand pi. 235.19 
-xomem to show 41.2 
-gmWo'Un to help sing 235.5 
~o\ ] xoqtc to invite 60.4 
-xolU dizzy 
-xol! to finish 
-o\\xik to swim (fish) 63.13 
-xg\dko to surpass 245.13 
-a||xs to cut 
-Z to move 

-o| \l\a to move 

-a||Z|Z to shake intr. 156.14 

-o|IZ|afcfc to lift 25.21 
-lap to dig 
a -laxta next 60.8 

§60 



boas] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 665 

-o\\lEktc to roast 124.19 
-o\\lxam to say to tr. 13.17 
-LEmat next to last 
-xa to sit, to remain 

-o\\m\it to be, to sit 22.10 

-gEmWiait to wait for 128.5 

-xif\\La\it dead pi. 

-k\ \La\it to be in canoe 
-o\\uata to pull back 38.13 

-o\\Lafta\x'it to fly about 
-Lklik crooked 
-o\ \Lqat long 

-o\\lI (rO\\Lq) to win, to surpass 30.15 
-Lqm to strike 

-ge\\Lqia to stab 89.1 

-xeI\ o\\LqLa to hammer 
-xeI\ \LXElEm to eat 
-Llala foolish 
-l!eIez lean 

§60 



CHINOOK TEXT 

The Shamans 
Gita'kikElal 1 atge'fx 2 e'wa 3 tmewa'lEma. 4 Ma'nix 5 aLd'niks, 6 

Those who have they go thus the ghosts. When three persons, 

power of seeing 

La'newa 7 aqLa'x 8 pat 9 giLa'xawdk; 10 k!imta' 11 aqLa'x 8 pat 9 

that one first some one really one who has a last some one really 

makes him guardian spirit; makes him 

giLa'xawdk; 10 ka'tsEk 12 aqLa'x 8 gianu'kstx 13 iLa'xaw6k. 14 Aqe'kta6x 15 

one who has a middle some one one who has his guardian Some one pur- 

guardian spirit; makes him smallness spirit. sues it 

iLa'xanate 16 Lka'nax, 17 ma'nix 5 e'Latc!a 18 Lka'nax. 17 Ma'nix 5 

his life the chief, when his sickness the chief. When 

itca'qlatxala 19 aya'xElax 20 qax 21 ue'xatk, 22 aLkto'plEna 23 La' ff ewam 24 

its badness "it is on it that trail, he utters it his shaman song 

qo'La 25 La'newa. 7 Ma'nix 5 e'wa 3 k'limta' 11 itca'qlatxala 19 aya'xElax 20 

that first one. When thus behind its badness it is on it 

* -kEl to see, as a transitive verb used with the prefixed element -*fX- (§ 25.7); -ki- is introduced to make 
the stem -kEl intransitive (§ 26.4); terminal -I (with connecting weak vowel al) indicates an action char- 
acterized by many repetitions (§ 31.7); this compound stem kikslalis treated as a masculine noun, power 
of seeing (§ 34.5); this appears as third person plural possessive 4a- (§ 23), and is transformed into a per- 
sonal noun by prefixed g- (§ 17.6). 

2 a- aorist(§ 17.1); tg- third person plural, special form (§ 19.2); el vowel lengthened under stress of accent; 
-i usitative (§ 32.11). 

a I'wa THUS, THEN (§ 44.2.) 

4 1- third person plural (§21); -mewal ghost, a stem introduced after the older stem -memElost had been 
tabooed on account of the death of a person whose name contained this word; -ma distributive ending, 
always used with the stem -mewal (§ 38.2). 

5 ma'nix, temporal conjunction when. 

• Lon three; -Iks plural indicating human beings (§38.1); a- special plural. 
t -a'newa first; l- neuter pronoun (§ 18). 

3 a- aorist, q-, subject some one (§ 18); h- object it (§ 18); -d- directive, for 6 -before k sound (§ 10); -i stem 
to do; contracted with the usitative ending -i (§ 32.11), which has drawn the accent to the last syllable. 

» pat really, adverb. 

10 i'kawdk guardian spirit; -lo- neuter possessive (§ 23), after which the k changes to ? (§ 6.1); g- trans- 
forms the term Into a personal noun (§ 17.6). 

" kttmta' last, afterwards, behind. Adverb, may also be used as noun. 

" ka'tsEk middle. Adverb, may also be used as noun. 

1 3 i- nukstx smallness, with possessive pronoun masculine third person, and personifying prefix g- (see 
notes 1, 10). 

" See note 10. 

k a- aorist; q- some one; -e him; stem presumably -ta*\ the preceding k seems to be adverbial on 
(§ 25.3), because when accented It takes the form gE', and because, after 6, an 6 Is Inserted following It: for 
Instance, aqtigo'ta'x 197.15 some one pursues them; the verb has, however, only one object. It never 
occurs with directive -d-. 

is i-kand'te life, soul. Neuter possessive (§ 23). See also note 10. 

" i-kd'nax chief, rich man; dka'nax chieftainess (§ 7); Lka'nax indefinite, a chief. 

is e'-tcfa sickness. Masculine noun; neuter possessive. 

u e'-qlatxala badness. Masculine noun, feminine possessive, relating to the feminine noun ui'xatk. 

» Intransitive verb with indirect object; o- aorist; y for i between vowels (§ 17.1), he (namely, bad- 
ness); d- her (namely, trail); -x- indicates that the badness belongs to the trail (§ 24); -I to (§ 25.1); -a- 
dlrectlve before k sound (§ 10); -x stem to do, to be. 

666 



boas] HANDBOOK OP AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 667 

qax 21 ue'xatk, 22 ka 2fl qo'La 25 iau'a 27 klimta' 11 aLktoplEna'x 28 

that trail, and that one then behind he utters it 

La' e ewam. 24 Cka 28 mE'nx'I 2 * nopo'nEmx 30 ka 28 atogoe'la itx, 31 tatcl 

his song. And a little while it is dark and they treat him, how- 

ever, 

ayu'ktEliL 82 io'itEt 33 ka 26 aqita'*6m 34 iLa'xanate 16 qo'La 25 ge'LatcIa. 35 

the morning comes and .some one his life that one who has 

star reaches it his sickness. 

Aqio'cgam 86 iLa'xanate. 1 * Noxota'kox 37 tga'xawok 88 gita'kikElal. 1 

Some one takes his life. They return their guardian those who have 

it spirits power of seeing. 

E'xtEtnae 39 m6'kcti 40 aLa' € oix, 41 e'xtEmae 39 e'xti 42 aLa' e oix 41 ka 26 

Sometimes twice are between, sometimes once is between and 

aqe'tElotxax 43 iLa'xanate 18 qigo 44 noxota'komx 45 qo'ta 46 tga'wdk. 38 

some one gives his soul as they return those guardian 

him to them spirits. 

TIa'ya 47 aLxa'x 48 ge'LatcIa. 35 

Weil he becomes one who has 

his sickness. 

Ma'nix 5 aqia'wax 40 iLa'xanate 16 ge'LatcIa, 35 atge'ix 2 gita'kikElal 1 

When some one pursues his soul one who has his they go those who have the 

him sickness power of seeing, 

ma'nix 5 aqia'wax 49 iLa'xanate 18 ge'LatcIa; 35 iau'a 27 qiqlE'tcqta 50 

when some one pursues his soul one who has then to the left 

him sickness; 



» Demonstrative feminine, absent past (§ 44); the corresponding masculine is qix. 

» u-e'xatk trail. Stem probably -2x. 

28 a- aorist; l- indefinite (neuter) subject; -Jfe- indicates l as transitive subject (§ 19); 4 them; -6- directive; 
stem p.'Ena (Upper Chinook ^pqsna). 

84 L-q?wam shaman's song. Neuter possessive (§ 23); since the accent is thrown back before the q, it 
is weakened to ' (§ 6.3). 

* qoia, neuter demonstrative, absent invisible past (§ 44). 

* The connective conjunction appears as ka, k/a, and cka. It has not been possible to give a satisfactory 
explanation of their uses. 

17 Then. Demonstrative adverb related to I'wa. 

* See note 23, with usitative suffix -x (§ 32.11). 

» mank a little; with adverbial ending -J, the k is always aspirated. 

» Irregular formation from the feminine stem -pol. It would seem as though the directive -o had been 
inserted in the verbal form in which the aoristic n- appears before a vowel (§17.1). This n- has assimilated 
the 4 of -pdl (§ 8). The explanation is, however, not satisfactory. 

» a- aorist; t- third person plural intransitive subject; -6- third person plural object before -g; -gl- prefix 
eliminating one object (?) (§ 26.4); -la-it stem, perhaps -l+-a-it (§ 29.1). 

** Intransitive third person masculine singular before vowel, when the i- takes a con semantic character, 
so that the aoristic a is retained; -u directive; stem -ktEliL. 

w *- third person masculine singular before vowel, -6. 

« o- aorist; -q- indefinite subject; -i- third person masculine singular object; -ta' stem to pursue; -6m for 
•am after k sound, to arrive (§ 26.1). 

te See fLatcla (note 18); g~ personal noun (§17.6). 

»«• aorist; -q- indefinite subject; -t- third person masculine singular object; -6 directive; -eg- stem to 
take; -urn completion of motion. 

87 n- aorist before vowel; -6- third person plural before k sound; -x reflexive; -o probably short and intro- 
duced after o preceding x; 4 stem to come; dko around, back; -x usitative. 

» t- plural; tg&'- third person plural possessive; i'kawdk guardian spirit. 

* ext one; -ma distributive; -i adverb. 

* mdkei two; 4 (=» S) adverb. 

41 o- aorist; L- Intransitive third person neuter subject; -a- directive, for -6- before k sound; stem- e oya 
between; -x usitative. 

48 ixt one; 4 (— -?) adverb. 

48 a- aorist; -q- indefinite subject; S- him; 4- them; 4- to; -5- directive; 4x to give away; -x usitative. 
This form is unusual in so far as the two terminal x's are not contracted and the accent is not on the ultima. 

44 Demonstrative adverb q- invisible; -*- masculine; -go there. 

46 See note 37; -om for -am after k sound and perhaps contracted with -ako; -x usitative. 

« See note 25, plural. 

« See § 46.3. 

48 a- aorist; -l- neuter; -x- reflexive; -a- directive, for -6- before k sound; -x stem to do. 

«a- aorist; -q- Indefinite subject; -t- third person masculine object; -5- directive, accented before w; 
•wa- to pursue one; -x usitative. 

M qiqlE'tcqta left; qinqleama' right. Particles. 



668 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY * [bull. 40 

qax 21 ue'xatk 22 aLo'ix; 51 nogo'gof mx 52 gita'kikElal: 1 "O, 

that trail it went; they say those who have the "Oh, 

power of seeing: 

Lo'mEqta, 68 taL,!!" 54 Ma'nlx 5 iau'a 27 qinqteama' 50 ayo'ix 65 

he will die, nevertheless!" When there to the right goes 

iLa'xanate: 18 "0, tla'ya 47 qLa'xo." 56 

his soul: "Oh, well some one will make 

him." 

Aqiga' e omx 57 qigo 44 naLxoa'pe 58 ile'e. 59 la'xkate 60 aLkLE- 

Some one reaches it when the hole ground. There they always 

£ E'mcta-itx 61 tmemElo'ctikc. 62 Ma'nix 5 aLkLa'mctx 83 gg'Latda 35 go 64 

drink it the ghosts. When he has drunk it the one who has there 

his sickness 

qo'La 25 Ltcuq, 65 aita 66 nekct qa'nsix 67 tlaya'" 47 aqiii'x. 8 Qe'xtce 68 

that water, then not (any) how well some one Endeavoring 

makes him. 

ka'nauwe 6 ® tga'qewama 70 ataLge'la-itx, 71 n&kct 72 Llpax 78 aqiii'x. 8 

all their, shaman songs they treat him, not well someone 

makes him. 

Lfap 73 aqe'ax 74 iLa'xanate 16 qo'La 25 LkLamctx 63 Ltcuq. 85 

Find some one does it his life that it has drunk it the water. 

Aqio'cgamx. 36 ia'qoa-iL 75 qix* 21 ikana'te. 16 Noxota'kux 37 tga'xawfik 38 

Some one takes it, it is large that life. They return their guardian 

spirits 

gita'kikElal. 1 Ia'qoa-iL 75 qix* 21 ikana'te. 18 Aqio'cgamx 36 qloa'p 73 

those who have It is large that life. Some one takes it near 

power of seeing. 

ia'kua 76 Nate'tanue 77 ka 26 iano'kstx 13 ne'xElax. 78 Nogo'go-imx 52 

here Indians and its smallness comes to be on it. They say 

61 o- aorist; -l- neuter subject; -6- directive; see note 2. 

M n- aorist before vowel; -6- plural before k sound; -g6 introduced before k stop (§ 19.26); -k'im, -gim to 
say, in which -d- is introduced in harmony with preceding o (§ 7); -x usitative. 

58 l neuter subject; -o- directive; stem -mEqt dead, -a future. 

m See § 60. 

k a- aorist before consonantic y, which stands for intervocalic -i- third person masculine subject (see 
note 51). 

66 q~ indefinite subject; -l- neuter object; -5- directive before k sound; -x stem to do; -o future for -a after 
k sound (§ 26.1). 

67 a- aorist; q- indefinite subject; -i- third person masculine object; -ga- adverbial prefix (?); -* stem to 
meet; -6m for -am after k sound, completion of motion (compare note 34). 

w na- prefix for local names (§ 40.3); Lxoap onomatopoetic term, to dig; S suffix. 

M Stem -ih; masculine; on account of accented vowel following the cluster -Ix, the x is dropped (§ 6.2); 
-€ suffix. 

» See § 44. 

«* a- aorist; -Lk- neuter transitive subject with following k sound (§ 19); -l- neuter object, implying 
water (see note 65); -qamct stem to drink, here modified by accent into -*amct; -a-Ux always (§ 31.10). 

88 See note 4. The stem -memElost dead was used occasionally by the narrator; t- plural; -ike plural 
ending (§ 38.1). 

« See note 61. This form stands for aLkLE/'Emctx. - 

« Demonstrative adverb (§ 44). 

• Stem -tcuq; neuter. 
« See § 47. 

« See § 44. 

• Adverb indicating an action performed, but not attaining the desired end. 

• Indefinite numeral (§51). 

'Q See note 24. Here the stem -qewam is retained in its original form; tga- plural, possessive third person 
plural; -ma plural. 

i a- aorist; -t- third person plural intransitive subject; -l- neuter object (see note 31). 

« nEkct not, with rhetoric emphasis nakct. 

w Attribute complement. 

w o- aorist; q- indefinite subject; -e- masculine object; -a directive before k sound; -x stem to do. 

» i- third person masculine singular continuative; -a directive before k sound; -qoa-iL stem large. 

w Demonstrative adverb of the groups e'wa, iau'a, ia'kwa (§ 44). 

" Plural in na-; stem -te'tanue (§21). 

w Intransitive verb; n- aorist; -e- contracted from f-f he his (§ 12); -x- reflexive; 4- to; -a- directive 
before k sound; -x stem to bo, to be. 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 669 

ktoguila'le: 79 m "Ld'nas nakct 72 LE'tloix 80 ka* 6 Lo'mEqta." 53 

those who treat them: "Perhaps not it comes between and he will die." 

Niktco'ktixe. 81 Qe'xtce 88 aqe'tElot 43 iLa'xanate. 16 Aq&'tElotx, 82 

It gets day. Endeavoring some one gives it to his life. Some one gives it to 

them them 

qloa'p 73 ka'nauwe 69 e'Lai/a 83 ka 26 aLo'mEqtx. 58 NiLgEnga'gux 84 

nearly all his body and he dies. It is too small 

iLa'xanate. 16 

his soul. 

[Translation.] 

The seers go thus to the ghosts. When there are three of them, 
the one who has a strong guardian spirit is placed first, and one who 
has a strong guardian spirit is placed last. One who has a small 
guardian spirit is placed in the middle. The soul of a chief is pursued 
when the chief is sick. When the trail is bad, the first one utters his 
shaman song. When the trail is bad behind, then the one there 
behind utters his shaman song. And it is night for a little while, 
and they treat him; but when the morning star comes, the soul of 
the sick one is overtaken. His soul is taken. The guardian spirits 
of the seers return. Sometimes his soul is given to him two nights, 
sometimes one night, after the guardian spirits return. Then the 
sick one becomes well. 

When the soul of a sick person is pursued, the seers go, when the 
soul of the sick person is pursued. There it went thus on the trail to 
the left. Then the seers say, "Oh, he will die, anyway!" when the 
soul went there thus to the right, "Oh, he will become well! ,, 

It is reached where there is a hole in the ground. There the ghosts 
are in the habit of drinking. When the sick one has drunk of that 
water, he can not be made well at all. All those who have shaman 
songs try to treat him, but he is not made well. 

The soul of one who has drunk of that water is found. It is taken. 
That soul is large. The guardian spirits of the seers return. That 
soul is large. It is taken here, near to the Indians, and it grows 
small. Those who treat them say, "Perhaps it will not be one night 
before he will die." It gets daylight. The attempt is made to give 
him his soul. It is given to him. It nearly (fills) his body, and he dies. 
His soul is too small. 



" See note 31. k- personal noun. 

80 See note 41. Presumably with directive -t- to come, which is strengthened by the elision of q (§ 6.3). 

81 »- aorist before vowel; -i- masculine subject; -Jfc is a prefix. The origin of the suffix is not clear. 

« a rhetoric lengthening of I (see notes 43, 72). 

** 2- masculine pronoun; -La- neuter possessive; -L*a stem body. 

•* nr aorist; -i- third person masculine intransitive subject referring to the soul; -l- neuter object, referring 
to the owner of the soul or life; -gEn probably for -gEl on account of (§ 25.4); -g- probably stem; -ago 
abound, or part of stem; -i usitative. 



I 



* 



KATHLAMET TEXT 

Exa't 1 ne'qatcxEm 2 nai'ka 3 tgE'qleyuqtikc 4 Tqe'qLax 5 qatciuxoa'- 

6ne he sang conjurer's I my ancestors. One hundred he owned 

i song 

! watcguix. 8 Laxanakco'ngut 7 iLa'lxam. 8 Noxua'koax 9 ta-ltci 10 te'lxam 8 

; songs. * Laxanakco'ngut his town. They assembled those people 

i ta'xi 11 tE'LaqLpa 12 ya':xi 18 iqe'qtcxam. 2 Lakt 14 Lpo'lEmax 15 

i that his house at that the one who sang Four nights 

i conjurer's songs. 

\ noxuiwl'yutckuax 16 ta-itci 10 t^'lxam. 8 A'qa 17 nige'mx 18 ya'xi 13 

I * they danced those people. Then said that 

iqe'qtcxam: 2 "A'qa 17 Lxato'guala 10 La'xi 13 Lqleyo'qt, 4 aLxetElo'tc- 

1 one who sang "Then he will come to hear that old man, he will go to see 

i conjurer's song: 

! xama." 20 IgoxuiLo'xoa-it 21 te'lxam: 8 "Qa'mta 22 Lq 23 aLte'mama 24 

the dances." They thought the people: "Whence maybe he will arrive 



1 Stem-€i£ one; feminine ae'xt; neuter Llxt; plural text; forms indicating human beings e'xat, al'xat, 
Ll'xat, te'xat. 

2 Stem -tcxam; the preceding -k- (heard here generally -q-) probably on; ne- transitional masculine (§ 17). 
» naika I, independent personal pronoun; used here to intensify the possessive pronoun in the following 

noun. 
4 -qllyot old person; t- plural; gs- my; -ike plural, human beings. 

* This form is not otherwise known. 

• qa- a very frequent verbal prefix in Kathlamet, either transitional, or a slurred form of aqa then con- 
tracted with transitional i-; tc- he, transitive subject; -i- htm; this verb may correspond to Chinook 
tcia'xuwaUck he helped her sing (Chinook Texts 144.3). 

7 Laxanakco'ngut is a Nehelim town, called in that language Neso'ka; perhaps derived from ongut a 
small bay with steep banks, and Ld'xane outside. 

8 i- masculine; -Ld- indefinite possessive; -Ixam town, from stem -Ix. The neuter or indefinite possessive 
pronoun refers here to the indefinite ancestor whose name is not stated. From the same stem Is formed 
te'lxam, with t- plural prefix. 

» Stem probably -koa (Lower Chinook -ko); no- transitional, third person plural; -xua- reflexive after o 
vowel; -koa stem; -xusitative. 

io Demonstrative, indicating human beings (see § 44). 

" Demonstrative plural, referring to tquL house. 

i 2 Without possessive pronoun this noun has the stem -qul; with possessive pronoun the vowel is dropped. 
It has always the plural prefix t-; -La- refers to the same person as the possessive in iha'lxam (see note 8); 
-pa at (§ 55). 

« ya'xi, wu'xi. Laxi demonstratives (§ 44). 

14 Numeral; for human beings the form la'ktikc is used. 

» im'pol night; l- indefinite pronoun; -pol night, dark; -max distributive plural. 

M no-, igo- transitional third person plural (§17); -xui- reflexive, used apparently in this verb only in the 
plural; the u is introduced after preceding 6; stem -we to dance; always ending with -I expressing repe- 
tition, or -tck expressing probably an inchoative (§ 31); -x usitative. 

1 7 This is the most common connective and then (see note 6). 

w ni- masculine transitional; -kxim, accented, -gem to say; -i usitative. 

» l- indefinite; -xa- reflexive; the stem does not occur in any other place in the available material. 

*<> a- future; -l- indefinite; -x- reflexive; -e- him; -t- coming; -lotcx to look on; -am to go to ; -a future. 

aityo- transitional third person plural (§ 17); -x- reflexive changed to -xui- after preceding -o-; -loxo to 
think; -a-it suffix expressing rest. 

22 qa where; -mta suffix, not free; whence, whither. 

23 Lq enclitic particle, may be. 

24 o- future; -l- indefinite; -te to come; -mam for -am after vowel to arrive (§29); -a future. 

670 



boasJ HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 671 

i^ax' 13 Lqlevo'qt? 4 L^uan 25 e'wa 86 Naqe'lem* 7 aLte'mama 24 aLxitElo'tc- 

triat old man? Perhaps thus Nehelim he will arrive he will see the 

xama, 80 Lxuan 25 e'wa w Tia'ktelakix* 8 aLte'mama* 4 aLxitElo'tcxama." 20 

dance, perhaps thus Clatsop he will arrive he will see the dance." 

Igo'ponEm. 29 A'qa 17 wi't'ax 30 iguxuiwl'yutck 18 ta-ftci 10 te'lxam. 8 

It grew dark. Then again they danced those people. 

Qe'qtayaq 81 wa'polpa, 32 a'qa 17 tEll 28 igo'xoax 34 ta-itci 10 tS'lxam. 8 

Middle night at, then tired became those people. 

Igugoaqe'witx'it. 85 Lexa't 1 Lqlevo'qt 4 Lqage'lak 36 as 37 no'Llix 38 

They rested. One old woman and a little* 

igo'ponEm 29 a'qa 17 iLoqo'ptit. 89 Qloa'p 40 e'ktEllL 41 qiLXE'qo-itq 42 

it was dark then she slept. Near morning star she arose 

La'xi 13 Lqleyo'qt 4 Lqage'lak. 86 A'qa 17 ta'nki 48 ige'xox. 44 iLgiltcE'maq 45 

that old woman. Then something was (there). She heard 

q!a'e qla'e q!a'e 46 ta'nki 43 ige'xox 44 ici'qepa. 47 lLXLo'xoa-it 21 La'xi 18 

noise of a crack opening something was the door at. She thought that 

Lqlevo'qt: 4 "Lilian 25 saq° 48 iqantci'txam. 49 Ni'xua 50 antcuqo'yutc- 

old one: " Perhaps war some one comes to Well I awoke 

make on us. 

qEma 51 te'lxam. 8 " A'qa 17 iLktuqo'yutcq, 52 ac 37 qEnE'mkatix 53 ta-itci 10 

them the people." Then she woke them, and remaining quiet those 

te'lxam 8 . Iguxoa'qo-itq 54 ta-itci 10 te'lxam. 8 Iguxoala'yutck. 55 

people. They arose those people. They arose. 

* Perhaps related to -l6xo- to think (see note 21); compare mxL&xuan tci qlod'pix do you think it is 
near? 26.5. 

* Demonstrative adverb (see § 44). 

*> na- locative prefix (§ 40); -qtUm stem for a place name south of Columbia river; TqeWmuks the peo- 
ple of NaqPUm (nehelim), the Tillamook. 

» t- plural; -id'- his; -k&lak boasted, dried salmon; -fx adverbial ending; where there are their 
roasted salmon, the native name of Clatsop. In the Clatsop dialect the name Ld'tsxp has the same 
meaning; iA- their; -tssp roasted, dried salmon. 

■ ig6- transitional and directive; -pol night; -ponsm it is always night (see § 8). 

» again corresponding to Lower Chinook weft. 

81 ql'qlayak the middle of a thing. 

« w- nominal prefix (§ 17); &- feminine; -p6l night; -pa at, in. 

» Onomatopoetic particle verb. 

•* igd- transitional intransitive third person plural; -x- reflexive; -oa- changed from o after 6; -x to do. 

* igugoa- third person plural before k sound (§19); -qlwil to rest; -x it suffix (§ 29). 

* l- indefinite; -qagi'lak woman. *"" 

» as, ac connective conjunction, sometimes used for while. 

» ndi! a little; nd'Lftx- adverb. 

**iL- indefinite transitional; -6- directive; -qoptit to sleep. 

«0 NEARLY, NEAR BY J also qloH'piX ALMOST. 

« Stem -ktsVLL. 

48 qih- see note 6; -x- reflexive; -qo-itq to arise. 
48 tan what; Lan who; ta'nki something. 

44 ige- transitional third person masculine; -x- reflexive; -o- directive; -x to do. 

45 iLQi- it him; -I- is probably the prefix to (§ 25); stem -tcsmaq to hear; the terminal -aq may also be 
a suffix. 
48 An onomatopoetic particle. 

47 i- masculine; -ct'qS doorway; -pa at. 

48 A particle verb (see p. 46). 

49 i- transitional; -q- some one; -ntc inclusive plural; -t to come; -x to do; -am to arrive. 

» nixua corresponds almost exactly to the German "doch;" here it might be translated anyway. 

51 a- future; -ntc- 1 them; -u directive; -qotcq plural ;-q6yvicq to awaken; -sm distributive; each one (?); 
■a future. 

68 itkU IT THEM. 

58 Perhaps qan quiet; distributive qanstna; -katix' adverbial suffix; compare Chinook ia'xkati right 
there; qJod'pkati quite near. 

54 igo- transitional third person plural; -xoa- reflexive after o; -qo-itq to arise. 

» igoxoa- see note 54; -latck plural; -Idyutck to arise; this word contains the inchoative -tck, and may be 
the stem -I to move. 



672 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ebulu 40 

Itgo'guiga M tga'qamatc?. 57 IqLd'lxam 58 Laxi 13 Lexa't: 1 " War 551 a'xa 60 

They toot their arrows. He was told that one: " Light do it 

wu'xi 18 a'toL. 61 " Wa? 59 iLE'kox 62 La'?i 13 LgoaLe'lx. 63 A'qa 17 ta'nki 43 

that fire." Light he did ' that person. Then something 

L&x 59 ige'xox 44 ict'qepa. 47 Lxuan 25 a'wima 64 Jcta'qa-iLax 65 sia'xdst 66 

visible oecame the door at. Perhaps thus its largeness its face 

La 87 LktemEna'kste. 68 Igugoa'k'fm 69 ta-itci 10 t&'lxam: 8 " Iqctxe'Lau 70 

like the moon like. They said those people: "A monster 

ya'xi 13 alilxge'tpqa. 71 " Ige'k'fm 69 ya'xi 13 iqe'qtcxam: 2 "Iqcxe'Lautci? 72 

that he will come in." He said that the one who sang "A monster is it? 

the conjurer's song: 

La'xka 73 La'^i 13 Lqleyo'qt 4 iLxetElo'tcxam 20 iLgEmcitqoe'mam." 74 

he that old one he came to see the dance he came to give you food." 

Qoct 75 ige'pixL 76 yaxi'yax 77 igixElo'tcxam. 78 Tia'maq 79 iqte'ldx, 80 

Behold a sea lion that he came to see the dance. His shots they made on it, 

kopa' 81 id'maqt. 82 KEla'l? 83 ca'xalix 83 ya'xi 13 e'Lxam, 8 tatcla 

there it died. Far up * that town, never- 

theless 

iuque'wulxt 84 ya'xi 13 ige'pixL. 76 A'qa 17 itgixE'lEmux 85 ta-itci 10 

it went up that sea lion. Then they ate * those 

t&'lxam, 8 ta-ltci 10 ige'taxelo'tcxe. 88 Oxue'lutcx 86 ya':xi 18 e'tcxampa. 37 

people, those who had come to see They saw the dance that song at. 

. the dance. 

KIoaLqe' La'yuLEmax 88 a'nqa 89 Laxanakco'ngut 7 nai'ka 8 tgE'qleyuq- 

"" '" superne' 

helper 

tfkc 



Thus then supernatural long ago Laxanakco'ngut I my ancestors. 

" elp< 



4 



M Ugd* they them; -gsl after 6 changed to -qui; stem -ga to take. 

*i t- plural; tgd- theib; -qamatcx arrow. 

*• iqL- some one him; -6- directive; -Ixam to sat. 

M Onomatopoetic particle verb. 

• Imperative of transitive verb without subject; d- feminine object; -x to do; -a future. 
« a- feminine; 46l fibe. 

• Probably ir transitional; L- it; -k indicating preceding transitive subject; -a- her; -x to do. 

• Probably from the stem -ilx place, country. 
•* &wa thus; distributive d'wimax (?) 

• i- masculine; -ctd- their two sides, relating to the following dual noun face; -qa-iLax largeness. 

M *- dual; -id'; his; -xdst face, eyes. 

« La just like. - 

« In Chinook dkLB'mZn is used for moon. After the death of a man named Kle'tueti, whose guardian 
spirit was the moon, the Kathlamet discarded the word akLE'msn, which corresponds to the Lower Chi- 
nook form, and used aka'im instead (see ikaemu'ks Kathlamet Texts 27.3). The word at this place corre- 
sponds to the plural of the Lower Chinook, and should read perhaps LkLEmEna'ks (see Chinook Texts 
245.18); the ending -te like (see § 55). 

• igu- transitional third person plural; -goo- inserted before stem in k; -k'lm to say; see note 18. 
™ Stem -qctx?Lan. 

n at- future before vowels (§ 17); ir he; 4x- us; -get coming to; -pq into; -a future. 

78 tci interrogative particle. 

ft ia'xka, a'xka, La'xka he, she, rr. 

w *- transitional; Lgsmc- it you; 4 to come; -qoem to give food; -am to arrive. 

h An exclamation. 

7 « Stem -ge'pixL. 

77 Demonstrative, see § 44. 

78 igi- transitional intransitive; -z*l reflexive on behalf of themselves; -6- directive; -tcxam to go to 

SEE. 

w t- plural pronun; -id- ms; -maq the act of shooting. 

» iqtSU somebody them on him; -o- directive; -i to do, to make. 

w Perhaps better g(npa' there at. 

m i. masculine; -o- directive; -maqt to die, singular. 

8* Both words contain the adverbial ending -f i. 

m From a stem -qe to go up; -wulxt up. 

• Ugir they him; -xs'lsmux used here as a transitive verb; more commonly Intransitive UixE'lEmuxTBVY 

AT, IN REFERENCE TO HIM; Stem -TOttX. 

M See note 20; -xSldtcx to witness a dance; 6- third person plural; g?taxel6'tcxe is nominal, probably 
the ones who had their witnessing; g- nomen actoris; i- masculine; -ta theirs. 
«7 See note 2; V tcxam the conjubeb's song that is sung; -pa at. 
m jjSr theirs; -yuLEma supernatural being. 
» In Lower Chinook d'nqati. 



8 



WISHRAM TEXT 1 

By Edward Sapir 

Coyote and ItcIe'xyan 
Aga' kwd'pt 8 gayu'ya 4 isklu'lya 5 wi'tlax. 8 Na'2wit 7 gayu'yam; 

Now then he went Coyote again. Straightway he arrived 

going; 

galixtfltcmaq 9 isklu'lya gwa'nfoim 10 qtulatla'mElqt 11 idE'lxam" 

he heard Coyote always they (indef.) are always the people 

swallowing them down 

1 A connected English translation of this text will be found in Sapir's Wishram Texts, Publications of 
the American Ethnological Society, n, 41, 43. The Indian text as here given has been very slightly normal* 
ired from its form as there published (pp. 40, 42). 

» Used partly with weak temporal force, partly as mere connective in narrative. It Is frequently prac- 
tically untranslatable into English. 

» kw6pt, then, at that time, is regularly used with preceding aga to mark new step in narrative. It 
can be analyzed into demonstrative stem kw6~ (or ktoa-) that (— Chinook gd there) and local suffix 
-jX up to (so and so) FAB. Neither of these elements occurs freely. kw6- Is not used to form demon- 
strative pronouns, only occurring stereotyped in several adverbs; besides kw&pt we have kw&ba these 
(note 39), and kw&dau and (note 46). -pi also hardly seems to occur except stereotyped in adverbs; 
cf. dapt as fab as this (related to da'ba, this-in- here, as kwdpt is to kw&bc), and yaxpt, as far as 
that yonder, from ya'xi off yonder). See also note 56. 

* go- (gal- before vowels) — tense prefix denoting remote past, regularly used in myth narrative. • jr— 
3d per. masc. subj. intr., referring to isklu'lya, before consonants it would appear as 4-, while gal- would 
then appear as tense prefix {ga-f — gaU-: see notes 9, 28, 32, 47). -u- — directive prefix away from 
speaker, -yo — verb stem to oo. 

* i- — masc. noun prefix with which -f In gayu'ya is in agreement, sktu'lya — noun stem coyote, 
apparently not capable of analysis; perhaps loan-word from Klickitat spi'lya. Chinook has another stem, 
-tWlapas. 

Composed of wi'tla again and deictic particle -i: cf. da'uya (note 54) and da'uyax this, wi'tta 
Is most plausibly explained as stereotyped adverb from wi-, masc. noun prefix (originally independent 
masc. pronoun? See notes 19 and 33), and -i!a, emphatic particle added to pronouns, too, also (see note 
21). According to this analysis wi'tfa(x) was originally formed from *wi as ya'xt/a(x) he too from ya-x- 
he. Originally it must have meant that (masc.) too, but was later generalised In meaning. 

7 Rhetorically lengthened form of nu'U immediately, right away. When thus lengthened to nd'wit, 
It seems to Imply direct, unswerving motion without interference of other action; it may then be rendered 

as STRAIGHT ON OT ON AND ON. 

• As In note 4, except that instead of verb stem -ya we have Its shorter form -y- -i- (as In yu'U he goes; 

cf . also note 61 ). To this Is suffixed verb suffix -am arrive while — ing, go (or come) to do . Several 

verb stems have two forms,— one In -a, and one without this -a (e. g., -pa and -p to go out; cf. galu'pa 

SHE WENT OUT With Otpt SHE COMES OUT). 

• gal- — tense prefix go- before vowels, 4- — 3d per. masc. obj. before reflexive element (reflexive verbs 
have, morphologically speaking, no subject). -ieI- = Indirect reflexive composed of reflexive element -z- 
and local verb prefix 4- to, into, -tcmaq — verb stem to hear. galixs'Ucmaq means literally to him- 
self heard, to hear some one is expressed by -x-icmaq with prefixed transitive subject and object 
pronominal elements. 

10 Adverb not capable of analysis. 

» q- — Indefinite transitive subj. 4- — 3d per. pi. obj. tr., referring to idEflxam. -u- —directive prefix 

j (very many verbs have this "directive" -u- even when no definite Idea of direction away from speaker 

i seems to be implied). -latfamElq- Is example of rarely occurring compound verbs. 4at!a- Is "diminutive" 

1 form of verb stem -lada- to throw down, away (In this case Its meaning seems to correspond somewhat 

more closely to that of Its Chinook cognate -Lata to pull back); -mElq- is best explained as verb stem 

! -mEq- (or -mq-) to vomit with Infixed 4- of frequentative or contlnuatlve significance (that 4- Is not really 

part of stem Is shown by form itciulatla'maq he swallowed him down); pull back + vomit may 

be construed as meaning vomit backward, draw to one's self and swallow. 4 =» tense suffix of 

present time. Observe peculiar sequence of tense, he heard . . . they swallow them down. Verbs 

I that are dependent on other verbs, chiefly of saying or perception, are always present In tense, no matter 

what tense Is logically implied; cf. below gatcigE'lkEl . . . iki'ax (note 43) he 8 a w it ... it is, 

44877— Bull. 40, pt 1—10 43 673 



+<* »■■■*— h—^^i^«w'"«W ri l ■ fc. 



674 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Ebdll. 40 

itclE'^yan. 13 Qxa'damt 14 gayu'y' 15 ikni'm 18 na'wit gatcigE'lga 17 

Merman. Whither it went the canoe straightway he got hold of it 

itclE'^yan; gatciuiatla'mElq 18 ka'nawi 10 dan. 20 "Naitl" 1 a'g' 22 

Merman; he always swallowed it down every thing. " Me too now 

atcnuiatla'mElEqEma," 23 isktu'lya galixlu'xwa-it. 24 Aga kw6'pt 

he will swallow me down," Coyote he thought. Now then 

gayu'y' isklu'lya; gatcigE'lga yae'ail 25 ikla'munaq. 26 Aga kwo'pt 

he went Coyote; he got hold of it its bigness the tree. Now then 

« id- — 3d per. pi. noun prefix, in concord with -t- in preceding verb, -team (-E- is inorganic) — noun 
stem village (wi'team village is formally masc. sing, of ids' team people); -team is evidently 
related to -te (see note 33). 

u i- as in note 5. -tc/Exyan — noun stem merman, protector or fishermen (see Wishram Texts, p. 40, 
note 2; p. 42, note 2; p. 256, note 2); no etymology suggests itself. Syntactically Uc/E'xyan is subject 
implied, but not grammatically referred to, by q- of preceding verb. This clause can hardly be considered 
as quite correct; properly speaking, Uc/E'xyan should go with tctulatfa'mElqt. 

" From Interrogative stem qxa- (or qa-), seen also in qa'xba what-in? = where? qa'xia op what 
kind? and qa'ngi what-wtth? = how? -damt — local suffix toward found suffixed to several 
adverbs (cf. ca'xaladamt toward above, gigwa'ladamt toward below). This -damt is evidently 
related to local noun suffix -iamt to, from. Qxa'damt here introduces indirect question, and may best 
be translated as no matter where. 

w — gayu'y a. Final vowels are regularly elided when following word begins with vowel. For analysis 
of form, see note 4. 

w i- as In note 5. -knlm — noun stem canoe. This stem can be only secondarily monosyllabic, for 
otherwise we should have * wiknlm (see note 33); its Chinook cognate -kamm shows original dissyllabic 
form. See also note 37. 

n pa- — tense prefix as in note 4. -tc- «* 3d per. masc. tr. subj., referring to following UclE'xyan as sub- 
ject, -i- — 3d per. masc. tr. obj., referring to ikni'm of preceding clause as object. -qeI- = verb prefix of 
adverbial force, toward (with purpose, intent to reach); it here replaces directive -u- of most transitive 
verbs, -ga — verb stem to get hold of, seize; it is possibly to be identified with verb stem -ga stick to, 
Its particular active significance being gained by use of transitive pronominal prefixes and verb prefix -gE 1-. 

w ga-tc-i- as in note 17, -i- here referring to following dan. -u4at!a'-mElq as in note 11. 

u ka'nawi all, every is most probably compounded of kana- all together' (found in such numeral 
forms as ka'nactmdkct all-the-two — both and, with unexplained -to-, in kanEmhi'nikc all three 
people) and old 3d per. masc. demonstrative pronoun *wi (cf. note 6) now no longer preserved as such 
(except In such petrified words as wi't/a and ka'nawi), but specialised, like its corresponding fern, wa-, 
as 3d per. noun prefix (see note 33). These old pronouns *wi and *wa are best explained as substantivized 
from pronominal elements-*- (masc.) and -a- (fern.) by means of demonstrative element w- (or «-); this 
latter element is probably Identical with -u- in demonstrative stem da'u- this (found also as da-; see 
note 54), and with Chinook -o- In demonstratives near 3d per. (x-dLa, xocta, x-6ta). ka'nawi must origi- 
nally have meant something like all (of) that (masc.), but, like wi't.% was later generalized In signifi- 
cance, ka'nawi Is here, as often, rhetorically lengthened to ka'nawi to emphasize Its meaning of totality. 

10 Interrogative and Indefinite pronoun referring to things, what, anything, something. Though not 
provided with any sign of gender, It Is always construed as masculine, hence -i- In gatciulatla'mslq. Its 
correlative can (Kathlamet Lan) referring to persons, who, anybody, somebody, is always neuter in 
gender; he swallowed everybody down would be gatciuiatla'mElq ka'nawi can* 

'i Elided from na'Ula (see note 15). Composed of 1st per. sing, pronominal stem nai- (seen also in na'- 
ika i) and emphatic suffix -t!a too, also (see note 6). All Independent pronouns In -ka can be changed 
to emphatic pronouns by merely replacing -ka by -t!a (e. g., ya'xka he becomes ya'xt/a he too). 
Syntactically na'Ula here anticipates -n- in following verb (see note 23) as 1st per. sing. obj. 

» — a'ga (see note 15). This particle Is very frequently used before future verb forms In conversation. 

» a- — tense prefix of future time, -tc- — 3d per. masc. tr. subj. -»- = 1st per. sing. tr. obj. -u-iatla'- 
mElsq- as In note 11 (-E- before -q- Is Inorganic). 'Em- — connective before future suffix -a; verbs that are 
contlnuatlve or frequentative In form regularly use this connective 'Em- before certain suffixes (such as 
future -a, cessatlve -tck, usltatlve -nil), -a = tense suffix of future time; in Wishram verbs regularly form 
their future by prefixing a- or al- (before vowels) and suffixing -a. It is somewhat difficult to see why this 
form should be frequentative; one would rather except atcniUatfa'mEgwa. 

84 galri- as in note 9. -i- — reflexive element; literal translation of verb would be (to) himself thought. 
Jut(w)- — verb stem to think, -a-it » verb suffix of rather uncertain significance here; it is found in all 
tenses of verb but present, where It Is replaced by -an (ixlu'xwan he thinks). 

» ya- — i-ya-. i- — masc. noun prefix, determining gender of noun stem -gatt . -ya- = 3d per. masc. 
possessive pronominal prefix, referring to masculine noun ik.'a'munaq. -gail « abstract noun stem big- 
ness, yagailikla'munaq the tree's bigness may, like all other possessive constructions, be construed 
either attributively (the big tree) or predicatlvely (the tree is big). Its attributive character Is here 
determined by presence of true verb (gatcigE'lga) as predicate. 

*t- as in note 5. -k.'a'munaq = noun stem tree, stick, wood. This word is difficult of etymologic 
analysis, yet can be no simple stem; -k!a- is undoubtedly to be regarded as noun prefix (cf. ikla'lamat 
rock, perhaps from verb stem -la to move). -k!a- Is most plausibly considered as "diminutive" form 
of verb stem -go- to fly, up in Ant (as first element In compound verbs); cf. Uciuk/wa'la he whetted it 
with itd'uto he filed it, and irUtigwala'da-ute i threw it up on top (of something) with initUa'da-ulx 
I THREW IT UP. 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 675 

ia'x 27 gali'xdx. 28 GatcigE'lga itclE'syan, gaqiuiatla'mElEq." 

in sight he made him- He got hold of merman, they (indef . ) swallowed 

self. him him down. 

Na'wit iltcq6'ba w gi'gwal 81 isklu'tya galixi'maxitam 5 ' wi'l^ba. 88 

Straightway in the water below Coyote he arrived falling on the ground 

Aga kwo'pt gatcugi'kEl 84 Igabla'd 86 idE'lxam; Igabla'd 3 * akni'm 87 

Now then he saw them their multitude the people; their multitude the canoes 

a^u'xt 88 kw6'ba 89 gi'gwal tttcq6'ba. Aga kw6'pt gatcigE'lkEl 40 

they are there below in the water. Now then he saw it 

piled together 

isklu'lya itclB'^yan yagd'mEnil 41 qxw6L** iki'ax. 48 Aga kw6'pt 

Coyote Merman his heart hanging it is. Now then 

* Particle verb. Though verbal in force, it is purely adverbial morphologically, having no grammatical 
form of its own. In regard to tense and person it is defined by following verb, which serves as its form- 
giving auxiliary. 

* ffal-i- as in note 9. -x- — reflexive element. -6- (modified from -ti- because of preceding and following 
velar consonants) — directive prefix; ordinarily reflexive -x- replaces directive -u-, but there are several 
verbs that retain it even when reflexive In form, -x — verb stem to do, make. -x-t*-x to do to one's 
self, make one's selt, Is regularly used to mean become. For other forms of verb stem -x see notes 
43, 53, 64, and 66. 

» go- as in note 4. -q- =» Indefinite tr. subj. -*- - 3d per. masc. tr. obj. -u4at!a'-mElEq as in note 11. 
Forms with indefinite -q- subject are very commonly used in Wishram in lieu of passives. 

»• U- — 3d per. neut. noun prefix, -t- — Inorganic consonant, serving as glide between I and c. -cq6- 
(— -cqa-; a is velarlxed to 6 by preceding q) — noun stem water ; its shorter form <q- is seen in Icta'cq 
the wateb op the two (Wishram Texts 190.14). -ba — local noun suffix in, at (see also notes 33, 
39, and 60). 

« Adverb; -al is probably not part of stem, for it is found also in correlative ca'x-al above. 

» gal- as in note 9. -i- — 3d per. masc. intr. subj., referring to preceding isklu'lya. ~xima- » verb stem 
to put down, put on obound, lay down (as tr.); lie down (as intr.); probably composed of -x- on 
obound(T) and -ima- put (cf. ga-ya-i-a'l-ima-h he put himself into the water [Wishram Texts 2.5J); 
whenever indirect object with -k- on is introduced, -x-ima- becomes -xa-ima- (e. g., ga-k-i-a-k-xa'-ima 
she laid it down on it [Wishram Texts 2.11]). -fit- quasi-passive suffix; -i-ima-xit- - be laid down, 
j lay one's self down, fall down to ground, -am — verb suffix arrive ing (cf. note 8). 

*» wi- — 3d per. masc. noun prefix; masc. noun stems that are non-syllabic or monosyllabic require wi- 
(cf. note 55); those that have more than one syllable have i- (see notes 5, 13, 16, 26); for probable origin of 
wi- see note 19. In Chinook wi- has entirely given way to i-, except as archaism in some place-names 
and in songs. -Jx-=- noun stem land; seen also in wi'lxam village, idE'lxam people, (see note 12); 
probably also in wa'lxi fishing station and icE'lxlx staging for fishing. -6a as in note 30. 

M ga- as in note 4. -to — 3d per. masc. tr. subj. -u- - 3d per. pi. obj., referring to following idE'lxam 
(before verb prefix -gslr 3d per. plural obj. -t- is replaced by -«-, -gsl- then becoming -g(w)i-; in other words, 
-*- before gsl- is treated analogously to when it comes before -a El-), -gi- -» plural form of -gsl-(see note, 
40) out from enclosed space (cf. ga-l-a-gs'l-ba it flowed out of her I Wishram Texts 94.4]); analo- 
gously to-gEl- (see note 17) directive -u- Is here replaced by -gElr. -kEl — verb stem to know (cf. Wfc-d-w'- 
kul he knows them [Wishram Texts 176.10]); -gsl-kEl — to know from out one's (eyes), hence to 

8EE, GET SIGHT OF. 

* J- — 3d per. neut. noun prefix, defining gender of abstract noun stem -Mod. -go,-— 3d per. pi. pos- 
sessive pronominal prefix, referring to idE'lxam. -blad — noun stem multitude, great number. Igabla'd 

\ idE'lxam Is construed like pa'gatt ikfa'munaq (see note 25). 

M As In note 35, except that -go- — 3d per. fern, possessive pron. prefix (merely homonymous with -ga- 
ol note 35), referring to akni'm. 
1 » o- — 3d per. fern, noun prefix; though many fern, dissyllabic steins have too- (e. g., wala'la pond), 

I it is here replaced by analogy of iknVm (see note 16), as In related nouns t- and a-, wi- and wa- generally 

I pair off respectively, -knlm as In note 16. Logically akni'm canoes Is plural, morphologically It Is 

| fern., being so referred to In axu'xt (note 38); another example of fern, as plural is wa'mwa maggots, masc. 

wi'mwa maggot. 

» a- — 3d per. fern. Intr. subj., referring to akni'm. -x- — verb prefix on ground, on bottom (?) -«- — 
directive prefix, -xt — verb stem to lie, sit, be placed, corresponding In use to Chinook -c. This verb 
stem allows of no formal modification by means of tense affixes. 
*• Composed of demonstrative stem kw6- (see note 3) and local suffix -ba (see note 33): that-in — there. 

* As in note 34, except that incorporated obj. Is -i- — 3d per. masc., referring to yagd'mEnil, and that 
•gslr Is unmodified. 

« ya- «- i-ya- as in note 25, t- defining heart as masc. in gender, while -ya- refers to Uc/s'xyan. -gdmsnil 
heart seems to be verbal In form, -Enil being usitative suffix; yagd'mEnil may also be used predicatively 
to mean he is alive. 

«* Particle verb, for which iki'ai serves as auxiliary. 

« i- — 3d per. masc. Intr. subj., referring to yagd'mEnil. -kiax to be Is another tenseless verb (cf. note 38). 
It is best, though somewhat doubtfully, explained as composed of verb prefix -ki-, which shows lack of 



object of ordinarily trans, verb, and verb stem -x to DO(cf. Eng. he does well, i.e., gets along well); 
-o- would then have to be explained as inorganic glide vowel (cf. Chinook i-ke'-x he is and Wishram 
i-ki'-x-ax he is, has become). For syntactic construction, as subordinated to gatcigs'lkEl, see note 11. 

«* ga- as in note 4. -q- = indef. tr. subj. (cf. note 29). -i- =■ 3d per. masc. tr. obj., referring to isklu'lya. 
-«- — directive prefix. -Ixam — verb stem to say to with personal object. This verb form is logically 
passive. 

<«> Demonstrative pronoun, showing location near 2d person, composed of simple form of independent 
3d personal pronoun + demonstrative element -x- (cf. also ordinary forms of independent 3d personal 
pronoun ya'x-ka and similarly for other genders) + demonstrative stem -dau (=« -da + -u), for which see 
note 54. Syntactically ya'xdau, here used substantively, agrees In gender with yagd'mEnil, to which it 
refers. There is no expressed predicate in this sentence, yagd'menil (it is) his heart being so used. 

«« Particle verb, to which following verbs gatci'ux and gali'xdx, both from verb stem -x to do, serve 
as auxiliaries. Lqfdp doubtless has onomatopoetic force. 

<M See note 64. 

«• As In note 28. cut it-m ade-itself — it became cut. 

44 ga- as In note 4. -tr — 3d per. pi. intr. subj., referring to aknVm, idE'lxam, and isklu'lya as combined 
plural subject, -k- — regular replacement of directive -tt- whenever Intr. subj. -t- would theoretically be 
expected to stand before It. -xsni- (or -xuni-) = verb stem to float, drift, -yu- => distributive suffix 
each separately (gatkxEni'tck would mean they floated up in one body), -tck = local verb suffix 

UP TO SURFACE, UP FROM POSITION OF REST (cf. also gal-i-X-lEf-tck HE MOVED HIMSELF UP FROM SITTING 

position, he arose [Wishram Texts 4.6]; gal-i'-kta-tck he rose (sticking his head) out of water 
[op. clt., 10.5]); combined with -6a out of interior, -tck appears as -ptck from water out to land 
(gatkxEni'yuptck they each floated on to land; for change of -ba to -p cf. galagE'Vba with lags'lpx 
[Wishram Texts 94.7]). This -tck should be distinguished from -tck of cessatlve significance, whose 
function It Is to deprive verbs that are contlnuatlve or frequentative in form of their contlnuative 
force (e. g., yuwi'lal he is dancing, gayuwi'lalEmtck he was dancing (but is no longer doing so). 

* Adverbial In force. Logically sa'qu (rhetorically lengthened to sa'qu to emphasize idea of totality) 
often seems to be used attributively with nouns (translated as all), but grammatically It is best con- 
sidered as adverbial, even when there Is no expressed predicate. 

« Composed of demonstrative stems kwd- (see note 3) and dau- (see note 54). Its original significance 
was evidently that (which precedes) and this (which follows). 

V galri- as in note 32. -kim = verb stem to say (without personal object; cf. note 58). 

48 Adverb of modal significance, serving to give doubtful coloring to verb. 

*» Adverb of potential and conditional significance; In formal conditions introduced by cma'nix if, it 
often has contrary-to-fact implication. This use of modal particles in ileu of verb modes Is characteristic 
of Chinookan. 

w Evidently contains Interrogative stem qa- what, seen also in qxa'damt (note 14). -mo can not be 
explained. This word has been found only in such passages as here, and is very likely felt to be archaic. 
If a pu qa'ma occurs as stereotyped myth-phrase in transformer incidents (cf. Wishram Texts 6.13, 
38.6, for similar passages). 

" Forms In -aima alone may be formed from simplest forms of personal pronouns (subject Intr. 
incorporated); e. g., na'ima i alone, ma'ima you alone, ya'ima he alone. It Is doubtful, however, 
whether these forms should be considered as intransitive verbs from verb stem -aima. Since personal 
plurals in -dike (e. g., la'imadikc they alone) occur, it seems preferable to consider them as formed by 
suffixed -ma alone? (cf. qa'ma note 50) from Independent pronoun stems in -ai- (as in na'ika, note 57, 
and na'Ufa, note 21); this -ai- is In these forms found also in 3d persons (e. g., la'ima it alone, as con- 
trasted with la'xka and la'xtla). Chinook na'mka I alone, analyzed by Boas as intr. subj. pronoun + 
verb stem -dmka, is probably best explained as simple independent pronoun in -a- (na, ma, and corre- 



tt 

i 



676 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

gaqiu'lxam 43 * isklu'lya: 4fc Ya'xdau 43b itclE'xyan yago'mEnil." Aga 

they (indef.) told Coyote: "That Merman his heart." Now 

him 

kw6'pt LqldV 30 gatci'ux; 43d Lq!6'p 43c gali'x6x 43e itclE'xyan yag6'mEnil. 

then cut he made it; cut it made itself Merman his heart. 

A$r& kwfi'pt ka'nawi gatkxEni'yutck 44 sa'q u45 akni'm kw6'dau 46 

Now then all they each floated up out entirely the canoes and 

of water 

idE'lxam kw6'dau isklu'lya. j 

the people and Coyote. 

Aga kwfi'pt gali'kim 47 isklu'lya: "L^ 48 pu 49 qa'ma 50 ma'ima 51 

Now then he said Coyote: "Perchance would how you alone $P 

itclE'xyan qxi'dau 51 amdu'xwa 53 idE'lxam? Da'uya 54 wi'gwa 55 aga ' n 

Merman thus you will do to them the people? This day now ', > 



boas] HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN LANGUAGES 6 11 

kw6'pt M qxi'dau amdu'xwa idE'lxam. Na'ika 57 isklu'lya j'amu'lxam. 58 

that far thus yon will do to the people. I Coyote I have told you. 

them 

Kwa'ic 5 * da'uyaba 60 wi'bx: atgadi'mama 61 idE'lxam. Kwo'pt 

Soon in this land they will arrive coming the people. Then 

alugwagi'ma, 6 * i Qxi'dau C E£ W gatci'ux 64 isklu'lya itcIE'xyan. , 

they will say, ' Thus exercising he did to him Coyote Merman.' 

supernatural 
power 

Kw6'pt a'ga itclE'xyan pla'l' 65 amxu'xwa." 66 

Then now Merman being quiet you will make yourself." 



sponding forms for other persons occur not rarely In Wishram) + -m(o) + -ka just, only (cf. lu'nka just 

THBEE). 

m Adverb composed of relative particle qxi- (cf. qxi as relative pronoun in Wishram Texts, 188.1) and 
demonstrative stem dau- this (cf. note 54). qxi'dau thus means literally as, like this. 

*»a- — tense prefix of future time. -m- — 2d per. sing. tr. subj. -d- — 3d per. pi. tr. obj., referring 
to idE'lxam. -u- — directive prefix, -x- — verb stem to do (to), -w- — inorganic consonant Induced 
by -u- preceding k- sound, -a — future suffix. 

" Demonstrative pronoun, showing location near 1st person, composed of demonstrative stem dau* 
(-» (fa-, as in da'ba here + -«-, see note 19) and simple form of 3d per. independent pronoun in -a (masc. 
yo, fern, a, neut. to, du. eda, pi. da). Forms without -u- (e. g., da' pa) occur, though much less frequently; 
deictic -x may be added without material change in meaning (e. g., da'uyax or da'yax). -dau also occurs 
as second element in demonstrative pronouns showing location near 2d person (e. g., ya'xdau that masc., 
note 43b). da'uya is here masculine because in agreement with masc. noun wi'gwa. Chinook seems to 
preserve da- only in Isolated adverbs like ta'kE then (= da'ka just this or that [cf. Wishram da'uka 
just so]). 

» «rf- — masc. noun prefix, with to- because noun stem is monosyllabic, -gwa — noun stem day. 
da'uya wi'gwa this day is regularly used as stereotyped phrase for to-day; dau' a fa' lax this sun is 
also so used. 

** Analysis given in note 3. IT ere kwC'pt, with well-marked stress accent, preserves its literal meaning 
of that far, thus much, aga kwd'pt being regularly used, outside of narrative, to mean enough. Chi- 
nook kapft enough is doubtless related, but ha- can not be directly equated with kwd-, which corre- 
sponds rather to Chinook go (see note 3). 

57 Ordinary form of independent personal pronoun, composed of stems in -aU (for 1st and 2d persons) or 
-a-x- (for 3d persons) and suffixed particle -ka just, only, found also suffixed to numerals, na'ika is here 
grammatically unnecessary, but Is used to emphasize subject of following verb form. 

■ = iyamu'lxam. t- =- tense prefix of Immediate past time, -yam- — combination of 1st per. sing. subj. 
and 2d per. sing. obj. -tt- — directive prefix, -team ■» verb stem to say to with expressed personal object. 

w Temporal adverb referring to action just past or about to occur, either just now, recently, or soon. 
Seems to be Klickitat loan-word. 

«• da'uya as In note 54; masc. because In agreement with masc. noun will, -ba *= local noun suffix in 
regularly suffixed to demonstrative pronoun preceding noun Instead of to noun Itself. 

01 a- as In note 53. -t- «= 3d per. pi. intr. subj., referring to idE'lxam. -ga- — element regularly Intro- 
duced after 3d per. pi. Intr. -t- before -d-ir to come and, before verb stems beginning with *- sounds, 
after 3d per. pi. intr. -u- (cf. note 62). -d-i- to come consists of -d- ■» directive prefix hither, toward 
speaker, correlative to directive -tt-, and -i- — verb stem to go. -mam- — form of -am- (see notes 8 and 
32) used after vowels, -a as In note 53. 

« al- «= tense prefix of future time employed before vowels (aJ- and a- used analogously to gal- and go-). 
-«- = 3d per. pi. Intr. subj. used, Instead of -t-, before verb stems beginning with k- sounds (as here 
-gim-). -gwa- = -go- as in note 61, -w- being inorganic, due to Influence of -u- preceding k- sound (cf. 
note 53). -gim- — verb stem to say; -kim (as in note 47) Is used when accent Immediately precedes, -gim- 
when suffix (here -a) Is added and accent Is pushed forward, -a as In note 53. In Chinook -ugwa- appears 
as -ogo- (gwa regularly becomes go); alugwagi'ma Is paralleled in Chinook by ogogoe'ma. 

• Particle verb to use supernatural power, transform, to which following gatci'ux serves as aux- 
iliary. It is one of those very few Wishram words in which glottal catch Is found (other words are -tci* 
or, H'cHc bluejay, daWa'x perhaps). 

•* go- as In note 4. 4c- — 3d per. masc. tr. subj., referring to isk lu'lya. -i- =» 3d per. masc. tr. obj . , referring 
to Uc/E'xyan. Observe that subject noun regularly precedes object noun, their order being thus analogous 
to that of incorporated pronouns with which they stand In apposition, -u- = directive prefix, -i = verb 
stem to do (to). 

e6 =» pfa'la. Particle verb, with which following amxu'xwa is used as auxiliary. pfaT amxu'xwa quiet 
you-will-become (i. e., you will stop, desist). 

«« a- as In note 53. -m- = 2d per. sing. obj. with following reflexive element (see -i- In notes 9 and 28). 
-x- as In note 28. -u-x-w-a as In note 53. 



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