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COLLECTED WORKS
OF
THE RIGHT HON. F. MAX MULLER
V
CHIPS FROM A GERMAN WORKSHOP
1. RECENT ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES
ANDREA DEL SARTO .S CARITA
{Original size ^/l. ^ in. hy ■;./?. i /«.)
Vol I. Scf f'dge 406
CHIPS
FROM A
GERMAN WORKSHOP
BY
F. MAX MiJLLER, K.M.
FOREIGN MEMBER OP THE FRENCH INSTITUTE
VOL. I
RECENT ESSAYS AND ADDRESSES
NEW IMPRESSION
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON
AND BOMBAY
1902
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Original Edition, Vols. I and II, 8vo, November, 1867 ;
Reprinted, October, 1868;
Vol. Ill, 8vo, November, 1870; Eeprinted, August, 1880;
Vol. IV, 8vo, October, 1875;
New Edition, with Additions, 4 Vols. Crown 8vo, 1894-5;
Reprinted in Collected Edition of Prof. Max Miiller's Works,
Vol. I, July, i8y8 ; March, 1902.
n
mi
V.I
DEDICATED
TO HIS IMPEllIAL AND ROYAL MAJESTY
WILHELM II
GERMAN EMPEROR AND KING OF PRUSSIA
THE WORTHY SUCCESSOR OF GLORIOUS ANCESTORS
AS A VERY SMALL TOKEN OP
DEEPFELT GRATITUDE AND SINCERE ADMIRATION
PEEFACE.
AFTER reaching the age of threescore years
- and ten, a scholar may fairly claim the
right to join the ranks of the spectators, and to
leave the dusty arena to younger gladiators.
Yet it is difficult to resist the temptation to
descend once more on the scene of action,
particularly if encouraged by the call of our
friends. This is exactly what has happened
to me. My ' Chips from a German Workshop,'
published in four volumes in 1867 (second
edition, 1868), have been out of print for many
years. I am informed that it is difficult now
to find a copy even at second hand. Some
years ago, when asked to prepare a new edition
of my collected Essays, I preferred to make
a selection, which was published in two volumes
under the title of ' Selected Essays,' 1881.
This selection, however, has failed to please the
public. I was told that an author was a very
bad judge of his own work, and that my friends
VI PREFACE.
missed In this collection the very papers which
they liked best and wished most to possess.
What was I to do but to obey ? Had I fol-
lowed my own inclination only, I should
certainly have preferred to see some of the
essays written by me when I was a very young
man, consigned to oblivion. But there they
are, and whether I allowed them to be published
once more or not, I knew I should have been
held responsible just the same for what I had
written in any one of them. I am still taken to
task for my 'Letter on the Turanian Languages,'
which I addressed to Bunsen in the year
1853, and which was published by him in his
'Christianity and Mankind' in 1854, though
I never allowed it to be reprinted, and though
I have taken every opportunity to declare that
I have ceased to hold several of the opinions
put forward in that letter, and that by
Turanian I never meant a family of speech, in
the same sense in which we sj)eak of an Aryan
and a Semitic family, but only a class of lan-
guages, held together by little more than the.
negative characteristic of being neither Aryan
nor Semitic. Turanian seemed to me a better
name than Allophylian. It has been used by
many scholars in that sense, and in that sense
I still continue to use it.
If then I allow my old 'Chips from a German
PEEFACE. VU
Workshop ' to appear once more in a new and
cheaper edition, I must ask my friends in
reading^ them to remember the date of everv
one of them, and also to bear in mind that the
studies in which I have taken an active part
have been advancing very rapidly during the
last fifty years. There is no one who has taken
an active part in the cultivation of my three
favourite studies, the Science of Language, the
Science of Thought, and the Science of Religion,
who has not had many things to learn and
many things to unlearn during the half-centuiy
that lies behind us. Much of the work that
had to be done by myself and my early fellow-
workers — most of them lono; at rest from their
labours — was of necessity tentative only. Much
of what I have written ran counter to current
opinions, and met, therefore, with strong opposi-
tion, while many things, which formerly required
elaborate proof, are now accepted as matters of
course. I have, during the whole of my life,
tried to profit as much as I could by the
excellent criticisms passed by competent critics
on my numerous contributions. But though it
was easy to remove mere mistakes, arising from
ignorance or from pudenda negligentia, I found
it difficult, nay impossible, to change the whole
drift of an argument, to leave out what required
no longer any proof, or to present the old
vm PREFACE.
problems under an entirely new aspect. I must,
therefore, throw myself on the indulgence of
my friends who have expressed a wish to
possess a complete collection of my essays, old
and new, and I must ask them to accept them
as what they are, chips from my workshop,
mere contributions to the history of the studies
to which my life has been devoted, and, in one
sense, a sketch of my life, and perhaps the most
approjDriate sketch that the life of a scholar
deserves.
But though I thought it right, in revising
my essays, to correct any statements that
seemed to require correction, I can honestly
say that, with regard to the leading theories
which I advanced in them and in my larger
works, and with regard to the arguments by
which I tried to support them, I have had
little to alter. To mention only a few of the
theories which I advanced, or the heresies, as
others would like to call them, for which I still
consider myself responsible, I hold as strongly
as ever,
I. That language and thought are inseparable,
are in fact two sides of the same psychological
])rocess, and that the Science of Language is
therefore the only safe foundation for the
Science of Thought ^ ; or, to put it in other
^ See 'The Science of Thought,' by F. M. M. 1887.
PREFACE. IX
words, that a study of the origin and historical
growth of our words forms the best preparation
for a definition of our words, and that without
such definitions all philosophy is and must be
vain.
II. Another heresy of mine, which I have
not yet abjured, is that language and race are
incommensurable, and that languages must be
classified independently of all physiological
considerations. On this point I should now
repeat every word which I wrote in the chapter
' Ethnology versus Phonology,' in the year 1853,
in my Letter to Bunsen ' On the Turanian
Languages,' second chapter, second section.
Terms such as Aryan blood or Semitic skulls
sound to me still as preposterous as dolicho-
cephalic grammar.
III. I consider it as much as ever a real
misfortune that the theory of evolution, so
triumphantly applied by Darwin to the pro-
ductions of nature, should ever have been
transferred from the productions of nature to
the works of man. Evolution may be, as Lord
Salisbury remarked, a very comfortable term ;
it saves much trouble and can be made to
account for everything. Everything, as Topsy
said, may be 'spected to have grow'd. But the
history of the human mind, Avhether studied in
language, religion, politics or art, requires, if
X PREFACE.
I am not quite mistaken, a strictly historical or,
as it used to be called, pragmatical treatment ;
requires, before all things, a knowledge of facts,
in order to enable us to discover the faintest
footsteps of that glorious but by no means
continuous procession which has carried the
savage from his cave and his forest to the
height of the Parthenon, the summit of the
Capitol, and to the majestic arches of West-
minster Abbey. We want to know not how
man may have become what he is, but how he
advanced actually and step by step from the
lowest depth to what we consider the highest
height of civilised life reached in our own
century. But this is history, not evolution.
IV. I still look upon the Science of Language
as one of the Natural Sciences. But while in
its material aspect, as sound, language, as
I have tried to show, belongs to the realm of
nature, it is in its spiritual aspect a work of
the human will, though acting under external
restraints.
V. Taking into account this double charac-
ter of language, I have tried to make it clear
that mythology has to be recognised as an
early and inevitable stage in the growth of
language and thought, nay, in one sense, as
an affection, or, as I expressed it perhaps too
drastically, as a disease of language. To this
PREFACE. XI
heresy also, If heresy it can be called, I still
cling as strongly as when I published my first
essay on ' Comparative Mythology,' now forty
years ago. There may be much difference of
opinion as to the right application of this
principle in analysing the mythologies of civil-
ised and uncivilised races, but the principle
itself can never be set aside again. Mythology
has been recognised, once for all, as a remnant
of ancient thought and language, reflecting the
salient phenomena of nature. A large portion
of it, but by no means the whole of it, is in
consequence solar and lunar. Scholars may
differ on certain etymologies, but the learned
researches and brilliant discoveries of such men
as Eug. Burnouf, Bopp, Grinmi, Pott, Kuhn,
Curtius, Benfey, Grassmann, Michel Breal and
Darmesteter, and more lately of Hillebrandt,
Victor Henry and others, in the domain of
mythological etymology, are not likely to be
brushed away by mere ridicule. The Solar
Myth has survived all badinage, even the most
ponderous, and, if we make allowance for one
or two startling or rather amusing exceptions,
we may truly say that no serious scholar, ac-
quainted with the principles of Comparative
Philology, doubts any longer that the philo-
logical key is the only one that can disclose
to us the origin and the true meaning of
XH PEEFACB.
mythological names, nay, even of totems and
fetishes.
VI. Another heresy of mine, that religion
can be traced back to the perception of the
Infinite under its various manifestations and
conceptions, is still a subject of fierce contro-
versy. All depends here on the meaning which
we assign to the Infinite. I readily admit that
not everything that is postulated as lying
behind the Finite is fit for religious ideas ; all
I maintain is that whatever religious ideas
we meet with, have all their roots in the soil
which underlies the surface of our finite per-
ceptions. But whatever may be thought on
this point, I may at all events claim this,
that the facts on which the solution of the
problem of the origin of religion depends, are
much more freely accessible now than they
were fifty years ago, and that here also mere
theory has had to give way to history \ No
doubt, that history begins late, and there are
vast periods beyond the first utterances of
religious thought which are altogether beyond
our ken. The idea that the Veda or the Old
Testament could reveal to us the very be-
ginnings of religious thought was a fond hope
which, if it ever was, is no longer cherished by
1 'Sacred Books of the East,' vols. I to XLIX, Oxford,
1879-1894.
PREFACE. Xlll
anybody, and the contention that we may
recognise in savages, now living or but lately
extinct, the nearest approach to what man
was in his primordial cradle, or when just
shaking off the fetters of his purely animal
existence, is now but timidly supported, after
such immense vistas have been opened dis-
closing endless antecedents presupposed by the
dialects, the customs and the complicated super-
stitions of these so-called primitive savages.
I hope I may not be called an unrepentant
sinner for declining to surrender these my old
articles of faith. I have lived to see many
theories which were called heretical or unscien-
tific gradually changed into orthodox tenets.
No doubt I have also seen orthodox tenets
cast aside, and so long as man values truth more
than authority this process of natural selection,
or what I prefer to call rational elimination,
must always continue. What would have
become of religion without heretics, and what
would become of science without men beinor
allowed to defend their own convictions, reg-ard-
less of authorities and majorities ?
For one thing only I have, in conclusion, to
apologise. There is, no doubt, much repetition
in this collection of Essays and Addresses. They
were all written with a purpose and, in order
to carry out my, purpose, I had often to dwell
XIV PREFACE.
on the same facts and use the same arguments.
It was quite impossible, when I had decided
to pubUsh these papers in a collected form, to
leave out all paragraphs which had occurred
before. They were links in an argument, and,
if cut out, would have broken the chain and
left a gap. I well remember how Mendelssohn
disliked reminiscences in his compositions, and
how he often spoiled some of his most beau-
tiful songs by cutting out whole bars which he
remembered having used before. I think that
my readers will find it very easy to pass by
a sentence or a whole page which they re-
member having read before, while they would
have lost the thread of the argument, if these
pages had been cut out. It is sometimes a help
to look at the same things from different points
of view, and though iteration is no argument,
it often helps to drive home an argument.
Anyhow, it is a sin for which I hope to
be forgiven by my friends, nay, even by my
enemies, if such there be, for as to my honest
critics and opponents, I have always counted
them as among my best friends.
F. M. M.
Oxford, September 3, 1894.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface (1894) v-xiv
Inteoduction (1867) I
The Ninth International Congress of Orientalists,
Presidential Address (1892) 27
Eeply by Hofrath G. Buhler, C.I.E 86
Eeply by Count Angelo De Gcbernatis . . . 91
A School of Oriental Languages (1890) . . . . 97
Keply by H.R.H. the Prince of Wales . , . 113
Frederick III (1888) 116
What to do with our Old People (18S8) , . . ,126
The True Antiquity of Oriental Literature (1891) , 146
A Lecture in Defence of Lectures (1890) . . . ,173
Some Lessons of Antiquity (1889) 194
On the Classification of Mankind by Language or by
Blood (1891) 217
Letter to Mr. Eisley on the Ethnological Survey
of India (1886) 255
Horatio Hale, On the True Basis of Anthropology
(1S91) 263
On Freedom (1879) 269
XVI CONTENTS.
PAGE
Goethe and Carltle (r888) 323
Correspondence between Schiller and the Duke ok
schleswig-holstein (1875) 364
Andrea del Sarto's Cakita (1886) 406
Letter fkom Robert Browning (1S89) .... 426
Buddhist Charity (1884) ....... 427
The Indian Child-Wife (1890) 456
An Indian Child- Widow (1894) ...... 464
On thk Proper Use op Holy Scriptures (1S93) , . 469
Index 493
REOEE'T ESSAYS.
INTRODUCTION,
(Written 1867.)
More tlian twenty years have passed since my
revered friend Bunsen called me one day into his
library at Carlton House Terrace, and announced to
me with beaming eyes that the publication of the
Rig'-veda was secure. He had spent many days in
seeing the Directors of the East-India Company,
and explaining to them the importance of this work,
and the necessity of having it published in England.
At last his efforts had been successful, the funds
for printing my edition of the text and commentary
of the Sacred Hymns of the Brahmans had been
granted, and Bunsen was the first to announce to
me the happy result of his literary diplomacy. ' Now,'
he said, '^ you have got a work for life — a large block
that will take years to plane and polish.' 'But
mind,' he added, ' let us have from time to time some
chips from your workshop.' '
' This edition of the text and native commentary of the Rig-veda
has since been published in six volumes, 4to : vol. i., 1849 ; vol. ii.,
1853; vol. iii., 1856; vol. iv., 1862; vol. v., 1872; vol. vi., 1874.
Kew edition in four volumes, 1890-92.
VOL. I. B
Z INTRODUCTION.
1 have tried to follow tlie advice of my departed
friend, and I have published almost every year a few
articles on such subjects as had engaged my attention,
while prosecuting at the same time, as far as altered
circumstances would allow, my edition of theEig-veda,
and of other Sanskrit works connected with it. These
articles were chiefly published in the * Edinburgh '
and ' Quarterly ' Reviews, in the ' Oxford Essays,' and
' Macmillan's ' and 'Eraser's' Magazines, in the
' Saturday Eeview,' and in the ' Times.' In writing
them my principal endeavour has been to bring out
even in the most abstruse subjects the points of real
interest that ought to engage the attention of the
public at large, and never to leave a dark nook or
corner without attempting to sweep away the cob-
webs of false learning, and let in the light of real
knowledge. Here, too, I owe much to Bunsen's ad-
vice, and when last year I saw in Cornwall the large
heaps of copper ore piled up around the mines, like
so many heaps of rubbish, while the poor people were
asking for coppers to buy bread, I frequently thought
of Bunsen's words, 'Your work is not finished when
you have brought the ore from the mine : it must be
sifted, smelted, refined, and coined before it can be of
real use, and contribute towards the intellectual food
of mankind.' I can hardly hope that in this my en-
deavour to be clear and plain, to follow the threads of
every thought to the very ends, and to place the web
of every argument clearly and fully before my readers,
I have always been successful. Several of the sub-
jects treated in these essays are, no doubt, obscure
and difficult : but there is no subject, I believe, in
the whole realm of human knowledge, that cannot be
INTKODUCTION. 3
rendered clear aud intelJigible, if we ourselves have
perfectly mastered it. And now wliile the two last
volumes of my edition of the Eig-veda are passing
through the press, I thought the time had come for
gathering up a few armfuls of these chips and
splinters, throwing away what seemed worthless, and
putting the rest into some kind of shape, in order to
clear my workshop for other work.
The volumes which I am now publishing contain
a selection of essays on language, mythology, and
rehgion, three subjects intimately connected with
each other. There is to my mind no subject more
absorbing than the tracing the origin and first
growth of human thought ; — not theoretically, or in
accordance with the Hegelian laws of thought, or
the Comtian epochs ; but historically, and like an
Indian trapper, spying for every footprint, every layer,
every broken blade that might tell and testify of the
former presence of man in his early wanderings and
searchings after truth and light.
In the languages of mankind, in which every-
thing new is old and everything old is new, an in-
exhaustible mine has been discovered for researches
of this kind. Language still bears the impress of the
earliest thoughts of man, obliterated, it may be,
buried under new thoughts, yet here and there still
recoverable in their sharp original outline. The
growth of language is continuous, and by continuing
our researches backward from the most modern to the
most ancient strata, the very elements and roots of
human speech have been reached, and with them the
elements and roots of human thought. What lies
beyond the beginnings of language, however interest-
B 2
4 INTRODUCTION.
ing it may be to the biologist, does not yet belong
to the history of man, in the true and original sense
of that word. Man means the thinker, and the first
manifestation of thought is speech.
But more surprising than the continuity in the
growth of language, is the continuity in the growth
of religion. Of religion, too, as of language, it may
be said that in it everything new is old and every-
thing old is new, and that there has been no entirely
new religion since the beginning of the world. The
elements and roots of religion were there, as far
back as we can trace the histoiy of man; and
the history of religion, like the history of lan-
guage, shoAvs us throughout a succession of new
combinations of the same radical elements. An in-
tuition of God, a sense of human wealmess and de-
pendance, a belief in a Divine government of the
world, a distinction between good and evil, and a
hope of a better life, these are some of the radical
elements of all religions. Though sometimes hidden,
they rise again and again to the surface. Though
frequently distorted, they tend again and again to
their perfect form. Unless they had formed part of
the oldest dowry of the human soul, religion would
have remained an impossibility, and the tongues of
angels would have been to human ears but as sound-
ing brass or a tinkling cymbal. If we once under-
stand this cleai'ly, the words of St. Augustine, which
have seemed startling to many of his admirers, be-
come perfectly clear and intelligible, when he says ^ :
' August. Retr. 1, 13. 'Res ipsa, qi:?e nunc religio Christiana
nunciipatur, erat apud antiques, nee defuit ab initio generis humani,
quousque Christus veniret in carnem, unde vera religio, quas jam
erat, coepit appellari Christiana.'
INTRODUCTION'. 5
' What is now calleJ the Christian religiou, has
existed among the ancients, and was not absent
from the beginning of the human race, until Christ
came in the flesh : from which time the true relisrion,
which existed already, began to be called Christian.'
From tliis point of view the words of Christ, too,
which startled the Jews, assume their true meaning,
when He said to the centurion of Capernaum : ' Many
shall come from the east and the west, and shall sit
down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, in the
kingdom of heaven.'
During the last fifty years the accumulation of
new and authentic materials for the study of the
religions of tlie world, has been most extraordinary ;
but such are the difficulties in mastering these
materials that I doubt whether the time has yet come
for attempting to trace, after the model of the Science
of Language, the definite outlines of the Science
of Religion. By a succession of the most fortunate
circumstances, the canonical books of three of the
principal religions of the ancient world have lately
been recovered, the Yeda, the Zend-Avesta, and the
Tripi^aka. But not only have we thus gained ac-
cess to the most authentic documents from which
to study the ancient religion of the Brahmans, the
Zoroastrians, and the Buddhists, but by discovering
the real origin of Greek, Eoman, and likewise of
Teutonic, Sclavonic, and Celtic mythology, it has
become possible to separate the truly religious ele-
ments in the sacred traditions of these nations from
the mythological crust by which they are surrounded,
and thus to gain a clearer insight into the real faith
of the ancient Aryan world.
6 INTRODUCTION.
If we turn to the Semitic world, we fiud that
although but few new materials have been discovered
from which to study the ancient religion of the Jews,
yet a new spirit of inquiry has brought new life into
the study of the sacred records of Abraham, Moses,
and the Prophets ; and the recent researches of
Biblical scholars, though starting from the most
0]3posite points, have all helped to bring out the his-
torical interest of the Old Testament, in a manner
not dreamt of by former theologians. The same may
be said of another Semitic religion, the religion
of Mohammed, since the Koran and the literature
connected with it were submitted to the searching
criticism of real scholars and historians. Important
materials for the study of the Semitic religions have
come from the monuments of Babylon and Nineveh.
The very images of Bel and Nisroch now stand before
our eyes, and the inscriptions on the tablets may
hereafter tell us even more than they do at present
of the thoughts of those who bowed their knees
before them. The religious worship of the Pheni-
cians and Carthaginians has been illustrated by
Movers from the ruins of their ancient temples,
and from scattered notices in classical writers ; nay,
even the religious ideas of the Nomads of the Arabian
peninsula, previous to the rise of Mohammedanism,
have been brought to light by the patient researches
of Oriental scholars.
There is no lack of idols among the ruined and
buried temples of Egypt with which to reconstruct
the pantheon of that primeval country : nor need we
despair of recovering more and more of the thoughts
which are buried under the hieroglyphics of the in-
IKTKODUCTIOK. 7
scriptioiis, or preserved in hieratic and demotic
MSS., if we watch the brilliant discoveries that
have rewarded the patient researches of the disciples
of Champollion.
Besides the Aryan and Semitic families of re-
ligion, we have in China three recognised forms
of public worship, the religion of Confucius, that
of Laotse, and that of Fo (Buddha) ; and here,
too, recent publications have shed new light, and
have rendered an access to the canonical works
of these religions, and an understanding of their
highest objects, more easy, even to those who have
not mastered the intricacies of the Chinese language.
Among the Turanian nations, a few only, such
as the Finns and the Mongolians, have preserved
some remnants of their ancient worship and mytho-
logy, and these too have lately been more carefully
collected and explained by D'Ohson, Castren, and
others.
In America the religions of Mexico and Peru had
long attracted the attention of theologians ; and
of late years the impulse imparted to ethnological re-
search has induced travellers and missionaries to
record any traces of religious life that could be dis-
covered among the savage inhabitants of Africa,
America, and the Polynesian islands.
It will be seen from these few indications, that
there is no lack of materials for the student of
religion; but we shall also perceive how difficult it is
to master such vast materials. To gain a full
knowledge of the Veda, or the Zend-Avesta, or the
Tripi^aka, of the Old Testament, the Koran, or the
sacred books of China, is the work of a whole life«
8 INTRODUCTION.
How then is one man to survey the whole field of
religious thought, to classify the religions of the
world according to definite and permanent criteria,
and to describe their characteristic features with a
sure and discriminating hand?
Nothing is more difficult to seize than the salient
features, the traits that constitute the permanent
expression and real character of a religion. Religion
seems to be the common property of a large com-
munity, and yet it not only varies in numerous sects,
as language does in its dialects, but it escapes our
firm grasp till we can trace it to its real habitat,
the heart of each true believer. We speak glibly of
Buddhism and Brahmanism, forgetting that we are
generalising on the most intimate convictions of
millions and millions of human souls, divided by half
the world and by thousands of years.
It may be said that at all events where a
religion possesses canonical books, or a definite
number of articles, the task of the student of re-
ligion becomes easier, and this, no doubt, is true to a
certain extent. But even then we know that the
interpretation of these canonical books varies, so
much so that sects appealing to the same revealed
authorities, as, for instance, the founders of the
Vedanta and the Saukhya systems, accuse each other
of error, if not of wilful error or heresy. Articles
too, though drawn up with a view to define the
principal doctrines of a religion, lose much of their
historical value by the treatment they receive from
subsequent schools ; and they are frequently silent
on the ver}' points which make religion what it is.
A few instances may serve to show what diffi-
INTRODUCTION. 9
culties tlie student of religion has to contend witli,
before lie can hope firmly to grasp the facts on which
theories may safely be based.
Eoman Catholic missionaries who had spent their
lives in China, who had every opportunit}^, while
staying at the court of Pekiii, of studying in the
original the canonical works of Confucius and their
commentaries, who could consult the greatest theo-
logians then living, and converse with the crowds
that thronged the temples of the capital, differed
diametrically in their opinions as to the most vital
jDoints in the state-religion of China. Lecomte,
Fouquet, Premare, and Bouvet thought it undeniable
that Confucius, his predecessors and his discijples,
had entertained the noblest ideas on the constitution
of the universe, and had sacrificed to the true God
in the most ancient temple of the earth. According
to Maigrot, Navarette, on the contrary, and even
according to the Jesuit Longobardi, the adoration
of the Chinese was addressed to inanimate tablets,
meaningless inscriptions, or, in the best case, to
coarse ancestral spirits and beings without intelli-
gence.^ If we believe the former, the ancient deism
of China approached the purity of the Christian re-
ligion ; if we listen to the latter, the absurd fetishism
of the multitude degenerated amongst the educated
into systematic materialism and atheism. In answer
to the peremptory texts quoted by one party, the
other adduced the glosses of accredited interpreters,
and the dispute of the missionaries who had lived in
China and knew Chinese, had to be settled in the
last instance by a decision of the see of Rome.
' Abel Remusat, Milangest, p. 162.
10 INTRODUCTION.
There is hardly any religion that has been studied
in its sacred literature, and watched in its external
worshij) with greater care than the modern religion
of the Hindus, and yet it would be extremely hard
to give a faithful and intelligible description of it.
Most people who have lived in India would main-
tain that the Indian religion, as believed in and
practised at present by the mass of the people, is
idol-worship and nothing else. But let us hear one
of the mass of the people, a Hindu of Benares, who
in a lecture delivered before an English and native
audience defends his faith and the faith of his fore-
fathers against such sweeping accusations. * If by
idolatry,' he says, ' is meant a system of worship
which confines our ideas of the Deity to a mere
image of clay or stone, which prevents our hearts
from being expanded and elevated with lofty notions
of the attributes of God, if this is what is meant by
idolatry, we disclaim idolatry, we abhor idolatry, and
deplore the ignorance or uncharitableuess of those
that charge us with this grovelling system of wor-
ship But if, firmly believing, as we do,
in the omnipresence of God, we behold, by the aid
of our imagination, in the form of an image any of
His glorious manifestations, ought we to be charged
with identifying them with the matter of the image,
whilst during those moments of sincere and fervent
devotion, we do not even think of matter? If at
the sight of a portrait of a beloved and venerated
friend no longer existing in this world, our heart
is filled with sentiments of love and reverence ; if
we fancy him present in the picture, still looking
upon us with his woated tenderness and afiection,
INTEODUCTION. ]]
and then indulge our feelings of love and gratitude,
should we be charged with offering the grossest
insult to him — that of fancying him to be no other
than a piece of painted paper ? . . . . We really
lament the iernorance or uncharitableness of those
who confound our representative worship with the
Phenician, Grecian, or Eoman idolatry as repre-
sented by European writers, and then charge us with
polytheism in the teeth of thousands of texts in the
Puran.as, declaring in clear and unmistakeable terms
that there is but one God who manifests Himself
as Brahma, Vishnu, and Rudra (Siva) in his func-
tions of creation, preservation, and destruction.* ^
In support of these statements, this eloquent
advocate quotes numerous passages from the sacred
literature of the Brahmans, and he sums up his
view of the three manifestations of the Deity in
the words of their great poet Kalidasa, as translated
by Mr. Griffith :
In those Three Persons the One God was shown,
Each First in place, each Last — not one alone ; •
Of <Siva, Vish«u, Brahma, each may be
First, second, third, among the Blessed Three.
If such contradictory views can be held and
defended with regard to religious systems still pre-
valent amongst us, where we can cross-examine
living witnesses, and appeal to chapter and verse in
' The modern pandit's reply to the missionary who accuses him
of poly theism is : 'Oh, these are only various manifestations of the
one God; the same as, though the sun be one in the heavens, yet he
appears in multiform reflections upon the lake. The various sects
are only different entrances to the one city.' — See W. W. Hunter,
Annals of Rural Bengal, p. 116 ; and Medhurst on Shins in China,
inliis 'Inquiry on the Proper Mode of Translating liuach.^
12 IKTRODUCTION.
their sacred writings, wliat must th.e difficulty be
when we have to deal with the religions of the
past? I do not wish to disguise these difficulties,
which are inherent in a comparative study of the
religions of the world. I rather dwell on. them
strongly, in oj'der to show how much care and
caution is required in so difficult a subject, and how
much indulgence should be shown in judging of the
shortcomings and errors that are unavoidable in so
comprehensive a study. It was supposed at one
time that a comparative analysis of the languages
of mankind must transcend the powers of man : and
yet by the combined and well-directed efforts of
many scholars, great results have here been obtained,
and the principles that must guide the student of
the Science of Language are now firmly established.
It will be the same with the Science of Eeligion.
By a proper division of labour, the materials that
are still wanting will be collected and published and
translated, and when that is done, surely man will
never rest till he has discovered the purpose that
runs through the religions of manldud, and till he has
reconstructed the true Civitas Dei on founda-
tions as wide as the ends of the world. The Science
of Keligion may be the last of the sciences which
man is destined to elaborate ; but when it is elabo-
rated, it will change the aspect of the world, and
give a new life to Christianity itself.
The Fathers of the Church, though living in much
more dangerous proximity to the ancient religions
of the Gentiles, admitted freely that a comparison
of Christianity and other religions was useful. ' If
there is any agreement,' Basilius remarked, ' between
raTEODUCTION. 13
tlieir [the Greeks'] doctrines and our own, it may
benefit us to know them : if not, then to compare
them, and to learn how they differ, will help not a
little towards confirming that which is the better of
the two.''
But this is not the only advantage of a compara-
tive study of religions. The Science of Religion
will for the first time assign to Christianity its right
place among the religions of the world ; it will show
for the first time fully what was meant by the ful-
ness of time ; it will restore to the whole history
of the world, in its unconscious progress towards
Christianity, its true and sacred character.
Not many years ago great offence was given by
an eminent writer who remarked that the time had
come when the history of Christianity should be
treated in a truly historical spirit, in the same spirit
in which we treat the history of other religions, such
as Brahmanism, Buddhism, or Mohammedanism.
And yet what can be truer? He must be a man
of little faith who would fear to subject his own
religion to the same critical tests to which the
historian subjects all other religious. We need not
surely crave a tender or merciful treatment for that
faith which we hold to be the only true one. We
should rather challenge for it the severest tests and
trials, as the sailor would for the good ship to which
he entrusts his own life, and the lives of those who
are most dear to him. Tn the Science of Eeligion,
' Basilius, ' De legendis Grjec. libris,' c. v. Ei ^€;' oZu ia-rl nr
oiKeicJTTjr wphs aWriXovs to7s \6yois, irpofjpyov hv t]/.i7u avToiv tj yvSxris
yevoiTO. el 5e /u^, dW^ t6 ye irapdWijXa Bivras Karay-aOelv rh bia4>opov,
oh fxiKphw els pffialaxTtv fieXrlovos,
14: INTEODUCTION.
we can decline no comparisons, nor claim any immu-
nities for Christianity, as little as the missionary can,
when wrestling with the subtle Brahman, or with the
fanatical Mussulman, or the plain-speaking Zulu.
And if we send out our missionaries to every part
of the world to face every kind of religion, to shrink
from no contest, to be appalled by no objections, we
must not give way at home or within our own hearts
to any misgivings, lest a comparative study of the
religions of the world should shake the firm founda-
tions on which we must stand or fall.
To the missionary more particularly a compara-
tive study of the religions of mankind will be, I
believe, of the greatest assistance. Missionaries are
apt to look upon all other religions as something
totally distinct from their own, as formerly they
used to describe the languages of barbarous nations
as something more like the twittering of birds
than the articulate speech of men. The Science of
Language has taught us that there is order and
wisdom in all languages, and that even the most
degraded jargons contain the ruins of former great-
ness and beauty. The Science of Eeligion, I hope,
will produce a similar change in our views of barba-
rous forms of faith and worship ; and missionaries,
instead of looking only for points of diflFerence, will
look out more anxiously for any common ground,
any spark of the true light that may still be revived,
any altar that may be dedicated afresh to the true
God. »
' Joguth Chundra Gangooly, a native convert, says: 'I know
from personal experience that the Hindu Scriptures have a great
deal of truth. ... If you go to India, and examine the common
INTEODUCTIOX. 1 5
And even to us at home, a wider view of the reli-
gious life of the world may prove a very useful lesson.
Immense as is the difference between our own and
all other religions of the world — and few can know
that difference who have not honestly examined the
foundations of their own as well as of other re-
ligions— the position which believers and unbelievers
occupy with regard to their various forms of ftiith
is very much the same all over the world. The
difiiculties which trouble us have troubled the hearts
and minds of men as far back as we can trace the
beginnings of religious life. The great problems
touching the relation of the Finite to the Infinite,
of the human mind as the recipient, and of the
Divine Spirit as the source of truth, are old problems
indeed : and while watching their appearance in
different countries, and their treatment under vary-
ing circumstances, we shall be able, I believe, to
profit ourselves, both by the errors which others
committed before us, and by the truth which they
discovered. We shall know the rocks that threaten
every religion in this changing and shifting world
of ours, and having watched many a storm of re-
ligious controversy and many a shipwreck in distant
sayings of the people, you will be surprised to see what a splendid
religion the Hindu religion must be. Even the most ignorant
women have proverbs that are full of the purest religion. Now I
am not going to India to injure their feelings by saying, '* Your
Scripture is all nonsense, is good for nothing; anything outside the
Old and New Testament is a humbug." No ; I tell you I will
appeal to the Hindu philosophers, and moralists, and poets, at the
same time bringing to them my light, and reasoning with them in
the spirit of Christ. That will be my work.' — ' A Brief Account of
Jognth Chundra Gangooly, a Brahmin and a Convert to Christianity.'
ChHstian Reformer, August, 1860.
16 INTEODUCTION.
seas, we sTiall face with greater calmness and pru-
dence the troubled waters at home.
If there is one thing which a comparative study
of religions places in the clearest light, it is the in-
evitable decay to which every religion is exposed.
It may seem almost like a truism, that no religion
can continue to be what it was during the lifetime
of its founder and its first apostles. Tet it is but
seldom borne in mind that without constant reforma-
tion, i.e. without a constant return to its fountain-
head, every religion, even the most perfect — nay the
most perfect, on account of its very perfection, more
even than others — suffers from its contact with the
world, as the purest air suffers from the mere fact of
being breathed.
Whenever we can trace back a religion to its first
beginnings, we find it free from many of the blemishes
that offend us in its later phases. The founders
of the ancient religions of the world, as far as we can
judge, were minds of a high stamp, full of noble
aspirations, yearning for truth, devoted to the wel-
fare of their neighbours, examples of purity and un-
selfishness. What they desired to found upon earth
was but seldom realised, and their sayings, if pre-
served in their original form, often offer a strange
contrast to the practice of those who profess to be
their disciples. As soon as a religion is established,
and more particularly when it has become the re-
ligion of a powerful state, the foreign and worldly
elements encroach more and more on the original
foundation, and human interests mar the simplicity
and purity of the plan which the founder had con-
ceived in his own heart, and matured in his com-
INTEODUCTION. 17
munings with his God. Even those who lived with
Buddha misunderstood his words, and at the Great
Council which had to settle the Buddhist canon, Asoha,
the Indian Constantine had to remind the assembled
priests that ' what had been said by Buddha, that
alone was well said.'' With every century, Buddhism,
when it was accepted by nations differing so widely
as Mongols and Hindus, when its sacred writings
were translated into languages as far apart as
Sanskrit and Chinese, assumed widely different as-
pects, till at last the Buddhism of the Shamans in
the steppes of Tartary became as different from the
teaching of the original Sama7ia, as the Christianity
of the leader of the Chinese rebels is from the teach-
ing of Christ. If missionaries could show to the
Brahmans, the Buddhists, the Zoroastrians, nay, even
to the Mohammedans, how much their present faith
differs from the faith of their forefathers and
founders, if they could place in their hands and
read with them in a kindly spirit the original docu-
ments on which these various religions profess to be
founded, and enable them to distinguish between the
doctrines of their own sacred books and the additions
of later ages, an important advantage would be
gained, and the choice between Christ and other
Masters would be rendered far more easy to many a
truth-seeking soul. But for that purpose it is neces-
sary that we too should see the beam in our own eyes,
and learn to distinguish between the Christianity of
' Second Bairat Inscription, in Cunningham, Corjms In.tcriptiomim.
Indicarum, p. 97: 'Bhagavatu, Budhena bhusite save se subhasite va.'
1Lqtx\, Indian Antiquary, vol. v., p. 257. Oldenberg, Vinaya, intro-
duction, p. xl. Burnouf, Lotus de la houne Loi, Appendice, No, X.,
VOL. I. 0
18 INTRODUCTION,
tlie nineteenth century and the religion of Christ.
If we find that the Christianity of the nineteenth
century does not Avin as many hearts iu India and
China as it ought, let us remember that it was the
Christianity of the first century in all its dogmatic
simplicity, but with its overpowering love of God and
man, that conquered the world and superseded re-
ligions and philosophies, more difficult to conquer
than the religious and philosophical systems of
Hindus and Buddhists. If we can teach something
to the Brahmans in reading with them their sacred
hymns, they too can teach us something when read-
ing with us the Gospel of Christ. Never shall I for-
get the deep despondency of a Hindu convert, a
real martyr to his faith, who had pictured to him-
self from the pages of the New Testament what a
Christian country must be, and who when he came
to Europe found everything so different from, what
he had imagined in his lonely meditations at Be-
nares ! It was the Bible only that saved him from
returning to his old religion, and helped him to
discern beneath theological futilities, accumulated
during nearly two thousand years, beneath phari-
saical hypocrisy, infidelity, and want of charity, the
buried, but still living seed, committed to the earth
by Christ and His Apostles. How can a missionary in
such circumstances meet the surprise and question-
ings of his pupils, unless he may point to that seed,
and tell them what Christianity was meant to be :
unless he may show that, like all other religions,
Christianity, too, has had its history ; that the
Christianity of the nineteenth century is not the
Christianity of the Middle Ages, that the Chris-
INTRODUCTION. 19
tianity of the Middle Ages was not that of the early
Councils, that the Christianity of the early Councils
was not that of the Apostles, and ' that what has been
said by Christ, that alone was well said ' ?
The advantages, however, which missionaries and
other defenders of the faith will gain from a com-
parative study of religions, though important here-
after, are not at present the chief object of these
researches. In order to maintain their scientific
character, they must be independent of all extraneous
considerations : they must aim at truth, trusting that
even unj)alatable truths, like unpalatable medicine,
will reinvigorate the system into which they enter.
To those, no doubt, who value the tenets of their re-
ligion as the miser values his pearls and j^recious
stones, thinking their value lessened if pearls and
stones of the same kind are found in other parts of
the world, the Science of Religion will bring many
a rude shock ; but to the true believer, truth wher-
ever it aj^pears is welcome, nor Avill any doctrine
seem the less true or the less precious because it was
seen, not only by Moses or Christ, but likewise by
Buddha or Laotse. It should never be forgotten
that while a comparison of ancient religions will cer-
tainly show that some of the most vital articles of
faith are the common property of the whole of
mankind, at least of all who seek the Lord, if haply
they might feel after Him, and find Him, the same
comparison alone can possibly teach us what is
peculiar to Christianity, and V7hat has secured to it
that pre-eminent position which now it holds in
spite of all obloquy. The gain ^fill be greater than the
c 2
20 INTRODUCTION.
loss, if loss there be, which I, at least, can never
admit.
There is a strong feeling, I know, in the minds of
all people against any attempt to treat their own re-
ligion as a member of a class, and in one sense that
feeling is perfectly justified. To each individual,
his own religion, if he really believes in it, is some-
thing quite inseparable from himself, something
unique, that cannot be compared to anything else,
or replaced by anything else. Our own religion is, in
that respect, something like our own language. In
its form it may be like other languages ; in its essence
and its relation to ourselves, it stands alone and ad-
mits of no peer or rival.
But in the history of the world, our religion, like
our own language, is but one out of many ; and in
order to understand fully the position of Christianity
in the history of the world, and its true place among
the religions of mankind, we must compare it, not
with Judaism only, but with the religious aspirations
of the whole world, with all, in fact, that Christianity
came either to destroy or to fulfil. From this point
of view Christianity forms part, no doubt, of what
people call profane history, but by that very fact,
profane history ceases to be profane, and regains
throughout that sacred character of which it had
been deprived by a false distinction. The ancient
Fathers of the Cliurch spoke on these subjects with
far greater freedom than we venture to use in these
days. Justin Martyr, in his 'Apology' (a.d. 139),
has this memorable passage (Apol. i. 46) : *' One
article of our faith then is, that Christ is the first-
begotten of God, and we have already proved Him to
be the very Logos (or universal Reason), of which man-
INTKODUCTION. 21
kind are all partakers ; and therefore those wlio live ac-
cording to the Logos are Christians, notwithstanding
they may pass with you for Atheists ; such among
the Greeks were Sokrates and Herakleitos, and the
like ; and such among the Barbarians were Abraham,
and Ananias, and Azarias, and Misael, and Elias, and
many others, whose actions, nay whose very names,
I know would be tedious to relate, and therefore
shall pass them over. So, on the other side, those
who have lived in former times in defiance of the
Logos or Eeason, were evil, and enemies to Christ and
murderers of such as lived according to the Logos ;
hut they who have made or maJce the Logos or Reason
the rule of their actions are Christians, and men with-
out fear and trembling."
*God,' says Clement (200 A.D.), 'is the cause of
all that is good : only of some good gifts He is the
primary cause, as of the Old and New Testaments, of
others the secondary, as of (Greek) philosophy. But
even philosophy may have been given primarily by
Him to the Greeks, before the Lord had called the
Greeks also. For that philosophy, like a schoolmaster,
has guided the Greeks also, as the Law did Israel,
towards Christ. Philosophy, therefore, prepares and
opens the way to those who are made perfect by
Christ.' 2
' Thv Xpiffrhv ■irpcoT6T0K0v TOvQfovelvat fSiSaxdrmev, Kol irpoe;U7jj/u(raufy
Aoyov vvra, ou Tray yivos a.v6pwn<j}v p-iricrxi ' koI ol /tera A6yov fiidcravTes
Xptariavol eiVi, k\i/ &d(oi ivofu(T&r\(rav, oTov «VEAAT)(rt ixev 'S.jiKpa.TTjs Koi
'HpoKAeiTOS Koi ol dixoioi ahrols, eV fiap^dpots Se ^Afipakfx Koi 'Avavlas Kol
^ACapias Kol Mio-O7j\ Kol *HAi« Ka\ &\\oi noWol, uv Tas irpd^fis f) to.
ov6jx<na KaraXiyfiv ixaKp^v tluai i-niaTdixivoi, ravvv irapanovfifda. u'CTTf
Ka\ ol Trpoyev6ixivoi &viv A6yov fiidi(Tai'Tfs, itXPI"'''''" '^"■'^ ^X^P"^ '''V XpicrT<J5
?iaav, Kol (povus twp fina Adyov ^iovvroiv ol 5e /xfra A6yov fiiwaavrfs
Kol ^lOvvTis XpiffTiavol Koi &<po$oi Kol OTapoxot virdpxovaiv.
^ Clem. Alex. Strom, lib. I. cap. v. § 28. TldfTwu ntv yap afxio?
22 INTRODUCTION.
And again : ' It is clear that the same God to
whom we owe the Old and New Testaments, gave
also to the Greeks their Greek philosophy by which
the Almighty is glorified among the Greeks.''
And Clement was by no means the only one who
spoke tlins freely and fearlessly, though, no doubt,
his knowledge of Greek philosophy qualified him
better than many of his contemporaries to speak
with authoi'ity on such subjects.
St. Augustine writes : ' If the Gentiles also had
possibly something divine and true in their doctrines,
our Saints did not find fault with it, although for
their superstition, idolatr}-, and pride, and other evil
habits, they had to be detested, and, unless they
improved, to be punished by divine judgment. For
the apostle Paul, when he said something about
God among the Athenians, quoted the testimony of
some of the Greeks who had said something of the
same kind : and this, if they came to Christ, would
be acknowledged in them, and not blamed. Saint
Cyj)rian, too, uses such witnesses against the Gentiles.
For when he speaks of the Magians, he says that
the chief among them, Hostanes, maintains that the
true God is invisible, and that true angels sit at
His throne ; and that Plato agrees with this, and
Tuiv KaXwv 6 Qehs, aWa rtav fihu Kara irporiyuvfxevou, ds t?75 re 5ia07J/cT)s
TTjs TTaXaias Kol ttjs Vias, rwv 5e kot' eiraKoXovdriixa, iis Trjs <pi\oa'o(pias'
To-xo. 5e KOL Trpo7tyovfiev(i!s toTs "EWriati/ eS(J(??j tJt6 -nplu fj rhv Kvpiov
KaXfffat Kol Tovs"EWr]vas. 'KiraiBaywyei yap Kal outtj rh 'EWriVLKhv iis
6 i>6fxos Tovs 'E^paious (Is XpL(TT6v. TrpoTrapaffKivd^ei roivvv rj cpt\o(ro(pla
vpooSoiroiovcra rbv iiirh XpiaTov TeKfiov/xevuv.
' Strom, lib. VI. cap. v. § 42. Vphs Si Kal '6ti 6 avrhs Qehs ajj.(t>o7i/
Touv SiaOiiKaiv x"P''iy^s, 6 Koi Trjs 'EAXriviiirjs <pi\oao(pias SoTr]pTots"E\\r,<ni'.
Si' i]s 6 irai'TOKpdru'p irap' "EWr]in 5o^a(,"?Ta(, TrapfaTTjcrev, SrjXov 8e
KCLt/dfuSe,
INTEODUCTION. 23
believes in one God, considering the others to be
angels or demons ; and that Hermes Trismegistus
also speaks of one God, and confesses that He is
incomprehensihle.' (Augustinus, ' De Baptismo con-
tra Donatistas,' lib. VI. cap. xliv.)
Every religion, even the most imperfect and
degraded, has something that ought to be sacred
to us, for there is in all religions a secret yearning
after the true, though unknown, God. Whether
we see the Papua squatting in dumb medita-
tion before his fetish, or whether we listen to
Firdusi exclaiming : ' Of the world the height and
the depth art thou ; — I know not what thou art ;
whatever is, art thou ' (see Ouseley, ' Persian Poets/
p. 90) — we ought to feel that the place whereon
we stand is holy ground. There are philosophers,
no doubt, to whom both Christianity and all other
religions are exploded errors, things belonging to
the past, and to be replaced by more positive
knowledge. To them the study of the religions
of the world could only have a pathological interest,
and their hearts could never warm at the sparks
of truth that light up, like stars, the dark yet
glorious night of the ancient world. They tell us
that the world has passed through the phases of
religious and metaphysical errors, in order to arrive
at the safe haven of positive knowledge of facts.
But if they would but study positive facts, if they
would but read, patiently and thoughtfully, the his-
tory of the world, as it is, not as it might have
been : they would see that, as in geology, so in the
history of human thought, theoretic uniformity does
not exist, and that the past is never altogether lost.
24 INTRODUCTION.
The oldest formations of thought crop out every-
Avhere, and if we dig but deep enough, we shall find
that even the sandy desert in which we are asked to
live rests everywhere on the firm foundation of that
primeval, yet indestructible, granite of the human
soul — religious faith.
There are other philosophers, again, who would
fain narrow the limits of the Divine government of
the world to the history of the Jewish and of the
Christian nations, who would grudge the very name
of religion to the ancient creeds of the world : nay,
to whom the name of natural religion has almost
become a term of reproach. To them, too, I should
like to say that if they would but study positive
facts, if they would but read their own Bible, they
would find that the greatness of Divine Love cannot
be measured by human standards, and that God has
never forsaken a single human soul that has not
first forsaken Him. * He hath made of one blood
all nations of men, for to dwell on all the face of
the earth; and hath determined the times before
appointed, and the bounds of their habitation ; that
they should seek the Lord, if haply they might feel
after Him, and find Him, though He be not far from
every one of us.' If they would but dig deep enough,
they, too, would find that what they contemptuously
call natural religion is in reality the greatest gift
that God has bestowed on the children of man, and
that without it revealed religion itself would have
no firm foundation, no living roots in the heart
of man.
If by the essays here collected I should succeed
in attracting more general attention towards an
INTRODUCTION. 26
independent, jet reverent, study of the ancient reli-
gions of tlie world, and in dispelling some of the
prejudices with which so many have regarded the
yearnings after truth embodied in the sacred writings
of the Brahmans, the Zoroastrians, and the Bud-
dhists, in the mythology of the Greeks and Romans,
nay, even in the wild traditions and degraded
customs of Polynesian savages, I shall consider
myself amply rewarded for the labour which they
have cost me. That they are not free from errors,
in spite of a careful revision to which they have been
submitted before I published them in this collection,
I am fully aware, and I shall be grateful to anyone
who will point them out, little concerned whether
it is done in a seemly or unseemly manner, as long
as some new truth is elicited, or some old error
eflfectually exploded. Though I have thought it
right in preparing these essays for publication, to
alter what I could no longer defend as true, and also,
though rarely, to add some new facts that seemed
essential for the purpose of establishing what I
wished to prove, yet in the main they have been left
as they were originally published. I regret that, in
consequence, certain statements of facts and opinions
are repeated in different articles in almost the same
words ; but it will easily be seen that this could not
have been avoided without either breaking the con-
tinuity of an argument, or rewriting large portions
of certain essays. If what is contained in these
repetitions is true and right, I may appeal to a high
authority * that in this country true things and right
things require to be repeated a great many times.'
If otherwise, the very repetition will provoke cri-
26 ^ INTRODUCTION.
tieism and ensure refutation. I have added to all
the articles the dates when they were written, these
dates ranging over the last fifteen years, and I must
beg my readers to bear these dates in mind when
judging both of the form and the matter of these
contributions towards a better knowledge of the
creeds and praj-ers, the legends and customs, the
languages and dialects of the ancient world.
Ojfonl, 1867.
THE NINTH INTEENATIONAL CONGEESS
OF OEIENTALISTS, 1892.
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.
IT is generally at the end, not at the beginning,
of scientific meetings that votes of thanks are
proposed. But in our case, when we owe our very
existence to the valuable help received from so many
quarters, it seems but right that we should express
our gratitude at the very outset.
Our first thanks are due to H.R.H. the Duke of
York, for having granted us that sympathy and
gracious support without which, I am afraid, our
Congress would never have drawn its first breath,
and our labours might indeed have been in vain.
We could not venture to disturb a father s grief and
ask H.R.H. the Prince of Wales to grant us his royal
protection. But His Royal Highness has testified the
warm interest which he feels for our Congress, as for
everything that is likely to draw the bonds of friend-
ship between England and her great Indian Empire
more closely together, by authorising H.R.H. the Duke
of York to act at the present Congress as the worthy
successor of H.M. the King of Sweden, the Royal
28 EECENT ESSAYS.
Patron of our last Congress. In granting us his royal
protection the Duke of York has but proved himself
the true son of the Prince of Wales, the worthy grand-
son of the Queen, and has shown once more to the
world, that nothing which concerns the highest interests
of India can ever fail to evoke the warmest sympathies
on the part of those to whom a Divine Providence has
entrusted the Crown and the care of that glorious
Empire. We regret the unavoidable absence of H.R.H.
the Duke of York to-day ; but we all rejoice that his
place has been filled by one of the wisest and most
beloved Viceroys of India,-the President of the Royal
Asiatic Society, the Earl of Northbrook.
We have next to express our thanks to the Secretary
of State for India and to the illustrious Members of his
Council, for having given us every encouragement in
theii' power for successfully carrying out an under-
taking which has excited a widespread interest in
India, and has received powerful approval and sup-
port from some of the most respected leaders of public
opinion in that country.
It has been said indeed that, in a free country like
England, a Scientific Congress should not look for royal
favour and protection, or for help from Government.
But it seems to me, on the contrary, that in a country
like England, which is called a free country, because
its Government is truly representative of the will of
the people, and because the Crown is so completely
identified with all that is good and noble in the
aspirations of science and art, the absence of royal
patronage and governmental support would have
conveyed a very false impression.
What would the people of India have thought if
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 29
this meeting of scholars from all parts of Europe,
who have devoted their lives to the improvement
and enlargement of our knowledge of the East, after
having been recognised and patronised by the Sove-
reigns and their Ministers in every country of Europe
in which they met before, had been ignored or slighted
in England ? And what would those scholars them-
selves have said who remember the kindness with
which they were received in France, Italy, Germany,
Holland, Austria, Russia, and last, not least, in
Sweden, if in this, the greatest Oriental Empire which
the world has ever known, the Government, and
more particularly the Indian Government, had de-
clined to give the same hospitable welcome to the
Delegates of other countries, which the Delegates of
the Indian Government have accepted year after year
from foreign Governments'?
By accepting the Honorary Presidency of our
Conoress, H.R.H. the Duke of York seems to me
to have testified his conviction, and the conviction
of the nation at large, that the East can never be
foreign to the sympathy of the people of England,
and that thej^ consider a scholarlike study of the
literature and the antiquities of their great Eastern
Empire as deserving of every encouragement, and
worthy of the most generous support. Need I add
that the presence of the Queen's grandson is but
another proof, if any proof were wanted, that Her
Majesty the Queen, the first Empress of India, who
has so often shown her warm and tender feelings for
her Indian subjects, is with us in spirit, and wishes
success to our labours.
We have next to express our gratitude to the
30 KECENT ESSAYS.
Chancellor and Senate of the University of London,
to the President and Council of the Royal Society,
to the Society of Antiquaries, to the Astronomical
and Geographical Societies, for having placed some
of their rooms at the disposal of our Congress. The
authorities of the British Museum have granted us
facilities which will be highly appreciated by the
members of our Congress. The valuable Library and
collections at the India Office have been thrown open
to all our guests. They will find there in Sir George
Eirdwood a most valuable guide, as well as in
Dr. Rost, whose services, I am glad to say, have
been retained for another year for the Library of the
India Office.
Nor would it be right for me to open this Congress
without giving expression to the warmest feelings
of gratitude and admiration, which all who had the
good fortune of being present at our last Congress
in Sweden must ever entertain for our Royal Patron,
His Majesty King Oscar of Sweden and Norway.
He too is the ruler of a free countr}^, and in him too
we could recognise the true representative of the will
and wish of his people. The brilliant success of our
Congress at Stockholm and Christiania was due no
doubt to the popular sj'mpathy by which w^e were
greeted everywhere, and the truly Scandinavian hos-
pitality with which we were received in every town
and village through which we passed, whether in
Sweden or in Norway, and likewise to the active
participation of the best intellects of the country in
our labours. Yet it was an exceptional good fortune
that His Majesty King Oscar should personally have
felt so enthusiastic an interest and so warm a love
CONGllESS OF OraENTALISTS. 31
fur all that is beautiful in the East. Not only did
he show himself the most gracious host and most
generous patron, but he made time to sit patiently
through our lengthy and often tedious meetings.
Who can ever forget his noble presence when he
stepped in among us, every inch a king, a head and
shoulders taller than all the rest ; and who was not
surprised on hearing him not only conversing in all
the languages of his guests, but delivering eloquent
addresses in Swedish, in English, in German, in
French, and in Italian, nay, bidding us all farewell
in a Latin speech full of vigour and kindliness?
I doubt whether at any former Congress so much
solid work was done as at Stockholm and Christiania.
There are idlers and mere camp-followers at every
Congress; but, as President of the Aryan section,
1 can bear true testimony to the indefatigable in-
dustry of our members, who never allowed the
festivities of the evening to interfere with the duties
of the next morning. Our minutes and transactions
are there to speak for themselves. We learn from
a report published by an Indian scholar, Mr. Dhruva,
that there were in all io6 papers read by 86 members,
48 being in French, '^'] in German, 18 in English,
2 in Italian, and several by Orientals in their own
lano"uages. This proves once more, if any proof were
wanted, how popular Oriental studies are and always
have been in France, how carefully they have been
fostered by the French Government, and how much
the progress of true scholarship owes to the brilliant
genius, and even more, to the indefatigable industry
of the Oriental scholars of France.
His Majesty has lately given us a new proof of
32 RECENT ESSAYS.
his continued interest in the principal object of our
Congresses, the advancement of sound Oriental scholar-
ship. His Majesty has deputed his personal friend,
Count Landberg, to present to us a lasting memorial
of his Eoyal favour, a Swedish drinking-horn, to be
handed down from President to President, and he
has offered a gold medal for an essay on some subject
connected with Aryan philology. Like many of our
most distinguished guests, Count Landberg, I regret
to say, has been prevented by quarantine regulations
from attending the Congress in person.
We are also deeply indebted to a former Patron,
H.LH. the Archduke Rainer, who has never ceased
to take an active and powerful interest in the success
of our meetings. You know what we owe to him
and to his princely liberality in securing the unique
treasures of Egyptian papyri which, in the hands
of Professor Karabacek and his learned colleagues,
have become a monumental landmark in the history
of Oriental literature. Another of our Patrons, H.R.H.
Prince Philip of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, might claim his
place among us, not simply as a Royal Prince, but
as a learned numismatist and a persevering and
judicious collector of Eastern coins.
You will probably expect me to say a few words
about some misunderstandings and personal jealousies
which broke out after our last Congress. I should
much prefer to say nothing about these truly childish
squabbles, but I hope I shall be able to explain and
justify our position without giving offence to any-
body. At the end of our former Congresses there was
generally an official invitation from some Government
or University, asking us to hold our next Congress
CONGHESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 33
in one or other of the great capitals of Europe.
None had been received when we dispersed after
our Scandinavian Congress, though several places
had been privately suggested. As we had no per-
manent Committee, a resolution was passed by the
Congress, according to the oiBcial minutes, nnani-
mously ; or, according to the statements of certain
members, with one or two dissentient voices, that
our former Presidents should be requested ^57'o hac
vice to form such a Committee for the sole purpose
of receiving, and either accepting or rejecting, such
invitations as might be sent to them. Nothing could
have been more natural, more correct, more business-
like in every respect. But a French savant, M. de
Rosny, and some of his friends, professing to represent
the founders of our Congresses, and to speak in the
name of the Oriental scholars of France — though
many of these French scholars have declined to
accept M. de Rosny as their spokesman — suddenly
protested against this resolution as idtra vires. They
appealed to a body of Statutes which had been
drawn up in 1873 by M. de Rosny himself and those
who called themselves the founders of these Oriental
Congresses. These Statutes, it is now admitted,
had never been discussed in pl^no, and never been
formally ratified by any subsequent Congress. And
how can unratified Statutes claim any legal or
binding character? But even supposing that these
Statutes, unknown to most of the members of our
Congress, and never appealed to before when they
were broken year after year by their very authors,
could claim any legal force, it can hardly be disputed
that every corporate bod}^ which has the right of
VOL. T. D
34 RECENT ESSAYS.
drawing up Statutes has also the right of suspending
or over-riding them by a majority of votes. Without
such a right no Society could possibly exist and cope
successfully with the sudden emergencies that are
sure to arise. However, though the members of the
Oriental Congress could not recognise the exclusive
proprietorship in these international Congresses which
M. de Rosny and his confederates claimed for them-
selves, they had no objection whatever to a friendly
separation of elements which had often proved dis-
cordant at former Congresses. It seemed to many
of us simply a case of what is called development
by differentiation or growth by fission. There were
at former Congresses a number of visitors^ most
welcome in many respects, but whose tastes and
interests differed widely from those of the majority ;
and though we should never have parted with them
of our own free will, many of us feel that we shall
be better able to maintain the character of our
Congresses, if each party follows its own way.
There will be in future the so-called Statutory
Congresses of M. de Rosny and his associates, while
we shall try to preserve the old character and the
continuity of the International Congress of Orien-
talists, and shall gladly welcome some of the old
members who for a time have deserted our Congress.
"What we chiefly want are Oriental scholars, that
is to say, men who have proved themselves able to
handle their own spade, and who have worked in
the sweat of their brow in disinterring tile treasures
of Oriental literature. We do not wish to exclude
mere lovers of Eastern literature, nor travellers, or
dragomans, or even intelligent couriers ; they are all
CONGRESS OP ORIENTALISTS. 35
welcome ; but when we speak of Oriental scholars,
we mean men who have shown that they are able at
least to publish texts that have never been published
before, and to translate texts which have never been
translated before. Of such I am glad to say we have
lost hardly any.
You will be glad to hear that we have received
an invitation to hold our next, the tenth Congress,
in Switzerland, The names of the members of the
Swiss Committee are the best guarantee that our
meeting there will keep up the standard of our former
meetings, and will hand down our tradition to those
who will continue our work when we are gone.
We have also received a most tempting invitation
from His Majesty the King of Roumania, to hold our
eleventh meeting at Bucharest. The present Congress
will have to decide on both these proposals. We
wish to part with our former colleagues without any
reproach or recriminations. We say indeed with
Abraham, ' Let there be no strife ; separate thyself,
I pray thee, from me. If thou wilt take the left
hand, I will go to the right; and if thou depart to
the right hand, then I will go to the left.'
Having now disposed of these preliminary matters,
I shall try to discharge the duty that falls to the
President, in openiug this International Congress of
Orientalists. No one can feel more deeply than
myself how totally unequal I am to the task imposed
upon me, how unworthy of the honourable post
which you wished me to occupy. I know but too
well that there are many Oriental scholars who
would have filled the office of President of this Inter-
national Congress of Orientalists far more worthily
d2
36 RECENT ESSAYS.
than I can hope to do. If after long hesitation, as
you know, I accepted at last your repeated invita-
tion, it was because I saw in it but another proof
of that exceeding kindness which I have experienced
again and again during my long life in England,
and which seems to me to spring chiefly from a wish
to make me feel that you do no longer consider me
as a stranger, but have accepted me as one of your-
selves, as a comrade who has fought now for nearly
fifty years in the ranks of the brave army of Oriental
scholars in England. Never indeed could a general
boast of a more brilliant staff; and if we value those
honours most which are bestowed upon us by our
peers, believe me that I value the honour which you
have conferred on me in electing me your President,
as the highest bestowed upon me during the whole
of my long life in England, because it has been
bestowed on me not only by my peers, but by my
betters, not only by my best friends, but by my
best judges.
But though the Presidential chair is this year so
inadequately filled, never, I believe, has our Congress
been able to boast of so illustrious an array of Patrons,
Vice-Presidents, and Presidents of Sections as on this
occasion. We count among our Presidents of Sections
one who, by common consent, may be called the most
celebrated man of our country, Mr. Gladstone, cele-
brated alike as a statesman and as a scholar. We
are proud of the presence of another statesman,
Sir Mount-Stuart Elphinstone Grant-DufF, who, as
Governor of Madras, has rendered an illustrious name
still more illustrious, and whose knowledge often
surprises us by its accuracy even more than by its
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 37
extent and variety. Nor would it be easy to find
stronger representatives in tlieir special departments
of Oriental scholarship in this country than our
Presidents, Sir Thomas Wade, Sir Raymond West,
Professor Cowell, Professor Sayce, Professor Le Page
Renouf, Professor Robertson Smith, Sir Arthur
Gordon, Sir Frederick Goldsmid, and Dr. Tylor.
To each and ail of them and to their distinguished
Secretaries I now express, in the name of the Congress,
our most respectful and cordial thanks.
I have thus far explained to you our right to exist;
I shall now try to explain the reason of our existence,
or the objects which we have in view in holding from
time to time these Oriental Congresses in the principal
towns of Europe.
When we wish to express something removed from
us as far as it can be, we use the expression, ' So far as
the East is from the West.' Now what we who are
assembled here are aiming at, what may be called our
real raison d'etre, is to bring the East, which seems so
far from us, so distant from us, nay, often so strange
and indifferent to many of us, as near as possible —
near to our thoughts, near to our hearts. It seems
stransfe indeed that there should ever have been a
frontier line to separate the East from the West, nor is
it easy to see at what time that line was first drawn,
or whether there were any physical conditions which
necessitated such a line of demarcation. The sun
moves in unbroken continuity from East to West,
there is no break in his triumphant progress. Why
should there ever have been a break in the trium-
phant progress of the human race from East to West,
and how could that break have been brought about ?
38 RECENT ESSAYS.
It is quite true that as long as we know anything
that deserves the name of history, that break exists.
The Mediterranean with the Black Sea, the Caspian
with the Ural Mountains, may be looked upon as the
physical boundary that separates the East from the
West. The whole history of the West seems so
strongly determined by the Mediterranean, that
Ewald was inclined to include all Aryan nations
under the name of Mediterranean. But the Medi-
terranean ought to have formed not only the barrier,
but likewise the connecting-link between Asia and
Europe. Without the high-road leading to all the
emporia of the world, without the pure and refresh-
ing bi'eezes, without the infinite laughter of the
Mediterranean, there would never have been an
Athens, a Rome, there would never have been that
spirited and never-resting Europe, so different from
the solid and slowly-changing Asiatic continent.
Northern Africa, however, Egypt, Palestine, Phenicia,
and Arabia, though in close proximity to the Medi-
terranean, belong in their history to the East, quite
ap much us Babylon, Assyria, Media, Persia, and
India. Even Asia Minor formed only a temporary
bridge between East and West, which was drawn up
again when it had served its purpose. We ourselves
have grown up so entirely in the atmosphere of Greek
thought, that we hardly feel surprised when we see
nations, such as the Phenicians and Persians, looked
upon by the Greeks as strangers and barbarians,
though in ancient times the former were far more
advanced in civilisation than the Greeks, and though
the latter spoke a language closely allied to the
language of Homer, and possessed a religion far
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 39
more pure and elevated than that of the Homeric
Greeks. The Romans were the heirs of the Greeks,
and the whole of Europe succeeded afterwards to the
intellectual inheritance of Kome and Greece. Nor
can we disguise the fact that we ourselves have
inherited from them somethiug of that feeling of
strangeness between the West and the East, between
the white and the dark man, between the Aryan and
the Semite, which ought never to have arisen, and
which is a disgrace to everybody who harbours it.
No one would in these Darwinian days venture to
doubt the homogeneousness of the human species, the
brotherhood of the whole human race ; but there
remains the fact that, as in ancient so in modern
limes, members of that one human species, brothers
of that one human family, look upon each other, not
as brothers, but as strangers, if not as enemies, divided
not only by language and religion, but also by what
people call blood, whatever they may mean by that
term.
I wish to point out that it constitutes one of the
greatest achievements of Oriental scholarship to have
proved by irrefragable evidence that the complete
break between East and West did not exist from the
beginning ; that in prehistoric times language formed
really a bond of union between the ancestors of many
of the Eastern and Western nations, while more recent
discoveries have proved that in historic times also
language, which seemed to separate the great nations
of anti(pnty, never separated the most important
among them so completely as to make all intellectual
commerce and exchange between them impossible.
These two discoveries seem to me to form the highest
40 EECENT ESSAYS.
glory of Oriental scholarship during the present cen-
tury. Some of our greatest scholars — some of them
here present — have contributed to these discoveries ;
and I thought, therefore, that they formed the most
worthy subject to occupy our thoughts at the begin-
ning of our International Congress of Orientalists.
The Presidents of our Sections will probably dwell
on the results obtained during the last years in their
own more special departments. I was anxious to
show that Oriental scholarship has also made some
substantial contributions to the general stock of
human knowledge, that it has added, in fact, a com-
pletely new chapter to the history of the world, and
has changed another chapter, formerly the oldest, but
also the most barren, into a living picture, full of
human thought, of human fears, of human hopes.
I begin with the prehistoric world, which has
actually been brought to light for the first time by
Oriental scholarship.
I confess I do not like the expression preldstoric.
It is a vague term and almost withdraws itself from
definition. If I'eal history begins only with the events
of which we possess contemporaneous witnesses, then,
no doubt, the whole period of which we are now
speaking, and many later periods also, would have
to be called prehistoric. But if history means, as it
did originally, research, and knowledge of real events
based on such research, then the events of which we
are going to speak are as real and as truly historical
as the battle of Waterloo. It is often supposed that
students of Oriental languages and of the Science of
Language deal with words only. We have learnt by
this time that there is no such thing as ' words only,'
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 41
that every new word represented a new thought, that
is a most momentous event in the development of our
race. What people call ' mere words,' are in truth
the monuments of the fiercest intellectual battles,
triumphal arches of the grandest victories won by
the intellect of man. When man had formed names
for body and soul, for father and mother, and not till
then, did the first act of human history begin. Not
till there were names for right and wrong, for God
and man, could there be anything worthy of the name
of human society. Every new word was a discovery,
and these early discoveries, if but properly under-
stood, are more important to us than the greatest
conquests of the kings of Egypt and Eabylon. Not
one of our greatest explorers has unearthed with his
spade or pickaxe more splendid palaces and temples,
whether in Egypt or in Babylon, than the etymologist.
Every word is the palace of a human thought ; and in
scientific etymology we possess the charm with which
to call these ancient thoughts back to life. It is the
study of words, it is the Science of Language, that
has withdrawn the curtain Avhich formerly concealed
these ancient times and their intellectual struggles
from the sight of historians. Even now, when scholars
speak of languages, and families of languages, they
often forget that families mean speakers of languages,
and families of speech presuppose real families, or
classes, or powerful confederacies, Avhich have strug-
gled for then- existence and held their ground against
all enemies. Languages, as we read in the Book of
Daniel, are the same as nations that dwell on all the
earth. If, therefore, Greeks and Romans, Celts, Ger-
mans, Slavs, Persians, and Indians, speaking different
42 RECENT ESSAYS.
language?, and each forming a separate nationality,
constitute, as long as we know them, a real historical
fact, there is another fact equally real and historical,
though we may refer it to a prehistoric period, namely,
that there was a time when the ancestors of all these
nations and languages formed one compact body,
speaking one and the same language, a language so
real, so truly historical, that without it there would
never have been a real Greek, a real Latin language,
never a Greek Republic, never a Roman Empire ;
there would have been no Sanskrit, no Vedas, no
Avesta, no Plato, no Greek New Testament. We
know with the same certainty that other nations and
languages also, which in historical times stand before
us so isolated as Phenician, Hebrew, Babylonian, and
Arabic, presuppose a prehistoric, that is, an antecedent
powerful Semitic confederacy, held together by the
bonds of a common language, possibly by the same
laws, and by a belief in the same gods. Unless the
ancestors of these nations and languages had once
lived and worked together, there would have been no
common arsenal from which the leading nations of
Semitic history could have taken their armour and
their swords, the armour and swords which they
wielded in their intellectual struggles, and many of
wbicli we are still wielding ourselves in our wars
of liberation from error, and in our conquests of truth.
These are stern, immoveable facts, just as Mont Blanc
is a stern, irremoveable fact, though from a distance
we must often be satisfied with seeing its gigantic
outline only, not all its glaciers and all its crevasses.
What I mean is that we must not attempt to discover
too much of what happened tliousands of ye.ars ago.
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 43
or strain our sight to see what, from this distance in
time, we cannot see.
When we are asked, for instance, in what exact
part of the world these ancient consolidations took
place, every true scholar and every honest historian
knows that such a question is almost idle, because it
does not admit of a definite or positive answer. It is
easy to fix on this or that indication in order to assign
with the greatest confidence the original home of the
Aryas to this or that place in Asia or Europe. The
very North Pole has been pointed out by a learned
and ingenious American scholar as the most probable
home of the whole of mankind. All true scholars,
I believe, admit that we must be satisfied with the
general statement that the consolidation of the Aryan
speakers took place ' somewhere in Asia,' for they
know that this ' somewhere in Asia ' is not quite so
vast and vag-ue as it sounds, there being a number
of countries which no scholar would ever dream of
as possible homes of the Aryas at that early time,
such as Siberia in the North, China in the East, India
in the South, Arabia and Asia Minor in the West of
the Asiatic continent.
Nothing has shaken the belief, for I do not call it
more, that the oldest home of the Aryas was in the
East. All theories in favour of other localities, of
which we have heard so much of late, whether in
favour of Scandinavia, Russia, or Germany, rest on
evidence far more precarious than that which was
collected by the founders of Comparative Philology.
Onl}' we must remember, what is so often forgotten,
that when we say Aryas, we predicate nothing — we
can predicate nothing — but language. We know, of
44 EECENT ESSAYS.
course, that languages presuppose speakers ; but when
we say Aryas, we say nothing about skulls, or hair,
or eyes, or skin, as little as when we say Christians
or Mohammedans, English or Americans. All that
has been said and written about the golden hair, the
blue eyes, and the noble profile of the Aryas, is pure
invention, unless we are prepared to say that Socrates,
the wisest of the Greeks, was not an Arya, but a Mon-
golian. We ought, in fact, when we speak of Aryas,
to shut our eyes most carefully against skulls, whether
dolichocephalic or brachycephalic, or mesocephalic,
whether orthognathic, prognathic, or mesognathic.
We are completely agnostic as to all that, and we
gladly leave it to others to discover, if they can,
whether the ancestors of the Aryan speakers rejoiced
in a Neanderthal or any other kind of skull that has
been discovered in Europe or Asia. Till people will
learn this simple lesson, which has been inculcated
for years by such high authorities as Horatio Hale,
Powell, and Brinton, all discussions on the original
home of the Aryas arc so much waste of time and
temper.
There is the same difference of opinion as to the
original home of the Semites, but all Semitic scholars
agree that it was ' somewhere in Asia.' The idea that
the Semites proceeded from Armenia has hardly any
defenders left, though it is founded on an ancient
tradition preserved in Genesis. An eminent scholar,
who at the last moment was prevented by domestic
affliction from attending our Congress, Professor
Guidi^, holds that the Semites came probably from
' Delia sede primitiva dei Popoli Semitici, 'Proceedings of the
Accademia dei Liiicei,' 1878-79.
CONGRESS or ORIENTALISTS. 45
the Lower Euphrates. Other scholars, particularly
Dr. Sprenger, place the Semitic cradle in Arabia.
Professor Nokleke takes much the same view with
regard to the home of the Semites, which I take with
regard to the home of the Aryas. We cannot with
certainty fix on any particular spot, but that it was
' somewhere in Asia/ no scholar would ever doubt.
It is well known also that some high authorities,
Dr. Hommel, for instance, and Professor Schmidt, hold
that the ancestors of the Semites and Aryas must for
a time have lived in close proximity, which would be
a new confirmation of the Asiatic origin of the Aryas.
But we hardly want that additional support. Benfey's
arguments in favour of a European origin of the x\ryas
w^ere, no doubt, very ingenious. Put, as his objections
have now been answered one by one ^, the old argu-
ments for an Asiatic home seem to me to have con-
siderably gained in strength. I, at all events, can no
longer join in the jubilant chorus that, like all good
things, our noble ancestors, the Aryas, came from
Germany. Dr. Schrader, who is often quoted as
a decided supporter of a German or European origin
of the Aryas, is far too conscientious a scholar to say
more than that all he has written on the subject
should be considered ' as purely tentative ' (Preface,
p. v^).
With regard to time, our difficulties are greater
still, and to attempt to solve difficulties which cannot
be solved, seems to me no better than the old attempt
to square the circle. If people are satisfied with
approximate estimates, such as we are accustomed to
* ' Tliree Lectures on the Science of Language,' pp. 60 seq.
46 EECENT ESSAYS.
in geology, they may say that some of the Aryan
languages, such as Sanskrit in India, Zend in Media,
must have been finished and used in metrical form
about 200O B. c. Greek followed soon after. And
when it is said that these lano-uaf^es were finished
20CO B. c, that means simply that they had become
independent varieties of that typical Aryan language
which had itself reached a highly finished state long
before it was broken up into these dialects. This
typical language has been called the Froto-Aryan
language. We are often asked why it should be
impossible to calculate how many centuries it must
have taken before that Proto-Aryan language could
have become so difierentiated and so widely divergent
as Sanskrit is from Greek, or Latin from Gothic. If
we argued geologically, we might say, no doubt, that
it took a thousand years to produce so small a diver-
gence as that between Italian and French, and that
therefore many thousands of years would not suffice
to account for such a divergence as that between
Sanskrit and Greek. We might therefore boldly place
the first divergence of the Aryan languages at 5000
B. C, and refer the united Aryan period to the time
before 5000 B.C. That period again would require
many thousands of years, if we are to account for all
that had ab-eady become dead and purely formal in
the Proto-Aryan language, before it began to break
up into its six ethnic varieties, that is, into Celtic,
Teutonic, Slavonic, Greek, Latin, and Indo-Eranic.
The whole grammatical framework of that Proto-
Aryan language must have been finished before that
time, so that but little had to be added afterwards.
Not only was there a common stock of roots, but all
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 47
thematic suffixes for the formation of nouns, adjec-
tives, and derivative words had been settled, the
terminations of declension and conjugation had be-
come fixed, the formation of feminines was recognised
as well as the degrees of comparison, and there was
a whole treasury of words, many of them already with
secondary and tertiary meanings. All this must have
been finished before there was a Sanskrit lano-uagfe
different from Greek, or a Greek language different
from Latin. These common Aryan words have often
been used as reflecting the state of thouo-ht and civil-
isation previous to what I call the Aryan Separation,
previous to 5000 B. c, nowhere more completely than
in Schrader's useful work, ' Prehistoric Antiquities.'
The original elaboration of that wonderful work of
art which we call language must have required even
more time than its later differentiation. When I say
that the elaboration of a whole system of grammatical
forms must have taken more time than its later
differentiation, what I mean is that many of the
features which distinguish Sanskrit from Greek, and
Greek from Latin, need not be considered at all as
new creations, but should rather be looked upon as
remnants of a great mass of dialectic variety which
existed in the common Aryan speech, and were re-
tained some by Sanskrit, others by Greek. It has
been clearly established, for instance, through the
labours of Brugmann, Osthoff", CoUitz, Fick, and others,
that the Proto- Aryan language possessed three varieties
of the short vowel a, which had been differentiated
before the Aryan separation took place into a, e, o.
In Sanskrit we have no short e and 0, at least not in
classical Sanskrit. But it must be remembered that
48 RECENT ESSAYS.
in Sanskrit the short vowel a is never written after
consonants, and that we know nothing whatever of
its peculiar pronunciation at different times, except,
as Pariini says, that it differed from that of all the
other vowels. That at one time it was in Sanskrit
also pronounced like e, we know by the effect which
that palatal vowel has produced on a preceding k,
by imparting to it the palatal character of ch. The
fact that in Sanskrit the copula which corresponds to
Latin que and Greek re is cha, and not ka, shows that
the vowel must at one time in Sanskrit also have
been pronounced e, and not a or o, as it was in the
interrogative pronoun ka.
If we find the verbal augment in Sanskrit and
Zend and then again in Armenian and Greek, we may
be quite certain that these four languages did not
invent it independently, Irat that it existed as an
optional element in Proto-Aiyan times.
Even the Greek passive Aorist in drjv, which has
often been pointed out as a piece of purely Greek
workmanship, has many analogies in other Aryan
lano-uaofes, as Curtius has shown in his excellent work
on the Greek Verb.
If then we must follow the example of geology and
fix chronological limits for the growth of the Proto-
Aryan language, previous to the consolidation of the
six national languages; io,oco B.C. would by no means
be too distant, as the probable limit of what I should
call our knowledge of the existence of Aryan speakers
'somewhere in Asia.'
And what applies to those Aryan speakers applies
with even greater force to the Semitic speakers,
because the earliest monuments of Semitic speech,
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 49
differentiated as Babylonian, Phenician, Hebrew, and
Arabic, go back, as we are told, far beyond the earliest
documents of Sanskrit or Greek. Here also we must
admit a long period previous to the formation of the
great national languages, because thus only can the
fact be accounted for that on many points so modern
a language as Arabic is more primitive than Hebrew,
while in other grammatical formations Hebrew is
more primitive than Ai'abic^.
Whether it is possible that these two linguistic
consolidations, the Aryan and Semitic, came originally
from a common source, is a question which scholars
do not like to ask, because they know that it does
not admit of a scholarlike answer. No scholar would
deny the possibility of an original community between
the two, during their radical period, and previous to
the development of any grammatical forms. But
the handling of this kind of linguistic protoplasm
is not congenial to the student of language and must
be left to other hands. Still, such attempts should
not be discouraged altogether, and if they are carried
out in the same spirit in which in the last number of
the ' Journal of the German Oriental Society,' Pro-
fessor Erman has tried to prove a close relationship
between Semitic and Egyptian, they deserve the
highest credit. Another question also which carries us
back still further into unknown antiquity, viz. whether
it is possible to account for the origin of languages
or rather of human speech in general, is one which
scholars eschew, because it is one to be handled by
philosophers rather than by students of language.
' See Driver, 'Hebrew Tenses, p. 132.
VOL. I. E
50 RECENT ESSAYS.
I must confess, the deeper we delve, the farther the
solution of this problem seems to recede from our
grasp ; and we may here too learn the old lesson that
our mind was not made to grasp beginnings. We
know the beginnings of nothing in this world, and
the problem of the beginning of language, which
is but another name for the beginning of thought,
evades our comprehension quite as much as the
problem of the origin of our planet and of the life
upon it, or the origin of space and time, whether
without or within us. History can dig very deep,
but, like the shafts of our mines, it is always arrested
before it has reached the very lowest stratum. Stu-
dents of language, and particularly, students of
Oriental languages, have solved the problem of the
origin of species in language, and they had done so
long before the days of Darwin ; but, like Darwin,
they have to accept certain original germs as given,
and they do not venture to pierce into the deepest
mysteries of actual creation or cosmic beginnings.
And yet, though accepting this limitation of their
labours as the common fate of all human knowledge,
Oriental scholars have not altogether laboured in
vain. No history of the world can in future be
written without its introductory chapter on the great
consolidations of the ancient Aryan and Semitic
speakers. That chapter may be called prehistoric,
but the facts with which it deals are thoroughly
historical, and I say once more, in the eyes of the
student of language they are as real as the battle
of Waterloo. They form the solid foundation of all
later history. They determine the course of the
principal nations of ancient history as the mountains
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 51
determine the course of rivers. Try only to realise
what is meant by the fact that there was a time,
and there was a place, where the ancestors of the
poets of the Veda and of the prophets of the Zend
A vesta shook hands and conversed freely with the
ancestors of Homer, na}^, with our own linguistic
ancestors, and you will see w^hat a shifting of scenery,
what a real transformation-scene Oriental students
have produced on the historical stage of the world.
They have brought together the most valuable, and
yet the least expensive museum of antiquities, namely,
the words which date from the time of an undivided
Aryan and an undivided Semitic brotherhood ; relics
older than all Babylonian tablets or Egyptian papyri ;
relics of their common thoughts, their common re-
ligion, their common mythology, their common folk-
lore, nay, as has lately been shown by Leist, Kohler,
and others, relics of their common jurisprudence also.
Here too there has been much useless controversy.
It is as clear as daylight that w^hen we find a number
of words which all Aryan languages share in common,
these words and the ideas which they express must
have been known before the Proto-Aryan language
was differentiated as Sanskrit, Persian, Greek, Latin,
and all the rest. It has been possible to put together
these fragmentary words into a kind of mosaic picture,
giving us an idea of the degree of civilisation reached
before the Aryan separation. To some students this
picture or this idyll [elhvKXiov), seemed to disclose
a much higher advance of civilisation than they
expected in such early times. They therefore wrote
rapturously of those early Aryas, who called them-
selves drya, or noble, though originally this self-
E 2
D.^ RECENT ESSAYS.
glorious name need not have meant more than tillers
of the soil. Others, on the contrary, still under the
influence of Eousseau's school, claimed these Aryas
as true representatives of the Noble Savage, with
all the vices as well as the virtues of the Child of
Nature. Such a controversy is simply barren. What
the true scholar values are the linguistic materials,
brought together and critically sifted by the industry
and ingenuity of men such as Bopp, Kuhn, Benfey,
and last not least, Dr. Schrader, who have drawn this
picture of ancient Aryan civilisation with almost
Pre-Raphaelite minuteness. Till some one has given
us a definition of what is meant by Savage, it does
not matter whether we call these undivided Aryas
savages or sages. The only important point in the
eyes of a scholar is that we should know the words,
and therefore the thoughts, which the Aryas shared
in common before they broke up from their old
common Aryan home.
At the present moment, when the whole world is
preparing for the celebration of the discovery of
America, or what is called the New World, let us
not forget that the discoverers of that Old, that
Prehistoric World of which I have been speaking,
deserve our gratitude, as much as Columbus and
his companions. The discoveries of Sir William
Jones, Schlegel, Humboldt, and of my own masters
and fellow- workers, Bopp, Pott, Burnouf, Benfey,
Kuhn, and Curtius, will for ever remain a landmark
in the studies devoted to the history, that is, the
knowledge of our race, and, in the end, the know-
ledge of ourselves. If others have followed in their
footsteps, and have proved that these bold discoverers
CONGllESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 53
have sometimes been on a wrong track, let them
have full credit for what they have added, for what
they have corrected, and what they have rejected —
but a Moses who fights his way through the wilder-
ness, though he dies before he enters on the full
possession of the promised land, is greater than all
the Joshuas that cross the Jordan and divide the
land. Many travellers now find their way easily
to Africa and back ; but the first who toiled alone to
discover the sources of the Nile, men such as Burton,
Speke, and Livingstone, requii-ed often greater faith
and greater pluck than those wlio actually discovered
them. As long as I live, I shall protest against
all attempts to belittle the true founders of the
Science of Language. Their very mistakes often
display more genius than all the corrections of their
Epigoni.
It may be said that this great discovery of a whole
act in the drama of the world, the very existence of
which was unknown to our forefathers, was due to
the study of the Science of Language rather than to
Oriental Scholarship. But where would the Science of
Languajze have been without the students of Sanskiit
and Zend, of Hebrew and Arabic'? At a Congress
of Orientalists we have a right to claim what is due
to us, and I doubt whether anybody here present
would deny that it is due in the first place to
Oriental scholars, such as Sir W. Jones, Colebrooke,
Schlegel, Bopp, Burnouf, Lassen, and Kuhn, if we
now have a whole period added to the history of
the world, if we now can prove that long before we
know anything of Homeric Greece, of Vedic Lidia,
of Persia, Greece. Italy, and all the rest of Europe,
54 EECENT ESSAYS.
there was a real historical community formed by the
speakers of Aryan tongues, and that they were closely
held together by the bonds of a common speech and
common thoughts. It is equally due to the industry
and genius of Oriental scholars such as De Sacy,
Gesenius, Ewald, and my friend the late Professor
Wright, if it can no longer be doubted that the
ancestors of the speakers of Babylonian and Assyrian,
Syriac, Hebrew, Phenician, Ethiopic, and Arabic
formed once one consolidated brotherhood of Semitic
speech, and that, however different they are, when
they appear for the first time in their national
costumes on the stage of history, they could once
understand theii' common words and common thoughts,
like members of one and the same family. Surely
this is an achievement on which Oriental scholarship
has a right to take pride, when it is challenged to
produce its titles to the gratitude of the world at
large.
If we now turn our attention to another field of
Oriental scholarship which has been fruitful of results
of the greatest importance to the student of history,
and to the world at large, we shall be able to show,
not indeed that Oriental scholars have created a whole
period of history, as in the case of the Aryas and
Semites, before their respective separation, but that
they have inspired the oldest period in the history of
the world with a new life and meaning. Instead
of learning by heart the unmeaning names of kings
and the dates of their battles, whether in Egypt, or
Babylon, in Syria and Palestine, we have been en-
abled, chiefly through the marvellous discoveries of
Oriental scholars, to watch their most secret thoughts.
CONGRESS OF OUIENTALISTS. 55
to comprehend their motivesj to listen to their prayers,
to read even their private and confidential letters.
Think only what ancient Egypt was to us a hundred
years ago ! A Sphinx buried in a desert, with hardly
any human features left. And now — not only do we
read the hieroglyphic, the hieratic, and demotic inscrip-
tions, not only do we know the right names of kings
and queens 40CO or 5000 years B.C., but we know
their gods, their worship ; we know their laws and
their poetry ; we know their folk-lore and even their
novels. Their prayers are full of those touches which
make the whole world feel akin. Here is the true
Isis, here is Human Nature, unveiled. The prayers
of Babylon are more formal ; still, how much more
living is the picture they give us of the humanity of
Babylon and Nineveh, than all the palaces, temples,
and halls ? And as to India, think what India was
to the scholars of the last century ? A name and not
much more. And now! Not only have the ancient
inhabitants ceased to be mere idolaters or niggers,
they have been recognised as our brothers in language
and thouo-ht. The Veda has revealed to us the earliest
phases in the history of natural religion, and has
placed in our hands the only safe key to the secrets
of Aryan mythology. Nay, I do not hesitate to say
that there are rays of light in the Upanishads and in
the ancient philosophy of the Vedanta which will
throw new light even to-day on some of the problems
nearest to our own hearts. And not only has each one
of the ancient Oriental Kingdoms been reanimated and
made to speak to us, like the gi'ey, crumbling statue
of Memnon, when touched by the rays of the dawn,
but we have also oained a new insi"ht into the
56 RECENT ESSAYS.
mutual relations of the principal nations of antiquity.
Formerly, when we had to read the history of the
ancient world, every one of the great Kingdoms of
the East seemed to stand by itself, isolated from all
the rest, having its own past, unconnected with the
past history of other countries.
China, for instance, was a world by itself. It had
always been inhabited by a peculiar people, different
in thought, in language, and in writing even from its
nearest neighbours.
Egypt, in the grey morning of antiquity, seemed to
stand alone, like a pyramid in a desert, self-contained,
proud, and without any interest in the outside world,
entirely original in its language, its alphabet, its
literature, its art, and its religion.
India, again, has always been a world by itself,
either entirely unknown to the Northern nations, or
surrounded in their eyes by a golden mist of fable
and mystery.
The same applies more oi* less to the great Mesopo-
tamian Kingdoms, to Babylon and Nineveh. They
too have their own language, their own alphabet,
their own religion, their own art. They seem to owe
nothing to anybody else.
It is somewhat different with Media and Persia,
but this is chiefly due to our knowing hardly any-
thing of these countries before they appear on the
ancient battlefields of history in conflict with their
neighbours, either as conquerors or as conquered.
In fact if we look at the old maps of the ancient
world, we see them coloured with different and strongly
contrasting colours, which admit of no shading, of
no transition from one to the other. Every country
CONGRESS OF OllIENTALISTS. 57
seemed a world by itself, and, so far as we can judge
from the earliest traditions which have reached us,
each nation claimed even its own independent crea-
tion, whether from their own gods, or from their own
native soil. China knows nothing of what is going
on in Babylon and Egypt, Eg^pt hardly knows the
name of India, India looks upon all that is beyond
the Himalayan snows as fabulous, while the Jews
more than all the rest felt themselves a peculiar
people, the chosen people of God.
Until lately, if it was asked whether there was
any communication at all between the leading his-
torical nations of the East, the answer was that no
communication, no interchange of thought, no mutual
influence was possible ; because language placed a
barrier between them which made communication,
and more particularly free intellectual intercourse,
entirely impossible.
If, therefore, it seemed that some of these ancient
nations shared certain ideas, beliefs or customs in
common, the answer always was that they could not
have borrowed one from the other, because there was
really no channel through which they could have
communicated, or borrowed from each other by means
of a rational and continuous converse. Thanks to the
more recent researches of Oriental scholars, this is no
longer so. One of the first and one of the strongest
proofs that there was, in very ancient times, a very
active intellectual intercourse between Aryan and
Semitic nations is the Greek Alphabet. The Greeks
never made any secret of their having borrowed their
letters from Phenician schoolmasters. They called
their letters Phenician. as we call our numerical figures
58 RECENT ESSAYS.
Arabic, while the Arabs called them Indian, The very
name of Alphabet in Greek is the best proof that at
the time when the Greeks were the pupils of Phenician
writing-masters, the secondary names of the Semitic
letters, Aleph, Beth, Gimel, Daleth, had already been
accepted. Originally the Aleph was the picture not
of a bull, but of an eagle ; Beth not of a house, but of
another bird ; Gimel not of a camel, but of a vessel
with a handle ; Daleth of a stretched-out hand. This
intercourse between Phenicians and Greeks must have
taken place previous to the beginning of any written
literature in Greece, previous therefore to the seventh
century at least. When we speak of Greeks and
Phenicians in general, we must guard against think-
ing of whole nations, or of large numbers. The work
of humanity in the past, more even than in the
present, was carried on by the few, not by the many,
by what Disraeli called 'the men of light and lead-
in o-' the so-called Path-makers of the ancient world.
They represent unknown millions, standing behind
them, as a Commander-in-chief represents a whole
army that follows him. The important point is that
in the alphabet we have before us a tangible docu-
ment, attesting a real communication between these
leaders of progress and civilisation in the East and
in the West, a bridge between Phenicia and Greece,
between Semitic and Aryan people. The name of the
letter alpha in the Greek alphabet is a more irre-
sistible proof of Phenician influence than all the
legends about Kadmos and Thebes, about a Phenician
Herakles or a Phenician Aphrodite, It is strange
that not one of the classical scholars who have written
on the traces of Phenician influence in the religion
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 59
and mythologj'- of Greece should have availed himself
of the Greek alphabet as the most palpable proof of
a real and most intimate intercourse between the
Phenicians and the early inhabitants of Greece.
But later discoveries have opened even wider vistas.
It was one of the most brilliant achievements, due to
the genius of the Vicomte de Roug^, to have shown
that, though they discovered many things, the Pheni-
cians did not discover the letters of the alphabet.
Broken arches of the same bridge that led from
Phenicia to Greece, have been laid bare, and they lead
clearly from Phenicia back to Egj'pt. It is well
known that even the ancients hardly ever doubted
that the alphabet was originally discovered in Egypt,
and carried from thence by the Phenicians to Greece
and Italy. Plato, Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, and
Gellius, all speak of Egypt as the cradle of the
alphabet, and Tacitus (Annals, xi. 14), who seems to
have taken a special interest in this subject, is most
explicit on that point. It was supposed for a time
that the Egyptians simply took certain hieroglyphic
signs, and made them stand for their initial letters.
This was called the akrological theory, but it is no
longer tenable. The alphabet was never a discovery,
in the usual sense of the word ; it was like all the
greatest discoveries, a natural growth. It arose, with-
out any intentional effort, from the employment of
what are called complementary hieroglyphics ^ Thus
in hieroglyphic writing the wall with battlements
expresses the syllable Men ; but with the waved line
written under it. This waved line is called the
* Hincks, ' Egyptian Alphabet,' p. 7.
60 RECENT ESSAYS.
complement of the battlements, and is always to be
understood after it, even if it is not written. In like
manner, the crux ansata has for its complements the
waved line and the sieve, and if they are not there,
they have to be supplied. This crux ansata means
life, and is pronounced anch. It was therefore an
almost irresistible conclusion that led the ancient
Egyptians to suppose that the battlement, when
followed by the waved line, stood, not for 31en, but
only for m, while the waved line stood for n ; or that
the crux ansata seemed to represent the initial A
only, while the nch were figured by the waved line
and the sieve. In the end the result is the sam.e ;
certain hieroglyphics were accepted as standing for
their initial letters, but the process, as I have tried
to explain it, is far more natural, and therefore, from
an historical point of view, more true.
What the Vicomte de Eoug^ did was to select the
most ancient forms of the Phenician alphabet, as they
are found on the sarcophagus of Eshmunezar (or
better still, on the Stone of Mesha, which w^as not
known in his time), and to show how near they came,
not indeed to the most ancient hieroglyphics, but to
certain hieratic cursive signs which have the same
phonetic values as their corresponding Phenician
letters. This was a most brilliant discovery, and
I still possess a very scarce paper which he sent me
in 1859. He never published a full account of his
discovery himself, but after his death his notes were
published by his son in 1874.
I know quite well that some scholars have remained
sceptical as to the Egyptian origin of the Phenician
letters, and I have had to fight Rough's battle for
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 61
many years almost single-handed. My friend Lepsius
was never quite convinced. Attempts have been
made to derive the Phenician letters from a cunei-
form source or from the Cypriote letters, but the
result has hitherto been far from satisfactory. The
Phenician letters must have had ideogi^aphic ante-
cedents. Where are we to look for them, if not in
Egypt? What has always made me feel convinced
that Pouse was right, is the fact that we have to deal
with a series, and that fifteen out of the twenty-three
letters of this series are almost identical in Phenician
and in Egyptian. We are perfectly justified, therefore,
in making a certain allowance for some modifications
in the rest^. These modifications are certainly not
greater than the modifications which the Phenician
letters themselves underwent later in their travels
over the whole civilised world. But there is another
argument in Eoug^'s favour which has often been
ignored, namely, the fact that the Egyptians, when-
ever they had to transcribe foreign words, have
fixed in many cases on the identical letters which
served as the prototypes of the Phenician alphabet.
This fact, first pointed out by Dr. Hincks, is one
of the many valuable services which that ingenious
scholar has rendered to hieroglyphic studies ; and
^ It was tlie Vicomte de Roug^ (' Memoire,' p. 93) who pointed
out that as the Egyptians had no sound corresponding to the Semitic
y, 'Ain, the Phenicians coukl not have borrowed that letter from the
hieroglyphic or hieratic alphabet. Professor Brugsch, however (' Uber
Eildung der Schrift,' p. 22), seems to think that the hieratic sign xl^
may have been the abbreviated form of the hieroglyphic group n _.
which represents the 'Ain in hieroglyphic transcripts of Semitic names,
and that this hieratic sign was rounded off to O in the Phenician alpha-
bet. See 'Physical Religion,' p. 217 (no. 16).
62 RECENT ESSAYS.
the Vicomte de Roug^ has been the first to acknow-
ledge how much his own discovery owes to the
labours of Dr. Hincks, particularly to his paper
on the Egyptian alphabet published in the 'Trans-
actions of the Irish Academy' in 1H47, All the
facts concerning the history of the alphabet have
been carefully put together in Lenormant's great
work : Ensai sur la Pro'pagation de V Alphabet
Fhenicien. Here, then, we have a clear line of com-
munication between Egypt, Phenicia, and Greece,
which Oriental scholarship has laid bare before our
eyes. To judge from the character of the hieratic
letters as copied by the Phenicians, the copying must
have taken place about the nineteenth century B. c.^ ;
according to others, even at an earlier date. The
interval between this and the date of the oldest in-
scription in a Semitic alphabet, that of King Mesha,
the contemporary of Ahab (918-897), is no doubt
very large, but the attempts to bridge it over by the
Minaean inscriptions discovered by Dr. Glaser in
Arabia, are, to say the least, premature, until there is
something like agreement among competent scholars
on the date of these Arabian inscriptions. Nor do
I see how, without a great stretch of imagination, the
forms of these Minaean letters can account for the late
names of the Semitic letters, such as Aleph, Beth,
Gimel, &c., which were probably invented ex post for
the sake of teaching, like the names of the Runes 2.
It is well known that hieroglyphic writing for monu-
mental pui-poses goes back in Egypt to the Fourth, or
* J. de Eoug^, * Memoire sur I'Origine Egyptienne de I'Alphabet
Ph<?nicien,' 1874, p. 108.
^ See, however, Prof. Saj'ce in 'Higher Criticism,' p. 44.
CONGRESS OF OUIENTALISTS. 63
even the Second Dynasty ^, and on these earliest
inscriptions we not only find the hieroglyphic system
of writing fully developed, but we actually see hiero-
glyphic pictures of papyrus ^ and rolls, of inkstands
and pens. But here, again, the beginnings escape us,
and the oricjin of writing, though we know the con-
ditions under which it took place, withdraws itself
from our sights, almost as much as the origin of
language itself. The question has been asked whether,
as the oldest cuneiform writing clearly betrays an
ideographic origin, its first germs could be traced
back to the ideographic alphabet of Egypt. This
would make Egypt the schoolmaster, or at least the
older schoolfellow of the Mesopotamian kingdoms.
But whatever the future may disclose, at present
Oriental scholarship has no evidence with which to
confirm such a hypothesis.
The same applies to another hypothesis which has
been advocated with great perseverance by one of the
members of our Congress, M. Terrien de Lacouperie.
He thinks it possible to show that the oldest Chinese
letters which, as is generally admitted, had an ideo-
graphic beginning, like that of the Egyptian hiero-
gl3^phics, owed their first origin to Babylon. It is
generally supposed that the cuneiform alphabet used
by the Semitic inhabitants of Babylonia and Assyria
was invented by a non-Semitic race, called Sumerians
and Accadians. Whether the Chinese borrowed from
these races or from the Babylonians is difficult to
decide. It must likewise remain for the present an
* In the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford is a monument ascribed
to the Second Dynasty.
* Roug^, 1. c, p. 103.
64 EECENT ESSAYS.
open question whether these Sumerians and Accadians
can be identified with a race dwelliog originally in
the North and East of Asia. There are scholars who
place the original home of the Accadians on the
Persian Gulf, though the evidence for this view also
is very weak. We must not forget that ideographs,
such as pictures of sun and moon, or of the super-
incumbent sky, of mountains and plants, of the mouth
and nose, of eyes and ears, must of necessity share
certain features in common, in whatever country they
are used for hieroglyphic purposes. The scholar has the
same feeling with regard to these very general ideo-
graphic pictui'es which he has with regard to the
very indefinite roots of language, which are supposed
to be shared in common by the Semitic and Aryan
families of speech. Both are too protoplastic, too
jelly like, too indefinite for scientific handling^. Still
no researches, if only carried on methodically, should
be discouraged a j^Tiori, and we must always be
willing to learn new lessons, however much they
may shock our inherited opinions. It is not so very
long ago that the best Semitic scholars stood aghast
at the idea that the cuneiform letters were borrowed
from a non-Semitic race, and that some of the cunei-
form inscriptions should contain specimens of a non-
Semitic or Accadian language. We have got over this
surprise, and though there are still some formidable
sceptics, the fact seems now generally recognised that
' Professor Hommel, in his excellent paper submitted to our Con-
gress, has pointed out striking similarities between Egyptian hiero-
glyphics and corresponding Babylonian ideogra])hs. Who was the
inventor and who the borrower, adhuc suh judice lis est, but sucli a Us
o\\"\\t not to be allowed to continue long.
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 65
there was in very ancient times an intercourse be-
tween the Semitic and non-Semitic races of Asia, as
there was between the Egyptians and the Phenicians,
and between the Phenicians and Greeks, that is
between the greatest people of antiquity, and that
these non-Semitic people or Accadians were really
the schoolmasters of the founders of the ffreat Meso-
potamian kingdoms. Put though we must for the
present consider any connexion between Chinese and
Babylonian writing as not yet proven, there can be
no doubt as to the rapid advance of the cuneiform
system of writing itself, from East to West. This
wonderful invention, more mysterious even than the
hieroglyphic alphabet, soon overflowed the frontiers
of the Mesopotamian kingdoms, and found its way
into Persia and Armenia, where it was used, though for
the purpose of inscriptions only, by people speaking
both Aryan and non- Aryan languages. Here, then,
we see again an ancient intercourse between people
who were formerly considered by all historians as
entirely separate, and we are chiefly indebted to
English scholars, such as Rawlinson, Norris, Sayce,
Pinches, and others, for having brought to light some
of the ruins of that long-buried bridge on which the
thoughts of the distant East may have wandered
towards the West.
Few generations have witnessed so many discoveries
in Oriental scholarship, and have Hved through !^o
many surprises as our own. If any two countries
seemed to have been totally separated in ancient
times by the barriers both of language and writing,
they were Egypt with its hieroglyphic and Babylon
with its arrow-headed literature. We only knew of
VOL. I. V
66 RECENT ESSAYS.
one communication between Egypt and its powerful
neighbours and enemies, carried on through the in-
articulate and murderous language of war, of spears
and arrows, but not of arrow-headed writings. Who
could have supposed that the rows of wedges covering
the cylinders of Babylonian libraries, which have
taxed the ingenuity of our cleverest decipherers, were
read without any apparent difficulty by scribes and
scholars in Egypt about 1500 B.C.? Yet we possess
now in. the tablets found at Tel-el- Amarna in Egypt,
a kind of diplomatic correspondence, carried on at
that early time, more than a thousand years before
the invasion of Greece by Persia, between the kings
of Egypt and their friends and vassals in Babylon,
Syria, and Palestine. These letters were docketed
in Egypt in hieratic writing, like the despatches in
our Foreign Office. They throw much light on the
political relations then existing between the kings of
Egypt and the rulers of Western Asia, their political
and matrimonial alliances, and likewise on the trade
carried on between different countries. They confii-m
statements known to us from hieroglyphic inscriptions
in Egj^ptj more particularly those in the temple of
Karnak. The spelling is chiefly syllabic, the language
an Assyrian dialect. Doubtful Accadian words are
often followed and explained by glosses in what may
be called a Canaanite dialect, which comes very near
to Hebrew. But how did the kings of Egypt under-
stand these cuneiform despatches ? It is true we meet
sometimes with the express statement that those to
whom these missives were addressed had understood
them^ as if this could not always be taken for granted.
* See tablets xxvi, Ix, Ixix, Ixxxiv.
CONGllESS OF OllIENTALlSTS. 67
It is true also that these letters wore mostly brought
by messengers who might have helped in interpreting
them, provided they had learnt to speak and read
Egyptian. But what is more extraordinary still, the
king of Egypt himself, Amenophis III, when writing
to a king whose daughter he wishes to marry, writes
a despatch in cuneiform letters, and in a language not
his own, unless we suppose that the tablet which we
possess was simply a translation sent to the king
Kallimma Sin, and as such kept in the archives of
the Egyptian Foreign Office.
It is curious to observe that the king of Egypt,
though quite willing to marry the daughters of
smaller potentates, is not at all disposed to send
Egyptian princesses to them. For he writes in one
of his letters (p. 29), 'A daughter of the king of the
land of Egypt has never been given to a " Nobody." '
Whatever else we may learn from these letters, they
are not patterns of diplomatic language, if indeed the
translation is in this case quite faithful ^ In these
despatches, dating from 1400 B.C., a number of towns
are mentioned, many of which have the same names
as those known to us from hieroglyphic inscriptions.
Some of these names have even survived to our own
time, such as Misirim for Egypt, Damascus, Megiddo,
Tyre (Surrii), Sidon (Sidima), Byblos (Guble), Beyrut
(Biruta). Joppa (Yapu), and others. Even the name
of Jerusalem has been discovered by Sayce in these
tablets, as Uru'salim, meaning in Assyrian the town
of peace, a name which must have existed before the
' My scepticism on this point haa been confirmed, for I see in
an article in tlie last number of the Academy that this translation
'was not quite correct.
F 2
68 RECENT ESSAYS,
Jews took possession of Canaan, Some of these
tablets (eighty-two) may be seen at the British
Museum, others (160) at Berlin, most of the rest are
in the Museum at Gizeh, We are indebted to Mr,
Budge for having secured these treasures for the
British Museum, and to Dr. Eezold and Mr. Budge for
having translated and published them.
To us this correspondence is of the greatest im-
portance, as showing once more the existence of a
literary and intellectual intercourse between Western
Asia and Egypt, of which historians had formerly
no suspicion. If we can once point to such an open
channel as that through which cuneiform tablets tra-
velled from Babylonia and Syria to Egypt, we shall
be better prepared to understand the presence in
Egypt of products of artistic workmanship also, from
Western Asia, nay, from Cyprus, and even from
Mycenae. I possessed potsherds sent to me by
Schliemann from Mycenae, which might have been
broken off from the same vessels of which fragments
have been found at lalysos, and lately in Egj^pt by
Mr. Flinders Petrie. I have sent these potsherds to
the British Museum to be placed by the side of the
pottery from lalysos, and to our University Museum
at Oxford. Mr. Flinders Petrie in the Academy,
June 25, 1892, writes: ' Mykenaean vase-types are
found in Egypt with scarabs, S:c., of the Eighteenth
Dynasty, and conversely oljects of the Eighteenth
Dynasty, including a royal scarab, are found at
Mykenae. And again, hundreds of pieces of pottery,
purely Mykenaean in style, have been found in various
dateable discoveries in Egypt, and without exception
every datum for such lies between 1^00 and 1 100 B.C.,
COXGHESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 69
and earlier rather than later in that range.' I do not
mean to say that this fixes the date of the Mykenaean
pottery, nor do I wish to rely on evidence which is
contested by some of the best Egyptian scholars ;
otherwise I should gladly have appealed to the names
of the Mysians, Lycians, Carians, lonians, and Darda-
nians, discovered in the Epic of Pantaur about 14C0
B.C., in the reign of Rameses II ; and to the name of
Achaeans read by certain Egyptian scholars in an
inscription at Karnak. ascribed to the time of Mene-
ptah, the son of Rameses II. What w^e shall have to
learn more and more is that the people of antiquity,
even though they spoke different languages and used
different alphabets, knew far more of each other, even
at the time of Amenophis III, or 1400 B.C., than was
supposed by even the best historians. The ancient
world was not so large and wdde as it seemed, and
the number of representative men w^as evidently very
small. The influence of Babylon extended far and
wide. We know that several of the strange gods
worshipped by the Jews, such as Rimmon, Nebo, and
Sin, came from Babylon. The authority of Egypt
also was felt in Palestine, in Syria, and likewise in
Babylon. The authenticity of the cuneiform de-
spatches found at Tel-el- Amarna in Egypt has lately
received an unexpected confirmation from tablets
found at Tel-el*Hesy, probably the ancient Lachish.
Here a letter has been found addressed to Zimrida,
who in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets was mentioned as
governor of Lachish, where he was murdered by his
people^. In the same place cylinders were found of
' Avademy, July 9 1892.
70 RECENT ESSAYS.
Babylouian manufacture, between 2coo and 15COB.C.,
and copies, evidently made of them in the West.
Similar cylinders occur in the tombs of Cyprus and
Syria, helping us to fix their dates, and showing once
more the intercourse between East and West, and the
ancient migration of Eastern thought towards Europe.
Nor should we, when looking for channels of com-
munication between the ancient kingdoms of Asia,
forget the Jews, who were more or less at home in
every part of the world. We must remember that
they came originally from Ur of the Chaldees, then
migrated to Canaan, and afterwards sojourned in
Egypt, before they settled in Palestine. After that
we know how they were led into captivity and lived
in close proximity and daily intercourse with Medians,
Persians, Babylonians, and Assyrians. They spoke
of Cyrus, a believer in Ormazd, as the anointed and
the shepherd of Jehovah, because he allowed them to
return from Babylon to Jerusalem. Darius, likewise
a follower of Zoroaster, was looked on by them as
their patron, because he favoured the rebuilding of
the Temple at Jerusalem. When we consider these
intimate relations between the Jews and their neigh-
bours and conquerors, we can easily imagine what
useful intermediaries they must always have been in
the intellectual exchange of the ancient world.
There are two countries only which really remained
absolutely isolated in the past, China and India. It
is true that attempts have been made to show that
the Chinese influenced the inhabitants of India in
very ancient times by imparting to them their earliest
astronomy. But Blot's arguments have hardly con-
vinced anybody. And as to Chinese porcelain being
CONGllESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 71
found in ancient Egj^ptian tombs, this too has long
been surrendered for lack of trustworthy evidence.
Nor have the attempts been more successful which
were intended to show that the ancient astronomy of
India was borrowed from Babylon. It is well known
that the Babylonians excelled in astronomy, and that
in later times they became the teachers of the Greeks,
and indirectly of the Indians. But the twenty-seven
Vedic Nakshatras or Lunar Stations are perfectly
intelligible as produced on Indian soil, and require
no foreign influences for their explanation. If the
Indians had in Vedic times been the pupils of the
Babylonians, other traces of that intercourse could
hardly be absent. It w^as, indeed, thought for a time
that one word at least of Babylonian origin had been
discovered in the hymns of the Rig-Veda, the Baby-
lonian mand, a certain weight of gold. This word
has certainly travelled far and wide. We find it in
the tablets of Tel-el-Amarna, in Hebrew, in Arabic.
in Greek, and in Latin ^ mina, a mine. But the verse
in the Rig- Veda in which this mand w'as supposed
to occur, requires a different interpretation, nor w^ould
one word be sufficient to indicate a real intellectual
intercourse betw^een Babylonians and Vedic Indians.
On the same ground we can hardly use the word
sindhu in the Babylonian inscriptions, as proving
a commercial intercourse between India and Babylon.
Sindhu, as my learned friend, Professor Sayce, in-
formed me, occurs in cuneiform texts as far back as
3000 B.C. as the name of some textile fabric. In
Sanskrit saindhava would mean what grows on the
' Possibly in Egyptian: ' Zeitsclirift der D. Mor^enl. Ge^ells.,'
vol. xlvi. p. III.
72 RECENT ESSAYS.
Sindhu or the Indus ^ and would therefore be a very
good name for cotton or linen. But so long as this
word stands alone, it would not be safe to build any
conclusions on it as to an ancient trade between India
and Babylon.
For the present, therefore, we must continue to look
upon China and India as perfectly isolated countries
during the period of which we are here speaking.
But though in the eyes of the historian the ancient
literature of these two countries loses in consequence
much of its interest, it acquires a new and peculiar
interest of its own in the eyes of the philosopher. It
is entirely home-grown and home-spun, and thus
forms an independent parallel to all the other litera-
tures of the world. It has been truly said that the
religion and the philosophy of India come upon us
like meteors from a distant planet, perfectly inde-
pendent in their origin and in their character. Hence,
when they do agree with other religions and philo-
sophies of the ancient world, they naturally inspire
us with the same confidence as when two mathe-
maticians, working quite independently, arrive in the
end at the same results ^.
It is true that in these days of unexpected dis-
coveries we are never entirely safe from surprises.
But as far as our evidence goes at present — and we
can never say more — the idea once generally enter-
tained, and lately revived by Professor Gruppe, that
there was some connexion between the ancient reli-
gion of India and those of Egypt and Babylon, is,
from a scholar's point of view, simply impossible.
' M. M., 'Physical Religion,' p. 87.
* Deussen, ' Die Sutras des Vedanta,' p. vi.
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 7S
Before the time of Alexander the Great, it would be
very difficult to point out any foreign intellectual
importation into the land of the Indus or the Seven
Rivers. The knowledge of the alphabet may have
reached India a little before Alexander's invasion.
We know that Darius sent Skylax on a scientific
expedition down to the mouth of the Indus. This
expedition, like other scientific expeditions, was the
forerunner of Persian conquests along the Indus. The
people called in the cuneiform inscriptions Gaddra
and Hidliu, that is in Sanskrit, Gavdhdra and
Sindhu, occur among the conquests of Darius, though
in his later inscriptions only. It is quite possible,
therefore, that even at that early time a knowledge
of reading and writing may have been communicated
to India. Travellers from India were seen by Ktesias
in Persia at the beginning of the fifth century b. C,
and he describes some whom he had seen himself, as
being as fair, or actually as white, as any in the
world. Others he describes as black, not by expo-
sure to the sun, but by nature. This was probably
written at the same time when Buddha, in a sermon
which he delivered (the Assalayana Sutta), said :
' The Brahmans are the white caste, the other castes
are black.' This refers to their colour (varna), not,
as has been supposed, to their character. But in
India we have as yet no real evidence of writino'.
not even of inscriptions, before the time of Asoka,
in the third century B.C. The Indian alphabets cer-
tainly came from a Semitic alphabet, which was
adapted systematically to the requirements of an
Aryan language. We can see it still in a state of
fermentation in the local varieties that have lately
74 RECENT ESSAYS.
been pointed out by my friend, Professor Blihler, the
highest authority on this subject. As to the religion
of Buddha being influenced by foreign thought, no
true scholar now dreams of that. The religion of
Buddha is the daughter of the old Brahmanic religion,
and a daughter in many respects more beautiful
than the mother. On the contrary, it was through
Buddhism that India for the first time stepped forth
from its isolated position, and became an actor in the
historical drama of the world. A completely new
idea in the history of the w^orld was started at the
great Buddhist Council in the third century B.C.,
under king Asoka, the idea of conquering other
nations, not by force of arms, but by the power of
truth. A resolution was proposed and carried at that
Council to send missionaries to all neighbouring
nations to preach the new gospel of Buddha. Such
a resolution would never have entered into the minds
of the ancient Egyptians, Babylonians, Assyrians, not
even of the Brahmans. It presupposed quite a new
conception of the world. It announced for the first
time a belief that the different nations of the world,
however separated from each other by language, reli-
gion, colour, and customs, formed nevertheless one
united family ; that each of its members was re-
sponsible for the rest, in fact, that humanity was not
an empty word.
It is a curious coincidence, if no more, that the
name of the missionar}^ who, according to the chronicle
of Ceylon, was sent to the North, to the Himalayan
border-lands, namely, Madliyama, should have been
found in a Stupa near Sanchi, as well as that of his
fellow- worker, Kasyapa. We read in an inscription :
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 75
* These are (the relics) of the good iTi<an of the family
of Kasapa, the teacher of the whole Haimavata,' that
is, the Himalayan border-land ^ We seldom find
such monumental confirmations in Indian history-
This important discovery, like so many others, was
due to General Cunningham, in one of his earlier
works ('The Bhilsa Topes,' pp. 119, 187, 317).
China, the other isolated country of antiquity, was
soon touched by the rising stream of Buddhism, and
thus brought for the first time into contact with
India and the rest of the world. The first waves of
Buddhism seem to have reached the frontiers of China
as early as the third century (217 B.C.), and so rapid
and constant was its progress, that in 61 B.C. Bud-
dhism was accepted by the emperor Mingti as one
of the three state-religions of China. We soon hear
of Buddhists in other countries also, and if we con-
sider that we have now arrived at a third period in
the history of antiquity, which may truly be called
the Alexandrian or Alexandrinian period, we need
not wonder that the military roads which had been
opened from the Indus to the Euphrates and to the
Mediterranean, were soon trodden by peaceful travel-
lers also, carrying both industrial and intellectual
merchandise from East to West. From Kashmir,
Buddhist missionaries seem to have penetrated into
Hellenised Bactria. Alexander Polyhistor, who wrote
between 80 and 60 b. c, attests ^ their presence there
under the name of Samanaioi, which stands for the
* Lassen, 'Indische Alterthumskunde, vol. ii. p. 234, and p. xxxix.
* See Cyrillus, 'Contra Julian.,' lib. iv. 133: ioTopu fovv 'A\(^ay-
fpoy o (rr'tKXTjv HoXviarajp — ecpi\oau>fn](rav Si — koi ik Y^aKrptiiv twv llfp-
aiKoiv Sa/xavaToi Kal rrapa Tltpffan ol Ma70i Kal trap' IvSois viTvp.voao<p.aTai.
Lassen, 1. e., ii. p. 1073.
76 EECENT ESSAYS.
PdVi name Samana, a Euddhist friar. Their presence
in Bactria is attested somewhat later, at the beginning
of the third century A.D., by Clement of Alexandria^,
who speaks of the Samanaioi as powerful philosophers
among the Bactrians, and again by Eusebius - at the
beginning of the fourth century, who writes that
among the Indians and Bactrians there are many
thousands of Brahmans. With regard to Bactria this
can refer to Buddhists only, for the old orthodox
Brahmans did not leave their country, and Brahmana
has always been retained by the Buddhists as a title
of honour for themselves. Early traces of the Bud-
dhist religion have been discovered likewise in the
countries north of Bactria, in Tukhara, and in the
towns of Khoten, Yarkand, and Kashyar. M. Dar-
mesteter has shown that in the second century B.C.
Buddhist missionaries were hard at work in the
western part of Persia, and it is a significant fact that
the name of Gautavia, the founder of Buddhism, occurs
in the Avesta, in the Fravardin Yasht^. This shows
how closely the most distant parts of the world had
been brought together by the genius of Alexander
the Great, and by the genius of that still greater
conqueror, Gautama /S'akyamuni. Here, again, it is
mainly due to the labours of Oriental scholars that so
many traces of the work done by Alexander and his
successors have been rediscovered. With Alexander
we have entered on a new period in the history of
* ' Strom.,' i. p. 359 : ^tXoaofia toivw — ird\at fJ.(V ^Kfiatre irapa t
pots — TTpoiaTTjcrav^Kai ^afxavaiot BiKrpojv — 'IcScDi' t« 01 TvpvoaocpiaTal.
I-as.sen, 1. c, ii. p. 1075 ; Sclnvanbeck, ' Meg.Tstlienis Indioa,' p. 139.
^ Praep. Ev. vii. 10 : Hap' 'IvZoTs kw. 'BaKTpois ilai x'-^'oSff ■noWal tiuv
\f^iinivQ)v 'Bpaxyuivoiv. Lassen, 1. c, ii. p. 1075.
•' 'Sacred Books of the East,' vol. xxiii. p. iS^.
CONGllESS Oi" ORIEXTALISTS. It
the world, a period marked by the first strong re-
action of the West against the East, inaugurated in
the fifth century B.C. by the victories of Marathon,
Thermopylae, and Salamis, which were almost con-
temporary with the first victories of Buddha. But
while the victories of Miltiades, Leonidas, and Alex-
ander the Great belong to history only, Buddha, the
Gina or Victor, as he is called, is still the ruler of the
majority of mankind.
If now, after having reached a period which is
illuminated by the bright daylight of well-authenti-
cated history, we turn our eyes back once more to
the two preceding periods, we may assert without
fear of contradiction that our knowJedge of the very
existence of the first period is entirely due to Oriental
scholarship, while it is equally due to the discoveries
of Oriental scholars that the second period has been
invested for the first time with a truly human interest.
The ancient history of the world may be said to have
assumed, under the hands of Oriental scholars, the
character of a magnificent dramatic trilogy. The
first drama tells us of the fates of the Aryan and
the Semitic race, each a compact confederacy before
the separation into various languages and historical
nationalities. The second drama is formed by the
wars and conquests of the great Eastern Empires in
Egypt, Babylon, and Syria, but it shows us that,
besides these wars and conquests, there was a con-
stant progress of Eastern culture towards the West,
towards the shores and islands of the Mediterranean,
and lastly towards Greece.
The third drama represents the triumphant progress
of Alexander, the Greek far more than the Macedonian,
7 b RECENT ESSAYS.
from Europe through Persia, Palestine, Phenicia, Egypt,
Pabylon, Hyrcania, and Pactria to India, in fact
through all the great empires of the ancient East.
Here we see the first attempt at re-estabJishing the
union between the East and the West. It is said ^ that
among the papers of Alexander, a plan was found
how to unite all these conquered nations into one
Greek Empire by a mixture of families and manners,
and by colonies, and thus to raise humanity to
a higher level. Common religious services and com-
meicial unions were meant to teach Europeans and
Asiatics to look upon each other as fellow-citizens.
Though this plan, worthy of the pupil of Aristotle,
was never realised, his wars and victories have cer-
tainly drawn the most distant nations closely together,
and enabled them to pour the stores of their ancient
wisdom into one common treasury. The rays from
the Pharos of Alexandria may be said to have pierced
across Egypt, Persia, Babylonia, and Pactria into the
dark shades of Indian forests, while the name of the
dwellers in these Indian forests, the Samanas or
Semnoi, the Venerable, as they were called by the
Greeks, might be heard in the halls of the Alexan-
drian Library. The very name of Puddha {Bovtto)
was not unknown to the later philosophers of Alex-
andria, for we see that the mind of Clement of
Alexandria^, in the second century a. D., was occupied
with the question whether Buddha really deserved to
be worshipped as a God, though we know now that
' See Johannes von Miillei-, ' AUgemeine (lesoliichte,' p. 63.
* 'Strom.,' i. p. 131, S^lb. : Eiai Si rwv '\\hwv o\ roh BoiIxTa uuQoyLivoi
■napa-f^iXnaatv, uv 5i' vntpjioXfiv aefiVuTrjTOS u)j 6(ov T(TifJ.TjKa(n ; possibly
resting on Megastlunes ; see * Meg;ist)ienis Indica,' ed. Scbwanbeck,
p. 46.
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 79
this was the very last thing that the real Buddha
would ever have desired. Clement knew also that
the Buddhists built some kind of temple or A'aityas
in which they preserved the bones and other relies of
Buddha and his disciples, the earliest specimens of
stone architecture in India, some of them preserved to
the present day ^.
After the seeds which Alexander had transplanted
from Greece to Egypt and the different parts of the
East had begun to grow and abound, Alexandria
became more and more the centre of gravitation of
the ancient world, the point to which all the streams
of ancient thought converged. Here in Alexandria
the highest aspirations of Semitic thought; embodied
in the Sacred Scriptures of the Jews, became blended
with the sublime speculations of Aryan thought, as
taught in the Platonist and Neo-Platonist schools of
philosophy, so that Alexandria may truly be called,
after Jerusalem, the second birthplace of that religion
of universal love, which more than any other religion
was meant to re-unite all the members of the human
race, scattered in the East and in the West, into one
universal brotherhood. In this way the whole history
of the world becomes indeed a Preparatio Evangelka,
if only we have eyes to see in Christianity not a mere
refacimento of an ancient Semitic faith, but a quick-
ening of that religion by the highest philosophical
inspirations of the Aryan, and moi-e particularly of
the Greek mind.
I have so far tried to show you what Oriental
* Clem. Alex. 'Strom.,' i. 3, p. 57,9, ed. Potter: Oi KaXovp.ivoi 5J
^ffivol (i. e. Saiiiana) t£v 'Ij/So)!/ —atlSovai riva irvpafxiSa v<p' ^j/ oaria
Tivds Otov vo/jA^ovat dnoKaaOat.
80 RECENT ESSAYS.
scholarship has done for us in helping us to a right
appreciation of the historical development of the
human race, beginning on the Asiatic continent and
reaching its highest consummation on this small
Asiatic peninsula of ours, which we call Europe, nay
on this very spot where we are now assembled, which
has truly been called the centre of the whole world.
It is due to Oriental scholarship that the grey twilight
of ancient history has been illuminated as if by the
rays of an unsuspected sunrise. We see continuity
and unity of purpose from beginning to end, when
before we saw nothing but an undecipherable chaos.
With every new discovery that is made, whether in
the royal libraries of Babylonia, oi- in the royal tombs
of Egypt, or in the sacred books of Persia and India,
the rays of that sunrise are spreading wider and wider,
and under its light the ancient history of our race
seems to crystallise, and to disclose in the very forms
of its crystallisation, laws or purposes running through
the most distant ages of the world, of which our fore-
fathers had no suspicion. Here it is where Oriental
studies appeal not to specialists only, but to all who
fece in the history of the human race the supreme
problem of all philosophy, a problem which in the
future will have to be studied, net as heretofore, by
a priori reasoning, but chiefly by the light of his-
torical evidence. The Science of Language, the Science
of Mythology, the Science of Religion, aye, the Science
of Thought, all have assumed a new aspect, chiefly
through the discoveries of Oriental scholars, who have
placed facts in the place of theories, and displayed
before us the historical development of the human
race, as a worthy rival of the development of nature,
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 81
displayed before our eyes by the genius and patient
labours of Darwin.
It seemed to me the most obvious duty of the
President in opening an International Congress of
Orientalists, to show to the world at large how much
Oriental scholarship has contributed to the common
stock of human knowledge. In England more par-
ticularly, Oriental studies are too often looked upon
as interesting to specialists only, and as far removed
from the general interests of our age. I thought it
right therefore to show once for all that this is wrong,
and that Oriental studies are well deserving of general
sympathy and support. I hope I have shown that
these studies are forming now, and will always form,
the only safe foundation for a study of the history of
mankind, and, more particularly, for a clear appre-
ciation of that intellectual atmosphere in which even
we, in the far West, still live and move and have our
being. Another prejudice against Oriental studies
has found frequent expression of late. It is charged
against us that the results of our labours are con-
stantly shifting and changing, and that the brilliant
discoveries of this year become invariably the exploded
errors of the next. This is greatly exaggerated. True,
Oriental scholarship has advanced very rapidly during
this century ; true, it has had to suffer much from
dabblers, babblers, and half-scholars ; but I hope
I have shown that the permanent gains of Oriental
research are both massive and safe, and that the con-
tributions of Oriental scholars to the capitalised wealth
of human knowledge need not fear comparison with
those of any other scholars.
It might no doubt have seemed more attractive if
VOL. I. G
82 RECENT ESSAYS.
in this inaugural address I had dwelt on the latest
discoveries of Oriental scholarship only. But it would
have ill become me as the President of this Congress,
and in the presence of the very authors of some of
these discoveries, if I had tried to act as their inter-
preter or ventured to criticise their results. We shall
have plenty of this work in our special sections, but
in this General Meeting of the Members of all the
Sections, I felt convinced that I should best carry out
your wishes by trying to sum up, in the presence of
the most critical judges, what I consider the safe
conquests of that glorious campaign which was opened
by Sir William Jones, Colebrooke, Sylvestre de Sacy,
Champollion, Ewald, Burnouf, Bopp, and Lassen,
was carried on by some of the veterans present here
to-day, and will, I feel sure, lead on to even more
important conquests under the guidance of those
young and bold generals, many of whom we greet
here for the first time.
But before I conclude, may I be allowed to tax
your patience a few minutes longer, and to ask one
more question, though I know that many here present
are far more competent to return an authoritative
answer to it than your President. Is the benefit to
be derived from Oriental studies confined to a better
understanding of the past, to a truer insight into that
marvellous drama, the history of the human race in the
East and in the West, whether in historic or prehistoric
times ? May not our Oriental studies call for general
sympathy and support, as helping us to a better
understanding of the present, nay, of the future also,
with regard to the ever-increasing intercourse be-
tween the East and the Westl Why should so many
COXGRESS OK OUIEXTALISTS. 83
practical men, so many statesmen, and rulers, and
administrators of Eastern countries, have joined our
Congress, if they did not expect some important
practical advantages from the study of Eastern
languages and Eastern literature ?
If the old pernicious prejudice of the white man
against the black, of the Aryan against the Semitic
race, of the Greek against the Barbarian, has been
inherited by ourselves, and there are few who can
say that they are entirely free from that damnosa
haereditas, nothing, I believe, has so powerfully helped
to remove, or at least to soften it, as a more widely-
spread study of Oriental languages and literature.
England is at present the greatest Oriental Empii-e
which the world has ever known. England has
proved that she knows not only how to conquer, but
how to rule. It is simply dazzling to think of the
few thousands of Englishmen ruling the millions of
human beings in India, in Africa, in America, and in
Australasia. England has realised, and more than
realised, the dream of Alexander, the marriage of the
East and the West, and has drawn the principal
nations of the world together more closely than they
have ever been before. But to conquer and rule
Eastern nations is one thing, to understand them is
quite another. In order to understand Eastern
nations, we must know not only their languages, but
their literature also ; we must in a certain sense
become Orientalised, students of the East, lovers of
the East. In this respect much remains to be done.
I believe that the small kingdom of Saxony, counting
fewer inhabitants than the city of London, does more
for encouraging the study of Eastern languages and
G a
84 RECENT ESSAYS.
literature than England. It is quite true that when
new and really important discoveries had to be made,
English scholars, men of true genius, have always
been in the van of the victorious progress of Oriental
scholarship. Their work has always been what in
German is called BahnbrecJiend, breaking the first
road through a dark and impervious forest. But
it has long been felt that we are deficient in providing
instruction in Eastern languages, such as is offered to
young men in Russia, France, Italy, and Germany, at
the expense of the State. We have lately made one
step in the right direction. Under the personal
patronage of H.R.H. the Prince of Wales, a School of
Modern Oriental Studies has at last been established
at the Imperial Institute^. This is the realisation of
a plan for which I pleaded forty years ago, and which
was warmly advocated at the time by that most far-
seeing statesman, the late Prince Consort. But we
want help, we want much larger funds, if this
excellent scheme is to grow and bear fruit. If the
public at large could only be made to see the practical
advantages that would accrue to English commerce
from a sufiicient supply of young men qualified to
travel in the East and to carry on a correspondence
in Eastern dialects, we should probably get from our
rich merchants that pecuniary support which we want,
and which in other countries is suj^plied from the
general taxation of the country. But far higher
interests than the commercial supremacy of England
are at stake. The young rulers and administrators
who are sent every year to the East, ought to be able
to keep up much more intimate relations with the
* See p. 97.
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 85
people whom they are meant to rule and to guide,
than exist at present. It is well known that one of
our Koyal Dukes, during his stay in India, acquired
a knowledge of Hindustani in order to be able to
converse freely with his soldiers. It is no secret that
even our Queen, the first Empress of India, has devoted
some of her very precious leisure to a study of the
language and literature of India. Here are bright
examples to follow. Without an intimate knowledge
and an easy conventional command of a common
language, a real intimacy between rulers and ruled
is impossible. It has been truly said by the Times
(July 9, 1892), that if the Transatlantic Cable had
been available in 1858, there would have been no
Trent Affair. One may say with the same truth,
that if there had been a more free and friendly inter-
course between the rulers and the ruled, between
oflficers and soldiers in India, an intercourse such
as can only be kept up by the electric current of
a common language, there would have been no Indian
Mutiny.
When I accepted the honourable post of President
of this Congress, it was chiefly because I hoped that
this Congress would help to kindle more enthusiasm
for Oriental Scholarship in England. But that
enthusiasm must not be allowed to pass away with
our meeting. It should assume a solid and lasting-
form in the shape of a permanent and powerful
association for the advancement of Oriental learning,
having its jn'oper home in the Imperial Institute.
If the members of this Congress and their friends will
help to carry out this plan, then our Congress might
hereafter mark an important epoch in the history of
8G RECEXT ESSAYS.
this the greatest Eastern Empire, and I should feel
that, in spite of all my shortcomings, I had proved
not quite unworthy of the confidence which my
friends and fellow-labourers have reposed in me.
PROPOSAL OF A VOTE OF THANKS TO THE
PRESIDENT.
[By HOFRATH G. BUHLER, C.I.E., Professor in the Imperial and
Royal University of Vienna, Austrian Delegate.]
The admirable sketch of the achievements of
Oriental scholarship during the last fifty years, and
of its consequent rise in dignity and importance,
which Professor Max Mliller has just given us, must
indeed fill the hearts of Orientalists with just pride.
And it naturally affords particular gratification to
those among us who are able to remember the not
very remote times when matters stood very differently.
Even so late as thirty-five years ago, war was still
being waged, especially in Germany, between the
Classicists and the Sanskritists. The simplest and
most indisputable results of comparative philology
were by no means received with general respect, and
in the Universities the study of Sanskrit was by no
means viewed favourably. Latine loqui malumus
quani balLutire Sanskrite, said one of the most
distinguished philologists of the time, to a presump-
tuous adherent of the new school who dared to
express a doubt regarding the all-sufficiency of the
two classical languages. His dictum was not rarely
repeated with complacency, and among others by one
of my own teachers, who wished to warn me against
my dangerous proclivities towards the sacred language
COXGUKSS OF ORIENTAT-ISTS, b/
of the Brahmans. The study of Arabic and other
literary Semitic languages was regarded with more
favour, but by many only under the proviso that it
laid no claim to any higher position than to that
of a humble handmaiden of the study of Divinity.
Egyptology and. Assyriology, especially the latter,
were still looked upon with distrust, and very com-
monly declared to bo pursuits unworthy of the
attention of serious scholars. In short, though there
were no doubt most honourable exceptions, the
classical philologists and the historians, as well as
the educated public, whom they influenced, mostly
regarded special Oriental research with no friendly
sentiments ; the Orientalist was often made to feel
that he was surrounded by an atmosphere if not of
actual hostility, yet of scarcely disguised contempt.
If in the present day a great revulsion of feeling
has taken place, and the work of the Orientalist is
now everywhere regarded with sympathy and followed
with intelligent interest, the change is owing partly,
as we have been told, to the growth of the quantity
and quality of its results, but to a great extent also —
and this has not been mentioned — to the indefatigable
industry and the consummate skill, displayed by
some of the master workmen in setting forth their
own and their fellow-labourers' discoveries.
Among these men who have conquered the indiffer-
ence of the public, and who have brought home the
value of Oriental research even to those reluctant to
acknowledge it, hardly one has done so much and
occupies so prominent a position as our illustrious
President, Professor Max Miiller. He has laboured
for nearly fifty years, and laboured to the very best
88 KECEXT ESSAYS.
purpose "both for the specialists and, what in my
opinion and according to my experience is even more
difficult, for the general public. To the specialists
he has given such works as his ' History of Ancient
Sanskrit Literature/ which after the lapse of a genera-
tion is still a standard book, and his splendid editions
of the Rig-Veda, the greatest and most extensive among
which has just now appeared in a second edition.
The large collection of translations, unique of its
kind, which appears under his guidance, renders the
greatest services both to the specialists and to all
interested in the history of religion. Neither the
specialist nor the student of general history can aflbrd
to pass by the Sacred Books of the East. The works,
which our President has addressed chiefly, though
never exclusively, to beginners and to the general
public, refer to an exceedingly great variety of
subjects, extending from the highest problems of the
science of religion to the history of the alphabets, and
even to the art of spelling. Their number makes an
attempt at enumeration impossible, and, as they are
all admirably adapted for their several purposes, even
a selection of titles would be invidious. It must
suffice, and, I believe, it will suffice, if I here call
attention to the well-known fact that these works
have made Professor Max Muller's name a household
word in every country where the English language is
spoken or understood, and not less in all lands where
his native tongue prevails. These long- continued and
eminent services to the common cause will, I am
sure, make all Orientalists here present agree with
me, that it would have been difficult to find anybody
better qualified than Professor Max Mliller to fill the
CONGRESS OF OKIEXTALISTS. 89
most honourable post of President of this our Ninth
International Oriental Congress, and to give us in an
Inaugural Address a general outline of the results of
Oriental research.
Turning to the other causes of the elevation of
Oriental research, I can only agree with Professor
Max Miiller, that one of the chief points which has
contributed to raise it in dignity and importance is
the discovery of connecting-links between its various
branches. Much has indeed been done to convert the
outcome of the several sections of Oriental studies
into connected chapters of the history of the human
race. Much also remains to be accomplished, and
there is every hope that, if the search for ancient
literary documents and the excavation of the old sites,
once the homes of civilisation, are carried on with the
same vigour and skill as during late years, much
more will be effected.
Thus there is a gap in the history of the relations
of India to its neighbours, the complete filling up of
w^hich may be expected with full confidence^ nay,
which indeed now akeady may be said to be half
filled. This gap is found in the history of the spread
of the Indian civilisation towards the southern portion
of the Far East. It has been long known that there
are more or less distinct traces of Indian immigra-
tions, and of Indian influence in certain islands of
the Indian Archipelago, such as Java, Sumatra, Bali,
Eorneo, and even in the distant Philippines, as well
as in some districts of Further India, such as Siam,
Kamboja, and Champa. But it is only since Professor
Kern began, and Messieurs Barth, Bergaigne, and
iSenart carried on with signal success the examination
GO RECENT ESSAYS.
of the epigrapliic documents collected by M. Aymonier
and others, that we have obtained an insight into the
true character of the relations of the Hindus with
these regions. It now appears that this portion of
the Far East did not receive its share of the Indian
civilisation, like China and Japan, through the bare-
footed friars of the Buddhist persuasion, but after
being conquered with the sword by the Brahminical
warriors of Eastern India.
Not much later than the time when Rome began
to extend its sway beyond the fr-ontiers of Italy, the
Indian princes and nobles entered on a career of con-
quest which probably began with the subjection of
portions of Sumatra and Java, and certainly extended
as far as Kambqja and Champa, to the south of Cochin
China, They carried with them their civilisation and
their religion, following, it would seem, the advice
addressed by Manu to the successful conquerors,
whom he exhorts to settle in newly-acquired king-
doms, learned Brahmans, artists, and artisans skilled
in various handicrafts. The inscriptions from Kam-
boja and Champa, the oldest known among which
belongs to the second century of our era, proves that
Sanskrit was the official language, and that these
countries boasted of poets, able to turn out very
respectable Sanskrit verses. We also learn from them
that the Samans were sung, the Riks, the Mahabha-
rata, the Ramiyawa, and the Purana were recited in
the Far East just as in Arydvarta, the true abode
of the Aryas ; that >S'iva and Vishtiu were worshipped
in the new country just as in the old home ; and that
temples were dedicated to them, built in the Indian
style of architecture, the ruins of which even now
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 91
strike the beholder with admiration. Much remains
still to bo done in order to bring out the details of
the conquest and of the civilisation of the Far East
by the Indian Aryas. But the outlines of the inte-
resting story are clearly discernible, and even at
present it would be possible to enrich the history
of Asia by a chapter which would prove equally
attractive to European readers, and to the modern
Hindus, the descendants of the conquerors of the
Far East. '
Professor Max MUller's practical suggestion for the
advancement of Oriental learning has, of course, my
warmest sympathies, and I wish it all possible success.
As a Sanskritist, I have good reasons for regarding
England as the fountain-head of the studies to which
I have devoted myself, and, naturally, I can only
rejoice at every undertaking calculated to raise the
standard of Oriental scholarship in England, and to
make England more and more the headquarters of
Oriental learn in cj.
I now fulfil the pleasant and honourable task,
imposed upon me by the Managing Committee, of
moving a hearty vote of thanks to our President for
the eloquent and impressive address to which we have
just listened.
VOTE OF THANKS TO THE PRESIDENT.
[Seconded by COUNT ANGELO DE GUBERNATIS, Piofessor in
the Royal University of Rome, Italian Delegate.]
Dopo la parola autorevolissima dal professor Giorgio
Biihler, in risposta al vostro alto discorsO; o glorioso
Max Miiller, potrebbe apparii-vi superflua ogni altra
92 RECENT ESSAYS.
parola ; ed, in ogni modo, piu efficace della mia e piii
lusinghiera al vostro orecchio^ avvezzo alle carezze
ed agli incensi dell' Olimpo, dove il vostro genio
luminoso ha sempre spaziato, giungerebbe 1' assenso
di uno de' sommi maestri della linguistica contempo-
ranea, del mio illustre collega e concittadino, il sena-
tore Graziadio Ascoli, il quale, in una memorabile
monografiaj intitolata Lingue e Nazloni, ormai antica,
preeorse di alcuni anni, gia secondato da un nucleo di
valentuomini che sta per divenire falange, il moto
felice presente, per mettere in accordo le indagini
e divinazioni del linguista comparatore con quelle
deir etnologo e preparar conclusioni piu comprensive,
le quali permetteranno finalmente di rendere una
maggior giustizia alia parte che ciascun popolo, anche
uinile, ha preso inconsciamente alia formazione pro-
gressiva de' linguaggi e ad ogni palese documento
deir umana civilta.
Ma e sembrato forse al Comitate, che, nella mia
privata qualita d' indianista, mitologo e folk-lorista,
fceguace lontano delle vostre prime orme luminose,
o geniale maestro, e di cooperatore assiduo all' opera
benefica de' Congressi degli Orientalisti, io potessi
portar qui una voce non dissonante e forse simpatica,
nel concerto di lodi che saluta, ad un tempo, 1' opera
vostra lunga e magnanima a pro' degli studii, special-
mente ariani, e il lavoro solerte e meritorio, invano
contrastato, de' savii ordinatori di questo nono Con-
gresso, continuatore legittimo dello splendido ottavo
Congrcsso che ci riuni, sotto la presidenza augusta
del Re di Svezia e di Norvegia, a Stoccolma ed
a Christiania.
Ne, dopo ch' io consentii al troppo cortese invito,
CONGRESS OF ORIEXTALISTS. 93
io mi scusero piu d' adoperaro, in questa occasione
solenne, la mia dolce favella nativa, posto che non
posse nfe pure aver dimenticato come Giuseppe Bai-etti,
Ugo Foscolo, Giuseppe Pecchio, Gabriele Eossetti,
Giuseppe Mazzini, Giovanni RufEni, Gerolamo Pic-
chioni, Antonio Panizzi, Aurelio Saffi ed altri illustri
profughi italiani, lungamente beneficati in questo
suolo ospitale, hanno insegnato la lingua di Dante
alia parte piu eletta del popolo inglese, non ignaro
poi cite lo stesso grand old Englishman, il quale
regge ora le sorti politiche del Regno Unito e che
dovea presiedere una sezione del nostro Congresso,
cosi bene architettato, studio gia, con lo stesso am ore
6 con uguale profondita, la lingua di Dante e quella
d' Omero.
L' opera de' Congress! Internazionali degli Orienta-
listi mi appare, del resto, o Signori, per due grandi
aspetti, importante. Oltre al porre nuovi capisaldi
ed alti segnali visibili a tutti, nella via kboriosa, ma
un po' disseminata, degli studii oriental!, pel concorso
cb' essi promuovono, d' ogni maniera di studiosi da
ogni contrada piil remota e dispersa, arrecanti come
ad un' ara sacrificale, 1' ultimo ed il miglior frutto
delle loro pazienti indagini, accrescono pure visi-
bilmente, nel paese stesso dove ogni Congresso felice-
mente s' aduna, la gara operosa degli studiosi nazionali,
e la mettono in piu nobile evidenza, somministrando
ad ogni nuova riunione internazionale un contributo
di studii locali di un valore non dispregevole.
Ora a me, particolarmente studioso di cose Indian e,
questo Congresso promosso dalla nobile e forte Inghil-
terra, la quale non solo possiede e governa, ma studia,
educa e incivilisce tutto il magnifico e portentoso
94 EECENT ESSAYS.
universo dell' India, dovea destare nou solo un parti-
colare interesse, ma un sense di viva e singolare
riconoscenza. Posseduta invano e disputata col ferro
e col fuoco, per quasi tre secoli, da tre altre valorose
nazioni europee, 1' India sapiente, se proprio non ci
fu rivelata, h stata di certo aperta e comunicata, per
la prima volta, all' Europa, dalla sola Inghilterra, sul
fine del secolo passato. L' Inghilterra trovo poi, in
altre nazioni europee, e specialmente nella Francia
e nella Germania, le sue cooperatrici piii valide ; e voi,
illustre Max Miiller, con la genialita dell' opera vostra,
avete certamente, nella vostra sola persona, rappre-
sentata V anima congrediente di piu civilta, intese del
pari a difFondere sopra di noi la luce dell' India. La
somma dell' opera vostra, illuminata de' piu centri di
vita intellettuale poderosa, e percio stata fruttifera ;
e di ottimo augurio ai lavori di questo Congresso
Internazionale, ma particolarmente Anglo-Indiano, di
Orientalisti, sara 1' inspirazione che gli verra dalla
parola luminosa, con la quale oggi li avete iniziati.
Onde, fiducioso d' interpretare, alia mia volta, il senti-
mento della maggioranza degli studiosi di ogni disci-
plina che si riferisce all' Oriente, riuniti in questo
Congresso, mi associo, di gran cuore, alia proposta del
chiarissimo professor Biihler, perch^ 1' Assemblea,
dopo il plauso che giagli concesse spontanea, risponda
con un singolar voto di ringraziamento all' alto e
sereno discorso inspiratore del professor© Max Miiller.
Ed ora, passando ad altro, ad un innamorato del-
r India, che ha pure la rara ventura di esser nato nella
patria di Marco Polo e di Filippo Sassetti, sia lecito
di profittare di questa occasione propizia, per una
presentazione che spera poter tornare bene accetta.
CONGRESS OF ORIENTALISTS. 95
In questi primi giorni di settembre, si compiono
quattrocento anni per 1' appunto che, solo co' suoi
alti propositi, sopra una modesta nave spagnuola,
dal noroe inistico di Santa Maria, quasi ugualmente
lontano dalle due rive del mondo, un nuovo argonauta
italiano, con la mente rivolta all' India, sostenuto da
una forte conscienzaj portato dal suo sogno luminoso,
impavido, solcava, per la prima volta, 1' Oceano. Al
termine della sua navigazione affannosa, una meta
del mondo, popolata di gente che gli apparve e forse,
in origine, era stata indiana, o prossima all' India,
balzo per lui fuori dalle acque, lucente ; e di quella
luce conquistatrice fu irradiata, di quella conquista fu
beneficata 1' umanita intiera. Sognatore dell' Oriente
al pari di noi era il grande ammiraglio Genovese,
e pero il suo nome non ci e estraneo, come 1' opera di
lui non ci rimane indifFerente. Se egli non fu il vero
ritrovatore dell' India asiatica, discoprendo, per sub-
lime errore, un' India nuova piu grande, diede pure
maggior animo e nuova luce alia conquista porto-
ghese di Vasco de Gama. E pero Cristiano Lassen,
uno de' piu grandi maestri nell' Indianismo, col nome
glorificato del genovese Cristoforo Colombo, apriva
degnamente il classico suo libro sopra le Antichitd
dell' India.
Non rechi dunque meraviglia clie uno studioso
italiano delle cose d' oriente, messosi d' accordo con
un coraggioso editore milanese, abbia promosso un
Albo di onoranze internazionali a Cristoforo Colombo
e ch' egli abbia trovata molta e cortese adesione non
pure tra gli Orientalist! europei, ma fra gli stessi
Orientali, e, in particolar modo, fra gli Indiani, i quali
andarono a gara per rendere omaggio alia memoria
96 RECENT ESSAYS.
del grande navigatore, con ogni maniera di laudi, in
ogni lor lingua, fino a quella piti universale della
musica, come si rilevera dal sago-io d' inno vedico in
onore di Colombo, scritto dal Eagia Surindro Mohun
Tagor di Calcutta.
L' Albo verra soltanto pubblicato il t2 ottobre
prossimo pel giorno anniversario del primo memorabile
approdo del Gcnovese all' Isola del Salvatore. Ma
i fogli staccati in varie lingue oriental! che qui gia
depongo riverente, in omaggio al Nono Congress©
degli Orientalisti, attestano una specie di misterioso
congresso spirituale d' ogni popolo e d' ogni linguaggio,
intorno ad un centro di alta luce ideale diffusa sulla
terra dal nome di Colombo. La concordia di pensieri
e di sentimenti umani innanzi ad uno stesso faro di
luce, rende 1' opera conciliatrice e pacifica di questa
specie di Congressi intieramente salutare ; la sola
arma de' Congressi essendo poi la parola luminosa,
la parola che ci viene dal religiose Oriente ha piu
d' ogni altra 1' obbligo di esser buona, come la luce
che investe d' una sola armonia il Creatore ed il
Creato.
A SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES.
YOUR Eoyal Highness, My Lords, Ladies and
Gentlemen, — For more than thirty years, I may
honestly say, I have been looking forward to what
at last I see realised to-night.
If you could look back to the old numbers of the
Times, you would find there, just Ihirty-two years
ago, my last urgent appeal for the establishment of
a School of Oiiental Languages in London. It bears
the date of the loth of January, and was published
on the 13th of January, 1857.
And I may say now, what was not generally known
at the time, that he who took the warmest interest in
this plan, who saw not only its great literary, but its
supreme national importance, and who never gave up
his hope that sooner or later that plan would be
realised, was, Sir, your Royal Father. You know,
Sir, how nothing that concerned the greatness and
honour of England was foreign to his noble heart,
and how the duties, however distasteful and unpopular
at times, which that greatness imposes on all of us,
found in him alwaj^s the most faithful and determined
champion. The Prince Consort could not bear to see
other countries outstripping England in a work which
was peculiarly her own. England may have her rivals
VOL. I. H
98 EECENT ESSAYS.
and competitors in the West ; in the East she stands
supreme, unrivalled, unapproached. England rules
over nearly 300 millions of people who speak Oriental,
languages ; she probably supplies the markets of 1,000
millions of the people of the East, and yet, for culti-
vating a practical or scholarlike knowledge of these
languages, for educating a sufficient number of young
men qualified to strve her interests and to maintain
her power in the East, England has hitherto been
doing less than either Russia, France, or Germany.
When I say England. I mean the Government. For
during the many years which have elapsed since the
Crimean War, and since the Indian Mutiny, the
different Universities and Colleges of the country
have indeed bestirred themselves and made the greatest
efforts to supply Oriental teaching according to their
means, nay, even beyond their means. The expense
incurred by some of them in providing a staff of
competent professors and teachers of the ancient, and,
more particularly, of the modern languages 6f the
East, has been very serious. It is quite right that
the ancient and classical languages of the East should
be represented in every University by the very best
scholars, far more even than they are at present.
Eut it cannot be expected that Oxford, Cambridge,
Glasgow, Edinburgh, St. Andrew's, Aberdeen, Dublin,
King's College, and University College should each
provide a staff of teachers for Hindi, Hindustani,
Bengali, Marathi, Guzarathi, Tamil, Telugu, Canarese,
Burmese, to say nothing of such vernaculars as Tashon,
Baungsho, Chinbok, Chinm(^, and others for the study
of which, as I see from the Times of January 1st, the
Indian Government has just offered very temj)ting
A SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL LANGTAGES. 99
rewards. Nothing can be more creditable than what
has been achieved by the two Colleges who have now
united their forces under the auspices of the Imperial
Institute. Were I free to speak of my own University,
I could easily show that the generosity of Oxford in
supplying the necessary funds for Orientnl teaching
need fear no comparison. The same applies, I know,
to Cambridge.
But when Imperial interests are at stake, the
country has a right to expect Imperial, that is,
concentrated action. Otherwise, what is the good of
having an Empire? We might as well go back to
the Heptarchy.
The Russian Empire has long been the most liberal
patron of Oriental studies. In the Imperial Academy
of St. Petersburg there has always been a chair for
almost every branch of Oriental learning, and the
principal spoken languages of the East continue to
be taught there by professors, both European and
Oriental.
In France the Government has long ago founded
a school pour les laiigues orlentales vivantes, where
Hindustani, Persian, Arabic, Turkish, Chinese, and
Tibetan are taught by eminent scholars, while the
French Institute has always counted among its
members the chief representatives of every depart-
ment of Oriental research.
At Vienna there is nn Oriental Seminary, and the
Imperial Press has acquired one of the richet^t collec-
tions of Oriental types. When other Universities
and Academies to which I had applied for assistance
hesitated about publishing a translation of the ' Sacred
Pooka of the East,' the Austrian Government in the
H 2
]C0 KECEXT ESSAYS.
most liberal spirit came forward, ready to bear the
expense of an undertaking that was intended to remove
the religious prejudices which separate the East from
the West.
At Berlin a Seminary of Oriental languages has
lately been inaugurated which, under the direction
of my learned friend, Professor Sachau, bids fair to
surpass all the others. As this is the younge&t of
these institutions, allow me to tell you what excellent
work is being done there at present.
According to an official report just received, this
Oriental Seminary at Eerlin has now the following
staff of professors and teachers :
One Professor of Chinese ; two Teachers of Chinese,
both natives — one for teaching Northern-Chinese, the
other Southern-Chinese.
One Professor of Japanese, assisted by a native
teacher.
One Professor of Arabic, assisted by two native
teachers — one for Arabic as spoken in Egypt, the
other for Arabic as spoken in Syria.
One native teacher of Hindustani and Persian.
One native teacher of Turkish.
One teacher of Swaheli, an important language
spoken on the East coast of Africa, assisted by a
native.
Besides these special lectures, those given by the
most eminent Professors of Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian,
and Chinese in the Universities of Berlin are open to
the students of the Oriental Seminary.
The number of students amounts at present to 115.
Of these, fifty- six are said to belong to the Faculty of
Law, which must be taken to include all who aspire
A SCHOOL OF ORIEXTAI. I.ANGIAGES. 101
to any employment in the consular and colonial
services. Fifteen belong to the Faculties of Philo-
sophy, Medicine, and Physical Science ; four to the
Faculty of Theology, who are probably intended for
Missionary work. IVenty-three are mentioned as
engaged in mercantile pursuits three are technical
students, five officers in the arm}^, and nine are
returned as studying Modern Greek and Spanish,
languages not generally counted as Oriental, though,
no doubt, of great usefulness in the East and in
America.
Suppose that out of this number, fifty only are
turned out every year, well grounded in one of the
Eastern languages — think what a leaven (hat will be
in different parts of the East. Think also of what
a power they will constitute, I do not say hostile to
England, but at all events in competition and rivalry
with her, whenever her diplomatic and her commercial
interests are at stake !
Of course, diplomatists of the old school will tell
you that interpreters are quite sufficient for transacting
any official business in the East, and that having to
wait for an answer while the dragoman is translating,
allows time useful for reflection. Our young diplo-
matists know better. They know that a friendly
tete-d-tete in impossible in the presence of a third
person, however neutral and machine-like. Drago-
mans are often irritatinjj, sometimes misleading,
sometimes actually dishonest.
If a new commercial treaty has to be negotiated
in Japan, if a concession has to be secured in China,
if rights of suzerainty have to be acquired in Africa,
who is likely to be successful? The envoy who
102 EECENT ESSAYS.
arrives in full state with a posse of secretaries and
dragomans, or the diplomatic agent who can converse
freely with natives of all ranks, who can make allow-
ance for the prejudices, the temper, the susceptibilities
of Eastern potentates, and who in the end may become
their best fiiend and adviser?
No country has appreciated the importance of
Oriental studies more highly than Russia, none has
been better served by her polyglot diplomatists. Let
me give you one instance only. More than fifty
years ago there was at the Imperial Academy of
St. Petersburg a Professor of Pushtu, then the only
one in Europe. People, ignorant of the East, asked
what that language might be. We know now, but
too well, that it is the language of the Afghans. In
1 840, Professor Dorn published at St. Petersburg his
Granimaire Jfghane. We are speaking of ancient
history, for at that time Dost Mohammed was still
the ruler of Afghanistan, Burnes and Macnaghten had
not yet been murdered, and the awful tragedy of the
Khyber Pass had not yet been enacted. Yet Russia
was all that time quietly encouraging the study of
Pushtu, of which there is even now, I believe, no
teacher in England. Call this what you like, en-
lightened patronage of Oriental scholarship, or keen
political foresight — in either case Russia deserves full
<;redit, and she has had her reward.
But it is not only for the purposes of statecraft and
diplomacy that England should follow the example of
Russia, and secure a constant supply of well-qualified
Oriental scholars. The chief object of diplomacy is to
prevent war. But if diplomacy fails, and war breaks
out, what is an army to do, how is it to live in Eastern
A SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES. 103
countries without ofRcei-s who can freely communicate
with the people, whether friendly or hostile? The
German army has always been very proud because
it possessed in its ranks one officer who could write
a report of the battle of Worth in Sanskrit. This
might possibly prove an emharras de richesse, and
I am not going to recommend Sanskrit as a panacea
for all evils. But at the present moment, whether
in the Soudan or in Burmah, we are told that the
Commissariat is sadly in want of officers who can
freely converse with the natives, who can write
letters in Ai-abic or Burmese, and are able to explain to
Ihe people whether they want an ox or a cow, a sheep
or a goat. The Commissariat always claims, perhaps
rightly, that no victory has ever been gained on an
empty stomach. Much can, no doubt, be requisitioned
by sign language, to say nothing of the language
of blows and revolvers. But a good understanding
between an army and the people of the country is
impossible without officers understanding and speak-
ing the language. Many surprises, painful surprises,
might have been spared to the English army, if what
is called the ' Litelligence Department' had been
better cared for in times past. I remember during
the Crimean War, a letter from Shamyl arriving in
England, and no one being able to read it. It could
not well be sent to St. Petersburg for translation.
About the same time the Eussian Governor of the
Caucasus was said to have received the first infor-
mation of a carefully-planned conspiracy in Georgia
from Georgian scholars at St. Petersburg. I see that
at present German officers are studying Chinese,
Turkish, and Swaheli in the Oriental Seminary at
104 RECENT ESSAYS.
Berlin. Why should we not produce the same article
in the School of Oriental Languages M^iich is inaugu-
rated to-night under such brilliant auspices ?
And when after war, peace has been restored once
more, when commercial intercourse on a large scale
has to be established, so as to knit the bonds of
peace with the strongest chains, is not a knowledge of
the languages more essential to the English than to
any other merchants? You would hardly believe the
number of letters I receive from time to time from
manufacturers, requesting me to translate advertise-
ments, inquiring whether advertisements inserted in
Oriental newspapers really mean what they are in-
tended to mean, or asking for translation of notices
in Oiiental journals. I am not responsible for the
reputation of Afezz fantiasis, a kind of linguistic
Elephantiasis, which I seem to enjoy in certain
quarters. I have protested against it again and
again. Still people will write to me and address
me as ' the Professor of the Oriental Language at
Oxford,' evidently imagining that one unknown lan-
guage— some Oriental Volapilk — is spoken all over
the East. No one who knows what it is to know
a language would ever imagine that it is possible
for any human being to know more than two, or at
the utmost, three languages thoroughly. He may be
acquainted with many more, he may even handle
some of them dexterously enough in conversation,
but to know a language is the work of a lil'e. To
learn a new language means to become a new man.
I hope, therefore, that in future I shall be relieved
of the title of Professor of tlie Oriental Language, and
that the Imperial Institute, and more particularly
A SCHOOL OF OIUENTAL LANGUAGES. 105
the New School of Oriental Languages, will supply
to every merchant in P^ngland, Scotland and L'eland
such information as I in my ignorance was often
unable to give. Every pound laid out on the proper
endowment of this school will bear interest a hundred
and a thousandfold, by opening new and splendid
channels to British commercial enterprise. England
cannot live an isolated life. She must be able to
breathe, to grow, to expand, if she is to live at all.
Her productive power is far too much for herself,
too much even for Europe. She must have a wider
tield for her unceasing activity, and that field is the
East, with its many races, its many markets, its many
languages. To allow herself to be forestalled, or to
be ousted by more eloquent and persuasive compe-
titors from those vast fields of commerce would be
simple suicide. Our school in claiming national
support, appeals first of all to the instinct of self-
preservation. It says to every manufacturing town
in England, Help us ! and, in doing so, help thyself !
Whenever the safety and honour of England are at
stake we know what enormous sums Parliament is
willing to vote for army and navy, for fortresses and
harbours — sums larger than any other Parliament
would venture to name. We want very little for our
School of Oriental Languages, but we want at least
as much as other countries devote to the same object.
We want it for the very existence of England ; for
the vital condition of her existence is her commerce,
and the best markets for that commerce lie in the
East. Let the world call England a nation of shop-
keepers— omen accipio — but let England show that
she means to keep her shops against the world.
105 RECENT ESSAYS.
The nobler feeling of patriotism may lie dormant for
a time, but if once roused, it awakes with irresistible
force and fury, and knows how to defend
'This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this Englanci,
Against the envy of less happier lands.'
Perhaps I have now said enough, and ought to
detain } ou no longer. But, if you could spare me
some moments more, there is one subject, very near
to my heart, on which I should be glad if you allowed
me to say a few words. Need I say that it is India.
For ruling India in harmony with the wishes and
the highest interests of its inhabitants, and at the
same time with a due regard for the tremendous
responsibility incurred by England in becoming the
guardian of that enormous Empire, we want young
men who are able to do more than merely chatter
Hindustani or Tamil. If we look once more to the
Lectures provided in the Oriental Seminary at Berlin,
we shall find that they are not confined to teaching
Oriental languages, or how to write a commercial
letter, how to draw up an official document, and how
to draft a political treaty. In every department the
professors have to lecture on the history, the geo-
graphy the literature, the manners, customs laws, and
religions of the principal nations of the East. This is
the kind of knowledge which is absolutely necessary
for those who are destined to rule over a population
nearly ten times as large as the population of Eng-
land, a population not only speaking different lan-
guages, but thinking different thoughts believing in
different religions, nourished by different historical
traditions, and divided by different aspirations for
the futuro.
A SCHOOL OF ORIEXTAL LANGUAGES. 107
It is sometimes supposed to be not altogether easy
to govern England, Scotland, and Ii-eland, because on
certain points their interests seem divergent. It is
said that English statesmen do not understand Ireland,
Irish statesmen do not understand England, and
Scotch statesmen do not understand either. And yet
these three countries speak a common language, have
a common religion, and, in spite of occasional jars and
bickerings, would resist with a common indignation
any insult offered to their common honour, any in-
vasion of their commonwealth. Think, then, what
a task is imposed on that handful of young English-
men, Scotchmen, and Irishmen who are sent out every
year to govern India, and how much depends on
their being well equipped for that task.
The history of England's taking possession of India
is more marvellous than any story of the Arabian
Nights, and w^hat is the most marvellous in it is the
apparent absence of any plan or plot from beginning
to end. No English statesman Avas ever so hare-
brained as to conceive the plan of sending out an expe-
dition for the conquest of India. But though there was
neither plan nor plot, nowhere in the whole history
of the world is there a higher purpose more visible
than in the advance of England towards the East.
It was the innate vigour of the Saxon race, its strong
political instincts, its thirst for work, its love of
enterprise, its craving for progress, that drove its
sous across the sea, and made them the founders of
new Empires in India and the Colonies. There was
no plan, no plot ; but read the history of the English
Empire in India, and you will find that the readiness,
the presence of mind, the self-reliance, the endurance,
108 RECENT ESSAYS.
the heroic bravery in moments of supreme anguish
of English men and Enolish women, and, taking it all
in all, the political wisdom and moderation of the
best of India's rulers and statesmen, would supply
materials for a perfect epic, more wonderful than the
Iliad and Odyssey. And as in the Iliad and the
Odyssey the old poet shows us behind the human
heroes the Greek gods fighting their battle, though
unseen by mortal eye, the true historian also must
try to discover, behind the conflicts of races and
rulers in India, the working out of higher purposes,
though at the time be}ond the ken of the human
mind.
The great historical drama, of which we are witness-
ing the last act in India, began thousands of years
ago, when the Aryan family separated, one branch
moving towards the North-West, the other towards
the South-East. Let us not waste our time on ques-
tions which admit of no scientific solution as to the
exact spot of the oiiginal Aryan home. Nothing new
or true has yet been advanced against it having
been ' somewhere in Asia.' For us, however, it is
enough to know that our ancestors and the ancestors
of the Hindus had once a common home, that they
lived in the same pastures, spoke the same language,
and worshipped the same gods. Their blood may
have been mixed, and by mixture may, we hope,
have been improved. But stronger than the affinity
of mere blood is the affinity of language and thought,
which makes Englishmen and Hindus brothers indeed.
The ring that was broken thousands of years ago
is now being welded together once more. The world
is becoming Indo European. The young men whom
A SCHOOL OF OltlENTAl, lANGUAGKS. 109
England sends to India can greet the Aryan in-
habitants, not as conquerors meet the conquered, but
as brothers meet brothers, as fiiends meet friends.
It is generally said that India has been conquered
by England. Eut the true conquest of India, it seems
to me, is still to come. The true conquerors of India,
of the heart of India, will bo those very men whom
our new School of Oriental Languages means to fit
for their arduous work. No doubt they have to
acquire the spoken vernaculars, but in order to un-
derstand the people, in order to take a deep human
interest in their own work, in order to sympathise
with, nay, to love the people, with whom they are
brought into daily contact, they must do more. There
ought to be a real plan and plot in this new conquest.
There ought to be a will, for we know that where
there is a will there is a way. Our new conquerors
will have to study the ancient literature of India,
which is still the leaven of Indian thought. They
must gain an insight into the ancient religion, which
is still the best key to the religious convictions and
superstitions of the present day. They must enter
into the spirit of the ancient law of the country
before attempting to reconcile native customs with
the principles of modern legislation. They must
learn to appreciate the beauty of Indian literature
before measuring it with the standard of our own
poetry, or condemning it unheard. If our young
statesmen go out to India, half acclimatised already
to the intellectual atmosphere in which they are to
spend the best part of their lives, they will not look
upon the country as an exile, and on its inhabitants
as mere strangers. They are not strangers, they are
110 KECENT ESSAYS.
brothers. They are made of the same stuff as we
ourselves.
I have never been in Intlia, but I have known
many Indians, both men and women, and I do not
exaggerate when I tell you that some of them need
fear no comparison with the best men and women
whom it has been my good fortune to know in
England, France, or Germany. Whether for un-
selfishness, or devotion to high ideals, truthfulness,
purity, and real, living religion, I know no hero
greater than Keshub Chunder Sen, no heroine greater
than Ramabai, and I am proud to have been allowed to
count both among my personal friends. You may say
that these are exceptions. No doubt they are, and
they would be exceptions in Europe as much as in
India. Mount Everest is an exception ; Mont Blanc
is an exception ; but if we reckon the height of
mountain ranges by their highest peaks, we have
a right to measure the sublimity of a whole nation
by its best men and its best women.
Look for these men and women, and you will find
them, if not in the great towns, yet in the countless
villages of India. The great towns in India, more
than in Europe, contain the very dregs of Indian
society, and it is from them that our opinion of the
character of the Hindus has been too often formed.
And yet what does Elphinstone say, who knew India,
if anybody ever knew it: 'No set of people among
the Hindus,' he says, ' are so depraved as the dregs of
our own great towns. The villagers are ever3'where
amiable, affectionate to their families, kind to their
neighbours, and, towards all but the Government,
honest and sincere.'
A SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES. Ill
What does Bishop Heber say? — 'The Hindus are
brave, courteous, intelligent, most eager for know-
ledge and improvement, sober, industrious, dutiful
to parents, affectionate to their children, uniformly
gentle and patient, and more easily affected by kind-
ness and attention to their wants and feelings than
any people I ever met with.'
Sir Thomas Mumo bears even stronger testimony.
He w^rites : ' If a good system of agriculture, unrivalled
manufacturing skill, a capacity to produce whatever
can contribute to either convenience or luxury, schools
established in every village for teaching reading, writ-
ing, and arithmetic, the general practice of hospitality
and charity amongst each other, and, above all, a
treatment of the female sex full of confidence, respect,
and delicacy, are among the signs which denote a civil-
ised people, then the Hindus are not inferior to the
nations of Europe, and if civilisation is to become an
article of trade between England and India, I am con-
vinced that England will gain by the imj^ort cargo.'
These are the unprejudiced opinions of men who
knew the Hindus, their language, literature, and
rehgion thoroughly, who had spent their lives in the
Civil Service, and had risen in it to the highest rank
— ' Old Indians,' as they are sometimes contemptuously
called. Who after that will dare to say that the
Hindus are a nation of liars and hypocrites, and that
no English gentleman could ever be on terms of inti-
macy and friendship with such niggers !
I have hitherto spoken chiefly of Hindus, of those
who are still under the sway of their ancient native
literature and religion, and who speak languages de-
rived from, or strongly impregnated with, Sanskrit.
112 EECEXT ESSAYS.
But what I have said applies with equal truth to
the Mohammedan inhabitants of India. No one can
understand them, can sympathise with them, can
influence them, who does not know their religion,
who cannot read the Koran and the classical works
of Arabic literature. We have no idea how often
their feelings are hurt by the free and easy way, by
the ignorant manner, in which we speak of what is
sacred to them. No Hindu likes to hear his religion
called idolatry, no Parsi can bear to be called a fire-
worshipper. In the same way a Mohammedan does
not like to hear his religion curtly called Mohamme-
danism, still less to hear Mohammed spoken of as
an arch- impostor. Mohammed was no more an im-
postor than any of the founders of the great religions
of the world. And nothing marks the progress of
an enlightened study of religion, of the Science of
Fveligion, better than the bright pictui'e which an
eloquent and large-hearted Bishop of the Church of
England has lately given of Mohammed in his
Bampton Lectures. Still, with all their veneration
for Mohammed, those who follow him do not quite
like to hear their religion called Mohammedanism,
though it seems to us a most inoffensive name. Their
religion was not made hy Mohammed, they say, it
was revealed to hiin, and its true name is Islam,
surrender. I doubt whether a better name has ever
been invented for any religion, than surrender, I dam.
It is a knowledge, a thorough knowledge, not only
of the languages of India, but of its classical litera-
ture, its religion, its laws and customs, its supersti-
tions and prejudices, its whole social life, that will
form the best preparation for those who, after passing
A SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES. 113
through this School of Oriental Languages, are to
become both the servants and the rulers of India.
When I look at the list of those who have already
been enrolled on the staff of professors and teachers,
I see names that offer the best security for the success
of this institution.
And when I see the name of its Royal Patron,
I know for certain that whenever this institution
requires help and support it will be granted readily
and generously.
To carry on the work which our fathers had to
leave unfinished is the best tribute we can pay
to their memory. We could not wish for better
auguries than when we see, as we see to-night, the
cherished idea of a noble father called back to life
by a loyal and devoted son.
THE PRINCE OF WALES.
Ladies and Gentlemen : I think I may speak in
your name, and on behalf of all present, when I say
how deeply indebted we are to Professor Max Miiller
for the interesting and eloquent lecture which you
have just heard from him. To me, especially, it has
been a great gratification to preside on this occasion,
and to hear such words spoken by one whom, ever
since my undergraduate days at the University of
Oxford, upwards of thirty years ago, I have had the
great advantage and privilege of knowing. I can
also say that the Governing Body of the Imperial
Institute are especially beholden to him for having
so kindly and readily acceded to my request that he
VOL. I. I
114) EECENT ESSAYS.
would lend his aid — and no one could render more
valuable assistance — in the inauguration of the School
of Modern Oriental Studies which, with the most
cordial and important co-operation of the Councils of
University and King's Colleges, has recently been
organised by the Institute. The sphere of future use-
fulness of this new school which Professor Max Miiller
has foreshadowed is indeed a comprehensive one, and
cannot but greatly encourage the Special Committee
of Management of the School to increased zeal in the
pursuit of the work which they have so kindly under-
taken at the request of the Institute. The Professor
has directed our serious attention to the important
practical results attained by Government schools for
Oriental languages in Eussia, France, and Austria,
and especially by the recently established school in
Berlin, and to the great influence which such results
(to the attainment of which our new school aspires)
must exercise upon the commercial interests of a
country. I am sure, ladies and gentlemen, you will
agree with me that the Professor's illustrations of the
invaluable nature of the assistance which the school
is calculated to render to those who are, by their
future services, to contribute to a wise and prosperous
government of the Indian Empire, were most interest-
ing. That the new School of Modern Oriental Studies
is a worthy object of material support by this country
none can doubt who have listened to the important
observations and the eloquent appeal of Professor
Max Miiller this evening ; but the best aid and sup-
port which it can receive will be derived from the
extension of an active encouragement, by Public
Bodies and by Government Departments, to all those
A SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES. 115
whose future duties will involve an intimate acquaint-
ance with the languages of Oriental countries, to avail
themselves freely of the resources for study and prac-
tice which the school will place at their disposal.
In conveying to you, Professor Max Miiller, my
personal thanks, as well as those of all present, for
the intellectual treat you have afforded us this even-
ing, let me add that I listened with special gi-atification
to your reference to the very warm interest my
lamented father evinced in the strenuous efforts made
by you so many years ago, in the interests of this
country, to bring into existejice such an Institution
as that which we inaugurate this evening, and the
success of which has ni}^ warmest wishes, both for
its own sake and because I regard it as an earnest
of the useful work which the Imperial Institute is
destined to accomplish.
1 2
TEEDEEICK UV
EVERY one who last June witnessed the glorious
procession of the Queen to and from West-
minster Abbey, will for ever remember one royal
figure towering above all the rest, the Crown Prince
of Germany, as he was then, resplendent in his silver
helmet and the white tunic of the Prussian Cuiras-
siers— the very picture of manly strength. He is now
the Emperor of Germany, and when we think of him
as travelling from San Remo to Berlin through storm
and snow, wrapped up in his grey Hohenzollern cloak,
a sad and silent man, is there in all history a more
tragic contrast 1 But there beats in the breast of
Frederick III the same stout heart that upheld
Frederick II at Hochkirchen, He does not know
what danger means, whether it come from within or
from without. ' I face my illness,' he said to his
friends, ' as I faced the bullets at Koniggriitz and
Worth.' And forward he rides undismayed, follow-
ing the trumpet-call of duty, and not swerving one
inch from the straight and rugged j)ath which now
lies open before him.
There was a time when his friends imagined a very
different career for him. They believed that he might
succeed to the throne in the very prime of manhood.
* Contemporary Review, April, 1888.
FREDERICK III. 117
His father, the late Emperor, then Prince of Prussia,
had become very unpopular in 1848, and it was con-
sidered by no means impossible that he might think
it right to decline the crown and to abdicate in favour
of his son. The star of Prussia was very low in 1848,
and it sank lower and lower during the last years of
the afflicted King, Frederick William IV. Few people
only were aware of the changes that had taken place
in the political views of the Prince of Prussia, chiefly
during his stay in England, and the best spirits of the
time looked upon his son. Prince Frederick William,
as the only man who could be trusted to inaugurate
a new era in the history of Prussia. His marriage
with the Princess Royal of England gave still stronger
zest to these hopes, for while he was trusted as likely
to realise the national yearnings after a united Ger-
many, she was known as the worthy daughter of her
father and mother, at that time the only truly consti-
tutional rulers in Europe. England was then the
ideal of all German Liberals, and a close political
alliance with England was considered the best solu-
tion of all European difficulties. Young men, and
old men too, dreamt dreams, little knowing how
distant their fulfilment should be, and how dashed
with sorrow, when at last they should come to be
fulfilled.
The Prince himself knew probably nothing about
the hopes that were then centred on him, but, for
a man of his vigour and his eagerness to do some
useful work, the long years of inactivity which fol-
lowed were a severe trial. It has been the tradition
in Prussia that the heir to the throne is allowed less
power and influence than almost anybody else. He
118 EECENT ESSAYS.
may be a soldier, but, whether as a soldier or as
a politician, he is expected to stand aloof, to keep
silent and to obey. In the violent constitutional
conflicts which began soon after his father's accession
to the throne, the young Crown Prince felt himself
isolated and unable to side with either party in
a struggle the nature of VN^hich he could not approve,
and the distant objects of which he was not allowed
to foresee. What could be more trying to him than
this enforced neutrality, when he and those nearest
and dearest to him felt, whether rightly or wrongly,
that the safety of the throne was being jeopardized,
and the great future of Prussia, as the leader of the
German people, forfeited for ever ?
It would, however, be a mistake to imagine that
the years of his manhood were passed in idleness.
Good care is taken in Prussia that no one, not even
the heir to the Crown, should enjoy a sinecure. It
required hard work for the Crown Prince to make
himself a soldier, such as he has proved himself in
two wars, but he never flinched from these military
duties, whether they were congenial to him or not.
Then came his social duties, his constant visits to
foreign courts, his representative functions on every
great occasion in Germany or in Prussia. And, besides
these public duties, he made plenty of work for him-
self in which, helped and inspired by the Crown
Princess, he could more freely follow the natural bent
of his mind and his heart. The pupil of Professor
Curtius, he preserved through life a warm interest
in historical and archaeological researches. Wlien he
was able to help he was ready to do so, and a limited
sphere of independent action was at last given him,
FREDEllICK III. 119
as the patron of all museums and collections of works
of art in Prussia. The conscientious discharge of these
duties, often under considerable difficulties, has borne
ample fruit, and will not easily be forgotten by those
who worked under him and with him. And, as the
Crown Princess assisted him, so he was able to
support the Crown Princess in her indefatigable
endeavours to improve the education of women, the
nursing of the poor, the sanitary state of dwellings,
and in many other social reforms which were far from
popular when they were first started in Prussia by
an Englishwoman. Only in political questions which
were so near his heart he had no voice, nay, his own
ideas had often to be kept concealed, lest they might
encounter even more determined opposition than they
would if advanced by others. The political views of
the Crown Prince and those who thought wdth him
have often been criticised, and the best answer to
them has been found in the success of that policy
of which neither he nor his father, when he was still
Prince of Prussia, could fully approve. Men think,
because they are wiser now, they were wiser then ;
but a successful policy is not necessarily the wisest
policy.
'There is a divinity that shapes our ends,
Uough-hevv them how we will.'
During the Crimean war there were most com-
petent judges who considered an alliance of Prussia
with Austria and the Western Powers as the wisest
policy, and w^ho looked on the course adopted by the
wavering brain of Frederick William IV as disastrous
to the future of Germany. Those who persuaded the
Kino- of Prussia to side with Russia may no doubt
120 RECENT ESSAYS.
point with pride to the immense success which their
policy has since achieved. They may claim the merit
of having cajoled Russia into neutrality during the
Austrian campaign, and again of having secured her
sympathies by secret promises during the Franco-
German war. But they forget that an open alliance
of Prussia and Austria with England, France, and
Italy might have prevented the Crimean war alto-
gether, and many of the fatal consequences that have
sprung from it. Anyhow, we have now reached
again the same point where the principal nations of
Europe stood before the beginning of the Crimean
war. Many changes, no doubt, have taken place in
the meantime, but the fundamental question remains
the same. How can the permanent peace of Europe
be secured ? So long as that question remains un-
answered, so long as that old riddle remains unsolved,
the new Emperor need not think that even now he
has come too late, or that his father has left him no
laurels to win.
The question is, whether the Germanic nations of
Europe and America can be made to combine, and
to form a League of Peace which will make war in
Europe impossible. It is no secret that the formation
of such a League has been the chief aim of German
diplomacy ever since 1872. That league was to be
formed on the uti possidetis principle, not for offensive,
but entirely for defensive purposes. Much progress
has already been made, and nothing has done so
much to clear the political atmosphere of Europe as
the recent publication of the treaty, concluded some
years ago, between Germany and Austria. Though
it may have been known before to those whom it
FREDERICK III. 121
most concerns, its simple avowal has opened the eyes
of both the Russian and the French people, and has
shown them what are the risks which they have to
face if they mean once more to disturb the peace of
Europe. The treaty of amity between Germany and
Italy has not yet been divulged, but politicians must
be very dull if they cannot guess its spirit. That
Spain and Sweden are animated by the same love of
peace as Germany, and that they anticipate danger
from the same quarters which threaten German}^ on
the East and on the West, has likewise been shown
by signs that cannot be misunderstood. What re-
mains to be done in order to complete the European
League of Peace ? Nothing but a clear understanding
between Germany and England. This is the work
which Providence seems to have carved out for the
present Emperor of Germany. There is no time to
be lost, and he should try to achieve it with all his
might.
It is not an easy work ; if it were, it would not
have been delayed so long. But never was there
a time more favourable than now. England and
America are forgetting their petty rivalries, and there
is a strong feeling oa both sides of the Atlantic
that war between two kindred nations would be an
absurdity, and that all questions that might lead to
war should be decided by arbitration. The recog-
nition of such a principle by two of the most powerful
nations in the world must react in time on the minds
of European statesmen. England and Germany too
are kindred nations, and though divided by the
' silver streak,' they feel more and more, as dynastic
policy is giving way before the supremacy of the
122 RECENT ESSAYS,
national will, that blood is thicker than water. The
little squabbles arising from the new colonial enter-
prises of Germany are unworthy of two great nations.
There is room in the world for both of them, and
even side by side no colonists can work so heartily
together as Germans and Englishmen.
But what makes the present moment particularly
favourable for diplomatic action is the existence of
a strong Government in Enoland, a Government
above party, or representing the best elements of
both parties. Even those who form the Opposition
seem, with few exceptions, to be inspired by the same
sentiments with regard to foreign policy as those which
Lord Salisbury has very openly expressed. There is,
of course, a strong feeling that England should not
with a light heart enter on a quarrel with France,
but there is no necessity whatever for that. When-
ever England and Germany can come to a perfect
mutual understanding, the League of Peace will
become so powerful that no gun can be fired in the
whole of Europe against the combined and compact
will of England, Germany, Austria, Italy, Sweden,
and Spain. To no countries will the formation of
such a league be a greater blessing than to those
against whom it may seem to be formed, France
and Russia. If Russia can be taught that wars of
conquest in Europe are hereafter a sheer impossibility,
she may continue the conquest of Central Asia, or,
better still, begin the conquest of Russia herself by
means of agriculture, industry, schools, universities,
and political organisation. If France finds herself
faced once for all by the determined No of England,
Germany, Austria, Italy, and Spain, she may again
FPiEDERICK III. 123
enjoy peace with honour at home, and this her toiling
millions -will soon learn to appreciate far better than
honour without peace abroad.
No doubt such a Peace -Insurance requires pre-
miums. Each country will have to sacrifice some-
thing, and make up its mind once for all as to its
alliances in the future. England has to choose between
an alliance with Russia and France, or an alliance
with Germany, Austria, Italy, Spain, and Sweden.
The former means chronic war, the latter peace, at
least, for some time to come. As to a mere dallying
policy, it is not only unworthy of a great nation, but
in the present state of Europe threatens to become
suicidal. Nor should there be any secrecy about all
this, but, as in the case of the treaty between Germany
and Austria, there should be perfect outspokenness
between nation and nation. The benefit will be
immeasurable. England, Germany, Austria, Italy,
Sweden, and Spain, all want peace. Not one of
them wants an inch of ground in Europe more than
they have at present, and yet they are crushed and
crippled by their military armaments which are
necessitated solely by the unfulfilled ambition of
France and Russia. The majority of the French
nation is still hankering for war, and if Russia could
only be persuaded to join the French Republic against
the German Empire we should have another war more
terrible than any which our century has witnessed.
But will not even France and Russia combined
recoil before the determined and united will of Europe ?
The present Emperor of Germany is a true German,
but he knows that above patriotism there soar the
higher duties of humanity. The present Government
124 RECENT ESSAYS.
in England is a patriotic rather than a party Govern-
ment, and it has learnt this one lesson at least from
the experience of Free Trade, that the welfare of
every country is intimately connected with the wel-
fare of its neighbours. The present Government may
dare to do what no mere party Government would
have power to do. It can speak in the name of the
whole nation, and pledge the good faith, not of one
party only, but of the English people at large, in
support of a foreign policy which would change, as
if by magic, the whole face of the world, and relieve
millions of toiling and almost starving people from
the crushing weight of what is called the armed peace
of Europe.
There is here a glorious battle to win, more glorious
even than Koniggratz and Sedan, and whatever the
future may have in store for the new Emperor, this
work is distinctly pointed out for him to do. He
has often, brave soldier that he is, expressed his
horror of war, and has never hesitated to show his
love and admiration for England, sometimes perhaps
more than his own countrymen have liked. What
the feelings of the English people are for him and
his consort has been clearly shown during the last
weeks. England has been truly mourning, and not
even in their own country could more fervent prayers
have been offered for the Emperor and the Empress, or
more hearty sympathy have been expressed for them
in their sore trials. Whatever the terms may be on
which England can join the League of Peace, the
Emperor may be trusted as an honest friend and
mediator. His task will be no easy one, for his
loyalty will never allow him to forget what is due
FREDERICK III. 125
to Russia as a powerful neighbour, and on many
occasions a faithful ally. And if any one is strong
enough in Germany to dare to satisfy some of the
national desires of France, it is again he alone who
as Crown Prince was ready to sacrifice his life for
the reconquest of Alsace and Lorraine. His impulses
are generous, sometimes too generous, and will have
to be moderated by that wise counsellor to whom
the new Emperor looks up with the same trust and
loyalty as his father before him. But if the new
Emperor craves for work, real work that is worth
living for, the work is there ready for him. As long
as there is hfe there is hope, and as long as there is
hope there ought to be life and work and devotion
to royal duty. The greatest of the Hohenzollerns
have always been distinguished by their indefatigable
industry, their self-denial, and their exalted sense of
duty. The world will wait and watch with the
deepest interest whether even the shadow of death,
under which, after all, all human endeavour has to
be carried on, will be able to darken, or will not
rather bring out in fuller relief the noble qualities
inherited by the present Emperor, and which from
his earliest youth have made him the hope and the
darling of his people.
WHAT TO DO WITH OUE OLD PEOPLE/
r|^ HOUGH the ideal of human life, as represented
J- to us in the literature of ancient nations, may
often have been very far from being realised, yet in
one sense even the conception of an ideal is a reality
that ought to count in our estimate of a nation's
character. It may be said of some of the noblest
characters that they must be judged not so much by
what they achieved as by what they strove to achieve,
and what holds good of individuals holds good of
nations also. In magnis et voluiste sat est. When
we read the account which the laws of the Manavas,
or, as they are commonly called, the Laws of Manu,
give us of social life in ancient India, or when we
checii these statements by the earlier accounts which
we find in the Sutras and the Brahma7?as, we are
inclined at first to look upon the picture of early
Indian society as a mere Utopia. Nor can it be
denied that the laws of the Manavas tell us rather
what, according to the ideas of an orthodox Brahman,
the world ought to be, than what it ever could have
been. We must hope on one side that the privileges
of the priestly caste could never have been so excessive,
nay, so outrageous, as they are represented in that
code. Nor can we believe, on the other side, that the
' New Eeciciv, December, i8S8.
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 127
large majority of the inliabitants of India ever took
so unseltish and so elevated a view of life as is preached
by their legislators.
Still, even a Utopia is never entirely air-drawn,
and in its general outlines the social life of India, as
described by its law-givers, must have had some real
foundation. In judging of what was possible and
impossible, we must not forget that many things were
possible in the climate of that country which would
be simply absurd in more northern latitudes. In
a country where even now an agricultural labourer
can live on live shillings a month ; where he can
build his hut from the mud of the field, or live in the
open air during a great part of the year ; where his
clothing costs hardly anything ; where a handful of
rice is enough to assuage hunger, while butter and
sugar are counted as delicacies — in such a country
a kind of village -life is possible which involves no
more trying efforts than are necessary for a healthful
exercise of the body.
If, therefore, we want to understand Manu's ideal
of social life, we must not think of London — not even
of Calcutta, or Eombay, or Simla — but of the villages
which still hold nine-tenths of the population of
India. And we must try to realise a time when there
existed no railways, few high-roads, few bridges, and
when the horizon of their village was to millions of
human beings the horizon of their world. Dynasties
might come and go, religions might spring up and
wither, but the life in these happy villages would go
on for generations unconscious of the storms that
raged in the camps of powerful conquerors or in the
temples of ambitious priests.
128 EKCENT ESSAYS.
Life in those village-communities consisted, accord-
ing to Manu, of four Asramas, or stations. Every
boy, not only of the first, but of the second and third
castes also, was to begin his school-life between his
seventh and, at the latest, his eleventh year. The
pupil had to live in the house of his teacher, and
perform services which seem to us menial, but which
in India were looked upon as honourable. He had to
keep the fires on the hearths or the altars burning,
clean the floor, attend to the cattle, collect fij^ewood,
and walk daily through the village to collect gifts
for his teacher. Morniug and evening he had to
say his prayers, and then to receive from his teacher
all necessary instruction. This instruction consisted
chiefly in learniug by heart. Writing is never men-
tioned. The whole method of teaching is carefully
described, how every day the pupil had to learn
a few lines^ and to repeat them with the greatest
care, distinguishing long and short vowels, acute and
grave syllables, surd and sonant consonants and all
the rest. Ey going on day after day, the memory of
the pupil was strengthened to such a degree that the
whole of their sacred literature, instead of being
handed down in writing, was handed down by oral
tradition with the utmost accuracy from generation
to generation, and, to a certain extent, is so handed
down to the present day.
The time assigned to education and study varied
from twelve to forty-eight years. Twenty, therefore,
was the earliest time when a young man might take
his degree, become a Snataka, or M.A., and think
of entering on the second station in life — that of a
married man and householder. This is a lesson to
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 129
be taken to heart by those who imagine that early
marriao-es, or child-sacrifices, are in accordance with
the spirit of the ancient laws of India.
When returned to his home (samav7'itta), the young
man had to find a wife, and become a G^^ihastha, or
householder. During that second period of life he had
to perform all the duties of a husband and a father,
offer a number of obligatory and optional sacrifices,
continue his study of the Veda, and, if a Brahman,
be ready to teach. When, however, his children were
grown up and had themselves children, w^hen his hair
had turned grey and his skin had become wrinkled,
the householder ought to know that the time had
come for leaving his house and all its cares, and
retiring from the village into the forest. This seems
to us a great wrench, and a sacrifice difficult to be^r.
It could, however, hardly have been so in India. Life
in the forest there was a kind of viUeggiatura.
Property being almost entirely family-property, the
father simply gave up to his sons what he himself
no longer required. When he withdrew from the
village, he became released from many duties. He
was allow^ed to take his wife with him, and his
friends and relations were allowed to see him in
his sylvan retreat. He was then called a Vana-
prastha, a dweller in the forest, and, released from
the duties of a householder, from sacrificial and
other ceremonial obligations, he was encouraged to
meditate on the great problems of life, to rise above
the outward forms of religion, and to free himself
more and more from all the fetters which once bound
him to this life. Even religion, in the usual sense
of the word, was no longer binding on him. He wag
VOL. I. K
130 RECENT ESSAYS.
above religion, above sacred books, above sacrifices,
above a belief in many gods. With the help of the
mystical doctrines contained in the Upanishads, he
was led to discover the Infinite hidden in the Finite,
the True behind the semblances of the senses, the Self
behind the Ego, and the indestructible identity of his
own true Self with the Supreme Self. During all
that time he might be visited, he might be consulted,
he certainly continued to be loved and revered by his
friends. But when at last life and all its interests
ceased to have any attraction, when he lived already
more in the next world than in this, then the time
came, for members of the first caste at least, to bid
farewell to all, to leave the forest-abode near the
villaere. and to enter on the final Asrama, that of
Sajinyasin. Sannyasin means a man who has divested
himself of everything, who is free from all fetters, not
only from the too great love of things, but also from
the too ffi'eat love of friends and relations. That last
stage could not have lasted long. It was simply a
preparation for death, which could not tarry much
before it released the wanderer (parivraf/aka) from
his last enemy, and restored him to that bliss of
which this life had so long deprived him.
This is, no doubt, an ideal scheme of life, and it is
difficult for us to believe that it should ever have
been realised in all its fulness. The first and second
stages in the life of man are natural enough, and exist
more or less in every well-organised society. It is the
third stage, the withdrawal from active life, the retire-
ment into the forest, and, more particularly, the sur-
render of all claim on the family property, that seems
to us hardly credible. We receive, however, from an
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 131
unexpected quarter, a confirmation that this retire-
ment into the forest was at one time a reality in
India. The companions of Alexander were so much
impressed with the number of people who led this
forest-life away from towns and villages that they
invented a new word, and translated the Sanskrit
vanaprastha by vKo^lol, dwellers in the forest.
How pleasant such a life must have been in the
Indian climate we may gather from the fact that we
never hear of any force being used to drive old people
away from their home into the forest. It is very
important also to observe that while the periods of
studentship and of household-life are fixed within
narrow limits by legal authority, the time for em-
bracing the life of a hermit is far less accurately
defined, so as to leave a considerable latitude to
individual choice.
What strikes us as the most cruel feature in the
Indian scheme of life is the fourth period, when old
people, incapable of taking care of themselves, seem
to have been entirely deprived of the loving attentions
of their children, so that they must necessaiily have
fallen a prey to hunger or to wild animals. It is
. curious that this fourth stage is a privilege which the
Brahmans claimed exclusively for themselves.
The Indians, however, are by no means the only
people who seem to us to have been guilty of cruelty
towards old people and towards children. In a primi-
tive state of society there existed difficulties of which
we have no idea. When the struggle of life became
extreme, and when it was utterly impossible for
a community to support more than a given number
of lives, it was necessarily left to the parents to
K 2
133 RECENT ESSAYS.
determine what children should be allowed to live or
be destroyed. Among Greeks and Komans vestiges
of this ancient custom may be discovered \ and among
the Germans, also, the right of the father to decide on
the life of a child, by raising it from the place where
the mother had given birth to it, was long maintained^.
Tlie Brahmans also seem to have conceded to the father
the right to expose his children, or, at all events, his
female progeny ^,
But if in an early state of society children became
sometimes a burden impossible to bear, a still greater
difficulty arose with regard to old people when they
were no longer able to support or to defend them-
selves. In a nomadic state of life this difficulty is so
great that it could not be solved except by killing the
old people. For what is to be done when the soil is
exhausted and a tribe has to move forward to occupy
new pastures ? The old people cannot support the
fatigue of the march, and to leave them behind would
be to expose them to starvation or a violent death.
It was considered merciful under those circumstances,
nay, it was believed to be a sacred duty of the nearest
relations, to kill the aged members of a family.
Storks, before they migrate south, are said to kill the
old and lame birds who are unable to follow. In the
same way, if we may trust Su- John Lubbock, there
are even now among certain tribes whole villages
where no old people can be discovered, for the simple
reason that they all have been put to death. Mr. Hunt,
* Schumann, * Giiechische Altertliumer,' 3rd ed., i. p. 531; Mar-
quardt, ' Privatleben der Romer,' i. p. 3, note i, p. 81.
2 Giiinm, ' Deutsche Recht«alterthumer,' p. 455.
' Maitrayanl-sawihita IV, 6, 4 ; Nirukta ITI, 4.
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 133
as quoted by Sir John Lubbock, tells us that one
day a young man in whom he took much interest
came to him and invited him to attend his mother's
funeral. Mr. Hunt accepted the invitation, but as he
walked along in the procession he was surprised to
see no corpse. When he asked the young man where
his mother was, he pointed to a w^oman who was
walking along just in front, to use Mr. Hunt's words,
'as gay and lively as any of those present.' When
they arrived at the grave, she took an affectionate
farewell of her children and friends, and then sub-
mitted to be strangled.
It is not innate cruelty that can account for this
barbarous treatment of the aged : it was a dira neces-
sitas. Among our own ancestors, the ancient Germans,
Grimm tells us that when the master of the house
was over sixty years old, if the signs of the weakness
of age were of such a character that he no longer had
the power to walk or stand or to ride unassisted and
unsupported, with collected mind, free will, and good
sense, he was obliged to give over his authority to
his son, and to perform menial service. Those who
had grown useless and burdensome were either killed
outright or exposed and abandoned to death by star-
vation ^.
However strange and horrible these various ways of
disposing of old people may seem to us, there is, never-
theless, a lesson to be learnt from our savage ancestors,
viz. that there is a time when old people ought to
retire. Our religion, our moralitj^ our very humanity
would make us shrink from any violent measures
' Grimm, 'Deut=che EeclitsalterUiiimer,' p. 4S7 ; Wt-iiihokl, ' Alt-
nordisches Leben,* p. 473.
134 RECENT ESSAYS.
to enforce this lesson ; but we must not, for all that,
shut our eyes to the fact that some of the most serious
evils of our modern society are due to the encroach-
ments of old age on the legitimate functions of youth
and manhood. If, in ancient times, the difficulty was
what to do with old people, the difficulty in our
modern society is what to do with young people.
And why 1 Because every sphere of active life in
which young men might, naturally and legitimately,
hope to find an opening for making themselves useful
to the world, and gaining a livelihood for themselves,
is filled with men who, nearly or altogether, belong
to the class of the Depontani. It will be argued, no
doubt, that old age possesses more experience and
wisdom than youth and early manhood can possibly
possess. Eut surely there is a senile as well as
a juvenile folly; and even admitting the superior
experience of old people, that experience would
become far more useful to the world if they were
satisfied in their old age to become counsellors, and
leave the toil and moil of the daily warfare of life to
younger men. Besides, the affairs of life require not
only prudence and caution, but likewise decision and
courage ; and when it is considered that the conse-
quences of good or bad counsels must fall, after all,
on the heads of the next generation, it is but fair that
the young should have some share in determining
w^hat is to be done. Besides, we cannot stultify
nature. Youth and manhood are better than old age ;
and with all the advantages that old age may justly
be proud of, there are weaknesses which, like grey
hairs, steal almost unperceived over old heads. Ko
art is able to disguise, and no effort of will strong
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 133
enough to resist them. Hygienic science may in
our days keep people alive longer than in former
centuries, and a proper discipline of body and mind
may in some cases preserve a mens sana in corpore
saiio beyond the usual limits. But, as a rule, man is
meant to learn in his youth, to act in his manhood,
to counsel in his advancing years, and to meditate in
his extreme old age. It is the disregard of this clear
and simple lesson, conveyed by the four ages of man,
which is responsible for the worst of our social evils.
A young man is meant to marry ; but how, in the
present state of society, is it possible for a young man
and a young woman to contract matrimony at the
proper time, unless their parents have saved enough
to enable them to do so ? Almost every career is
now closed against the young man who thinks that
he ought to be able to earn a livelihood by his arms
or his brains. And the principal reason is that old
men now remain too long in active service and enjoy
large incomes for doing work which their juniors
could do as well, if not better. Wo get accustomed
to everything which has existed for centuries and
has the sanction of custom and of law. We know
that a man who has children, grandchildren, and
great-grandchildren may hold the family estate as
his exclusive property, only making to his descen-
dants such allowance as he thinks proper. What
seems quite right and fair to us w^ould seem very
wrong and unfair in India, where the law enables
the sons, when they have come of age, to insist on
a division of the family property, w^hich is considered
to be theirs as much as their father's. How many
a life in EngLmd has become useless by the ancestral
136 EECENT ESSAYS.
property being managed or mismanaged by a man of
eighty, while the son of forty, or even sixty, is care-
fully excluded from all participation in the improve-
ment of his future estate. Young men are often blamed
because they imagine they must have as large an
income as their parents, before they will condescend
to marry. There may be some truth in this, but
there is also some truth in the answer of young men
that parents, after their children's education is finished,
might be satisfied with a quieter and less expensive
style of life, and not grudge their children those en-
joyments which nature has clearly intended for youth
and manhood.
In most professions a man who has worked for
twenty or twenty-five years ought to be enabled to
retire on a pension ; that is, be satisfied with a smaller
income. Whatever exceptions may be cited to the
contrary, our schools and universities, for instance,
are clearly sufferers, because professors and tutors
are not enabled, or forced, to retire at the approach
of old age. Dr. Arnold expressed a very strong
opinion as to the maximum of years that a master
or headmaster of a public school should be allowed
to carry on his work. Other voices have been raised
against the Universities allowing heads of houses,
professors, and tutors to retain their offices to the
very last day of their life. We know, of course, of
exceptions, of men lecturing, and lecturing success-
fully, for thirty and forty years. But, as a rule,
a professor as he grows old, however excellent work
he may still do by himself, finds it impossible to
maintain that warm sympathy with the rising gene-
ration which is essential in order to make his lectures
"WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 137
really efficient. His own studies are apt to become
more and more special and narrow, and he often finds
it impossible to keep pace with the rapid progress of
discovery that changes the whole aspect of every
science from year to year. By all means let the old
professor continue to lecture, if he likes, but let
younger men be appointed as his deputies or asso-
ciates. It is a real injustice to younger men, whose
lives are passing away, that they should have no
opportunity of utilising their knowledge by teaching
in our Universities, or that they should succeed to
a Chair when they themselves are no longer in the
vigour of life. Sometimes the study of a science has
been paralysed for years because, all professorial
chairs being occupied by men who would not, be-
cause they could not, resign, there was no prospect
of employment for younger men, and when at last
a vacancy occurred there were hardly any candidates
fit to be successors. In Continental universities the
system of Professores extraordinarii and Privat-
docents supplies a certain remedy of the evil com-
plained of, but here, too, the Professores ordinarii
become sometimes a drag on the advance of science,
because there is too little inducement to make them
resign.
It would be easy to point out the same mischief
in other professions, caused by men remaining in
office beyond the limits of time so clearly indicated
by nature. Old generals, gouty admirals, deaf judges,
and bedridden bishops are not unknown in this as
in other countries. But nowhere does this incubus
of old age prove more disastrous than in politics.
It has often been said that knowing when to retire
138 RECENT ESSAYS,
is the true test of a great statesraan. But if there is
any office which it seems almost impossible to sur-
render it is political office. Nearly all Ministers
nowadays are over fifty or sixty, and they often cling
to office till they are seventy or eighty. It is in
their case, more than in any other, that the necessity
of experience and wisdom is pleaded as an excuse
for their unnatural pretensions. But experience and
wisdom are not the exclusive property of old age,
while too much experience may even unfit a man for
that quick insight which is constantly required for
political action. That old men should be consulted
is perfectly natural, but that they should have the
decision of the fate of the next generation entirely in
their hands admits of no justification. The Germans
had an old proverb which went much further, and
denied to those who could no longer tight the right
of giving advice.
' Die niclit init thaten,
Die nicht mit rathen.*
Nor can it be denied that even in council the
presence of old men is dangerous. The authority
claimed by old age, and the respect naturally paid
to it by the younger generation, must interfere with
the easy and natural transaction of business. If it
is difficult for an old man to bear opposition and to
brook rebuke from a younger man, it is . equally
difficult for a young politician to bow to authority
or to believe in the infallibility of old age. What
is the result ■? The old statesman gradually finds
himself deserted by his honest and independent friends,
while opportunists and flatterers surround the old
chief and help to extinguish in him the last remnants
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 139
of humility and of mistrust in his own judgment.
Members of the Cabinet, it has often been said,
ought to be on terms of perfect equality, and in
discussions concerning the welfare of the country
argument ought always to be stronger than any
amount of authority. Men of about the same age
can afford to give and take, but a man of thirty
cannot well give to a man of eighty, and a man of
eighty cannot well take from a man of thirty. And
yet, if we look at the history of the world, political
wasdom has certainly not been the exclusive property
of old age. A mere stripling, such as Pitt, was a
better man at the wheel than even the creat Duke of
Wellington when, in his old age, he acted as steersman
to the vessel of State. In cur days it seems difiicult
to imagine that a man of twenty or thirty could
possibly be an Under-Secretary of State, to say
nothing of his being Prime Minister. And yet, take
it all in all, for practical work, a man of thirty is
a better man than a man of eighty, and the sooner
men of eighty learn that lesson the better for them-
selves and for the country they profess to serve.
There are exceptions, there are brilliant exceptions,
at the present moment, both in England and in
Germany. Put exceptions in such cases are apt here-
after to become precedents, and to piove extremely
dangerous in less exceptional cases. Outside the fight
of parties the voice of the old statesman will always
be listened to, and carry conviction to many a waver-
ing mind. But if he remains in the turmoil of
political w^arfare he Avill meet with harsh usage, his
best motives will be suspected, and the good fame
of his vouth and manhood will often be tarnished
140 EECENT ESSAYS.
Ly the mistakes, however well intentioned, of his
old age.
To return once more to India, from whence we
started. No doubt the ideal scheme of life, traced
out by Manu, is no longer possible, after the contact
between the ancient civilisation of the East and the
modern civilisation of the West. But the spirit of
the past still exercises its fascination over some supe-
rior minds, and the idea that there is a time when
the old should make room for the young, and. when
meditation should take the place of active life, is not
yet quite forgotten among the sons of India. A bio-
graphy has lately been published of the Prime Minister
of Bhavnagar, Gaorishankar Udayashankar, C.S.I. ^
It relates a life full of hard and most important work,
a life of struggle, of temptation, and of wonderful
success ; the life not only of a conscientious adminis-
trator, but of a determined diplomatist, holding his
own against the best men in the Indian service, and
in the end recognised by all, from Mountstuart
Elphinstone to Lord Reay, as an honest and unselfish
man, worthy to be named by the side of such native
statesmen as Sir Salar Jung, Sir T. Madao Rao, and
Sir Dinkar Eao. Only three years ago, in December,
1 886, when Lord Reay had paid a visit to the vener-
able statesman, he said of him : ' Certainly, of all the
happy moments it has been my good fortune to spend
in India, those wdiich I spent in the presence of that
remarkable man remain engrafted on my memory.
I was struck as much by the clearness of his intellect
* 'Gaorishankar Udayashankar, C.S.I., Ex-Minister of Bhavnagar,
now on retirement as ii Sanyilsi.' By Javerilal Umiashankar Yajuik.
Bombay, 1889.
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 141
as by tho simplicity and fairness and openness of his
mind ; and if we admire wiso administrators, we also
admire straightforward advisers, those who tell their
chiefs the real truth about the condition of their
country and their subjects. In seeing the man who
freed the State from all encumbrances, who restored
civil and criminal jurisdiction to the villages, who
settled grave disputes with Junaghad, who got rid
of refractory Jemadars, I could not help thinking
what could bo done by singleness of purpose and
strength of character.' It would be useless to attempt
to give even a short outline of the excellent services
rendered to his country, and indirectly to England,
by Gaorishankar during the fifty-seven years of his
active life. The affairs of Servia, Bulgaria, and
Montenegro, the intrigues of King Milan, Queen
Natalie, and Prince Karageorgo witch, would seem to
be of greater interest to the public at large than the
healthy growth and powerful development of the
native States of India under English protection. And
yet Gaorishankar's life is full of dramatic interest.
He had to do battle with many King Milans, with
many Queen Natalies, even with some rebellious
mountain-chiefs, such as Karageorgo witch, and he
has come out victorious from all his fights. He not
only established the independence of the state of
Bhavnagar, but he introduced a reformed system of
administration, founded excellent schools, built model
prisons, encouraged useful railways, and made Bhav-
nagar a model among the protected principalities of
India. In 1878, when- he was seventy - three years
of age, and when the idea of retiring from the world
had already ripened in his mind, he was once more
142 RECENT ESSAYS.
complimented by Sir J. B. Peile in the following
terms : — ' Gaorishankar has risen tlirough every stage
of a laborious life to this crown and consummation
of an honourable public career, a career, which he
began in a humble position in the old school of
custom and ends as a cautious leader in the new
school of reform.'
This is the man who, on January 13, 1879, resigned
his office as Minister, and, full of years and honours,
declared his intention of following the example of
the ancient Brahmans, and retiring into the forest.
He prepared himself for that step by a deeper study
of the Upanishads and the Vedanta philosophy than
had been possible to him during the years of his busy
life. He then retired to a garden-house outside the
old town, where he was still accessible to his friends,
and where his chief and his former colleagues often
came to consult him. He had become a counsellor,
but he no longer interfered in public or private affairs.
At last, in 1887, his yearning after a purely spiritual
life, and his desire to throw off all the fetters and
affections that might still bind him to this life, became
so strong that he determined to enter on the fourth
stage of life and to become a Sannyasin. The time
had come, he declared, that he should prepare himself
for holy d}ing by a complete renunciation of the
active concerns of this world and by an exclusive
devotion to the thoughts of a life to come. He wrote
letters to all his friends, bidding them farewell for
this life. I myself was one of those to whom he said
good-bye, declaring that he had left the world, that
he had changed his name, and that all correspondence
between him and the outer world must hencefoi'th
"WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 143
cease. These were the last lines of a letter which he
addressed to me in July, 1886 : —
' My health is failing and I have made up my mind
to enter into the fourth order or Asrama. Thereby
I shall attain that stage in life when I shall be free
from all the cares and anxieties of this world and
shall have nothing to do with my present circum-
stances.
'After leading a public life for more than sixty
years, I think there is nothing left for me to desire,
except this life, which will enable my Atma [Self] to
be one with Paramatma [Supreme Self], as shown by
the enlightened sages of old. When this is accom-
plished a man is free from births and re-births, and
what can I wish more than what will free me from
them, and give me means to attain Moksha [spiritual
freedom] ?
' My learned Friend, I shall be a Sannyasin in a few
days, and thus there will be a total change of life.
I shall no more be able to address you, and I send
you this letter to convey my last best wishes for your
success in life, and my regards which you so well
deserve.'
Every effort was made by his native friends and by
the highest officials of the English Government to
dissuade him from his purpose. Every argument that
could appeal to his common- sense, his sense of duty,
aye, even his vanity, was used, but used in vain. He
was not so silly as to attempt to copy slavishly the
example of the ancient Sannyasins, and to court death
in the wilderness. He remained in his retirement,
only he adopted a much stricter discipline, and a more
rigorous seclusion from the outer world. He was not
144 RECENT ESSAYS.
SO childish, or rather so senile, as to imagine that any
one in this life was really indispensable. He knew that
younger men would do his work as well, if not better
than himself. And he felt that, having done his duty
to the world, he might be free during the few remain-
ing years to do his duty ta himself. I believe the old
man is still alive, now in his eighty-fourth year ^.
When I last heard of him, through his son, he was
in full possession of his intellectual powers, with
a memory unimpaired. He has become, in his old
age, a zealous student of Sanskrit, and, to judge from
what he has published, his knowledge of the Vedanta
philosophy is profound. He is now simply waiting
for death, and fitting himself to die, following the
words of Manu (VI, 43) : —
^Lefc not the hermit long for deatli,
Nor cling to this terrestrial state ;
Their Lord's behests as servants wait^
So let him, called, resign his breath.'
It may be said that the Minister of Bhavnagar
remained in office long beyond the time when he had
a perfect right to retire. He was seventy-four when
he surrendered the Ministry. Still, he is one of very
few statesmen who, even at that time, would have
thought it necessary to make room for others, and to
reserve a span of life for themselves, as a preparation
for a better life. His intellect was unimpaired, his
body vigorous, and his friends were clamorous for
him to remain in power. But he did not allow him-
self to be persuaded. He was influenced, no doubt,
in his choice, by the teaching of the old sages of
India, but his own judgment also must have helped
* He has departed since.
WHAT TO DO WITH OUR OLD PEOPLE. 145
him to obey the voice of nature. To all who have
ears to hear, that voice declares in unmistakable
tones that there is a time for everj^thing-. There is
a time to be young and there is a time to be old.
Our modern society is out of gear because that lesson
of nature is not obeyed. To die in harness has
become the ideal of almost every old man. But
what might be the right ideal for a cab-horse is not
necessarily the right ideal for a human being. In
several branches of the public service a remedy has
been applied — not the drastic remedy of the Bactrians
and Caspians, but the more gentle pressure of the
Indian law-givers. Men are made to withdraw into
the forest on a retiring pension, and it has not been
found that the army and navy have suffered under
3'oung generals and vigorous admirals. The same
system ought to be applied to all other professions,
more particularly to our schools and universities.
After twenty-five years of hard work a man ought
to be enabled to rest from his labours, if he likes, and
the young should be allowed to have their day.
VOL. I.
THE TEUE ANTIQUITY OP OEIENTAL
LITERATUEE/
WHEN people speak of the East, of Oriental
languages, Oriental literature, Oriental art, or
Oriental religion, their idea generally seems to be
that all that belongs to the East is extremely old
and very mysterious. There is a charm which it is
difficult to account for, but there certainly is a charm
that attracts us to everything that is supposed to
be very old, and to everything that seems wrapt in
mystery. If, then, these lectures which I have the
honour to inaugurate to-night are meant to draw
the attention of the public at large towards Oriental
studies, and to arouse an interest in the languages,
the literatures, the art, and the religion of the East,
not only among scholars, but among the ever-widen-
ing circles of intelligent men and cultivated women,
it may not seem very wise to say anything that might
break that charm, that might reduce the enormous
antiquity so often claimed for Oriental literature to
more modest limits, and dispel those golden clouds of
mystery which are supposed to surround the sanctuary
of the primeval wisdom of the East.
' Inaugural Address, delivered before the Royal Asiatic Society,
on Wednesday, March 4, 1891.
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 147
And yet, if I were asked to say what in our own
time is the distinguishing feature of Oriental research,
I should say that it was the endeavour to bring the
remote East closer and closer to our own time, and to
dispel as much as possible that mystery which used
to shroud its language, its literature, and its religion.
Oriental scholarship is no longer a mere matter of
curiosity. It appeals to higher sympathies, and
teaches us that we can study in the East as well as
in the West the great questions of humanity — those
questions that furnish the first impulse and the
highest purpose to all human inquiries. So long as
the Egyptian is a mere mummy to us, the Babylonian
a mere image in stone, the Jew a prophet, the Hindu
a dreamer, the Chinaman a joke, we are not yet
Oriental scholars. The Wise Men of the East are
still mere strangers to us, coming we know not
whence, going we know not whither, and leaving
behind them nothing but gold, frankincense, and
myrrh.
It is only when these strangers cease to be strangers,
when they become friends, people exactly like our-
selves in their strength and in their weakness, in
their ideals and their failures, in their hopes and
their despairs — it is then only that we can claim to
be Oriental scholars, real students of the East, true
lovers of humanity which is always the same, what-
ever its age, whatever its language, whatever the
many disguises which it has assumed in the different
acts of the great drama of history.
What charm is there in mere antiquity ? Antiquity
seems difficult to define. Very often what is old is
despised, however good it may be ; at other times,
148 RECENT ESSAYS.
what is old is valued, though its merit seems to
consist in nothing but its age. A book printed in
the fifteenth century is competed for by all collectors,
while many a manuscript of the same date will hardly
tempt a buyer. A Greek work of art, say, of 500 B.C.,
finds a place of honour in any museum. An Egyptian
monument of the same age is referred to the decadence
of Egyptian art. When we come to one thousand
years, to two thousand years, or, as ?ome will have it,
to three or four thousand years b. c, everything
that can claim descent from those distant ages is
valued, and almost worshipped. And yet, what are
four thousand, what are six thousand years, when
we become geologists ? What are the oldest Egyptian
mummies compared to the megatheria embalmed in
the sarcophagi of the earth ? And again, how modern
are those stratified cemeteries on the surface of our
globe, nay, even the unstratified foundations of this
earth, in the eyes of the astronomer, to whom our
globe dwindles away into a mere infinitesimal globule
that has not yet been touched by the rays of light
proceeding from more distant suns ! Mere antiquity,
it has always seemed to me, can lend no real charm
to Oriental studies.
First of all, what we call ancient in literary produc-
tions is not so very ancient after all. Our libraries
and museums contain little that is more than four
thousand yeai's old, If one century is easily spanned
by three generations, a little more than one hundred
generations would span the whole history of the litera-
ture of the world. What the Egyptians said to the
Greeks we must learn to say to ourselves — ' We are as
yet but children.' Man's life on earth is only in its
THE TRUE AXTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 149
beginnings. The future before him is immense ; the past
that lies behind us is but the short preface to a work
that will require many volumes before it is finished,
before man has become what he was meant to be.
Secondly, we must not forget that when we speak
of literary works of two, or three, or four thousand
years before our era, we are not really on what is
properly called historical ground. I am by no means
a sceptic as to the remote antiquity assigned to
Chinese, Egyptian, Babylonian, and Indian literature ;
but I think we are too easily tempted to forget the
important difference between authentic and construc-
tive history. Authentic history, as Niebuhr often
pointed out, begins when we have the testimony of
a contemporary, or an eye-witness, testifying to the
events which he relates. Constructive history and con-
structive chronology rest on deduction. Constructive
history may be quite as true as authentic history.
Still, we should never forget the difference between
the two.
If we bear this difference in mind, I should say that
the authentic history of India does not begin before
the third century b,c. We have at that time the
insciiptions of the famous king Asoka, the grandson
of Chandragupta, the Sandrokyptos of Greek his-
torians. Everything in the history of India before
that time is purely constructive. But is it therefore
less certain ? I believe not. The language of these
inscriptions, in its various dialects, stands to Sanskrit
as Italian stands to Latin. Such changes require
centuries. The religion of Asoka is Buddhism, and
Buddhism stands to Brahmanism as Brotestantism
stands to Roman Catholicism. Such changes require
150 llECEXT ESSAYS.
centuries. Lastly, the literature of Vedic Bralimanism
shows three successive layers of language, ceremonial,
and thought. Such changes, again, require centuries,
and though I never looked upon the two centuries
which I assigned to each of these three layers as more
than a guess, the layers themselves and their suc-
cession cannot be doubted. Constructive history places
the earliest Vedic hymns about 1500 B.C. But even
at that time the language of these Vedic hymns is full
of faded, decayed, and quite unintelligible words and
forms, and these in some points more near to Greek
than to ordinary Sanskrit. It possesses, for instance,
a subjunctive, like Greek, of which there is hardly
a trace left in the Epic poems or in the Laws of Manu.
Such changes require time. In fact, if wo ask our-
selves how long it must have taken before a language
like that of the Vedic hymns could have become what
we find it to be, ordinary chronology seems altogether
to collapse, and we should feel grateful if geological
chronology would allow us to extend the limits as-
signed to man's presence on earth beyond the end of
the Glacial Period.
Egyptian chronology carries us, no doubt, much
further than the chronology of India. Menes is sup-
posed to have reigned 4000 B.C., and, if we do not
admit a division of the empire among different royal
d3nasties, the date of Menes might be pushed back
even further, to 5600 B. c. Lepsius, however, is satis-
fied with 3H92, Bunson with 3623 B.C. But, whatever
date we accept, we must bear in mind that, like all
ancient Egyptian dates, they depend on the construc-
tion which we put on Manetho's dynasties, and on
the fragments of papyri, like the Royal Papyrus of
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 151
Turin. We are dealing again with constructive, not
with authentic history^.
The chronoloGi:y of the Old Testament is likewise
constructive. Those who have carefully summed up
the dates in the Books of Moses fix the day of the
Creation in 4160 B.C. — not very long, you see, before
the reign of Menes in Egypt — possibly even later.
The universal Deluge is fixed by the same scholars
in 2504, which is about the time of the twelfth
Egyptian dynast}^ But in constructing this chrono-
logy we must not forget that, whatever the age of the
Mosaic traditions may be, the Hebrew text, as we now
possess it, can hardly be referred to an earlier date than
the sixth century B.C. If, then, we admit with Peter-
mann that the Samaritan text was settled in the
fourth century, we find that the interval between
Adam and Abraham, which is reckoned as 1,948 years
in the Hebrew text, has in the Samaritan text been
raised to 2,249 years. Lastly, if we admit that the
Septuagint translation was made in Egypt between
the third and second centuries B. c, we find that there
the same interval has been raised to 3,314 years. It
' The following dates liave been assigned to Menes by hieroglyphio
scholars : —
6467 B.C. by Henne von Sargans.
.15702
»
by Boeckh.
5613
')
by Unger.
4717
,,
by Lieblein.
4455
„
by Briig>ch.
4157
»
by Lauth.
39>7
>t
by von Peffl.
3S92
>>
by Lepsius.
3623
,,
by Bunsen.
27S2
,,
by Seyffarth,
23S7
>»
by Knotel.
2224
„
by Palmer.
152 EECENT ESSAYS.
is clear, therefore, that in the history of the Jews also,
the ancient dates, though more moderate than those
of Egyptian antiquity, are of a purely constructive
character.
And what applies to Egypt and Judaea applies even
more strongly to China. China claims a history of
at least four thousand years. Chinese scholars assure
us that the date of the emperor Yao is historical. Yet
it varies between 2357 B.C. and 2145 B.C., the latter
being the date of the Bamboo Annals. Beyond Yao
it is generally admitted that Chinese history is fabu-
lous, though we are told by some authorities that the
emperor Hwang-ti was an historical character, and
began his reign in 2697 B.C. All this may be true.
The historical traditions of China may reach back
very far. But we must never forget the fact, which
Chinese historians are very apt to forget^ namely, the
destruction of all ancient books by the edict of the
emperor Khin in 213 B.C. The edict, we are told, was
ruthlessly enforced, and hundreds of scholars who
refused obedience to the imperial command were
buried alive. The edict was not repealed till 191.
It lasted, therefore^ twenty-two years. There are, no
doubt, traditions that some of the books were recovered
from hiding-places or from memory ; yet authentic
history in China cannot be said to date from before
the burning of the books and the beginning of the
Han dynasty.
As to the ancient history of Babylon, it is well to
learn to be patient and to wait. The progress of
discovery and decipherment is so rapid, that what is
true this year is shown to be wrong next year. Our
old friend Gisdubar has now, thanks to the ingenious
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF OEIENTAL LITERATURE. 153
combinations of Mr. Pinches, become Gilgames ^ This
is no discredit to the valiant pioneers in this glorious
campaign. On the contrary, it speaks well for their
perseverance and for their sense of truth. I shall only
give you one instance to show what I mean by calling
the ancient periods of Babylonian history also con-
structive rather than authentic. My friend Professor
Sayce claims 4000 b. c. as the beginning of Babylonian
literature. Nabonidus, he tells us (' Hibbert Lectures/
p. 21), in 550 B.C. explored the great temple of the
Sun-god at Sippara. This temple was believed to
have been founded by Naram Sin, the son of Sargon.
Nabonidus, however, lighted upon the actual founda-
tion-stone— a stone, we are told, which had not been
seen by any of his predecessors for 3,200 years. On
the strength of this the date of 3,200 + 550 years, that
is, 3750 B.C., has been assigned to Naram Sin, the son
of Sargon. These two kings, however, are said to be
quite modern, and to have been preceded by a number
of so-called Proto-Chaldaean kings, who spoke a Proto-
Chaldaean language, long before the Semitic popula-
tion had entered the land. It is concluded, further,
from some old inscriptions on diorite, brought from
the Peninsula of Sinai to Chaldaea, that the quarries
of Sinai, which were worked by the Egyptians at the
time of their third dynasty, say 6,000 years ago, may
have been visited about the same time by these Proto-
Chaldaeans. 4000 B.C., we are told, would therefore
be a very moderate initial epoch for Babylonian and
Egyptian literature.
I am the very last person to deny the ingeniousness
' Academi/, Jan. 17,1891 ; see 'Gilgamos' in Aelian, ' Hist. Auim.'
xii. 21.
154 EECENT ESSAYS.
of these arguments, or to doubt the real antiquity of
the early civilisation of Babylon or Egypt. All I wish
to point out is, that we should always keep before our
eyes the constructive character of this ancient history
and chronology. To use a foundation-stone, on its
own authority, as a stepping-stone over a gap of 3,200
years, is purely constructive chronology, and as such
is to be carefully distinguished from what historians
mean by authentic history, as when Herodotus or
Thucydides tells us what happened during their own
lives or before their own eyes.
Eut, whatever the result of these chronological
speculations may be — whether Oriental history begins
six, or five, or four, or three, or two, or one thousand
before our ei"a — I ask again, what is the charm of
mere antiquity, if antiquity means no more than
what is remote, what is separated from us by wide
gaps of millenniums ?
I am quite willing to grant that there is a certain
charm in what is old, whether its age counts by years,
or centuries, or millenniums, only ; that charm must
come from ourselves, from the students of antiquity,
whether in the East or in the West. We should
remember that antiquity means not only what is old.
It is derived from mite. It means what is before us,
what is arderiox, what is cni decedent to the present.
It means, and it should mean, the firm historical
foundation on which we stand.
If we can discover in the past the key to some of
the riddles of the present ; if we can link the past to
the present by the strong chains of cause and effect ;
if we can unite the broken and scattered links of
tradition into one continuous wire, then the electric
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 155
spark of human sympathy will flash from one end to
the other. The most remote antiquity will cease to
be remote. It will be brought near to us, home to us,
close to our very heart. We shall ourselves become
the ancients of the world, and the distant childhood
of the human race wall be to us like our own
childhood.
And mark the change, the almost miraculous
change, wdiich Oriental scholarship has wrought
among the ruins of the past. What was old has
become young ; what w^as young has become old.
Take our languages. We call English, French, and
German modern, modern languages. But w'hen we
have traced back English to Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-
Saxon to Gothic, and Gothic to that ' Home of the
Aryas ' in which the language spoken in India, San-
skrit, had as much right as Persian, as Greek and
Latin, and Celtic and Slavonic, nay, as Gothic, Anglo-
Saxon, and Eno-lish — when the student of lano-uao^e
has gathered the broken links of that Arj'an chain
and fitted them together once more into one organic
whole — wdiat happens? Does not the young become
old and the old become young? Our modern lan-
guages stand now before us as the most ancient
languages of the world — grey, bald, shrivelled, and
wizened ; while the more ancient a lanouawe, the
fresher its features, the more vigorous its muscles,
the more expressive its countenance. Our oiun words
are old ; our own philosophy is old ; our own religion
is old ; our o^vn social institutions are old. The youth
of the world, the irne juventus mundi, lies far beyond
us, far beyond the Greeks, far beyond Troy. And
v^ven when we have tracked the young Aryas to thdr
156 RECENT ESSAYS.
common home in Asia, even then we find in their
so-called Proto-Aryan speech words full of wrinkles,
and thoughts which disclose rings within rings in
innumerable succession.
Therefore, neither mere old a^e on one side nor
mere youth and childhood on the other can satisfy
the true historical student, unless he is a.ble at the
same time to discover the laws of growth which
explain what is young by what is old, what is
secondary by what is primitive, which show that
there is and always has been growth and purpose in
the world. There lies the true charm of our Oriental
studies. China, Egypt, Eabylon, India, and Persia,
are no longer distant from us as the East is from the
West. They have really become to us the true East —
that is, the point of orientation and direction for all
the studies of the West.
Think of that one word Indo-European, which is
now so familiar to us that we actually speak of Indo-
European telegraphs, and railways, and newspapers.
I remember the time when that word was framed, and
the shiver which it sent through the limbs of classical
scholarship. Nor do I wonder. Think what the syn-
thesis of these two words, India and Europe, implies !
It implies that the people who migrated into India
thousands of years before the beginning of our era
spoke the same language which we speak in England.
When I call English and Sanskrit the same language,
I do not wish to raise false hopes in the hearts of
candidates for the Indian Civil Service. All I mean
is, that English and Sanskrit are substantially the
same language— are but two varieties of the same
type, rivers flowing from the same source, though each
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 157
running in its own bed. The bold S3'nthesis contained
in the term Indo-European brought the words and
thoughts of the dark-skinned inhabitants of India,
brought those very dark-skinned inhabitants of India
themselves, at one swoop as close to us as the Greeks
and Romans have been for many centuries. It united
the people of Europe, the speakers of English, German,
Celtic, and Slavonic, of Greek and Latin, into one
family with the speakers of Sanskrit, Persian, and
Armenian. It constituted a Unionist-League em-
bracing the greatest nations of history, and made
them all conscious of a new nobility in thought and
word and deed, the nobility of the Indo-European, or,
as it is also called, the nobility of the ancient Aryan
brotherhood.
I have been told again and again by my Hindu
friends that nothing has given the intelligent popula-
tion of India a greater sense of their dignity, and
that nothing has drawn the bonds of fellowship
between India and England more closely together,
than this discovery of the common origin of their
language and of the principal languages of Europe,
and more particularly of English.
You know, of course, that we share most of our
words in common with Sanskrit and the other
members of the Aryan family of speech. You know
that the grammar of all the Aryan languages was
fixed once for all, and that it is totally different from
the grammar of the Semitic and other families of
speech.
But thouQ-h these facts have become familiar to
us, yet it is difficult to resist sometimes a feeling of
oiddiness that comes over us when we see how near
158 HECENT ESSAYS.
the past is really to the present, how close the East
has really been brought to the West.
Let us take one instance. You know, of course,
that in every language of the Aryan race all the
numerals are the same. But think what that means.
The decimal system must have been elaborated and
accepted by the ancestors of our race before they
separated, and every number, from one to one hundred,
must have received its name, and all these names
must have been sanctioned, not by agreement, but
by use, or, if you like, by the survival of the fittest.
How old these numerals are is best shown by the
fact that they cannot be derived from any of the
roots known to us, so that we cannot tell why six
was ever called six, or seven seven. And yet in
Sanskrit, Zend, Armenian, Greek, Latin, Slavonic,
Celtic, and English we find exactly the same series
of numerals.
But the relationship is even more close in other
parts of the language, and the dependence of the
English of to-day on the Sanskrit as spoken two or
three thousand years ago is sometimes jDerfectly
startling. Allow me to give you one illustration,
which, though it is somewhat tedious, will surprise
3'OU by what the French would call the solidarite
which still exists between Sanskrit and English.
Why do we say in English dead and decdh "? I mean,
why is there a cZ as the termination of the participle,
and a th as the termination of the substantive ? This
may seem a very far-fetched question. Most people
would say that it is no use asking such questions,
because it is impossible to answer them. Grammar
tells us that the participle is formed by d, and the
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 159
substantive by th, and there must be an end of it.
The Science of Language, however, takes a very
different view. It holds that everything in language
has a reason, and that it is our own fault if we cannot
discover it. Now here, in order to discover the reason
for d in dead and for th in death, it will be necessary
to enter into some Diinidiae of comparative grammar.
You have all heard of Grimnis Latv. It is a very
wonderful law, but we have now got far beyond it.
Well, according to Grimm's Law, Avherever we find in
Sanskrit, in Greek and Latin, in Celtic and Slavonic
a t, we find in Gothic, in Anglo-Saxon, and therefore
in English, the aspirated t or th. Even this, if you
come to think about it, seems a marvellous fact.
There is no exception to this rule ; at least, none
that cannot be accounted for. And an exception
that can be accounted for is no longer an exception ;
on the contrary, it is an exception which was said to
prove the rule.
If 'three' is tray as in Sanskrit, tres in Latin,
Tpeis in Greek, it must be three in English. If ' thou '
is tuam in Sanskrit, tu, in Latin, a-v for tv in Greek,
it must be thou in English. Thus Latin tonitrus is
thunder, tectum is thatch, tenuis is thin. In the
middle of a word, also, t becomes th, as in father for
pater, mother for mcder. And likewise at the end, as
in tooth for dens, dent is.
With this rule clearly before our mind, let us now
advance a step further.
The termination of the past participle in all Indo-
European languages is formed by t. Thus in Sanskrit
we have from yng, 'to join,' yuk-ta, 'joined,' as we
have in Latin h-om j'longo, ' I ^oin' Junctus, 'joined.'
160 RECENT ESSAYS.
If, then, our rule that t becomes th in Anglo-Saxon
holds good, that t of the participle should appear in
English as th. It should be death (A.-S. death), not
dead (A.-S. dead). In the substantive death (A.-S.
death), on the contrary, we have quite regularly, and
in accordance with Grimm's Law, the th, which corre-
sponds to the i of a suffix well known in many Aryan
languages, used for forming abstract and other nouns,
namely tu. In many cases this suffix tu leaves the
accent in Sanskrit on the radical portion of a word.
Thus from vas, 'to shine,' we have vas-tu, 'shining,'
or the morning. From vas, ' to dwell,' we have vastu,
' a dwelling,' the Greek aoru, ' town.' The Sanskrit
kratu, 'might,' appears in Greek as Kparvs, 'might.'
In some cases, however, the accent in Sanskrit as in
Greek falls on the last syllable, as in ritu, 'season,'
gatii, 'going,' 'path.' As forming abstract nouns the
same suffix tu is most frequent in Latin, in such
words as status, from sta, Ho stand,' tactus, 'touch,'
from tangere, and many more.
By means of the same suffix, Gothic formed the
word dauthu-s, 'death,' and here you see that the
rule holds good, and that the original t appears as th.
Why, then, we ask, was Grimm's Law broken in
the case of the participle dead, and maintained in the
case of the substantive death 1 Why is it to be called
a law at all, if it can be broken so easily ?
You will hardly believe it when I tell you that the
reason why in dead the participial t was changed into
d and not into th, and the reason why in death the
original t has been changed into th, has been discovered
in India, and in the language as spoken there three
or four thousand years ago. It is a general rule in
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 161
the ancient Vedic language that the accent must fall
on the vowel following the t of the participle. We
have to say, yukta, ki'ita, datta. But in many of
the substantives ending in tu, the accent falls on the
vowel preceding the t. Hence vastu, kratu, &c.
Whenever the accent in ancient Sanskrit falls on the
vowel following the t, as in the participle, Grimm's
Law does not apply ; t does not become th, but d.
But whenever the accent precedes the t, Grimm's Law
applies, and t is changed into th, as in death. Grimm's
Law is therefore not broken. It is rather confirmed
by a new law that comes in, and shows once more
the marvellous regularity in the growth of language —
a regularity which, if we fully realise what it means,
seems almost miraculous. The same hidden influences
which were at work in producing two such words as
dead and death were likewise active in all similar
cases. They, and they alone, help us to account for
the difference between such words as healed and
healthy to seethe and sodden, when we have in Anglo-
Saxon seothan, seath, but sudon and sodin.
My chief object in drawing your attention to this
one case was, to show how near such a language as
Sanskrit, which has sometimes been called the most
ancient language of the world, is really to us. The
ghost of that dead language, or of some even more
ancient ancestor, still haunts the dark passages of our
own speech. Though dead, it still speaketh. Sanskrit
ceased to be a spoken language in the third century
B. c. Even at that time its accents had ceased to be
what they were in Vedic times. Instead of being
complicated, like the accent in Greek, they had become
simplified, like the accents in Latin or English. We
VOL. I. M
162 EECENT ESSAYS.
did not even know that Sanskrit had ever been
pronounced according to the strict rules of accent
till we became acquainted with the literature of the
Vedic age. There, and there alone, the accents were
marked in our MSS,, and explained to us by the
ancient grammarians of India, who composed their
grammars in about 500 B.C.
Think, then, on the other side, for how many
centuries, if not for how many thousands of years,
Teutonic has been a separate and independent branch
of Aryan speech, spoken as Gothic on the Danube, as
Saxon near the Elbe, as Anglo-Saxon on the banks
of the Thames. Think of its free and independent
growth within these realms — and then try to under-
stand how such a minute point in English grammar,
the d of the participles and th of its abstract sub-
stantives, is still under the sway of a change of
accent from the ultimate to the penultimate syllable,
wliich took place thousands of years ago in the
language spoken by the poets of the Veda in the
vallej's of the Penjab. Is not this more marvellous
than a ghost story by Rider Haggard ? Does it not
make our hair stand on end when we see a dead
lansfuasre standino; before us so much alive, so much
able to will us, and to make us say either d or th,
whether we like it or not ? We have heard of letters
from the Mahatmas of Tibet flying through the air
from Lhassa to Calcutta and to London.. This does
very well for a novel. But here we have in sober
earnest the very accents of the ancient language of
the Veda flying across thousands of years from the
Sutledj to the Thames, so that we, in this very hall
here, must say death but dead, health but healed, to
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 163
seethe but sodden, simply and solely because some
dark-skinned poets in the common home of the Aryan
race, in Asia, chose to say something like *dhuta
for 'dead,' and *dhavatu for 'death.'
I am afraid this illustration may have proved
rather tedious and difficult to follow. But it was
necessary to give it in order to make you see with
3'our own eyes what I mean when I say that the true
charm of antiquity lies in its being so modern — not
in its being remote, but in its being so near to us, so
clo&e, so omnipresent. If Sanskrit -were simply a
piece of antiquity — aye, if it were as old as the
megatheria, or as old as the hills — we might stare
at it, we might w^onder at it, but it would never
attract us, it would never make us ponder, it would
never help us to learn how we came to be what we
are, how we speak as w^e do.
I say, therefore, that antiquity by itself is nothing
to us, and if Oriental languages, such as the ancient
language of India, or of Egypt, Babylon, China, could
display no other attractions than the wrinkles of old
age, they would never have gained such ardent
admirers as they still count among the young and
the old members of this society.
Sanskrit, no doubt, has an immense advantage over
all the other ancient languages of the East. It is so
attractive, and has been so widely admired, that it
almost seems at times to excite a certain amount of
feminine jealousy. We are ourselves Indo-Europeans.
In a certain sense we are still speaking and thinking
Sanskrit ; or, more correctly, Sanskrit is like a dear
aunt to us, and she takes the place of a mother who is
no more.
M a
164 EECENT ESSAYS.
But other languages of the East also have lost their
remoteness, and have entered by one way or another
into the arena of modern thouf^ht. The monuments
of Babylon and Assyria may be very old, but what
would they have been to us if those long rows of
wedge-shaped inscriptions had not been deciphered
by the brilliant genius and the persevering industry
of our honoured Director — and had not disclosed an
intimate relationship between the language of the
Mesopotamian kingdoms and what we call the Semitic
languages, languages still spoken by Arabs, by Syrians,
and by Jews ? Nor was it their language only that
has brought the cuneiform inscriptions within the
sphere of our scientific interests. After all, though
we are Aryas in language and thought, our religion
has drawn many elements from Semitic sources. The
Old Testament is nearer to us than the Veda. It was
by showing us the real historical position of the
sacred traditions of the Jews among the traditions of
the Babylonians and Assyrians, and of the whole
Semitic race, that cuneiform studies have taken their
place within the sphere of modern research, and are
helping us to solve questions which have perplexed
Biblical students for centuries. The traditions about
the Creation of the world, about the Deluge, about
the Tower of Babel, are now known to have been
Semitic in a general sense ; they were not, as we
imagined — nay, as we were called upon to believe —
the exclusive property of the Jewish race.
Egypt also has been drawn into this enchanted
and enchanting cii'cle. Its hieroglyphic, hieratic, and
demotic literature now claims a voice in the council
of the most modern research. The close relations
THE TRL'E ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 165
between Egypt, Babylon, and Palestine in the mo&t
ancient times have lately received an unexpected
confirmation. A diplomatic correspondence between
the Courts of Egypt and Babylon has been discovered
which is referred to 1500 b.c.^ That Egypt influenced
not only Palestine from the days of Moses, but likewise
Babylon and Nineveh, as, in later times, Greece, can
no longer be doubted. With every year new rays
of light from the land of the pyramids help us to
see how much in our most familiar thoughts comes
from Egypt. I will not tell you again the fairy story
of the migration of our alphabet. Suffice it to say that,
as in speaking English we speak Sanskrit, in writing
our letters we are really scrawling hieroglyphic signs.
But let us look for a moment at the folk-lore of
Egypt. Folk-lore, j^ou know, is very popular just
now, and it has not been slow to avail itself of
the Mdhrchen of ancient Egypt in order to show
how even the nurseries of the whole world are akin.
The solemn Egyptians were as fond of stories as
any other nations. Some of these stories have lately
been translated, and these translations may, on the
whole, be accepted as trustworthy. I shall read you
one, translated by Professor Brugsch, and which he
considers as the prototype of another story with which
we have all been familiar from our early childhood :
' The two sons of one father and one mother were,
on some beautiful day, doing their work in the field.
' The great brother gave an order to the little brother,
saying, " Go away from here, and fetch me seed-corn
from the village." The little brother went to find the
wife of his great brother, and found her sitting and
^ See before, p. 65.
166 RECENT ESSAYS.
busy plaiting her hair. And he said to her, " Rise
and give me seed-corn, that I may return to the field,
for my great brother has commanded me, saying,
' Hasten back to me and do not tarry.' " And the
woman said to him, " Go and open the seed-chest,
that thou mayest take what thy heart desires, and
that my hair may not be unfastened while I go."
' Then the youth went to his chamber to fetch
a large measure, for he wished to carry off as much
seed as possible. After he had loaded himself with
barley and buck-wheat, he marched away with his
heavy burden. But the woman stood in his way and
said, "How" heavy is the burden?" He answered,
" Three bushels of buck-wheat and two bushels of
barley ; together they are five bushels that rest on
m}' shoulders."
' Thus he spoke to her, and she laid hold of him
and said, " let us rest for an hour. I shall give thee
precious garments and all that is most beautiful."
* Eut the youth became furious at this base proposal,
like a panther from the South, and she was very
much terrified, yes, very much. And he addressed her,
saying, " Look, thou, O w^oman, hast been to me
like a mother, and thy husband like a father, because
he is older than I, and he has brought me up. Is
it not a great sin what thou hast said to me ? Never
repeat that speech. Then no man shall hear a word
of it out of my mouth."
' Then he lifted his burden and walked to the field,
and came to his great brother and they found plenty
of work to do. And when the evening drew near, his
great brother returned home, but his little brother
remained with the fiock, laden with all the oood
THE TllUE AXTIQ,UITY OF ORIEXTAL LITERATUEE. 107
thinjrs of the field. And he led the flock home, that
it misfht rest in the stable in the villacje.
' But lo, the wife of his great brother was afraid
on account of the proposal which she had made to the
little brother. And she swallowed a potful of fat.
and became as one who was sick, for she wished
her husband to think that she was sick on account
of his little brother.
* And when her husband came home in the evening
and entered the house, as was his wont, he found
his wife lying on her couch, as if going to die. She
did not pour water over his hands, according to
custom, nor did she light the lamp before him, so
that the house was dark. And she lay still and
was sick.
' Then her husband said to her, " Who has spoken
to thee ? " And she answered, " No one has spoken
to me except thou and thy little brother. When
he came home to fetch the seed, he found me alone
and asked me to rest with him for an hour. But
I did not listen to him, and said, ' Am I not thy
mother, and is not thy great brother to thee like
a father?' Thus I spake to him, but he did not
mind my words, but beat me, that I should not inform
thee. Now, if you allow him to live, I shall kill
myself." '
Professor Brugsch thinks that we have to recognise
in this popular Egyptian story the source of the story
of Joseph and Potiphar's wife, as preserved to us
in the Book of Genesis. Most students of folk-lore
will probably agree with him ; but I think, we ought
to pause. We may admit that it is possible, that
it is probable ; but we cannot say that it is proven.
168 RECENT ESSAYS.
There is one objection pointed out by Professor
Brugsch himself. He says that such names as Potl-
phar never occur in Egyptian before the ninth century,
and that therefore Moses himself could never have
heard the name of Potiphar and his wife. Potiphar
in Egyptian means the gift of the god Ra, from puti,
gift, and ra, the god Pa, with the article p. It would,
therefore, have meant the same as the Greek name
Heliodoros. Professor Brugsch is, no doubt, a very
high authority on such matters, perhaps the highest.
Still it seems to me that very important arguments
have been brought forward to show that proper
names, formed on the same lines as Potiphar, do
occur at a much earlier time. On this point we
must wait for Professor Brugsch's reply. But even
if he were right on this point, folk-lorists would say
that the story in Genesis might still have been
borrowed from Egyptian, because no scholar now
maintains that the text of Genesis, as we possess it,
is older than the ninth century, or that it w^as written
down much before the sixth century B.C.
What makes me feel doubtful whether the story in
Genesis was ideally borrowed from the Egyptian story
is something different. It is the peculiar character of
the Egyptian story. The sinfulness of the Egyptian
woman consists not so much in her falling in love
with a stranger, as in her almost incestuous passion
for her husband's younger brother, who had the same
father and the same mother, and to whom she herself
had been like a mother. These characteristic features
are entirely absent in the story of Potiphar's wife.
She is simply a frail woman, the wife of a captain
of the guard ; and I must leave it to my friends the
THE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIENTAL LITERATURE. 169
folk-lorists to determine whether there coiilJ only-
have been one Potiphar's wife in the whole ancient
history of Egypt, or whether the chapter of accidents
and accidental coincidences is not larger than we
imagine.
Having thus shown by a few examples how near
the language, the literature, the religion, and even the
folk-lore of India, Babylon, Nineveh, and Egypt have
been brought to us, and how closely they touch even
spme of the burning questions of our own time,
I should like, by way of contrast, to say a few words
about China. China claims to possess the most ancient
literature of the world, but you see that its extreme
old age, supposing it were granted, has proved as yet
of very little attraction. Chinese studies are confined
to a very small number of scholars. The public at
large, which is always ready and anxious to listen
to anything new or old from India, from Babylon,
Nineveh, or from Egypt, takes little notice as yet of
the sayings and doings of the old emperors of China.
Why is that? Because there are no intellectual
bonds that unite us with ancient China. We have
received nothing from the Chinese. There is no electric
contact between the white and the yellow race. It
has not been brought near to our hearts. China is
simply old, very old, that is, remote and strange. If
Chinese scholars would bring the ancient literature
near to us, if they would show us soinethiug in it that
really concerns us, something that is not merely old
but eternally young, Chinese studies would soon take
their place in public estimation by the side of Indo-
European, Babylonian, and Egyptian scholarship.
There is no reason why China should remain so
1 70 RECENT ESSAYS.
strange, so far removed from our common interests.
There is much to be learnt, for instance, in watching
the origin and growth of the Chinese system of writing.
There is more of psychology and logic to be gathered
from the pictorial representation of thought in China
than from many lengthy treatises on the origin of
language and the classification of concepts. Chinese
religion also is a subject well worth the serious atten-
tion of the theologian, and the very contrast between
their philosophy and our own might teach us at least
that one useful lesson that there is more to ba learnt
even there than is dreamt of in our philosophy.
If the facts which I have so far placed before you
are true, what follows? It follows that Oriental
scholarship must no longer rely on the old saying
that distance lends enchantment to the scene. Mere
distance, mere antiquity, mere strangeness, will not
secure to it a lasting hold on our affections.
Unless the scholar has a heart, and unless he can
discover something in the ancient world that appeals
to our hearts, his labour will be in vain. The world
will pass by, after a cursory glance at our mummies,
and will take its lantei'n, if possibly it may find
a man, somewhere else. It is sometimes supposed
that physical science as distinguished from historical
science, the study of the works of nature as kept
apart from the study of the works of man, possesses
great advantages. It deals with tangible facts, it
clears up many mysteries, and it often leads to useful
and lucrative discoveries. All that is true. But
I confess I wonder how my old friend Renan,
who has done so much to make the study of Eastern
antiquity a living study, could have expressed a regret
*riIE TRUE ANTIQUITY OF ORIEXTAL LITERATURE. 171
at having dedicated liis life and energies to Oriental
languages and not to chemistry. Man has been, is,
and always will be, the centre of the world, the
measurer of all things. Take even the cliemist's
atoms. Who made them? who thought and named
them ? Nature gives us no atoms. Nature knows
nothing that is not divisible. Men postulated atoms
in spite of nature ; and that fundamental concept,
that belief in the infinite, in the infinitely small, as
well as in the infinitely gi-eat, is more important to
a thoughtful student than the whole table of atoms of
the chemist.
It is man who has to find the key to all the mysteries
of nature, and when all these mysteries have been
solved, there still remains the greatest mystery of all
mysteries — man. However much we may forget it
when absorbed in minute researches, man is, and will
always remain, the hidden subject of all our thoughts.
Philosophers imagine that they can study man in
the abstract, or that they are able to discover all his
secrets by introspection. Much, no doubt, has been
achieved by that method ; but, at the very best, all
it can teach us is what man is, not how man has come
to be what he is. To solve this problem, the most
important of all problems that concern us, our age
has discovered a now method, the Iddorical method.
What is called the Historical School has taken posses-
sion not only of philosophy, but likewise of the wide
fields of language, mythology, religion, customs, and
laws. The study of all these subjects has been com-
pletely reformed — has received a fresh foundation and
a new life by being based on historical research, and
by being pervaded by the historical spirit.
172 ilECENT ESSAYS.
Here, then, in the study of the past lies the "bright
future of Oriental studies. Let Oriental scholars
remember that they have to work for a great object,
and let them never mistake the means for the end;
That is the dandier that besets Oriental more than
any other studies. It is, no doubt, very creditable
to learn to read hieroglyphics, to understand cunei-
form inscriptions, to decipher the language of the
Vedic hymns, to read Arabic, Persian, or Hebrew.
But unless, while engaged in our special studies,
whatever they may be, we can contribute some stones,
however small, to the building of that temple which
is dedicated to the knowledge of man, and therefore
to the knowledge of God, we are but beasts of burden,
carrying, it may be, heavy loads, but throwing them
down by the road, where they are more likely to
impede than to help the progress of true knowledge.
Give us men who are not only scholars but thinkers,
men like Sir W. Jones and Colebrooke in England,
like Cbampollion and Eugene Burnouf in France, like
Schlegel and Humboldt in Germany, and Oriental
scholarship will soon take the place that of right
belongs to it among the studies of mankind. Man
loves man. Discover what is truly human, not only
what is old, in India, Persia, Arabia, in Babylon and
Nineveh, in Egypt — aye, and in China also — and
Oriental studies will not only become popular — that
may be worth very little — but they will become
helpful to the attainment of man's highest aim on
earth, which is to study man, to know man, and,
with all his weaknesses and follies, to learn to love
man.
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OF LECTURES,'
IT is very satisfactory to watch the steady and
healthy gi'owth of anything, whether it be a tree
in our garden, or a child in our family, or some good
work in which we have been allowed to take an active
share. In this life so many plans that seem excellent
in themselves are doomed to failure, that we feel all
the more gi'ateful whenever one of them succeeds.
When some years ago my friends first explained to
me their plan of extending the benefits of University
teaching to a wider area, and when at a later time
they suggested the idea of inviting those who had
attended the lectures given by members of our Uni-
versity in different centres, to spend some weeks in
this centre of all centres, within the ancient ivy-clad
walls of Oxford, I must confess that I did not feel very
confident of success. Still it seemed to me a plan
worth trying, if only in order to prove that the Uni-
versities, which enjoy so many ancient privileges,
are always ready to respond to any demand which
the country at large may make on them in the interest
of national education and general enlightenment.
The success of this experiment has been much
• Inaugural address delivered at the Opening of the Oxford University
Extension Lectures, August i, 1890.
174 RECENT ESSAYS.
greater than any of us could have expected. It has
really taken even the most sanguine among us by
surprise.
Think that these Oxford University Extension
Lectures were started only five years ago. In 1885
to 1886 we began with 27 courses ; in the year 1889
to 1890 the number of courses had risen to 148. In
the first year the number of places which invited our '
lecturers was 31 ; in the last year the number of so-
called centres was 109. We do not know what was
the exact number of students in the first year, from
1885 to 1886. But last year the number of students
reported by the local committees as being in average
attendance amounted to 17,904.
This surely is not what the French call tine quanilte
negligeahle. It exceeds, I believe, the number of
students at all the Universities of England, Scotland,
and Ireland taken together. And what is more im-
portant still, attendance on all these courses of lectures
is purely voluntary; nay, it often entails an effort
and a sacrifice of time and money, and it does not
cost the country a single penny. I know that some
of my friends consider that we have a very strong
claim on Government assistance. I do not deny it.
All I say is that nothing gives us such confidence in
the healthy growth of what we may call the People s
University, as seeing it walk so vigorously without
the help of crutches.
But this very success ought to make us careful,
ought to make us consider whether we are really
doing the best we can. We have had, no doubt, the
approval of the most competent judges, but we have
also had our critics, and all through life I have always
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OF LECTURES. 175
found it far more useful to listen to those who are
against us than to those who are with us.
You are aware that the system of imparting in-
struction by means of lectures, the system on which
we chiefly rely, has for some time been subjected to
an uncompromising criticism. Lectures are said to be
a mere survival of the Middle Ages. Eefore the
invention of printing, and so long as MSS. were rare,
it is admitted that teaching could only be carried on
by word of mouth. It has been so from the time of
Pythagoras and Plato to the time of Justinian, in
Greece and in Rome ; it is so to the present day
among the Brahmans of India, who, if they adhere to
their ancient orthodox system of education, have to
learn their sacred writings, the Vedas, from the mouth
of a teacher, and not from a MS., still less from
a printed book.
But it is now four centuries and a-half since print-
ing was invented. Books have not only been rendered
accessible, but they have in our days become so cheap
that it certainly entails less expense of money and
time to bu}^ a book and read it than to attend a course
of lectures. We are told, therefore, that the time for
oral teaching has gone b}^ and that we are fighting
against the spirit of the age in trying to maintain,
and even to extend, the antiquated system of impart-
ing instruction by means of public lectures.
This sounds very plausible, nay, I am willing to
admit, it contains some truth, but not. as we shall see,
the whole truth. We may readily admit that the old
style of lecturing admits of improvement, but we need
not therefore discard lecturing altogether as used up,
useless, nay, even mischievous.
17'6 RECENT ESSAYS.
First of all, it is quite clear that the system of oral
instruction will always remain the only possible
system with boys and gii-ls at school. Try to imagine
what schools would be with books only, and without
masters ! To the boys it might seem an earthly
paradise, to others, I fear, more like the opposite
place. It is difficult enough with the best of teachers
and the most attractive of books to lead our young
barbarians to the water and to make them drink.
Without a master to guide them, to help them, to
drive them, to coax them, if not to cram them, I am
afraid that but few would slake their thirst at the
fountain of knowledge of their own free will.
We need not dwell on this point. Everybody
admits it. Eut it may be useful to remember that,
during that early stage at all events, the personal
element, the human influence of the teacher, is
altogether indispensable.
The question with which v:e have to deal is whether
that human influence is, if not indispensable, at all
events useful at a later stage also, or whether a system
which has proved itself useful at school becomes, for
some reason or other, really hurtful at the Univer-
sities, and if at the Universities, then all the more so
in our attempt at extending the benefits of University
teaching to larger classes, who of necessity remain
debarred from some very important advantages of
our academic life.
That lectures have their drawbacks who would
deny 1 I have suftered in my youth from lectures
as a passive hearer, and I am well aware how often
I must have inflicted the same suffering on other
passive hearers by my own lectures in later life.
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OF LECTLKES. 177
Let US openly confess what these drawbacks are.
First of all, most lectures are too long. A whole
hour is very long, even for a sermon, which we may
follow w^ith our eyes closed ; it is certainly too long
for a lecture that requires us to be wide awake from
beginning to end. It is generally the last quarter
of an hour that does all the mischief, that makes us
impatient, dissatisfied, angry — that often ruins the
very best of lectures. I strongly recommend, there-
fore, the remedy which has been accepted in all
German Universities, the so-called Academic Quarter.
The German professor begins punctually at a quarter-
past and ends punctually as the clock strikes. This
gives the German students a quarter of an hour
breathing time — I won't say, smoking time — between
two lectures.
Secondly, our audiences are generally too large,
or, I should rather say, they are too mixed. This
is a very serious drawback, particularly from the
lecturer's point of view. If we aim at one target
we may possibly hit it ; if we have to aim at two
or three or four, we are almost sure to miss them all.
Here also I speak feelingly. It might be supposed
that in a university which is protected by a matricu-
lation examination, this difficulty did not exist. But
it does exist. We have in Oxford the ablest and
best-taught young men, who need not fear comparison
with the first-class men of any other country. But
we have also a very large number of students to
whom real academic teaching can be of no use what-
ever. To them professorial lectures, as I know from
sad experiences, are hurtful rather than useful. Often
when in former days I looked over the notes of some
VOL. I. N
178 RECENT ESSAYS.
of my pupils or listened to their questions, I was
perfectly amazed at the utter confusion of thought.
Not only had what I said been completely misunder-
stood, but I seemed to have laboured for a whole
hour in order to inculcate the very opposite of what
I wished to convey,
I shall give you one instance of what happened
to me — not at Oxford, for one ought not to tell tales
out of school — but at the Royal Institution in London.
The audience there is certainly the most enlightened,
the most brilliant, the most learned and critical
audience one has to face anywhere in the world — but
it is mixed.
Years ago, when it was still necessary to prove
that Hebrew was not the primitive language of all
mankind, I had devoted a whole lecture to showing
the impossibility of this opinion. I explained how it
arose, and I placed before my audience a complete
genealogical tree of the Aryan and Semitic languages,
where everybody could see with his own eyes the
place which Hebrew really holds in the historical
pedigree of human speech.
After the lecture was over one of my audience
came up to me to shake hands and thank me for
having shown so clearly how all languages, including
Sanskrit and English, were derived from Hebrew,
the language spoken in Paradise by Adam and Eve.
Imagine my consternation ! I well remember how
I went to Faraday, who had listened to my lecture,
and told him that after that it really was no use
lecturing any more. He smiled, and with a twinkle
in his dark eyes, he said : ' You need not complain.
I have been lecturing in this Institution for many
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OE LECTURES. 170
years, and over and over again, after I have explained
and shown before their very eyes how water consists
of hydrogen and oxygen, some stately dowager will
march up to me after the lecture and say in a conti-
dential whisper, " Now, Mr. Faraday, you don't really
mean to say that this water here in your tumbler
is nothing but hydrogen and oxygen? " Go on lec-
turing,' he said, ' something will alwa3's stick.'
I believe Faraday was right. Something will
always stick, and light will sometimes spring from
the very densest confusion of thought in which a pupil
leaves the lecture-room. Still a laige and mixed
audience is a real evil, and I do not see why our
Society should not devise some means of sifting and
dividing audiences^ instead of depending altogether on
the all-powerful principle of natural selection, which
no doubt will keep most people away from lectures
that seem to them both useless and tedious.
All other objections, however, which have been
raised against the usefulness of lectures, our delegacy
has carefully considered, and, as I hope to be able
to show, has met as successfully as they can be met.
It has been said that, when there is a really good
book, it is better to read that book than to attend
a course of lectures.
This sounds very plausible, no doubt. The best
book on any subject must contain more valuable
and more trustworthy information than can possibly
be claimed by any of the ninety-nine professors
who lecture on the same subject. But supposing Ihat
there is such a best book — one of those mythical
Hundred Best Books of which we have heard so
much of late — that book may be a monument of
N a
180 RECENT ESSAYS.
industry, a storehouse of learning, a perfect work
of genius, but is it the best book, therefore, for the
purposes of teaching 1 No man will become a painter
by looking at a Raphael. No one wnll become a
musician by listening to a symphony of Beethoven.
And no one will become a philosopher by pondering
over the pages of Kant's ' Critique of Pure Reason.'
A ycung man may not want the same amount of
guidance as a boy, but he wants help, advice, en-
couragement, and human sympathy, and these he can
get from a man only, not from a book.
It has been said that in reading a book we can
sit and ponder silently over a difficult passage, we
can turn back to a former chapter, and wait till the
fog has lifted and the air has become clear again,
while a professor has to talk on for ever and ever,
without stopping. Now^ it is quite true, we cannot
interrupt a professor and say : ' Stop, stop, sir, I have
not quite taken in your argument.' But surely a
professor who is worth his salt will himself pause
occasionally, will go over the same ground again,
because he feels, nay he sees, if he has eyes to see,
from the bewildered looks of his pupils, that he
has not treated the subject quite successfully.
I remember professors who lectured on Metaphysics
— for instance. Professor Weisse at Leipzig, who
paused very often, who seemed, indeed, to wrestle,
like Jacob with the angel, till he found the right
name and the right words for what he wished to say.
It was often like an intellectual stammer and stutter,
and yet that very stammer and stutter has left a deep
impression on my mind of an honest thinker, of a real
wrestler with truth.
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OF LECTLRES. 181
Every professor in Germany publishes books, but he
seldom publishes his lectures. I do not think that
this arises from the sordid motive attributed to him,
that he does not like to part with the goose that lays
the golden eggs. It arises chiefly from the fact that
if written at all, his lectures are written in a didactic,
conversational, a Socratic style. Besides they must
always contain so much that has been said by others
that there seldom is any demand for such lectures
outside the lecture-room. In cases where they have
been published, generally after a professor's death,
they have seldom added much to his reputation,
though, of course, there are exceptions, such as, for
instance, ' Niebuhr's Lectures,' published by my late
friend, Dr. Schmitz. They are certainly more read-
able and more enjoyable than his ' History of
Rome.'
Much, however, depends, of course, on the lecturer.
It is by no means necessary that every lecturer should
be an original genius, a great discoverer, or an elo-
quent orator. What is necessary is that he should be
an honest man, a man who has acquired his know-
ledge by patient study, who has made it entirely his
own, and who feels so perfectly at home in his own
subject that he is willing to answer any reasonable
questions that may be addressed to him, without
being ashamed to say occasionally, ' I don't know.'
That kind of lecturer does not simply teach facts ;
his object is to teach how to master the facts, how to
arrange, how to digest, how to remember them. He
knows his own struggles in acquiring knowledge, and
he fights, as it were, his own battles over once more
before the eyes of his pupils. If he has faith in what
182 RECENT ESSAY?.
he teacbes, his voice appeals more powerfully to our
imagination than a silent page. No italics, no signs
of exclamation, can equal in impressiveness the natural
emphasis of conviction that issues at times, like an
electric current, from the voice of a teacher, or even
of the most unimpassionecl preacher.
We must not forget that there is room for preaching
as well as for teaching lectures. When we want to
stimulate interest before we convey information, we
have to plead for our subject, we have to exhibit
its charms, expound its usefulness, and show our
pupils how they themselves may in time take their
place in the noble army for the conquest of truth.
No doubt a book also may sometimes kindle en-
thusiasm, but the shortest and safest way from the
heart to the heart is, and always will be, the human
voice.
Most of our own lectures here are no doubt meant
to bo teaching lectures. And with regard to them
I quite agree with our critics that they ought to be
based on a text-book. A teacher should either dictate
the outlines of his lectures, or he should prepare a very
full syllabus, giving what may be called by an ugly
name the skeleton of his lectures, which by his oral
teaching he has to endow with flesh, with muscles and
nerves and life. Such a syllabus ought likewise to
contain bibliographical notices, recommending certain
books or portions of books for private study — nay,
if it were not too invidious, giving warnings also
against useless books. The time that is wasted by
students in the country by reading useless, stupid,
nay, mischievous books is incredible. I know it from
numerous letters which I receive^ and which I have
A LECTURE IX DEFENCE OF LECTURES. 183
often to answer by saying, 'Tiy to forget all that
you have read in that book.'
I must not mention these books by name. Some
of them are very popular, and enjoy a large circu-
lation. I can onl}' say that some of them are intended
to prove the descent of the Anglo-Saxon race from
the Lost Tribes of Israel. I never could understand
why so many people, particularly old ladies, should
be so anxious to prove themselves lineal descendants
of these lost tribes. Another favourite subject which
attracts a large number of readers, to judge from the
numerous letters which I receive, is Esoteric Bud-
dhism. I always recommend as an antidote a dose
of Exoteric Buddhism, of real historical Buddhism,
as we find it in the sacred books of its numerous
sects. But, alas ! to most people esoteric sounds so
much better than exoteric, and fiction is so much
more attractive than dry facts ! Next follow books,
pamphlets, and even regular journals on Spiritism,
Mesmerism, Fetishism, Comtism, and all the rest, and
the amount of mischief that is done by these different
propagandas is incalculable.
But even if the compilers of a syllabus should be
afraid of issuing such warnings, a new kind of an Index
expurgatorius of ignorant or reallj' dangerous books,
their recommendation of useful books would prevent
many of the accidents which, we are told, happen to
those who attend public lectures. With a syllabus
in his hands no hearer need carry away wrong dates
or misspelt names. The misfortune that happened to
a student of metaphysics, who spelt the Universal
I or Ego, Eye, is ludicrous, no doubt. But is it really
so serious as it seems 1 Would there really be much
]84 EECENT ESSAYS.
difference between the Universal I or Ego and the
Universal Eye or Oculus ? Both are metaphors, and
it seems to me the Universal Eye or Percipient
would convey much the same lesson as the Universal
I or Ego, that is, the universal person, the persona,
literally, the mask. Still, I quite admit we must not
spell I, eye ; it is not even phonetic spelling.
I doubt whether those who profess an entire want
of confidence in our so-called Extension-lectures are
really aware of all the pains that are taken in order
to ensure the efficiencyof our lectures.
Remember what our lectui'ers have to do. They
have, first of all, to prepare a very elaborate syllabus.
They have then to lecture a whole hour before a
somewhat mixed audience. They have then to go
over the same subject with those who remain for
another hour, answer questions, and give advice for
private reading. Before they give their next public
lecture they have to examine essays and answers to
questions sent in by their pupils, and again advise
and direct them in their home work. At the end of
each course, consisting of six, of twelve, sometimes
of twenty such lectures, examiners are appointed to
test the progress made by the pupils, and those only
who have satisfied both the examiners and the lec-
turers have a right to receive a certificate. I really
doubt whether our critics could be aware of all these
safeguards which our delegacy has devised in order
to make these University lectures really effective.
I confess I do not see what fault even the most
captious critic can find with them. Anyhow, if a
book by itself could really do all that we try to do
by means of lectures and books, I doubt whether our
A LECTUilE IN DEFENCE OF LECTURES. 185
lecturers would have been so thoroughly appreciated
in the various provincial centres as they evidently
have been hitherto. Si argumentum quaeris, cir-
cumspice!
And as to our annual gatherings here at Oxford,
though they have been called mere picnics, we know
that they are more than that, and that they have
borne good fruit. They are no doubt intended as a
mixture of what is sweet and what is useful. A fort-
night or a month spent at Oxford at the best time of
the year is certainly delightful, and it is meant to
be so. But I believe it is also a lesson, and, it may
be, a very important lesson. The mere sight of our
venerable and beautiful University, so full of historical
memories, wherever you look, must leave on those
who come to visit us an impression of reverence for
what is old and of sympathy for what is young.
Ruins are very eloquent, but Oxford is not all ruins.
You all know the story of the j'oung American lady
who was lost in admiration in the cloisters of Mao--
dalen College. Suddenly a window was opened, and
a young man looked out. * O, my ! ' she exclaimed,
• are these ruins inhabited ? ' Yes, they are inhabited ;
these old ruins of ours are full of young life. I re-
member many years ago another visitor at Oxford,
Frederick William IV, the King of Prussia. He also
was lost in admii-ation of our ruins. ' Gentlemen,'
he said, when he left us, ' Oxford is a wonderful place ;
everything old in it is young, everything young is
old.'
In these few words 3'ou have the whole secret
of the political and social life of England — reverence
for the past, faith in the future. And here is a lesson
186 RECKIfT ESSAYS.
which Oxford can teach and does teach without any
lecturer and without any book.
But let it not be supposed that these summer
meetings are all play and no work. If you look at
the programme of our lectures this year, you will see
liow carefully they have been arranged, and if you
look at our lecture-rooms you will see how zealously
these lectures are attended.
But you must not expect that lectures can work
miracles. It requires two people to make a lecture :
one who is willing to teach and one who is anxious
to learn. Lectures run off like water from a duck's
back, or, as the Hindus say, like rain from a lotus
leaf, unless we are determined to drink them in ; and,
not only to drink them in, but, in the true sense of
the word, to masticate, to denticate, to chump, and to
grind them, and then only to swallow them. It is
not enough to be simpl}^ passive or receptive, while
listening to a lecturer. We should be active ourselves,
nay, even independent, and always try to combine the
new knowledge which we receive with the old know-
ledge which we already possess. I do not mean to
say that our attitude in listening to a lecturer should
always be sceptical or captious. Far from it. But
it should always be free and critical, and critical not
so much with regard to facts as with regard to words.
There are many facts which we must all accept on
trust. Life would be too short if every one had to go
step by step through the whole process by which the
knowledge of certain events has reached us. There
are few scholars, I believe, who could explain by what
process of chronological calculation even so simple
a fact as the date of the battle of Marathon has been
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OF LECTURES. 187
ostablished ; still fewer who couLl tell how it has
been proved that Buddha, the founder of the Euddhist
religion, was preaching about the same time in India
the doctrines of a new faith. "We know that there are
scholars who have devoted their whole attention to
special subjects, and who could tell us how to deter-
mine the date when the Old Testament was for the
first time reduced to writing ; how to distinguish
between the genuine and the spurious books of
Aristotle ; how to prove, what sounds at first almost
incredible, that English is intimately related with
Sanskrit, and how to silence those who represent
Sanskrit literature as a mere forgery of wily Brah-.
mans. But unless we feel ourselves specially inter-
ested in any one of these questions, we must accept
the answers on the authority of special students, just
as many of us accept the Copernican system of the
world and Newton's law of gravitation, without being
able to defend either the one or the other against all
gainsayej's.
It is not so much with regard to facts as with
regard to words that we have to assert our indepen-
dence. Words are the wings of our mind, but they
often become the most dangerous snares.
When last year I had the pleasure of delivering
Itefore this meeting some lectures on the Science of
Language ^, my chief object was to warn you against
the snares of words, and, at all events, to call your
attention to the superlative importance of language
in all the operations of our mind. If language and
thought are inseparable, if they are but the two sides
of one and the same process, it must be clear how
' 'Three Lectures on the Science of Language, 'Longman?, 1SS9.
188 RECENT ESSAYS.
much accuracy of thought depends on accuracy of
language.
Now, I am glad to say, these lectures of mine were
listened to as all lectures ought to he listened to, in
an independent and a critical spirit. Some of my
hearers found it hard to give up the usual terminology
which distinguishes between language and thought,
as we distinguish between body and soul. It required
an effort with many to adopt the old Greek termi-
nology, which has but one term. Logos, both for
language and for thought. They did not see at once
that worded thought or Logos is but the highest
sphere of our mental life, and lays no claim on the
lower strata, such as perception, emotion, intuition,
calculation, which do not require the help of language,
and which, therefore, we share in common with the
dumb creation. But all of my correspondents — some
of them quite as intelligent as my critics in the
Nineteenth Century and the Contemi^orary Review —
came to see in the end that what is called discursive
thought was altogether impossible and inconceivable
without lancfuaGfe.
As all lectures have, we may hope, to deal with
discursive and deliberate thought, let me impress once
more on my hearers that they should themselves
deliberate on the words in which information is con-
veyed to them. It is chiefly by taking so many words
on trust that we find ourselves entangled in so many
difficulties, so many contradictions, or, to use a Kantian
phrase, so many antinomies of thought. Consider that
the materials of our knowledge, the objects around
us, have always been the same. Consider that the
instruments of our knowledge, call tbem the senses.
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OF LECTURES. 189
the understanding, the reason, or anything else, are
likewise the same. How, then, can we account for
the fact that every system of philosophy, from Thales
to Kant, is contradicted by another system ? It is
chiefly, if not entirely, language that has thrown the
apple of discord among us. We call the same thing
by different names, and different things by the same
name, and then we wonder that, as at the time of the
Tower of Babel, so even now, we do not understand
one another's speech.
But this is neither the time nor the place for
a lecture on metaphysics. Nor is it so much from
philosophical or technical terms that the evil of con-
fused thought, or what is called intellectual fog,
arises. Some of the most familiar terms are really
causing the greatest mischief, terms which look so
simple, so innocent, that it seems almost an imperti-
nence to ask them what they are and what they mean.
Take such a term as heredity. If a child has blue
eyes and the father has blue eyes, of course the child
has inberited the father's blue eyes. If the child has
brown eyes and the mother has brown eyes — again,
the child has, of course, inherited the mother's brown
eyes. And if the child has green eyes, and neither
his father nor his mother was a green-eyed monster,
nevertheless the eyes of the child are again inherited.
Their green colour is due either to some obscure
mixture of blue and brown, or to some atavismal
influence, going back ever so far. Heredity, you see,
is always right ; it cannot possibly be wrong, whatever
happens.
Yet it requires but little reflection to see that
heredity, as applied to peculiarities of body and mind,
190 EECENT ESSAYS.
is one of the boldest of poetical metaphors which, as
I said, form both the wings and the snares of that
strange bird which we call our mind. What we want
is a definition of heredity, when applied either to
acquired or to non-acquired peculiarities of living-
beings. Those who had the advantage of listening to
some thoughtful lectures on heredity, delivered here
last year, will remember how difficult a subject heredity
really is, and how carefully it has to be defined and
subdivided before it can be used for sound, scientific
speculation.
Another word used at random, which seems to
explain everything and really explains nothing, is
race. If you ask what is meant by that word, you
are generally told that race means blood, common
blood. But we are told, not only in the Bible, but
by Darwin also, that the whole human race is of the
same blood, and we know that, if it were otherwise,
such has been — in historic and pre-historic times —
the mixture of blood by war, extirpation, captivity,
and migration, that a race, or a family, or a single
individual of unmixed blood, would in these latter
days be an utter impossibility. What applies to
blood, applies to bones, skull, hair, skin, and all that
constitutes the outward character of an organic being.
And yet this undefined word race is called in to
explain almost anything. Historians will tell us that
the Jews worshipped one God, because they belonged
to the Semitic race, and the Semitic race has a mono-
theistic instinct. Politicians will tell us that the Irish
and the Welsh hale union with England because they
belong to the Celtic race, and Celtic blood has an
instinctive aversion to Saxon blood. All this is meta-
A LECTUllE IN DEFENCE OE LECTURES. 101
plior, nothing but metaphor. No chemist can (.listiu-
guish, as yet, between Semitic and Aryan, or between
Celtic and Saxon blood. No physiologist can define
what he means by an Aryan or Semitic skull, by
Aryan or Semitic hair, by Aryan or Semitic coloured
skin. What holds these so-called races together is
not common blood or common bone, or common hair,
but the intellectual bond of a conmion language, of
a common literature, or of a common religion, in fact,
of common long-continued historical traditions. If
race is once defined in that sense, lectures on racial
peculiarities or similarities will become really useful,
far more so than if the word is accepted as an in-
explicable something which nevertheless has to explain
everything.
And what applies to race applies to species also.
Darwin, as you know, has written a whole book on
the ' Origin of Species,' without ever giving, so far as
I remember, any real definition of what is meant by
that term. If I understand the drift of his argument
rightly, what he has really proved in his 'Origin of
Species ' is that in nature there is no room for species
at all. Nature knows of individuals and of genera.
Individuals, in order to be individuals, must differ
from each other, however slight and imperceptible
their differences may be. For our own purposes, we
may call individuals which share certain more or
less stable peculiarities in common, species. But no
species has an independent existence in nature, apart
from the genus to which it belongs. Species are
entirely of our own making ; they are names by
which we comprehend and classify individuals, be-
longing to the same genus, and sharing certain more
193 RECENT ESSAYS.
or less variable peculiarities in common. If we once
see this clearly, then we can enter into the true spirit
of Darwin's speculations, and see how intimately they
are connected with the oldest problems that have
occupied the mind of man — how to name, that is, how
to know, the endless variety of the phenomenal world.
Take whatever words you like, and you will find
that the}^ require to be examined from time to time.
You remember how when we start on a railway jour-
ney there is a tapping noise all along the line of
cariiao-es. It arises from a man striking each wheel
with an iron hammer, to see whether it is sound and
has the right ring. That is what we ought to do with
our words, at least with the more important ones,
before we start on a course of reading, or while we
are attending a course of lectures. We ought from
time to time to tap our words with the iron hammer
of the Science of Language, to see whether they have
the rio-ht rinsr. How often of late, when listening to
the wrangling about Home Rule, have I said to my-
self, ' Oh, that some one, whoever he be, would tap
that word, and give us a definition of what is meant
and what is not meant by Home Rule.' Nothing
would be more useful for shortening the Sessions of
Parliament. Or, when theologians are for ever dis-
puting about inspiration, how much bad blood and
bad language might be saved if some Bishop or
Archbishop would give us an accurate definition of
inspiration, so that we might know once for all what
is comprehended by that name and what is not.
Though I have tried to defend lectures, and have
endeavoured to show how even in these days, when
the deluge of books seems to have set in, we cannot
A LECTURE IN DEFENCE OF LECTURES. 193
do without lectures, I must admit that there is with
lectures, more particularly with eloquent lectures, this
great danger, that they produce too implicit a defer-
ence to authority. Jurare in verba magistri, to
swear by the words of a professor, is a real danger,
against which we must be on our guard. And the
best safeguard is that which the Science of Language
supplies in showing us the intimate connexion be-
tween language and thought, and letting us see how
words arise, how they change from generation to
generation, how they grow old and corrupt, and have
often to be discarded altogether. Words will govern
us unless we govern them. This is perhaps the most
valuable lesson which the Science of Language has
taught us. It is not a new lesson, but it is a lesson
which has to be inculcated again and again, on the
teacher as well as on the learner. Most of those who,
not without a considerable effort, have come to attend
our lectures, are men and women who have thought
for themselves, who have grappled with time-honoured
watchwords, who have retained their faith in some,
and have rejected others. I congratulate our lecturers
on having such classes to teach, where they may
reckon on a genuine desire to learn, and, at the same
time, on a strong independence of thought in accept-
ing instruction. And I doubt not that while teachers
and learners are exploring together in this place, the
ruins of ancient thought, and the labyrinths of modern
science, they will feel the silent influence of Oxford,
and take to heart the lesson which our University
has taught to so many generations of Englishmen,
Scotchmen, and L'ishmen — respect for what is old
and the warmest sympathy for what is new and true.
VOL. I. o
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY/
AWELL- KNOWN student once expressed his
admiration for Oxford, by saying that it would
be Paradise Regained, if only the Long Vacation lasted
the whole year. But remember, he was not an idle
Fellow, but one of those who construe vacate with
a dative, when it means to be free from all interrup-
tions for the pursuit of study. Well, this peaceful
sanctuary of Oxford was suddenly changed last
summer into a perfect bee-hive. The Colleges, the
libraries, the gardens, the streets, the river were all
swarming with visitors. As the clock struck, from
ten in the morning till five in the afternoon, streams
of gentlemen and ladies were seen coming out and
going back to the lecture-rooms. Every lecture-room
was as full as it could hold, and the eager faces and
the quick-moving pens and pencils showed that the
students had come on earnest business bent. It was
in fact a realised dream of what a University might
be, or what it ought to be, perhaps, what it will be
again, when the words of our President are taken to
heart that' man needs knowledge, not only as a meana
of livelihood, but as a means of life.'
* An Address delivered at the Mansion House, February 23, i8<S9,
before the Society for the Extension of University Teaching.
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 195
This sudden metamorphosis of Oxford was duo to
the first meeting of students under the University
Extension system. They had been invited to reside
in Oxford for the first ten days in August. Nearly
a thousand availed themselves of this invitation, of
whom about seven hundred were University Exten-
sion students from the Oxford, Cambridge, and London
centres. Sixty-one lectures were delivered during
the ten days, on literature, history, economics, and
science. Besides these lectures, conferences were held
for discussing questions connected with extended
University teaching. All these lectures and confer-
ences were remarkably well attended from beginning
to end, and yet there was time for afternoon excur-
sions and social gatherings. The antiquities of Oxford,
the Colleges, libraries and chapels, were well explored,
generally under the guidance of the Head or the
Fellows of each College. The success of the whole
undertaking, thanks very much to the exertions of
Mr. Sadler and Mr. Hewins, was so brilliant that at
the end of the meeting it was unanimously decided to
repeat the experiment next year.
To my mind that gathering at Oxford, though it
was but little noticed by the outer world, was an
historical event, the beginning of a new era in the
history of national education. And I rejoiced that
this new growth should have sprung from the old
Universities, because it had thus secured a natural
soil and an historical foundation on which to strike
root, to grow, and to flourish.
There is no doubt a strong feeling abroad that the
instruction which is given by the old Universities is
antiquated and useless in the fierce struggle for exist-
o 2
196 EECENT ESSAYS.
ence. We are told that we teach dead languages, dead
literatures, dead philosophy, as if there could be such
a thing as a dead language, a dead literature, a dead
philosophy. Is Greek a dead language ? It lives not
only in the spoken Greek, it runs like fire through
the veins of all European speech. Is Homer, is
Aeschylos, is Sophocles a dead poet? They live in
Milton, Racine, and Goethe, and I defy any one to
understand and enjoy even such living poets as
Tennyson or Browning without having breathed at
school or at the Universities, the language and
thought of those ancient classics. Is Plato a dead
philosopher ? It is impossible for two or three philo-
sophers to gather together without Plato being in the
midst of them.
I should say, on the contrary, that all living
languages, all living literatures, all living philosophy
would be dead, if you cut the historical fibres by
which they cling to their ancient soil. What is the
life-blood of French, Italian, and Spanish, if not
Latin ? You may call French an old and wizened
speech, not Latin. You may call Comte's philosophy
effete, but not that of Aristotle. You may see signs
of degeneracy in the mushroom growth of our modern
novels, not in the fresh and life-like idylls of Nausikaa
or Penelope.
Let me not be misunderstood. I do not want
everybody to be a classical scholar or antiquarian,
but I hold that it is the duty of all university teach-
ing never to lose toucli with the past. It seems to
me the highest aim of all knowledge to try to under-
stand what is, by learning how it has come to be what
it is. That is the true meaning of history, and that
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 197
seems to me the kind of knowledge which schools and
universities are called upon to cultivate and to teach.
1 believe it is in the end the moi'e useful knowledge
also. It is safe and sound, and by being safe and
sound, it not only eni-iches the intellect, but it forms
and strengthens the character of a man. A man who
knows what honest and thorough knowledge means,
in however small a sphere, will never allow himself to
be a mere dabbler or smatterer, whatever subject he
may have to deal with in later life. He may abstain,
but he will not venture in.
What is the original meaning of all instruction? It
is tradition. It was from the beginning the handing
over of the experience of one generation to the other,
the establishment of some kind of continuity between
the past, the present, and tho future. This most
primitive form of education and instruction marks
everywhere the beginning of civilised life and the
very dawn of history.
History begins when the father explains to his son
how the small world in which he has to live came to
be what it is ; when the present generation accepts
the inheritance of the past, and hands down a richer
heirloom to the future ; when, in fact, the present feels
itself connected and almost identified with the future
and the past. It is this solidarity, as the French call
it, this consciousness of a common responsibility,
which distinguishes the civilised and historical from
the uncivilised and unhistorical races of the world.
There are races for whom the ideas of the past and
the future seem hardly to exist. We call them un-
civilised races, savages, ephemeral beings that are
born and die without leaving any trace behind them.
198 RECENT ESSAYS.
The only bond which connects them with the past is
their language, possibly their religion, and a few
customs and traditions which descend to their suc-
cessors without any effort on either side.
But there were other races — not many — who cared
for the future and the past, who were learners and
teachers, the founders of civilised life, and the first
makers of history. Such were the Egyptians and
the Babylonians, and those who afterwards followed
their example, the Persians, Greeks, and Romans.
To us it seems quite natural that the ancient Egyptians
and Babylonians should have erected monuments of
an almost indestructible character and covered them
with inscriptions to tell, not only the next generation,
but all generations to come, what they had achieved
during their short sojourn on earth. Why should
they and they alone have conceived such an ideal The
common answer is, because they possessed the art of
writing. But the truer answer would be that they in-
vented and perfected the art of writing because they
had something to say and something to write, because
they wished to communicate something to their chil-
dren, their grandchildren, and to generations to come.
They would have carried out their object even
without hieroglyphic, hieratic, and demotic alphabets.
For we see that even among so-called savage tribes,
in some of the Polynesian islands, for instance, a desire
to perpetuate their deeds manifests itself in a kind of
epic or historical poetry. These poems tell of wars,
of victories and defeats, of conquests and treaties of
peace. As writing is unknown in these islands, they
are committed to memory and entrusted to the safe
keeping of a separate caste who are, as it were, the
SOME LESSOXS OF ANTIQUITY. 199
living archives of the island. They are the highest
authorities on questions of disputed succession, on
the doubtful landmarks of tribes, and the boundaries
of families. And these poems are composed according
to such strict rules and preserved with such minute
care, that when they have to be recited as evidence
on disputed frontiers, any fraudulent alteration would
easily be detected. Mere prose evidence is regarded as
no evidence ; it must be poetical, metrical, and archaic.
Whenever this thought springs up in the human
mind, that we live not only for ourselves, but that we
owe a debt to the future for what wo have received
from the past, the world enters upon a new stage, it
becomes historical. The work which was begun
tentatively in the hieroglyphic inscriptions of Egypt
was carried on in the cuneiform records of Babylon,
in the mountain edicts of Darius and Xerxes, till it
reached Greece and Rome, and there culminated in
the masterworks of such historians as Herodotus and
Thucydides, Livy and Tacitus.
It may seem to you that these early beginnings of
tradition and history are far removed from us, and
that the knowledge w^hich w^e possess and which we
wish to hand down to future generations in schools
and universities is of a totally diffei-ent character.
But this is really not the case. We are what we are,
we possess what we possess even in the very elements
of our knowledge, thanks to the labours of the ancient
Egyptians, Babylonians, Indians, Persians, to say
nothing of Greeks and Romans.
What should w^e be without our ABC, without
being able to wi'ite? Mere illiterate savages, know-
ing nothing of the past except by hearsay, caring
200 RECENT ESSAYS.
little for the future except for our own immediate
posterit}^ Now whenever we read a book or write
a letter we ought to render thanlcs in our heart to
the ancient scholars of Egypt who invented and per-
fected writing, and whose alphabetic signs are now
used over the whole civilised world, with the excep-
tion of China. Yes, whenever 3^ou write an a or a 6
or a c you write what was originally a hieroglyphic
picture. Your L is the crouching lion, your F the
cerastes, a serpent with two horns ; your H the
Egyptian picture of a sieve ^.
There is no break, no missing link between our
ABC and the hieroglyphic letters as you see them
on the obelisk on the Thames Embankment, and on
the much older monuments in Egypt. The Egyptians
handed their letters to the Phoenicians, the Phoeni-
cians to the Greeks, the Greeks to the Romans, the
Romans to us. All the Semitic alphabets also, as
used in Persian and Arabic, and the more important
alphabets of India, Ceylon, Burmah, and Siam, all
come in the end from Phoenicia and Egypt. The
whole of Asia, except that part of it which is over-
shadowed by Chinese influence, Europe, America,
Africa, and Australia, so far as they write at all, all
write Egyptian hieroglyphics. The chain of tradition
has never been broken, the stream of evolution is
more perfect here than anywhere else.
Reading and writing, theiefore, have come to us
from ancient Egypt. But whence did we get our
arithmetic? When I say our arithmetic I do not
mean our numerals only, or our knowledge that two
and two make four. That kind of knowledge is
* See p. 286.
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 201
home-grown, and can be traced back to that common
Aryan home from which we derive our language,
that is to say, our whole intellectual inheritance.
I mean our numerical figures. There are many people
Avho have numerals, but no numerical figures like our
own. There are others, such as the Chiquitos in
Columbia, who count with their fingers, but have no
numerals at all ; at least we are told so by the few
travellers who have visited them ^ There are others
again who have a very perfect system of numerals,
but who for numerical notation depend either on an
abacus or on such simple combinations of strokes as
we find in Egypt, Phoenicia, Babylon, China, India,
and even among the redskins of America. There are
others again, like the Greeks and the Hindus, who,
under certain circumstances, use letters of their
alphabet instead of figures.
You may imagine that with such contrivances
arithmetic could never have advanced to its present
stage of perfection, unless some one had invented our
numerical figures. Whence then did we get our
figures ? We call them Arabic figures, and that tells
its own tale. But the Arabs call them Indian
figures, and that tells its own tale likewise. Our
figures came to us from the Arabs in Spain, they
came to them from India, and if you consider wdiat
we should be without our figures from one to nine,
I think you will admit that we owe as much grati-
tude to India for our arithmetic, as to Egypt for our
readiug and writingr. When I am sometimes told
that the Hindus w^ere mere dreamers and never made
' Brett, ' History of the British Colonies in the West Indies,' 4th eJ.,
London, 1887.
202 RECENT ESSAYS.
any useful discovery, such as our steam-engines and
electric telegraphs, I tell my friends they invented that
without which mechanical and electric science could
never have become what they are, that without which
we should never have had steam-engines or electric
telegraphs — they invented our figures from i to 9 —
and more than that, they invented the nought, the
sign for nothing, one of the most useful discoveries
ever made, as all mathematicians will tell you.
Let us remember then the lessons Mdiich we have
learnt from antiquity. We have learnt reading and
writing from Egypt, we have learnt arithmetic from
India. So much for the famous three E-'s.
But that is not all. If we are Egyptians whenever
we read and write, and Indians whenever we do our
accounts, we have only to look at our watches to see
that we are Babylonians also. We must go to the
British Museum to see what a cuneiform inscription
is like ; but it is a fact nevertheless that every one
of us carries something like a cuneiform inscription
in his waistcoat pocket. For why is our hour divided
into sixty minutes, each minute into sixty seconds, and
so forth ? Simply and solely because in Babylonia there
existed, by the side of the decimal system of notation,
another system, the sexagesimal, which counted by
sixties. Why that number should have been chosen
is clear enough, and it speaks well for the practical
sense of the ancient Babylonian merchants. There
is no number which has so many divisors as sixty.
The Babylonians divided the sun's daily journey into
twenty-four parasangs or 720 stadia. Each parasang
or hour was subdivided into sixty minutes. A parasang
is about a German mile, and Babylonian astronomers
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 203
compared the progress made by the sun during one hour
at the time of the equinox to the progress made by a
good walker during the same time, both accomplish-
ing one parasang. The whole course of the sun during
the twenty-four equinoctial hours was fixed at twenty-
four parasangs or 730 stadia, or 360 degrees. This
system was handed on to the Greeks, and Hipparchus,
the great Greek philosopher, who lived about 150 B.C.,
introduced the Babylonian hour into Europe. Ptolemy,
who wrote about 150 a.d., and whose name still lives
in that of the Ptolemaic system of astronomy, gave
still wider currency to the Babylonian way of reckon-
ing time. It was carried along on the quiet stream
of traditional knowledge through the Middle Ages,
and, strange to say, it sailed down safely over the
Niagara of the French Revolution. For the French,
when revolutionising weights, measures, coins, and
dates, and subjecting all to the decimal system of
reckoning, were induced by some unexplained motive
to respect our clocks and watches, and allowed our
dials to remain sexagesimal, that is, Babylonian, each
hour consisting of sixty minutes. Here you see
again the wonderful coherence of the world, and how
what we call knowledge is the result of an unbroken
tradition, of a teaching descending from father to son.
Not more than about a hundred arms would reach
from us to the builders of the palaces of Babylon, and
enable us to shake hands with the founders of the
oldest pyramids and to thank them for what they
have done for us.
And allow me to point out what I consider most
important in these lessons of antiquity. They are
not mere guesses or theories ; they are statements
$04 RECENT ESSAYS.
resting on historical facts, on evidence that cannot be
shaken. Suppose five thousand years hence, or, let
us be more merciful and say fifty thousand years
hence, some future Schliemann were to run his
shafts into the ruins of what was once called London,
and discover among the debris of what is now
the British Museum, charred fragments of news-
papers, in which some Champolion of the future might
decipher such names as centimetre or 'niiUiinetre.
On the strength of such evidence every historian
would be justified in. asserting that the ancient inha-
bitants of London — we ourselves — had once upon a
time adopted a new decimal system of weights and
measures from the French, because it was in French,
in primaeval French only, that such words as centi-
metre or millimetre could possibly have been formed.
We argue to-day on the strength of the same kind of
evidence, on the evidence chiefly of language and
inscriptions, that our dials must have come from the
Babylonians, our alphabets from Egypt, our figures
from Ludia. We indulge in no guesses, no mere possi-
bilities, but wo go back step by step from the Times
of to-day till we arrive at the earliest Babylonian
inscription and the most ancient hieroglyphic monu-
ments. What lies beyond, we leave to the theoretic
school, which begins its work where the work of the
historical school comes to an end.
I could lay before you many more of these lessons
of antiquity, but the Babylonian dial of my watch
reminds me that my parasang, or my German mile,
or my hour, is drawing to an end, and I must confine
myself to one or two only. You have heard a great
deal lately of bi-metallism. I am not going to inflict
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 205
on this audience a lecture on that deeply interesting
subject, certainly not in the presence of our chairman,
the Lord Mayor, and with the fear of the Chancellor
ol the Exchequer before my eyes. But I may just men-
tion this, that when I saw that what the bi-metallists
were contending for was to fix and maintain in per-
petuity a settled ratio between gold and silver, I asked
myself how this idea arose ; and being of an historical
turn of mind, I tried to find out whether antiquity
could have any lessons to teach us on this subject.
Coined money, as you know, is not a very ancient
invention. There may have been a golden age when
gold was altogether unknown, and people paid with
cows, not with coins. When precious metals, gold,
silver, copper, or iron began to be used for payment,
they were at first simply weighed ^ Even we still speak
of a pound instead of a sovei-eign. The next step was
to issue pieces of gold and silver properly weighed,
and then to mark the exact weight and value on
each piece. This was done in Assyria and Babylonia,
where we find shekels or pounds of gold and silver.
The commerce of the Eastern nations was carried on
for centuries by means of these weights of metal.
It was the Greeks, the Greeks of Phocaea in Ionia,
who in the seventh century B.C., first conceived the
idea of coining money, that is of stamping on each
piece their city arms, the phoca or seal, thus giving
the warranty of their state for the right weight and
value of those pieces. From Phocaea this art of coin-
ing spread rapidly to the other Greek towns of Asia
Minor, and was thence transplanted to Aegina, the
Peloponnesus, Athens, and the Greek colonies in Africa
1 See p. 288.
206 EECENT ESSAYS.
and in Italy, The weight of the most ancient gold
coin in all these countries was originally the same
as that of the ancient Babylonian gold shekel, only
stamped with the arms of each country, which thus
made itself responsible for its proper weight. And
this gold shekel or pound, in spite of historical dis-
turbanceSj has held its own through centuries. The
gold coins of Croesus, Darius, Philip, and Alexander
have all about the same weight as the old Babylonian
gold shekel, sixty of them going to one mina of gold;
and what is stranger still, our own sovereign, or
pound, or shekel, has nearly the same weight, sixty
of them going to an old Babylonian mina of gold.
In ancient times twenty silver drachmas or half-
shekels went to one gold shekel, just as with us twenty
silver shillings are equivalent to one sovereign. This
ancient shilling was again subdivided into sixty copper
coins, sixty being the favourite Babylonian figure.
Knowing therefore the relative monetary value of
a gold and silver shekel or half-shekel, knowing how
many silver shekels the ancient nations had to give
for one gold shekel, it was possible by merely weigh-
ing the ancient coins to find out whether there was
then already any fixed ratio between gold and silver.
Thousands of ancient coins have thus been tested,
and the result has been to show that the ratio between
gold and silver was fixed from the earliest times with
the most exact accuracy.
That ratio, as Dr. Brugsch has shown, was one
to twelve and a half in Egypt; it was, as proved
by Dr. Brandis, one to thirteen and one-third in
Babylonia and in all the countries which adopted the
Babylonian standard. There have been slight flue-
SOME LESSORS OF ANTIQUITY. 207
tuations, and there are instances of debased coinage
in ancient as ■well as in modern times. But for
international trade and tribute, the old Babylonian
standard was maintained for a very long time.
These numismatic researches, which have been
carried on with indefatigable industry by some of
the most eminent scholars in Europe, may seem
simply curious, but like all historical studies they
may also convey some lessons.
They prove that, in spite of inherent difficulties,
the great political and commercial nations of the
ancient world did succeed in solving the bi-metallic
problem, and in maintaining for centuries a fixed
standard between gold and silver.
They prove that this standard, though influenced,
no doubt, by the relative quantity of the two metals,
by the cost of production, and by the demand for
either silver or gold in the markets of the ancient
world, was maintained by the common sense of the
great commercial nations of antiquity, who were
anxious to safeguard the interests both of their whole-
sale and retail traders.
They prove lastly that, though a change in the
ratio between gold and silver cannot be entirely
prevented, it took place in ancient time by very
small degrees. From the sixteenth century B.C., oi-,
at all events, if we restrict our remarks to coined
money, from the seventh century B.C., to nearly our
own time, the appreciation of gold has been no more
than 1 1, namely, from 13^ to 15. If now, within our
own recollection, it has suddenly risen from 15 to 20,
have we not a right to ask whether this violent
disturbance is due altogether to natural causes, or
208 EECENT ESSAYS.
whether what we are told is the effect, is not to
a certain extent the cause of it — I mean the sudden
resolution of certain Governments to boycott for their
own purposes the second precious metal of the world.
But I must not venture further on this dangerous
ground, and shall invite you in conclusion to turn
your eyes from the monetary to the intellectual
currency of the world, from coins to what are called
the counters of our thoughts.
The lessons which antiquity has taught us with
regard to language, its nature, its origin, its growth
and decay, are more marvellous than any we have
hitherto considered.
What is the age of Alexander and Darius, of the
palaces of Babylon and the pyramids of Egypt, com-
pared with the age of language, the age of those very
words which we use every day, and which, forsooth,
we call modern ? There is nothing more ancient in
the world than every one of the words which you
hear me utter a,t present.
Take the two words ' there is,' and you can trace
them step by step from English to Anglo-Saxon, from
Anglo-Saxon to Gothic; you can trace them in all the
Teutonic, Celtic, Slavonic languages, in the language
of Darius and Cyrus, in the prayers of Zoroaster,
finally in the hymns of the Rig Veda. Instead of
there is, the old Vedic poets said tatra asti. It is the
same coin, it has the same weight, only it has suffered
a little by wear and tear during the thousands of
years that it has passed from hand to hand or from
mouth to mouth. Those two words would suffice to
prove that all the languages of the civilised races of
Europe, the languages of Persia and India also, all
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 209
sprang from one source ; and if you place before your
imagination a map of Europe and Asia, you -would see
aU the fairest portions of these two continents, all the
countries where you can discover historical monu-
ments, temples, palaces, forums, churches, or houses
of parliament, lighted up by the rays of that one
language which we are speaking ourselves, the Aryan
language, the classical language of the past, the living
language of the present, and in the distant future the
true Volapuk, the language of the world.
I have no time to speak of the other large streams
of historical speech, the Semitic, the Ugro-Altaic, the
Chinese, the Polynesian, the African, and American.
But think what a lesson of antiquity has here been
thrown open to us. We learn that we are bound
together with all the greatest nations of the world by
bonds more close, more firm and fast, than flesh, or
bone, or blood could ever furnish. For what is flesh,
or bone, or blood compared to language"? There is
no continuity in flesh, and bone, and blood. They
come and go by what we call birth and death, and
they change from day to day. In ancient times, in
the struggle of all against all, when whole tribes were
annihilated, nations carried away into captivity, slaves
bought and sold^ and tho centres of civilised life over-
whelmed again and again by a deluge of barbarian
invasions, what chance was there of unmixed blood
in any part of the world ? But language always
remained itself, and those who spoke it, whatever
their blood may have been, marched in serried ranks
along the highroad of history as one noble army,
as one spiritual brotherhood. What does it matter
whether the same blood runs in our veins and in the
VOL. I. p
210 RECENT ESSAYS.
veins of our black fellow-men in India'? Their lan-
guage is the same, and has been the same for thousands
of years, as our own language ; and whoever knows
what language means, how language is not only the
vestment, but the very embodiment of thought, will
feel that to be of the same language is a great deal
more than to be of the same flesh.
With the light which the study of the antiquity of
language has shed on the past, the whole world has
been changed. We know now not only what we are,
but whence we are. W^e know our common Aryan
home. We know what we carried away from it, and
how our common intellectual inheritance has grown
and grown from century to century till it has reached
a wealth, unsurpassed anywhere, amounting in English
alone to 250,000 words. What does it matter whether
we know the exact latitude and longitude of that
Aryan home, though among reasonable people there
is, I believe, very little doubt as to its whereabouts
' somewhere in Asia.' The important point is that
we know that there was such a home, and that we
can trace the whole intellectual growth of the Aryan
family back to roots which sprang from a common
soil. And we can do this not by mere guesses only,
or theoretically, but by facts, that is, historically.
Take any word or thought that now vibrates through
our mind, and we know now how it was first struck
in countries far away, and in times so distant that
hardly any chronology can reach them. If anywhere it
is in language that we may say, We are what we have
been. In language everything that is now is old, and
everything that is old is new. That is true evolution,
true historical continuity. A man who knows his
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 211
language, and all that is implied by it, stands on
a foundation of ages. He feels the past under his
feet, and feels at home in the world of thought, a loyal
citizen of the oldest and widest republic.
It is this historical knowledge of language, and not
of language only, but of everything that has been
handed down to us by an uninterrupted tradition
from father to son, it is that kind of knowdedge which
I hold that our Universities and schools should strive
to maintain. It is the historical spirit with which
they should try to inspire every new generation. As
we trace the course of a mighty river back from valley
to valley, as we mark its tributaries, and watch its
meanderings till we reach its source, or, at all events,
the watershed from which its sources spring ; in the
same manner the historical school has to trace every
current of human knowledge from century to century,
back to its fountain-head, if that is possible, or at all
events as near to it as the remaining records of the
past will allow. The true interest of all knowledge
lies in its growth. The very mistakes of the past
form the solid ground on which the truer knowledjre
of the present is founded. Would a mathematician be
a mathematician who had not studied his Euclid ?
Would an astronomer be an astronomer who did not
know the Ptolemaic system of astronomy, and had
not worked his way through its errors to the truer
views of Copernicus 1 Would a philosopher be a
philosopher who had never grappled with Plato and
Aristotle? Would a lawyer be a lawyer who had
never heard of Roman law ? There is but one key to
the present— that is the past. There is but one way
to understand the continuous growth of the human
P 2
212 RECENT ESSAYS.
mind and to gain a firm grasp of what it has achieved
in any department of knowledge — that is to watch its
historical development.
No doubt, it will be said, there is no time for all
this in the hurry and flurry of our modern life. There
are so many things to learn that students must be
t^atisfied with results, without troubling themselves
how these results were obtained by the labours of
those who came before us. This really would mean
that our modern teaching must confine itself to the
surface, and keep aloof from what lies beneath. Know-
ledge must be what is called cut and dry, if it is to
prove serviceable in the open market.
My experience is the very opposite. The cut-and-
dry knowledge which is acquired from the study of
manuals or from so-called crammers is very apt to
share the fate of cut flowers. It makes a brilliant
show for one evening, but it fades and leaves nothing
behind. The only knowledge worth having, and
which lasts us for life, must not be cut and dry, but,
on the contrary, it should be living and growing-
knowledge, knowledge of which we know the begin-
ning, the middle, and the end, knowledge of which we
can produce the title-deeds whenever they are called
for. That knowledge may be small in appearance,
but, remember, the knowledge required for life is really
very small.
We learn, no doubt, a great many things, but what
we are able to digest, what is converted in succum et
sanguinem, into our very life-blood, and gives us
strength and fitness for practical life, is by no means
so much as we imagine in our youth. There are cer-
tain things which we must know, as if they were part
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 213
of ourselves. But there are many other things which
we simply put into our pockets, which we can find
there whenever we want them, but which we do not
know as we must know, for instance, the grammar of
a language. It is well to remember this distinction
between what we know intuitively, and what we
know by a certain effort of memory only, for our suc-
cess in life depends greatly on this distinction — on our
knowing what we know, and knowing what we do
not know, but what nevertheless we can find, if
wanted.
It has often been said that we only know thoroughly
what we can teach, and it is equally true that we can
only teach what we know thoroughly. I therefore
congratulate this Society for the extension of Univer-
sity teaching, that they have tried to draw their
teachers from the great Universities of England, and
that they have endeavoured to engage the services of
a large number of teachers, so that every single teacher
may teach oiie subject only, his own subject, his
special subject, his hobby, if you like — anyhow, a sub-
ject in which he feels perfectly at home, because he
knows its history from beginning to end. The Uni-
versities can afford to foster that race of special
students, but the country at large ought to be able to
command their services. If this Society can bring
this about, if it can help to distribute the accumulated
but often stagnant knowledge of university professors
and tutors over the thirsty land, it will benefit not
the learners only, but the teachers also. It will im-
part new life to the universities, for nothing is so
inspiriting to a teacher as an eager class of stu-
dents, not students who wish to be drilled for an
214 RECENT ESSAYS.
examination, but students who wish to be guided
and encouraged in acquiring real knowledge. And
nothing is so delightful for students as to listen to a
teacher whose whole heart is in his subject. Learning
ought to be joy and gladness, not worry and weari-
ness. When I saw the eagerness and real rapture
with which our visitors at Oxford last summer listened
to the lectures provided for them, I said to myself,
This is what a university ought to be. It is what, if
we may trust old chronicles, universities were in the
beginning, and what they may be once more if this
movement, so boldly inaugurated by the Universities
of Cambridge, Oxford, and London, and so wisely
guided by Mr. Goschen and his fellow-workers, be-
comes what we all hope it may become, a real and
lasting success.
Pobtscript.
As the correctness of my statements with regard to
the relative weight of silver and gold coins in ancient
times was doubted, I had to send the following letter
to the Times, to say that thousands of coins in
our museums and in private collections had been
weighed b}^ men like Brandis and Brugsch, that the
results of their labours had been published, and could
not be put aside by critics who had never weighed
a single coin.
THE SILVER QUESTION.
To the Editor of the 2'imeg.
Sir, — I am not aware that any learned treatise
dealing with the difficulties arising from the deprecia-
tion of silver has been discovered as yet among the
SOME LESSONS OF ANTIQUITY. 215
papp-i of Egypt. But there is hotter evidence of
how the ancient people dealt with this difficulty —
namely, their gold and silver coins which exist in our
museums. Though, as your correspondent 'B. S.'
remarks in the Times of to-day, ' silver was nothing
accounted of in the days of Solomon,' and ' Solomon
made silver to be as stones in Jerusalem,' yet the ratio
between silver and gold, when coined, seems to have
been strictly maintained, and the commercial trans-
actions between Palestine, Phoenicia, Egypt, Persia,
and Greece were never seriously disturbed by the
depreciation of one of the two metals. After weigh-
in sf thousands of sfold and silver coins Professor
Brugsch has shown that the ratio between silver and
gold in the Egyptian coins was always maintained at
I to 12I, while Dr. Brandis has shown that in Baby-
lonia and all the countries which adopted the
Babylonian standard, it was i to 13^.
There have been slight fluctuations, and there are
instances of debased coinage in ancient as well as in
modern times. But for international trade and
tribute the old Babylonian standard was maintained
for a very long time.
How, in spite of the uncertain quantity of silver
and gold in the markets of the ancient world, in spite
of the varying cost of production and of the fluctuat-
ino- demand for either silver or gold at different times
and in different countries, this standard was main-
tained it is difficult to say, unless we suppose that the
right of coining money was reserved for the king, and
that in ancient times this warranty was considered
of greater value than it is in our days of free coin-
age and slight seigniorage. Whatever it was, the fact
216 KECENT ESSAYS.
remains that from the sixteenth century b. C, or.
at all events, if we restrict our remarks to coined
money, from the seventh century b. c, to nearly our
own time, the appreciation of gold has not been
more than i|, that is from 13 J to 15. We know
that at various periods in the history of the world —
for instance, at the time of the Persian wars, of tho
discovery of the East Indies, and of the conquest cf
America — there was a sudden influx of one or the
other of the precious metals ; yet the common sene-e
of the great commercial nations of antiquity, in their
anxiety to safeguard the interests both of their whole-
sale and retail traders, seems to have been able to
maintain the respect for the relative value of silver
and gold coin, if safeguarded by the warranty of the
State.
I am not going to rush into the question of bimetal-
lism, where wrens make prey and eagles dare not
perch, but remain, silentio et spe,
Your obedient servant,
F. Max Muller.
OxFOBD, Bee. 27, 1889.
ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND
BY LANGUAGE OK BY BLOOD.'
IT was fortj'-four years ago that for the first and
for the last time I was able to take an active
part in the meetings of the British Association for
the Advancement of Science. It was at Oxford, in
1847, when I read a paper on the 'Relation of Ben-
gali to the Aryan and Aboriginal Languages of India,'
which received the honour of being published in full
in the ' Transactions ' of the Association for that year.
I have often regretted that absence from England
and pressure of work have prevented me year after
year from participating in the meetings of the Asso-
ciation. But, being a citizen of two countries — of
Germany by birth, of England by adoption — my long
vacations have generally drawn me away to the Con-
tinent, so that to my great regret I found myself
precluded from sharing either in your labours or in
your delightful social gatherings.
I wonder whether any of those who were present
at that brilliant meeting at Oxford in 1847 are present
here to-day. I almost doubt it. Our President then
' Presidential Address to the Anthropological Section of the Briti.sh
Afjsociation ; Cardiff, 1891.
218 RECENT ESSAYS.
was Sir Robert Inglis, who will always be known in
the annals of English history as having been preferred
to Sir Robert Peel as Member of Parliament for the
University of Oxford. Among other celebrities of
the day I remember Sir Roderick Murchison, Sir
David Brewster, Dean Buckland, Sir Charles Lyell,
Professor Sedgwick, Professor Owen, and many more
— a galaxy of stars, all set or setting. Young Mr.
Ruskin acted as Secretary to the Geological Section.
Our Section was then not even recognised as yet as
a Section. We ranked as a sub-Section only of Sec-
tion D, Zoology and Botany. We remained in that
subordinate position till 1851, when we became Sec-
tion E, under the name of Geogrcqj'liy and Ethnology.
From 1869, however, Ethnology seems almost to have
disappeared again, being absorbed in Geography, and
it was not till the year 1884 that we emerged once
more as what we are to-day, Section H, or Anthro-
pology.
In the year 1H47 our sub-Section was presided over
by Professor Wilson, the famous Sanskrit scholar.
The most active debaters, so far as I remember, were
Dr. Prichard, Dr. Latham, and Mr. Crawfurd, well
known then under the name of the Objector-General.
I was invited to join the meeting by Bunsen, then
Prussian Minister in London, who also brought with
him his friend, Dr. Karl Moyer, the Celtic scholar.
Prince Albert was present at our debates, so was
Prince Louis Lucien Bonaparte. Our Ethnological
sub-Section was then most popular, and attracted
very large audiences.
When looking once more through the debates carried
on in our Section in 1847 I was very much surprised
CLASSIFICATION' OF MAXKIXD. 219
when I saw Low very like the questions which occupy
us to-day are to those which we discussed in 1847.
I do not mean to say that there has been no advance
in our science. Far from it. The advance of linguistic,
ethnological, anthropological, and biological studies,
all of which claim a hearing in our Section, has been
most rapid. Still that advance has been steady and
sustained ; there has been no cataclysm, no deluge,
no break in the advancement of our science, and
nothing seems to me to prove its healthy growth
more clearly than this uninterrupted continuity which
unites the past with the present, and will, I hope,
unite the present with the future.
No paper is in that respect more interesting to
read than the address which Bunsen prepared for
the meeting in 1H47, and which you will find in
the ' Transactions ' of that year. Its title is ' On the
Results of the recent Egyptian Researches in reference
to Asiatic and African Ethnology, and the Classitica-
tion of Languages.' But you will find in it a great
deal more than -svhat this title w^ould lead you to
expect.
There are passages in it which are truly prophetic,
and which show that, if prophecy is possible any-
where, it is possible, nay, it ought to be possible, in
the temple of science, and under the inspii'ing in-
fiuence of knowledge and love of truth.
Allow me to dwell for a little while on this remark-
able paper. It is true, we have travelled so fast that
Bunsen seems almost to belong to ancient history.
This very year is the hundredth anniversary of his
birth, and this very day the centenary of his birth is
being celebrated in several towns of Germany. In
220 RECENT ESSAYS.
England also his memory should not be forgotten.
No one, not being an Englishman by birth, could,
I believe, have loved this country more warmly, and
could have worked more heartily, than Bunsen did to
bring about that friendship between England and
Germany which must for ever remain the corner-
stone of the peace of Europe, and, as the Emperor
of Germany declared the other day in his speech at
the Mansion House, the sine qua non of that advance-
ment of science to which our Association is devoted.
Bunsen' s house in Carlton Terrace was a true inter-
national academy, open to all who had something to
say, something worth listening to, a kind of sanctuary
against vulgarity in high places, a neutral ground
where the best representatives of all countries were
welcome and felt at home. But this also belongs to
ancient history. And yet, when we read Bunsen's
paper, delivered in 1847, it does not read like ancient
history. It deals with the problems which are still
in the foreground, and if it could be delivered again
to-day by that genial representative of German learn-
ing, it would rouse the same interest, provoke the
same applause, and possibly the same opposition also,
which it roused nearly half a century ago. Let me
give you a few instances of what I mean.
We must remember that Darwin's ' Origin of Spe-
cies ' was published in 1 859, his ' Descent of Man ' in
1 871. But here in the year 1847 one of the burning
questions which Bunsen discusses is the question of
the possible descent of man from some unknown
animal. He traces the history of that question back
to Frederick the Great, and quotes his memorable
answer to D'Alembert. Frederick the Great, you
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 221
know, was not disturbed by any qualms of orthodoxy.
' In my kingdom/ he used to say, ' everybody may
save his soul according to his own fashion.' But
when D'Alembert washed him to make what he called
the salto mortcde from monkey to man, Frederick the
Great protested. He saw what many have seen since,
that there is no possible transition from reasonless-
ness to reason, and that with all the likeness of their
bodily organs there is a barrier which no animal can
clear, or which, at all events, no animal has as yet
cleared. And what does Bunsen himself consider the
real barrier between man and beast 'i ' It is language,'
he says, ' which is unattainable, or at least unattained,
by any animal except man.' In answer to the argu-
ment that, given only a sufficient number of years,
a transition by imperceptible degrees from animal
cries to articulate language is at least conceivable, he
says : ' Those who hold that opinion have never been
able to show the possibility of the first step. They
attempt to veil their inability by the easy but fruit-
less assumption of an infinite space of time, destined
to explain the gradual development of animals into
men ; as if millions of years could supply the want of
the agent necessary for the first movement, for the
first step, in the line of progress! No numbers can
effect a logical impossibility. How, indeed, could
reason spring out of a state which is destitute of
reason 1 How can speech, the expression of thought,
develop itself, in a year, or in millions of years, out
of inarticulate sounds, which express feelings of plea-
sure, pain, and appetite 1 '
He then appeals to Wilhelm von Humboldt, whom
he truly calls the greatest and most acute anatomist
222 RECKNT ESSAYS,
of almost all human speech. Humboldt goes so far
as to say, ' Rather than assign to all language a
uniform and mechanical march that would lead them
step by step from the grossest beginnings to their
highest perfection, I should embrace the opinion of
those who ascribe the origin of language to an imme-
diate revelation of the Deity. They recognise at least
that divine spark which shines through all idioms,
even the most imperfect and the least cultivated.'
Bunsen then sums up by saying : ' To reproduce
Monboddo's theory in our days, after Kant and his
followers, is a sorry anachronism, and I therefore
resret that so low a view should have been taken
of the subject lately in an English work of much
correct and comprehensive reflection and research
respecting natural science.' This remark refers, of
course, to the ' Vestiges of Creation ^,' which was then
producing the same commotion that Darwin's ' Origin
of Species' produced in 1859.
Bunsen was by no means unaware that in the vocal
expression of feelings, whether of joy or pain, and
in the imitation of external sounds, animals are on
a level with man. 'I believe with Kant,' he says,
'that the formation of ideas or notions, embodied
in words, presupposes the action of the senses and
impressions made by outward objects on the mind.'
' But,' he adds, ' what enables us to see the genus
in the individual, the whole in the many, and to form
a word by connecting a subject with a predicate,
is the power of the mind, and of this the brute
creation exhibits no trace.'
You know how for a time, and chiefly owing to
* See an article in the Edinburgh Review, July, 1845.
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 223
Darwin's predominating influence, ever}^ conceivable
effort was made to reduce the distance which language
places between man and beast, and to treat laDguage
as a vanishing line in the mental evolution of animal
and man. It required some courage at times to stand
up against the authority of Darwin, but at present
all serious thinkers agree, I believe, with Buusen,
that no animal has developed w^hat we mean by
rational language, as distinct from mere utterances
of pleasure or pain, from imitation of sounds and
from communication by means of various signs, a sub-
ject that has lately been treated with great fullness
by my learned friend Professor Romanes in his
' Mental Evolution of Man.' Still, if all true science
is based on facts, the fact remains that no animal has
ever formed what we mean by a language. There
must be a reason for that, and that reason is reason
in its true sense, namely the power of forming general
concepts, of naming and judging. We are fully
justified, therefore, in holding with Bunsen and Hum-
boldt, as against Darwin and Professor Romanes,
that there is a specific difference between the human
animal and all other animals, and that tliat difference
consists in language as the outward manifestation
of what the Greeks meant by Logos.
Another question which occupies the attention of
our leading anthropologists is the proper use to be
made of the languages, customs, laws, and religious
ideas of so-called savages. Some, as you know, look
upon these modern savages as representing human
nature in its most primitive state, while others treat
them as representing the lowest degeneracy into which
human nature may sink. Here, too, we have learnt
224 RECENT ESSAYS.
to distinguish. We know that certain races have had
a very slow development, and may, therefore, have
preserved some traces of those simple institutions
■svhich are supposed to be characteristic of primitive
life. But we also know that other races have de-
generated and are degenerating even now. If we
hold that the human race forms but one species,
we cannot, of course, admit that the ancestors even
of the most savage tribes, say of the Australians,
came into the world one day later than the ancestors
of the Greeks, or that they passed through fewer
evolutions than their more favoured brethi-en. The
whole of humanity would be of exactly the same age.
But we know its history from a time only when
it had probably passed already through many ups
and downs. To suppose, therefore, that the modern
savage is the nearest approach to primitive man
would be against all the rules of reasoning. Because
in some countries, and under stress of unfavourable
influences, some human tribes have learnt to feed
on human flesh, it does not follow that our first
ancestors were cannibals. And here, too, Buusen's
words have become so strikingly true that I may
be allowed to quote them : ' The savage is j ustly
disclaimed as the prototype of natural, original man ;
for linguistic inquiry shows that the languages of
savages are degraded and decaying fragments of
nobler formations.'
I know well that in unreservedly adopting Bunsen's
opinion on this point also I run counter to the
teaching of such well-known wa-iters as Sir John
Lubbock, Reclus, and others. It might be supposed
that Mr. Herbert Spencer also looked upon savages
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 225
as representing the primitive state of mankind. But
if he ever did so, he certainly does so no longer, and
there is nothing I admire so much in Mr. Herbert
Spencer as this simple love of truth, which makes
him confess openly whenever he has seen occasion
to change his views. ' What terms and what con-
ceptions are truly primitive,' he writes, ' would be
easy if we had an account of truly primitive men.
But there are sundry reasons for suspecting that
existing men of the lowest type forming social groups
of the simplest kind do not exemplify men as they
originally were. Probably most of them, if not all,
had ancestors in a higher state ^.*
Most important also is a hint which Bunsen gives
that the students of lansfuage should follow the same
method that has been followed with so much success
in Geology ; that they should begin by studying the
modern strata of speech, and then apply the principles,
discovered there, to the lower or less accessible strata.
It is true that the same suggestion had been made by
Leibniz, but many suggestions are made and are
forgotten again, and the merit of rediscovering an
old truth is often as great as the discovery of a new
truth. This is what Bunsen said : ' In order to arrive
at the law which we are endeavouring to find (the
law of the development of language) let us first
assume, as Geology does, that the same principles
which we see working in the (recent) development
were also at work at the very beginning, modified
in degree and in form, but essentially the same in
kind.' We know how fruitful this suggestion has
proved, and how much light an accurate study of
' Open Court, No. 205, p. 2896.
VOL. I. Q
226 RECENT ESSAYS.
modern languages and of spoken dialects has thrown
on some of the darkest problems of the science of
language. But fifty years ago it was Sanskrit only,
or Hebrew, or Chinese, that seemed to deserve the
attention of the students of Comparative Philology.
Still more important is Bunsen's next remark, that
language begins with the sentence, and that in the
beginning each word was a sentence in itself. This
view also has found strong supporters at a later time,
for instance, my friend Professor Sayce, though at
the time we are speaking of it was hardly thought of.
I must here once more quote Bunsen's own words :
' The supreme law of progress in all language shows
itself to he the progress from the substantial isolated
word, as an undeveloped expression of a whole sen-
tence, towards such a construction of language as
makes every single word subservient to the general
idea of a sentence, and shapes, modifies, and dissolves
it accordingly.'
And again : ' Every sound in language must
originally have been significative of something. The
unity of sound (the syllable, pure or consonantised)
must therefore originally have corresponded to a unity
of conscious plastic thought, and every thought must
have had a real or substantial object of perception.
. . . Every single word implies necessarily a com-
plete proposition, consisting of subject, predicate, and
copula.'
This is a most pregnant remark. It shows as clearly
as daylight the enormous difference there is between
the mere utterance of the sound Pah and Mah, as
a cry of pleasure or distress, and the pronunciation
of the same syllable as a sentence, when Pah and
CLASSIFICATIOX OF MAXKIXD. 227
Itlali are meant for ' This is Pah^ ' This is Mah ;' or,
after a still more characteristic advance of the human
intellect, ' This is a Pah,' 'This is a Mah,' which is
not very far from saying, ' This man belongs to the
class or genus of fathers.'
Equally important is Bunsen's categorical state-
ment that everything in language must have been
originally significant, that everything formal must
originally have been substantial. You know what
a bone of contention this has been of late between
what is called the old school and the new school of
Comparative Philology. The old school maintained
that every word consisted of a root and of certain
derivative suffixeS; prefixes, and infixes. The modern
school maintained that there existed neither roots
by themselves nor suffixes, prefixes, and infixes by
themselves, and tliat the theory of agglutination —
of gluing suffixes to roots — was absurd. The old
school looked upon these suffixes as originally in-
dependent and significative words ; the modern school
declined to accept this view except in a few irrefrag-
able instances. I think the more accurate reasoners
are coming back to the opinion held by the old school,
that all formal elements of language were originally
substantial, and therefore significative ; that they are
the remnants of predicative or demonstrative words.
It is true we cannot always prove this as clearly as
in the case of such words as hard-ship, wis-dom,
rtian-hood, where hood can be traced back to hdd,
which in Anglo-Saxon exists as an independent word,
meaning state or quality. Nor do we often find that
a suffix like mente, in claramente, clairenient, con-
tinues to exist by itself, as when we say in Spanish
Q 2
228 RECENT ESSAYS.
clara, concisa y elegantemente. It is perfectly true
that the French, when they say that a hammer falls
lourdertient, or heavily, do not deliberately take
the suffix ment — originally the Latin mente, ' with
a mind ' — and glue it to their adjective lourd. Here
the new school has done good service in showing
the working of that instinct of analogy which is
a most important element in the historical develop-
ment of human speech. One compound was formed
in which iniente retained its own meaning ; for in-
stance, forti mente, ' with a brave mind.' But when
this had come to mean hravely, and no more, the
working of analogy began ; and if fortement, from
fort, could mean ' bravely,' tlien why not lourde-
r)ient, fvova lourd, 'heavily'? But in the end there
is no escape from Bunsen's fundamental principle
that everything in language was originally language
— that is, was significative, was substantial, was
material — before it became purely formal.
But it is not only with regard to these general
problems that Bunsen has anticipated the verdict of
our own time. Some of his answers to more special
questions also show that he was right when many of
his contemporaries, and even successors, were wrong.
It has long been a question, for instance, whether the
Armenian language belonged to the Iranic branch of
the Aryan family, or whether it formed an inde-
pendent branch, like Sanskrit, Persian, or Greek.
Bunsen, in 1H47, treated Armenian as a separate
branch of Aryan speech ; and that it is so was proved
by Professor Hubschmann in iH(S3.
Again, there has been a long controversy whether
the language of the Afghans belonged to the Indie or
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 229
the Iranic branch. Dr. Trurapp tried to show that
it belonged, by certain peculiarities, to the Indie or
Sanskritic branch. Professor Darmesteter has proved
but lately that it shares its most essential charac-
teristics in common with Persian. Here, too, Bunsen
guessed rightly — for I do not mean to say that it was
more than a guess — when he stated that 'Pushtu, the
language of the Afghans, belongs to the Persian
branch.'
I hope you will forgive me for having detained
you so long with a mere retrospect. I could not
deny myself the satisfaction of paying this tribute of
gratitude and respect to my departed friend^ Baron
Bunsen. To have known him belongs to the most
cherished recollections of my life. But though I am
myself an old man — much older than Bunsen was at
our meeting in 1847 — do not suppose that I came
here as a mere laudator temporis acti. Cei'tainly
not. If one tries to recall what Anthi-opology was
in 1847, and then considers what it is now, its
progress seems most marvellous. I do not think so
much of the new materials which have been collected
from all parts of the world. These last fifty years
have been an age of discovery in Africa, in Central
Asia, in America, in Polynesia, and in Australia,
such as can hardly be matched in any previous
century.
But what seems to me even more important than
the mere increase of material is the new spirit
in which Anthropology has been studied during
the last generation. I do not mean to depreciate
the labours of so-called dilettanti. After all, dilet-
tanti are lovers of knowledge, and in a study such
^30 EECENT ESSAYS.
as the study of Anthropology the labours of these
volunteers, or francs-tlreurs, have often proved most
valuable. But the study of man in every part of
the world has ceased to be a subject for curiosity
only. It has been raised to the dignity, but also to
the responsibility, of a real science, and it is now
guided by principles as strict and as rigorous as any
other science— such as Zoology, Botany, Mineralog}'',
and all the rest. Many theories which were very
popular fifty years ago are now completely exploded ;
nay, some of the very principles by which our science
was then guided have been discarded. Let me give
you one instance — perhaps the most important one —
as determining the right direction of anthropological
studies.
At our meeting in 1847 it was taken for granted
that the study of Comparative Philology would be in
future the only safe foundation for the study of
Anthropology. Linguistic Ethnology was a very
favourite term used by Bunsen, Prichard, Latham,
find others. It was, in fact, the chief purpose of
Punsen's paper to show that the whole of man-
kind could be classified accordino- to language.
I protested against this view at the time, and in
1853 I published my formal protest in a letter to
Punsen, ' On the Turanian Languages.' In a chapter
called ' Ethnology vertus Phonology ' I called, if
not for a complete divorce, at least for a judicial
separation between the study of Philology and the
study of Ethnology. ' Ethnological race.' I said,
'and phonological race are not commensurate, except
in antehistorical times, or, perhaps, at the very
dawn of history. With the migration of tribes,
CLASSIFICATTOX OF MAXKIND. 231
their wars, their colonies, their conquests and alli-
ances, which, if we may judge from their effects,
must have been much more violent in the ethnic than
ever in the political periods of history, it is impossible
to imagine that race and language should continue to
run parallel The physiologist should pursue his own
science, unconcerned about language. Let him see
how far the skulls, or the hair, or the cobur, or the
skin of different tribes admit of classification ; but to
the sound of their words his ear should be as deaf as
that of the ornitholordst's to the notes of cased birds.
If his Caucasian class includes nations or individuals
speaking Aryan (Greek), Turanian (Turkish), and
Semitic (Hebrew) languages, it is not his fault. His
Bystem must not be altered to suit another system.
There is a better solution both for his difficulties and
for those of the phonologist than mutual compromise.
The phonologist should collect his evidence, arrange
his classes, divide and combine as if no Blumenbach
had ever looked at skulls, as if no Camper had ever
measured facial angles, as if no Owen had ever
examined the basis of a cranium. His evidence is
the evidence of language, and nothing else ; this he
must follow, even though in the teeth of history,
physical or political. . . . There ought to be no
compromise between ethnological and phonological
science. It is only by stating the glaring contradic-
tions between the two that truth can be elicited.'
At first my protest met with no response ; nay,
curiously enough, I have often been supposed to be
the strongest advocate of the theory which I so
fiercely attacked. Perhaps I was not entirely with-
out blame, for, having once delivered my soul, I
232 RECENT ESSAYS.
allowed myself occasionally the freedom to speak of the
Aryan or the Semitic race, meaning thereby no more
than the people, whoever and whatever they were,
who spoke Aryan or Semitic languages. I wish we
could distinguish in English as in Hebrew between
nations and languages. Thus in the Book of Daniel,
iii. 4, 'the herald cried aloud, . . . O people, nations
and languages.' Why then should we not distinguish
between nations and languages ? But to put an end
to every possible misunderstanding, I declared at
last that to speak of 'an Aryan skull would be as
great a monstrosity as to speak of a dolichocephalic
lano^uage.'
I do not mean to say that this old heresy, which
went by the name of linguistic ethnology, is at present
entirely extinct. But among all serious students,
whether physiologists or philologists, it is by this
time recognised that the divorce between Ethnology
and Philology, granted if only for incompatibility of
temper, has been productive of nothing but good.
Instead of attempting to classify mankind as a
whole, students are now engaged in classing skulls, in
classing hair, and teeth, and skin. Many solid results
have been secured by these special researches ; but.
as yet, no two classifications, based on these charac-
teristics, have been made to run parallel.
The most natural classification is, no doubt, that
according to the colour of the skin. This gives us
a black, a brown, a yellow, a red, and a white race,
with several subdivisions. This classification has
often been despised as unscientific ; but it may still
turn out far more valuable than is at present supposed.
The next classification is that by the colour oi the
CLASSIFICATIOX OF MANKIND. 233
eyes, as black, brown, hazel, grey, and blue. This
subject also has attracted much attention of late, and,
within certain limits, the results have proved very
valuable.
The most favourite classification, however, has
always been that according to the skulls. The skull,
as the shell of the brain, has by many students been
supposed to betray something of the spiritual essence
of man ; and who can doubt that the general features
of the skull, if taken in large averages, do correspond
to the general features of human character? We
have only to look round to see men with heads like
a cannon-ball and others with heads like a hawk.
This distinction has formed the foundation for a more
scientific classification into bracJty cephalic, dolicho-
cephalic, and mesocephalic skulls. The proportion
80 : ICO between the transverse and longitudinal
diameters gives us the ordinary or mesocephalic type,
the proportion of 75 : 100 the dolichocephalic, the
proportion of 85 : 100 the brachycephalic type. The
extremes are 70 : 100 and 90 : ico.
If we examine any large collection of skulls, we
have not much difficulty in arranging them under
these three classes ; but if, after we have done this,
we look at the nationality of each skull, we find the
most hopeless confusion. Pruner Eey, as Peschel tells
us in his ' Volkerkunde,' has observed brachycephalic
and dolichocephalic skulls in children born of the
same mother ; and if we consider how many women
have been carried away into captivity by Mongolians
in their inroads into China, India, and Germany, we
cannot feel surprised if we find some longheads among
the roundheads of those Central Asiatic hordes.
234 EECENT ESSAYS.
Only we must not adopt the easy expedient of certain
anthropologists who, when they find dolichocephalic
and brachycephalic skulls in the same tomb, at once
jump to the conclusion that they must have belonged
to two different races. When, for instance, two doli-
chocephalic and three brachycephalic skulls were dis-
covered in the same tomb at Alexanderpol, we were
told at once that this proved nothing as to the simul-
taneous occurrence of different skulls in the same
family ; nay, that it proved the very contrary of what
it might seem to prove. It was clear, we were assured,
that the two dolichocephalic skulls belonged to Aryan
chiefs and the three brachycephalic skulls to their non-
Aryan slaves, who were killed and buried with their
masters, according to a custom well known to Hero-
dotus. This sounds very learned, but is it really quite
straightforward 1
resides the general division of skulls into doli-
chocephalic, brachycephalic, and mesocephalic, other
divisions have been undertaken, according to the
heio-ht of the skull, and ao'ain, according to the maxil-
lary and the facial angles. This latter division gives
us orthognathic, prognathic, and onesognathic skulls.
Lastly, according to the peculiar character of the hair,
we may distinguish two great divisions, the people
with woolly hair ( Ulutrlcliea) and people with smooth
hair {Lissoti'ichei>). The former are subdivided into
Lophocomi, people with tufts of hair, and Eriocomi, or
people with fleecy hair. The latter are divided into
Euthycomi, straight-haired, and Euplocanii^, wavy-
haired. It has been shown that these peculiarities of
the hair depend on the peculiar form of the hair-tubes,
^ Not Huplo-comic, wavv-liaiicd, as Brfnton gives it.
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 235
which, in cross- sections, are found to be either round
or elongated in different ways.
Now all these classifications, to which several more
inight be added, those according to the orbits of the
eyes, the outlines of the nose, the width of the pelvis,
are by themselves extremely useful. But few of them
only, if any, run strictly parallel. It has been said
that all dolichocephalic races are prognathic^, and have
woolly hair. I doubt whether this is true without
exception ; but, even if it were, it would not allow us
to draw any genealogical conclusions from it, because
there are ceitainly many dolichocephalic people who
are not woolly-haired, as, for instance, the Eskimos ^
Now let us consider whether there can be any
organic connection between the shape of the skull, the
facial angle, the conformation of the hair, or the colour
of the skin on one side, and what we call the great
families of language on the other. That we speak at
all may rightly be called a work of nature, ojjera
OKtturale, as Dante said long ago ; but that we speak
thus or thus, cosi o cosi, that, as the same Dante said,
depends on our pleasure — that is, our work. To
imagine, therefore, that as a matter of necessity, or
as a matter of fact, dolichocephalic skulls have any-
thing to do with Aryan, mesocephalic with Semitic,
or brachycephalic with Turanian speech, is nothing
but the wildest random thought ; it can convey
no rational meaning whatever. We might as well
say that all painters are dolichocephalic, and all
musicians brachycephalic, or that all lophocomic tribes
work in gold, and all lissocomic tribes in silver.
If anything must be ascribed to prehistoric times,
' Eriuton, ' Races of People,' p. 249.
236 RECENT ESSAYS.
surely the differentiation of the human skull, the
human hair, and the human skin, would have to be
ascribed to that distant period. No one, I believe,
has ever maintained that a mesocephalic skull was
split or differentiated into a dolichocephalic and a
brachycephalic variety in the bright sunshine of
history.
But let us. for the sake of argument, assume that
in prehistoric times all dolichocephalic people spoke
Aryan, all mesocephalic, Semitic, all brachycephalic,
Turanian languages ; how would that help us ?
So long as we know anything of the ancient Aryan,
Semitic, and Turanian languages, we find foreign
words in each of them. This proves a very close and
historical contact between them. For instance, in
Babylonian texts of 3000 b. c. there is the word sindhu
for cloth made of vegetable fibres, linen. That can
only be the Sanskrit sindhu, the Indus, or saindhava,
what comes from the Indus. It might be the same
word as the Homeric (rivb(i>v, fine cloth ^. In Egyptian
we find so many Semitic words that it is difiicult to
say whether they were borrowed or derived from
a common source. I confess I am not convinced,. but
Egyptologists of high authority assure us that the
names of several Aryan peoples, such as the Sicilians
and Sardinians, occur in the fourteenth century B.C.,
in the inscriptions of the time of Menephthah I.
Again, as soon as we know anything of the Turanian
languages — Finnish, for instance — we find them full
of Aryan words. All this, it may be said, applies
to a very recent period in the ancient history of
humanity. Still, we have no access to earlier docu-
' 'Physical Religion,' p. 87.
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. S37
ments, and we may fairly say that this close contact
which existed then existed, probably, at an earlier
time also.
If, then, we have no reason to doubt that the
ancestors of the people speaking Aryan, Semitic, and
Turanian languages lived in close proximity, would
there not have been marriages between them, so long
as they lived in peace, and would they not have killed
the men and carried off the women in time of war?
What, then, would have been the effect of a marriage
between a dolichocephalic mother and a brachy-
cephalic father? The materials for studying this
question of metissage, as the French call it, are too
scanty as yet to enable us to speak with confidence.
But whether the paternal or the maternal type pre-
vailed, or whether their union gave rise to a new
permanent variety, still it stands to reason that the
children of a dolichocephalic captive woman might be
found, after fifty or sixty years, speaking the language
of the brachy cephalic conquerors.
It has been the custom to speak of the early Arj^an,
Semitic, and Turanian races as large swarms — as
millions pouring from one country into another, and it
has been calculated that these early nomads would
have required immense tracts of meadow land to keep
their flocks, and that it was the search of new pastures
that drove them, by an irresistible force, over the
whole inhabitable earth.
This may have been so, but it may also have not
been so. Anyhow, we have a right to suppose that,
before there were millions of human beings, there
were at first a few only. We have been told of late
that there never was a first man ; but we may be
238 EECENT ESSAYS.
allowed to suppose at all events, that there were at
one time a few first men and a few first women. If,
then, the mixture of blood by marriage and the
mixture of language in peace or war took place at
that early time, when the world was peopled by some
individuals, or by some hundreds, or by some thousands
only, think what the necessary result would have been.
It has been calculated that it would require only 600
years to populate the whole earth with the descendants
of one couple, the first father being dolichocephalic and
the first mother brachycephahc. They might, after
a time, all choose to speak an Aryan language, but
they could not choose their skulls, but would have to
accept them from nature, whether dolichocephalic or
brachycephalic.
"Who, then, would dare at present to lift up a skull
and say this skull must have spoken an Aryan
language, or lift up a language and say this language
must have been spoken by a dolichocephalic skull?
Yet, though no serious student would any longer
listen to such arguments, it takes a long time before
theories that were maintained for a time by serious
students, and were then surrendered by them, can be
completely eradicated. I shall not touch to-day on
the hackneyed question of the ' Home of the Aryas,'
except as a warning. There are two quite distinct
questions concerning the home of the Aryas.
When students of Philology speak of Aryas, they
mean by Aryas nothing but people speaking an Aryan
language. They affirm nothing about skulls, skin,
hair, and all the rest, for the simple reason that nothing
can be knov/n of them. When, on the contrary, students
of Physiology speak of dolichocephalic, orthognathic,,
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 239
euthycomic people, they speak of their physiological
characteristics only, and affirm nothing whatever
about language.
It is clear, therefore, that the home of the Aryas, in
the proper sense of that word, can be determined by
linguistic evidence only, while the home of a blue-
eyed, blond-haired, long-skulled, fair-skinned people
can be determined by physiological evidence only.
Any kind of concession or compromise on either side
is simply fatal, and has led to nothing but a promis-
cuous slaughter of innocents. Separate the two armies,
and the whole physiological evidence collected by
D'Omalius dHalloy, Latham, and their followers will
not fill more than an octavo page ; while the linguistic
evidence collected by Benfey and his followers will
not amount to more than a few words. Everything
else is mere rhetoric.
The physiologist is grateful, no doubt, for any ad-
ditional skull whose historical antecedents can be
firmly established ; the philologist is grateful for any
additional word that can help to indicate the historical
or geographical whereabouts of the unknown speakers
of Aryan speech. On these points it is possible to
argue. They alone have a really scientific value in
the eyes of a scholar, because, if there is any difference
of opinion on them, it is possible to come to an agree-
ment. As soon, however, as we go beyond these mere
matters of fact, which have been collected by real
students, everything becomes at once mere vanity
and vexation of spirit. I know the appeals that have
been made for concessions and some kind of compro-
mise between Physiology and Philology ; but honest
students know that on scientific subjects no compro-
240 RECENT ESSAYS,
mise is admissible. With regard to the home of the
Aryas, no honest philologist will allow himself to be
driven one step beyond the statement that the un-
known people who spoke Aryan languages were, at
one time, and before their final separation, settled
somewhere in Asia. That may seem very small com-
fort, but for the present it is all that we have a right
to say. Even this must be taken with the hmitations
which, as all true scholars know, apply to speculations
concerning what may have happened, say, five thou-
sand or ten thousand years ago. As to the colour of
the skin, the hair, the eyes of those unknown speakers
of Aryan speech, the scholar says nothing ; and when
he speaks of their blood he knows that such a word
can be taken in a metaphorical sense only. If we
once step from the narrow domain of science into the
vast wilderness of mere assertion, then it does not
matter what we say. We may say, with Penka, that
all Aryas are dolichocephalic, blue-eyed, and blond,
or we may say, with Pietrement, that all Aryas are
brachj'cephalic, with brown eyes and black hair^.
There is no difference between the two assertions.
They are both perfectly unmeaning. They are vox
et j^raeterea nildl. May I be allowed to add that
Latham's theory of the European origin of Sanskrit,
which has lately been represented as marking the
newest epoch in the study of Anthropology, was
discussed by me in the Edinburgh Review of 1H51 1
My experiences during the last forty years have
only served to confirm the opinion which I expressed
forty years ago, that there ought to be a complete
1 V. d. Gheyn, 1889, p. 26.
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 241
separation between Philology and Physiology. And
yet, if I were asked whether such a divorce should
now be made absolute, I should say, No. There have
been so many unexpected discoveries of new facts,
and so many surprising combinations of old facts,
that we must always be prepared to hear some new
evidence, if only that evidence is brought forward
accordingf to the rules which sjovern the court of true
science. It may be that in time the classification of
skulls, hair, eyes, and skin may be brought into har-
mony with the classification of language. We may
even go so far as to admit, as a postulate, that the
two must have run parallel, at least in the beginning
of all things. But with the evidence before us at
present mere wrangling, mere iteration of exploded
assertions, mere contradictions, will produce no effect
on that true jury which in every country hardly ever
consists of more than twelve trusty men, but with
whom the final verdict rests. The very things that most
catch the popular ear will by them be ruled altogether
out of court. But every single new word, common
to all the Aryan languages, and telling of some
climatic, geographical, historical, or physiological
circumstance in the earliest life of the speakers of
Aryan speech, will be truly welcome to philologists
quite as much as a skull from an early geological
stratum is to the physiologist, and both to the an-
thropologist, in the widest sense of that name.
But, if all this is so, if the alliance between Philo-
logy and Physiology has hitherto done nothing but
mischief, what right, it may be asked, had I to accept
the honour of presiding over this Section of Anthro-
pology ? If you will allow me to occupy your valu-
VOL. I. R
242 RECENT ESSAYS.
able time a little longer, I shall explain, as shortly as
possible, why I thought that I, as a philologist, might
do some small amount of good as President of the
Anthropological Section.
In spite of all that I have said against the unholy
alliance between Physiology and Philology, I have
felt for years — and I believe I am now supported in
my opinion by all competent anthropologists — that
a knowledge of languages must be considered in
future as a sine qua non for every anthropologist.
Anthropology, as you know, has increased so rapidly
that it seems to say now, N'ihil humani a me alienum
puto. So long as Anthropology treated only of the
anatomy of the human body, any surgeon might
have become an excellent anthropologist. But now,
when Anthropology includes the study of the earliest
thoughts of man, his customs, his laws, his traditions,
his legends, his religions, ay, even his early philoso-
phies, a student of Anthropology without an accurate
knowledge of languages, without the conscience of
a scholar, is like a sailor without a compass.
No one disputes this with regard to nations who
possess a literature. No one would listen to a man
describing the peculiarities of the Greeks the Roman,
the Jew, the Arab, the Chinese, without knowing
their languages and being capable of reading the
master-works of their literature. We know how
often men who have devoted the whole of their life
to the study, for instance, of Hebrew differ not only
as to the meaning of certain words and passages, but
as to the very character of the Jews. One authority
states that the Jews, and not only the Jews, but all
Semitic nations, were possessed of a monotheistic
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 243
instinct. Another authority shows that all Semitic
nations, not excluding the Jews, were polytheistic
in their religion, and that the Jehovah of the Jews
was not conceived at first as the Supreme Deity, but
as a national god only, as the God of the Jews, who,
according to the latest view, was originally a fetish
or a totem (?), like all other gods.
You know how widely classical scholars differ on
the character of Greeks and Romans, on the meanino-
of their customs, the purpose of their religious cere-
monies— nay, the very essence of their gods. And
yet there was a time, not very long ago, when anthro-
pologists would rely on the descriptions of casual
travellers, who, after spending a few weeks, or even
a few years, among tribes whose language was utterly
unknown to them, gave the most marvellous accounts
of their customs, their laws, and even of their religion.
It may be said that anybody can describe what he
sees, even though unable to converse with the people.
I say. Decidedly no ; and I am supported in this
opinion by the most competent judges. Dr. Codring-
ton, who has just published his excellent book on
the 'Melanesians : their Anthropology and Folk-lore,'
spent twenty-four years among the Melanesians, learn-
ing their dialects, collecting their legends, and making
a systematic study of their laws, customs, and super-
stitions. But what does he say in his preface? 'I
have felt the truth,' he says, ' of what Mr. Fison, late
missionary in Fiji, has written : " When a European
has been living for two or three years among savages,
he is sure to be fully convinced that he knows all
about them ; when he has been ten years or so amongst
them, if he be an observant man, he knows that he
R a
244 RECENT ESSAYS.
knows very little about them^ and so begins to
learn.'"
How few of the books in which we trust with
regard to the characteristic peculiarities of savage
races have been written by men who have lived
among them for ten or twenty years, and who have
learnt their languages till they could speak them
as well as the natives themselves !
It is no excuse to say that any traveller who has
eyes to see and ears to hear can form a correct
estimate of the doings and sayings of savage tribes.
It is not so, and anthropologists know from sad
experience that it is not so. Suppose a traveller
came to a camp where he saw thousands of men
and women dancing round the image of a young bull.
Suppose that the dancers w^ere all stark naked, that
after a time they began to fight, and that at the end
of their orgies there were three thousand corpses
lying about weltering in their blood. Would not
a casual traveller have described such savages as
worse than the negroes of Dahomey ? Yet these
savages were really the Jews, the chosen people of
God. The image was the golden calf, the priest was
Aaron, and the chief who ordered the massacre was
Moses. We may read the 32nd chapter of Exodus in
a very different sense. A traveller who could have
conversed with Aaron and Moses might have under-
stood the causes of the revolt and the necessity of the
massacre. But without this power of interrogation
and mutual explanation, no travellers, however graphic
and amusing their stories may be, can be trusted ;
no statements of theirs can be used by the anthropo-
logist for truly scientific purposes.
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 245
From the day when this fact was recognised by
the highest authorities in Anthropology, and was
sanctioned by some at least of our anthropological,
ethnological, and folk-lore societies, a new epoch
began, and Philology received its right place as the
handmaid of Anthropology. The most important
paragraph in our new charter was this, that in future
no one is to be quoted or relied on as an authority on
the customs, traditions, and more particularly on the
religious ideas of uncivilised races who has not ac-
quired an acquaintance with their language, sufficient
to enable him to converse with them freely on these
difficult subjects.
No one would object to this rule when we have
to deal with civilised and literary nations. But the
languages of Africa, America, Polynesia, and even
Australia are now being studied as formerly Greek,
Latin, Hebrew, and Sanskrit only were studied. You
have only to compare the promiscuous descriptions
of the Hottentots in the works of the best ethnologists
with the researches of a real Hottentot scholar like
Dr. Hahn to see the advance that has been made.
When we read the books of Bishop Callaway on
the Zulu, of William Gill and Edward Tregear on
the Polynesians, of Horatio Hale on some of the
North American races, we feel at once that we are in
safe hands, in the hands of real scholars. Even then
we must, of course, remember that their knowledge
of the languages cannot compare with that of Bentley,
or Hermann, or Burnouf, or Ewald. Yet we feel that
we cannot go altogether wrong in trusting to their
guidance.
I venture to go even a step further, and I believe
246 llECENT ESSAYS.
the time will come when no anthropologist will
venture to write on anything concerning the inner
life of man without having himself acquired a know-
ledge of the language in which that inner life finds
its truest expression.
This may seem to be too exacting, but you have
only to look, for instance, at the descriptions given
of the customs, the laws, the legends, and the religious
convictions of the people of India about a hundred
years ago, and before Sanskrit began to be studied,
and you will be amazed at the utter caricature that
is often given there of the intellectual state of the
Brahmans compared with what we know of it now
from their own literature.
And if that is the case with a people like the
Indians, who are a civilised race, possessed of an
ancient literature, and well within the focus of history
for the last two thousand years, what can be expected
in the case of really savage races 1 One can hardly
trust one's eyes when one sees the evidence placed
before us by men whose good faith cannot be ques-
tioned, and who nevertheless contradict each other
flatly on the most ordinary subjects. We owe to
one of our secretaries, Mr. Ling Roth, a most careful
collection of all that has been said on the Tasmanians
by eye-witnesses. Not the least valuable part of
this collection is that it opens our eyes to the utter
untrustworthiness of the evidence on which the an-
thropologist has so often had to rely. In an article
on Mr. Roth's book in ' Nature,' I tried to show that
there is not one essential feature in the religion of the
Tasmanians on which different authorities have not
made assertions diametrically opposed to each other.
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 247
Some say that the Tasmanians have no idea of
a Supreme Eeing, no rites, no ceremonies ; others
call their religion Dualism, a worship of good and
evil spirits. Some maintain that they had deified
the powers of nature, others that they were Devil-
worshippers. Some declare their religion to be pure
monotheism, combined with belief in the immortality
of the soul, the efficacy of prayers and charms. Nay,
even the most recent article of faith, the descent of
man from some kind of animal, has received a religious
sanction among the Tasmanians. For Mr. Horton,
who is not given to joking, tells us that they believed
' they were originally formed with tails, and without
knee-joints, by a benevolent being, and that another
descended from heaven and, compassionating the
sufferers, cut off their tails, and with grease softened
their knees.'
I would undertake to show that what applies to
the descriptions given us of the now extinct race
of the Tasmanians applies with equal force to the
descriptions of almost all the savage races with
whom anthropologists have to deal. In the case
of large tribes, such as the inhabitants of Australia,
the contradictory evidence may, no doubt, be accounted
for by the fact that the observations were made in
different localities. But the chief reason is always
the same— ignorance of the language, and therefore
want of sympathy and impossibility of mutual ex-
planation and correction.
Let me in conclusion give you one of the most
flagrant instances of how a whole race can be totally
misrepresented by men ignorant of their language,
and how these misrepresentations are at once removed
248 RECENT ESSAYS.
if travellers acquire a knowledge of the language, and
thus have not only eyes to see, but ears to hear,
tongues to speak, and hearts to feel.
No race has been so cruelly maligned for centuries
as the inhabitants of the Andaman Islands. An Arab
writer of the ninth century states that their com-
plexion was frightful, their hair frizzled, their counte-
nance and eyes terrible, their feet very large and
almost a cubit in length, and that they go quite
naked. Marco Polo (about 1285) declared that the
inhabitants are no better than wild beasts, and he
goes on to say : ' I assure you, all the men of this
island of Angamanain have heads like dogs, and teeth
and eyes likewise; in fact, in the face they are just
like big mastiff dogs.'
So long as no one could be found to study theii
language there was no appeal from these libels. But
when, after the Sepoy mutiny in 1 857, it was neces-
sary to find a habitation for a large number of
convicts, the Andaman Islands, which had already
served as a penal settlement on a smaller scale,
became a large penal colony under English officers.
The havoc that was wrought by this sudden contact
between the Andaman Islanders and these civilised
Indian convicts was terrible, and the end will prob-
ably be the same as in Tasmania — the native popula-
tion will die out. Fortunately one of the English
officers (Mr. Edward Horace Man) did not shrink
from the trouble of learning the language spoken
by these islanders, and, being a careful observer and
perfectly trustworthy, he has given us some accounts
of the Andaman aborigines which are real masterpieces
of anthropological research. If these islanders must
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 249
be swept away from the face of the earth, they
will now at all events leave a better name behind
them. Even their outward appearance seems to be-
come different in the eyes of a sympathising ob-
server from what it was to casual travellers. They
are, no doubt, a very small race, their average height
being 4 ft. 10 1 in. But this is almost the only charge
brought against them which Mr. Man has not been
able to rebut. Their hair, he says, is fine, very
closely curled, and frizzly. Their colour is dark,
but not absolutely black. Their features possess
little of the most marked and coarser peculiarities
of the negro type. The projecting jaws, the promi-
nent thick lips, the broad and flattened nose of the
genuine negro are so softened down as scarcely to
be recognised.
Eut let us hear now -what Mr. Man has to tell
us about the social, moral, and intellectual qualities
of these so-called savages, who had been represented
to us as cannibals ; as ignorant of the existence of
a deity; as knowing no marriage, except what by
a bold euphemism has been called communal mar-
riage ; as unacquainted with fire ; as no better than
wild beasts, having heads, teeth, and eyes like dogs —
being, in fact, like big mastiffs.
' Before the introduction into the islands of what is
called European civilisation, the inhabitants,' Mr. Man
writes, ' lived in small villages, their dwellings built
of branches and leaves of trees. They were ignorant
of agriculture, and kept no poultry or domestic
animals. Their pottery was hand-made, their cloth-
ing very scanty. They were expert swimmers and
divers, and able to manufacture well-made dug-out
250 EECENT ESSAYS.
canoes and outriggers. They were ignorant of metals,
ignorant, we are told, of producing fire, though they
kept a constant supply of burning and smouldering
wood. They made use of shells for their tools, had
stone hammers and anvils, bows and arrows, har-
poons for killing turtle and fish. Such is the fertility
of the island that they have abundance and variety
of food all the year round. Their food was invariably
cooked, they drank nothing but water, and they did
not smoke. People may call this a savage life. I know
many a starving labourer who would gladly exchange
the benefits of European civilisation for the blessings
of such savagery.'
These small islanders who have always been repre-
sented by a certain class of anthropologists as the
lowest stratum of humanity need not fear comparison,
so far as their social life is concerned, with races who
are called civilised. So far from being addicted to
what is called by the self-contradictory name of
communal marriage, Mr. Man tells us that bigamy,
polygamy, polyandry, and divorce are unknown to
them, and that the mamage contract, so far from
being regarded as a merely temporary contract, to
be set aside on account of incompatibility of temper
or other such causes, is never dissolved. Conjugal
fidelity till death is not the exception but the rule,
and matrimonial differences, which occur but rarely,
are easily settled with or without the intervention
of friends. One of the most striking features of their
social relations is the marked equality and affection
which exist between husband and wife, and the con-
sideration and respect with which women are treated
might, with advantage, be emulated by certain classes
CLASSIFICATIOX 01' MAXKIXD. 251
in our own land. As to cannibalism or infanticide,
they are never practised by them.
It is easy to say that Mr. Man may be prejudiced
in favour of these little savages whose language he
has been at so much pains to learn. Fortunately,
however, all his statements have lately been con-
firmed by another authority, Colonel Cadell — the
Chief Commissioner of these islands. He is a Victoria
Cross man, and not likely to be given to overmuch
sentimentality. Well, this is what he says of these
fierce mastiffs, with feet a cubit in length : —
They are merry little people, he says. One could
not imagine how taking they were. Every one who
had to do with them fell in love with them (these
fierce mastiffs). Contact with civilisation had not
improved the morality of the natives, but in their
natural state they were truthful and honest, generous
and self-denying. He had watched them sitting over
their fires cooking their evening meal, and it was
quite pleasant to notice the absence of greed and the
politeness with which they picked off the tit-bits and
thrust them into each others mouths. The forest
and sea abundantly supplied their wants, and it was
therefore not surprising that the attempts to induce
them to take to cultivation had been quite unsuccess-
ful, highly though they appreciated the rice and
Indian corn which were occasionally supplied to them.
All was grist that came to their mill in the shape
of food. The forest supplied them with edible roots
and fruits. Bats, rats, flying foxes, iguanas, sea-
snakes, molluscs, wild pig, fish, turtle, and last, though
not least, the larvae of beetles, formed welcome ad-
ditions to their larder. He remembered one morninof
252 KECENT ESSAYS.
landing by chance at an encampment of theirs, under
the shade of a gigantic forest tree. On one fire was
the shell of a turtle, acting as its own pot, in which
was simmering the green fat delicious to more edu-
cated palates ; on another its flesh was being broiled,
together with some splendid fish ; on a third a wild
pig was being roasted, its drippings falling on wild
yams, and a jar of honey stood close by, all delicacies
fit for an alderman's table.
These are things which we might suppose anybody
who has eyes to see, and who is not wilfully blind,
might have observed. But when we come to tra-
ditions, laws, and particularly to religion, no one
ought to be listened to as an authority who cannot
converse with the natives. For a long time the
Mincopies have been represented as without any
religion, without even an idea of the Godhead. This
opinion received the support of Sir John Lubbock,
and has been often repeated without ever having
been re-examined. As soon, however, as these Min-
copies began to be studied more carefully — more
particularly as soon as some persons resident among
them had acquired a knowledge of their language,
and thereby a means of real communication — their
religion came out as clear as daylight. According
to Mr. E. H. Man, they have a name for God —
Puluga. And how can a race be said to be without
a knowledge of God if they have a name for God ?
PiXluga has a very mythological character. He has
a stone house in the sky ; he has a wife, whom he
created himself, and from whom he has a large family,
all, except the eldest, being girls. The mother is
supposed to be green (the earth ?}, the daughters
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. S53
black ; they are the spirits, called Morowin : his son
is called Fijchor. He alone is permitted to live with
his father and to convey his orders to the Morowin.
But Piiluga was a moral character also. His appear-
ance is like fire, though nowadays he has become
invisible. He was never born, and is immortal.
The w^hole world was created by him, except only the
powers of evil. He is omniscient, knowing even the
thoughts of the heart. He is angered by the com-
mission of certain sins — some very trivial, at least
to our mind — but he is pitiful to all who are in
distress. He is the judge from whom each soul
receives its sentence after death.
According to other authorities, some Andamanese
look on the sun as the fountain of all that is good,
the moon as a minor power ; and they believe in
a number of inferior spirits, the spirits of the forest,
the water, and the mountain, as agents of the two
higher powders. They believe in an evil spirit also,
who seems to have been originally the spirit of the
storm. Him they try to pacify by songs, or to
frighten aw^ay with their arrows.
I suppose I need say no more to show how in-
dispensable a study of language is to every student
of Anthropology. If Anthropology is to maintain
its hio-h position as a real science, its alliance with
linofuistic studies cannot be too close. Its weakest
points have always been those where it trusted to the
statements of authorities ignorant of language and of
the science of language. Its greatest triumphs have
been achieved by men such as Dr. Hahn, Bishops
Callaway and Colenso, Dr. W. Gill, and last, not
least, Mr. Man, who have combined the minute ac-
254 RECENT ESSAYS.
curacy of the scholar with the comprehensive grasp
of the anthropologist, and were thus enabled to use
the key of language to unlock the perplexities of
savage customs, savage laws and legends, and, par-
ticularly, of savage religions and mythologies. If
this alliance between Anthropology and Philology
becomes real, then, and then only, may we hope to
see Bunsen's prophecy fulfilled, that Anthropology
will become the highest branch of that science for
which this British Association is instituted.
Allow me in conclusion once more to quote some
prophetic words from the Address which Bunsen
delivered before our Section in 1847 : —
'If man is the apex of the creation, it seems right,
on the one side, that a historical inquiry into his
origin and development should never be allowed
to sever itself from the general body of natural science,
and in particular from Physiology. But, on the other
side, if man is the apex of the creation, if he is the
end to which all organic formations tend from the
very beginning, if man is at once the mystery and
the key of natural science, if that is the only view of
natural science worthy of our age, then Ethnological
Philology (I should prefer to say Anthropology), once
established on principles as clear as the physiological
are, is the highest branch of that science for the
advancement of which this Association is instituted.
It is not an appendix to Physiology or to anything
else ; but its object is, on the contrary, capable of
becoming the end and goal of the labours and trans-
actions of a scientific association.'
Much has been achieved by Anthropology to justify
these hopes and fulfil the prophecies of my old friend
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 255
Bimsen. Few men live to see the fulfilment of their
own prophecies, but they leave disciples whose duty
it is to keep their memory alive, and thus to preserve
that vital continuity of human knowledge which
alone enables us to see in the advancement of all
science the historical evolution of eternal truth.
LETTER TO MR. RISLEY
ON THE ETHNOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA.
OxFOED, the 2oth July, iSS6.
I HAVE read with real interest and pleasure the
papers referring to an Ethnological Purvey of India
which you have done me the honour to send to
me. Both from a practical and scientific point of
view the inquiries which, with the sanction of the
Indian Government, you have set on foot will, I have
no doubt, be productive of most valuable results.
They will enable the statesman to understand more
thoroughly many of the traditional beliefs, local
customs, and deep-rooted prejudices of those Avhom
he has to influence and to control, — nay, they may
possibly help the native inhabitants of India also to
gain a truer insight into the meaning of many of
their apparently irrational customs and a more correct
appreciation of the original purport of their religious
faiths and superstitions.
But apart from the practical utility of such a survey
as is contemplated by you and your colleagues, its
value to the scholar and the student of ethnology can
256 RECENT ESSAYS.
hardly be overestimated. India, with the immense
variety of its inhabitants, representing almost every
stage, from the lowest to the highest, in the progress
of civilisation, is the most promising country for a
scientific study of the development of the human race.
Ethnology, though a science of very ancient date,
has of late attracted very general attention, and has
extended its influence over many important branches
of philosophy. The words of Charron's repeated by
Pope, ' La vraye science et la vraye etude cle Vhomone
c'est rkomme,' seem at last to have come true, and
there is hardly a problem connected with the origin
of man and the faculties of the human mind which
has not been illuminated of late by fitful rays pro-
ceeding from the science of ethnology.
But, as you truly observe, 'many of the ethnological
speculations of recent years have been based far too
exclusively upon comparatively unverified accounts
of the customs of savages of the lowest type,' and, as
an inevitable result, the whole science of ethnology
has lost much of the prestige which it formerly
commanded. It has almost ceased to be a true
science in the sense in which it was conceived by
Prichard, Humboldt, Waitz and others, and threatens
to become a mere collection of amusing anecdotes and
moral paradoxes. It is a science in which the mere
amateur can be of great use, but which requires for
its successful cultivation the wide knowledge of the
student of physical science and the critical accuracy
of the scholar.
The questions which you have drawn up, and the
leading principles which you recommend for the
guidance of your collahovateurs, seem to me excellent.
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 257
If you could consult the Annual Reports of the
American Bureau of Ethnology, and more particu-
larly the excellent papers of its Director, Mr. J. W.
Powell, you would find them, Ttiutatis mutandis, very-
useful for 3'our own purposes.
If I may point out some dangers which seem to
me to threaten the safe progress of ethnological
inquiry in India and everywhere else, they are the
same to which you yourself have called attention.
Foremost among them I should mention the vague-
ness of the ordinary ethnological terminology, which
has led to much confusion of thouo^ht and ought to
be remedied ferro et igne. You are fully aware of
the mischief that is produced by employing the ter-
minology of Comparative Philology in an ethnological
sense. I have uttered the same warniug again and
again. In my letter to the Chevalier Bunsen, on the
Turanian languages, published as far back as 1853,
I devoted a whole chapter to pointing out the necessity
of keeping these two lines of research — the philo-
logical and the ethnological — completely separate, at
least for the present. In my later works, too, I have
protested as strongly as I could against the unholy
alliance of these two sciences — Comparative Philo-
logy and Ethnology. But my warnings have been
of little effect; and such is the influence of evil
communications, that I myself cannot plead quite
not-guilty as to having used linguistic terms in an
ethnological sense. Still it is an evil that ought to be
resisted with all our might. Ethnologists persist in
writing of Aryas, Skemites, and Turanians, Ugrians,
Dravidians, Munda, Bantib races, &c., forgetting
that these terms have nothing to do with blood, or
VOL. I. s
258 RECENT ESSAYS.
bones, or hair, or facial angles, but simply and solely
with language. Aryas are those who speak Aryan
languages, whatever their colour, whatever their blood.
In calling them Aryas we predicate nothing of them
except that the grammar of their language is Aryan.
The classification of Aryas and Shemites is based on
linguistic grounds and on nothing else ; and it is only
because languages must be spoken by somebody that
we may allow ourselves to speak of language as
synonymous with peoples.
In India we have, first of all, the two principal
ingredients of the population — the dark aboriginal
inhabitants and their- more fair-skinned conquerors.
Besides these two, there have been enormous floods
of neighbouring races, — Scythians from the North-
West, Mongolians from the North-East, overwhelming
from time to time large tracts of Northern India.
There have, besides, been im*oads of Persians, Greeks,
Komans, Mohammedans of every description, Afghans,
and last, but not least, Europeans, — all mingling more
or less freely with the original inhabitants and
among themselves. Here, therefore, the ethnologist
has a splendid oj)portuuity of discovering some tests,
apart from language, by which, even after a neigh-
bourly intercourse lasting for thousands of years,
the descendants of one race may be told from the
descendants of the others.
We must not allow ourselves to be deceived by
sacred law books. The veiy fact of their forbidding
intermarriages between different races shows that
human nature was too strong for them. Inter-
marriages, whether forbidden or sanctioned by the
law, took place ; and we know that the consequence
CLASSinCATION OP MANKIND. 259
of one single intermarriage might tell in a few gene-
rations on thousands of people. Here, then, there is
a promising field for the ethnologist, if only he will
shut his ears to the evidence of language. As the
philologist classifies his languages without asking a
single question by whom they were spoken, let the
ethnologist classify his skulls without inquiring what
language had its habitat in them. After each has
finished his classification, it will be time for the
ethnologist or the linguist to compare their results,
but not till then ; otherwise wo shall never arrive at
truly scientific conclusions.
To give one instance. When Mr. Hodgson had
published his valuable vocabularies of the non-San-
skritic dialects spoken in India, he, like Lassen, seems
to have been so convinced that the people who spoke
them in the interior of India must have been either
the aboriginal races or their fair-skinned Brahmanic
conquerors, that in spite of most characteristic differ-
ences he referred that whole cluster of dialects which
we now call Munda or Kolarian to the Dravidian
family of speech. Trusting simply to the guidance
of language, and wdthout paying the slightest regard
to the strangely conflicting accounts as to the physical
characteristics of these Munda tribes, I pointed out in
1853 that these dialects differed as much from the
Dravidian as from the Sanskritic type, and that they
must be admitted as a separate family of speech on the
soil of India. Everybody accepted my discovery, but
unfortunately very soon the term Munda or Kolarian,
which was intended as a linguistic term only, was
used ethnologically ; and we now constantly read of
a Kolarian race, as if we knew anything to prove
s 2
260 EECENT ESSAYS.
that the people who speak Kolarian languages share
all the same unmixed blood.
If you were to issue an interdict against any of
your collahorateurs using linguistic terms in an ethno-
logical sense, I believe that your Ethnological Survey
of India would inaugurate a new and most important
era both in the science of language and in the science
of man. And while I am speaking of the confusion of
terms with regard to language and race, may I point
out a similar danger which seems to me to threaten
your searches into the origin of castes and tribes in
India. On this point also you have to a certain
extent anticipated my apprehensions, and I need not
fear that you will misapprehend my remarks, though
they can only be very short and imperfect.
Caste is a European word, but it has become so
completely naturalised in India that the vagueness
of its meaning seems to have reacted even on the
native mind. The Sanskrit word for caste is var^ia,
literally ' colour,' or (/ati, literally ' kith,' But though
the original meaning of these words is clear, it is
w^ell known how much their meaning has varied
during different periods in the history of Indian
society. As to colour, there are now true Brahmans
in the south of India as black as Pariahs ; as to kith
and kin, whatever the orthodox doctrine may be, the
Brahmans themselves are honest enough to confess
that even in the earliest times Kshatriyas became
Brahmans, such as Visvamitra ; nay more, outsiders,
such as the carpenters under Bribu, were admitted
to the Brahmanic community and endowed with
Brahmanic gods the i^ibhus (see ' Chips from a German
Workshop,' ii. p. 131, and my article on Caste, ibid.,
CLASSIFICATION OP MANKIND. 261
pp. 301-359). What took place during the Vedic
period is taking place, as Sir Alfred Lyall has so well
shown, at the present day, only we must take care
not to ascribe to the proselytising spirit of the Brah-
mans what is simply the result of the religious and
social flunkeyism of the lower races of India.
Caste ought to be carefully distinguished from school,
K&T&na. — from race and family, gotra and kula.
This subject is beset with many difficulties, and I do
not myself profess to see quite clearly on the many
intricate questions connected with it. With regard
to the early history of races and families there is
a rich literature in Sanskrit, and it would be very
desirable if you could secure the assistance of a really
learned pundit to give you a clear and full account
of what can be known from these sources. Some of
them are of very ancient date. Thus you will find
in the Vedic G7'ihya-sutras a list of Brahmanic gotras
(see my ' History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature,'
pp. 379-3^8), and, strange to say, you will see that
the interdict against marriages between members of
the same gotra is by no means so universal as it is
supposed to be. Even if some of the statements set
forth in these Brahmanic treatises may seem to repre-
sent pia vota rather than real facts, we must not
forget that such theories have often very power-
fully influenced the later development of social life
in India. I have no doubt that with proper pre-
cautions you might derive most valuable help from
educated natives, who know the meaning of the terms
taken from their own language and how far they
really correspond with the terms which we use in
English.
262 RECENT ESSAYS.
It seems to me a dangerous habit to transfer terms
which have their proper and well-defined meaning in
one country to similar objects in other countries. It
is, of course, very tempting when we see in India —
nay, almost in every country of the world, — two or
more vertical stones with another on the top of them
to greet them as cromlechs. But a cromlech is a
stone monument erected by Celtic people, and to
speak of cromlechs in India is apt to be misleading.
It is far better to describe each class of rude stone
monuments by itself, and, if possible^ to call them by
their own local name. In that way their individual
features will not be overlooked ; and this is of great
importance, — nay, often of greater importance than
to perceive the general similarity of such stone monu-
ments in the most distant quarters of our globe.
I am even afraid of such words as totemism,
fetialdsin, and several other isms, which have found
their way into ethnological science. They are very
convenient and commodious terms, and, if used with
proper care, quite unobjectionable. But they often
interfere with accurate observation and distinction.
A fetish, from meaning originally something very defi-
nite in the worship of the Negroes on the west coast
of Africa, has become a general name of almost any
inanimate object of religious worship. The Palladium,
the Cross, the black stone of Kaaba, have all been
called fetishes as much as the tail of a dog worshipped
on the Congo, as if we could arrive at any sound
conclusions by throwing together, regardless of their
antecedents, objects of worship belonging, it is sup-
posed, to the earliest and to the latest phases of
religious belief.
CLASSIFICATION OF MAXKIXD. 263
Again, if there is anything like totem ism in India,
let us have a full and detailed description of each
individual case, instead of hiding all that may be
really enlightening under the large bushel of totemism.
Almost anything that outwardly distinguishes one
race from another is now called totem, though what
seems to be the same, and even what answers the
same purpose, is by no means always the same in its
origin. Think only of the different nagas or snakes
in India. People are called nagas, they worship
nagas, they use emblems of nagas, and we maj''
believe that they do not eat nagas. Is the naga or
serpent therefore to be simply classed as a totem ?
There are fagots et fagots, and any one who has lived
in India knows that in India, as elsewhere, nothing
has such various antecedents, and nothing serves such
different purports, as naga, the serpent.
I have written down these few remarks, not with
a view of offering you advice in the prosecution of
your ethnological inquiries in India, but in order to
show to you how entirely I agree with the spirit
in which you have hitherto conducted your Ethno-
logical Survey of India, and I hope will continue it
and brin^c it to a successful issue.
HORATIO HALE ON ' THE TRUE BASIS OF
ANTHROPOLOGY i.'
The Nestor of American philologists, and at the
same time the indefatigable Ulysses of comparative
' * Language as a Test of Mental Capacity.' Ey Horatio Kale.
From the Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, 1891.
264 RECENT ESSAYS.
philology in that country, Mr. Horatio Hale, has just
published in the Transactions of the Eoyal Society of
Canada, an important essay on ' Language as a Test
of Mental Capacity,' being an attempt to demonstrate
the true basis of anthropology. His first important
contribution to the science of language dates back as
far as 1838-42, when he acted as ethnographer to the
United States Exploring Expedition, and published
the results of his observations in a valuable and now
very scarce volume, ' Ethnography and Philology.'
He has since left the United States and settled in
Canada. All his contributions to American ethnology
and philology have been distinguished by their
originality, accuracy, and trustworthiness. Every
one of them marks a substantial addition to our
knowledge, and, in spite of the hackneyed disapproval
with which reviewers receive reprints of essays pub-
lished in periodicals, it is much to be regretted that
his essays have never been published in a collected
form.
Mr. Horatio Hale's object in the essay before us is
to show that language separates man from all other
animals by a line as distinct as that which separates
a tree from a stone, or a stone from a star.
' A treatise,' he writes, ' which should undertake to
show how inanimate matter became a plaut or an
animal, would, of course, possess great interest for
biologists, but it would not be accepted by them as
a treatise on biology. In like manner a work dis-
playing the anatomy of man in comparison with that
of other animals cannot but be of great value, and
a treatise showing how the human frame was probably
developed from that of a lower animal must be of
CLASSIFICATION OJF MANJs-IXD. 265
extreme interest ; but these would be works, not of
anthropology, but of physiology or biology. Anthro-
pology begins where mere brute life gives way to
something widely different and indefinitely higher.
It begins with that endowment which characterises
man, and distinguishes him from all other creatures.
The real basis of the science of anthropology is found
in articulate speech, with all that it indicates and
embodies.' He does not hesitate to maintain that
solely by their languages can the tribes of men be
scientifically classified, their affiliations discovered,
and their mental qualities discerned. These premises,
he says, compel us to the logical conclusion that
linguistic anthropology is the only ' Science of Man.'
These words explain at once the whole character of
this important essay. Mr. Horatio Hale is a great
admirer of Darwin, but not of the Darwinians. He
contrasts Darwin's discernment of the value of
language with the blindness of his followers, who are
physiologists and nothing else. Why anthropology
has of late been swamped by physiology, Mr. Horatio
Hale explains by the fact that the pursuit of the latter
science is so infinitely the easier. ' To measure human
bodies and human bones, to compute the comparative
number of blue eyes and black eyes in any community,
to determine whether the section of a human hair is
circular, or oval, or oblong, to study and compare the
habits of various tribes of man, as we would study
and compare the habits of beavers and bees, these are
tasks which are comparatively simple. Eut the patient
toil and protracted mental exertion required to pene-
trate into the mysteries of a strange language, and
to acquire a knowledge profound enough to afford the
S66 EECENT ESSAYS.
means of determining the intellectual endowments of
the people who speak it, are such as very few men of
science have been willing to undergo.' Mr. Horatio
Hale has a right to speak with authority on this
point, for, besides having studied the several lan-
guages of North America, of Australia and Polynesia,
no one has more carefully measured skulls, registered
eyes, measured hair, and collected antiquities and
curiosities of all kinds than he has done during his
long and busy life. His knowledge of the customs of
uncivilised races is very considerable. No one knows
the Indian tribes and likewise the Australians better
than he does, and he is in consequence very severe on
mere theorisers who imagine they have proved how
the primitive hordes of human beings, after herding
together like cattle, emerged slowly through wife-
capture, mother-right, father-right, endogamy, exo-
gamy, totemism, fetichism, and clan systems, to what
may be called a social status. He holds with Darwin
that man was from the beginning a pairing animal,
and that the peculiar usages of barbarous tribes are
simply the efforts of men, pressed down by hard
conditions, below the natural stage, to keep them-
selves from sinking lower. He gives a most graphic
description of changes of civilisation produced by
change of surroundings in the case of the savage
Athapascans, and their descendants, the quick-witted
and inventive Navajos. He holds that the inhabitants
of Australia were originally Dravidians, and that their
socialand linguistic deterioration is due to the miserable
character of the island in which they had taken refuge,
possibly from the Aryans, when pressing upon the
aboriginal inhabitants of the Dekhan. He points out
CLASSIFICATION OF MANKIND. 267
a few grammatical terminations in the Dravidian
languages which show some similarity to the ter-
minations of Australian dialects. The dative, for
instance, is formed in the Dravidian Tulu by ku, and
in the Lake Macquario and Wiradhurei dialects of
Australia by ho. In both families the /*; of hu and
ko is liable to be changed into g. The plural suffix
in Tamil is gal, in Wiradhurei galan. Thus in Tamil
viaram, tree, forms the nom. plur. marangal, the dat.
plur. marangaluk-ku ', while in Wiradhurei, bagai,
shell, appears in the nom. plur. as hagaigalan, in the
dat. plur. as hugaigalan-gu. On this point, however,
Mr. Horatio Hale ought to produce fuller evidence,
particularly from numerals, and the common house-
hold words of uncivilised tribes. The pronouns show
many coincidences with Dravidian and Australian
languages. No one is better qualified for that task
than he is, for we really owe to him the first trust-
worthy information about the Australian dialects.
He considers all the dialects spoken in Australia as
varieties of one original speech, and he has proved
their wonderful structure by several specimens con-
tained in his first book, published nearly fifty years
ago, and again in this last essay of his.
There is no doubt that this essay will provoke much
opposition, but no one can read it -without deriving
most valuable information from it, and without being
impressed with the singularly clear and unbiassed
judgment of the author. It is to be hoped that if
there is any controversy it may be carried on in the
same scientific and thoroughly gentlemanlike tone in
which Mr. Horatio Hale deals with those whom he
has to reprove. Thus, when Prof. Whitney, a fertile
268 RECENT ESSAYS.
■writer on linguistic science in America, commits
himself to the statement that the Dravidian languages
have ' a general agglutinative structure ivith prefixes
only' Mr. Horatio Hale good-naturedly remarks, ' this
is doubtless a misprint for iv'dh suffixes only.' And
when Prof. Gerland, in his continuation of Waitz's
invaluable work, 'Die Anthropologic der Naturvolker,'
refers to Mr. Horatio Hale as describing the hair of
the Australians as long, fine, and woolly, he points
out that he, on the contrary, described their hair as
neither woolly, like that of the Africans and Mela-
nesians ; nor frizzled, like that of the Feejeeans ; nor
coarse, stiff, and curling, as with the Malays ; but as
long, fine, and wavy, like that of Europeans. He
naturally protests against Prof. Friedrich Mliller
charging him with having committed such a blunder,
which, as he remarks, would be as bad as if he had
described the Eskimos as having black skins. But
there is not a single offensive expression in the whole
of his essay, though the opportunities would have
been many for adopting the style of hitting in-
discriminately above and below the belt. Though
he differs from Prof. Whitney, he evidently ranks
him very high, and treats him with that courtesy
with which every scholar ought to treat his fellow-
labourers.
ON FEEEDOM/
NOT more than twenty years have passed since
John Stuart Mill sent forth his plea for
Liberty ^.
If there is one among the leaders of thought in
England who, by the elevation of his character and
the calm composure of his mind, deserved the so
often misplaced title of Serene Highness, it was,
I think, John Stuart Mill.
But in his Essay ' On Liberty,' Mill for once
* An AdJres3 delivered on the 20th October, 1879, before the Eir-
mingham and Midland Institute.
* Mill tells us that his Essay 'On Liberty' was planned and written
down in 1S54. It was in mounting the steps of the Capitol in January,
1855, that the thought first arose of converting it into a volume, and it
was not published till 1S59. '^^^ author, who in his Autobiography
speaks with exquisite modesty of all his literary performances, allows
himself one single exception when speaking of his Essay ' On Liberty.'
' None of my writing?,' he says, ' Lave been eitlier so carefully com-
posed or so sedulously corrected as this.' Its final revision was to have
been the work of the winter of 1858 to 1859, which he and his wife had
arranged to pass in the South of Europe, a hope which was frustrated
by his wife's death. ' The " Liberty," ' he writes, ' is likely to survive
longer than anything else that I have written (with the possible
exception of the "Logic"), because the conjunction of her mind with
mine has rendered it a kind of philosophic text-book of a single truth,
which the changes progressively taking place in modern society tend to
bring out into stronger relief : the importance, to man and society, of
a large variety of character, and of giving full freedom to human nature
to expand itself in innumerable and conflicting directions.'
270 r.ECENT ESSAYS.
becomes passionate. In presenting his Eill of Rights,
in stepping forward as the champion of individual
liberty, a new spirit seems to have taken possession
of him. He speaks like a martyr, or the defender
of martyrs. The individual human soul, with its
unfathomable endowments, and its capacity of growing
to something undreamt of in our philosophy, becomes
in his eyes a sacred thing, and every encroachment
on its world-wide domain is treated as sacrilege.
Society, the arch-enemy of the rights of individuality,
is represented like an evil spirit, whom it behoves
every true man to resist with might and main, and
whose demands, as they cannot be altogether ignored,
must be reduced at all hazards to the lowest level.
I doubt whether any of the principles for which
Mill pleaded so warmly and strenuously in his Essay
' On Liberty ' would at the present day be challenged
or resisted, even by the most illiberal of philosophers,
or the most conservative of politicians. Mill's demands
sound very humble to ouo^ ears. They amount to no
more than this, 'that the individual is not accountable
to society for his actions so far as they concern the
interests of no person but himself, and that he may
be subjected to social or legal punishments for such
actions only as are prejudicial to the interests of
others.'
Is there any one here present who doubts the
justice of that principle, or who would wish to reduce
the freedom of the individual to a smaller measure?
Whatever social tyranny may have existed twenty
years ago, when it wrung that fiery protest from the
lips of John Stuart Mill, can we imagine a state of
society, not totally Utopian, in which the individual
ON FREEDOM. 271
man need be less ashamed of his social fetters, in
which he could more freely utter all his honest
convictions, more boldly propound all his theories,
more fearlessly ngitate for their speedy realisation ;
in which, in fact, each man can be so entirely himself
as the society of England, such as it now is, such
as generations of hard-thinking and hard-workiug
Englishmen have made it, and left it as the most
sacred inheritance to their sons and daughters ?
Look through the whole of history, not excepting
tho brightest days of republican freedom at Athens
and Rome, and I know you will not find one single
period in which the measure of Liberty accorded to
each individual was larger than it is at present, at
least in England. And if you wish to realise the full
blessings of the time in which we live, compare Mill's
plea for Liberty with another written not much more
than two hundred years 8,go, and by a thinker not
inferior either in power or boldness to Mill himself.
According to Hobbes, the only freedom which an
individual in his ideal state has a right to claim is
what he calls ' freedom of thought,' and that freedom
of thought consists in our being able to think what
we like — so long as we keep it to ourselves. Surely,
such freedom of thought existed even in the days of
the Inquisition, and we should never call thought free,
if it had to be kept a prisoner in solitary and silent
confinement. By freedom of thought we mean freedom
of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of action,
whether individual or associated, and of that freedom
the present generation, as compared with all former
generations, the English nation, as compared with all
other nations, enjoys, there can be no doubt., a good
272 RECENT ESSAYS.
measure, pressed down, and shaken together, and
sometimes running over.
It may be said that some dogmas still remain in
politics, in religion, and in morality ; but those who
defend them claim no longer any infallibility, and
those who attack them, however small their minority,
need fear no violence, nay, may reckon on an impar-
tial and even sympathetic hearing, as soon as people
discover in their pleadings the true ring of honest
conviction and the w^armth inspired by an unselfish
love of truth.
It has seemed strange therefore to many readers of
Mill, particularly on the Continent, that this cry for
Liberty, this demand for freedom for every individual
to be what he is, and to develop all the germs of his
nature, should have come from what is known as the
freest of all countries, England. We might well
understand such a cry of indignation if it had reached
us from Russia ; but why should English philo-
sophers, of all others, have to protest against the
tyranny of society ? It is true, nevertheless, that in
countries governed despotically, the individual, unless
he is obnoxious to the Government, enjoys greater
freedom, or rather licence, than in a country like
England, which governs itself. Russian society, for
instance, is extremely indulgent. It tolerates in its
rulers and statesmen a haughty defiance of the
simplest rules of social propriety, and it seems
amused rather than astonished or indignant at the
vagaries, the frenzies, and outrages, of those who in
brilliant drawing-rooms or lecture-rooms preach the
doctrines of what is called Nihilism or Individualism^,
^ Herzen defined Nihilism as * the most jicTfect freedom from all
ON FUEEDOM. 2 73
viz. ' that society must be regenerated by a struggle
for existence and the survival of the strongest, pro-
cesses which Nature has sanctioned^ and which have
proved successful among wild animals.' If there is
danger in these doctrines the Government is expected
to see to it. It may place watchmen at the doors of
every house and at the corner of every street, but it
must not count on the better classes coming forward
to enrol themselves as special constables, or even on
the co-operation of public opinion which in England
would annihilate that kind of Nihilism with one
glance of scorn and pity.
In a self-governed country like England, the re-
sistance which society, if it likes, can oppose to the
individual in the assertion of his riorhts, is far more
compact and powerful than in Russia, or even in
Germany. Even where it does not employ the arm
of the law, society knows how to use that softer, but
more crushing pressure, that calm, but Gorgon-like
look which only the bravest and stoutest hearts know
how to resist.
It is rather against that indirect repression which
a well- organised society exercises, both through its
male and female representatives, that Mill's demand
for Liberty seems directed. He does not stand up for
unlimited licence; on the contrary, he would have
been the most strenuous defender of that balance of
power between the weak and the strong on which all
social life depends. But he resents those smaller
penalties which society likes to inflict on those who
settled concepts, from all inherited restraints and impediments wliich
hamper the progress of the Occidental intellect with the historical drag
tied to its foot.'
VOL. I. T
274 EECENT ESSAYS.
disturb its dignified peace and comfort : — avoidance,
exclusion, a cold look, a stinging remark. Had
Mill any right to complain of these social penalties ■?
Would it not rather amount to an interference with
individual liberty to wish to deprive any individual
or any number of individuals of those weapons of
self-defence'? Those who themselves think and speak
freely, have hardly a right to complain, if others claim
the same privilege. Mill himself called the Conserva-
tive party the stupid party 'par excellence y and he
took great pains to explain that it was so, not by
accident, but by necessity. Need he wonder if those
whom he whipped and scourged used their own whips
and scourges against so merciless a critic.
Freethinkers, and I use that name as a title of
honour for all who, like Mill, claim for every indi-
vidual the fullest freedom in thought, word, or deed,
compatible with the freedom of others, are apt to
make one mistake. Conscious of their own honest
intentions, they cannot bear to be mistrusted or
slighted. They expect society to submit to their
often very painful operations as a patient submits
to the knife of the surgeon. That is not in human
nature. The enemy of abuses is always abused by
his enemies. Society will never yield one inch without
resistance, and few reformers live long enough to
receive the thanks of those whom they have reformed.
Mill's unsolicited election to Parliament was a triumph
not often shared by social reformers ; it was as
exceptional as Bright's admission to a seat in the
Cabinet, or Stanley's appointment as Dean of West-
minster. Such anomalies will happen in a country
fortunately so full of anomalies as England ; but, as
ON FREEDOM. 275
a rule, a political reformer must not ho angry if ho
passes through life without the title of Right Honour-
able ; nor should a man, if ho will always speak the
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
be disappointed if he dies a martyr rather than a
Bishop.
Bat CTantinof even that in Mill's time there existed
some traces of social t3'ranny, where are they now ?
Look at the newspapers and the journals. Is there
any theory too wild, any reform too violent, to be
openly defended ? Look at the drawing-rooms or the
meetinefs of learned societies. Are not the most
eccentric talkers the spoiled children of the fashionable
world 1 When young lords begin to discuss the pro-
priety of limiting the rights of inheritance, and young
tutors are not afraid to propose curtailing the long
vacation, surely we need not complain of the intoler-
ance of English society.
Whenever I state these facts to my German and
French and Italian friends, who from reading Mill's
Essay ' On Liberty ' have derived the impression that,
however large an amount of political liberty England
may enjoy, it enjoys but little of intellectual freedom,
they are generally willing to be converted so far as
London, or other great cities, are concerned. But
look at your Universities, they say, the nurseries of
English thought ! Can you compare their mediaeval
spirit, their monastic institutions, their scholastic
philosophy, with the freshness and freedom of the
Continental Universities ? Strong as these prejudices
about Oxford and Cambridge have always been, they
have become still more intense since Professor Uelm-
holtz, in an inaugural address which he delivered at
T 2
276 EECENT ESSAYS.
liis installation as Rector of the University of Berlin,
lent the authority of his great name to these miscon-
ceptions. 'The tutors,' he says \ 'in the English
Universities cannot deviate by a hair's -breadth from
the dogmatic system of the English Church, without
exposing themselves to the censure of their Arch-
bishops and losing their pupils.' In German Univer-
sities, on the contrary, we are told that the extreme
conclusions of materialistic metaphysics, the boldest
speculations within the sphere of Darwin's theory of
evolution, may be propounded without let or hin-
drance, quite as much as the highest apotheosis of
Papal infallibility.
Here the facts on which Professor Helmholtz relies
are not quite correct, and the writings of some of our
most eminent tutors supply a more than sufficient
refutation of his statements. Archbishops have no
official position whatsoever in English universities,
and their censure of an Oxford tutor would be resented
as impertinent by the whole University. Nor does
the University, as such, exercise any very strict con-
trol over the tutors, even when they lecture not to
their own College only. Each Master of Arts at
Oxford claims now the right to lecture [venia docendi),
and I doubt whether they would ever submit to those
restrictions which, in Germany, the Faculty imposes
on every Pi^ivat-docent. Privat-docevds in German
Universities have been rejected by the Faculty for
incompetence, and silenced for insubordination. I
know of no such cases at Oxford during my residence
* Ueber die akademische Freiheit der deutschen Universitaten,
Eede beim Antritt des Kectorats an der rriediich-Willielnis Universitat
in Berlin, am 15. October, 1877, gebalteu von Dr. H. Helmholtz,
ON FllEKDOAI. 27 7
of more than thirty years, nor can I think it likely
that they should ever occur.
As to the extreme conclusions of materialistic
metaphy.^ics, there are Oxford tutors who have grap-
pled with the systems of such giants as Hobbes,
Locke, or Hume, and who are not likely to be
frightened by Blichner and Vogt.
I know comparisons are odious, and I am the last
man who w^ould wish to draw comparisons between
English and German Universities unfavourable to the
latter. But with regard to freedom of thought, of
speech, and action, Professor Helmholtz, if he would
spend but a few weeks at Oxford, would find that
we enjoy a fuller measure of freedom here than the
Professors and Privat-docents in any Continental
University. The publications of some of our pro-
fessors and tutors ought at least to have convinced
him that if there is less of brave w^ords and turbulent
talk in their writings, they display throughout a
determination to speak the truth, which may be
matched, but could not easily be excelled, by the
leaders of thought in France, Germany, or Italy.
The real difference between English and Conti-
nental Universities is that the former govern them-
selves, the latter are governed. Self-government
entails responsibilities, sometimes restraints and re-
ticences. I may here be allowed to quote the words
of another eminent Professor of the University of
Berlin, Du Bois Reymond, who, in addressing his
colleagues, ventured to tell them \ ' We have still to
' Ueber eine Akadeniie der deutsclien Sprache, p. 34. Anotlur
keen observer of English life, Dr. K. Hillebrand, in an article in the
October number of tlie Nineteenth Century, remarks : ' Nowhere is
278 KECENT ESSAYS,
learn from the English how the greatest independence
of the individual is compatible with willing sub-
mission to salutary, though irksome, statutes.' That
is particularly true when the statutes are self-imposed.
In Germany, as Professor Helmholtz tells us himself,
the last decision in almost all the more important
affairs of the Universities rests with the Government,
and he does not deny that in times of political and
ecclesiastical tension, a most inconsiderate use has
])een made of that power. There are, besides, the less
important matters, such as raising of salaries, leave of
absence, scientific missions, even titles and decorations,
all of which enable a clever Minister of Instruction
to assert his personal influence among Ihe less inde-
pendent members of the University. In Oxford the
University does not know the Ministry, nor the
Ministry the University. The acts of the Govern-
ment, be it Liberal or Conservative, are freely dis-
cussed, and often powerfully resisted by the academic
constituencies, and the personal dislike of a Minister
or Ministerial Councillor could as little injure a pro-
fessor or tutor as his favour could add one penny to
his salary.
But these are minor matters. What gives their
own peculiar character to the English Universities is
a sense of power and responsibility: power, because
they are the most respected among the numerous
corporations in the country ; responsibility, because
the higher education of the whole country has been
committed to their charge. Their only master is
public opinion as represented in Parliament, their
tiiere greater imiiviilual liberty tlian in England, and nowhere do
people renounce it more readily of their own accord.'
ON FREEDOM. 279
only incentive their own sense of duty. There is no
country in Europe where Universities liokl so exalted
a position, and where those who have the honour to
belong to them may say with greater truth, Noblesse
oblige.
I know the dangers of self-government, particularly
where higher and more ideal interests are concerned,
and there are probably few who wish for a real reform
in schools and Universities who have not occasionally
yielded to the desire for a Dictator, for a Bismarck
or a Falk. But such a desire springs only from
a momentary weakness and despondency ; and no
one who knows the difference between being governed
and governing oneself, would ever wish to descend
from that higher though dangerous position to a lower
one, however safe and comfortable it might seem. No
one who has tasted freedom would ever wish to
exchange it for anything else. Public opinion is
sometimes a hard taskmaster, and majorities can be
great tyrants to those who want to be honest to their
own convictions. But in the struggle of all against
all, each individual feels that he has his rightful
place, and that he may exercise his rightful influence.
If he is beaten, he is beaten in fair fight ; if he
conquers, he has no one else to thank. No doubt
despotic Governments have often exercised the most
beneficial patronage in encouraging and rewarding
poets, artists, and men of science. But men of
genius who have conquered the love and admiration
of a whole nation are greater than those who have
gained the favour of the most brilliant Courts ; and
we know how some of the fairest reputations have
been wrecked on the patronage which they had to
280 RECENT ESSAYS.
accept at the hands of powerful Ministers or ambitious
Sovereigns.
Eut to return to Mill and his plea for Liberty.
Though I can hardly believe that, were he still among
us, he would claim a larger measure of freedom for
the individual than is now accorded to every one of
us in the society in which we move, yet the chief
cause on which he founded his plea for Liberty, the
chief evil which he thought could be remedied only
if society would allow more elbow-room to individual
genius, exists in the same degi-ee as in his time — aye,
even in a higher degree. The principle of Indi-
viduality has suffered more at present than perhaps
at any former period of history. The world is be-
coming more and more gregarious, and what tV.e
French call our nature moutonniere, ' our mutton-
like nature,' our tendency to leap where any bell-
wether has leapt before, becomes more and more
prevalent in politics, in religion, in art, and even in
science. M. de Tocqueville expressed his surprise how
much more Frenchmen of the present day resemble
one another than did those of the last generation.
The same remark, adds John Stuart Mill, might be
made of England in a greater degree. ' The modern
r&jlme of public opinion,' he writes, ' is in an unor-
franised form what the Chinese educational and
political systems are in an organised ; and unless
individuality shall be able successfully to assert itself
against this yoke, Europe, notwithstanding its noble
antecedents and its professed Christianity, will tend
to become another China.'
I fully agree with Mill in recognising the dangers
of uniformity, but I doubt whether what he calls the
ON FREEDOJr. 281
regime of public opinion is alone, or even chietly,
answerable for it. No doubt there are some people
in whose eyes uniformity seems an advantage rather
than a disadvantage. If all were equally strong,
equally educated, equally honest, equally rich, equally
tall, or equally small, society would seem to them to
have reached the highest ideal. The same people
admire an old French garden, wnth its clipped yew-
trees, forming artificial walls and towers and pyramids,
far more than the giant yews which, like large ser-
pents, clasp the soil with their coiling roots, and
overshadow with their dark green branches the white
chalk cliffs of the Thames. Eut those French gardens,
unless they are constantly clipped and prevented from
growing, soon fall into decay. As in nature, so in
society, uniformity means but too often stagnation,
while variety is the surest sign of health and vigour.
The deepest secret of nature is its love of continued
novelty. Its tendency, if unrestrained, is towards con-
stantly creating new varieties, which, if they fulfil their
purpose, become fixed for a time, or, it may be, for ever;
while others, after they have fulfilled their purpose,
vanish to make room for new and stronger types.
The same is the secret of human society. It con-
sists and lives in individuals, each being meant to
be different from all the rest, and to contribute his
own peculiar share to the common wealth. As no
tree is like any other tree, and no leaf on the same
tree like any other leaf, no human being is exactly
like any other human being, nor is it meant to bo.
It is in this endless, and to us inconceivable, variety
of human souls that the deepest purpose of human
life is to be realised ; and the more society fulfils that
282 RECENT ESSAYS.
purpose, the more it allows free scope for the develop-
ment of every individual germ, the richer will be the
harvest in no distant future. Such is the mystery of
individuality that I do not wonder if even those
philosophers who, like Mill, reduce the meaning of
the word sacred to the very smallest compass, see in
each individual soul something sacred, something to
he revered, even where we cannot understand it, some-
thing to be protected against all vulgar violence, even
where we cannot agree with it.
Where I differ from Mill and his school is on the
question as to the quarter from whence the epidemic
of uniformity springs which threatens the fiee de-
velopment of modern society. Mill points to the
society in which we move ; to those who are in front
of us, to our contemporaries. I feel convinced that
our real enemies are at our back, and that the heaviest
chains which are fastened on us are those made, not
by the present, but by past generations — by our
ancestors^ not by our contemporaries.
It is on this point, on the trammels of individual
freedom with which we may almost be said to be
born into the world, and on the means by Avhich we
may shake off these old chains, or at all events carry
them more lightly and gracefully, that I wish to speak
to you this evening.
You need not be afi-aid that I am o-oinff to enter
upon the much discussed subject of heredity, whether
in its physiological or psychological aspects. It is
a favourite subject just now, and the most curious
facts have been brought together of late to illustrate
the working of what is called heredity. Eut the more
we know of these facts, the less we seem able to
0\ FREEDOM, 283
comprehend the underlying principle. Inheritance is
one of those numerous words which by their very
simplicity and clearness are so apt to darken our
counsel. If a father has blue eyes and the son has
blue eyes, what can be clearer than that he inherited
them ? If the father stammers and the son stammers,
who can doubt but that it came by inheritance ? If
the father is a musician and the son a musician, we
say very glibly that the talent was inherited. But
what does inherited mean? In no case does it mean
what inherited usually means — something external,
like money, collected by a father, and, after his death,
secured by law to his son. Whatever else inherited
may mean, it does not mean that. But unfortunately
the word is there, it seems almost pedantic to chal-
lenge its meaning, and people are always grateful if
an easy word saves them the trouble of hard thought.
Another apparent advantage of the theory of
hei^dity is that it never fails. If the son has blue,
and the father black, eyes, all is right again, for
either the mother, or the grandmother, or some his-
toric or prehistoric ancestor, may have had blue e3'es,
and atavism, we know, will assert itself after hundreds
and thousands of years.
Do not suppose that I deny the broad facts of what
is called by the name of heredity. What I deny is
that the name of heredity offers any scientific solution
of a most difficult problem. It is a name, a metaphor,
quite as bad as the old metaphor of inmate ideas ; for
there is hardly a single point of similarity between
the process by which a son may share the black eyes,
the stammerinff, or the musical talent of his father,
and that by which, after his father's death, the law
284 KECENT ESSAYS.
secures to the son the possession of the pounds, shillings,
and pence which his father held in the Funds.
But whatever the true meaning of heredity may be,
certain it is that every individual comes into the
world heavy-laden. Nowhere has the coDsciousness
of the burden which rests on each generation as it
enters on its journey through life found stronger
expression than among the Buddhists. What other
people call by various names, ' fate or providence,'
'tradition or inheritance,' 'circumstances or environ-
ment,' they call Karma n, deed — what has been done,
whether by ourselves or by others, the accumulated
work of all who have come before us, the consequences
of which we have to bear, both for good and for evil.
Originally this Karnian seems to have been conceived
as personal, as the w^ork which w^e ourselves have
done in former existences. But, as personally we are
not conscious of having done such work in former
ages, that kind of Karrtian, too, might be said to be
impersonal. To the question how Karman began,
the accumulation of what forms the condition of all
that exists at present. Buddhism has no answer to
give, any more than any other system of religion or
philosophy. The Buddhists, as the disciples of the
Vedantists, say it began with avUJyd, i.e. ignorance ^
They are much more interested in the question how
Karman may be annihilated, how each man may free
himself from the influence of Karman, and Nirvana,
the highest object of all their dreams, is often defined by
Buddhist philosophers as ' freedom from Karman ^.'
What the Buddhists call by the general name of
* Si'encer Hardy, ' Manual of Euddliism,' p. 391.
' Ibid., p. 39.
ox IREKDOM. 285
Karinan, comprehends all influences which the past
exercises on the present, both physically and mentally ^
It is not my object to examine or even to name all
these influences, though I confess nothing is more
interesting than to look upon the surface of our
modern life as we look on a geological map, and to
see the most ancient formations cropping out every-
where under our feet. Difhcult as it is to colour
a geological map of England, it would be still more
difticult to find a sufhcient variety of colours to mark
the different ingredients of the intellectual surface of
this island.
That all of us, whether we speak English or German,
or French or Russian, are really speaking an ancient
Oriental tongue, incredible as it would have sounded
a hundred years ago, is now admitted by everybody.
Though the various dialects now spoken in Europe
have been separated many thousands of years from
the Sanskrit, the ancient classical language of India,
yet so unbroken is the bond that holds the West and
East together that in many cases an intelligent
Englishman might still guess the meaning of a
Sanskrit word. How little difference is there between
Sanskrit sunu and English son, between Sanskrit
duhitar and English daughter, between Sanskrit vid,
to know, and English to tvit, between Sanskrit vaksh,
to grow, and English to ivax ! Think how we value
a Saxon urn, or a Roman coin, or a Celtic weapon !
* ' As one generation dies and gives way to another, the heir of the
consequences of all its virtues and all its vices, the exact result of pre-
existent causes, so each indiviilual, in the long chain of life, inherits
all, of good or evil, which all its predecessors have done or been; and
takes up the struggle towards enlightenment precisely there where they
left it.' — Rhys Davids, * Buddhism,' p. 104.
286 EECENT ESSAYS.
how we dig for them, clean them, label them, and
carefully deposit them in our museums ! Yet what
is their antiquity compared with tlie antiquity of
such words as son or daughter, father and mother'^
There are no monuments older than those collected
in the handy volumes which we call Dictionaries, and
those who know how to interpret those English
antiquities — as you may see them interpreted, for
instance, in Grimm's Dictionary of the German, in
Littr^'s Dictionary of the French, or in Professor
Skeat's Etymological Dictionary of the English
language — will learn more of the real growth of the
human mind than by studying many volumes on
logic and psychology.
And as by our language we belong to the Aryan
stratum, we belong through our letters to the Hamitic.
We still write English in hieroglyphics ; and in spite
of all the vicissitudes through which the ancient
hieroglyphics have passed in their journey from
Egypt to Phoenicia, from Phoenicia to Greece, from
Greece to Italy, and from Italy to England, when wo
write a capital F ^, when we draw the top line and
the smaller line through the middle of the letter, we
really draw the two horns of the cerastes, the horned
serpent which the ancient Egyptians used for repre-
senting the sound of f. They write the name of the
king whom the Greeks called Cheops, and they them-
selves Chu-fu, like this ^ : /^"^^ ^^^ Here the first sign,
the sieve, is to be pro- ^^^^-^ f^ nounced chu ; the
second, the horned ser- Us u pent, fu, and the
little bird, again, u. In V:iL^ the more cursive
or Hieratic writing the horned serpent appears as ^ ;
' Bunsen, 'Egypt,' ii. jip. 77. 150.
ON FREEDOM. 287
in the later Demotic as y and y. The Phoenicians,
who borrowed their letters from the Hieratic hiero-
glyphics, -wrote ^ and y . The Greeks, who took their
letters from the Phoenicians, wrote ■]. When tlie
Greeks, instead of writing like the Phoenicians from
right to left, began to write from left to right, they
turned each letter, and as >| became K, our k, so
"1j vau, became F, the Greek so-called Digamma, the
Latin F.
The first letter in Chu-fu, too, still exists in our
alphabet, and in the transverse line of our H we must
recognise the last remnant of the lines which divide
the sieve. The sieve appears in Hieratic as Q, in
Phoenician as ^, in ancient Greek as B, which occurs
on an inscription found at Mycenae and elsewhere as
the sign of the spu'itus asper, while in Latin it is
known to us as the letter H K In the same manner
the undulating line of our capital J^. still recalls very
strikingly the bent back of the crouching lion, which
in the later hieroglyphic inscriptions represents the
sound of L.
If thus in our language wc are Aryan, in our letters
Egyptian, we have only to look at our watches to see
that we are Babylonian. Why is our hour divided
into sixty minutes, our minutes into sixty seconds?
Would not a division of the hour into ten, or fifty, or
a hundred minutes have been more natural? We
have sixty divisions on the dials of our watches
simply because the Greek astronomer Hipparchus,
* M^moire sur I'Origine Egyptieime de 1' Alphabet Phenicien, par
E. de Roug«^, Paris, 1874.
288 HECENT ESSAYS.
Avho lived in the second century B.C., accepted the
Babylonian system of reckoning time, that system
being sexagesimal. The Babj'lonians knew the
decimal system, but for practical purposes they
counted by sossi and sari, the sossos representing 60,
the saros 60 x 60, or 3,600. From Hipparchus that
system found its way into the works of Ptolemy,
about 150 A. D., and thence it was carried down the
stream of civilisation, finding its last resting-place on
the dial-plates of our clocks.
And why are there twenty shillings to our
sovereign 1 Again the real reason lies in Babylon.
The Greeks learnt from the Babylonians the art of
dividing gold and silver for the purpose of trade. It
has been proved that the current gold piece of Western
Asia was exactly the sixtieth part of a Babylonian
'nind, or niina. It was nearly equal to our sovereign.
The difficult problem of the relative value of gold and
silver in a bi-monetary currency had been solved to
a certain extent in the ancient Mesopotamian kingdom,
the proportion between gold and silver being fixed at
1 to 13!^. The silver shekel current in Babylon was
heavier than the gold shekel in the proportion of 13I
to 10, and had therefore the value of one-tenth of
a gold shekel ; and the half silver shekel, called by
the Greeks a drachma, was worth one-twentieth of
a gold shekel. The drachma, or half silver shekel,
may therefore be looked upon as the most ancient
type of our own silver shilling in its relation of one-
twentieth of our gold sovereign ^.
I shall mention only one more of the most essential
' See Brandis, ' Das Miiuzwesen.'
0\ FREEDOM. 289
tools of our mental life — namel3% our figures, which
we call Arabic, because we received them from the
Arabs, but which the Arabs called Indian, because
they received them from the Indians — in order to
show you how this nineteenth century of ours is
under the sway of centuries long past and forgotten ;
how we are what we are, not by ourselves, but by
those who came before us, and how the intellectual
ground on which we stand is made up of the detritus
of thoughts which were first thought, not on these
isles nor in Europe, but on the shores of the Oxus, the
Nile, the Euphrates, and the Indus.
Now you may well ask Quortum haec omnia? —
What has all this to do with freedom and with the
free development of individuality "? Because a man
is born the heir of all the ages, can it be said that he
is not free to grow and to expand, and to develop all
the faculties of his mind ? Are those who came before
him, and who left him this goodly inheritance, to be
called his enemies ? Is that chain of tradition which
connects him with the past really a galling fetter, and
not rather the leading-strings without which he would
never learn to walk straight ?
Let us look at the matter more closely. No one
would venture to say that every individual should
begin life as a young savage, and be left to form his
own language, and invent his own letters, numerals,
and coins. On the contrary, if we comprehend all
this and a great deal more, such as religion, morality,
and secular knowledge, under the general name of
education, even the most advanced defenders of in-
dividualism would hold that no child should enter
society without submitting, or rather without being
VOL. I. u
290 RECENT ESSAYS.
submitted, to education. Most of us would even go
further, and make it criminal for parents or even for
communities to allow children to grow up uneducated.
The excuse of worthless parents that they are at
liberty to do with their children as they like, has at
last been blown to the winds, I still remember the
time when pseudo-Liberals were not ashamed to say
that, whatever other nations, such as the Germans,
might do, England would never submit to compulsory
education. That wicked sophistry, too, has at last
been silenced, and among the principal advocates of
compulsory education, and of the necessity of curtailing
the freedom of savage parents of savage children, have
been Mill and his friends, the apostles of liberty and
individualism ^. A new era may be said to date in
the history of every nation from the day on which
' compulsory education ' becomes part of their statute-
book ; and I may congratulate the most Liberal town
in England on having proved itself the most inexorable
tyrant in carrying out the principle of compulsory
education.
But do not let us imagine that compulsory education
is without its dangers. Like a powerful engine, it
must be carefully watched, if it is not to produce,
what all compulsion will produce, a slavish recep-
tivity, and, what all machines do produce, monotonous
uniformity.
We know that all education must in the beginnino:
be purely dogmatic. Children are taught language,
' ' Is it not almost a self-evident axiom, that the State should
require and compel the education, up to a certain standard, of every
human being who is born its citizen ? Yet who is there that is not
afraid to recognise and assert this truth ? ' — ' On Liberty,' p. 188.
ON FREEDOM. 291
religion, morality, patriotism, and afterwards at school,
history, literature, mathematics, and all the rest, long
before they are able to question, to judge, or choose
for themselves, and there is hardly anything that
children will not believe if it comes from those in
whom they believe.
Reading, writijig, and arithmetic, no doubt, must
be taught dogmatically, and they take up an enormous
amount of time, particularly in English schools.
English spelling is a national misfortune, and in the
keen international race between all the countries of
Europe, it handicaps the English child to a degree
that seems incredible till we look at statistics. I
know the difficulties of a Spelling Reform, I know
what people mean when they call it impossible ; but
I also know that personal and national virtue consists
in doing so-called impossible things, and that no nation
has done, and has still to do, so many impossible
thino's as the Enci;lish.
But, granted that reading, writing, and arithmetic
occupy nearly the whole school-time and absorb the
best powers of the pupils, cannot something be done
in play -hours ? Is there not some work that can be
turned into play, and some play that can be turned
into work ? Cannot the powers of observation be called
out in a child while collecting flowers, or stones, or
butterflies'? Cannot his judgment be strengthened
either in gymnastic exercitrcs, or in measuring the
area of a Held or the height of a tower 1 Might not
all this be done without a view to examinations or
payment by results, simply for the sake of filling the
little dull minds with some sunbeams of joy, such
sunbeams being more likely hereafter to call hidden
U 3
292 llECENT ESSAYS.
precious germs into life than tlie deadening weight of
such lessons as, for instance, that th-ougk is though,
thr-ough is through, en-ough is enough. A child who
believes that will hereafter believe anything. Those
who wish to see Natural Science introduced into
elementary schools frighten schoolmasters by the very
name of Natural Science. But surely every school-
master who is worth his salt should be able to teach
children a love of Nature, a wondering at Nature,
a curiosity to pry into the secrets of Nature^ an
acquisitiveness for some of the treasures of Nature,
and all this acquired in the fresh air of the field and
the forest, where, better than in frouzy lecture -rooms,
the edge of the senses can be sharpened, the chest be
widened, and that freedom of thought fostered which
made England what it was even before the days of
compulsory education.
But in addressing you here to-night it was my
intention to speak of the higher rather than of
elementary education.
All education, as it now exists in most countries of
Europe, may be divided into three stages — elementary,
scholabtic, and academical; or call it primary,
secondary, and tertiary.
Elementary education has at last been made com-
pulsory in most civilised countries. Unfortunately,
however, it seems impossible to include under com-
pulsory education anythiug beyond the very elements
of knowledge — at least for the present ; though, with
proper management, I know from experience that
a well-conducted elementary school can afford to
provide instruction in extra subjects — such as natural
science, modern languages, and political economy' —
ON FREEDOM. 293
and yet, with the present system of Government
grants, be self-suppoiting ^
The next stage above the elementary is scholastli-
education, as it is supplied in grammar schools,
whether public or private. According as the pupils
are intended either to go on to a university, or to
enter at once on leaving school on the practical work
of life, these schools are divided into two classes. In
the one class, which in Germany are called Real-
schulen, less Latin is taught, and no Greek, but
more of mathematics, modern languages, and physical
science; in the other, called Gymnasia on the Conti-
nent, classics form the chief staple of instruction.
It is during this stage that education, whether at
private or public schools, exercises its strongest
levelling influence. Little attention can be paid at
large schools to individual tastes or talents. In
Germany, even more perhaps than in England, it is
the chief object of a good and conscientious master
to have his class as uniform as possible at the end of
the year ; and he receives far more credit from the
official examiner if his whole class marches well and
keeps pace together, than if he can parade a few
brilliant and forward boys, followed by a number of
straggling laggards.
And as to the character of the teaching at schou],
how can it be otherwise than authoritative or dog-
matic"? The Socratic method is very good if we can
find the v«H Socratici and leisure for discussion. But
at school, "svhich now may seem to be called almost in
mockery axoA?/, or leisure, the true method is, after
' See Tjme,«, January 25, ]'*^79.
294 RECENT ESSAYS.
all, that patronised by the great educators of the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Boys at school
must turn their mind into a row of pigeon-holes,
filling as many as they can with useful notes, and
never forgetting how many are empty. There is an
immense amount of positive knowledge to be acquired
between the ages of ten and eighteen — rules of
grammar, strings of vocables, dates, names of towns,
rivers, and mountains, mathematical formulas, &c.
All depends here on the receptive and retentive
powers of the mind. The memory has to be
strengthened, without being overtaxed, till it acts
almost mechanically. Learning by heart, I believe,
cannot be too strongly recommended during the years
spent at school. There may have been too much of it
when, as the Rev. H. C. Adams informs us in his
' Wykehamica ' (p. 357), boys used to say by heart
13,000 and 14,000 lines, when one repeated the whole
of Virgil, nay, wdien another was able to say the
whole of the English Eible by rote — ' Put him on
where you would, he would go fluently on, as long as
any one would -listen.'
No intellectual investment, I feel certain, bears such
ample and such regular interest as gems of English,
Latin, or Greek literature deposited in our memory
during our childhood and youth, and taken up from
time to time in the happy hours of our solitude.
One fault I have to find with most schools, both in
England and on the Continent. Boys do not read
enough of the Greek and Roman classics. The ma-
jority of our masters are scholars by profession, and
they are apt to lay undue stress on what they call
accurate and minute scholarship, and to neglect wide
ox FREEDOM. 295
and cursory reading. I know the arguments for
minute accuracy, but I also know the mischief that
is done by an exclusive devotion to critical scholarship
Itefore we have acquired a real familiarity with the
principal works of classical literature. The time
spent in our schools in learning the rules of grammar
and syntax, writing exercises, and composing verses,
is too large. Look only at our Gi-eek and Latin
grammars, with all their rules and exceptions, and
exceptions on exceptions! It is too heavy a weight
for any boy to carry ; and no wonder that when one
of the thousand small rules which they have learnt
by heart is really wanted, it is seldom forthcoming.
The end of classical teaching at school should be to
make our boys acquainted not only with the language,
l>ut with the literature and history, the ancient thought
of the ancient world. Rules of grammar, syntax, or
metre, are but means towards that end ; they must
never be mistaken for the end itself. A young man
of eighteen, who has probably spent on an average
ten years in learning Greek and Latin, ought to be
able to read any of the ordinary Greek or Latin
classics without much difficulty ; nay, with a certain
amount of pleasure. He might have to consult his
dictionary now and then, or guess the meaning of
certain words ; he might also feel doubtful sometimes
whether certain forms came from u/yit, I send, or eTjwt,
I go, or d^L, I am, particularly if preceded by
prepositions. In these matters the best scholars are
least inclined to be pharisaical ; and whenever I meet
in the controversies of classical scholars the favourite
phrase, ' Every schoolboy knows, or ought to know,
this/ I generally say to myself, • No, he ought not.'
296 HECENT ESSAY?.
Anyhow, those who wish to see the study of Greek
and Latin retained in our public schools ought to feel
convinced that it will certainly not be retained much
longer, if it can be said with any truth that young
men who leave school at eighteen are in many cases
unable to read or to enjoy a classical text, unless they
have seen it before.
Classical teaching, and all purely scholastic teaching,
ought to be finished at school. When a young man
goes to the University, unless he means to make scholar-
ship his profession, he ought to be free to enter upon
a new career. If he has not learnt by that time so
much of Greek and Latin as is absolutely necessary
in after-life for a lawyer, or a student of physical
science, or even a clergyman, either he or his school
is to blame. I do not mean to say that it would not
be most desirable for every one during his University
career to attend some lectures on classical literature,
on ancient history, philosophy, or art. What is to be
deprecated is, that the University should have to do
the work which belongs properly to the school.
The best colleges at Oxford and Cambridge have
shown by their matriculation examinations what the
standard of classical knowledge ought to be at
eighteen or nineteen. That standard can be reached
by boys while still at school, as has been proved both by
the so-called local examinations, and by the examina-
tions of schools held under the Delegates appointed
by the Universities. If, therefore, the University
would reassert her old right, and make the first
examination, called at Oxford Responsions, a general
matriculation examination for admission to the Uni-
versity, not only would the public schools be stimulated
ON FREEDOM. 297
to greater efforts, but the teacLing of the University
might assume, from the very beginning, that academic
character which ought to distinguish it from mere
schoolboy work.
Academic teaching ought to be not merely a con-
tinuation, but in one sense a correction of scholastic
teaching. While at school instruction must be chiefly
dogmatic, at University it is to be Socratic, for I find
no better name for that method which is to set a man
free from the burden of purely traditional knowledge ;
to make him feel that the words which he uses aie
often empty, that the concepts he employs are, for the
most part, mere bundles picked up at random ; that
even where he knows facts, he does not know their
evidence ; and where he expresses opinions, they are
mostly mere dogmas, adopted by him without ex-
amination.
But for the Universities, I should indeed fear that
Mill's prophecies might come true, and that the
intellect of Europe might drift into dreary monotony.
The Universities always have been, and, unless they
are diverted from their original purpose, always will
be, the guardians of the freedom of thought, the
protectors of individual spontaneity ; and it was
owing, I believe, to Mill's ignorance of true academic
teaching that he took so desponding a view of the
generation growing up under his eyes.
When we leave school, our heads are naturally
brimful of dogma, that is, of knowledge and opinions
at second-hand. Such dead, knowledge is extremely
dangerous, unless it is sooner or later revived by the
spirit of free inquiry. It does not matter whether
our scholastic dogmas be true or false. The dano-er
298 RECENT ESSAYS.
is the same. And why ? Because to place either
truth or error above the i-each of argument is certain
to weaken truth and to strengthen error. Secondly,
liecause to hold as true on the authority of others
anything which concerns us deeply, and which we could
prove ourselves, produces feebleness, if not dishonesty.
And, thirdly, because to feel unwilling or unable to
meet objections b}^ facts and arguments is generally
the first step towards violence and persecution.
I do not think of religious dogmas only. They are
generally the first to rouse inquiry, even during our '
schoolboy da^'s, and they are by no means the most
difficult to deal with. Dogma often rages where we
least expect it. Among scientific men the theory of
evolution is at present becoming, or has become,
a dogma. What is the result"? No objections are
listened to, no difficulties recognised, and a man like
Virchow, himself the strongest supporter of evolution,
who has the moral courage to say that the descent of
man from any ape wdiatsoever is, as yet, before the
tribunal of scientific zoology, 'not proven,' is howled
down in Germany in a manner worthy of Ephesians
and Galatians. But at present I am thinking not so
much of any special dogmas, but rather of that
doo-matic state of mind which is the almost inevitable
result of the teaching at school. I think of the whole
intellect, what has been called the intcllectus sibi
pevnii^sus, and I maintain that it is the object of
academic teaching to rouse that intellect out of its
slumber by questions not less startling than when
Galileo asked the world whether the sun was really
moving and the earth stood still; or when Kant asked
whether time and space were objects, or necessary
ox FREEDOM. 299
forms of our sensuous intuition. Till our opinions
have thus been tested and stood the test, we can
hardly call them our own.
How true this is with regard to religion has been
boldly expressed by Bishop Beveridge.
' Being conscious to myself,' he writes in his ' Pri-
vate Thoughts on Religion,' ' how great an ascendant
Christianity holds over me beyond the rest, as being
that religion whereinto I was born and baptised ;
that which the supreme authority has enjoined and
my parents educated me in ; that which every one
I meet withal highly approves of, and which I myself
have, by a long- continued profession, made almost
natural to me: I am resolved to be more jealous and
suspicious of this religion than of the rest, and be
sure not to entertain it any longer without being
convinced, by solid and substantial arguments,, of the
truth and certainty of it.'
This is bold and manly language from a bishop
nearly two hundred years ago, and I certainly think
that the time has come when some of the divinity
lecturers at Oxford and Cambridge might w^ell be
employed in placing a knowledge of the sacred books
of other religions within the reach of undergraduates.
Many of the difficulties— most of them of our own
making — with regard to the origin, the handing down,
the later corruptions and misinterpretations of sacred
texts, would find their natural solution, if it was
shown how exactly the same difficulties arose and
had to be dealt with by theologians of other creeds.
If some — ay, if many — of the doctrines of Christianity
were met with in other religions also, surely that
would not affect their value, or diminish their truth;
300 RECENT ESSAYS.
while nothing, I feel certain, would raore effectually
secure to the pure and simple teaching of Christ its
true place in the historical development of the human
mind than to place it side by side with the other
religions of the world. In the series of translations
of the ' Sacred Books of the East,' of which the first
three volumes have just appeared \ I wished myself
lo include a new translation of the Old and New
Testaments ; and when that series is finished it will,
I believe, be admitted that nowhere would these two
books have had a grander setting, or have shone with
a brighter light, than surrounded by the Veda, the
Zendave&ta, the Buddhist Tripiiaka, and the Qoran.
But as I said before, I was not thinking of religious
dogmas only, or even chiefly, when I maintained that
the character of academic teaching must be Socratic,
not dogmatic. The evil of dogmatic teaching lies
much deeper^ and spreads much further.
Think only of language, the work of other people,
not of ourselves, which we pick up at random in our
race through life. Does not every word we use
require careful examination and revision 1 It is not
enough to say that language assists our thoughts cr
colours them, or possibly obscures them. No, we
know now that language and thought are indivisible.
It was not from poverty of expression that the Greek
called reason and language by the same word, Ao'yos.
It was because they knew that, though we may
distinguish between thought and speech, as we dis-
tino-uish between body and soul, it is as impossible
to tear the one by violence away from the other as
' ' Sacred Books of the East,' edited by M. M., vols, i, ii, iii ; Claren-
don Pre^e, Oxford, 1S79.
ox FREEDOir. 301
it is to separate the concave side of a lens from its
convex side. Tliis is something to learn and to
understand, for, if properl}^ understood, it will supply
the key to most of our intellectual puzzles, and serve
as the safest thread through the whole labyrinth of
philosophy.
' It is evident,' as HobLes remarks \ ' that truth and
falsity have no place but amongst such living creatures
as use speech. For though some brute creatures,
looking upon the image of a m.an in a glass, may be
affected with it, as if it were the man himself, and
for this reason fear it or fawn upon it in vain ; yet
they do not apprehend it as true or false, but only as
like; ai:id in this they are not deceived. Wherefore,
as men owe all their true ratiocination to the right
vmderstanding of speech, so also they owe their errors
to the misunderstanding of the same ; and as all the
ornaments of philosophy proceed only from man, so
from man also is derived the ugly absurdity of false
opinion. For speech has something in it like to a
spider's web (as it was said of old of Solon's laws),
for by contexture of words tender and delicate wits
are ensnared or stopped, but strong wits break easily
through them.'
Let me illustrate my meaning by at least one
instance.
Among the words which have proved spiders' webs,
ensnaring even the greatest intellects of the world
from Aristotle down to Leibniz, the terms genu hi,
tij^ecies, and individual occup}^ a very prominent place.
The opposition of Aristotle to Plato, of the Nominalists
to the Realists, of Leibniz to Locke, of Herbart to
^ ' Comj>utatiun or Logic,' t. iii. viii. p. 36.
302 RECENT ESSAYS.
Hegel, turns on the true meaning of these words. At
school, of course, all we can do is to teach the received
meaning of genus and species ; and if a boy can trace
these terms back to Aristotle's yevos and €160?, and
show in what sense that philosopher used them, every
examiner would be satisfied.
Eut the time comes when we have to act as our
own examiners, and when we have to give an account
to ourselves of such words as genus and species.
Some people write, indeed, as if they had seen a
species and a genus walking about in broad daylight;
but a little consideration will show us that these
words express subjective concepts, and that, if the
whole world were silent, there would never have been
a thought of a genus or a species. There are languages
in which we look in vain for corresponding words ;
and if we had been born in such a language, these
terms and thoughts would not exist for us at all. They
came to us, directly or indii'ectly, from Aristotle. But
Aristotle did not invent them, he only defined them
in his own way, so that^ for instance, according to
him, all living beings would constitute a genus, men
a species, and Socrates an individual.
No one would say that Aristotle had not a perfect
right to define these terms, if those who use them in
his sense would only always remember that they are
thinking the thoughts of Aristotle, and not their own.
The true way to shake off the fetters of old words,
and to learn to think our own thoughts, is to follow
them up from century to century, to watch their
development, and in the end to bring ourselves face
to face with those who first found and framed both
words and thoughts. If we do this with genus and
ON rilEEDO.M. c03
species, "we shall find that the worJs which Aristotle
defined — viz. yivos and dhos — had originally a very
different and far more useful application than that
which he gave to them, FeVos, genus, meant genera-
tion, and comprehended such living beings only as
were known to have a common origin, however they
might differ in outward appearance, as, for instance,
the spaniel and the bloodhound, or, according to
Darwin, the ape and the man. Etoo? or species, on
the contrary, meant appearance, and comprehended
all such things as had the same form or appearance,
whether they had a common origin or not, as if we
were to speak of a species of four-footed, two-footed,
horned, winged, or blue animals.
That two such concepts, as we have here explained,
had a natural justification we may best learn from
the fact that exactly the same thoughts found expres-
sion in Sanskrit. There, too, we find gfati, genera-
tion, used in the sense of genus, and opposed to
akriti, appearance, used in the sense of species.
So long as these two words or thoughts were used
independently (much as we now speak of a genealo-
gical as independent of a morphological classification)
no harm could accrue. A family, for instance, might
be called a y(vos, the gens or clan was a yhos, the
nation (gnatio) was a yko^, the whole human kith
and kin was a yeVo? ; in fact, all that was descende<l
from common ancestors was a true yivos. There is no
obscurity of thought in this.
On the other side, taking etSo? or species in its
original sense, one man might be said to be like
another in his eiSo? or appearance. An ape, too,
might quite truly be said to have the same dhos or
304 ItECENT ESSAYS.
Rpecies or appearance as a man, without any prejudice
as to their common origin. People might also speak
of different etbi] or forms or classes of things, such as
different kinds of metals, or tools, or armour, without
committing themselves in the least to any opinion as
to their common descent.
Often it w^ould happen that things belonging to the
same y^vos, such as the white man and the negro,
differed in their etSoy or appearance ; often also that
things belonging to the same uho^, such as eatables,
differed in their yivos, as, for instance, meat and
vegetables.
All this is clear and simple. The confusion began
when these two terms, instead of being co-ordinate,
were subordinated to each other by the philosojDhers
of Greece, so that what from one point of view was
called a genus, might from another be called a species,
and vice vend. Human beings, for instance, were
now called a i'2:)ecies, all living beings a genus, which
may be true in logic, but is utterly false in what is
older than logic — viz. language, thought, or fact.
According to language, according to reason, and
according to nature, all human beings constitute
a yivos, or generation, so long as they are supposed to
have common ancestors ; but with regard to all living
beings we can only say that they form an eiSo? — that
is, agree in certain appearances, until it has been
proved that even Mr. Darwin was too modest in
admitting at least four or five different ancestors for
the whole animal world ^.
In tracing the history of these two words, yho^ and
' Lectures on Mr. Darwin's ' Philosophy of Language,' Frasei's
Nnonzine, June, 1^73, p. 26.
ox FREEDOM. 305
ftSo?, you may see passing before your eyes almost
the whole panorama of philosophy, from Plato's ideas
down to Hegel's Idee. The question of genera, their
origin and subdivision, occupied chiefly the attention
of natural philosophers, who, after long controversies
about the origin and classification of genera and
i^l^ecies, seem at last, thanks to the clear sight of
Darwin, to have arrived at the old truth which was
prefigured in language — namely, that Nature knows
nothing but genera, or generations, to be traced back
to a limited number of ancestors, and that the so-called
species are only genera whose genealogical descent is
as yet more or less obscure.
But the question as to the nature of the eiooj be-
came a vital question in every system of philosophy.
Granting, for instance, that women in every clime
and country formed one species, it was soon asked
what constituted a species 1 If all women shared
a common form, what was that form 1 Where was
if? So long as it was supposed that all women
descended from Eve, the difiiculty might be slurred
over by the name of heredity. But the more thoughtful
would ask even then how it was that, while all indi-
vidual women came and went and vanished, the form
in which they were cast remained the same ?
Here you see how philosophical mythology springs
up. The very question what cTSos or species or form
was, and where these things were kept, changed those
words from predicates into subjects. Et8os was con-
ceived as something independent and substantial,
something within or above the individuals partici-
pating in it, something unchangeable and eternal.
Soon there arose as many eXhr] or forms or types as
VOL. I. X
306 RECENT ESSAYS.
there were general concepts. They were considered
the only true realities of which the phenomenal world
is only as a shadow that soon passoth away. Here
we have, in fact, the origin of Plato's ideas, and of the
various systems of idealism which followed his lead,
while the opposite opinions that ideas have no inde-
pendent existence, and that the one is nowhere found
except in the many (to ev irapa ra -noXXd), was strenu-
ously defended by Aristotle and his followers ^.
The same red thread runs through the whole
philosophy of the Middle Ages. Men were cited
before councils and condemned as heretics because
they declared that animal, man, or ivoman were
mere names, and that they could not bring themselves
to believe in an ideal animal, an ideal man, an ideal
woman as the invisible, supernatural, or metaphysical
types of the ordinary animal, the individual man, the
single woman. Those philosophers, called Nominalists,
in opposition to the Realists, declared that all general
terms were names only, and that nothing could claim
reality but the individual.
We cannot follow this controversy further, as it
turns up again between Locke and Leibniz, between
Herbart and Hegel. Suffice it to say that the knot,
as it was tied by language, can be untied by the science
of language alone, which teaches us that there is and
can be no such thing as 'a name only,' or 'a mere
word.' Such expressions ought to be banished from
all works on philosophy. A name is and always has
been the subjective side of our knowledge, but that sub-
jective side is as impossible without an objective side
as a l^ey is without a lock. It is useless to ask which
* Prantl, ' Geschichle der Logik,' vol. i. p. 121.
ON FREEDOM. 307
of the two is the more real, foi* they are real only by
being, not two, but one. Realism is as one-sided as
Nominalism. But there is a higher Nominalism, which
might better bo called the Science of Language, and
which teaches us that, apart from sensuous perception,
all human knowledge is by names and by names only,
and that the object of names is always the general.
This is but one out of hundreds and thousands of
cases to show how names and concepts which come to
us by tradition must be submitted to very careful
snuffing before they will yield a pure light. What
I mean by academic teaching and academic study is
exactly this process of snuffing, this changing of
traditional words into living words, this tracing- of
modern thought back to ancient primitive thought,
this living, as it were, once more, so far as it concerns
us, the whole history of human thought ourselves, till
we are as little afraid to differ from Plato or Aristotle
as from Comte or Darwin.
Plato and Ai'istotle are, no doubt, great names;
every schoolboy is awed by them, even though he
may have read very little of their writings. This,
too, is a kind of dogmatism that requires correction.
Now, at University, a young student might hear the
following, by no means respectful, remarks about Aris-
totle, which I copy from one of the greatest English
scholars and philosophers: — 'There is nothing so
absurd that the old philosophers, as Cicero saith, who
was one of them, have not some of them maintained ;
and I believe that scarce anything can be more
absurdly said in natural philosophy than that which
now is called Aristotle's Metaphysics ; or more repug-
nant to government than much of that he hath said in
X %
808 EECENT ESSAYS.
his Politics ; nor more ignorantly than a great part of
his Ethics.' I am far from approving this judgment,
but I think that the shock which a young scholar
receives on seeing his idols so mercilessly broken is
salutary. It throws him back on his own resources ;
it makes him honest to himself. If he thinks the
criticism thus passed on Aristotle unfair, he will
begin to read his works with new eyes. He will not
only construe his words, but try to reconstruct in his
own mind the thoughts so carefully elaborated by
that ancient philosopher. He will judge of their
truth without being swayed by the authority of
a great name, and probably in the end value what is
valuable in Aristotle, or Plato, or any other great
philosopher, far more highly and honestly than if he
had never seen them trodden under foot.
But do not suppose that I look upon the Univer-
sities as purely iconoclastic, as chiefly intended to
teach us how to break the idols of the schools. Far
from it ! But I do look upon them as meant to
freshen the atmosphere which we breathe at school,
and to shake our mind to its very roots, as a storm
shakes the young oaks, not to throw them down, but
to make them grasp all the more firmly the hard soil
of fact and truth. ' Stand upright on thy feet ' ought
to be written over the gate of every college, if the
epidemic of uniformity and sequacity which Mill saw
approaching from China, and which since his time
has made such rapid progress Westward, is ever to be
stayed.
Academic freedom is not without its dangers ; but
there are dangers which it is safer to face than to
avoid. In Germany — so far as my own experience
ON FREEDOM. 309
goes — students are often left too much to themselves,
and it is only the cleverest among them, or those who
are personally recommended, who receive from the
professors that personal guidance and encouragement
which should and could be easily extended to all.
There is too much time given in the German
Universities to mere lecturing, and often in simply
retailing to a class what each student might read in
books often in a far more perfect form. Lectures are
useful if they teach us how to teach ourselves ; if they
stimulate ; if they excite sympathy and curiosity; if
they give advice that springs from personal experience;
if they warn against wrong roads ; if, in fact, they
have less the character of a show-window than of
a workshop. Half an hour's conversation with a
tutor or a professor often does more than a whole
course of lectures in giving the right direction and
the right spirit to a young man's studies. Here I may
quote the words of Professor Helmholtz, in full agree-
ment with him. ' When I recall the memory of my
own University life,' he writes, 'and the impression
which a man like Johannes Miiller, the professor of
physiology, made on us, I must set the highest value
on the personal intercourse with teachers from whom
one learns how thought works on independent heads.
Whoever has come in contact but once with one or
several first-class men will find his intellectual
standard changed for life.'
In English Universities, on the contrary, there is
too little of academic freedom. There is not only
guidance, but far too much of constant personal
controL It is often thought that English under-
graduates could not be trusted with that amount of
310 RECEXT ESSAYS.
academic freedom which is granted to German
students, and that most of them, if left to choose
their own work, their own time, their own books,
and their own teachers, would simply do nothing.
This seems to me unfair and untrue. Most horses,
if you take them to the water, will drink ; and the
best way to make them drink is to leave them alone.
I have lived long enough in English and in German
Universities to know that the intellectual fibre is as
strono- and sound in the English as in the German
youth. But if you supply a man, who wishes to
learn swimming, with bladders — nay, if you insist
on his using them — he will use them, but he will
probably never learn to swim. Take them away, on
the contrary, and depend en it, after a few aimless
strokes and a few painful gulps, he will use his arms
and his legs, and he will swim. If young men do not
learn to use their arms, their legs, their muscles, their
senses, their brain, and their heart too, during the
bright years of their University life, when are they
to learn if? True, there are thousands who never
learn it, and who float happily on through life buoyed
up on mere bladders. The worst that can happen to
them is that some day the bladders may burst, and
they may be left stranded or drowned. But these
are not the men whom England wants to fight her
battles. It has often been pointed out of late that
many of those who, during this century, have borne
the brunt of the battle in the intellectual warfare in
England, have not been trained at our Universities^
while others who have been at Oxford and Cambridge,
and have distinguished themselves in after-life, have
openly declared that they attended hardly any lectures
ox FREEDOM. 311
in college, or that they derived no benefit from them.
What can be the ground of that? Not that there is
less work done at Oxford than at Leipzig, but that
the work is done in a different spirit. It is free in
Germany ; it has now become almost compulsory in
England. Though an old professor myself, I like to
attend, when I can, some of the professorial lectures
in Germany ; for it is a real pleasure to see hundreds
of young faces listening to a teacher on the history of
art, on modern history, on the science of language,
or on philosophy, without any view to examinations,
simply from love of the subject or of the teacher.
No one who knows what the real joy of learning is,
how it lightens all drudgery and draws away the
mind from mean pursuits, can see without indignation
that what ought to be the freest and happiest years
in a man's life should often be spent between cram-
ming and examinations.
And here I have at last mentioned the word, which
to many friends of academic freedom, to many who
dread the baneful increase of uniformity, may seem
the cause of all mischief, the most powerful engine
of intellectual levelling — Examination.
There is a strong feeling springing up everywhere
against the tyranny of examinations, against the
cramping and withering influence which they are
supposed to exercise on the youth of England. I can-
not join in that outcry. I well remember that the
first letters which I ventured to address to the Times,
in very imperfect English, were in favour of examina-
tions. They were signed La Carriere ouverte, and
were written long before the days of the Civil Service
Commission! I well remember, too, that the first
312 KECENT ESSAYS.
time I ventured to speak, or rather to stammer, in
public, was in favour of examinations. That was in
1857, at Exeter, when the first experiment was made,
under the auspices of Sir T. Acland, in establishing the
Oxford and Cambridge Local Examinations. I have
been an examiner myself for many years, I have
watched the growth of that system in England from
year to year, and in spite of all that has been said
and written of late against examinations, I confess
I do not see how it would be possible to abolish them,
and return to the old system of appointment by
patronage.
But though I have not lost my faith in examina-
tions, I cannot conceal the fact that I am frightened by
the manner in which they are conducted, and by the
results which they pi'oduce. As you are interested
yourselves at this Midland Institute, in the successful
working of examinations, you will perhaps allow me
in conclusion to add a few remarks on the safeguards
necessary for the efficient working of examinations.
All examinations are a means to ascertain how
pupils have been taught ; they ought never to be
allowed to become the end for which pupils are
taught.
Teaching with a view to examinations lowers the
teacher in the eyes of his pupils ; learning with a view
to examinations is apt to produce shallowness and
dishonesty.
Whatever attractions learning possesses in itself,
and whatever efforts were formerly made by boys at
school from a sense of duty, all this is lost if they
once imagine that the highest object of all learning is
gaining marks in examinations.
ON FKEEDOir. 313
In order to maintain the proper relation batween
teacher and pupil, all pupils should be made to look
to their teachers as their natural examiners and fairest
judges, and therefore in every examination the report
of the teacher ought to carry the greatest weight.
This is the principle followed abroad in all examina-
tions of candidates at public schools ; and even in
their examination on leaving school, which gives
them the right to enter the University, they know
that their success depends far more on the work
which they have done during the years at school,
than on the work done on the few days of their
examination. There are outside examiners appointed
by Government to cheek the work done at schools
and during the examinations ; but the cases in which
they have to modify or reverse the award of the
masters are extremely rare, and they are felt to reflect
seriously on the competency or impartiality of the
school authorities.
To leave examinations entirely to strangers reduces
them to the level of lotteries, and fosters a cleverness
in teachers and taught often akin to dishonesty. An
examiner may find out what a candidate knows not,
he can hardly ever find out all he knows ; and even
if he succeeds in finding out how tnuch a candidate
knows, he can never find out how he knows it. On
these points the opinion of the masters who have
watched their pupils for years is indispensable for the
sake of the examiner, for the sake of the pupils, and
for the sake of then* teachers.
I know I shall be told that it would be impossible
to trust the masters, and to be guided by their opinion,
because they are interested parties. Now, first of all,
314 RECENT ESSAYS.
there are far more honest men in the world than dis-
honest, and it does not answer to legislate as if all
schoolmasters were rogues. It is enough that they
should know that their reports would be scrutinized,
to keep even the most reprobate of teachers from
bearing false witness in favour of their pupils.
Secondly, 1 believe that unnecessary temptation is
now being placed before all parties concerned in
examinations. The proper reward for a good examina-
tion should be honour, not pounds, shillings, and
ponce. The mischief done by pecuniary rewards
offered in the shape of scholarships and exhibitions
at school and University, begins to be recognised
very widely. To train a boy of twelve for a race
against all England is generally to overstrain his
faculties, and often to impair his usefulness in later
life ; but to make him feel that by his failure he will
entail on his father the loss of a hundred a year, and
on his teacher the loss of pupils, is simply cruel at
that early age.
It is always said that these scholarships and exhibi-
tions enable the sons of poor parents to enjoy the
privilege of the best education in England, from
which they would otherwise be debarred by the ex-
cessive costliness of our public schools. But even
this argument, strong as it seems, can hardly stand,
for I believe it could be shown that the majority of
those who are successful in obtaining scholarships
and exhibitions at school or at University are boys
whose parents have been able to pay the highest
price for their children's previous education. If all
these prizes were abolished, and the funds thus set
free used to lessen the price of education at school
ON I'EEKDOJr. 315
and in college, I believe that the sons of poor parents
would be far more benefited than by the present
system. It might also be desirable to lower the school-
fees in the case of the sons of poor parents, who
were doing well at school from year to year; and,
in order to guard against favouritism, an examina-
tion, particularly viva voce, before all the masters
of a school, possibly even with some outside examiner,
might be useful. But the present system bids fair to
degenerate into mere horse-racing, and I shall not
wonder if, sooner or later, the two-year olds entered
for the race have to be watched by their trainer that
they may not be overfed or drugged against the day
of the race. It has come to this, that schools are
bidding for clever boys in order to run them in the
races, and in France, I read, that parents actually
extort money from schools by threatening to take
away the young racers that are likely to win the
Derby \
If we turn from the schools to the Universities we
find here, too, the same complaints against over-
examination. Now it seems to me that every Uni-
versity, in order to maintain its position, has a perfect
light to demand two examinations, but no more : cne
for admission, the other for a degree. Various
attempts have been made in Germany, in Russia, in
France, and in England to change and improve the
old academic tradition, but in the end the original,
and, as it would seem, the natural system, has
generally proved its wisdom and reasserted its
right.
If a University surrenders the right of examining
1 L. Noire, Tiidagogischea SkizzeiiLuch,' p. 157; 'Todtts Wi.isen.'
316 EECENT ESSAYS.
those who wish to be admitted, the tutors will often
have to do the work of schoolmasters, and the pro-
fessors can never know how high or how low they
should aim in their public lectures. Besides this, it
is almost inevitable, if the Universities surrender the
right of a matriculation-examination, that they should
lower, not only their own standard, but likewise the
standard of the public schools. Some Universities, on
the contrary, like over-anxious mothers, have multi-
plied examinations so as to make quite sure, at the
end of each term or each year, that the pupils confided
to them have done at least some work. This kind of
forced labour may do some good to the incorrigibly
idle, but it does the greatest harm to all the rest. If
there is an examination at the end of each year, there
can be no freedom left for any independent work.
Both teachers and taught will be guided by the same
pole-star — examinations; no deviation from the beaten
track will be considered safe, and all the pleasure
derived from work done for its own sake, and all the
just pride and joy, which those only know who have
ever ventured out by themselves on the open sea of
knowledge, must be lost.
We must not allow ourselves to be deceived by the
brilliant show of examination papers.
It is certainly marvellous what an amount of know-
ledge candidates will produce before their examiners ;
but those who have been both examined and examiners
know best how fleeting that knowledge is, and how
different from that other knowledge which has been
acquired slowly and quietly, for its own sake, for our
own sake, without a thought as to whether it would
ever pay at examinations or not. A candidate, after
ox FREEDOM. 817
giving most glibly the dates and the titles of the
principal works of Cobbett, Gibbon, Burke, Adam
Smith, and David Hume, was asked whether he had
ever seen any of their writings, and he had to answer,
No. Another, who was asked which of the works of
Pheidias he had seen, replied that he had only read
the first two books. That is the kind of dishonest
knowledge which is fostered by too frequent examina-
tions. There are two kinds of knowledge, the one
that enters into our very blood, the other which we
carry about in our pockets. Those who read for
examinations have generally their pockets cram full ;
those who work on quietly and have their whole
heart in their work are often discouraged at the small
amount of their knowledge, at the little life-blood
they have made. But what they have learnt has
really become their own, has invigorated their whole
frame, and in the end they have often proved the
strongest and happiest men in the battle of life.
Omniscience is at present the bane of all our know-
ledge. From the day he leaves school and enters the
University a man ought to make up his mind that in
many things he must remain either altogether igno-
rant, or be satisfied with knowledge at second-hand.
Thus only can he clear the deck for action. And the
sooner he finds out what his own work is to be, the
more useful and delightful will be his life at the Univer-
sity and later. There are few men who have a passion
for all knowledge, there is hardly one who has not
a hobby of his own. Those so-called hobbies ought
to be utilized, and not, as they are now, discouraged,
if we wish our Universities to produce more men like
Faraday, Carlyle, Grote, or Darwin. I do not say
318 EECENT ESSAYS.
that in an examination for a University degree a
minimum of what is now called (jeueral culture should
not be insisted on ; but in addition to that, far more
freedom ouofht to be gfiven to the examiner to let each
candidate produce his own individual work. This is
done to a far greater extent in Continental than in
English Universities, and the examinations are there-
fore mostly confided to the members of the Sena-
tus Acadeviicus, consisting of the most experienced
teachers, and the most eminent representatives of the
different branches of knowledge in the University.
Their object is not to find out how many marks each
candidate may gain by answering a larger or smaller
number of questions, and then to place them in order
before the world like so many organ pipes. They
want to find out whether a man, by the work he has
done during his three or four years at the University,
has acquired that vigour of thought, that maturity of
judgment, and that special knowledge, which fairly
entitle him to an academic status, to a degree, with
or without special honours. Such a degree confers
no material advantages ^ ; it does not entitle its holder
to any employment in Church or State ; it does not
vouch even for his being a fit person to be made an
Archbishop or Prime Minister. All this is left to the
later struggle for life; and in that struggle it seems
as if those who, after having surveyed the vast
field of human knowledge, have settled on a few
acres of their own and cultivated them as they were
never cultivated before, who have worked hard and
have tasted the true joy and happiness of hard work,
who have gladly listened to others, but always de-
' Mill, ' On Liberty,' p. 193.
ON FllEEDOAf. 819
pendcJ on themselves, were, after all, the men whom
great nations delighted to follow as their royal leaders
in their onward march towards greater enlighten-
ment, greater happiness, and greater freedom.
To sum up. No one can read Mill's Essay 'On
Liberty ' at the present moment without feeling that
even during the short period of the last twenty years
the cause which he advocated so strongly and pas-
sionately, the cause of individual freedom, has made
rapid progress, aye, has carried the day. In no
country Tiiay a man be so entirely himself, so true to
himself and yet loyal to society, as in England.
But, although the enemy whose encroachments Mill
feared most and resented most has been driven back
and forced to keep within his own bounds, — though
such names as Dissent and Nonconformity, which
were formerly used in society as fatal darts, seem to
have lost all the poison which they once contained, —
Mill's principal fears have nevertheless not been be-
lied, and the blight of uniformity which he saw
approaching with its attendant evils of feebleness,
indifference, and sequaeity, has been spreading more
widely than ever in his days-
It has even been maintained that the very freedom
which every individual now enjoys has been detri-
mental to the growth of individuality ; that you must
have an Inquisition if you want to see martyrs ; that
you must have despotism and tyranny to call forth
heroes. The very measures which Mill and his friends
advocated so warmly, compulsory education and com-
petitive examinations, are pointed out as having
chiefly contributed to produce that large array of
pass-men, that dead level of uninteresting excellence,
820 RECENT ESSAYS.
which is the heau ideal of a Chinese Mandarin, while
it frightened and disheartened such men as Humboldt,
Tocqueville, and John Stuart Mill.
There may be some truth in all this, but it is cer-
tainly not the whole truth. Education, as it has to
be carried on, whether in elementary or in public
schools, is no doubt a heavy weight which might well
press down the most independent spii-it ; it is, in fact,
neither more nor less than placing, in a systematized
form, on the shoulders of every generation the ever-
increasing mass of knowledge, experience, custom,
and tradition that has been accumulated by former
generations. We need not wonder, therefore, if in
some schools all spring, all vigour, all joyousness of
work is crushed out under that load of names and
dates, of anomalous verbs and syntactic rules, of
mathematical formulas and geometrical axioms, which
boys are expected to bring up for competitive ex-
aminations.
But a remedy has been provided, and we are our-
selves to blame if we do not avail ourselves of it to
the fullest extent. Europe erected its Universities,
and called them the homes of the Liberal Arts, and
determined that between the slavery of the school
and the routine of practical life every man should
have at least three years of freedom. What Socrates
and his great pupil Plato had done for the youth of
Greece ^, these new academies were to do for the
youth of Italy, France, England, Spain, and Germany ;
and, though with varying success, they have done it.
The mediaeval and modern Universities have been
' Zeller, 'Ueber den wissenschaftlichen Unterricht bei den Griechen,'
1878, p. 9.
ON" FREEDOir. 321
from century to century the homes of free thougb.t.
Here the mcst eminent men have spent their lives,
not merely in retailing traditional knowledge, as at
school, but in extending the frontiers of science in
all dii-ections. Here, in close intercourse with their
teachers, or under their immediate guidance, genera-
tion after generation of boys, fresh from school, have
gi-own up into men during the three years of their
academic life. Here, for the first time, each man has
been encouraged to dare to be himself, to follow his
own tastes, to depend on his own judgment, to try
the wings of his mind, and, lo, like young eagles
thrown out of their nest, they could fly. Here the
old knowledge accumulated at school was tested, and
new knowledge acquired straight from the fountain-
head. Here knowledge ceased to be a mere burden,
and became a power invigorating the whole mind,
like snow which during winter lies cold and heavy
on the meadows, but when it is touched by the sun
of spring melts away, and fructifies the ground for
a rich harvest.
That was the original purpose of the Universities f
and the more they continue to fulfil that purpose the
more will they secure to us that real freedom from
tradition, from custom, from mere opinion and super-
stition, which can be gained by independent study
only ; the more will they foster that ' human develop-
ment in its richest diversity' which Mill, like Hum-
boldt, considered as the highest object of all society.
Such academic teaching need not be confined to the
old Universities. There is many a great University
that sprang from smaller beginnings than your Mid-
land Institute. Nor is it necessary, in order to secure
VOL. I. y
3.'22 EECENT ESSAYS.
the real benefits of academic teacliing, to have all the
paraphernalia of a University, its colleges and fellow-
ships, its caps and gowns. What is really wanted
are men who have done good work in their life, and
who are walling to teach others how to work for
themselves, how to think for themselves, how to
judge for themselves. That is the true academic
stage in every man's life, when he learns to work,
not to please others, be they schoolmasters or ex-
aminers, but to please himself, when he works from
sheer love of work, and for the highest of all purposes,
the conquest of truth. Those only who have passed
throuoh that stage know the real blessinos of work.
To the world at large they may seem mere drudges —
but the w^orld does not know the triumphant joy
with which the true mountaineer, high above clouds
and mountain walls that once seemed unsurpassable,
drinks in the fresh air of the High Alps, and away
from the fumes, the dust, and the noises of the city,
revels alone, in freedom of thought, in freedom of
feeling, and in the freedom of the highest faith.
GOETHE AND CArxLYLE^
rilHE English Goethe Society which we inaugurate
A to-day has been founded to promote and extend
the study of Goethe's works and thoughts. We do
not meet here simply to worship the poetical genius
of Goethe, and to call every line he wrote great and
beautiful and divine. That kind of slavish idolatry
is unworthy of Goethe, and it would be equally un-
worthy of our Society. The time has passed when
Goethe was preached as a new Gospel, the time
also when he was sneered at and cursed seems to
have come to an end. We think the time has come
to study him, and to study him seriously, critically,
historically. If worship there must bo, we cannot
offer better and truer worship to the departed spirits
of men of true genius than by trying to understand
thoroughly the thoughts which they have bequeathed
to us. Such study bestows on them their true immor-
tality, nay, it proves that their spirit never will and
never can die.
And never was there a time when it seemed more
necessary that Goethe's spirit should be kept alive
among us, whether in Germany or in England, than
, * Inaugural Address delivered before the English Goethe Society by
the President, May 28, 18S8.
Y 2
324 RECENT ESSAYS.
now when the international relations between the
leading countries of Europe have become worse than
among savages in Africa; when national partisanship
threatens to darken all Avise counsel and to extinguish
all human sympathies ; when men are no longer
valued by their intrinsic worth, but by their acci-
dental wealth ; when philosophy, in its true sense, as
a passionate love of wisdom and truth is wellnigh
forgotten ; when religion has become a dry bone of
theological contention, and nothing can be called
true, honest, pure, lovely, or sublime without evoking
the smiles and sneers of those who profess to be
wisest in their o-eneration. The o-eneral view of life
has become so distorted with us that we can hardly
trust our eyes when we turn them on the life which,
not more than a hundred years ago, satisfied the
desires of such men as Lessing, Wieland, Herder,
Schiller, and Goethe. Life in Germany was at that
time what Goethe himself called idyllisch'^, the same
Avord, no doubt, as the English idyUlc, but endowed
with a flavour peculiarly its own. The valley in
which those poets lived was narrow, their houses
small, their diet simple, but their hearts were large,
their minds soared high, their sympathies embraced
the whole world. They knew the blessings of a laeta
paxipertas, of cheerful poverty, and high aims. As
Goethe writes in one of his letters to Carhde, ' We
then thought of nothing but striving, no one thought
of asking for rewards, but was only anxious to de-
serve them^.' The idea of making money for monej's
* Idylliscli, see Goethe's Works (1833% vol. xlix. p. 132.
^ Speaking' of the correspondence between himself and Schiller,
Goethe writes to Carlylc (July 26, 1829); ' Mfjgen sie Ihnen als
GOETHE AND CARLYLE. 325
sake seeiiis never to have troubled them. Politics, too,
occupied a very sruall place in their daily interests,
and even those who were statesmen by profession,
did not obtrude their opinions on the world at large,
any more than an attorney would always talk about
the squabbles and lawsuits of his clients, or a medical
man of the imprudences and ailments of his patients.
To many people the life at Weimar in Goethe's time
may seem provincial, narrow, pedantic, mean, and yet
I doubt wliether at any time in the world's history
society, in the best sense of the word, reached a more
Olympian height and revelled in more fabulous wealth
than at the beginning of our century in the small
valley of the 11m. If you want to measure the
gigantic stature of Goethe, go to Weimar and look
at the small town, the small street, the small house,
the small rooms in which he lived. Weimar had
then about io,coo inhabitants, London has now nearly
4,cco.coo. But as 4,000,000 is to lo.coo^ so was the
intellectual wealth of Goethe's Weimar compared to
what we could find at present if we ransacked all our
clubs and all our palaces. To me, whenever I can
afibrd the time, to plunge once more into Goethe,
Schiller, Herder, Wieland, Lessing — not to forget Jean
Paul — is like taking a header into the sea at the end
of a sultry day — it is a washing, a refreshing, a com-
plete rejuvenescence all in one. And what it is to
me, it will be to others who are wearied with the gaze
Zauberwngen zu Diensten stehen, um sicli in die damalige Zeit in
imsere Mitte zu veisetzen, wo es eine unbedingte Strebsanikeit gait, wo
niemand zu fordern daclite und nur zu verdienen bemiiht war. Ich
liabe niir die vieleu Jalire her den Sinn, das Gefiihl jener Tage zu
erhidten gesucht, und ich glaube, es soil niir fernerhin gelingen.'
3.26 KECEXT ESSAYS.
of fools and pageants of the day. To pass an hour
with Goethe now and then will reinvigorate our
belief in the much-derided ideals of life, it will make
us remember our common humanity, it will lift up
our eyes beyond clouds and planets and comets to
those fixed stars which, though they may be useless
to lighten our streets, lighten up our minds with
visions of heavens above heavens, and in the fierce
tempests of life remain after all our only true guides
to steer our vessel bravely through winds and waves
to a safe harbour.
What, then, were Goethe's ideals ? I am not so
reckless as to try to raise that spirit before you in
all his fulness — the old man covered with his mantle,
whom no witch of Endor could conjure up. Many-
sided {vielseiiig),\i has been often said, is an adjective
that belongs to Goethe by the same right as venercdjle
belongs to Bede, judicious to Hooker. I shall confine
my remarks to-day to one of his ideals only, one
which he cherished with intense devotion, particularly
during the closing years of his life, and for which
his own countrymen have often rather blamed than
praised him. I mean his cosmopolitan sympathies, and,
more particularly, his constant endeavours after what
he called cine Wclt-litercdur, a World-litercdure. You
know how much this idea, this dream, as wise people
will call it, occupied Goethe's thoughts. When he
wrote his preface to the German translation of Car-
lyle's ' Life of Schiller,' about two j-ears before his
death, he begins by giving his own thoughts on what
he means by World-literature.
' Many people,' he says \ ' have been talking of a
' Goethe's Works, xlvi. p. 233.
OOKTIIE AND CAin.YLE. o.il
\Vo]-ld-litei-ature for some time, and not without some
reason, for all nations, after having been shaken
together by the most dreadful wars, and then l»eing
left again each to itself, could not but see that they
had observed and absorbed many strange things, and
had felt here and there certain intellectual wants,
heretofore unknown to them. Hence arose a sense
of neighbourly relations, and while formerly they had
lived secluded, people now felt in their mind a growang
desire to be received into the move or less free intel-
lectual commerce of the whole world. This movement
has lasted for a short time only, yet long enough to
deserve consideration, so that we may derive from it
as soon as possible, as in material commerce, profit
and delight.'
To see a man like Goethe watching the growth of
every literature — not only English, French, Italian.
Spanish, but Serbian, Bohemian, Lithuanian, Modern
Greek, Swedish, nay, Persian, Arabic, Sanskrit, and
Chinese — and trying to find out wliat is true jmd
beautiful in every one of them, is a real treat in an
ao-e wdien most critics imagine that their chief dut\'
is to discover in every work of art not what is good,
but w^hat is bad. It sounds quite strange wdieu read-
ing Goethe, to hear in German the warmest praises
of French and English literature, wdiile at present no
German new^spaper, which looks for light from above,
would dare to say a kind word of Victor Hugo or of
Tennyson. The lesson which Goethe wished to teach
was that the true poet, the true philosopher, the true
historian belongs not to one country only, but to the
Avorld at large. He belongs, not to the present only,
but likewise to the past and to the future. We owe
3.28 KECENT ESSAYS.
much of what we are and what we have to those who
came hefure us, and in our hands rest the destinies
of those who will come after us. It is under the
sense of this universal responsibility, and in that
world-embracing- spirit, that Goethe thinks the highest
intellectual work ought to be done. It was in com-
munion with the past and with the future, and in
sympathy with the whole world, that he himself
achieved his greatest triumphs.
And why should this ideal of a universal republic
of letters be called a dream ? Anyhow, it is a dream
that has heen dreamt long before Goethe. It is we
in the last four centuries of the world who have
grown so very narrow-minded, so intensely national.
Till about four hundred years ago all really great
writers wrote for the world, and not for their own
small country only. Nay, I make bold to say that some
of the ideas to which Goethe gave such powerful
expression, and which have often been called Utopian,
stirred more or less consciously in the minds of the
earliest writers when they, for the fh'st time, took their
chisel to engrave on the walls of temples and pyramids
what they had thought and what they had done
during their short sojourn hero on earth. With us
Avriting has become a habit. But why did people
first begin to write and erect monuments which they
hoped would last for ever "?
I believe it was the same awakening spirit of
human sympathy which Goethe preached, the same
reverence for a past that was no more, the same
faith in a iuture that was not yet, which led the
great historical nations of the world to lay the first
foundations of what we now call literature, and what
GOETHE AND CAULYLE. 320
to them was world-literature, so fur as tlicy could
realize it. When wo look at the ]\o-yptiiin monu-
ments, ornamented with their beautiful hieroglyphic
inscriptions, when wo exan)lne the palaces of Babylon
and Nineveh, as it were embroidered with cuneiform
writing, we may recognise even there the rudiments
of a world-literature. Those ancient Egyptian and
Babylonian scribes were thinking, not of their owii
time and their own country only, when busily en-
graving their primitive archives : they were thinking
of us. They believed in a future of the human race,
and, call it weakness or strength, they wished to be
remembered by those who should come after then-i.
Such a belief in posterity marks indeed a new
period in the growth of the human mind, it heralds
the dawn of a new life. At first man lives for the
present only, from day to day, from year to year.
One of the first steps in advance is a regard for the
past, so far as he knows it, a worship of his ancestors,
a belief in their continued existence, nay, even in
their power to reward and to punish him. After that
belief in a distant past follows a belief in a distant
future, and from these two combined beliefs springs
the first feeling of humanity in our hearts, the con-
viction that we are by indissoluble bonds connected
with those that came before us and those who wall
come after us, that we form one universal family on
earth. As these feelings grow up slowly and gradu-
ally in our own heart, so they required long periods
of growth in the history of the world, but among
the most favoured races they asserted their powerful
influence at a very early time.
Let us look first of all at the Egyptians, who seem
330 RECENT ESSAVS.
to me to possess the consciousness of tlie most distant,
an almost immeasurable past. They did not adorn
their temples with inscriptions for their own pleasure
only. They had a clear idea of the past and of the
future of the world in which they lived ; and as they
cherished the recollections of the past, they wished
themselves to be remembered by unknown genera-
tions in times to come. The biographical inscription
of Aahmes, a captain of marines of the eighteenth
dynasty, is addressed, as ChampoUion sa3"S, 'to the
whole human race' {t'et-a en-ten ret iieh, loquor vohis
hominihus omnibus). A monument in the Louvre
(A. 84) says : ' I speak to you who shall come a million
of years after my death.'
These are the inscriptions of private persons. Kings,
naturally, are still more anxious that posterity and
the world at large should be informed of their deeds.
Thus Sishak I, the conqueror of Judah, prays in one
of his inscriptions at Silsilis: ' M3- gracious Lord,
Amon, grant that my words may live for hundreds
of thousands of years.'
The great Harris Papyrus, which records the dona-
tions of Rameses III to the temples of Egypt together
with some important political events, was written to
exhibit to 'the gods, to men now living and to unborn
generations [hamemef), the many good works and
valorous deeds which he did upon earth, as the great
King of Egypt ^'
Whatever other motives, high or low. may have
influenced the authors of these hieroglyphic inscrip-
' T have to thnnk Mr. lo Page TJenonf, the worthy suece^sor of
r>r. r>ir(;h at the J'.ritisli Mvisenni, for these and a large number of
similar insciiptions fotind among Egyptian antitinitie^.
GOETHE A\D CAIMAT.K. 331
tions, one of them was certainly their love or fear of
humanity, their dim conviction that they belonged to
a race which would go on for ever filling the earth,
and to which they were bound by some kind of moral
responsibility. They wrote for the world, and it is
in that sense that I call their writings the first germs
of a world-literature.
And as in Egypt so it was in Babylon, Nineveh,
and Persia. When the dwellers on the Euphrates
and Tigris had learnt that nothing seemed to endure,
that fire and water would destroy wood and stone,
even silver and gold, they took clay and baked it, and
hid the cylinders, covered with cuneiform writing, in
the foundations of their temples, so that even after
the destruction of these 'temples and palaces future
generations might read the story of the past. And
there in their safe hiding-places these cylindei-s have
been found again after three thousand years, unharm.ed
by water, unscathed by fire, and fulfilling the very
purpose for wdiich they were intended, carrying to us
the living message which the ancient rulers of Chaldaea
wished that we, their distant descendants, should
receive.
Often these inscriptions end with imprecations
against those who should dare to injure or eff"ace
them.
At Khorsabad, at the very interior of the construc-
tion, was found a large stone chest, which enclosed
several inscribed plates in various materials — one
tablet of gold, one of silver, others of copper, lead,
and tin ; a sixth text was engraved on alabaster, and
the seventh document was written on the chest itself.
They all commemorate the foundation of a city l>y
332 EECENT ESSAYS.
a famous king, commonly called Sargon, and they
end with an imprecation : ' Whoever alters the works
of my hand, destroys my constructions, pulls down
the walls which I have raised — may Asshur, Ninib,
Kaman, and the great gods who dwell there, pluck
his name and seed from the land, and let liim sit
bound at the feet of his foe^'
The famous inscription of Behistun, a lasting
monument of the victories of Darius and of the still
more glorious victory of Sir Henry Rawlinson, was
placed high on a mountain, wall, where no one could
touch and but few could read it. It was written not
in Persian only, not for the Persians only, but in three
dialects — an Aryan, a Semitic, and a Turanian, so
that the three peoples, nations, and languages might
all read and remember the mighty deeds of Darius,
the Achaemenian, the King of Kings. And when all
is finished and all is said, Darius, the king, adds :
' Be it known to thee what has been done by me,
thus publicly, on that account that thou conceal not.
If thou publish this tablet to the Avorld, Onnazd shall
be a friend to thee, and may thy oti'spring bcnumerous,
and mayest thou live long. But if thou shalt conceal
this record, thou shalt not be thyself recorded. May
Ormazd be th}- enemy and mayest thou be childless -.'
It seems to me that such words were written in the
prophetic spirit of a world-literature. And the same
spirit may be traced in Greece, in Rome, and else-
where.
When Thucydidcs writes his history of the Pelo-
ponnesian war, he looks back to the past and forward
^ ' Ch.ildea,' by Z. Il.-iyoziii, p. Ii6.
2 llawliii.s' n, ' Inscriplidiis of Bfhistun,' p. 36.
OOETIIE AXD CAllLYLE. 333
to the future, and then pronounces with complete
a>ssurance his conviction that this book of his is to
last for ever, that it is to teach future generations not
only what has happened, but what may happen again ;
that it is to be a Kniixa h ad, a possession for ever.
Few historians now would venture to speak like
this, even those who write their works here in London,
the centre of the whole world, and with all the recol-
lections of two thousand years behind them. But the
liomans had inherited the same spirit. We all admire
Horace, but there have been many poets like him,
both before and after his time, and it lequired a
considerable amount of self-esteem and a strong belief
in the future destinies of Rome and Roman literature
to end his odes with the words : ' Exe<jimonumentu'ni
aere perennius' —
' I have built a niouument tliaii bronze more lasting,
Soaring more high than royjil pyramids,
Which nor the stealthy gnawing of tlie rain-drops,
Nor tlie vain rush of Boreas shall destroy ;
Nor shall it pass away with the unnumbered
Series of ages and the flight of time —
I shall not wholly die ■'.'
Even when we proceed to the literature of the Middle
Ages, we seldom find any trace of national exclusive-
ness. The only literary language was Latin — the
language of the Church, the language of law, the
language of diplomacy — and what was written in
that language was meant to be understood by the
whole civilised world. A world-literature, therefore,
so far from being a modern dream, was one of the
most ancient historical realities. It was not till the
^ Sir Theodore Martin's translation.
334 llECENT ESSAYS.
fleventh and twelfth centuries that national litei'atures
arose, and that, as before in the land of Shinar, the
language of men was confounded so that they did not
understand one another's speech. This dispersion of
literatures has had its advantages ; it has increased
the wealth and variety of European thought. But it
had its dangers also. It divided the greatest thinkers
of the world, and thus retarded the victory of many
a truth which cannot triumph except by the united
efforts of the whole human race. It also produced
a certain small self-sufficiency among poets who
thought that they might accept the applause of their
own country as the final judgment of the world.
Many writers before Goethe had protested against
this provincialism or nationalism in literature. Schiller
declared that the poet ought to be a citizen not only
of his country, but of his time. But Goethe was the
first to give powerful expression to these longings
after a universal literature. Goethe was not such
a dreamer as to beUeve in the near approach of a
universal language, though even that dream has been
dreamt by men of far more powerful intellect than
their deriding critics seem to be aware of. Goethe
accepted the world as it was, but he endeavoured to
make the best of it. What he aimed at was a kind
of intellectual free-trade. Each country should pro-
duce what it could produce best, and the ports of
every country should welcome intellectual merchandise
from whatever part of the world it might be sent.
Some articles, no doubt, particularly in poetry, would
always be reserved for home-consumption only; but
the great poets and great thinkers ought never to
forget that they belong to the whole human race, and
GOCTIIE AND CARLYI-E. 33')
that the higher the aim the stronger the effort, ami
the greater the triumph.
When you look at tlie numerous passages, more
particularly in. his posthumous writings, you will
easily perceive that though Goethe's sympathies were
very universal, yet his strongest leaning was towards
England. Had he not been nursed in his youth, and
reinvigorated in his manhood, by Shakespeare ■? Was
not Sir Walter Scott his favourite food in later life,
and did not Lord Byron's poetry excite him even in
his old age to a kind of dithyrambic enthusiasm i
And England at that time responded with equal
warmth to Goethe's advances. ' Line upon line,' as
an eminent writer said in the Edinhurgh Review,
1850 — 'line upon line, precept upon precept, Goethe's
writings have found their way into English literature,
and he is as much one of the fathers of the present
educated generation of Englishmen as our own Gibbon,
or Johnson, or W^ords worth.'
No episode, however, during the closing years of
Goethe's life is more instructive as to his endeavours
after a world-literature than his friendship with
Carlyle. Carlyle, as you may remember from reading
Mr. Froudes eloquent volumes, learnt German Avith
nothing but a granuuar and dictionary to help him,
because he wanted to see with his own eyes what
those men, Schiller and Goethe, really were — names
which, as he tells us, excited at that time ideas as
vague and monstrous as the words Gorgon and
Chimaera. The first tasks which he set himself was
to write a 'Life of Schiller,' and to translate Goethe's
' Wilhelm Meister.' Carlyle at that time would have
seemed the very last person to feel any real sympathy
336 RECENT ESSAYS.
for Goethe. Ho was still a raw, narrow-minded,
scrappily educated Scotchman, with strong moral
sentiments and a vaofue feelinsc that he was meant
to do some great work in the world. But otherwise
his ideals were very different from Goethe's ideals of
life. Nor does he make any secret to himself or to
his friends of what his true feelings towards Schiller
and Goethe were at that time. Schiller, who, we
might suppose, would have attracted him far more
strongly than Goethe, repelled him by what he calls
his aesthetics.
' Schiller V he writes, 'was a very worth 3^ character,
possessed of great talents, and fortunate in always
finding means to employ them in the attainment of
v/orthy ends. The pursuit of the beautiful, the
representing it in suitable forms, and the diffusion of
feelings arising from it, operated as a kind of religion
in his soul. He talks in some of his essays about the
aesthetic being a necessary means of improvement
among political societies. His efforts in this cause
accordingly not only satisfied the restless activit}^,
the desire of creating and working upon others, which
form the great want of an educated mind, but yielded
a sort of balance to his conscience. He viewed himself
as an apostle of the sublime. Pity that he had no
better way of satisfying it. One is tired to death
with his and Goethe's 2)alah')'a about the nature of
the fine arts. They pretend that Nature gives people
true intimations of true, hearty, and just principles
in art ; that the Jjildende Kunstler and the richtende
(the creative and the critical artist) ought to investi-
' Froiule, ' Thomas Tarlyle,' vol. i. p. 196,
GQETHE AND CARLYLE. 337
gate the true foundation of these obscure intimations,
and set them fast on the basis of reason. Stuff and
nonsense, I fear it is ! ... . Poor silly sons of Adam !
you have been prating on these things for two or
three thousand years, and you have not advanced
a hair's breadth towards the conclusion. Poor fellows,
and poorer me, that take the trouble to repeat such
insipidities and truisms.'
Here we see a Saul, not likely yet to be turned into
a Paul. Miss Welsh, too, whom Carlyle at that time
was worshipping as a distant star far beyond his
reach, could not bear Goethe and poor little Mignon.
Carlyle tries to reprove her. ' O, the hardness of
man's and still more of woman's heart ! ' he exclaimed.
And yet he gives in. ' Do what you like,' he adds ;
' seriously, you are right about the book. It is worth
next to nothing as a novel.'
Still, the book told slowly and surely on the rugged,
stone-hearted critic ; but perhaps more even than the
book the personal kindness of Goethe. Goethe was
in a good mood when he received Carlyle's translation
of ' Wilhelm Meister.' He was thinking of his world-
literature, and here, quite unexpectedly, came the first
fruits of it. We must remember that at that time
a translation of a German book was an event. At
present an English translation is generally a mere
bookseller's speculation. People do not ask whether
the book is good, original, classical, but whether it is
possible to sell a thousand copies of it with the help of
a few telling reviews. With Carlyle the translation
of ' Wilhelm Meister' was a labour of love, and he was
probably surprised when an English publisher offered
him £i8o for the first edition, and afterwards £200 for
VOL. I. Z
338 RECENT ESSAYS.
every new edition of a thousand copies. ' Any way,*
he says, ' I am paid sufficiently for my labours.'
This was in 1824. Goethe was then seventy-five,
Carlyle twenty-nine. The correspondence was carried
on till the year 1831, Goethe's last letter being dated
the 2nd of June of that year, while he died on the
22nd of March, 1832. It may be imagined how
Carlyle valued Goethe's letters, how he treasured
them as the most precious jewels of hia household.
I was told that he gave them to Mrs. Carlyle to keep
in a safe place. Eut, alas ! after her death they could
nowhere be found. It was a painful subject with the
old man, and a grievous loss to his biographer.
Mr. Froude tells us in his ' Life of Carlyle ' that copies
of one or two of Goethe's letters, which Carlyle had
sent to his brother, were recovered, and these have
been translated and published by Mr. Froudo.
As soon as I heard that the archives of the Goethe
family had become accessible, having been bequeathed
by the last of his grandsons, Walther Wolfgang, to Her
Royal Highness the Grand Duchess of Saxe-Weimar,
I made inquiries whether possibly Goethe, as he was
wont to do in his later years, had preserved copies of
his letters to Carlyle. I was informed by Professor
Erich Schmidt that copies of most of Goethe's letters
to Carlyle existed ; and on making application for
them in the name of my old friend, Mr. Froude, Her
Royal Highness the Grand Duchess gave permission
that copies should be made of them, which Mr. Froude
might publish in his new edition of the * Life of
Carlyle,' and which I might use for my opening
address as President of tlie English Goethe Society.
It was really the unexpected possession of this
GOETHE AND CAULYLE. 339
literary treasure^ which emboldened me to accept
your kind invitation to become the first President of
the English Goethe Society, and which induced me to
select as the subject of my inaugural address Goethe's
ideal of a World Literaiiire, a subject which I might
thus venture to treat with the hope of bringing some-
thing new even to such experienced students of Goethe
as I see to-day assembled around me. For it is in his
letters to Carlyle that this idea finds its fullest expres-
sion. Carlyle was the very man that Goethe wanted,
for. however different their characters might be, they
had one object in common, Carlyle to preach German
literature in England, Goethe to spread a taste for
English literature in Germany. And how powerful
personal influence can be, we see in the very relation
which soon sprang up between the mature and stately
German and the impetuous Scot. Carlyle, as we saw,
was as yet but a half-hearted admirer of Schiller and
Goethe, but the nearer he was brought to Goethe and
the more he came to know the man and his ideals in
life, the stronger grew his admiration and his love of
the old prophet, whose name, he says, had floated
through his fancy like a sort of spell over his boy-
hood, and whose thoughts had come to him in his
maturer years almost with the impressiveness of
revelations. Goethe seems from the first to have
trusted Carlyle's honesty, and to have formed a right
opinion of his literary powers. Of course, Carlyle was
hardly known in England at that time, much less in
* There is a rumour that the originals have lately been found in an old
box and forwarded to America, to be published by Mr. Charles Norton.
See Dr. Eugen Oswald's article in the Ma'jnzinfiir die Literatnr dcs
Aiidandes, April 24, 1886. These letters have since been published by
Mr. Charles Norton (Macmillan).
Z 2
BiO EECENT ESSAYS.
Germany, and there is a curious entry in Goethe's
Diary, or, as he calls them, Concept-hefte, from which
it appears that he made private inquiries about him
and his character. In a note addressed to Mr. Skinner
who spent some time at Weimar, and died there in
1829 ^, Goethe writes on the 20th May, 1827 : —
' Thomas Carlyle, domiciled at Edinburgh, translator
of " Wilhelm Meister," author of a " Life of Schiller,"
has published lately in four volumes octavo a work
entitled " German Eomance," containing all tales in
prose of any name. I should like much to learn what
is known of his circumstances and his studies, and
what English and German journals may have said of
him. He is in every respect a highly interesting man.
If you like sometimes to spend an hour with me in the
evening, you are always welcome. There are always
many things to discuss and to communicate. Written
in my garden, the 20th May, 1827.'
At that time, however, the correspondence between
Goethe and Carlyle was already progressing. Carlyle
tells us himself, in a letter to his brother, with what
delight he received Goethe's first letter which was
written the 26th of October, 1824^. He was then
lodging in Southampton Street, in very bad humour
with the world at large, and particularly with the
literary world of London, which he calls the poorest
part of its population at present. On the i8th of
December, he writes to his brother, John Carlyle : —
' The other afternoon, as I was lying dozing in
a brown study after dinner, a lord's lackey knocked at
the door and presented me with a little blue parcel,
' In Goethe's letter dateil 25th June, 1829 (8).
2 Froude, ' Thomas Carlyle,' i. 265.
GOETUE AND CAELYLE. 341
requiring for it a note of delivery. I opened it, and
found two pretty stitched little books and a letter
from Goethe. I copy it and send it for your edifica-
tion. The patriarchal style of it pleases me much '.
' "Weimar, October 26, 1824.
"•My dearest Sir,
' " If I did not acknowledge on the spot the safe
arrival of your welcome present, it was because I was
unwilling to send you an empty acknowledgment
merely, but I purposed to add some careful remarks
on a work so honourable to you.
* " My advanced years, however, burdened as they
are with many unavoidable duties, have prevented me
from comparing your translation at my leisure with
the original text — a more difficult undertaking, per-
haps, for me than for some third person thoroughly
familiar with German and English literature. Since,
however, I have at the present moment an opportunity,
through Lord Bentinck, of forwarding this note safely
to London, and at the same time of bringing about an
acquaintance between yourself and Lord Bentinck
which may be agreeable to both of you, I delay no
longer to thank you sincerely for the interest which
you have taken in my literary works as well as in
the incidents of my life, and to entreat you earnestly
to continue the same interest for the future also. It
may be that hereafter I shall yet hear much of you.
I send herewith a number of poems which you will
scarcely have seen, but with which I venture to hope
1 Froude, ' Life of Carlyle,' i. p. 265. The translation has been but
sl'glitly altered in one or two places in accordance with the original of
Goethe's letter sent to me from Weimar.
342 RECENT ESSAYS.
that you will feel a certain sympathy. With the most
sincere good wishes, your most obedient
'"J. W. Goethe.'"
After this there seems to have been a long pause,
for the next letter from Goethe is dated Weimar,
May 15, 1827. This is only a short acknowledgment
of a pleasant parcel received from Carlyle, evidently
containing his ' Life of Schiller,' and a promise of
a fuller letter which is to follow.
'To Mr, Thomas Carlyle, EdinhurgJi.
*I announce hurriedly that the pleasant parcel
accompanied by a kind letter, dispatched from Edin-
burgh on the 15th of April, via Hamburg, reached
me on the i.^th May, and found me in good health
and busy for my friends. To my sincerest thanks to
the esteemed couple (Carlyle was married by this
time), I will add the information that a packet will
shortly be dispatched from here, likewise via Ham-
burg, to attest my sympathy and to recall me to your
minds. I take my leave with best and sincerest
wishes.'
In the meantime Goethe, after reading Carlyle's
' Life of Schiller,' had evidently taken his young
friend's true measure. He thought he had found in
him the very man he had been looking for to be the
interpreter of German thought in England, and in
July of the same year he wrote him a very full letter,
which may almost be called an essay on World-
literature ^ In his conversations with Eckermann
he speaks of Carl^ le ' as a moral power of great
' Froude, i. 399.
GOETHE AND CARLYLE. 343
importance. There is much future in him,' he adds,
'and it is quite impossible to see all that he may do
and produce ^.' Before I read you some of the more
important passages of this and the following letters,
I wish to call your attention to a curious fact which
I discovered while examining the copies sent me from
Weimar. Several passages seemed to me so familiar
that I began to look through Goethe's works, and
here, particularly in the volumes published after his
death, I found long passages of his letters to Carlyle
worked up into short reviews. Here and there Goethe
has made slight alterations, evidently intended as
improvements, and these, too, are curious as allowing
us an insight into Goethe's mind. I also came across
several letters of Carlyle's to Goethe, probably trans-
lated into German by Goethe himself. These are
interesting too, but as the originals have now been
found in the Goethe Archives, and will soon be pub-
lished by Mr. Charles Norton, I need not quote them
at present.
In his third letter to Carlyle, after the usual pre-
liminaries, Goethe writes :
'Let me, in the first place, tell you, my dear sir,
how very highly I esteem your" Biography of Schiller."
It " is remarkable for the careful study which it dis-
plays of the incidents of Schiller's life, and one clearly
perceives in it a study of his works and a hearty
sympathy with him. The complete insight which
you have thus obtained into the character and high
merits of this man is really admirable, so clear it is
* Gesprache mit Eckermann, July 25, 1828.
'^ From here to ' his task accomplished,' the text is found in Goethe's
Works (1833), vol. XXX vi. p. 230.
344 HECENT ESSAYS.
and so appropriate, so far beyond what might Lavo
been looked for in a writer in a distant country.
' Here the old saying is verified, " A good will helps
to a full understanding." It is just because the Scot
can look with affection on a German, and can honour
and love him, that he acquires a sure eye for that
German's finest qualities. He raises himself into
a clearness of vision which Schiller's own countrymen
could not arrive at in earlier days. For those who
live with superior men are easily mistaken in their
judgments. Personal peculiarities irritate them. The
swift-changing current of life displaces their points of
vieW; and hinders them from perceiving and recog-
nising the true worth of such men. Schiller, however,
was of so exceptional a nature that the biographer
had only to keep the idea of an excellent man before
his eyes, and carry that idea through all his individual
destinies and achievements, and he would see his task
accompli.shed ^'
* The next paragraphs are found, with slight alterations, evidently of
later date, in Goethe's Works (1833), xlvi. p. 254. Whereas in his
draft Goethe wrote Kenntniss, he altered it to Vorkenntniss in the
letter he sent to Carlyle, and retained that word in his notice of ' Ger-
man Romance.' There is one paragraph added by Goethe, when
f^peaking of the impartiality with which a foreigner treats the history of
German literature, which deserves to be translated. In his letter he
breaks off after 'he gives individuals their credit each in his place.' In
his review of ' German Romance,' he continues : * And thus to a certain
extent settles the conflict which within the literature of every nation is
inevitable; for to live and to act is much the same as to form or to join
a party. No one can be blamed if he fights for place and rank, which
secures his existence, and gives him influence which promises future
happy success.
'Ifthustlie horizon is often darkened during many years for those
who live within a literature, the foreigner lets dust, mist, and darkness
settle down, disperse and v.inish, and sees those distant regions revealed
in brigiit and dark spots with the same calmness which we are wont to
observe the moon in a clear night.'
GOETHE AND CARLYLE. 345
After some remarks on Carlyle's ' German Romance,'
Goethe is evidently anxious to unburden himself on
the subject of World-literature, which was nearest to
his heart. Probably he had jotted down his own
thoughts on several occasions before, and so he
abruptly says to Carlyle —
' Let me add a few observations, which I have long
harboured in silence, and which have been stirred up
by these present works.'
It is curious that in the published review of
' German Romance,' too, Goethe uses the same artifice.
After he has compared the mind of the foreign his-
torian to the calm and brightness of a moonlight
night, he writes :
'In this place, some observations, written down
some time ago, may stand interpolated, even if people
should find that I repeat myself, so long as it is
allowed at the same time that repetition may serve
some useful purpose.'
Then follow his observations on the advantage of
international literary relations, which I shall read to
you:
' It is obvious that for a long time the efforts of the
best poets and aesthetic writers throughout the world
have been directed towards what is universal, and
common to all mankind. In every single work, be it
historical, mythological, fabulous, more or less arbi-
trarily conceived, we shall see the universal more and
more showing and shining through what is merely
national and individual^.'
' Goethe, in his letter to Carlyle, wrote : ' Durch Nationnlitdl und
Personlichheit hindarch . . . durchlenchten und durchschimmern
athn' — In the printed paper he changed hinduick iuto /tin.
346 RECENT ESSAYS.
*In practical life we perceive the same tendency,
which pervades all that is of the earth earthy, crude,
wild, cruel, false, selfish, treacherous, and tries evei'y-
where to spread a certain serenity. We may not
indeed hope from this the approach of an era of
universal peace ; but yet that strifes which are un-
avoidable may grow less extreme, wars less savage,
and victory less overbearing.
* Whatever in the poetry of all nations aims and
tends towards this, is what the others should appro-
priate. The peculiarities of each nation should be
studied, so that we should be able to make allowance
for them— nay, gain by their means real intercourse
with a nation. For the special characteristics of
a people are like its language and its currency : they
facilitate exchange— nay, they first make exchange
possible.'
The next paragraph is not in the printed text of
Goethe's review ; it was meant for Carlyle alone :
' Pardon me, my dear sir^ for these remarks, which
perhaps are not quite coherent, nor to be scanned all
at once. They are drawn from the great ocean of
observations, which, as life passes on, swells up more
and more round every thinking person.'
A truly Goethe-like sentence, which I must repeat
in German :
' Verzeihen Sie mir, mein Werthester, diese vielleicht
nicht ganz zusammenhangcnden, noch alsbald zu
uberschauenden Ausserungen. Sie sind geschopft aus
dem Ocean der Betrachtungen, der um jeden Den-
kenden mit den Jahren immer mehr anschwillt.'
He then continues :
'Let me add some more observations, which I wrote
GOETHE AND CARLYLE. 347
down on another occasion, but which apply specially
to the business on which you are now engaged.'
What follows next, on the advantages of a free
literary exchange between nation and nation, has
been utilized by Goethe in the same article on
' German Romance ' :
' We arrive best at a true toleration when we can
let pass individual peculiarities, whether of persons
or peoples, without quarrelling with them ; holding
fast, nevertheless, to the conviction that genuine
excellence is distinguished by this mark, that it
belongs to all rtiankind. To such intercourse and
mutual recognition the Germans have long contri-
buted.
'He who knows and studies German finds himself
in a market where the wares of all countries are
offered for sale ; while he eni-iches himself he is
officiating as interpreter.
'A translator, therefore, should be regarded as
a trader in this great spiritual commerce, and as one
who makes it his business to advance the exchange
of commodities. For, say what we will of the in-
adequacy of translation, it always will be among the
weightiest and worthiest factors in the world's affairs.
' The Koran says that God has given each people
a prophet in his own tongue. Each translator is
also a prophet to his people. Tlie effects of Luther's
translation of the Bible have been immeasurable,
though criticism has been at work picking holes in it
to the present day. What is the enormous business
of the Bible Society but to make known the Gospel
to every nation in its own tongue ? '
Carlyle felt proud, as well he might, as the recipient
348 EECENT ESSAYS,
of such letters from Goethe. ' A ribbon with the
order of the Garter,' he wrote to his mother, ' would
scarcely have flattered either of us more.' In his
replies he expressed his warmest sympathy with
Goethe's ideas. I wish I could give you some frag-
ments at least of Carlyle's correspondence, but the
originals, which are preserved at Weimar, have been
confided to much worthier hands, and will soon be
published, I hope, by Mr. Charles Norton. In the
meantime, all I can do is to try to re-translate one of
Carlyle's letters from Goethe's German translation
into English — a bold undertaking, I confess, but one
for which, under the circumstances, I may claim your
indulgence :
'December 22, 1829.
*I have read a second time, with no small satis-
faction, the " Correspondence " (between Schiller and
Goethe), and send off to-day to the Foreign Review
an article on Schiller, founded on it. You will be
pleased to hear that a knowledge and appreciation of
foreign, and particularly of German, literature is
spreading with increasing speed as far as rules the
English tongue, so that among the Antipodes, even
in New Holland, the wise men of your country are
preaching their wisdom. I heard lately that even at
Oxford and Cambridge, our two English Universities,
which have hitherto been considered the strongholds
of our peculiar insular conservatism, things begin to
move. Your Niebuhr has found an able translator at
Cambridge, and at Oxford two or three Germans have
sufficient occupation as teachers of their language.
The new light may be too strong for certain eyes, but
GOETHE AND CAKLYEE. 349
BO one can doubt of the o-ood results which in the end
will arise from it. Let only nations, like individuals,
know each other, and the mutual hatred will be
changed into mutual help, and instead of natural
enemies, as neighbouring countries are sometimes
called, we shall all become natural friends.'
In another letter from Goethe to Carlyle, dated
August 8, 1828, there are some more interesting
remarks on the high functions of the translator.
They are called forth by Coleridge's translation of
Schiller's ' Wallenstein/ and though they have been
used by Goethe in a short review of this work, they
deserve to be quoted here in their freshness as
addressed to Carlyle ^ :
' The translation of " Wallenstein " made quite a
peculiar impression upon me. The whole time that
Schiller was working at this drama I hardly left his
side ; and after I had thus become thoroughly ac-
quainted with the piece, I co-operated with him in
putting it on the stage. In this task I met with more
trouble and vexation than I might fairly have expected,
and I had finally to be present at the successive
representations, in order to bring the difficult theatrical
presentation to higher and higher perfection. You
may imagine, therefore, that this glorious piece became
at length quite trivial, nay, even tedious to me.
For twenty years I have neither seen nor read it. But
now that quite unexpectedly I see it again in the
language of Shakespeare, it suddenly appears before
me in all its details, like a newly varnished picture,
and I delight in it as of yore, but also in a new and
peculiar way. Tell this to the translator with my
^ Goethe's Works, 1853, xlvi. p. 258.
350 RECENT ESSAYS,
greetings, and do not omit to add that the preface,
written just in that same sympathetic tone which
I referred to before, gave me great pleasure. Let me
also know his name, so that he may stand forth as
an individual person in the chorus of Philo-Germans.
This suggests to me a new observation, perchance
hardly realised, and probably never uttered before —
namely, that the translator does not work for his own
nation only, but also for the nation from whose
language he has transferred the work. For it
happens oftener than one imagines that a nation
draws the sap and thought out of a work, and absorbs
it so entirely in its own inner life, that it can no
longer take any pleasure in it or draw from it any
nourishment. This is particularly the case with the
Germans, who use up all too quickly anj'thing that
is offered them, and who, by reproducing and altering
a work in many ways, annihilate it to a certain
extent. Hence it is very salutary if what is their
own appears before them again at a later time, en-
dowed with fresh life by the help of a successful
translation.'
With the same warmth with which Goethe greeted
Coleridge's translation of ' Wallenstein,' he received
Sir Walter Scott's 'Life of Napoleon.' In a letter to
Carlyle, dated December 27, 1827, he writes :
^If you see Mr. Walter Scott thank him most
warmly in my name for his dear, cheerful letter,
written exactly in that beautiful conviction that man
must be dear to his Maker. I have also received his
" Life of Napoleon," and have in these winter evenings
and nights read it through attentively from beginning
to end. To me it was highly significant to see how
GOETHE AND CARLYLE. 351
the first master of narrative in this century takes
upon himself so uncommon a task, and brings before
us in calm succession those momentous events which
we ourselves were compelled to witness. The division
by chapters into large and well-defined portions,
renders the complicated events distinct and compre-
hensible ; and thus the narration of single events
becomes, what is most inestimable, perfectly clear
and visible. I read it in the original, and thus it
impressed me as it ought. It is a patriotic Briton
who speaks, who cannot well look on the acts of the
enemy with favourable eyes, and who, as an honest
citizen, wants to see all political undertakings brought
into harmony with the demands of morality, who, in
the happy course of his enemy's good fortune, threatens
him with disastrous consequences, and is unable to
pity him even in. his bitterest disgrace.
'And further, this work was of the greatest im-
portance to me, in that it not only reminded me of
things which I had myself witnessed, but brought
before me afresh much that had been overlooked at
the time. It placed me on an unexpected standpoint ;
made me reconsider what I had thought settled, while
I was also enabled to do justice to the opponents who
cannot be wanting of so important a work, and to
appreciate fairly the exceptions which they take from
their point of view. You will see by this that no
more valuable gift could have reached me at the end
of the year.'
And now follows a truly Goethe-like sentence, which
it is difficult to render in English :
CD
' Es ist dieses Werk mir 7a\ einem goldenen Netzo
geworden, womit ich die Schattenbilder meines ver-
352 EECENT ESSAYS.
gangenen Lebens aus den letlieischcn Fluthen mit
reichem Zuge heraufzufischen mich beschaftige.'
'This work has become to me a kind of golden net,
wherewith I have been busily drawing up in a mira-
culous draught the shadows of my past life from the
flood of Lethe.'
Thus we see Goethe busy day and night in
gathering-in the treasures of foreign literature, and
establishing friendly relations with the foremost
representatives of poetry, art, and science, not only
in England, but in every country in Europe. He saw
the era of a World-literature approaching, and he did
his best in the evening of his life to accelerate its
advent.
In a letter of Goethe's dated October 5, 1830, we
see how anxious the old man became that the threads
which he had spun, and which united him with
so many eminent correspondents in different parts
of the world, should not be broken after his death.
Goethe himself had become an international poet
in the full sense of the word. Ho knew the excellent
effects which had been produced, even during his
lifetime, from the more intimate relations established
between himself and some representative men in
England, France, Italy, and Spain, and he wished
to see them perpetuated. Thus, when sending Carlyle
the German translation of his ' Life of Schiller,' he
tells him that he wished to bring him and his Berlin
friends into more active and fruitful intercourse.
He had Carlyle elected an honorary member of the
Berlin Society for Foreign Literature, and requested
him to send some acknowledgment in return.
'At my time of life,' he writes, 'it must be a
GOKTIIE AXD CAllLYLE. 353
matter of concern to me to see the various ties -vvliich
centred in me linked on again elsewhere, so as to
hasten the object which every good man desires and
must desire, namely, to spread, even unobserved and
often hindered, a certain harmonious and liberal
sentiment throughout the world. Thus many things
can settle down peaceably at once, without being-
first scattered and driven about before they are
brought into some kind of order, and even then not
without great loss. May you be successful in making
the good points of the Germans better known to your
nation, as we, too, are unceasing in our endeavours
to make the good points of foreign nations clear
to our own people.'
In another letter (dated Weimar, December 27,
3827) Goethe dwells on the softening influence which
travelling in Germany, and prolonged stays in German
towns, produced on young Englishmen, fitting them
to become in later life connecting links between the
two countries. As this letter throws some light on
the simple, 3'et refined, life at Weimar, to which
I referred in the beginning of my address, I shall
give a longer extract from it : —
' While books and periodicals at present join na-
tions, so to speak, by the mail-post, intelligent
travellers also contribute not a little to the same
object. Mr. Heavyside who visited you (Carlyle
never refers to this visit) has brought back to us
many pleasant tidings of yourself and your surround-
ings, and will probably have given you a full de-
scription of our life and doings in Weimar. As tutor
of the young Hopes, he spent some pleasant and useful
years in our modest, yet richly endowed and animated
VOL. I. A a
354 llECENT ESSAYS.
circle. I hear that the Hope family are quite satisfied
with the education which the young men were enabled
to acquire here. And, indeed, this place unites many
advantages for young men, and especially for those
of your nation. The double court of the reigning
and the hereditary family, where they are always
received with kindness and liberality, forces them
by the very favour which is shown them, to a refined
demeanour, at various social amusements. The rest
of our society keeps them likewise within certain
pleasant restraints, so that anything rude and un-
becoming in their conduct is gradually eliminated.
In intercourse with our beautiful and cultivated
women they find occupation and satisfaction for heart,
mind, and imagination, and are thus preserved from
all those dissipations to which youth gives itself up
more from ennui than from necessity. This free
discipline is perhaps inconceivable in any other place,
and it is pleasant to see that those members of our
society who have gone from here to try life at Berlin
or Dresden have very soon returned to us again.
Moreover, our women keep up a lively correspondence
with Great Britain, and thus prove that actual pre-
sence is not absolutely essential to keep alive and
continue a well-founded esteem. And I must not
omit that all friends, as, for instance, just now
Mr. Lawrence, return to us from time to time, and
delight in taking up at once the charming threads
of earlier intercourse. Mr. Parry has concluded a
residence of many years with a good marriage.'
Goethe, however, was not simply a literary man ;
he was a man, a complete man, and his interests
in a world-literature had their deepest roots in his
GOETHE AND CARLYLE. 355
strong human heart. ' He was neither noble nor
plebeian,' to quote the words of the Foreign Review
(iii. 87), 'neither liberal nor servile, neither infidel
nor devotee, but the best excellence of all of them,
joined in pure union, a clear and universal rtian.'
Napoleon, too, wLen he had seen Goethe and con-
versed with him, could say no more than Voild un
homme ! His own countrymen, however, often blamed
Goethe for his wide human sympathies, and his want
of national sentiment — most unjustly, I think, for
when the time of trial came, he proved himself as
good a patriot as many who tried to be more eloquent
than Goethe in their patriotic songs and sermons.
Goethe had his faults and weaknesses, but there
is one redeeming feature in his character which atones
for almost everything — he was thoroughly true. He
was too great to dissemble. He could not pretend to
be a patriot in the sense in which Ai-ndt, Jahn, and
Schill were patriots. ' I should have been miserable/
he says, ' if I had made up my mind ever to dissemble
or to lie. But as I was strong enough to show
myself exactly as I was and as I felt, I was con-
sidered proud.' O that we had more of that pride,
and less of the miserable pretence of unreal senti-
ment ! National sentiment is right and good, but
we must not forget that national sentiment is
a limited and limiting sentiment, particularly to
a mind of such universal grasp as Goethe. We were
told not long ago by the greatest English orator
' that there is a local patriotism which in itself is
not bad, but good. The Welshman is full of local
patriotism, the Scotchman is full of local patriotism,
the Scotch nationality is as strong as it ever was,
A a 2
856 RECENT ESSAYS.
and should the occasion arise — which I believe it
never can — it will be as ready to assert itself as in
the days of Banuockburn. I do not believe that that
local patriotism is an evil. I believe it is stronger
in Ireland even than in Scotland. Englishmen are
eminently English, Scotchmen are profoundly Scotch,
and, if I read Irish history aright, misfortune and
calamity have wedded her sons to her soil. The
Irishman is more profoundly Irish, but,' Mr. Glad-
stone adds, ' it does not follow that because his local
patriotism is keen, he is incapable of Imperial pa-
triotism.'
Nor does it follow that because our Imperial
patriotism is keen, our hearts are incapable of larger
sympathies. There is something higher even than
Imperial patriotism. Our sympathies are fostered
at home, but they soon pass the limits of our family
and our clan, and embrace the common interests of
city, county, party, and country. Should they stop
there 1 Should we for ever look upon what is out-
side our Chinese Walls as foreign, barbarian, and
hateful, we more particularly, the nations of Europe
in whose veins runs the same Teutonic blood, and
who profess a religion which, if it is anything, is
a world-relio^ion ? Goethe, feeling at home amoncf
the monuments of past greatness, and in harmony
with the spirits of all true poets and prophets of
the world, could not confine his sympathies within
the narrow walls of Weimar, not even within the
frontiers of Germany. Wherever he found beauty and
nobility there he felt at home ; wherever he could
make himself truly useful, there was his country.
Patriotism is a duty, and in times of danger it may
GOETHE AXD CAKLYLE. 357
become an enthusiasm. We want patriotism, just
as we want municipal spirit, nay, even clannishncss
and family pride. But all these are steps leading
higher and higher till we can repeat with some of
the greatest men the words of Terence, ' I count
nothing strange to me that is human/
There is no lack of international literature now.
The whole world seems writing, reading, and talking
together. The same telegrams which we are reading
o o o
in London are read at nearly the same time in Paris,
Berlin, Rome, St. Petersburg, New York, Alexandria,
Calcutta, Sydney, and Peking. The best newspapers,
English, French, or German, are read wherever people
are able to read. Goethe was struck with the number
of languages into which the Bible had been translated
in his time. What would he say now, when the
British and Foreign Bible Society alone has published
translations in 267 languages ? Goethe was proud
when he saw his ' Wilhelm Meister ' in an English
garb. Every season now produces a rich crop of
sensational international novels. Our very school-
books are largely used not only in America, but in
Burmah, Siam, China, and Japan. Newton's ' Prin-
cipia ' are studied in Chinese, and the more modern
works of Hersehell, Lyell, Darwin, Tyndall, Huxley,
Lockyer, have created in the far East the same
commotion as in Europe. Even books like my own,
which stir up no passions, and can appeal to the
narrow circle of scholars only, have been sent to me,
translated not only into the principal languages of
Europe, but into Bengali, Mahratti, Guzerathi, Tamil,
Japanese — nay, even into Sanskrit.
A world-literature, such as Goethe longed for, has
358 HECEXT ESSAYS.
to a great extent been realised, but tbe blessings
which he expected from it have not yet come, at least
not in that fulness in which he hoped for them.
There have been, no doubt, since Goethe's time great
thinkers and writers, who felt their souls warmed
and their powers doubled by the thought that their
work would be judged, not by a small clique of home
critics only, but by their true peers in the whole
woi-Id. Goethe himself points out how much more
unprejudiced, how much more pure and sure the
opinion of foreign critics has been to him and to
Schiller, and the old saying has often been confirmed
since, that the judgment of foreign nations anticipates
the judgment of posterity.
But the gi'eatest blessing which Goethe hoped for
from the spreading of a world-literature — namely,
that there should spring up a real love between
nation and nation — has not yet been vouchsafed. Of
this he speaks in one of his letters to Carlyle with
a kind of patriarchal unction.
Goethe had received the early numbers of the
Foreign Quarterly Review, and was much pleased
with an article on German Literature, on Ernst
Schulze, Hoffmann, and the German Theatre, which
he ascribed to Carlyle's pen.
' I fancy,' he writes in a letter dated December 27,
1827, 'I recognise in it the hand of my English friend,
for it would be truly wonderful if old Britain should
have produced a pair of Menaechmi, both equally
capable and willing to picture the literary culture
of a foreign continental countr}^ divided from their
own by geographical, moral, and aesthetic differences ;
and to describe it in the same quiet, cheerful tone,
GOETHE AND CARLYLE. o59
and with the same tlioiightfulness, modest}', thorough-
ness, clear-sightedness, perspicuity, exhaustiveness,
nnd -whatever good qualities might still be added.
The other criticisms, too, in so far as I have read
them, seem to me to show insight, mastery, and
moderation on a solid basis of national feeling. And
though I esteem very highl}- the crismopolitan works,
such as, for instance, Dupin's, still the remarks of
the reviewer on p. 496 of vol. ii. were very welcome
to me. The same applies to much that is stated in
connection with the religious strife in Silesia.
'I intend in the next number of Ruvst unci Alter-
tJtum, to make friendly mention of these approaches
from afar, and shall recommend such a reciprocal
treatment to my friends at home and abroad, finally
declaring as my own, and inculcating as the essence
of true wisdom, the Testament of St. John, " Little
children, love one another." I may surely hope that
this saying may not seem so strange to my con-
temporaries as it did to the disciples of the Evangelist,
who expected from him a very different and higher
revelation.'
And 3'ct these last words of Goethe sound strange
to us also, stranger even, it may be, than to his
contemporaries. The great nations of Europe have
been brought nearer together. We have international
exhibitions, international congresses, international
journals, but of international love and esteem we
have less than ever. Europe has become like a
menagerie of wild beasts, ready to fly at each other
whenever it pleases their keepers to open the grates.
Why should that be so ? Sweet reason has been
able to compose family quarrels. In society at large
360 RECENT ESSAYS.
people do not come to blows ; and duels, though
tolerated in some countries as survivals of a bar-
Imrous age, are everywhere condemned by the law.
Why should it be considered seemly for every country
to keep legions of lighting men, ready to kill and
to be killed for their country, if it should please
emperors and kings, or, still more frequently, ministers
and ambassadors, to lose their temper. Goethe did
not hope for universal peace, but he certainly could
not have anticipated that chronic state of war into
which we have, drifted, and which in the annals
of future historians will place our vaunted nineteenth
century lower than the age of Huns and Vandals.
I believe that the members of this English Goethe
Society can best prove themselves true students of
Goethe, true disciples of Goethe, by helping, each one
according to his power, to wape out this disgrace to
humanity. With all the ill-feeling against England
that has been artificially stirred up, Shakespeare
Societies flourish in all the best towns of Germany.
And I have never yet met a Shakespearian scholar
who was not, I will not say an Anglomanlac, but
a friend of England, a fair judge of all that is great
and noble in this great and noble race. Shakespeare
has done more to cement a true union between
Germany and England than all English Ministers and
ambassadors put together. Let us hope that Goethe
may do the same, and that each and every member of
this English Goethe Society may work in the spirit
which he, who has often been called the Great
Heathen, expressed so well and so powerfully in the
simple words of the great Apostle of Love, ' Little
children, love one another.' Let Goethe and Shake-
GOETHE AND CARLYLE, 301
speare remain the perpetual ambassadors of these two
nations, and we may then hope that those who can
esteem and love Shakespeare and Goethe, may learn
once more to esteem and love one another.
And do not suppose that I exaggerate the influence
of literature on politics. If Mr. Gladstone had not
})een so devoted a student of Italian literature, possibly
■\ve should not have had, as yet, a united Italy. If
our fathers had not been so full of enthusiasm for
their Homer, their Sophocles, their Plato, possibly
Greece would never have been freed from the Turkish
yoke. And whenever I hear that Prince Bismarck
knows his Shakespeare by heart, 1 gather courage,
and seem to understand much in the ground-swell of
his policy which on the curling surface appears often
so perplexing.
Let us hope that we may soon count some of the
leading statesmen of England among the members of
our Society. If they have once learnt to construe
a German sentence, they may learn in time to construe
the German character also, w^hich, though it ditfers on
some points from the English, is, after all, bone of the
same bone, flesh of the same flesh, soul of the same
soul.
We do not wish that our Society shall ever become
a political society, and it would be against the cosmo-
politan spirit of Goethe if it w^ere to be narrowed down
to English and German members only. There are
Frenchmen, Italians, Russians, Danes, and Swedes
who have proved themselves excellent students of his
works. Gcethe himself, wiien speaking of the different
Avays in which different nations appreciated the
character of his Helena, gives credit to the French-
362 RECENT ESSAYS.
man, the Englishman, and the Russian, for having,
each in his own way, interpreted the poet's thoughts.
Writing to Carlyle, on August 8, i82cS, he says :
' All the more delightful w^as it to me to see how
you had treated my '• Helena." You have here, too,
acted in your own beautiful manner, and as at the
same time there arrived articles from Paris and
Moscow on this work of mine— a work which had
occupied my mind and my heart for so many years —
I expressed my thoughts somewhat laconically in the
following way : the Scot tries to penetrate, the
Frenchman to comprehend, the Russian to appro-
priate it. These three have therefore in an unpre-
concerted manner represented all possible categories
of sympathy which a work of art can appeal to ;
though, of course, these three can never be quite
separated, but each must call the other to its aid.'
Penetrated by the same world-embracing spirit, the
Goethe Society calls to its aid all lovers of Goethe's
genius, to whatever nation they may belong ; and it
may promise them that of politics, in the narrow
sense of the word, they shall within these w^alls hear
as little as in Goethe's garden at Weimar.
But literature, too, has its legitimate influence, at first
on individuals only, but in the end on whole nations ;
and if we consider what literature is — the embodi-
ment of the best and highest thoughts which human
genius has called into being — it w^ould bo awful
indeed if it wore otherwise. Goethe's spirit has
become not only a German power, not only a Euro-
pean power : it has become a force that moves the
w^hole w^oild. That force is now committed to our
hands, to use it as best we can. But in using it we
GOETHE AXD CARLYLE. 3G3
must remember that all spiritual influences work by
slow and almost imperceptible degrees, and we ought
not to allow ourselves to be discouraged, if prejudices,
piled up by a thousand bus}' tongues, are not removed
in a day. We must work on like true scholars,
silent io ct spe — in silence and hope — and, depend
upon it, our work will then not be in vain.
Our nearest work lies in England. Our Society
has been called into life chiefly by Englishmen and
Germans. We, both German and English, want to
put our shoulders together to study the works and
thoughts of Goethe. This may seem a small
beginning, but powerful oaks spring from small
seeds. Let us hope, therefore, that our young Society
ma}' grow stronger and stronger from year to year,
and that it may help, according to its talents and
opportunities, to strengthen the bonds of blood which
unite the English and German nations by the sympa-
thies of the mind, which may become stronger even
than the bonds of blood. If these two nations, the
German and English, stand once more together,
shoulder to shoulder, respecting each other and
respected by their neighbours, we may then hope
to see the realisation of what Goethe considered the
highest blessing of a world-literature, ' Peace on earth,
goodwill towards men ' — yes, towards all men.
COERESPONDENCE^ BETWEEN SCHIELER
AND THE
DUXE or SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN.
Edited for the First Time from the Ducal Family Archives.
IF in the noisy deafening hurry of the times in
which we live, we are able now and then to win
for ourselves a few quiet hours to turn over the
pages of the journals of our fathers and grandfathers
of about a century back, we find ourselves in a world
which seems more like poetry than reality. Not only
do the men and women appear to be of a different
race, but a different spirit animates their life, their
feelings, their thoughts, their deeds. Just as the
Greeks talked of a golden age, to distinguish it from
the iron age, the present, so we feel that the men of
a hundred years since were made of very different
stuff from ourselves. Souls like Goethe and Schiller
could hardly breathe in our atmosphere — things which
^ Translated from Scliiller's ' Briefweclisel mit dein Heizog Friedrich
Chiihtian von Schleswig-Holsteiu-Aiigustenburg.' Eingeleitet und
heiaupgegeben von F. Max Miillur. Berlin, 1875.
Duke Friedrich Christian was tlie grandfather of the Prince Christian
of Schleswig-HoLsiein-Augustenburg, and it was chiefly due to the
exertions of H.ll.H. that Schiller's letters, long supposed to be lo.st,
were discovered in the family archives.
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-IIOLSTEIX. 365
were possible in that time are scarcely conceivable to
us. The world has become hard and iron — then it
was soft and golden. Men had wings, and faith in
ideals, and, borne aloft on these pinions, they
soared above the rugged path of life, their eyes fixed
on the clear sky, the superterrestrial, the eternal.
We plod on foot through thick and thin, along the
straight dusty highway of our business and calling
and our eyes can scarcely perceive the old bridge over
which at length, whether we will or no, we pass into
the clear sky, the superterrestrial, the eternal.
If any one wishes vividly to realise what a beauti-
ful world lies buried there, how little, j-et how great,
is the golden age of a hundred years back, let him go,
after a crowded party in one of our largest cities,
where we have everything which money can buy,
everything but true men and women — let him go for
once to the old fairy town of Weimar. Remembering
the magic pictures of its youth, such as he had drawn
from Goethe's and Schiller's own description — let him
look for the palaces and villas, the bright windows,
the flights of steps, with their niches and pillars, for
the art-treasures, the armour, the natural curiosities
and books — let him descend into the vault, the
richest on earth, where the Duke Karl August rests,
with Goethe and Schiller on either side — and he will
be filled with astonishment and dismay when he
perceives the smallness and poverty of the stage on
which those heroes once acted their part. In this
small room Schiller lived, in that bed Goethe slept.
Now, no servant would be satisfied with such
accommodation. And yet here, where everything
now seems so small, so quiet, so dull, at one time the
366 RECENT ESSAYS.
waves of thought foamed and sparkled till their
dancing motion, in over-widening circles, beat on the
remotest shores of our globe. Here glowed that
beautiful and divine spark, delight in life ; here high
spirits raged ; here love revelled ; here genius
ran wild, till all philistines closed their eyes in
alarm, and stood aside ; — and yet here everything
before the sun reached its meridian height, became
peaceful and clear — a ' wide, still sea, a happy, glorious
calm.'
Yes, life was there and then as rich, and sunny,
and heavenly as men ever can make it, through
themselves, through genius, and art, and love.
Shadows and darkness were not wanting even then,
I'or great men cannot always be great, and when they
fall, ' great is the fall thereof.'
Goethe had his cold, repellent hours. He could play
the Privy Counsellor even towards Schiller. But who
could triumph more nobly over his own weaknesses
than Goethe, when he recognised in the long-avoided
Schiller the long-sou ght-for equal and friend?
Schiller, too, sufiered from attacks of narrow-
mindedness. Sometimes he longs for Goethe ; then,
again, he is miserable when near him. At times he
rejoiced in the halo of the court ; then, again, he
mourned over the self-deception which made him see
ordinary things in a false radiance. Schiller's mind
suffered from Schiller's body ; and how truly and
touchingly he expresses the consciousness of his own
weakness, the sufferings and struggles of his genius,
when he says, ' How difficult it iis for a suffering man
to be a good man ! '
It is true that Wieland in youth, as in old age, was
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-IIOLSTEIN. 367
full of weaknesses ; but where do we lind now such
a delightful old man as he was, bearing ever_j thing,
ready to forgive even unmerited blame, prizing and
praising the old and the past, but at the same time
hoping all that was beautiful for the future 1 How
characteristic of him, the favourite of the grandmother,
when in his seventy-second year he exclaimed, on the
arrival of the Grand Duchess Maria Paulowna, the
bride of her grandson, the hereditary Prince of
Weimar, ' I thank heaven that X have been allowed
to live long enough to enjoy the blessed vision of
such an angel in human form. With her a new epoch
will surely begin for Weimar ; she will, through her
powerful influence, carry on, and bring to higher
perfection, the work which Amalia began more than
forty years ago.'
Herder was proud, often discontented, perhaps not
altogether free from that worst of all human passions,
envy; but the old giant mind always breaks through;
and where have we now a General-Superintendent so
ready to recognise the divine afilatus in all poetry, the
heavenly spirit in all religions, the Godlike in eveiy-
thing human '^
No doubt there are still many * beautiful souls ' as
well as mischievous ladies-in-waiting ; but where
shall we find a gnome like Madlle. Gochhausen? or
where a soul formed of such fine-grained marble as
Frau von Stein 1
German thrones are not wanting in brave and gifted
princesses ; but where is there an Amalia or Louisa ?
We have princes who would be more than princes ;
but where is the robust strength, the life, the truth^ the
honesty of a Karl August?
368 RECENT ESSAYS.
Men dared much in those days. Why? Because
they trusted themselves, and, still more, they trusted
others. They created the greatest from the smallest.
The soul still possessed the magic power which imparts
to everything earthly a heavenly character, which feels
life to be the most beautiful gift of God, that cannot
be loved and prized enough, or, as long as it lasts, be
enough enjoyed in all its fulness.
In order to estimate this heroic past of the German
people at its full value, it is not necessary to depre-
ciate the present or to despair of the future. It is
only necessary for the historian to establish the iact
that those heroes were of another mould and grain
than we are.
Our life has become more quiet, but at the same
time more earnest: harder, but also more enduring.
We have less kindly light, but also fewer false
meteors ; less laughter and enjoyment, but perhaps
also fewer tears and sighs. Not only the old people,
but even the young, and possibly these latter even
more than the former, have grown old with the
century. Still, let us hope, in spite of all this, as old
Wieland did, for a new youth for German genius,
more beautiful even than that which dazzles us in the
works of our classic writers. And if we ourselves
long for 3'outhful courage and vigour, let us draw
refreshment, even in these barren days, from the
living fountain of history, which revives us as does
the memory of the beautiful dreams of youth, and
transports all who desire it into a world where weary
souls may find rest and cheerfulness and strength.
It is not a hundred years ago since the Danish poet
Baggesen got up a festival, the descrijstion of which.
SCHILLER AXD THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 3G9
whenever we come across it in the numerous accounts
of Schiller's life, always appears a mere myth. The
enthusiastic Dane had, in the year 1790, on his
way home from Switzerland, made a pilgrimage to
Jena, in order to make the personal acquaintance of
Professor Schiller. Schiller himself was unwell, and
somewhat cold towards his ovcrpoweringly enthusi-
astic Danish visitor. Baggesen, however, formed a close
friendship with Reinhold, and from him learnt the
narrow circumstances of Schiller and his young wife.
On his return to Copenhagen, Baggesen preached
Schiller, and nothing but Schiller. How he did it
we may picture to ourselves when wo read how he
jumbled up together 'our philosophical Messiahs.
Christ and Kant, and Schiller and Reinhold.' How-
ever, he went on preaching, and found listeners, whom
he soon converted to his own faith, and among them
the Danish minister of state, Count Schimmelmann, and
his wife ; but above all others, Duke Frederick Christian
of Schleswig-Holstein-Augustenburo-. Bao-o-esen was
not content to read Schiller's works aloud ; he be-
thought himself of a Schiller festival, which should be
celebrated in June at Hellebek, a beautifully-situated
sea-place, a few miles north of Copenhagen, 'by the
thundering ocean.' There the 'Ode to Joy' should be
sung, and scenes from Schiller's works read and acted ;
every one should revel in nature and poetry, as they
knew how in those days, not only in Germany, but
in Denmark.
But suddenl}', just as they were starting, the news
reached Copenhagen that Schiller was dead, a report
which was widely circulated throughout Germany at
the same time. Baggesen, overpowered with grief,
vor,. I. B b
370 RECENT ESSAYS.
threw himself into the arms of his wife. But the
friends would not console themselves at home, they
must reach the ' thundering ocean.' All the prepara-
tions for the festival were made, and, though the skies
seemed lowering, and a storm raged, they all started
for Hellebek to transform the festival into a funeral
feast.
The sky cleared whilst they were on the road, the
sea sparkled in the sunshine, the lofty Kullen rose
majestically on the Swedish coast, and the friends sat
down to feast with sad and solemn feelings. They
gradually recovered from their despair. Ministers
and poets, with their waves and friends, warmed over
the sparkling wine, and when the right moment
arrived, Baggesen rose and recited the lost poet's
' Ode to Joy ' — ' Joy, thou beauteous divine spark ' —
to the assembled friends. Musical choirs, hidden in
the bushes, jorued in; and, in conclusion, Baggesen
added the following two verses : —
Solo.
'Take, dead friend, this friendly greeting!
All ye friends rejoice and sing ;
Hei'e in our Elysian meeting.
May his spirit round us cling.
Chords.
' Lift your hearts and hands in union,
Drink this full and sparkling wine,
Till we meet in new communion,
Tiiou art ours, and we are thine.'
Even this was not enough. Shepherds and shep-
herdesses appeared in ballet dress, and executed a
round dance ; and all this under the blue sky. They
read, they sang, they rejoiced, they wept, and knew
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 371
not how to separate. The funeral feast lasted three
whole days !
Does not this sound like Greek mythology ? And
yet it is only eighty years ago since ministers of state
and their friends could celebrate such a fete in the
open air. This festival was much ridiculed, and yet
we owe to it the richest, the most perfect fruits of
Schiller's genius. Schiller was indeed dangerously
ill at that time, and even when he recovered his mind
was weary to death. He was nearly dying of starva-
tion in the desert of life. It is true that he returned
to Jena, strengthened by tJte Karlsbad, as he calls it ;
but his sky was overcast with heavy clouds of care,
and it seemed as if ' Don Carlos' would be the last effort
of his genius. Just at this moment arrived a letter
from Baggesen to Reinhold, describing the funeral
feast of the yet living poet. The letter was shown to
Schiller, and convinced him that he, the unfortunate,
the self-desponding, was honoured and loved far and
near. ' I doubt,' writes Reinhold, ' whether any medi-
cine could have done him so much good.'
But yet more beautiful and fresh 'blossoms as of
nectar' were to bloom for Schiller on the distant
Danish shore. Baggesen told the minister all that
he had heard of Schiller's miserable circumstances ;
the minister mentioned it to the Duke of Schleswier-
Holstein-Augustenburg, and on November 27, 1791,
a joint letter was sent to Schiller, which whenever
we read it fills us with admiration, not only for the
generous liberality, but still more for the exalted, noble
minds, the refined tact, and the warm love shown by
these two men.
There are plenty of men now who in private make
B b 2
372 . RECEN^T ESSAYS.
the same use of their wealth. A large sum was once
entrusted to me, in strict confidence, for a like pur-
pose, and I can truly say with a like good result. But
where is the duke, where is the minister, who now-
adays could write such a letter? And it must not
be supposed that this letter was drawn up by some
clever private secretary. I give it here for the first
time, from the draft in the Duke's own handwriting,
without altering the orthography or style of the
original. I will only state that some passages are
here given for the first time in their correct form.
Thus, for instance, in the first sentence the Duke
wrote — ' the lofty flight of your genius, which stamps
many of your more recent works as among the most
eminent of all human works.' Like a sensible man,
he does not avoid using the same word twice or even
three times when the same thought has to be ex-
pressed as often. Only a schoolboy would imagine
that anything could be gained by substituting another
word for the second 'works.' Yet in printing the letter,
either ' endeavours,' which has no meaning, was used
instead of 'works,' or the word was left out alto-
gether. A paragraph further on has met with still
worse treatment. The Duke speaks of a respectful
hesitation inspired by Schiller's delicate sensibility.
He then goes on : ' This ' (i. e. Schiller's delicate sensi-
bility) 'would frighten us, did we not know that a
certain limit is prescribed even to this virtue of noble
and cultivated souls, which it may not overstep
without offence to reason.' This is clearly thought
out, and sharply expressed. Instead of this we read
in former editions : ' This would frighten us did we
nob know that a certain limit is prescribed even in
SClllLLKll AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-IIOLSTEIN. 373
virtue to noble and cultivated souls,' &c. This is poor
and confused both in thought and in expression.
But here is the whole letter : —
Letter from the Duke ami Count Schimmelmann
to SCHILLEll.
{From a transcript of the rowjK draft in the Dule^s handioriting')
' Two friends bound together simply as brothers
and citizens of the same world, address this writing
to 3'ou, noble man. They are both of them unknown
to you, but they both of them honour and love you.
They both admire the lofty flight of your genius which
stamps many of 3'our more recent works as amocg
the most eminent of all human works. They found
in these works, the disposition of mind, the feeling,
the enthusiasm which was the foundation of their
own friendship, and they soon accustomed themselves
to the idea of looking upon the author as a member
of their friendly league. Great therefore was their
sorrow at the news of his death, and their tears were
not the least abundant among the great number of
good men who know and love him. This vivid
interest with which you have inspired us, noble- and
honoured man, will save us from appearing to you
as indiscreetly obtrusive. May it also prevent any
mistake as to the intention of this letter. We draw
it up with respectful hesitation, inspired by j^our
delicate sensibility. This would frighten us, did we
not know that a certain limit is prescribed even to
this virtue of noble and cultivated souls, which it
inay not overstep without offence to reason.
374 EECENT ESSAYS.
'Your health, injured by all-tco-hurried efforts and
work, requires, so we are told, perfect rest for a while,
if it is to be restored and the danger averted, which
now threatens your life ; but your situation, your
circumstances, prevent 3'ou from giving yourself this
rest. Will you allow us the pleasure of aiding you
in the enjoyment of this? We offer you, for this
purpose, for three years, an annual present of i.coo
thalers ^.
' Accept this offer, noble man ! Do not let the sight
of our titles move you to refuse. We know what
value to set on them. We only pride ourselves on
being men, citizens of the great republic, whose
boundaries embrace more than the life of single
generations, more than the boundaries of one globe.
You are only dealing here with men, your brothers,
not with haughty grandees, who in making such use
of their wealth indulge in a higher kind of pride.
'Where you will enjoy this rest must depend on
yourself Here, with us, you would not fail in finding
what you need for the requirements of your mind,
in a capital which is the seat of government and also
a great commercial city, and which possesses very
valuable libraries. Esteem and friendship would
strive on many sides to make the stay in Denmark
agreeable to you, for we are not the only ones who
know and love you. And if when your health is
restored you should wish to enter the service of our
country, it would not be difticult for us to gratify
such a wish.
' But we are not so selfish and narrow-minded as to
make a condition of such a change of abode. Wo
' 150I.
SClIILLKll AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-IIOLSTEIX. 375
leave this entirely to your free choice. We wish to
preserve to mankind one of its teachers, and to
this wish every other consideration must be sub ■
ordinate.'
Schiller accepted the offer, and any one who care-
fully notices Schiller's spirits before and after the
receipt of this letter must see clearly that we owe
his recovery, his renewed vigour, the fresh develop-
ment of his creative activity, entirely to the Duke of
Schleswig-Holstein-Auffustenbui'ii: and Count Schim-
melmann. We do not by this mean to reflect in the
least on the conduct of the Duke of Weimar or of
Schiller's friends, and especially of Korner. They
did what they could, Korner even more than he could.
But in everything they did for him, Schiller felt the
burden of obligation. Here the rescue came as from
Heaven ; nay, better than from Heaven, it came from
men who loved and honoured him, who were per-
sonally strangers to him, but from men who were
just what he, the poet, had imagined in his Marquis
Posa. The gift made him rich, not poor. The burden
of gratitude did not oppi'ess him, it only roused and
incited him to prove himself by fresh work the more
worthy of the love of his unknown friends. ' I have
to show my gratitude,' he wrote, ' not to you but to
mankind. This is the common altar on which you
lay your gift and I my thanks.' What Schiller
himself felt at this turning point of his life we
hitherto knew principally from his letter to Baggesen,
and this, fur the sake of completeness, must be re-
printed here. It is dated December i6, 1791.
376 RECENT ESSAYS.
II.
Letter from Schiller to Baggesen.
'Jena, Dec. i6, 1791.
' How shall I succeed, my dear and highly- valued
friend, in describing the feelings which have arisen
in me since I received that letter. Astonished and
overwhelmed as I am by its contents, do not expect
an}i;hing collected from me. My heart alone is still
able to speak, and even it will be but badly aided by
a head so weak as mine now is. I cannot better
reward a heart like yours for the loving interest it
takes in the state of my mind than by raising the
proud satisfaction which the noblo and unique action
of 3'our admirable friends must have afforded you, to
the purest joy, by the agreeable conviction that their
benevolent intention is perfectly fulfilled.
' Yes, my dear friend, I accept the offer of the
Prince of H. and Count S. with a thankful heart,
not because the graceful manner in which it was
made overpowers all other considerations, but because
a duty which is above all other considerations impels
me to do so. To do and to be that which, according
to the measure of power given me, I can do and be,
is to me the highest and most indispensable of all
duties. But hitherto my outward circumstances have
made this altogether impossible, and only a distant
and still uncertain future inspires me with better
hopes. The generous assistance of your exalted
friends suddenly places me in a position to develop
all that lies in me^ to make myself all that I can
become — therefore no choice remains to me. That
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OP SCIILESTVIG-HOLSTEIN. 377
tho excellent Prince, wliile deciding of his own accord
to amend for me what fate had left to be desired,
should bj'- the noble manner in which he does it
spare any susceptibility which might have made the
decision difficult, that he allows me to obtain this
important amelioration of my circumstances without
any struggle with myself, increases my gratitude
immensely, and makes me at the same time rejoice
at the kind heart of its author.
' A morally admirable act like the one which
suggested that letter does not derive its worth only
from its results ; even if it failed entirely in its aim,
it would itself remain what it is. But if the act of
a large-minded heart is at the same time the needed
link in a chain of events, if it alone was wanting
in order to make some good possible, if it, the fair
offspring of freedom, settles a tangled fate as though
it had long been destined by Providence for this
very purpose, then it belongs to the fairest phenomena
that can touch a feeling heart. I must and will tell
you how much that was the case here.
' From the birth of my mind to the moment
when I write this, I have struggled with fate, and
ever since I knew how to value freedom of thought
I have been doomed to live without it. A rash step
ten years ago deprived me for ever of the means
of living except by literary labour. I had adopted
this calling before I understood all it entailed, or
perceived all its difficulties. The necessity of pur-
suing this path was laid upon me before I was fit
for it in knowledge or ripeness of mind. That I felt
this, that my ideal of literary duties was not restricted
within the same narrow bounds in which I was myself
378 EECENT ESSAYS.
confined, I acknowledge as a favour from Heaven,
which thus kept open to me the possibility of higher
progress, and yet in my circumstances it only increased
m}' misery. I saw that all that I gave to the world
was unripe and far beneath the ideal that lived in
me ; notwithstanding all presentiment of possible
perfection, I had to hurry before the eyes of the public
with immature fruit; in need of teaching myself,
I had against my will to put myself forward as
a teacher of mankind. Under these miserable circum-
stances, each only moderately successful product made
me feel more painfully how many germs fate had
smothered in me. The masterworks of other writers
made me miserable, because I renounced the hope
of ever sharing their happy leisure, through which
alone works of genius can come to perfection. What
would I not have given for two or three quiet years,
free from all literary work, which I might have
devoted to study only, to the cultivation of my mind,
to the maturing of my ideas. It is impossible in
our German literary world, as I now know, to satisfy
the strict requirements of art, and at the same time to
provide the necessary support for one's literary in-
dustry. For two years I have exerted myself to
combine both, but doing so even in an imperfect
degree has cost me my health. Interest in my work,
and some sweet flowers of life, which fate strewed
on my path, concealed this loss from me, till early
in this year, I was — you know how? aroused from
my dream. At a time when life was beginning to
show me its full importance, when I found myself
just able to join reason and fancy within my mind in
a tender and lasting union, when I was girding myself
SCHILLER A\D THE DIKE OF SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIX. 379
for a new undertaking in the province of art — death
threatened me. This danger passed, but I woke to
new life, only to renew the conflict with fate, with
weakened powers and diminished hopes. Thus the
letter which came from Denmark found me. Forgive,
my dear friend, these details about myself. They are
only meant to enable you to judge of the effect which
the generous ofter of the Prince and Count S. pro-
duced on me. I see myself, through it, suddenly
enabled to realise the plans for mj^self which my
fancy had pictured in its happiest moments. I possess
at length the long and ardently desired freedom of
spirit, the perfectly free choice of my literary activity.
I gain leisure, through which I may regain my lost
health ; and even should this not be, my illness will
not in future be increased by the anxieties of my mind.
I look cheerfully on the future ; and although it
should prove that my expectations as to myself were
only pleasant deceptions, by which my oppressed
pride revenged itself on fate, at all events my perse-
verance shall not be wanting to justify the hopes
which two admirable citizens of our century have
founded on me. As my lot does not permit me to
act beneficially in their way, I will try to do so in
the only manner that is allowed me— and may the
germ which they planted develop itself in me to
a ftiir harvest for the good of mankind !
' I come to the second half of your wish — dear and
valued friend ; why cannot I fulfil this as quickly as
the first ? No one can suffer more than I do, from
the impossibility of undertaking the journey to you
as soon as you wish. You can judge from the long-
ing of my heart for truly good and noble society
380 RECENT ESSAYS.
which meets with little here to satisfy it, with what
impatience I should hasten to the circle of such men
as await me in Copenhagen — if it depended only on
my own decision. But besides that my still unsettled
health would not allow me in the least to fix a time
w^hen I could undertake so important a change in my
life, and that I must probably next summer again
visit the Karlsbad, I am in such a position as regards
the Duke of Weimar, whose fault it certainly is not
that I do not enjoy more leisure, as obliges me for at
least a year to appear as an active member of the
Academy, however certain I may be that I can never
be a useful one. After that he w^ould certainly not
oppose my wish to leave the University for a time.
Were I but once with you, the genius which presides
over all good things w^ould surely settle the rest.
' Till then, dear friend, let us be as united as fate
allows at a distance. To correspond wuth you, and
rekindle my half-dead spirit from your fresh and fiery
genius, will be a constant necessity to my heart.
Never during my lifetime shall I forget the friendly,
the important service w^hich, without this object, you
rendered me on my return to hfe. Hardly had I
begun to get better when I heard of the expedition to
Hellebek ; and soon after Reinhold showed me your
letter. It was like fresh flowers, full of nectar, pre-
sented by a heavenly genius to the scarcely revivified
soul. Oh, I can never tell you what you were to me !
And that expedition itself ! It was intended for the
departed, and the living will never venture to dwell
on it. Forgive this long letter, my admirable friend,
which unfortunately treats of little but myself. But
it may serve as a opening of our correspondence ; that
SCIIILLER AXD THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-IIOLSTEIX. S81
you ma}' once for all become acquainted with me, and
then the / can henceforth be kept out of sight. For-
give me, too, for having without any preliminaries
claimed all the rights of a friendship which I ought
to try to deserve by a series of proofs. In such
a world as that from whence that letter came, other
laws are honoured than the decrees of petty prudence
which rule in real life. All hearty greeting to your
dear Sophie from my Lottie and from me, and tell
her to be ready to listen gi-aciously to a correspondent
who means soon to intrude herself upon her. Like
two bright visions, you both floated past us swiftly,
but never to be forgotten. The forms have long
vanished, but our eyes follow them still.
' Ever yours,
' Schiller.'
Whenever I came to read this letter, I always felt
what a loss it was that the correspondence between
the Duke and Schiller was nowhere to be found. It
is known that such a correspondence was carried on
for a considerable time, and that Schiller's Aesthetic
Letters were first of all composed in letters to the
Duke. It was said that the whole correspondence
had been lost in the fire at the Palace at Copenhagen.
But the correspondence was carried on even after the
fire. What, therefore, had become of these later
letters? I sought in vain for information, until at
last, when publishing an Essay on Schiller (' Chips
from a German Workshop,' vol. iii, p. i), I applied to
the Duke's grandson. Prince Christian of Schleswig-
Holstein, and begged H.R.H. to permit a search to be
made for these letters in the archives of the ducal
382 EECENT ESSAYS.
family. Prince Christian, as well as his elder brother,
the present Duke of Schleswig-Hol stein, took the
warmest interest in the matter, and I can now present
Schiller s admirers with at least a few of the supposed
lost letters. Many are still wanting ; and it is hoped
that here and there letters may yet be discovered.
But what has already been found must no longer be
kept from the public, and, by permission of the Duke,
is therefore here published.
The following is the first letter addressed by Schil-
ler to the Duke and Count Schimmelmann, three days
after he had written to Baggesen : —
III.
Letter from Schtllee to the Duke and
Count Schimmelmann.
' Allow me to address you together, as my revered
friends, and thus to join two noble names in one, in
that name under which you have joined yourselves
in addressing me. The occasion which prompts me
to take this liberty is itself so astonishing an exception
to all custom, that I must tremble lest I tarnish the
pure and ideal relation in which you approach me
by too much regard to accidental distinctions.
' At a time when the remains of a serious illness
overclouded my soul, and frightened me with a dark
and sad future, you, like two protecting genii,
stietched out a hand to me from the clouds. The
generous offer which you make me fulfils, yes,
exceeds my boldest desires. The manner in which
you make it frees me from the dread of showing
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 383
myself unworthy of your kindness, whilst accepting
this proof of it. I should blush, if in such an offer I
could think of anything but the pure love of humanity
which prompts it, and of the moral good which it
is to effect. I hope that I can accept as simply and
nobly as you give. Your intention is to help on
what is good. Could I have any feeling of shame
about anything, it would be that you have mistaken
the instrument 3'ou employ to effect that good. But
the motive which permits me to accept, justifies me to
myself, and allows me, though fettered by the highest
obligations, to appear before you with perfect freedom
of sentiment. I have to pay my debts, not to you,
but to mankind. This is the common altar on which
you lay your gift, and I my thanks. I know, most
honoured friends, that the conviction only that
I understand you can perfectly satisfy you ; for this
reason, and for this alone, I allow myself to say this.
' But the great share which your too partial favour
towards me has in your generous determination, the
prerogative which you give me, in preference to so
many others, of considering myself as the instrument
of your noble intentions, the goodness with which
you descend to the petty wants of a citizen of the
world who is a stranger to you, lay me under
personal obligations to you, and add to my reverence
and admiration the feelings of warmest affection.
How proud I feel, that you should think of me in
a bond which is consecrated by the noblest of all
aims, and which springs from enthusiasm for the
good, the great, and the beautiful !
' But how far is the enthusiasm, which shows itself
in deeds, higher than that which must limit itself to
334 TiECENT ESSAYS.
rousing others to deeds. To arm truth and virtue
with the victorious power which enables them to
subdue the heart, is all that the philosopher and the
dramatic artist can effect — how far different is it to
realise the ideal of both in a noble life ! I must here
answer you with the words of Fiesco, with which he
dismisses the pride of an artist : *' You have clone,
what I could only 2^cdnt.^'
' But even if I could forget that I am myself the
object of your kindness, that I owe to you the happy
prospect of the accomplishment of my projects,
I should still be indebted to you in no common
degree. An apparition such as yours to me, rekindled
my faith in good and noble men, destroyed by the
numerous examples of the opposite in real hfe. It is
an inexpressible delight to the painter of humanity
to meet in real life with the lineaments of that ideal
which must exist in his own mind, and forms the
groundwork of his descriptions.
'But I feel how much I lose in accepting the great
obligations you lay me under. I thus lose the happy
power of giving utterance to my admiration, and of
praising so disinterested and beautiful a deed with
feelings equally disinterested. Your generous help
will malic it possible to present to you in person him
whom you have laid under such deep obligations.
I see mj-self placed by it in a position to regain
gradually my health, and to bear the difficulties of
a journey, and the difference of life and of climate.
At present I am still liable to relapses into an illness
which prevents the enjoyment of the purest joys of
life, and which will leave me as slowly as it came.
Among the many sacrifices which it entails upon me,
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 385
it is not the least that it postpones the happy time
when living" sight and intercourse will bind me, with
a thousand bonds that can never be broken, to two
hearts, Avhich now, like heaven, bless me from a dis-
tance, and which, like heaven, are further than my
thanks can reach. To live in this beautiful future,
and in thoughts and dreams to anticipate that
moment, Avill till then be the dearest employment
of your deeply indebted and ever grateful,
•FiiiDR. Schiller.
'Jena, Dec- 19, 1791.'
The answer of the Duke, then still the hereditary
prince of Schleswig-Holstein-Augustenburg, is in the
private possession of a collector of autographs, and
unfortunately inaccessible to me. It is dated Janu-
ary 7, 1792.
In August of 1793, Schiller received another letter
from the Duke, but this letter, as well as Schiller's
answer, are lost. Six other letters, written by Schiller
in the course of the winter from Ludwitrsburfj to
Copenhagen, have also disappeared, but there is hope
that they may be found. The next letter we have is
one from Schiller, of June lo, 1794, as an answer to
a letter from the Duke of April 4 of the same year,
which is in the possession of a collector, and will soon
be published. But an earlier letter of the Duke's
does not appear to have reached Schiller, and he
excuses himself on this point to the Duke.
VOL. I. C c
336 HECENT ESSAYS.
IV.
Schiller to the Duke.
*Mo3T Serene Highness,
* The gracious letter of your Highness to mc,
of the 4th April of this year, which was enclosed to
Councillor Reinhold, was, on account of the departure
of the latter from this neighbourhood, despatched to
Kiel, and from thence again hither, where it reached
my hands only a few days ago. This is the reason,
gracious Prince, that I am able to answer its contents
only to-day.
' Your Highness mentions in it a letter to me, which
I have never answered. This perplexes me, as I know
of no later letter from Your Highness to me than the
one forwarded after me in August of last year to
Swabia. But that this letter was not left unanswered
I see from a copy which I kept of my letter, and
a series of six other letters which I sent in the course
of last winter from Ludwigsburg to Your Highness,
containing the continuation of my remarks on the
Beautiful and the Sublime. Therefore either my
letters, or that of Your Highness to me, must have
been lost. The former loss is not very important, the
less so as I can replace all my letters from copies ;
but every line from Your Highness to me, which
I fail to receive, is a loss which nothing can repay me.
' The news of the unfortunate fire in Copenhagen,
which reduced the royal palace to ashes, has troubled
me very much, and all the more so, that I felt how
nearly this calamity must have touched Your Highness.
SCHILLER AND TUE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-IIOLSTEIN. 387
The wise and generous use which you always make
of your wealth turns every calamity which you sufi'er
into a misfortune for thousands. But every friend
of Denmark, and especially every citizen of the world,
must be satisfied with the decrees of Providence,
in seeing the good moral effects produced by this
physical evil ; for the love of a good people for its
rulers, shown on this occasion in so splendid a w^ay, is
a far greater possession than anything which could fall
a prey to the flames. This fine trait in the character
of the Danish burghers, and the remarks of Your
Highness on it, interested me so much that I should
like to ask your permission to make public use of the
same, for it contains a good hint for all governments,
and is a beautiful testimony to that of Denmark.
'Your Highness' wish to possess the letters from
me that are lost is most flattering to me, and I will
lose no time in fulfilling it. How willingly would
I, did circumstances permit, give up my whole literary
activity, in order to devote myself to the agreeable
occupation of communicating my thoughts to you
without reserve. Everything that I discover or create
should take shape in a letter to Your Highness, and
in your soul, so sensitive to truth and beauty, I should
joyfully store up each creation of my spirit and each
thought of my heart — a happiness for which I have
often envied Baggesen.
' With sentiments of the purest respect and devotion,
I remain
' Your Highness' most obedient,
*Fr. Schiller.
'Jena, June lo, 1794.'
C C -Z
388 RECENT ESSAYS.
The next letter from Schiller, of January 20, 1795,
contains the poet's congratulations on the appoint-
ment of the Duke as Minister of Public Instruction
in Denmark.
Schiller at the same time asks permission to dedicate
to his benefactor in a new and more perfect form the
letters he had written to the Duke, and which had
been destroyed in the fire.
V.
Schiller to the Duke.
•Most Serene Highness, Most Gracious Prince,
' I have with the liveliest sympathy, which
I feel for everything affecting the good of mankind,
heard of the happy change which has opened to Your
Highness a sphere of activity so suitable to your great
merit and so fitted to your beneficent inclinations. The
welfare of many is now in your hands, and your large
and noble heart, which from its own free impulse was
always acting for the good of mankind, has now
received from Providence a public charge, and a worthy
sphere for such activity. How highly should I extol
the fate of my German fellow-citizens, if it were always
committed to the guidance of such a Prince ; and with
what surety might one answer for the fulfilment of
all that happiness of the people, w^hich hitherto,
alas ! is only an idea of the philosopher and a dream
of the poet.
' The consideration I am bound to show to the
delicacy of your feelings does not permit me to
enlarge the picture which my prophetic imagination
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-IIOLSTEIN. 389
promises itself from the rule of a prince as full of
feeling as of philosophic thought. But my heart has
spoken in the characters of Don Carlos and Posa, and
■what I then only dreamt as a poet I here, as the
contemporary of Frederick Christian, utter with the
firmest conviction that all the good that circumstances
can make possible will he realised by you and in your
sphere of work.
' It has long been my wish to give public expression
to the feelings of veneration and gratitude with which
Your Highness has in so high a degree inspired
me ; but I would only do so in a work that should
not be unworthy of your honoured name. All my
powers have long been directed to this work, and
unless I utterly fail in carrying out to some degree
the ideal which I have set before me, I shall beg
Your Highness for the gracious permission to crown
such a work with your name,
' When I began last year to prepare a copy of my
letters lost in Copenhagen, I perceived so many im-
perfections in them, that I could not allow myself to
place them again in Your Highness' hand in their
first form. I therefore began a revision, which led
me further than I expected, and the wish to produce
something worthy of your approbation induced me
not merely to give a totally new form to those letters,
but also to enlarge the plan of them considerably.
' Of this new edition a few letters are printed in
the volume which I respectfully enclose to Your
Highness, that I may learn the opinion of a judge
before putting the last touch to the whole. May
you, gracious Prince, perceive in this slight specimen
my earnest endeavour to impart to a work, which
390 RECENT ESSAYS.
I venture to address to you, all the perfection
possible.
' With deepest devotion and veneration, I remain,
' Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
' F. Schiller,
'Jena, /a)?. 20, 1795.'
The Aesthetic Letters, which appeared in the Horae,
were sent regularly to the Duke, and the next letters
from Schiller are little more than an accompaniment
to them.
VI.
ScHiLLEii to 'the Duke.
'Mo3T Seeene Highness, Mqst 'Gracious Prince,
' I ventured a few weeks ago to send in all sub-
mission to Your Highness the first part of my monthly
work, containing the beginning of my Aesthetic Letters.
Allow me now, most gracious Prince, to lay at your
feet the continuation of this work, to which I can
wish no better success than that it may be worthy of
Your Highness' approval.
' I know that higher affairs than these literary
occupations now claim your attention ; but when
your mind, after more important business, looks
around for refreshment, tlie Muses may venture to
approach you, and you will find in the enjoyment of
truth and beauty a pleasure that is reserved only for
the most noble souls.
' May I have offered to the mind and heart of Your
Highness something not quite unworthy of you.
' With boundless devotion and respect, I remain,
' Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
' F. Schiller.
'Jena, IShtrch 4, 1795.'
SCIIILLErL, AXD THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-IIOLSTEIX. 391
There is said to be a letter from the Duke to Schiller
of March lo, 1795? in the private collection before
mentioned; but the following is the answer to
Schiller's letter accompanying the continuation of
the Horae : —
VII.
Letter of the Duke to Schiller.
{^From the draft in the Dnhe's h.andioriting.')
'Copenhagen, March 19, 179.1.
' I have received the first two parts of the Horae,
and the letters accompanying these two parts. I owe
3-ou indeed an apology that I have not till now, dear
Hofrath, told j^ou that I had received them ; but
constant occupations and frequent indisposition have
made me through the whole winter an idle corre-
spondent. My thanks, though late, are not the less
warm and sincere. They are due to you for the
opinion which you entertain of me. May I only in
some degree deserve it.
'I was delighted to find your Aesthetic Letters again
in the Horae. But through my ignorance of the
terminology, and indeed of the meaning of the critical
philosophy, they contain much that is dark to me,
which can only disappear by repeated readings ;
therefore, I would rather at present remain silent as
to these letters. In the summer, in the country, with
more leisure and fewer interruptions, I shall again
take up this study. It is no small pleasure to me to
find in your thoughts on what constitutes the wants
of mankind so much agreement with my own convic-
tions. Improvement in the circumstances of mankind
S92 EECEXT ESSAYS.
must originate from man. If this is not the case,
every political erection, however beautiful it may be,
must soon fall to pieces, and serve, it may be, as a
still more convenient refuge for unbridled and wild
passions. It depends less on the form than on the
spirit through which this form receives life. If this
spirit is the spirit of humanity, then improvement
will follow, be the outer form what it will. It has
fallen to your lot, noble man, to awaken, to sustain,
to spread abroad this spirit of humanity, and I hope
and expect that your latest literary undertaking, as
Avell as some of your former works, will serve for its
advancement. My interest and my wishes will always
attend you.'
To this Schiller answered by a letter of April 5,
3795, wdiich contains some striking remarks on the
difficulties of the German language.
VIII.
ScHiLLEK to the Duke.
' Most Serene Highness, Most Gracious Peince
AND Master,
'In the letter of the 19th March, with which
Your Highness honoured me, I find the encouraging
assurance that the first parts of my new journal were
not displeasing to you ; that indeed your own con-
victions accord with the principal contents of my
Aesthetic Letters. I now pursue the work with more
courage, and only ask your most gracious permission
to send you each new number of this periodical. Your
Highness's remarks wdth regard to the difficulty of
style are well founded, and it requires, of course, the
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 393
greatest care on the part of the author to unite tlie
necessary profoundness and depth of thought \vith an
intelligible style. But our language is not yet quite
capable of this revolution, and all that good writers
can do is to work towards this goal of a more perfect
form. The language of the more refined society, and
of conversation, is still too much afraid of the sharp,
often subtle precision, which is so necessary to the
philosopher, and the language of the scholar is not
capable of the lightness and life which the man of the
world is riofht in desirinjr. It is a misfortune to
Germans that their language has not been allowed to
become the organ of refined society, and it will long
continue to feel the evil effects of this exclusion.
' Should I, however, but succeed a little in helping
to spread philosophical ideas in the circle of the
fashionable world, I should consider every effort
which my undertaking costs me as richly repaid.
' With deep devotion, I remain,
' Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
'F. SCHILLEE.
* Jexa, April 5, 1795.'
On the 9th June of the same year Schiller writes
again, sending the Duke the fifth part of the Horae,
and announcing the sixth, with eleven new Aesthetic
Letters.
IX.
Schiller to the Duke.
* Most Serene Highness, Most Gracious Prince
AND Master,
' How greatly do I hope that the Horae, of which
I lay the fifth part at Your Serene Highness' feet, may
394 RECENT ESSAYS.
not be found unworthy of your further attention. My
zeal in collecting good writings wherever they can be
found does not diminish, but, rich as Germany is in
journals and writers, it is poor in good authors, and
in the fresh, healthy productions of genius, and of
philosophical minds. I own I never realised this
want so much as since the publication of my journal,
in which so large and influential a society takes part,
and where it is, nevertheless, so difficult always to
find something satisfactory to lay before the public.
It is indeed to the honour of the nation that it is more
difficult to please ; but it is to be desired that the
cleverness of the authors might answer to these high
requirements.
' I have employed myself all this time, as far as my
health allowed, in continuing my Aesthetic Letters,
and the sixth part, now in the press, will contain
eleven new Letters. Could I but hope that this enter-
tainment might enliven a few hours to Your Highness
during your present visit to the country, I should find
in this a sweet reward.
' With feelings of the deepest devotion and gratitude,
I remain,
* Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
•F. Schiller.
'Jena, Jitne 9, 1795.'
The sixth part of the Ilorae is also accompanied by
a letter from Schiller, in which he excuses himself to
the Duke for the free tone, opposed to conventional
decency, of Goethe's ' Elegies,' printed in it.
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIN. 395
X.
Schiller to ilie Duke.
'Most Serene Highness, Most Gracious Prince
AND Master,
' It is not -vvitliout embarrassment that I venture
to lay the sixth part of the Horae before Your Serene
and Ducal Highness.
'The "Elegies" which it contains are perhaps
written in too free a tone, and perhaps the subject
which they treat should have excluded them from the
Horae. But I was carried away by the great poetical
beauty of their style, and then I confess that I believe
they only offend conventional and not true and natural
decency. I shall, in a future number of the journal,
take the liberty of stating in detail my creed as to
what is allowable or not allowable to the poet with
regard to propriety. May the continuation of my
letters on aesthetic education, of which this part con-
tains a large instalment, be read by Your Serene
Highness not without interest. In it I approach ever
nearer to my goal, and hope that I have unfolded
many things which were left doubtful in my former
letters.
' In the deepest devotion and reverence, I remain,
' Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
'F. Schiller.
'Jena, Julif 5, 1795.'
For the ninth part of the Horae we have again an
accompanying letter in Schiller's hand. His hopes as
to the successful effects of his periodical are again in
the ascendant, and the high aim which he placed
396 EECENT ESSAYS.
before himself and bis coadjutors, the nnion of deep
thought, with clearness and elegance of diction, appears
to him as not unattainable. His self-reliance is
lirmer. He will win the approbation of the best
people, let the common herd say what they like.
XI.
Schiller to the Duke.
' Most Serene Highness, Most Gracious Prince,
' Though the numbers of the Ilorae which have
hitherto appeared have often, from their speculative
contents, been very tiresome and unproductive, this
ninth part, which I humbly venture to send to Your
Ducal Highness, is perhaps more entertaining. Various
philosophical ideas are veiled in it under a free poet-
ical covering, and may perhaps in this form commend
themselves to lovers of the beautiful.
' After a long separation from the poetic muse,
I have again ventured to make some attempts in this
realm, and may I have succeeded in reconciling the
taste of Your Highness and of the whole cultivated
world to my former metaphysical lucubrations. By
every means, in every form, I strive always and ever
after the same end — Truth. Should I not succeed in
finding her in everything, or in procuring admission
I'or her when found, I can at least hope from a heart
like yours for recognition of my good intentions and
honest zeal.
' With feelings of deepest devotion, I remain,
'Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
' Fridrich Schiller.
'Jen A, Oct. 5, 1795.'
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-IIOLSTEIN, 307
The last numLcr of tlio first annual issue of tlie
Ilorae was sent to the Duke on January 9, 1796,
and in the annexed letter Schiller expresses his
dissatisfaction with the execution of this undertaking,
which he had begun with such enthusiasm. The
thought consoles him that he had attempted some-
thing good and great ; but he does not appear to
have made it quite clear to himself that those who
seek for the good and the great must not reckon on
the applause of the small and the bad.
XIL
Schiller to the Duke.
'Most SereiNe Highness, Most Gracious Prince,
'The monthly number which I here humbly
send to Your Ducal Highness completes the first year
of my periodical, and in looking over the finished
course, I feel vividly how far what has really been
attained falls short of the rightful expectations of
good judges. .
' I am afraid. Most Gracious Prince, that you have
found many of our philosophical inquiries far too
abstract and scientific, and many of our lighter
conversations not interesting enough; but it is not
to be attributed to my want of zeal and good will
that your expectations of both were not more grati-
fied. The demands of the learned, and the wishes of
readers of refined taste, are too often opposed to each
other ; the former require depth and solidity, which
easily beget obscurity and dryness ; the latter demand
a light and elegant style, which may easily lead to
398 EECENT ESSAYS.
superficiality. The great difficulty of steering safely
between the two rocks must in some measure be the
cause for the defects in our work.
' I confess to you, my gracious Prince, that in this
periodical I set before myself this aim — with all my
mio-ht to ficjht ao^ainst shallowness of thought and
that insipid, lax taste in poetry and art, which have
gained ground in our days, and to drive aw^ay the
reigning spirit of frivolity by more manly principles.
My undertaking may fail, but I can never regret
having attempted it.
' Could I but flatter myself, most noble Prince,
that the continuation of this journal is not indifferent
to you, I should begin the new publication with all
the more courage and confidence.
' With deepest devotion, I remain,
' Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
' Fk. Schiller.
'Jena, Jan. 9, 1796.'
As yet only one other letter from Schiller has been
found. It is dated February 5, 1796, and shows that
the Prince in this 3'ear still sent Schiller the annuity,
at first promised for three years only.
XIII.
Schiller to the Duke.
'Most Serene Highness, Most Gracious Prince,
' The repeated proof of your Highness' gracious
sentiments towards me which I received a few days
ago, through Privy Councillor Kirstein, from Copen-
hagen, renews in me the feeling of deep and great
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCIILESWIG-IIOLSTEIN. 399
obligation, and recalls vividly to my mind all that
I owe to your generosity. As there can be no greater
reward to a heart like youra than the conviction of
having effected real good, and of having truly attained
a noble end, I may venture, without danger of indis-
cretion, to assure your Serene Highness that your
benevolent intentions towards me have not missed
their aim. The independence and leisure which I owe
till now to your generosity have made it possible for
me, notwithstanding my extremely shattered health,
to devote my powers steadfastly to one important
design, and to effect as much for my own cultivation
as the limits of my strength allowed. Without your
generous support, I must either have given up this
design or sunk under it.
'The progress that I have made in the last four
years towards the goal which I have before my soul,
is more rapid and important than all I had hitherto
been able to make, and whom must I thank for this
happiness but you, most excellent Prince, and your
noble friends ? I write this with a grateful heart, and
the deep feeling of all I owe you wall ever live in
my soul.
' With boundless devotion and reverence, I remain,
' Your Ducal Highness' most obedient,
' Fr. Schiller.
' Jeva, Feb. 5, 1796,'
Notwithstanding repeated searches in different
places, till now^ no further letters have been found in
the archives of the Ducal family. I have to thank
Professor Goedecke for the information that Schiller,
according to his printed diary, sent the following
400 HECENT ESSAYS.
letters to the Duke of Schleswiof-Holstein-Auo-usten-
burg: — 1795, August 3, November 6, December 11 ;
1796, March 11, April 22, May 27, July 4, October 21,
November 25 ; 1797, January 16. The three letters
of the Duke mentioned before, of January 7, 1792 ;
April 4, 1794; and March 10, 1795, are in a private
collection, as well as several other letters from
Baggesen and Count Schimmelmann to Schiller, and
it is to be hoped they may soon be given to Schiller's
admirers.
Schiller died on May 9, 180,5 ; and the Duke nine
years later, June 14, 1814. His name stands high
in the history of Denmark, and will always occupy an
honourable position in the glorious annals of his own
house. He it was who, when chosen as the successor
of Charles XIII, declined the royal crown of Sweden.
Little did the noble prince imagine, when, following
the dictates of his heart, he gave an annuity to the
impoverished Professor Schiller in Jena, that he was
thus engraving his own name on the tablets of the
world's history; or, what is of far more importance,
that his simple generous act would, like a refreshing
breeze, quicken the latest posterity to like deeds, that
it would continue to produce fair fruit, and, like a
grain of corn, spring up to a rich harvest.
So powerful is the influence of an individual, if he
will use it, if ho will follow the first impulse of his
heart, if he has faith in himself and his fellow-men.
In my Essay on Schiller, written in 1 859 (' Chips,'
vol. iii, p. 1), it was my principal object to prove
clearly how Schiller's development as a man and
poet was principally determined by the influence of
the great minds with whom it was his good fortune to
SCIHT.LER AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-IIOLSTEIX. 401
come in contact. Attempts have been made to deny
this, and what cannot be denied? But Schiller
himself felt it, and clearly acknowledged it once, in
a letter of November 23, 1800, to Countess Schimmel-
mann, the wife of the Danish minister. ' Whatever
of good may be in me,' he writes, ' was planted in me
by a few excellent men : my happy fate brought me in
contact with them at the most decisive periods of my
life ; my friends, thereforo, are the history of my life.'
The unexpected and generous intervention of the
Duke of Schleswiff-Holstein-Auo'ustenburg marks
certainly one of the decisive moments in the develop-
ment of Schiller's genius, and it is impossible to deny
that without this intervention the career of the poet
would have been totally different. It is true that
a poet is born, but he is also made ; he is made by his
countrj-men who understand and love him. Where
love and sympathy are wanting in a people, poetry
flourishes as little as the rose will yield its fragrance
without sunshine. In this sense each great poetical
work is a national poem. It is quite true that a nation
makes no national songs, but it makes the poet, who
sings to it out of the abundance of his heart and soul.
A national song arises only from a combination of
creative thought and receptive understanding; so
does a national literature. The poet is himself the
child of his asre, and must understand his aofe and his
people ; he must have sympathy wdth the Past and
the Present, and a prophetic insight into the Future.
He must advance firmly, without looking behind him,
but his people must be able and willing to follow, or
he will vanish like a shadow, as many a true poet
has vanished.
VOL. I. D d-
402 RECENT ESSAYS.
It was one of the noblest characteristics of the
golden age of Weimar that men still professed the art
of discovering the beautiful and of overcoming the
unlovely. They knew how to enjoy. They loved and
praised the beautiful, and because they knew how
difficult art is, they did not shake their head at every
false note, as men do now, just to prove how true
their ear is. How rare the gift of admiring, how
difficult the art of praise is, those men do not appear
to im,agine by whose fault the name of critic has
become almost s}nonymous with that of censurer.
When Baggesen and the Duke of Schleswig-Holstein-
Augustenburg and Count Schimmelmann admired
the high flight of Schiller's genius, and wished to give
energetic expression to their admii^ation, there were
doubtless witty ladies-in-waiting and literary secre-
taries of legation in Copenhagen who said, 'But think,
Your Highness, what you are doing. Schiller is
certainly very popular in certain classes of society
in Oermany. But it is in reality only wild students
and eccentric maids of honour who rave about him ;
competent judges consider his works a failure. He is
no classical writer, like Gellert or Klopstock ; and
then, Your Highness, bis political and religious
opinions ! He is said to be a democrat, an atheist.
Would it not bo better to wait, and get more accurate
information about the author of "The Robbers"?'
This is the mildew which blasts all fresh emotions ;
whilst honest admiration and sympathy, like spring
showers and sunshine, bring out the hidden buds of
genius at all points into blossom and fruit. There is
no doubt that the Duke of Holstoin-Augustenburg
might have deceived himself. Schiller's spirit might
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OE SCHLESWIG-HOLSTEIX. 403
have succumbed to his bodily sufferings, without
having produced a ' Wallenstein,' a ' William Tell.'
But what then ? Better be deceived a hundred times
in admiration and love, than lose the power of
admiring and loving. It is this power in which we
are wanting. We are not wanting in objects of
admiration, but in the talent of admiring. We have
great poets, great artists, great savants, great states-
men, great princes, but we no longer have a great and
generous people.
Schiller and Goethe appear to us now as surrounded
by a classic halo. We think it is perfectly natural
that such literary heroes should have attracted atten-
tion and admiration. But let us only read the
journals of their time, and we can easily see that even
Schil]er and Goethe had to be discovered. Frederick
the Great spoke of ' Goetz von Berlichingen ' as
*ces platitudes degoittantes.' Goethe put Schiller's
' Robbers' and * Fiesco' in the same class with Heinse's
' Ai'dinghello.' And even later, when Goethe and
Schiller had formed their literary duumvirate, and
tried to exercise a critical dictatorship through the
Horae, the educated mob attacked them mercilessly
in the German newspapers. It is known that Cotta,
the publisher of the Horae, ordered favourable notices
of that new periodical in the then influential Jena
literary newspaper. It appears to us impossible that
a man like Schiller could condescend to such a pitiful
action. But so it was, and naturally an under-
taking supported by such means came to a miser-
able end, in spite of Schiller, in spite of Goethe.
Schiller complains of the pert, incisive, cutting, and
prejudicial style of the criticism directed against him,
D d 2
404 RECENT ESSAYS.
chiefly by the party of Schlogel. He raves like
modern poets about general emptiness, party feeling
for the extreme of mediocrity, eye-service, cringing,
emptiness, lameness, &c., and naturally receives the
same coin in return. I mention all this only to show
that when what is truly great has once been dis-
covered, every one can admire it ; but that two powers
are necessary to everything really great, one creative,
the other receptive. The world is still rich ; the
precious stones are there, but of what good are they,
when the fowls only look for grains of corn ? Is the
sea beautiful to the herring-fisher 1 Is the desert
grand to the camel-driver'? Are the mountains
imposing to the foot-messenger 1 What we are
wanting in is sympathy, compassion, power of
rejoicing and suffering with others. We shall perhaps
never learn to be enthusiastic again like the noble
Duke of Holstein, like Count Schimmelmann, Bag-
gesen, and his friends. But what the present genera-
tion can and ought to learn, the young as well as
the old, is spirit and perseverance to discover the
beautiful, pleasure and joy in making it known,
and resigning ourselves with grateful hearts to its
enjoyment ; in a word — love, in the old, true, eternal
meaning of the word. Only sweep away the dust of
Belf-conceit, the cobwebs of selfishness, the mud of
envy, and the old German type of humanity will soon
reappear, as it was when it could still ' embrace
millions.' The old love of mankind, the true fountain
of all humanity, is still there ; it can never be quite
choked up in the German people. He who can
descend into this fountain of youth, who can again
recover himself, who can again be that which he was
SCHILLER AND THE DUKE OF SCHLESWIG-UOLSTEIN. 405
by nature, loves the beautiful wherever he finds it ;
he saj-s with Schiller, ' For all that, life is beautiful ; '
he understands enjoyment and enthusiasm, if not by
the 'thundering ocean,' yet in the few quiet hours
which he can win for himself in the noisy, deafening
hurry of the times in which we live.
ANDEEA DEL SAKTO'S CAKITA.
A NDREA DEL SARTO, ' the faultless painter,' has
jl\ been a friend of mine for many years. I met
him first, when I was a boy, in the Dresden Gallery,
where his picture of ' Abraham preparing to sacrifice
Isaac' left a lasting impression on my memory.
There was also in the same gallery ' The Betrothal
of St. Catherine/ which exercised a perplexing fas-
cination on my youthful brain. But what made me
feel a more personal interest in this contemporary
and rival of Rafael and INlichel Angelo was his
Biography, by Alfred Reumont. The learned author
was a friend of Bunsen, and in Eunsen's house, many
years ago, I made his acquaintance, and was led to
read his interesting sketch of Andrea's life, first pub-
lished in 1835. It is a sad life; on many points
a most bewildering life. Browninij has tried to solve
its riddle in his own way, but much remains dark
in the grey twilight which his thoughtful poem has
shed over it. Andrea's life is soon told. He was
bora at Florence in 14S8, though, of course, there is
the usual doubt about the exact date of his birth,
some placing it ten years earlier, in 1478. Brought
up to be a goldsmith, he, like many others of
his trade, took to painting, became soon known as
a rising star of the first magnitude, fell in love with
AxmiEA DEL s auto's carita. 407
a beautiful woman, married her after her husbands
death, and became her slave for life. Called to Paris
by Francis I, a brilliant future opened before him,
but fondness for his wife made him sacrifice every-
thing. He returned to Florence, broke the solemn
promise given to the King to return to Paris, squan-
dered, it would seem, the money entrusted to him by
the King, and spent the last years of his life in the
production of the greatest masterpieces of art, but
under a dark shadow that never left him again. He
died at Florence in the year 1530, forsaken by most
of his friends, uncared for, it is said, even by his wife
— a great, but a poor and unhappy man.
Rafael, Michel Angelo, and Andrea del Sarto have
long been considered the three greatest painters of the
greatest period in the history of Italian art, though
of late poor Andrea has not been fortunate in his
friends and admirers. What Michel Angelo said of
him may be legend, but legends cannot spring up
without some foundation of truth. I quote Michel
Angelo's words, as interpreted by Browning : —
' For, do yon know, Lucrezia, as God lives.
Said one day Angelo, his very self,
To Rafael, ... I bave known it all these years —
Friend, there's a certain sorry little scrub
Goes up and down our Florence, none cares how.
Who, were he set to plan and execute
As you are, pricked on by your popes and kings,
Would bring the sweat into that brow of yours.'
Why should Rafael's life have been so bright and
joyous, that of Michel Angelo so noble and majestic,
and that of Andrea del Sarto so sad and almost
ignoble? In spite of all that his own pupil Vasari
says against him and against his M'ife Lucrezia, his
403 RECENT ESSAYS.
sins do not seem to have been so very much greater
than those of many of his contemporaries. Vasari,
in later editions of his work, had to withdraw or
suppress some of the charges he had brought against
his master, and his anger, even in the first sketch of
his life of Andrea, is directed far more against his
wife than against him. If Andrea's relations with
Lucrezia before their marriage were blameworthy,
he sufiered right!}'. But there is no certain evidence
of that, and the chief anger of his friends dates from
the time when, after her first husband's death, ho
married her. She seems to have drawn him away
from his parents and friends, and to have been con-
sidered a vain and cold-hearted woman. But all
this does not explain why, particularly in the light
buoyant atmosphere of Italian artist life at the time
of the Reformation, Andrea del Sarto should have
been ostracised, when much more serious faults were
forgotten and forgiven, particularly in artists. His
behaviour towards Francis I was inexcusable, but it
is not on this breach of faith, not even on the appro-
priation of the King's money, that Andrea is generally
aiTaigned, but on his infatuation for Lucrezia, while
htill the wife of Carlo di Domeuico, and on his
marriage with her after her husband's death in 1512.
We know very little, and we shall never know
much more, to enable us to gain an insight into
Andrea's true self. What we know of him are his
pictures, and, taking them all in all, they reveal to
us a beautiful soul. In none of them is there any-
thing vulgar, offensive, or unclean. The spirit is good,
even though the flesh is sometimes weak. Vasari's
testimony against him is not above suspicion. He
ANDltEA DEL SARTORS CAllITA. 400
evidently hated Lucrczia, and could not understand
how an artist like Andrea del Sarto could have
sacrificed his friends for such a woman. But that
she was beautiful even Va^ari does not deny, and
beauty is a mystery that tells on an artist's soul in
many ways undreamt of by the vulgar. ' La forza
d' un bel volto al ciel mi sprona,' so sang Michel
Angelo^. And why should not Andrea have seen in
Lucrezia's face something that drew him away from
earth and lifted him up to heaven, there to enjoy
a grace seldom granted to mortal man, 'grazia ch' ad
uom mortal raro si dona 1 ' There is hardly a picture
of Andrea's over which that face does not shed its
luring witchery. Take away that face and you take
away the very life out of Andrea's art.
There are men with one ideal in life, and that ideal
satisfies all their desires. Why should not the living
revelation of the Beautiful, even if hidden behind
sombrous clouds, have satisfied all wishes of Andrea's
loving heart? Such a devotion deadens all other
desires for pleasure, comfort, wealth, and glory. It
leaves the one desire of purifying and glorifying the
vision that rises from its earthly tomb before the
poet's eye. Such seems to have been Andrea's fated
devotion. He gave all his work, all the power of
his genius, in order to elaborate and to perpetuate the
glorious vision of the Beautiful with which his life
had once been blessed. That was his call and his
apostleship. For that he was willing to leave father
and mother, and everything else on earth. To us he
seems as if in a trance, as if dreaming a dream laden
' ' Rime di Michelangelo Buonarotti,' Milano, iSai, p. a.
410 KECENT ESSAYS.
with tlie memories of a former life and come true
once more in the face of Lucrezia, ' a mad blind man
who sees.'
What do we know of the Beautiful, after all that
has been written about it ? Whence does it come 1
How does it touch us? Whither is it meant to carry
us? It is easy to say that the Beautiful is harmonious
like music, bright like the dawn, sweet like violets,
pure like snow, innocent like childhood. But is it
no more than all that ?
Is the Beautiful without us, or is it not rather
within us ? What we call sweet and bitter is our
own sweetness, our own bitterness, for nothing can be
sweet or bitter without us. Is it not the same with
the Beautiful ? The world is like a rich mine, full of
precious ore, but each man has to assay the ore for
himself, before he knows what is gold and what is
not. What then is the touchstone by which we assay
the Beautiful ? We have a touchstone for discovering
the Good. Whatever is unselfish is good. But that
applies to moral beings only, to men and women, net
to Nature at large. And though nothing can be
beautiful, whether in the acts of men or in the works
of Nature, except what in some sense or other is good,
not everything that is good is also beautiful. What
then is that something which, added to the good,
makes it beautiful, that heavenly grace, that dea-neau]
Xa/)ts which the gods alone can shed over the head
and shoulders of man 1 The gods may know what it
is. man can only see and feel that it is. Some say
that what we call beautiful is the Good, as seen
through the golden veil of Maya ; others hold that
what we call good is the Beautiful, hidden in the
ANDREA DEL SARTO's CARITA. 411
Holy of Holies, but seen by the true priest in the
glory of Nature, and heard by the true prophet in the
still small voice of the heart. It is a great mystery.
It is so to us as it was to Plato. We must have ijazed
on the Beautiful somewhere in the dreams of child-
hood, or. it may be, in a former life, and now we look
for it everywhere, but we can never find it — never at
least in all its brightness and fulness again, never as
we remember it once as the vision of a half- forgotten
dream. Nor do we all remember the same ideal —
some poor creatures remember none at all — and where
we see glimpses of the Beautiful, they see nothing but
what is pleasing and sweet. The ideal therefore of
what is beautiful is within us, that is all w^e know ;
how it came there we shall never know. It is
certainly not of this life, else we could define it ; but
it underlies this life, else we could not feel it. Some-
times it meets us like a smile of Nature, sometimes
like a glance of God ; and if anything proves that
there is a great past and a great future, a Beyond,
a higher world, a hidden life, it is our faith in the
Beautiful. Here on earth we can only surmise and
divine it, as we surmise the sun behind the golden
dawn, and the moon behind silvery clouds ; and be-
cause we ourselves are the diviners, because what is
beautiful in heaven or earth, or in the human face, is
our owm making, our own remembering, our own
believing, therefore we welcome it, love it, and call it
lovely, whether loving or loved — therefore we lose
ourselves, and find ourselves in it, in contemplation,
meditation, and distant worship. But he w^ho sees it
once too near, face to face, eye to eye, blest as he may
feel in his own soul, soon grows blind to everything
412 RECENT ESSAYS.
else. The world calls him dazed and foolish, and
Andi'ea was one of those blest dazed mortals.
'Von Schonheit ward von jeher viel gesungen, —
Wem sie erscheint, wird aus sich selbst entriickt.*
Think of a young painter called to Paris by Francis I,
enjoying the luxuries and revelling in the honours be-
stowed on him by the most brilliant Court of the time.
There was wealth for him as much as he desired.
There was sweet flattery from royal lips, smiles from
bewitchiug eyes, a welcome from all that was fair,
and gay, and fashionable. And in the midst of all
this, Andrea, like a fool, sat reading the letters which
his wdfe sent him to Paris, and the vision of her face
and the presentiment of her grace left him no peace.
In order not to be unfaithful to the idol which he had
learnt to worship, he became unfaithful to everything
else, threw away his chances, left the Court, and, still
clad in his courtly frippery, appeared before Lucrezia,
to lead henceforth the life of an exile from society, but
at the same time the life of a devotee, a devotee to
his art and to the beautiful ideal of his love.
I have known men of a similar temperament,
absorbed by one idea, satisfied with one vision, care-
less of life, of applause, of wealth, of honour, and
devoting all their powers to the w^orking out of what
they thought their own salvation. For all we know,
they may be fools ; but, at all events, if the outcome
of their lolly is something as glorious as Andrea's art,
they have a right to our sympathy, nay, to our
gratitude.
I: lorcnce is full of Andrea's works ; the churches,
the monasteries, the academies and galleries have pre-
ANDREA DEL SAllTO^S CAllITA. 413
served magnificent specimens of his art. There is one
place, however, where the whole history of the artist
may be studied to the greatest advantage, and which
is but seldom visited by travellers, I mean the Col-
legio dello Scalzo. It is troublesome to get admission.
One has to find the key and a guide at the Convent of
San Marco, and most people have so much to do in
Florence that they forget how interesting a collection
of Andrea's frescoes is still to be seen in that old quad-
rangle. I say still to be seen, but, in spite of all that
the Government does for the preservation of the anti-
quities and art-treasures of the country, it cannot do
everything, and Andrea's frescoes are perishing by
slow decay.
' Wherever a fresco peels and drops,
Wherever an outline weakens and wears,
Till the latest life in the painting stops.
Stands One whom each fainter pulse-tick pains :
One, wishful each scrap should clutch the brick,
Each tinge not wholly escape the plaster,
A lion who dies of an ass's kick,
The wronged great soul of an ancient Master.'
These lines express my feelings as I walked last
autumn (1885) past the sixteen frescoes of Andrea in
the Collegio dello Scalzo. The outlines have faded,
the fresco peels and drops. Much is lost ; and what is
left, exposed as it is to wind and weather, will not,
I fear, resist much longer. These frescoes were the
first great work of Andrea's. They formed the
pedestal of his fame at Florence. He was still young,
about twenty-two, and had not yet been called upon
to perform any great public work, when the Com-
pagnia dello Scalzo — so-called because in their pro-
414 RECEXT ESSAYS.
cessions the bearer of the Crucifix had to walk
barefoot — invited him to cover the walls of their court
with frescoes. Their Patron Saint being St. John the
Baptist, the frescoes were to represent scenes from his
life. Andrea was young, and, though the remunera-
tion offered him was very small, he was glad of the
opportunity of showing in a public place what he was
capable of. He determined to paint the frescoes in
grey or chiaroscuro, and the first which he finished
(1510 ?) represented ' St. John the Baptist Preaching.'
Reumont speaks of ' The Baptism of Christ ' as
Andrea's first picture, but that was surely the work
of Francabigio. Andrea was accused of having copied
in this figure some of Albrecht Durer's figures, a charge
Avhich to a true artist is almost unintelligible. No
doubt Albrecht Durer's drawings were at that time
well known in Italy, and they may have impressed
themselves on Andrea's memory. But to accuse him
of plagiarism is like accusing Mendelssohn of having
copied Handel or Mozart, because, forsooth, he did not
suppress every bar in his own compositions that might
remind us of those great masters.
The next picture, ascribed to the year 15 11, was
' St. John, Baptizing the People.' In this, too, simi-
larities have been pointed out between Andrea and
Albrecht Durer, and still more between Andrea and
Domenico Ghirlandajo. No doubt they are there,
but in my eyes they do not in the least detract from
the originality of Andrea's compositions, nor do they
in any way aff'ect his honesty as an artist.
These two pictures attracted much attention at
Florence, and Andrea found himself at once honoured
and courted as a painter of great promise. The walls
ANDREA DEL SAllTO's CARITA. 415
in the Chiostro of the Annunziata had to be painted,
and Andrea was invited to undertake the work. He
accepted ; for though the payment was miserable —
ten scudi, according to the records of the monastery;
ten ducati, according to Vasari, for each picture — it
was another opportunity of showing his fellow-citizens
that a new painter had arisen among them. This was
about 151 1. Andrea finished five pictures, but, 'as
the pay was too small for the very great honour,' he left
oflT, promising to paint two more at some future time.
At this time Andrea had become acquainted with
Lucrezia, and as her husband died in 1512, it is most
likely that Andrea married her soon after, say in 15 13,
when he was twenty-five years of age. It is generally
supposed that her portrait appears for the first time
in 'The Birth of the Virgin Mary,' painted in 15 14,
but we shall see that there may possibly be an earlier
and more youthful sketch. This picture of ' The Birth
of the Virgin Mary ' may be seen in the Annunziata,
being one of the two which Andrea had promised to
finish, and which he did finish sooner than was ex-
pected, perhaps because the monks had commissioned
his colleague Francabigio to carry on the frescoes,
when Andrea seemed little inclined to finish them.
His last contribution to the pictures in the Annunziata
was 'The Epiphany.'
After these works became more widely known,
Andrea's success was secured, and his pictures be-
came so popular that the youthful King of France,
Francis I, invited him to Paris in 1518. There he
spent some time in the full enjoyment of an artist's
life, producing some of his greatest pictures, among
the rest the glorious * Garita,' now in the Louvre, and
416 EECENT ESSAYS.
establishing his fame as the worthy rival of Rafael.
But the image of Lucrezia, as we saw, left him no
rest, and he exchanged luxury, wealth, and the glory
of Paris for poverty and contempt at her feet. Poor
as he was now again, he had to look out for work,
and I believe it is chiefly to his poverty that we owe
the continuation of his frescoes of St. John the Baptist,
in the CoUegio dello Scalzo, During his absence two
of these frescoes had been entrusted to Francabigio,
' The Meeting of Christ and John ' and ' Christ,
Baptized by John\'
Andrea now resumed his work, and soon finished
' The Imprisonment of St. John,' ' The Feast of the
Tetrarch w^ith the Daughter of Herodias,' 'The Be-
heading of St. John,' and ' The Presentation of the
Head of St. John to Salome.' These five pictures are
assigned by Reumont to the year 1520.
After this there was a fresh pause, and for several
years the cloisters remained unfinished, until about
the years 1523 to 1525, wdien Andrea supplied three
more frescoes, one representing ' Zacharias in the
Temple,' the other, ' The Meeting of the Virgin Mary
and St. Elizabeth,' and a third, 'The Birth of St. John
the Baptist.' I am uncertain as to the date of the
fourth fresco, 'The Blessing of St. John by his
Parents,' which Reumont ascribes to Francabigio, but
which I venture to claim for Andrea del Sarto.
1 Eenmont asTibes this fresco to Andrea, and 'The Blessing of
St. John by his Parents ' to Francabigio. This must be .1 mistake, as
the hitter fully displays Andrea's style, while the two pictures of
Francabigio show his usual weakness. In the engravings by Eredi and
Cecchi, 'The Meeting of Christ and St. John' and 'The Baptism of
Christ' are rightly ascribed to Francabigio, the rest to Andrea del
Sarto.
ANDEEA DEL SAETO's CARITA. 417
Thus the work of his youth, the great work of his
life, seemed finished at last. But Andrea had from the
beginning left room for four symbolical figures, repre-
senting the divine virtues. Faith, Hope, Justice, and
Charity. They are supposed to have been executed
in fresco in 1525, after the whole cycle of the larger
frescoes had been finished ; but the sketches probably
date from a much earlier time. One of these sketches,
Faith, was for a time in the possession of Don Gaspero
d'Haro e Guzman, March ese del Carpio, Spanish
Ambassador in Rome ; the others seemed to b'e lost.
Ludwig, the King of Bavaria, bought whatever could
still be discovered in Italy, at the beginning of this
century, of Andreas drawings and sketches, and they
may be seen at Munich.
I must now return to my visit to Florence last
autumn, when I determined to see what remained of
this curious collection of Andrea's frescoes. I found
them injured and faded, in some places hopelessly
destroyed, still sufliciently clear and visible to give
one an idea of what these grey silvery outlines
must have been w^hen fresh from the hand of the
artist. They ought certainly to be copied carefully
before it is too late, and, if well engraved, they
would indeed be a treasure. I only possess the
engravings by Eredi and Cecchi, Firenze, 1794,
and they certainly give one but a poor idea of the
originals.
To me, for various reasons, the most attractive
picture was that of the ' Carita,' clearly the portrait
of Lucrezia, and, so far as I can see, the first, the most
youthful and graceful portrait which he has left us of
her. The expression of the eyes and mouth together
VOL. I. E e
418 RECENT ESSAYS.
is marvellous. Did Browning mean that expression
when he wrote :
' While she looks no one's : very dear, no less ' ?
Yes, that is the true reading of that face. She is
no one's, she is hardly of this earth. She is conscious
of her beauty, but she seems to submit rather to the
admiration which it excites than to enjoy it. Well
might Andrea, while trying to transfer that revelation
of beauty on to the paper, while lost between the
feelings of the artist and the lover, have exclaimed: —
' With that same perfect brow
And perfect eyes, and more than perfect mouth,
And the low voice my soul hears, as a bird
The fowler's pipe, and follows to the snare. . . .'
No doubt that ' Carita,' at the Collegio dello Scalzo,
is the gem of the whole collection, and it was known
to be so long ago. Eeumont (p. 146), when describing
it, says : ' One of his most perfect compositions is the
"Carita." She is represented as a youthful woman.
Her look turns full of love to a charming boy, who
lays hold of her hand and smilingly looks up to her.
She carries a second boy on her arm, while a third,
holding her dress, hides himself behind it. On her
head burns the divine flame. With regard to the
grouping the picture is superior to the " Cai-ita "
which Andrea painted at Paris.'
When I left the Collegio dello Scalzo, I tried to
carry away a true copy of that face in my memory.
None of the engravers seems to me to have even
guessed its meaning. It was a rainy day, and I lost
my way through some of the few old narrow streets
which are left at Florence between the Collegio dello
ANDREA DEL SARTO'S CARITA. 419
Scalzo and the Lung-Arno. As one passes along, one
cannot help looking at the old shops and the hideous
pictures which are for sale everywhere, none of them
showing: a trace of what is beautiful or even careful.
Whatever is only tolerable or inoffensive has long
been snapped up by Jews or artists. However, while
passing one of these shops I saw against the wall, the
rain streaming over it, the face of Lucrezia. Yes,
silver-grey, placid, and perfect. And there was the
boy holding her hand, and the other boy on her arm,
and the third hiding behind her dress. It was a copy
of the ' Carita,' and whoever copied it had been able
to read Lucrezia' s face rightly :
'Yes, she looks no one's: very dear, no less.'
I had no difficulty in buying the picture for a mere
nothing, less even than Andrea received for his
frescoes. It was so deplorably spoiled that at first
I thought I could save nothing of it except the head.
But when I came home and examined it more care-
fully, I was struck by the perfection of the feet and
hands, the fingers and the toes. I went carefully
over it, and the more I examined it the more I felt
convinced that this was a copy executed by no mean
master.
After a time, however, I was startled more and
more. It was, no doubt, Andrea's ' Carita,' but there
were strange discrepancies. My copy was the picture
of a real woman. In the fresco Andrea had given
her a kind of pentagonal glory, with a flame — the
divine flame of charity — issuing from it. Then there
were slight discrepancies in the head-dress, in the
fingers, in the drapery, and the more I looked the
E e 2
420 RECENT ESSAYS.
more I felt convinced that no copyist would have
dared to take such liberties.
Was it then Andrea's ovrn sketch ? Did his right
hand really pass over this very picture while the
youthful Lucrezia was for the first time sitting to
him as his model, turning her eyes away from the
artist, an unwilling martyr to her own beauty ? I do
not like to jump at conclusions, but I confess that
thought made me more inquisitive. I examined the
back of the picture. It was on paper, on very old
paper, not on one large piece (the picture is five feet
two-and-a-half inches by two feet ten inches), but on
a number of small sheets carefully pasted together.
In one place, where it has been patched very roughly,
as if by a paper-hanger, the paste had almost ob-
literated a few words in Italian, written in a hurried
hand, and with some eftbrt still legible as ' Abbozzo di
Andrea del Sarto ' — the first sketch of Andrea del
Sarto. This, of course, would have solved many
difficulties^. A copyist would hardly have ventured
to leave out the characteristic glory and the fiamma
delta Carita. An artist, striving with all his heart to
throw the living likeness of Lucrezia on his paper,
would shrink from spoiling it by that unnatural
pentagonal design which has been added to every one
of the four symbolical figures, when transferred to
the walls of the Chiostro. Again, the artist when at
a later time transferring his cherished abbozzo to the
fresco, might please himself. No one could blame
^ Ahhozzo, like the French ibaurhe, means the first plan or sketch of
an artist. Diez derives it from hozzo, a roughly cut stone ; while the
French ebauche is derived from balco, ebaucher signifying to set up
the balcos of a building.
ANDREA DEL SARTO's CARITA. 421
him for altering, it may be improving, the hair and
the riband round Lucrezia's head. If three fingers
and half of a fourth seemed to show too much of her
left liand, who would prevent the artist from slightly
departing from his own ahhozzol Eesides, if it had
been a copia, not an ahhozzo, would not an early
copy have been considered far more valuable, as
a marketable article, than an ahhozzol Why then
call it an ahhozzo 1 That it is an early drawing, no
one who looks at the patch ed-up paper can doubt.
The very handwriting of the words, 'Abbozzo di
Andrea del Sarto,' is certainly not of this century.
More and more I felt driven to the suspicion that
this was really a genuine relic of Andrea's love and
of Lucrezia's beauty, and when I began to examine
my treasure more keenly, I discovered behind a
horrible patch of thick modern paper, another
writing: 'Bono d . . . Marchellini^ Nel 1848, per
ricordo, Carrara.'
This was puzzling again. Could anybody have
given this picture, as an original ahhozzo of Andrea's,
and evidently as a cherished remembrance, to a
gentleman at Carrara so late as 1848, and could such
a treasure, when known so late as 1848, have found
its way, in these times of art-hunger, into a miserable
shop at Florence 1 Besides, the writing is old-
fashioned, and almost obliterated. I looked once
more, and I. saw that the first 8 differed most de-
cidedly from the second, that it was indeed the old 6,
only with the central stroke carried a little too far.
I should for some reasons have preferred 1848, for
this date would have implied a better warrant of the
genuineness of the ahhozzo, coming from a far more
422 EECENT ESSAYS.
critical age. But taking the wliole evidence together,
I think the friend at Garrara must have written his
inscription in 1648.
After that I surrendered. Andrea's pictures were
much copied, no doubt, but are there extant any
copies of his grey-in-grey frescoes of the Collegio
dello Scalzo? Certainly there is no ahhozzo of the
'Carita' among Andi-ea's drawings at Munich. Se-
condly, supposing it was a copy, why should any
copyist in 1648 have degraded his copy to an ahhozzo,
for at that time a careful copy of the original would
probably have commanded a higher price than a mere
sketch. Thirdly, would any copyist have dared to
take such liberties with the original, and yet have
been able at the same time to reproduce that in-
definable witchery of the original which no one ever
understood except the loving artist himself? My
mind was made up. I felt as if my old friend
himself had sent me this memento as the true
key of his mysterious passion. Look at this, he
seemed to say, and you will understand my life's
frenzy.
I do not profess to be an art critic, and I know so
little of the various styles of drawing and painting
adopted by Andrea del Sarto during different periods
of his career, that I should not venture to assign this
' Carita ' with any confidence either to his earliest or
to his latest period. If connoisseurs who have made
a special study of Andrea del Sarto's works should
tell me that the ahhozzo could not come from his hand
at all, I should bow to their judgment so far as internal
evidence is concerned, but I should call upon them-,
at the same time, to explain the external evidence,
AXDREA DEL SARTO's CARITA. 423
the nature of the paper, the inscription, the date, the
style of the writing, and, above all, the discrepancies
between the drawing and the fresco. If we take the
drawing as a copy of Andrea's fresco, executed before
1648, or even before 1848, we cannot reconcile, as far
as I can see, the general faithfulness of the copy with
the strange discrepancies between it and the original.
If we take the drawing as an early sketch, cari'ied out
at a later time, when Andrea's hand had acquired its
full mastery of brush and pencil, all seems to become
intelligible, except the strange fatality that such
a drawing, marked as an ahbozzo in 1648, or even in
1848, should have escaped the lynx eyes of collectors,
particularly in such a town as Florence. That the
inscription was put where we now see it, on the back
of the picture, with perfect good faith, no one who is
a judge of handwriting will fail to see. That it was
pasted over, and has nearly become invisible, is another
proof that the picture has never passed tln'ough the
hands of dealers or operators. Criticism based
entirely on internal evidence has perhaps, of late
years, been too much discredited by students of ai"t.
If I can tell the age of a MS. by the shape of one
letter, why should not an artist, familiar with the
works of Andrea del Sarto, be competent to say, with
perfect assurance, that the style of the drawing is not
Andrea del Sarto's style? But, however willing we
may be to listen to internal evidence, external evidence
is a stubborn thing. If it could be shown, for instance,
that the notorious palimpsest of Uranius had been in
the hands of Eusebius, we could not have helped
ourselves. We should have had to admit, though
much against the grain, that the shape of the letter
424 EECENT ESSAYS.
M had changed at an earlier time than had been
hitherto supposed.
My cartoon of the ' Carita ' has been seen by
eminent judges, both in Italy and in England. That
it is a gem, they all admit ; that the evidence of its
being Andrea's own handiwork is strong, most admit ;
that the evidence is irresistible, some deny ; but they
base their denial on very different grounds.
One of the most trustworthy judges in England
holds that the very perfection of the drawing is
against its being an ahbozzo, because great artists
never finished their sketches as this is finished.
Granted ; but was not this an exceptional sketch ?
This was probably Andrea's first opportunity of fixing
Lucrezia's features on paper. Was it not natural
that he should have done his very best to please
himself, and, even more, to please her who as yet
hardly knew what her unknown admirer could
achieve? Might he not have said to her, while
trying to master her beauty, what Browning makes
him say : —
'I can do with my pencil what I know,
What I see, when at the bottom of my heart
I wish for, if I ever wish so deep —
Do easily, too— when I say perfectly,
I do not boast perhaps.'
In one word, was not the sketch made con amove,
and does not that suffice to explain both its life-like
truthfulness, unspoiled by any symbolism, and its
remarkable finish ■?
Another artist, however, and an excellent judge
of artistic manipulation, declares quite positively
that, after carefully examining the drawing and
ANDREA DEL SAETO's CARITA. 425
comparing it with a photograph of the fresco, he is
convinced that the two cannot have been executed
by the same hand. ' The drawing,' he wiites, ' is
tediously and timidly finished up in a method that
no artist of Andrea's capacity would employ. That
kind of finish does not constitute perfection of draw-
ing ; it is mere neatness and tidiness.'
Let it be so, but let us remember how often even
more confident critical judgments, based on internal
evidence only, have had to yield to one single historical
document. If we may trust Vasari, Giulio Romano,
the pupil of Rafael, would not believe that a copy
made by Andrea del Sarto of a picture by Rafael was
not the original, till he saw a mark which Andrea
himself had put on it. Even then, with the art-
critic's usual stubbornness, he declared that Andrea's
copy was far better than Rafael's original. It is
well known how of late years nearly all the catalogues
of our greatest galleries have been revolutionised, and
this owing mainly to a more careful study of historical
or external evidence.
However, I do not wish to plead ; I only wish to
state with perfect frankness the opinions that have
been advanced for and against the idea that the
drawing which I discovered at Florence came from
Andrea's own hand. To me personally the belief
that this picture stood once between Lncrezia and
Andrea — was, it may be, the fii-st confession, as that
in the Pitti may have been the last sigh of his love
for her — has its value. But that is mere sentiment.
It does not add to the beauty of the picture which
I saved from certain destruction, and which to me
seems far more expressive, far more successful in
426 RECENT ESSAYS.
rendering the deep meaning of Lucrezia's face, than
the copy which Andrea later in life executed in fresco,
and which may now be seen in the Chiostro dello
Scalzo. My cartoon, call it copy or abhozzo, is now
the only trustworthy record of Andrea's first and last
passionate ideal of the Beautiful, and while the fresco
at Florence peels and drops, this drawing, I hope, as
repaired and resuscitated, not retouched, by the hand
of a true master, will for ever remain the monument
of a deep passion unrewarded, it may be never even
comprehended —
* For she looks no one's : very dear, no less.'
OxFOBD, July, 1 886.
The following is a letter from Robert Browning, to
whom I had sent a copy of my paper on Andrea del
Sarto : —
19 Warwick Crescent, Feb. 27, 1889.
My dear Professor,
It was indeed good of you to think of my old
feeling for Andrea, when you might well have been
solely occupied with your own signal godsend — as the
cartoon seems likely to prove.
I sympathize with your well-deserved fortune, for
it always struck me as remarkable that the wrong
picture should so seldom escape notice, while the right
man perhaps was daily pacing some calle where,
hidden by rubbish, such a prize as the one in
question eluded him. All thanks for the beautiful
little notice, full of the true spirit of appreciation.
Ever yours most sincerely,
Robert Browning.
BUDDHIST CHAKITY\
A PROMISE, even if it has been rashly and some-
what thoughtlessly given, must be kept. This
is my apology for standing here to-day to inaugurate
a course of lectures on Charity, as viewed and prac-
tised by the followers of the principal religions of
the world.
The subject was to my mind most attractive, but
even more so the object for which these lectures
are intended — namely, to strengthen the hands of
our excellent friends who have formed themselves
into an association for befriending young servants
in this vast metropolis. Think what that means !
Think of the courage it requires, and think also of
the expenditure, not only of time and energy, but
also of money, which is necessitated by such an
undertaking. Such work is difficult enough even
in a small town like Oxford. But in London, in
this bewildering chaos of human toil and sufferinof,
it seems almost hopeless. It seems like trying to
arrest an avalanche with our outstretched arms.
Now let me tell you what I admire more than
anything else in this labyrinth of London, and wliat
' The first of a course of lectures on ' Ancient and Modern Charitj','
dL'livered at the Town Hall, Kensington, April 24, 18S4.
428 EECENT ESSAYS.
stirred my sympathy with this ' Metropolitan Associa-
tion for Befriendinf^: Young Servants.'
It is the courage to do small things. All honour
to those who undertake to do grand things, who
are willing to lead a whole nation through the Red
Sea of sorrow and despair to the Land of Promise.
In a great battle the very drummer-boy becomes
a hero without being aware of it.
But to go every day to some task, quietly and
unobserved, a task which, the more you work at
it, seems only to gi-ow more difficult, more unmanage-
able, more hopeless — that is what I call true courage.
This hopeless, and yet hopeful, work which is car-
ried on by this Association i-eminds me of a child's
story, which I shall try to tell you as well as I can.
A little girl was taken to the sea-side, and her heart
was delighted with the smooth pebbles, and the
bright shells, and the graceful sea-weeds scattered
all over the beach. She began to collect till her
lap was full, and she could hardly carry her precious
load. Then the nurse told her that she must go
home, because the sea would soon come and cover
the whole beach. Eut the more the nurse warned
the child, the more eager it grew, picking up pebble
after pebble, shell after shell, weed after weed. And
as the waves came nearer and nearer, howling and
dashing and crashing along the coast, the child began
to rush about wildly, trying to rescue every darling
pebble from the fangs of that ugly monster, the sea.
Then the nurse had to take her up in her arms ; and
while she was carried home, pebble after pebble, shell
after shell, weed after weed di-opped from her lap.
At last she was brought to her mother, and well
BUDDHIST CUARITY. 429
scolded for having disobeyed her nurse and for being
so silly as to try to pick up every pebble on the
beach. But the child did not mind the scolding, and
when she had dried her tears she held up one small
pebble with an air of triumph and said to her mother :
' Mother, I have saved one from that ugly sea.*
This seems to me, indeed, the right spirit in which
we should go to work, and in which you are working,
in trying to save, if only one young servant, from
that ugly sea that is breaking over them in the
ebb and flow of London life. And when I heard
of this, and was told by a friend of mine, who is
spending herself with a childlike enthusiasm and
faith on this noble work, that I might be of some
use in helping you to pick up if only one soul on
the very brink of ruin, I could not say ' No.'
But apart from this excellent object, the subject,
too, on which I was asked to speak — ' Buddhist
Charity' — had great attractions for me. My dear
friend the late Dean of Westminster said : ' I re-
member the time when the name of Gautama, the
Buddha, was scarcely known, except to a few scholars,
and not always well spoken of by those who knew
it ; and now — he is second to One only.'
Now this shows after all that we are not standing
still, that our hoiizon, in religion also, is growing
wider, and our hearts, I believe, growing larger and
truer.
There was a time when it was almost an article
of faith that you could not be a true believer in your
own religion unless you also believed that all other
religions were false ; and false, not on certain points
only, but altogether false, altogether mischievous, the
430 RECENT ESSAYS.
very work of the devil. They might teach the same
doctrine, they might use ahnost the same words : still
the one voice was supposed to come from heaven, the
other from the very opposite region.
Nor was this a prejudice peculiar to Christians
only. As they divided the world into true believers
and heathens, the Aryas of India looked upon them-
selves only as twice-born, or regenerate, upon all
the rest of mankind as mere Mlekkha.a. The Jews
knew of one chosen people only, all the rest were
Gentiles ; while the Mohammedans spoke of all, of
Hindus, Jews, and Christians, as mere Kafirs or un-
believers, and declared that they only were the true
Muslim, that is, the people who trust and submit
themselves to God.
At present all the great religions of the world,
all the dialects in which man has tried to speak
of God and to God, are treated with perfect equality.
The stronger the faith in one's own religion, the
stronger also the readiness to judge of other religions
with kindness and tenderness, nay almost with in-
dulgence. This strikes me as one of the most charac-
teristic tendencies of our century — I might almost
say, of our age. Formerly a student of theology
was expected to have read the Old and the New
Testament, and possibly, if he was very learned,
he might try to read the Qoran. But as to reading
the sacred books of other religions, the Vedas, the
Avesta, the Tripifaka, the Kings of the Chinese, it
was never dreamt of, and to suppose that they could
teach us anything would have been considered an
insult. At present the University Press at Oxford
has just finished the first series of translations of the
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 431
' Sacred Books of the East,' consisting of twenty-four
large octavo volumes ; and as the result, so far as the
interest of the public is concerned, has not been
discouraging, a second series has been started which
is to comprise as many volumes again. Surely there
is an increasing purpose perceptible in all this, and
we may feel that we have not altogether laboured
in vain. This very meeting bears witness to the
same spirit. We all believe in the duty and the
delight of charity. We know what is meant by
Christian charity. But we are not satisfied to know
what Christ taught on charity. We want to know
whether we stand alone in our belief in charity, and
whether Christianity alone inculcates that sacred
duty. It is not that we have any doubt as to the
supreme duty of charity, but, knowing that the same
heart beats in all human breasts, we want to know
what the Buddha taught on almsgiving, what Mo-
hammed taught, what the best among the Greeks
and Romans taught. And we want to know all this,
not as a matter of mere curiosity, but as a matter
of the deepest human concern.
If men had been originally wild beasts, then, no
doubt, it would have required an angel from heaven
to persuade them to give up a bone which they were
gnawing and to share it with their starving fellow-
creatures. Then, no doubt, that religion only would
be true which, by some supernatural authority, could
frighten human beings into doing what is so unnatural
as to give up a bone. But if the witness of truth
was present in the hearts of men at all times and in
all places, in the hearts of the lowest savages as well
as of the highest sages, then this general recognition
432 RECENT ESSAYS.
of the duty of charity in all religions serves as a
confirmation of our own faith, or, at all events, as
an admonition to fulfil a duty so universally recog-
nised as charity, more faithfully and more zealously
than the followers of any other faith.
There has been so much written of late on Bud-
dhism that I ought to make it quite clear from the
very beginning that when I speak of Buddhism,
I mean real, historical Buddhism, not Esoteric, Exo-
teric, or any other kind of fashionable Buddhism.
Historical Buddhism took its rise about 500 years
B.C., and it can be studied in historical documents,
the date of which admits of little doubt.
We have, first of all, the inscriptions which King
Asoka had graven on rocks and pillars scattered
all over India from Afghanistan to Orissa. These
records date from the third century B.C., and are
as intelligible now as the old Latin inscriptions of
the Scipios. Nothing can shake their historical value
as attesting the existence of Buddhism as the State
relio-ion in the kingdom of Asoka in the third cen-
tury B.C.
Secondly, we can study historical Buddhism in
its canonical books. These books exist in two collec-
tions, the one written in a peculiar kind of Sanskrit,
the other in one of the Prakrit or popular dialects
of India, commonly called Pali. The Pali canon was
reduced to writing during the reign of Vai/Ja-Gamani,
who began to reign in 88 B.C. ^ Before that time the
sacred books had been preserved by oral tradition
only. We are told that the first collection of the
* See ' Sacred Books of the East,' vol. xiii. p. xxxv.
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 433
doctrines of the Buddha was made at the First
Council ^, and shortly after the death of Gautama
in 477 B.C. During the century which elapsed be-
tween the death of the Buddha and the Second
Council, 377 B.C., considerable additions had been
made to the sacred literature of the new reli2[ion,
and whatever could claim canonical authority was
collected, at the Second Council, in what is called
the Tltree Baskets, the Tripifaka, the Bible of the
Southern Buddhists. By Southern Buddhists I mean
chiefly the Buddhists of Ceylon, Burmah, and Siam.
A second collection of sacred writings was made
by the Northern Buddhists, those who spread their
doctrines ftom India to Tibet, China, Mongolia, and
Japan. It is written in Sanskrit, partly in prose,
partly in poetry, and often in very corrupt dialects,
commonly called Gatha dialects. The date when this
collection was made is more difficult to determine,
but as we know of Chinese translations of some of
its books dating from the fii-st century after Christ,
we may safely suppose that some kind of canon of
the Northern Buddhist Bible also existed before the
beginning of the Christian era.
It should be remembered that the Southern and
Northern canons share much in common, sometimes
whole chapters literally the same, a fact which seems
to point to the existence of a body of sacred texts
previous to the compilation of the Southern and the
Northern collections.
Buddhism, no doubt, has changed enormously,
according to the character of the people by whom
* See * Sacred Books of the East,' vol. xiii. p. 12.
VOL. I. F f
434 EECENT ESSAYS.
it was adopted, and to whose intellectual capacities
it readily adapted itself. The Buddhism of the meta-
physical Hindu is not the Buddhism of the matter-
of-fact Chinaman, or of the stolid Mongolian, as little
as the Christianity of Bishop Berkeley is the Chris-
tianity of a ploughboy who can neither read nor
write. Still, whenever we speak of historical Bud-
dhism, we mean one Buddhism only — namely, that
which in its two aspects of Southern and Northern
Buddhism can be studied in its recognised canonical
writings, as we study historical Christianity in the
New Testament, and historical Mohammedanism in
the Qoran.
I have no time to say more on this subject to-day,
but I may refer those who wish to study historical
Buddhism in trustworthy and scholarlike books to
the great work of Burnouf, ' Introduction a THistoire
du Buddhisme,' and to the more recent works of
Spence Hardy, Childers, Rhys Davids, Kern, and
Oldenberg ; also to several volumes in the ' Sacred
Books of the East,' containing literal translations of
canonical texts, both Pali and Sanskrit.
To my mind, having approached Buddhism after
a study of the ancient religion of India, the religion
of the Veda, Buddhism has always seemed to be, not
a new religion, but a natural development of the
Indian mind in its various manifestations, religious^
'philosojyhical, social, and political. As to-day I have to
speak of Buddhist charity, it is Buddhism chiefly in its
social aspect which we shall have to consider. Now
Buddhist charity is, as it were, the full bloom of that
more ancient charity which was preached in the Veda,
and practised during the Vedic age. It has always
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 435
struck me as exceedingly strange that in a country
like India there should be any call, any room for
charity. Nature in India is so kind a mother, and
man is a child so easily satisfied there, that one
wonders how anybody could have been poor. In
ancient India, anybody might have land who would
clear it. The game belonged to him who stuck the
lirst arrow into it. The rivers were full of fish,
the trees full of fruit. There was enough, and more
than enough, for everybody, and yet there were the
poor begging at the doors of the rich. Just think
that even at present, with all the new artificial wants
that have sprung up, a man in an Indian village may
live decently on a shilling a week, and a woman on
even less. Fancy a married couple living contentedly
on ^"5 a year ! And yet with their small wants — say
a mud cottage, a few rags for clothing, some rice,
milk, and, as a great luxury, butter — the Hindus, from
the times of the Veda to the present day, have always
complained of poverty, amounting to starvation, and
have always praised liberality or charity as one of the
fii'st duties, and one of the highest virtues. Among the
hymns of the Eig-veda there is one (X, 117) ascribed
to Bhikshu. Bhikshu means a beggar, and is the
name assumed in later times by the Buddha him-
self, and by every member of his brotherhood. In
that hymn it is said that the gods do not wish that
men should die of hunger, but that the rich should
give to the poor. He who is charitable, the poet
asiys, will never know want. Men are reminded
that fortune changes, and that we are meant to be
different. This at least seems to be the purport of
the last verse, which says: —
rf 3
436 HECENT ESSAYS.
* Even the two hand?, though tlie same, do not act in the same way:
Two cows of the same mother do not yield the same milk :
Even twins have not the same powers :
Even dose kindred do not give the same gifts,'
The same idea runs through the whole Veda. He
who gives liberally is beloved by the gods ; he who
does not give is actually called impious, an unbeliever,
a heretic. Nothing perhaps shows so clearly the
difference between our modern society and the society
of ancient India than that, whereas with us begging-
is punished by the law, the beggar in India was
recognised as a legitimate member of the community,
protected by the law — nay, watched over by the gods.
No doubt we should remember that we know very
little of the state of society in India during the Vedic
period, except from sacred or priestly sources. All
may not have been exactly as the Brahmans thought
that it ought to be. Whatever we see, we can see
through Brahmanic glasses only, and we have not
even the means to correct their angle of vision, except
by a kind of general scepticism. But, for all that,
we may look on the ancient Vedic Law-books which
have lately been discovered, and which are certainly
anterior to the so-called Laws of Manu, as giving us,
if not a faithful record of human failures in ancient
India, at all events the ideal of what, according to
the notions of their authors, life ought to be. And
for a true insight into a man's character, are not his
ideals often far more instructive than his failures ?
If I dwell for a moment on this ideal of ancient
Vedic society, as supplied to us in the ancient Law-
books, it is because I hope to show that Buddhist
society, as we know it from the sacred writings of the
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 437
Euddhists, is far more the fulBlment than the denial
of the ancient schemes and dreams of the Brahmanic
law-givers.
Society, at least in the twice-born, the regenerate,
and, in our sense, the upper classes, consisted in
ancient times of four stages, called a.sramas. The
first stage was that of the pupil. When a boy had
reached the age of eight, he was initiated, or appren-
ticed to a Brahman, lived in his house, and was
educated and taught by him. The boy was under
the strictest moral discipline, and had to perform
every kind of menial service for his master. What
is important for our purpose is that every day the
pupil had to go round the village begging for food,
which he handed to his master before he was allowed
to touch it. This was charity, but hardly voluntary.
It was, in our sense, an educational rate levied not
only on the parents of the children, but on the whole
coramunit}'.
When his education was finished — hardly ever
before the age of twenty — the young man was ex-
pected to marry and found a household. During this
second stage the householder was still under very
strict religious discipline. He had to perform con-
stant sacrifices, every one of which involved charitable
gifts to the Brahmans ; and one of the five Great
Sacrifices, which had to be performed every day, con-
sisted in charity and hospitality to all who wanted
it. Even animals had a right to daily gifts.
This second stage lasted till a man's children had
grown up and his own hair had grown grey. Then,
according to the old law, the father was expected to
retire from the village into the forest with or without
438 HECENT ESSAYS,
his wife. His property went to his family. He him-
self was released from performing any but the simplest
sacrifices, but he was expected to mortify the flesh by
the most painful penances, and to meditate on the
highest problems of life.
During that third stage, the dweller in the forest,
the Vanaprastha, or Vaikhanasa, was entitled to receive
charity if he wanted it, but he was likewise expected
in his humble way to show hospitality to all who
claimed it.
The final stage was that of the hermit, the solitary
saint, the Sannyasin, or, as he was also called, the
beggar, the Bhikshu, who had no longer any fixed
home, not even in the forest, except during the rainy
season. He knew nothing of the world, and, while
engaged in meditation on the vanity of all earthly
things, he looked forward to death as the moment of
release. It is important to observe that, like the
Buddhist mendicant, the Bhikshu, or beggar, was
expected to shave his head, and that he also depended
for his life on the charity of the people.
This was the Brahmanic ideal of life, and you will
discover how entirely it depended on the recognition
of the duty of charity in every stage. We may doubt
whether this ideal was ever fully realised during the
ancient Vedic period, but what we cannot doubt is
that Buddhism achieved, in one sense, the full realisa-
tion of this Brahmanic ideal. This will require some
explanation. I have already pointed out how during
the first and second stages of life the pupil and the
householder were both completely under priestly
sway. Every word of the Veda which the pupil
learned from the mouth of his teacher was to be
BUDDHIST CIIARITY. 439
accepted as revelation ; every sacrifice which the
householder was expected to perform was considered
as the fulfilment of a divine command. But as soon as
a man entered on the third stage, as soon as he left his
village, his house, his family to dwell in the forest, first
as an ascetic, and finally as a hermit, all was changed.
He was not only released from nearly all sacrificial
and ceremonial fetters, but he was expected to know
the vanity, the uselessness, or even the mischievous
nature of all ceremonies and sacrifices. And when all
sacrifices and prayers, addressed to the gods with
a hope of reward, had once been recognised as selfish
acts, productive of evil rather than of good, the old
belief in the numerous gods of the Veda also had to
be surrendered, at first for a belief in one god, Pra(/a-
pati, the lord of all living, and at last for a belief in
what we should scarcely call a god. Brahman, or the
highest Self. We should think that a system appar-
ently so self-contradictory could hardly be maintained
for any length of time. Yet it is presupposed during
almost the whole of the Vedic period. And what to my
mind proves its historical reality more than anything
else is this, that the whole social system of Buddhism
is evidently built up upon its ruins. Even during Vedic
times we hear the murmurings of an approaching storm.
Thinkers, both young and old, ask the question —
' Why, if all the gods of the Veda are mere names, if
all discipline is unnecessary torture if all sacrifices
are a deceit, all domestic cares and affections a snare,
all penance mere cruelty, why should the best part of
our life on earth be wasted on such things? — why
should we not enter at once into the freedom of
thoucrht which all who have entered on the third and
440 llECENT ESSAYS.
Iburth stages praise as the highest blessing on earth?'
Answers of various kinds were given. First of all it
was said to be impossible for the human mind to
perceive the highest truth before the body had been
disciplined, the passions subdued, and the mental
atmosphere rendered calm and serene. Secondly, the
domestic cares and afFectionS;, though for a time draw-
ing away our thoughts from the highest objects, were
represented as a debt due to our forefathers, and as
a necessary condition of the continuance of human
society. The belief in a number of personal gods was
defended as harmless, because all these mythological
names were really intended for the one God, or for
that which is even beyond all gods.
Such explanations may have answered for a while,
but the doubts of the few and the dissatisfaction of
the many grew stronger and stronger, till at last the
old dams and dykes of Brahmanism were swept away
by that strong tidal wave which we call Buddhism.
Buddhism, in one sense, was simply the carrying
out, or the practical realisation, of the half-uttered
thoughts of Brahmanism. If sacrifices, particularly
those which involve the killing of animals and
extravagant expenditure, are not only useless but
mischievous, Buddha said, ' Let them be forbidden.'
If the Vedas have no claim to a revealed character,
let them be treated like any other book, but do not
waste your whole youth in learning them by heart.
If the Vedic gods are mere figures and names, let
us look for something which is more than figure
and name. If penances, particularly those excessive
penances of the dwellers in the forest, benefit neither
the spirit nor the flesh, but produce only bodily
BUDDHIST CHAHITY. 44l
decrepitude and spiritual pride, let them be abolished,
or at all events rendered less severe. Lastly, if he
who leaves home, and wife, and children, or who
never knew what a home was, is nearer to heaven
than the best of householders, let all who can, leave
their homes as soon as possible and become 'homeless,'
the very name which Buddha gave to the members of
his fraternity.
It is true that Brahmanism already tolerated certain
exceptions. A pupil, if he did not wish to marry and
become a householder, might remain for life as a per-
petual pupil and under strict discipline in the house
of his master. Now and then, also, we hear of a house-
holder who, without passing through the penances of the
third stage, became at once a hermit, fully enlightened,
fully emancipated from all fetters. But what formed
the exception before became the rule when the
Buddhist fraternity had once been established. That
fraternity was a new society. It was open to all,
though it did not condemn those who refused to enter,
if only they were willing to support the fraternity by
regular alms, as they had formerly supported the
mendicants, whether as students or as hermits. Here
Ave see the Buddhist solution of the old social problem.
All who were poor, miserable, heavy-laden, were
welcome to enter the fraternity. No brother or friar
possessed anything, and even the rich young man who
wished to follow Buddha had to give up all his wealth
and all outward distinctions before he could become
a real disciple. Again, we see from the large numbers
that flocked to join Buddha's new brotherhood how
much poverty, how much misery, wretchedness, and
sin, must have existed in that country which seems to
442 EECENT ESSAYS.
US an earthly paradise. Enles had soon to he laiil
down to guard the hrotherhood from unworthy
applicants, but once admitted, his head having been
shaved, a man was safe in his j-ellow dress. He
belonged, not only to a new society, but to a new
state within the State, recognised by the State and
supported by the people at large. Though private
property ceased within the brotherhood, the brother-
hood itself soon became rich and influential. It
possessed the privilege that once or twice a day the
friars were allowed to go from house to house collect-
ing alms. These collections were a kind of voluntary
tax for the support of the poor, and as every kind of
contribution might be given, from a handful of rice
to large tracts of land, the wealth of the Buddhist
fraternities all over India became soon very con-
siderable.
This social side of Buddhism is but seldom taken
into account, though the social revolution it represents
has but few parallels in the history of the world.
Most people are attracted by the doctrines of Buddhism,
by its moral code, its parables, and its metaphysical
teaching. But as one of the many solutions of the
problem of poverty, or as an attempt at constructing
a society in which no one should stand alone or feel
himself forsaken, in which, in fact, each neighbour
should love his neighbour as himself, not only in
word but in very deed, I think it deserves the
attention of all who are interested in the historical
development of charity. Those who wish to know
more of the organisation of the Buddhist fraternities
will find the fullest information in the translation of
the 'Vinaya Texts' by Professor Rhys Davids and
BUDDHIST CIIARITY. 443
Professor Oldenberg, in the ' Sacred Books of the
East,' numbers xiii, xvii, and xx, contaiuicg the very
statutes of these fraternities, as settled at the First
and Second Councils.
You will now understand what I moan by saying
that in one sense Buddhism and charity are syno-
nymous terms. The Buddhist brother lives on the
charity of his brotherhood, or of the monastery or
college to which he belongs. The brotherhood lives
on the charity of what we may call the laity, the
Upasakas, those who, though they do not join the
brotherhood, support it as a religious duty by their
alms. Charity, therefore, is the very life and soul of
Buddhism : or, as it has been expressed by a Buddhist,
' Charity, courtesy, benevolence, unselfishness, are to
the world what the linchpin is to the rolling chariot ^'
But charity with the Buddhists is not confined to
giving alms ; charity with them is one of the six, or
ten, highest perfections, what they call paramitas,
and then becomes complete self-surrender, carried to
such an extreme that to our Western minds it becomes
unreal and almost grotesque. The six paramitas
are — charity, morality, long-suffering, earnestness,
concentration, wisdom, and prudence. On every one
of these virtues I might speak to you, not for hours,
but for da3's, and it is this abundance of mateiial
which makes it so difficult to speak or write of
Buddhism.
However, I must try to follow the good example of
our friends here, who, in grappling with an immensity
of misery by which they find themselves surrounded,
' Childers, ' Whole Duty of a Buddhist Layman,' Conf. Eeiiew,
p. 418.
444 HECENT ESSAYS.
are satisfied to do what they can do, who have the
courage to do a little, and not to leave everything
undone, because they cannot do everything they
w^ould wish to do.
Buddhism is very fond of parables : in fact, most of
the fables and parables of European literature come
from the East. Again a subject of immense propor-
tions which we must leave aside K Instead of long
philosophical or moral discussions, the Buddhist
Scriptures constantly give us a short parable. And
there is a very peculiar class of parables which are
called Gatakas, or stories of former lives. Strange
as they seem to us, the}'' are quite natural in Buddhism.
No Hindu, whether Brahman or Buddhist, was ever
so foolish as to imagine that his real existence began
with this life of his on earth. How this idea could
ever have taken possession of the Western mind would
be a curious subject of study — but, again, we can only
look and pass on.
Now while much of our moral teaching is based on
a belief in rewards and punishments in a future life,
the Buddhist morality was based on a belief in rewards
and punishments in this life.
When we ask, and ask in vain, why a man whom
we know to be good is overwhelmed with misery,
while another whom we know to be bad enjoys every
blessing that life can give, the Buddhist is never at
a loss. It is so, he says, because the man had done
good or evil in a former life, which is now bearing
fruit. It cannot be otherwise, according to the
Buddhist views of the world, and according to the
Buddhist belief in the continuity of good and evil
' See ' Migration of Fables/ in ' Selected Essays,' vol. i. p. 50D.
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 445
for all time. And the moral effect is much the same.
The unhappy man is told that he is sufiering here
justly for his former misdeeds, and that, knowing
now the wages of sin, he must strive continually to
lay up a better store for the life to come. A happy
man is told that, having once tasted the happiness
which can only be the reward of good w^orks, he
ought to strive all the more to secure his further
progress towards the highest perfection.
No one is exempt from the law of cause and effect,
not even the Buddha himself, at least before he
became Buddha, that is, 'fully enlightened.' Before
he could reach Buddhahood, which is a rank higher
than that of all the gods, he had to work his way
from the lowest to the highest stage, and had to pass
through many existences before finding himself, or
his true Self, and thus reaching the highest beatitude.
The Buddha, when fighting on earth his last fight
with the powers of darkness, with Mara, the lord of
death, the spirit of evil, challenges Mara by saying :
'To me now belongs the throne which was occupied
by former Bodhisattvas after they had practised the
ten perfections. Or canst thou produce any witness
as to thy having practised the high virtue of charity?'
Then the Spirit of darkness stretched out his hand
and called upon his followers, saying, 'All these are
my witnesses.' And a shout arose from the people,
crying, 'We testify, we testify ! ' Then Mara, the evil
spirit, said, 'And thou, Siddhartha^, who can bear
' The name given to the Buddha by his parents. It means 'he in
whom or by whom all desires are fulfilled.' The father of Mahavira
was likewise called Siddhartha. See ' Kalpa-Siitra,' translated by
Jacobi, ' Sacred Books of the East,' vol. xxii. p. 241.
446 RECENT ESSAYS.
witness to thy acts of charity ? ' The Euddha replied,
' Thou hast living witnesses here. I have none. Eut
I call upon the Earth, though she is unconscious, to
bear witness that during my last existence, I, as
Visvantara ' (in Pali, Vessantara), ' have performed
seven hundred great acts of charity, to s&j nothing
of acts of mercy performed in earlier existences.'
Then he drew his right hand from under his cloak
and stretched it forth to the Earth. And a voice
arose from the Earth, saying, ' I can bear witness to
thy charity.' And such was the thunder of that
voice that it crushed the host of the enemy. The
followers of Mara fled, and heavenly voices shouted,
' Mara, Death, is conquered ! Prince Siddhartha has
triumphed ! '
The story of the Buddha's last life as Visvantara,
to which the Buddha himself here appeals as the
crowning achievement in his endeavours to become
a Euddha, is one of the most popular stories of the
Buddhists in all parts of the world. It exists in the
Northern as well as in the Southern canon. We
see it represented on some of the earliest Buddhist
sculptures, and we shall probably not be wrong in
looking upon it as the earliest attempt at telling the
history of the Buddha, previous to his last life on
earth. The story is rather long, and I shall have to
shorten it if I mean to keep within the limits assigned
to this lecture. Much in it will sound strange and
repellent to your ears. Eut in spite of Eastern
fervour and Eastern extravagance you will easily
discern behind the theatrical veil the high ideal of
charity which enlightened the minds and warmed the
hearts of the early followers of the Buddha, as it
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 447
enlisrbtened the minds and warmed the hearts of the
early followers of the Christ.
' There ruled in remote times in the city of Gayatuni
(die capital of the Sivis) a king called Sanda. His
Avife, Phusati, had desired during many years to
Lecome the mother of a Buddha.
' At last she had a son, wdiom they called Vessantara.
From the moment of his birth — for he could speak at
once — he gave proof that his heart was full of charity.
When he had arrived at manhood, he married the
beautiful princess Madri. His father ceded the king-
dom to him, and during the few years of their happy
married life two children w^ere born to them, called
Galiya and Krishna f/ina.
' At this time there was a famine in Kalinga, and
the king of that country, hearing that Vessantara
possessed a White Elephant w^ho had the power to
cause rain (most likely intended at first for a cloud),
sent eight Brahmans to ask for it. When they
arrived, King Vessantara was just riding on the
AVhite Elephant on his way to the public alms-hall
to distribute the royal bounty. He asked the Brah-
mans what they w^anted, and when he heard their
request, he expressed his regret that they did not
ask for more : for his e}' es and his very life would
have been at their service, if by such generosity he
might in the future become a Euddha. The people,
however, were displeased at the departure of the
White Elephant, and requested the father of King
Vessantara to punish his son for his reckless generosity.
The father consented, and the next morning King
Vessantara was banished to the rock Vankagiri. The
young king accepted his punishment gladly. He told
443 HECEXT ESSAYS.
his wife that she might remain at Court to watch
over their children ; but his wife declared she would
rather die than leave him. They then collected all
their treasures and distributed them among the beggars.
Their treasury was thrown open to the people, who
swarmed in like bees flj'ing to a forest covered with
lotus-flowers newly blown. When the king and
queen had given away all theii' valuables, elephants
and horses, jewels and pearls, they took leave of
their parents and departed towards the north in a
chariot, the young queen taking her daughter in her
arms and her son by the hand.
' The queen-mother sent after them a thousand
waggons filled with useful and valuable things, but
they gave them all away.
' Soon after their departure two Brahmans, who
knew of Vessantara's charity, came to ask alms from
him, and when they found he had left the city they
followed him and asked him for the horses of his
chariot.
' Vessantara gave them at once, but Indra, the king
of the gods, immediately replaced them by four divine
horses. They had hardly proceeded a few steps further,
when another Brahman beggar cried out, " Sir, I am
old, sick, and weary ; give mo your chariot." Ves-
santara descended from his chariot, gave it to the
beggar, and proceeded with his wife and children on
foot. Though the road was rough, and they had now
to live on the fruits of trees and water from the
ponds, their minds were full of happiness, from the
remembrance of the alms they had bestowed on the
beggars.
' On their way north they had to pass through the
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 449
kingdom of the father of Madri, Vessantara's queen.
They were persuaded to stay with him seven days,
enjoying all the luxuries of his court, but they then
proceeded further on their painful journey to the rock
Vankagiri. When they had arrived there, they found
two huts, built for them by the architect of the gods.
They now assumed the dress and adopted the life of
ascetics. Vessantara dwelt in one hut, his wife and
children, in the other. Only when the mother went
into the forest to collect fruits, the two children came
to stay with their father.
' When they had thus spent seven months in the
solitude of the forest, an old Brahman, who wanted
a slave for his young wife, came to Vessantara's
hermitage. During the night, while the old Brahman
was in hiding in the forest, the mother had a frightful
dream. She saw a black man, who cut ofi" her arms
and tore out her heart. The next morning she went,
as usual, though with a heavy heart, to gather fruits
for the children, and while she was away the old
Brahman came to Vessantara, demanding as an alms
his two children. The father rejoiced at this new
sacrifice. True, he first tried to persuade the Brah-
man to wait till the mother had come back to bid
a last farewell to her children, and he then asked him
to take the children to his father's court, where they
would be ransomed with boundless treasure. But
when the Brahman insisted on carrying ofi" the chil-
dren as his slaves, the father yielded assent. The
children, on hearing the conversation, became fright-
ened, ran away, and hid themselves under the leaves
of a lotus growing in a pond near their cottage. The
Brahman accused the father of having himself sent
VOL. I. G or
450 EECENT ESSAYS.
the children away. Then Vessantara cried aloud,
and when the little boy heard his father's voice, he
said, " The Brahman may take me, I am willing to
become his slave. I cannot remain here and listen to
my father s cries." He then tore the lotus-leaf which
covered him in two. His sister did the same, and
both children stood crying and clinging to their un-
happy father. At last the father, seeing that thus
only he could become a Buddha and save all beings
from the misery of repeated births, poured water on
the heads of the Brahman, thus delivering the children
to be his property and his slaves.'
More harrowing scenes follow. The children escape
from the old Brahman and run back to their father.
The boy wants to see his mother once more ; and then
he wishes to go alone, because his little sister is too
tender and unfit to walk on the hard stones. Soon,
however, the old Brahman, looking like an executioner,
returns and claims the children once more, ties them
together by a withy, and drives them along with
a stick. ^Yhen the father saw the blood trickling
down their backs, his heart began to fail him once
more ; but it was too late.
The poet now describes how the children passed
along the shady places where they had often played
together, and the cave in which they had been accus-
tomed to make figures in clay, and the trees growing
by their favourite pond. ' Fare ye well,' they said,
' ye trees that put forth your beautiful blossoms, and
ye pools in whose waters we have dabbled ; ye birds
that have sung us sweet songs, and ye nymphs that
have danced before us and clapped your hands. Tell
our mother that we have given you all a parting fare-
BUDDHIST CIIArvITY. 451
well. You dear spirits, and ye animals with whom
we have sported, let our mother know Itow we have
passed along this road.'
Enough of this, for even much worse is to follow.
The poor mother, frightened by her dream and by
other ominous signs, returns home, rushes into her
husband's cottage, and asks, ' Where are the children 1 '
The father remained silent for a time, but at last he
had to confess that he had given the childi-en away
because a Brahman had demanded them as an alms.
On hearing this the mother falls to the ground sense-
less. Her husband sprinkles her with water, and at
last she revives. Then her husband explains to her
that even the surrender of his children was necessary
for obtaining the Buddhahood; and she exclaims,
' The Buddhahood is better than a hundred thousand
of children — only let the reward for this act of charity
be shared by the whole world.'
Husband and wife were now left alone in the forest,
and the very gods began to be afraid of what might
follow — namely, that Vessantara, if asked, would part
even with his beloved wife. Indra therefore, the
chief of the gods, assumed the shape of a Brahman
mendicant, and begged Vessantara to give him his
wife to be his slave. Husband and wife look at each
other, and say, ' Yes, let it be so, if thus only Vessan-
tara can become the Buddha, the saviour of the
world.' Then the earth shook, and Indra showed
himself in his real character, telling Vessantara that
his wife was to remain with him, and that as she now
belonged to another, namely to Indra, he had no right
ever to part with her.
After this, of course, all ends well. The old Brah-
G .2: 2
452 RECENT ESSAYS.
man dies from over-eating. The children, Vessantara's
father and mother, all their old friends, even the
White Elephant, come to the hermitage to conduct
the two hermits back to their capital and their throne ;
and, after a prosperous reign, Vessantara ascends to
the world of the Blessed, to be re-born once more
only, as Gautama, the Buddha, the founder of what we
call historical Buddhism, in the fifth century B.C.
Here you see what the Buddha meant by charity,
not simply giving of alms, not simply giving out of
our abundance, giving, in fact, what we ourselves do
neither want nor miss, but a readiness to give up
everything, even what is dearest to us ; not only our
jewels and our land, but our life, nay, even more than
our life, our wife and children, that so we may obtain
what is called Buddhahood, and be able to save our-
selves and our brethren from ignorance, misery, sin,
and eternal transmigration.
I said before that Buddhism and charity are syno-
nymous. It was charity, as preached and practised
in his last life, that enabled Gautama to reach the
highest perfection in his life, when he preached and
practised the Law. There is one more Buddha to
come, who is called Maitreya, the teacher of Maitri or
Love. That love is described in the following words : —
' As a mother, even at the risk of her own life, pro-
tects her son, her only son, so let there be love with-
out measure among all beings. Let love without
measure prevail in the whole world, above, below,
around, unstinted,unnuxed with any feeling of differing
or opposing interests. Then the saying will be fulfilled :
" Even in this world holiness has been found." '
Will Buddhists ever learn that this Buddha of the
BUDDHIST ClIArLlTY. 453
future, this Maitreya, this teacher of love, not of the
law, lias appeared? Or is it really true that he has
not appeared yet, and that we ourselves are living,
like Gautama, five hundred years before Christ 1
I told you before that in speaking of Buddhist
charity I was speaking of Buddhism in its social
aspect only. No doubt Buddhist charity has a reli-
gious and metaphysical character also ; but there is
no time to speak of all that to-day.
Buddhism teaches in the very words of Christianity
that we should love our neighbours as ourselves.
And why? Not from any enthusiasm of humanity,
but simply because they are like ourselves ; because
they suffer as we suffer, and rejoice as we rejoice.
The Indian philosopher, however, goes a step
further. He would show that we are all mere sparks
or rays of light from one common source, perceptive
glances of one common mind ; that we all are one,
as soon as we know ourselves, and have found our
true self in the Highest Self. Having reached that
point, we recognise ourselves in others, and others in
ourselves. We not only love our neighbours like
ourselves ; — we know and love them as ourselves.
But even as a mere social duty, as a solution of
social difficulties, charity, as enjoined by the Buddha,
has its deep significance for us. Poverty and misery
must have reached the same climax in India in the
days of the historical Buddha which they have reached
with us. On the one side absurd wealth, on the other
hideous, hopeless penury. We read of a man who,
when he wanted to buy a piece of land to present to
the Buddha, was able to cover every inch of it with
pieces of gold. We read of beggars who came to the
454 RECEXT ESSAYS.
Buddha asking for a rag and a few grains of rice.
Wliat was the Buddha's remedy 1 He did not invent
poor laws, or workhouses, or out-door relief. He did
not say to the poor, ' Might is right,' ' Property is
theft,' ' Take what you can.' He turned to the rich
and said, ' Give ! Give, not only one tithe ; give, not
only what you do not want ; but give all that is
wanted to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked, to
teach the ignorant, to nurse the sick, to save the
sinner. Give, bec.iuse nothing belongs to you, nothing
can belong to you, neither land nor treasure, not
even your own body. Give, because life is a fleet-
ing shadow, which will scon pass awa}^ from you with
all that you now call your own. Give, because what
you leave to your own children, and not to all, is
more often a curse than a blessing to them.'
We all admit that the present state of things, what
we see every day in our clubs and in our slums, in
St. James's and in St. Giles's, cannot be right, and
cannot last. Social philosoph}^ and political economy
stand by the deathbed of society, and with all their
statistics and all their learning they stand helpless.
They have nothing more to prescribe. Is there no
remedy, then 1 Do the words that ' the poor shall never
cease from the land 'really mean that there must always
be squalor, starvation, and sin on one side of the
street, and gorgeous extravagance, sensuality, and
hypocrisy on the other 1 Was this life really meant
to be nothing but a struggle for life, in which might
is right, and the weakest are trampled under foot ?
Buddha saw what w^e see, Buddha saw what Christ
saw, and he knew that there was a remedy for all this
misery, the misery of the rich quite as much as the
BUDDHIST CHARITY. 455
misery of the poor. One of the Buddha's many
names was the Good Physician, And wliat did he
prescribe ? Something that required one grain of
faith in another and a better world, one grain of love,
or, as he called it, pity for those who are our neigh-
bours, our brethren, nay even more than our brethren :
one grain of nobility to feel that the hoarding of un-
necessary wealth is mean, and one grain of wisdom to
see that a bow which is bent too far will snap. Tlie
medicine which he mixed out of all these ingredients
was called Charity, and if we may judge by the
number of those who have taken that medicine, or by
the new life which it once instilled into a dead or
dying society all over Asia, charity, and charity alone,
true Buddhist charity, true Christian charity, will be,
I believe, the remedy for all the evils of which our
society sutFers. We have heard its bitter cry. In Eng-
land that cr}^ may be hushed by royal commissions, in
Germany it may be stifled by a state of siege. But there
is one sweet remedy for that bitter cry — royal charity,
such as it was practised by the young and fair prince
of Kapilavastu whom we call the Buddha, and Chris-
tian charity, such as it was preached by the Christ
Himself, though few of His disciples have had the
courage to interpret His words as He meant them.
However, I did not come here to-day to preach
grand things, but to ask you to help those who have
the courage to do small things. Remember all living
seeds are small. Gautama, the Buddha, had at first
five disciples only. He now commands the allegiance
of the majority of mankind, and, if I may quote once
more the words of my departed but never absent
friend — ' he is now second to One only.'
THE INDIAN CHILD-WIFE.
WHEN we hear of child-wives or of child- widows
in India, we almost shrink from realising all
that is implied in these words. Our thoughts turn
away in pity or disgust. We think of our own
children, and to imagine them as wives when ten
years old, or as mothers of children when twelve,
sends a shiver through our hearts. Even the Hindus
themselves are ashamed, when questioned about these
infant marriages. They know that as long as the
existence of such horrors as have now and then
been brought to light can be suspected in their own
families, no real trust or fellowship or friendship
is possible between Hindus and Englishmen. And
yet they feel offended. They know that the reality
is not so bad as outsiders imagine. They know that
a criminal treatment of young wives is the exception
as much as brutal treatment of wives is the exception
in England. They resent interference in the sanc-
tuary of their domestic hfe. ' Leave us alone,' is
what even the most enlightened among them seem
to say. ' Leave us alone, and we shall soon adapt
ourselves to the new conditions of life. We shall
in future have to give to our children a more com-
plete, and, therefore, a more protracted, education,
THE IXDIAN CHILU-WIFE. 457
and the result will be that they themselves will object
to early engagements and premature marriages. All
will come right in time, only do not force us to do
what we are quite willing to do ourselves.'
This is by no means to be considered as a real
argument against the measure which the Indian
Legislature has taken in raising the age of consent.
If what the best representatives and leaders of public
opinion in India tell us is true, then this measure
does no more than oive a leijal sanction to what was
the recognised custom in well-conducted families,
while, on the other hand, it will have opened the
eyes of thoughtless people to the fact that any dis-
regard of such custom is not only wrong in the eyes
of their own Svamis, but criminal in the eyes of
the law.
But while every lover of India must congratulate
the people of that country on the passing of that
much-debated Bill, it is only fair to them to listen
to what they have to say on the real state of their
domestic life. We cannot, of course, imagine any-
thing like what we ourselves mean by love between
man and woman, as possible between children of ten
and twelve years of age. But Nature is wonderfully
kind even towards those who seem to us to disregard
her clearest intimations. There is such a thing as
loving devotion even among children, and the absence
of all passion surrounds those early attachments with
a charm unknown in later life. If, as we learn from
the biographies of some of our greatest men, these
childish or boyish attachments are not unknown
among ourselves, why should we be so determinately
incredulous as to the possibility of a pure attachment
458 RECENT ESSAYS.
between children under the warmer sky of India ?
Those who have lived much with little children know
the transport of love with which some cling to their
mothers, or sisters to brothers, or boys to souie pretty
child of their acquaintance. There can be no doubt
of children being capable of the strongest fervour
of devotion, not even unmixed at times with bitter
jealousy. We should remember that in India the
childlike devotion of a young girl is concentrated
from the first on one object only, never dissipated,
never frustrated by any early disappointments. A
husband, though a mere boy, is accepted by the young
bride, as we have to accept father and mother, sister
and brother. He is her own, for better for worse, for
this life and for the next. Heaven has ordained it so.
A husband is not chosen, he is given, and to repudiate
such a gift seems as unnatural to them as to repudiate
father and mother, sister and brother, would seem to
us. Some natives who speak at aU of the mysteries
of their heart dwell with rapture on the days of their
boyhood and boyish love as the most blissful of their
whole lives.
It is difficult to remove the veil that covers all the
happiness, and, no doubt, all the misery also, of
a Hindu family. It is the exception if that veil is
ever lifted and we are allowed an insight into the
sanctuary of wedded life. Such a case happened not
long ago at the death of Srimati Soudamini Ray, the
wife of one of the prominent members of the Brahmo
Samaj, Eabu Kedar Nath Ray. Do not let us mind
these long and awkward names. They may cover
human souls as simple, as pure, as brave as any
known to us under more familiar names. Let us call
THE IXDIAX CHILD-WIFE. 459
her Srimati, which means the blessed, or Soudamini,
which means a lightning-Hash, and let us learn what
blight liglit she shed in her short life on all around
her, and what a blessing she was to the husband of
her childhood, her youth, and her womanhood. She
was born in 1858, in the village of Matla, in the
district of Dacca. I quote now chiefly from com-
munications which appeared after her recent death
in Indian papers. As an infant, we are told, she used
to cling to her grandfather, preferring his to all other
society. She had but few playfellows, but those who
were once her friends remained so for life. Her
father was poor, but so fond was he of his little
daughter that till she married there was a new suit
provided for her every Sunday. She married when
she was only nine years old, her husband being about
twelve at the time. They were as happy as children
all day long, and yet their thoughts were engaged on
subjects which form but a small portion of the
conversation even of more mature married couples
in England. Young as they were, they were old
enough to think of serious subjects. They soon felt
dissatisfied with their religion, and after two or three
years of anxious thought they determined to take
a step the full import of which few people who do not
know Indian life are able to fathom. Her husband
joined the followers of Rammohun Roy, Keshub
Chunder Sen, and other refoi-mers of the old Indian
religion, and she, as a faithful wife, followed his
example. They surrendered all idolatry, all super-
stitious practices. Their faith w^as henceforth summed
up in a few simple articles. Thi-y held ' that God
alone existed in the beginning, and that He created
460 HECEXT ESSAYS.
the universe. He is intelligent, they say, injBnite,
benevolent, eternal, governor of the universe, all-
knowing, omnipotent, the refuge of all, devoid of
limbs, immutable, alone without a second, all-power-
ful, self-existent, and beyond all comparison. They
believe that by worshipping Him, and Him alone,
they can attain the highest good in this life and in
the next, and that this true worsliip consists in their
loving Him and doing His works.'
This may seem a very harmless kind of creed. But
to adopt this creed of the Brahmos meant for the
3^oung husband and his wife complete social degrada-
tion. They might have kept up the appearance of
orthodoxy while holding in their hearts these simple
and more enlightened convictions. It is so easy to
find an excuse for being orthodox. The temptation
was great, but they resisted. The families to which
she and her husband belonged occupied a prominent
position in Hindu society. Much as she and her
husband had been loved, they were now despised,
avoided, excommunicated. The allowance on which
they had to live was reduced to a minimum, and
in order to fit himself for gaining a livelihood the
husband entered as a student in one of the Govern-
ment colleges, while his little wife had to look after
their small household.
Soon there came a new trial. Her husband's father,
who had renounced his son, died broken-hearted, and
the duty of performing the >Sraddha, or funeral cere-
monies, fell on his son. To neglect the performance
of those cei'emonies means to deprive the departed
of all hope of eternal life, and this belief is so deeply
inorained in the mind of the Hindus that, however
THE INDIAN CHILD-WIFE.
461
sceptical they may be about all the rest of their
relio-ion, they always cling to their ASVaddha. Kedar
Nath Ray, the son, was quite ready to perforin on
this occasion all ceremonies which were not clearly
idolatrous, but no more. All his relations and friends,
the whole village to which he belonged, urged him to
yield. His little wife alone stood bravely by his
side, and when the time of the funeral ceremony came
she helped him to escape by night from his perse-
cutors. His father's brothers thereupon stopped all
allowances, and wrote to him : ' It now rests with
you to support your wife and mother. The income
of the ancestral property is swallowed up by the
religious endowments of our forefathers. Your family
will get only Rs. 8 per month for their maintenance.'
With this pittance Srimati managed to maintain
herself, her husband's mother, who had become in-
sane, his little sister, and a nurse, while her husband
was at the Presidency College in Calcutta to finish,
if possible, his studies. This, however, proved an
impossibility, on account of the expense. He had
to go to Dacca to prosecute his studies there, being
assisted by a maternal uncle. They all lived together
again, and though they often were almost starving,
Srimati considered those years the happiest of her
life. She herself attended the Adult Female School,
and so rapid was her progress that, on one occasion,
'she was chosen to read an address to Lord North-
brook when he visited Dacca.
The rest of her life was less eventful. Her husband
after a time secured a certain independence, and
though their life was always a struggle, and though
their relatives never forgave them for their apostasy,
462 RECENT ESSAYS.
their small home, blessed with healthy children, was
all that she desired on earth. Her household seems
to have been managed in the most exemplary way.
Her friends tell us how her few servants loved her
and would never leave her. Overkindness to them
sometimes brought on irregularity, and her husband
had to complain that she was not severe enough
with them. But she said : 'Why should I lose patience
and thereby my peace of mind ? It is better that
I should suffer a little by their conduct.'
Her love for her children was most ardent. She
was not only a fond mother, but watched over her
children and guided them with a firm hand through
all the temptations of their childhood and youth.
Her highest desire, however, was the happiness of
her husband. She twined round him, as her friends
used to say, like a creeper, but it was the creeper that
gave strength to him, and upheld him in all his trials
and all his aspirations.
Such a life may be called uneventful, without
excitement, without social triumphs. This quiet
couple did their daily round of duty in the village
which had been the home of their ancestors. They
did not travel to see distant towns. They hardly
knew the enjoyment derived from the contemplation
of great works of art. What we call society did not
exist for them. No theatres, no concerts, no dinners,
no balls. Nature supplied them with all the objects'
of their admiration, and religion lifted their souls
to the sublimest happiness. Many a delightful moon-
light night they passed together in calm contempla-
tion of Nature and of the Great Spirit who liveth
and worketh in all. They well knew the rapture
THE INDIAN CHILD-WIFE. 463
that springs from feeling a divine presence in every-
thinir, in the soft breezes of the evening, in the whis-
per of the leaves, in the silver rays of the moon, and
most of all in the deep, silent glances of two loving
eyes. Every morning and every evening the happy
wife prayed with her husband, and later in life she
conducted the domestic service for her children and
servants. When at last her health began to fail,
young and happy as she w^as, she was quite willing to
go. She complained but little on her sick-bed, and
her only fear was that she disturbed her husband's
slumber and deprived him of the rest which he
needed so much. She watched and prayed, and when
the end came, she quietly murmured: 'Dayamaya,'
' O All-merciful.' Thus she passed away, a true
child-wife, pure as a child, devoted as a wife, and
yearning for that Father whom she had sought for,
if haply she might feel after Him and find Him — and
surely He was not far from her — nor she from Him.
AN INDIAN CHILD-WIDOW\
STRIKE the iron while it is hot is very good
advice, nor should the warning of the Eastern
proverb be neglected, that it only makes a hideous
clatter to strike the iron when it is not hot. There
was a time when the iron — that is, the heart of
England — was hot over the cruelties inflicted on the
miserable child- widows of India, and something was
done to prevent child-marriages and to protect the
little girls who had become widows before they had
been wives. Mr. Malabari, the true friend of these
poor widows, went home to India trusting that the
heart of England would not forget them. He had
done all that one man could do ; he had sacrificed his
time, his money, his friendships — ay, his prospects in
life. He had done what he called his duty, and he
wanted no thanks. But he had forgotten that customs
which have lasted for hundreds of years cannot be
rooted out by one pull. They spring up again and
again, at first timidly, at last as if they had a right
to exist, and as if nothing could ever touch them.
The accounts that reach us from India are very dis-
heartening. Pandita Ramabai had founded a refuge
for Indian child- widows at Poona. She had collected
money in England and in America. She educated
* Letter to the Times, May, 1S94.
AN INDIAN CHILD-WIDOW. 465
these poor waifs and strays, and fitted them, as far as
possible, for earning their livelihood or for becoming
in time real wives and mothers. But the law did not
protect her. On the contrary, young girls who had
taken refuge with her, after escaping from the cruelties
inflicted on them in their own families, had to be given
up when discovered and claimed by their relatives.
A woman in India always belongs to somebody. She
cannot exist by herself. In her youUi, it is said, she
belongs to her father ; if her father dies, to her
brother ; if she is married, to her husband ; if her
husband dies, to his family. It was found to be
impossible to protect these unhappy creatures against
their natural or unnatural masters, who had a right
to their services, whatever services they might require.
Poor Ramabai might weep over her protegees, but she
could not protect them against the law. Besides, she
had made herself obnoxious to her own countrymen
by embracing Christianity, and though she conscien-
tiously abstained from proselytising among her wards,
it was impossible that her silent example should not
tell on her young friends, and make them feel anxious
to be of the same religion as their kind benefactress.
When this became known, her native supporters left
her, most of her pupils were taken away from her,
and a general outcry was raised against what was
supposed to be a new kind of missionary enterprise.
As it alwaj's happens, a number of natives of the
better sort came forward to maintain that the news-
paper accounts of cruelties inflicted on young widows
in India aie very much exaggerated. Who would
deny that there are thousands of well-conducted
families in India in which the young widow of any
vox.. T. H h
466 RECENT ESSAYS.
member of the family is treated with respect and
kindness — nay, with a mixture of pity and reverence ?
No doubt they are made to work, and in many cases
the work which was formerly done by them without
demur, appears now, particularly if they have received
a better education, irksome and degrading to many of
them. To say that all widows, and more particularly
all child-widows, are ill-treated by relatives or en-
couraged to lead a disreputable life, is certainly a
falsehood, and a falsehood that could find no credence
amongst people acquainted with the true Indian
character, and with the very strong family feeling
that prevails among the better classes. But admitting
all this, it cannot be denied that there are frequent
exceptions, and that the law provides no remedy for
them. On the contrary, the law recognises the right
of each family to claim the widows who have run
away from their homes, however intolerable their
treatment may have been. Nor can the results of
this system be denied. The number of young widows
who are driven to a more or less disreputable mode
of life is considerable, and though it is difficult to get
evidence as to cruelties exercised within the sacred
precincts of a private house, cases of runaway
widows and cases of suicides among them crop up
again and again in the records of the police courts.
These cases may be exceptional, but they may also be
symptomatic of a widespread disease which it is
nowhere more easy to conceal than in India. Pandita
Ilamabai as well as Baboo Sasipada Banerjee, who
have both for many years maintained a refuge for
widows, could tell, and have told, heart-sickening
stories. The last case that has attracted attention in
AN INDIAN CHILD-WIDOW. 467
India is sad, but very simple. A young widow, after
the death of her husband last January, was so de-
pressed in spirits at the thought of the life she would
have to live that she refused to take any food. On
the regular fast-day for Hindu widows, when they
are not allowed even a drop of water, she retired to
her room saying that she was going to observe the
day as a close fast. At 4.40 p.m. she was found
unconscious, and there being no one in the house,
information was sent to her brother. The latter
came with two doctors, but she was dead before their
arrival. Some narcotic poison seems to have acce-
lerated her death. Who is to blame? it will be said.
Was it not simply a case of suicide from grief, which
may happen in any country, and not in India only?
Not quite so. It was the humiliation and the austerity
of a Hindu widow's life which proved too much for
her, as for other young widows. Death seems pre-
ferable to a life of continual misery. If there w^ere
a life, if not of happiness, at least of usefulness, left
open to them, they would as little think of starving
themselves to death as the widows in any other
country. In all these cases the law seems impotent.
Who can prove that a person who starves herself to
death did not die a natural death ? Who has a right
to enter a house, or to examine the ladies of a zenana,
in order to carry on in India the work which in
England is so nobly done by the Society for Preventing
Cruelty towards Children ■? If there is a country where
such a society ought to exist, and would find plenty
of work to do, it is India ; only it would have to
protect not children only, but that strange product of
India and of India only, the child-widows, children
H h 3
468 RECENT ESSAYS.
who are formally married to elderly men belonging
to good families, who often never see their husbands,
but who, when their husbands die, are doomed for life
to an existence which in the best cases is one of joyless
drudgery, excluding all hope of renewed happiness,
and full}^ accounting for the eagerness of Indian
widows in former times to die on the same pile with
their husbands ; or, as the law does no longer allow
this, to end their life by slow starvation, or by
jumping into a well. It is well known by this time,
and admitted, I believe, by the Brahmans themselves,
that there never was an authority in the Vedas for
widows being burnt with their dead husbands. It
was simply a forgery. But even if it had not been
so, surely with the change of life the law must change,
and the law has made the burning of widows criminal.
Cannot the people of India themselves, so enlightened
and kind-hearted as many of their leaders are now,
combine to wipe off the blot on their national honour,
and make the lot of all widows, whether young or old,
not only tolerable, but honourable, useful, and, in the
end, happy and joyful 1
P.S. — A case has lately been brought before the
public in India of a young girl who, in order to save
her parents from the disgrace of having an unmarried
daughter, was driven to marry an old man, and be
a leper ^
* Indian Magazine, Aug. 1 894, p. 430.
ON THE
PROPER USE OP HOLY SCEIPTUEES'.
I HAVE seldom felt so unworthy of an honour
conferred upon me by my friends and fellow-
labourers as when you elected me President of your
Society. What right have I to prophesy among the
prophets? It might have been different in former
years. There was a time when I studied the Old
Testament, but after the days of Gesenius, Ewald,
and Tuch, my Hebrew studies came to an end, and
when lately I tried to take them up again, I found
my memory in such a state of tohii va hoJiU that
I had to give it up in despair. With regard to the
New Testament also, such has been the rapid advance
of minute critical scholarship that what in my youth-
lul days I learnt and accepted as the latest results of
modern research, has by this time become completely
antiquated ; and though antiquated does not neces-
sarily mean exploded, yet the whole atmosphere of
New Testament scholarship has so completely changed
that I feel as if I could no longer breathe in it. Many
things that formerly seemed doubtful are now taken
for granted, and mauy things that were taken for
' Address delivered by Professor F. Max Midler as President of
the Society of Historical Theology at Oxford, Nov. 23, 1893.
470 KECENT ESSAYS.
granted arc now considered as extremely doubtful ;
and he must indeed be a giant in strength who for fifty
years can take his stand unmoved in the eddying
stream of New Testament criticism. How then could
I have dared to accept your kind invitation, and
ventured to occupy a chair whicli has been occupied
by the most learned, the most advanced, the most
authoritative theologians of our University ? Let me
tell you frankly, that it was partly because I was taken
by surprise, and had not presence of mind enough at
once to decline your kind proposition. Eut there
was another reason which kept me from recon-
sidering my promise, and that was the name and
character of your Society. Our Society is not
called a Society of Theology, nor a Society of exclu-
sively Christian Theology, but a Society of Historical
Theology.
To my mind there is a great deal in that name.
It shows that you wish to see theology treated, not
merely as a system of ready-made dogmas, such as
professional theologians delight in, but as history —
as a continuous growth of human thought, to be
studied in its manifold manifestations in every part
of the inhabited world, and during every period of
historical time. From this point of view I may per-
haps venture to call myself a theologian, for if I look
back on the fifty years during which I have been
allowed to labour in the field of ancient literature,
I find that, either directly or indirectly, all my
labours have been intended to illustrate the history
of theology, and to help to spread a more accurate
and authentic knowledge of the manifestations of
the perception of the Infinite or the Divine in the
ox TUE PROPER USE OF HOLY SCRIPTURES. 471
ancient religions of the world. Historical is a word
of different meanings. It generally means true or
authentic, as when we speak of historical facts ; but
when we speak of historical theology, what is meant
is not so much a study of positive, readj^-made, and
well-established dogmas, as an account of the history,
that is to say, the origin, the antecedents, and the
subsequent development of every dogma. True his-
tory is never a bare statement of facts, but an attempt
to account for facts, by discovering the causes of
events, by tracing the influence of earlier upon later
stages, and, if possible, by bringing to light the un-
broken chain which holds the scattered links together,
and in the end discloses a purpose running through
the ages of the world. It is the same with historical
theology. Its highest aim is not a mere statement
of dogmas or articles of faith ; its highest aim seems
to me to get at the root of every dogma, to discover
its antecedents and to understand the circumstances
under which a small and almost invisible germ bursts
forth and becomes a tree, nay in the end a giant
among the trees of the forest.
But how is that to be done"? How are wo to study
the principal religions of the world in their nascent
form, na}', if I may say so, in their as yet formless
state? The natural answer would seem to be that
Historical Theology must study the historical docu-
ments of ever}^ religion, or at least of every religion
which possesses such documents in the shape of Sacred
Books. No one would dispute this, so far as it goes,
and it was for that very reason that, as you know,
I invited a number of my friends and fellow-labourers
to assist me in bringrino- out an English translation of
472 EECEXT ESSAYS.
all the Sacred Eooks of the East. I need not have
said of the East, for there are no Sacred Books except
in the East. That a study of these sacred books is
a sine qua non for a historical study of theology
is self-evident.
But do they enable us to study the real history,
the origins, the hidden roots, the distant strata from
which the feeders of every religion spring, or through
which they have to pass before they emerge on
historical ground 1 I doubt it, and I am not likely
to underestimate the value of books to which I have
devoted the greater part of my life. Yet it is easy to
understand why the Sacred Books of the principal
reliirions of the world should so often fail us, and tell
us so little or nothing at all about the real antecedents
or about the birth of a new religion. Sacred Books
represent almost always a secondary growth. They
are hardly wanted till a religion has assumed a cer-
tain consistency, they are seldom meant for the first
generation of disciples, but for the second and third,
when personal recollections were growing scant and
faint, and when oral tradition was no longer sufficient
to enable mothers to teach their children what to
believe and what not to believe.
It may seem strange, but it is nevertheless a fact
that none of the founders of the great historical re-
lio-ions of the world has deemed it necessary to write
a book or a single line on which their religion should
rest, or by which their followers should be guided.
in our time, wdien the book and religion are almost
synonymous, this may seem incredible ; still the facts
are there, and if we come to consider the case more
carefully, and from a purely historical point of view,
ON THE PROPER USE OF UOLY SCRIPTURES. 473
we shall see that it could hardly have been other-
wise.
There are three classes of religion, called ethnical,
national, and individual. The first class comprises
religions that have sprung up, before the families or
tribes that believe in them had grown together into
nations, and had gained that sense of unity and com-
mon responsibility which holds, for instance, the
Greeks and Romans together from the earliest times
when we know anything of them and of their religion.
To this class belong the religions, if indeed they
deserve that name, of the uncivilised tribes of Africa,
Amei'ica, and Polynesia. We know them chiefly from
the more or less trustworthy accounts of travellers and
missionaries. They are full of perplexing variations
and contradictions, being very much exposed to the
influence of personal fancies or local peculiarities, and
almost entirely without any central or controlling
power. It would be useless to ask for the founders
of such ethnical forms of belief and religious customs,
still more, to expect any code of sacred writings, re-
cognised as authoritative among a larger number of
tribes. It is true, nevertheless, that certain customs,
more or less religious, are sometimes met with among
cognate tribes, cognate chiefly in lauguage, though
widely scattered, and apparently entirely dissociated
from each other for many generations. This is par-
ticularly the case in Australia, but there is no evidence
to show that it was due to common historical tradition
or to the former existence of common sougs and com-
mon laws.
The second class, the national rdig'tons, have no
doubt sprung from the first class, but they can and
474 HECENT ESSAYS.
should be distinguished as having become the common
property of a whole nation, nay as forming in many
cases the strongest bond of union by which the mem-
bers of a nation are held together. These national
religions are often, though not always, in possession
of Sacred Books, such as the ancient Indian, the
Persian, the Chinese, and the Jeu'ish religions, but in
no case do we know their real founders, still less the
authors of the books which they call sacred, and by
which they profess to be guided. No one can tell
Avho was the founder of the Vedic religion, and though
names are assigned to the authors of the numerous
Vedic hymns, these names are either imaginary, or if
they are not, they are nothing but names, and give
us no information of those who bore them.
The ancient Persian religion is ascribed to Zara-
thustra, and has sometimes been classed as an indi-
vidual religion. But among critical scholars Zara-
thustra has long been recognised as a purely mythical
name, and all that tradition tells us about him is now
acknowledged to be of very late origin.
We can certainly recognise in the Avestic religion
the working of an individual spirit, and of a personal
will opposing itself to opinions and customs that pre-
vailed before him and around him, but we have no
longer any right to call Zoroaster the author, still less
the writer of the Avesta, not even of its most ancient
parts, the so-called Gathas, which, if Prof. Darmesteter
is right, would in their present form not be older than
the lirst century of our era.
In these Gathaa Zarathustra is already the centre
of a mythical cycle. He belongs to a family, the
family of Spitarna. He is the husband of Huogvi,
ox THE PROPER USE OF HOLY SCRIPTURES. 475
the daughter of Frashaoshtra, and the father-in-law
of Jamaspa, who was the husband of Zoroaster's own
daughter, Pourusishta. All these names presuppose
a mythical cycle, hut the Gathas give us no further
details about it.
In the later prose literature of the Avesta the
miraculous birth of Zoroaster is fully described. We
are told that a ray of the Divine Majesty descended
into the womb of Dughdo, and that Zoroaster's Frohar
or genius was enclosed in a Homa plant. This Homa
plant was absorbed at a sacrifice by Paurushaspa.
From the union of Paurushaspa and Dughdo, Zoro-
aster was born. He escaped many dangers till he was
thirty years of age, when he began his conversations
Avith Ahura, and received from him his revelations.
During ten years he had but one disciple, Maidhyo-
maonha. Afterwards he converted two sons of Hogva,
Jamasp and Frashaoshtra ; and at last king Vishtaspa
himself was gained over to Zarathustra's religion by
his queen Hutaosa.
We are likewise told that when Zarathustra had
been killed in battle, his work was carried on by
his three sons, Ukhshyat-areta, Ukhshyat-nema, and
Saoshyant, each born in a miraculous way at the
beginning of the three millenniums (hasdr), and the
last, Saosh3-ant, at the final resurrection and the be-
ginning of the reign of eternal bliss and felicity —
the true millennium.
What seems to me to show the working of an indi-
vidual spirit in the Avesta is not so much the change
of the Devas into Devils, as the transition from the
original belief in one supreme God, Ahura, coupled with
a belief in certain gods of nature, like the Devas of
476 EECENT ESSAYS.
the Veda ^, to a belief in two powers, opposed to each
other, Spei'ta Mainyu and Ailgra Maiiiyu or Ahriman,
and the elaborate system of the Amshaspands.
Tlie same applies to the ancient national religion
of China. Here we have the direct and often repeated
declaration of Confucius himself, that he was not the
author of the Chinese religion, nor of the teaching
contained in the Sacred Books of China, but that he
only collected and restored what had existed from
time immemorial.
If we see this state of things in India, Persia, China,
we shall be less surprised if among the Jews also we
find a national religion without any personal author,
and a sacred code the component parts of which can
in few cases oidy be ascribed to any well-known
historical personalities. We come to see that such
a state of things is not only natural, but almost in-
evitable. Eeligious belief and religious customs spring
up like dialects, the work no doubt of men, though
not in their individual, but in their corporate capacity.
No single individual could make a dialect, and even
if he did, it would require the co-operation of many,
before it could become a national speech. It is the
same with religion. In order to be not only the voice
of one crying in the wilderness, a national religion
must have its hidden seeds in hundreds, nay in
millions of human hearts, so as to elicit a natural
response, and to seem not the result of a dictation
or revelation, but the genuine outburst of spontaneous
convictions, the sudden birth of thoughts long accu-
' Sun, Moon, Earth, Fire, Water, Winds; Htrod. i. 131: Gvovct
Sf ijX/o) Tf Kat fff Atji jj Kal 7^ Kol nvpl ical vSari Kal uvf/xotcn. Darius
involves Aurainazda as tlie CTCitor of the world, and as tiie greatest of
tlie gods. Cf. Darmestcter, III, p. 67.
ox THE PROPER VSE OF HOLY SCRIPTURES. 477
mulated and slowly matured in the minds of the
people at large.
But while in the cases which we have hitherto
examined, we saw national religions in the possession
of sacred books, though evidently deriving their real
life from much more ancient sources, in fact entirely
independent in their origin from the books which in
later times were accepted as authoritative, there are
other cases where national religions arose and flourished
for many centuries without anything that we should
call Sacred Books. The Greek religion was a national
religion, and Ave may study it in Homer and Hesiod,
possibly in Pindar and the sayings of ancient Greek
sages ; but we should never call the Homeric poems
or the Theogony, or the Ol^^mpian hymns of Pindar,
or the sentences of Heraclitus, Sacred Books. The}-
spring from the Greek religion, the Greek religion
does not spring from them.
We have thus established one fact, viz. that, like
the ethnic religions, the ancient national religions
also existed long before and independent of any
Sacred Books. We have now to consider the case
of individual religions which glory in having real
historical personages for their founders, and are apt
to consider the sacred books which they possess as
the sole source and warrant of their religious dogmas.
The most important of these individual religions are
Buddhism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism, It
should be observed that they are each called after
their founders, and not simply after the country or
the nation to which they belonged. With regard to
these religions it would seem indeed that they
should be studied chiefly in their Sacred Books, in
478 RECENT ESSAYS.
the Tripii!aka of the Buddhists, the New Testament
of the Christians, and the Quran of the Moham-
medans. Nor can it be denied that a knowledge of
these books is essential for a real and scholarlike
knowledge of Buddhism, Christianity, and Moham-
medanism. All I maintain is that, as these books
were not written by the founders of these religions
(the case of the Quran is peculiar, and will have to
be considered by itself), we cannot expect to find in
them the antecedents from which the new religions
sprang, or a statement of the personal motives which
impelled their founders to create a new religion. At
all events we can get at their deepest thoughts at
second-hand only, we cannot expect to find more than
an image, it may be a blurred image, of the minds of
the founders reflected on the minds of their disciples.
I said just now that the case of the Quran is
peculiar, and a closer consideration of its origin may
help to throw light on the origin and the gradual
growth of other sacred books also. The Quran then
was certainly not written by Mohammed, for the
simple reason that Mohammed could neither read nor
write. It was collected after the prophet's death.
Still we have no reason to doubt that many of his
inspired utterances had been accurately preserved in
the memory of friends and admirers, or actually
written down by them, though in a fragmentary form.
There is an interesting account in the famous collec-
tion of traditions by Al Bukhari, about 200 years
after the Flight, He reports how Zaid ibn Sabit
had related the circumstances which led to the first
collection of Mohammed's utterances and the writing
down of the Quran. He, Zaid ibn Sabit, was called
ON THE 1'E.OPEE USE OF HOLY SCUIPTUEES. 479
to see Abu Bakr (afterwards the first Caliph) at the
time of the battle with the people of Yainamah.
' I went to him,' he said, ' and found Omar (after-
wards the second Caliph) with him, and Abu Bakr
said to me : " Omar came to me and said, Verily a
great many readers of the Quran were slain on the
day of the battle with the people of Yamamah ; and
really I am afraid that if the slaughter should be
great much will be lost from the Quran, because
every person remembers something of it ; and verily,
I see it advisable for you to order the Quran to be
collected into one book.'" Here we see that even
these early fragments of Mohammed's utterances which
existed in the memory of his adherents were called
Quran. 'Then,' Zaid ibn Sabit continues : 'Abu Bakr
said to Omar, "How can I do a thing which the
Prophet himself has not done 1 " ' We see therefore
that the Prophet had not collected his speeches, or
the Quran. ' But Omar said : " I swear by God this
collecting of the Quran is a good thing." And Omar
used to be constantly returning to me (Abu Bakr)
and saying : " You must collect the Quran," till at
length God opened my breast so to do, and I saw
what Omar had been advising. Then Abu Bakr said
to me : " Zaid ibn Sabit, you are a young and sensible
man, and I do not suspect you of forgetfulness, negli-
gence, or perfidy ; and verily you used to write for
the Prophet his instructions from above ; then look
for the Quran in every place and collect it." . . . Then
I sought for the Quran,' says Zaid ibn Sabit, ' and
collected it from the leaves of the date, from white
stones and the breasts of people that remembered it,
till I found the last part of the chapter entitled
480 RECENT ESSAYS.
Repentance ^. . . . These leaves (collected by Zaid ibn
Sabit) remained in the possession of Abu Bakr until
God caused him to die, after which Omar had them
in his lifetime ; after that they remained with his
daughter Hafsah ; after that, Othman (the third
Caliph) had them compiled into one book.'
I have quoted the whole of this passage, because
it is instructive, if only as a parallel. We see here
that many people knew certain portions of Moham-
med's Logia by heart, probably even in the form of
Surahs, or chapters, and that when they died there
was great fear that the teachings of the Prophet
might be lost altogether. We see too how one person,
in our case Omar, the second Caliph, who succeeded
Abu Bakr in a.d. 634, and was assassinated in a.d. 644,
suggested to another, to Abu Bakr (the first Caliph),
the father-in-law of the Prophet, that something should
be done to collect the fragments which had formerly
been learnt by heart and recited by certain people.
This first collection was written down on leaves by
Zaid ibn Sabit, who had known Mohammed, and his
written leaves passed through the hands of Abu Bakr,
Omar, and his daughter Hafsah, before Othman, the
third Caliph (a.h. 23-35), gave them back to Zaid ibn
Sabit, and ordered him and some associates to settle
the text in the Quraish dialect. At that time people
were shocked at the different readings of the Quran ;
it was said that ' they differed in the Book of God
just as the Jews and Christians differed in theirs^.*
' This is tlie 9th Sfirah of tlie Quran, tlie latest in time, according
to Sir W. Miiir, the last but one, according to Jalahiddln.
^ This is curious evidence as to the unsettled state of the text of the
Bible in the seventh century.
ON thp: proper use of holy scriptures. 481
To prevent this scandal we are told that Otliman sent
copies of the new recension into every country where
Islam prevailed, and had all other manuscripts burnt,
so that his text has remained ever since the authorised
and unchanged text of the Quran.
It is clear from all this that; as compared with
other Sacred Books, the Quran was collected under
very favourable circumstances. Though there is no
evidence of Mohammed ever writing anything himself,
still what was remembered and recited of his utter-
ances, and had casually been written down before,
was collected by a man who had known Mohammed,
who had acted as a kind of secretary to him, and
who, we are told, was neither forgetful, nor negligent,
nor perfidious. What he wrote down at first was
carefully preserved in the prophet's family, and was
finally settled by the same person with the assistance
of some others who were better acquainted with the
dialect spoken by the prophet himself, namely the
Quraish dialect. We seldom find such evidence for
the authenticity of a Sacred Book anywhere else.
But even thus we cannot expect to find in the Quran
more than the image of the prophet, as reflected in
the minds of his disciples. We may have in the
Quran whatever had struck his hearers most forcibl}^
but we can have it only at second hand, and after it
had passed through the memory of various people.
These people may have failed to apprehend the exact
meanincf of Mohammed, as we know was several times
the case with the Apostles, nor is it quite certain that
nothing was left out and nothing added by those who
finally consigned to writing all they could lay hold
of among their friends. We can thus understand why
VOL. I. I i
482 RECENT ESSAYS.
we find, considerable variety, if not contradiction, in
statements ascribed to Mohammed in the Quran as we
possess it. In several places the Quran is actually
quoted in the Quran, as if it had been' known as an
independent book, not only as a fragment ^, nor as
the eternal word of God, preserved under his throne
(see Lane-Poole, ' Speeches of Mohammed,' p. 1 86, note).
Still, with all these reserves, it must be admitted
that the authenticity of Mohammed's teaching is far
better established than that of the Logia of Christ
or the Sutras of Buddha. What would not Christian
theologians give if they could prove that the New
Testament was written down by one who had been
the friend and secretary of Christ, and that nothing
had been altered in it afterwards. It may be said
that we have traditions that Christ and Buddha were
both able to write, while Mohammed confessedly was
not ; but no one has ever maintained that we possess
anything of their own writing, nay any ipswsima
verba written down when they were spoken. There-
fore in their case also the Sacred Books can give us
no more than an image reflected on other minds, and
minds confessedly unable in many instances to
understand the simplest parables of their teachers.
From an historical point of view this may be regretted,
and may seem to diminish the value of Sacred Books
even in the case of individual religions. But it has
one very great advantage also, because whenever the
spirit of truth within us protests against certain
statements in these books as unworthy of the high
* See Sftrah XVII, Say : Surely if mankind and tlie Jinn united
in order to produce the like of this Quran, they could not produce
its like.
ON THE PEOPER USE OF HOLY SCRIPTURES. 483
character of the founders of these religions, we can
claim the same liberty which even the ancients
claimed with regard to the fables told of their gods,
namely that nothing could be true that was unworthy
of the gods.
It is surprising to see the efforts that are made in
order to make it likely that the Gospels were written
down at least before the end of the first century,
when people were supposed to have been living who
were present at the events recorded in these docu-
ments. It seems to me that if that could be done we
should lose far more than we should gain. As it is
now, it is always open to us to say, whenever we
read of anything that is incredible or unworthy of
Christ, as we conceive Him, that it came from His
disciples who confessedly bad often failed to under-
stand Him, or that it was added by those who handed
down the tradition before it was written down, and
who thought that the more miraculous they could
render the true works and wonders of Christ the
more they would raise Him in the eyes of the multi-
tude. The true interests of the Christian religion
would be better served by showing how much time
and how many opportunities there were for human
misunderstandings to creep into the Gospel story,
just as many stumbling-blocks have been removed
by a critical collection of the innumerable various
readings that crept into the text of the New Testa-
ment after it had been written down.
All this is not meant to belittle the value of the
Sacred Books of any religion, but only to warn us
against exaggerating their importance. They are
certainly a sine qua non for the student of religion,
I i 2
484 RECENT ESSAYS.
and there is no historical evidence that brinofs us
nearer to the founders of any religion than the
canonical books. We hardly ever get any indepen-
dent contemporary evidence ; — naturally, for to the
outside world a nascent religion does hardly exist.
During the first generation, a new religion has a purely
subjective existence ; it lives in the thoughts and
conversations of the original disciples, and so long as
the first teacher and his disciples are alive, there is no
call for anything else. The first necessity for any-
thing written is felt in the second, or even the third
generation, when mothers want some trustworthy
guidance for teaching their children according to
what they themselves had gathered in their intercourse
with the first or second generation of disciples. There
is generally no supply till there is a want or a
demand, and it is to the natural want or demand of
manuals for the instruction of children, that many
Sacred Books, and particularly the Gospels, seem to
me to owe their origin. They were written, as we
are distinctly told, that pupils and converts might
' know the certainty of those things in which they
had been instructed.'
If then historical honesty requires us to make this
deduction from the value of Sacred Books as authori-
ties for the origin or the antecedents of a new religion,
there is another confession or concession that has to
be made before we can use them as sources of infor-
mation even in later times, after they had been
invested with full canonical authority and were
supposed to have supplied almost exclusively the
reliffious food of millions of believers. Of course we
should be perfectly justified in saying that whoever
ON THE PHOPER USE OP HOLY SCRIPTURES. 485
wants to know Brahmanism must study the Vedas,
and whoever wants to know Buddhism must study
the Tripi^aka, just as we expect a student of the
Jewish religion to frain his information from the Old
Testament, and a student of Christianity from the
New Testament. We know how difficult it is to gain
a knowledo:e of the real religion of the Greeks and
Romans^ of Babylonians and Egyptians, of the ancient
Teutonic and Celtic nations, for the very reason that
we possess no authoritative Sacred Books by which to
know or to judge them.
But one must not overlook the fact that for ancient
religions, even when there existed Sacred Books, the
number of people who could use them and be in-
fluenced by them was extremely small, certainly not
millions, nor even thousands nor hundreds. The
number of those who in ancient times could read and
study books, whether sacred or profane, must always
have been very small. When we speak of Sacred
Books, we have to remember that for a long time
they were not books at all, in the ordinary sense of
the word.
Whatever has been said to the contrary, no tangible
evidence has yet been produced proving the existence
of real books, in our sense of the word, much before
600 B.C. In saying this I use book in its recognised
sense, as a literary composition, nay, as a work of art,
meant to be read and enjoyed by the public at large.
The name hook is clearly not applicable to Babylonian,
Egyptian, Persian, or Indian inscriptions, however
long, nor to Babylonian cylinders, nor even to
Egyptian papyri such as form the so-called Book
of the Dead. It might possibly be claimed for an
486 RECENT ESSAYS.
ancient Chinese text, but in ordinary parlance a "book
implies alphabetic writing, and something intended to
be read by an educated public. When I said that
we know of no books much before 600 B.C., I was not
likely to have forgotten the dates assigned to the
Veda, to Egyptian and Babylonian inscriptions, nor
the almost prehistoric dates claimed by the Chinese
for their earliest literature. The Greeks were prac-
tically the first who invented written books, and they
are quite aware of their comparatively recent date.
Plato seems still to remember the time when literature
was oral only, and he does not consider the intro-
duction of a written literature as an unmixed
blessing. Clement of Alexandria also (Strom, i. 16)
is quite familiar with the idea that written books
came into use not very long before the time of
Pericles, for he states that the first Greek who pub-
lished a written book was Anaxagoras.
There can be no longer any doubt that all the
Sacred Books of the ancient world were composed at
first and handed down for centuries by oral tradition
only. It answers no purpose to say that such a thing
was impossible, for though we ourselves have no idea
of the almost miraculous powers of the human
memory before the invention of writing, we can even
now convince ourselves, if we like, by ocular or
auricular demonstration, that in Finland as well as in
India, where writing and even printing have long
been known, an enormous amount of poetry and even
prose was composed, and is handed down by oral
tradition only.
As long therefore as the ancient Sacred Books
existed in oral tradition only, it was open to their
ON THE PROPER USE OF HOLY SCRIPTURES. 487
possessors, either to keep them for themselves and
to a small number of pupils, or to preach them to
anybody from the house-tops. And here it is a curious
psychological fact that in many religions the Sacred
Books soon became secret books, and were kept from
the knowledge of the people for whose benefit they
wore intended. It is an often repeated mistake that
the Brahmans kept the Yedas from all but their own
caste. This was not so. They kept the privilege of
teaching the Vedas to their own caste, but in ancient
times they actually made it incumbent on the second
and third castes as well as on the first to learn the
Vedas by heart. The fourth class only, the >S'udras,
were excluded, because their intellectual and social
qualities did not fit them for such a task.
Another important point that has to be considered
is that in several cases the language of the Sacred
Books became obsolete, and after a time, unintelligible.
As a natural consequence, the number of those who
acquired a knowledge of the ancient sacred language
and literature became more and more limited. On
that account it is quite true to say that the Vedas
exercised a very indii'ect influence only on the great
masses of the population of India, and that the people
knew no more of their ancient religion than what the
Brahmans chose to tell them. It is equally true that
religious customs and opinions grew up among the
people quite independent of the religion of the Vedas.
Still, after making all these allowances, it remains
a fact that the historian who wants to study the
ancient religion of India has nothing but the Vedas
to fall back on. Of the religion of the people at large
we have no record and never shall have. But what
488 RECENT ESSAYS.
is true to-day was probably true in Vedic times also.
I quote the testimony of a perfectly unprejudiced
traveller, Mr. Moncure Conway. ' On my book-
shelves,' he writes, ' you will find copies of all the
Sacred Books of the East, over which I have pored
and exulted for years. The noble aspirations of those
ancient writers, the glowing poetry of the Vedas, the
sublime imagery of their seers, have become part
of my life. But when I went to the great cities of
India, the pilgrim sites, to which throng every year
millions of those who profess to follow the faith of
the men who wrote these books, alas ! the contrast
between the real and the ideal was heart-breaking.
. . . Not one glimmer of the great thoughts of their
poets and sages brightened their darkened temples.
Of religion in a spiritual sense there is none. If you
wish for religion, you will not find it in Brahmanism.'
{Revieiv of Churches, October, 1893, p. 28.) The
same might probably have been said in Vedic times.
There was then, as there is now, a popular religion
as different from that of the seers of the Upanishads
as at the present moment the religion of the wor-
shippers of Durga is from the worship of such men as
Rammohun Roy or Keshub Chunder Sen. The present
generation possesses the Vedas actually printed, and it
solemnly acknowledges them as the highest authority
on all religious questions. But the proportion of
people in India who can read at all is very small,
while the scholars who can read and understand the
Vedas can probably be counted on the fingers. The
same limitation has to be put on all the Sacred Books
of the East. The Gfithas of the Avesta had become
unintcljigible by the time they were written down.
ON THE PROPEE USE OF HOLY SCRIPTUUES. 489
as we are told now, whether in the third or in the
first centurj' A. D. The Old Testament had to be
translated into Greek, about 300 b. c, not for the sake
of the Greeks only, but of the Jews themselves, who
in the different countries where they had taken refuge
could no longer understand the ancient Hebrew. In
China no one but a scholar can read and understand
the canonical books of Confucius. Buddhism forms
on this point, as on others, a favourable exception.
Its sacred writings were composed in what was then
the vulgar tongue, and when that language had in
turn become obsolete, translations were made into
all the languages of the people who had embraced the
doctrines of Buddha. It was so at first with the
New Testament also. Being written in Greek, it
had to be translated into Latin for the benefit of
the Western world, into Gothic for the benefit of the
earliest Teutonic converts. In the East we find
Syriac, Coptic, Ethiopic, Armenian, Georgian, and
Slavonic versions, all proving the zeal of the early
Church to enable all its members, both clergy and
laity, to read the Gospel in their own language.
A change, however, took place when Gregory VII
ordained that Latin and Latin only should be the
universal ecclesiastical language (1080 A.D.). The
Slavonic inhabitants of Bohemia were then prohibited
from using their spoken language in their church
services, and had to listen to the lessons being read in
Latin, which of course they could not understand.
The same prohibition was issued later (by Innocent
III) against the Waldenses and the WiclifEtes who
were in possession of vernacular translations of por-
tions of the Bible, but were not allowed to use them :
490 RECENT ESSAYS.
and to the present day it has been the policy of the
Koman Catholic Church to discourage the reading
of the Scriptures by the laity, except under clerical
guidance. If therefore we are told that we must not
use the ancient sacred books of India or Persia for
studying the religions prevalent in those countries,
the same would apply, and in a certain degree does
apply, to Christian countries also, where, as we know,
there are thousands as yefc unable to read and study
the New Testament. To hold Christianity and the
New Testament responsible for the superstitions and
idolatries of Neapolitan peasants would be as reason-
able as to hold the Vedas responsible for the burning
of widows, and for the cruel worship of /S'iva and
Durga, or for the self-inflicted cruelties of professional
ascetics in India. The good elements contained in
the Sacred Books of the East, filter through, even
though contaminated by the channels through which
they have to pass. I was very much struck by this
during my stay in Turkey during last summer.
Many Tuiks are still unable to read, and the number
of those who are able to read the Quran is very small
indeed. They have to learn Arabic for that, for no
Turkish translation of the Quran is allowed. And
yet if we are to know the prophets by their fruits,
what prophet can show better fruits of his teaching
than Mohammed ? You never see a Turkish man
or woman drunk in the street. Turkey is what
a bold Bishop wished England to be, ' free, yet sober.'
There is no impediment to drinking except religion,
and in the upper classes drinking is known to be
very much on the increase. The people who abstain
are the middle and lower classes, the very people who
ON TUE PROPER USE OV HOLY SCRIPTURES, 491
are unable to read the Quran. Nor does the Quran
lay very much stress on the prohibition of intoxicat-
ing drinks. And yet it would be absurd to ascribe
the sobriety of the Turks and other Mohammedan
nations to anything but their religion, though climate,
law, and tradition may have proved helpful. It is
the indirect, if net the direct power of the Quran
which sways millions of those who have never read
a single SClrah.
This, I hope, will make it clear what I mean when
I say that the student of historical theology ought
never to forget the limitations under which alone the
sacred books of various religions can claim authority
as witnesses to the origin and growth of religions,
nay even as perfectly accurate and faithful reflections
of the mind of their founders. They are certainly
the most important witnesses, they are witnesses that
can. never be passed by ; but religion does not draw
its nourishment from books alone, nay religion has
existed for centuries without books, or only indirectly
influenced by books. Nor do these books ever lead
us into the immediate presence of the founders of
religion. There is always a mind between us and the
mind of the founder — a fact that may be regretted
by certain theologians, but which to me seems to be
a real blessing, the best safeguard of the freedom
of thought and the best warrant for the exercise of
private judgment. We can hardly realise what the
efiect would have been if the founder of a religion
had left us a complete outline of his doctrine in
his own writing. So far from benefitting a religion
by giving it that dogmatic fixity for which so many
theologians are striving, it would, I believe, have
492 RECENT ESSAYS.
prevented the healthy growth of any religion. It
would have become a kind of straight jacket, making
every free movement of the spirit impossible, nay
it would soon have been raised, or rather degraded,
to the rank of a fetish, invoked by thousands with
prostrate intellects, though understood by none.
Christian theologians have hardly appreciated the
privilege which they enjoy in that respect, I mean^
in possessing a Sacred Book, the good tidings of
which do not come direct from the mouth of the
Founder of our religion, but have passed at least
through one, if not through several human channels,
through the minds of those who honestly confess how
often they misapprehended the simplest parables of
their Lord.
INDEX.
A, short vowel, varieties of, in Proto-
Aryan language, p. 47.
Abbozzo, 420 n.
Abu Bakr, first Caliph. 479.
Academic teaching, 297.
— freedom, 30S, 309.
— quarter, 177.
Accadians, 63-65.
— original home of the, 64.
Accent in Vedic Sk., 161.
Achaeans, in inscription at Kar-
nak, 69.
Adam and Abrahani, time between,
151.
Afghans, language of the, 2 28.
— in India, 258.
Ahrinian, 476.
Akrologiuai theory, the, 59.
Albert, Prince, 218.
Albrecht Dtirer's drawings known
in Italy, 414.
Alexander, conquests of, 77, 78.
— England has realised the visions
of, 83.
Alexanderpol, tomb at, 234.
Alexandria tiie second birthplace of
the religion of love, 79.
Alphabet, Egypt the cradle of the.
59-
— never a discovery, 59.
— in India before Alexander's in-
vasion, 73.
AIi)habets, Indian, 73.
— origin of, 200.
Amalia, 367.
Amenophis III, his correspondence
with Kallimma Sin, 67.
— — date of these letters, 67.
Analogy, instinct of, 228.
Ancestors of the human race, four
or five different, 304.
Andaman Isles, the people of the,
248.
studied by E. H. M.m, 24S,
249.
Andaman islanders, lowest stratum
of humanity, 250.
their customs, 250.
Cadell on the, 251,
their beliefs, 252, 253.
Andrea del Sarto, 406.
his betrothal of St. Catherine,
406.
Reumont's biography of, 406.
Browning's poem im, 406.
his life and death, 406-409.
Michel Angelo on, 407.
Vasari on, 407.
and Francis I, 412,415.
his frescoes in the Collegio
dello Scalzo, 413-417.
Anterior, antecedent, 154.
Anthropologist, a knowledge of lan-
guages a sine qua non for
every, 242.
Anthropology, its wide field, 242.
— beginning of, 265.
— articulate speech the basis of,
265.
Antiquity, 147,
— meaning of, 154.
Appreciation of gold to silver, 207.
Arabicmore primitive than Hebrew,
49.
— figures, 58, 201.
called Indian by Arabs, 201.
494
INDEX.
Aristotle's jMetapliysics, judgment
on, 307.
Aritlimetic, whence derived, 200.
Armenian lani^uage, 228.
— separate branch of Aryan speech,
228.
Arnold, Dr., on length of work
among masters, 136.
Articulate speech, the basis of an-
thropology, 265.
Arya, noble, 51.
— tillers of the soil, 52.
Aryan confederacy, the prehistoric,
42.
— period, the united, 5000 B. C, 46.
10,000 B. c, 48.
— home, somewhere in Asia, 108,
210.
— or Semitic skull, or hair, 191.
■ — language, the true VolapiiU, 209.
— skull, a monstrosity, 232.
Arvas, original home of the, 43,
238.
' somewhere in Asia,' 43.
— means language, 43.
— European origin of the, 45.
— and Semites, original proximity
of the, 45.
— people speaking an Aryan lan-
guage, 23S.
— are brachycephalic and brown-
eyed, 240.
— are dolichocephalic and blue-
eyed, 240.
— what they are, 258.
' Asia, somewhere in,' the original
home of the Ai-yas. 43, 240.
Asoka, on Buddha's teaching, 17.
— council of, 74.
— inscriptions of, 149-432.
A*ramas, the four, 12S-131, 437,
43S.
Assyria and Babylon, monuments
of, 164.
A sty, town, 160.
Athapascans, the savage, 266.
Australia, all dialects of, varieties
of one speech, 267.
Australians and Greeks, ancestors
of, 224.
Australians and Greek?:, originally
Dravidians, 266, 267.
AvidyS,, ignorance, the beginning
of Karman, 284.
BABYLON and Nineveh, 56.
— prayers of, 55.
— history of, 152.
constructive rather than au-
thentic, 11^3.
Babylonian gods, worshipped by tlie
Jews, 69.
— cylinders in foreign tombs, 69,
70.
— niana, 71.
— literature begins. 153.
— gold shekel, the standard of
ancient gold coins, 206.
— mina, 288.
Bactrians and Caspians, 145.
Baggesen's festival, 368-370.
— Schiller's letter to, 376.
Bairat Inscription, 17 11.
Basilius, 12.
Beautiful, vision of the, 409.
— what is it ? 41C, 411.
Benfey, on the European origin of
the Aryas, 45.
— his labours, 52.
Bengali, relation of, to the Aryan
and aboriginal languages of
India, 217.
Bentinck, Lord, and Carlyle, 341.
Berlin, Seminary of Oriental studies,
100, 103.
Betrothal of St. Catherine by An-
drea del Sarto, 406.
Beveridge, Bishop, on testing one's
religion, 299.
Bhavnagar, State of, 140, 141.
Bible, whole, learnt by heart, 294.
— Society, number of its transla-
tions, 357.
— state of text in seventh century,
480. ^
Bikshu, 435-438.
— Buddha cmIIs himself a, 435.
Bi-metallism, 204.
Biot on Chinese influence on India,
70
INDEX.
495
Bismarck's love of Shakespeare,
361.
Black castes, 73.
Blessed Three of Kalidasa, 11.
Blood, what does it mean ? 39.
— mixture of, 190.
— bone and flesh, no continuity in,
209.
— the same in our veins, and in
the Hindus, 210.
Books better than Lectures, 179,
180.
— real first existence of, 4S5, 486.
Bopp, 52.
Borneo, Indian influence in, 89.
Biuivet, 9.
Brachycephalic skulls, 44, 233.
Br.ihmanic gotras, 261.
' Brahmans, the white caste,' 73.
— claimed the fourth Asrama for
themselves alone, 131.
— black as Pariahs, 260.
— only might teach the Veda, 487.
Braliminical warriors in Siam, Kam-
boja, &c., 90.
Brandis on the ratio of gold and
silver in Babylon, 215.
Brewster, 218.
Bribu, 260.
Bright, John, as Minister, 274.
British Association at Oxford, 1847,
217.
Browning's poem on Andrea del
Sarto, 406.
— letter to M. M., 426.
Brugsch, his translation of an
Egyptian story, 165.
— on ratio between gold and silver,
206-215.
Buckland, 218.
Buddha, and Clement of Alexandria,
78.
— his date, 1S7.
— second to One only, 429-455.
— his challenge to Mara, lord of
death, 445.
— his life as Visvantara, 446-452.
Buddhahood, a rank higher than all
the gods, 445.
— better than anything, 451.
Buddhism, diflerent sorts of, 17.
— first reached China, 75.
— accepted in China as a State
religion, 75.
— real, historical, not Esoteric or
Exoteric, 432.
— the natural development of the
Indian mind, 434-440.
— private property ceased in, 442.
— charity, the life of, 443.
— teaches love, 4,^3.
— sacred writings of, are in the
vulgar tongue, 489.
Buddhist council under Asoka, 74.
— missionaries sent out by Asoka,
74-
penetrated Bactria from Kash-
mir, 75.
mentioned by Alexnnder
Polyhistor, 75.
in Bactria, 76.
in Persia, 200 B.C., 76.
— council, first, 433.
second, 433.
— scholars, 434.
— solution of the old social pro-
blem, 441.
— rules to guard the brotherhood,
442. _ ^
— fraternities, 442, 443.
Buddhists, northern and southern,
433-
Biihler, Dr., his vote of thanks, 86.
Bunsen, 218, 219.
— his paper at the British Associa-
tion, 1847, 219-229.
Burnouf, 52, 434.
Burton, 53.
CALLAWAY, Bishop, 245, 253.
Canonical books, 8.
Carita at Paris, the, 418.
— sketch of the, 419-424, 426.
Carlo di Domenico, the husband of
Lucrezia, 408.
Carlyle and Goethe, 335.
— learnt German to read Goethe,
335-
— his translation of Wilhelm Meis-
ter, 337.
496
INDEX.
Carlyle, Goethe's letter to Mr. Skin-
ner about, 340.
Carrihre outerie, letters to the
Times. 311.
Caste, a European word, 260.
— Sk. varna, or ^ati, 260.
— change of, in ancient and modern
India, 260, 261.
— not scliool, 261.
Castes, white and blaek, 73-
Castrfen, 7.
Celtic and Saxon blood, 191.
Chandragupta or Sandrokyptos, 149.
Ciiarity, Buddha's medicine, 455.
— ancient and moilern, 427 n.
— the life of Buddhism, 443.
Charm in what ia old, 146.
— mere age is no real, 14S.
Charron's words, 256.
— repeated by Pope, 256.
Cheops, Chu-fu, 286.
Child and the pebbles, story of, 42 8.
— wife, the Indian, 456.
— widows, cruelty to, 466.
— suicide of a, 467.
Childers, 434.
Children, exposed by their parents,
132.
China, ancient deism of, 9.
— in ancient times, 56.
— and India, quite isolated in very
early times, 70-72-
their literature purely home-
grown, 72.
— length of history of, 152.
— beginning of authentic history of,
152.
— still excites little interest, 169.
— we liave no intellectual bonds
witli ancient, 169.
— much to be learnt from, 1 70.
— Confucius not the author of the
religion of, 476.
Chinese religions, 7.
— Roman Catholic missionaries on,
9-
— religion, decision of the see of
Kome on, 9.
■ — letters derived from Babylon, 63.
not proven, 65.
Chinese influence on India, 70.
— astronomy in India, 70.
— books destroyed by Khin, 213
B. C, 152.
— ■ Newton's Principia in, 357
Christ the Logos, 20.
Christian religion, existed among
the ancients, 5.
Christianity, comparison of, and
other religions, 12.
— history of, treated historically, 13.
— in India, modern, 18.
— of the nineteenth century, 18.
Civitas Dei, the true, 1 2.
Classes kept uniform in Germany,
263.
Classical teaching should end at
school, 296.
Classification by skin, eyes, and
skull, 232, 233. _
Clement of Alexanilria, 21, 22.
mentions Buddhist mission-
aries, 76.
and Buddha, 78.
and Buddhist shrines, 79-
Codrington, Dr., on a true know-
ledge of savage tribes, 243.
Coined money, 205.
Coins weighed by Brandis and
Brugsch, 214.
Colenso, Bishop, 253.
Coleridge's translation of Wallen-
stein, 349.
Collegio dello Scalzo, 413.
— Andrea del Sarto's frescoes in,
413-417-
Eredi and Cecchi's engravings,
417.
CaritJi in, 41 7, 418.
Communal marriage, 251.
Comparative Philology and Etlmo-
logy, unholy alliance between,
257-
Compulsory education, 290, 29071.
Mill an advocate of, 290.
Comtian epochs, 3.
Ct)nfucius, 476.
— religion of, 7-
Conservative party, called the ' stu-
pid party,' 274.
INDEX.
497
Conway, Moncure, on popular be-
lief in India, 488.
Copenhagen, fire at the Palace, 381,
386.
Cosmopolitan sympathies of Goethe,
326.
Cotta, ordered favourable notices of
the Horae, 403.
Crawfurd, 218.
Creation, the day of, 1 5 1.
— traditions of the, 164.
Crimean war, Prussia during, 119.
Cristoforo Colombo, 95.
Ciomlechs, Celtic monuments, 262.
Cross, the, 262.
Crown Princess of Prussia, 119.
Cruelty towards Children, Society
for Preventing, 467.
Crux ansata, bow pronounced, 60.
Cuneiform writing, is it from Egypt ?
63.
Cursory reading, 295.
Curtius, 52.
Cyrus, the anointed, the shepherd
of Jehovah, 70.
D'ALEMBERT on the descent of
man, 220, 221.
Daniel, languages and nations, 41.
D.-irius, the Jewish feeling for, 70.
Darmesteter, 229.
Darwin, 50.
— requires four or five difierent
ancestors, 304.
Dauth-us, death, Gothic, t6o.
Davids, Rhys, 434.
* Dayamaya, O, All merciful,' 463.
Dead, and death, 158, 160, 161.
Decay of religions inevitable, 16, 17.
Degrees abroad, examinations for,
318.
De Gubernatis, vote of thanks, 91.
Deism, ancient, of China, 9.
Deluge, date of the, 151.
— traditions of the, 164.
Depontani, 134.
De Sacy, 54.
Devas changed to devils in the
Avesta, 475.
Dhavitu for death, 163.
Dhruva, Mr., his report of the eighth
Congress of Orientalists, 3 1.
Dhdt^ for dead, 163.
Dilettanti, lovers of knowledge, 229.
Discursive thotiglit, 188.
Dissent and Nonconformity, 319.
Dogmatic fixity an injury to reli-
gion, 492, 493.
D'Ohsen, 7.
Dolichocephalic language, 232.
— skulls, 44, 233.
D'Omalius d'Halloy, 239.
Don Carlos, Schiller's, 371.
and Posa, characters of, 3S9.
Dorn, Professor, his Grammaire
Afghane, 102.
Drachma, or half silver shekel, its
worth, 288.
Dragomans, loi.
Dramatic trilogy of ancient history,
77-
Dra vidian languages, 259.
some terminations in , resemble
Australian dialects, 267.
Duhitar, Sk., daughter, English,
.285.
Dupin's works, 359.
EAST, Indian influences in the far,
89.
— and West, when the frontier line
was drawn between, 37.
physical boundary between,
38. -
— — not separated in early times,
39-
marriage of, 83.
£!bauche, from balco, 420 n.
Eckermann, conversations with, 343.
Edinburgh Review on Goethe's in-
fluence in England, 335.
Education, 289.
— three stages of, 292.
Egypt and Babylon, diplomatic cor-
respondence between, 65, 66,
67, 165.
Egyptian religion, 6.
— papyri in Austria, 32.
— hieroglyphics and Babylonian
ideographs, 64 n.
VOL. I.
Kk
498
INDEX.
Egyptian princesses too good for
Babylonian princes, 67.
— chronology, 1 50.
— folk-lore, 165.
Egyptology, 55, 56.
Eidos, species, meant appearance,
303-
Elegies. Goethe's, offend conven-
tional, not true decency, 395.
Elementary, scholastic, and acade-
mical education, 292.
Elphinstone on the villagers of India,
110.
Endogamy, 266.
England, political alliance with,
117.
— the secret of life in, 185.
English subjects speaking Oriental
languages, 98.
— letters, Hamitic, 286, 2S7.
— universities, 278, 309.
— an Aryan language, 285.
Eredi and Cecchi, their engravings,
417.
Eriocomi, 234.
Erman, on a relationship between
Semitic and Egyptian, 49.
Eshmunezar, sarcophagus of, 60.
Esoteric Buddhism, 183.
mischief of, 183.
Ethnical religion, 473.
Ethnological race, not commensu-
rate with phonological race,
230.
— sm-vey of India, 255.
— terminology, vagueness of, 257.
Etlinologiat in India, field for the,
259-
Ethnoh>gy versus Phonology, 230.
— and Comparative Philology, un-
holy alliance between, 257.
Euplocami, 234.
Euplo-comic, 234 n.
Europe, a menagerie of wild beasts,
359- . ^
— chronic state of war m, 360.
Europeans in India, 258.
Eusebius mentions Brahmans (Bud-
dhists) in Bactria, 76.
Euthycomi, 234.
Evidence, prose and poetical, in
Polynesia, 199.
Evolution, true, 210.
— theory of, a dogma now, 298.
Ewald, 54.
Examinations, 291, 311, 312, 315,
316, 318.
— Oxford and Cambridge Locals
established, 312.
— how conducted abroad, 313.
— by entire strangers, 313.
— entrance at Universities, 315.
— cramming for, 316, 317.
Exogamy, 266.
Extension Lectures, 173.
rapid success of, 174-
Eyes, colour of the, classification by,
233-
F, the homed cerastes, 200, 286.
Facts, positive knowledge of, 23.
Fagots et fagots, 263.
Faraday, on the good of Lectures,
179.
Father-right, 266.
Fathers of the Church, on a com-
parison of religions, 12.
— on animal religions, 20-23.
Female childi-en exposed in India,
132.
Fetish, become a general word,
262.
Fetishes, 262,
Fetishism, 262-266.
Figures, our, Arabic or rather In-
dian, 2 89.
Firdusi, 23.
First man, never was a, 237.
Fison, Mr., on the real study of
savages, 243.
Flinders Petrie, Mr., 68.
Fo, religion of, 7-
Folk-lore, mythology, &c., 51.
— of Egypt, 165.
Folly, juvenile and senile, 134.
Founders of ancient religions, 16.
Fouquet, 9.
Francabigio, aids Andrea del Sarto,
415-
France, Oriental studies in, 31-99.
INDEX,
499
Francis I and Andrea del Sarto,
412-415.
Fravardin Yasht, name of Gautama
in the, 76.
Frederick III, 1 1 7.
— his youth, 117, 118.
— his manhood, 118.
— his reign, 125.
— the Great, on man and monkey,
221.
— his view of ' Gotz,' 403.
Frederick-Christian, Duke of Schles-
wig - Holstein - Augustenburg,
369-
hia letter to Schiller, 373.
his annuity to, 373, 400.
Schiller's letters to, 381-400.
Minister of Public Instruction
in Denmark, 388.
refused the Crown of Sweden,
400.
Freedom, 269.
Free-thinkers as a title of honour,
274.
Future and Past, hardly exist for
some races, 197.
cared for by some races, 198.
GADAEA and Hidhu in cuneiform,
73-
Gandhara and Sindhu, 73.
Gangooly, 14 «.
Gaorishankar Udayashankar, 140-
144.
— Lord Eeay's visit to him, 140.
Gatakas, stories of former lives, 444.
Gatha dialects, 433.
Gathas, the, 474.
Gali, Sk., genus, 303.
— opposed to akrtti, Sk., species,
303-
Gautama, name of, in the Avesta, 76.
— death of, 433.
Gayatura, the city, 447.
Genera, Nature knows nothing but,
305-
General terms are names only, 306.
Generations, only 100 between us
and the builders of Babylon,
203.
K
Generations, 100 span all literatures,
148.
Genesis, age of the text of, 16S.
— when written down, 16S.
Genos, genus meant generation, 303.
Genus, 301.
— its meaning, 303.
— and species co-ordinate, and not
sub-ordinate, 304.
German Emperor on friendship be-
tween England and Germany,
220.
— Universities, too many Lectures
in, 309.
— Romance, Carlyle's, 345.
— language not the organ of so-
ciety in Schiller's time, 393.
— style, Schiller on, 393.
Germany, Mongolians in, 233.
Gesenius, 54.
' Gift of the god Ea,' or Pot'phar,
168.
Gill, Mr. W., 245, 253.
Giulio Eomauo and Andrea del Sar-
to's work, 425.
Glacial Period, 150.
Gladstone, Mr., and the Oriental
Congress, 36.
— his influence in uniting Italy,
361.
Glaser, Dr. and the Minaean in-
scriptions, 62.
Globe, the, a mere globule, 14S.
Gochhausen, Madlle., 367.
Goedecke, 399.
Goethe, Society, the English, 323,
— was many-sided, 326.
— his cosmopolitan sympathies, 326.
— endeavours after a World-litera-
ture, 326.
— did not believe in a universal
language, 334.
— his leaning towards England,
335-
— and Carlyle, 335.
— his letters to Cailyle, 338-340.
— some of the letters worked into
reviews, 343.
— English visitors at Weimar, 353,
354-
k 2
500
INDEX.
Goethe, his completeness, 355.
— his thorough truth, 355.
— on the Gospel of love, 359.
— character of his Helena, 361,
362.
— view of Schiller's Robbers and
Fiasco, 403.
Gold piece, sixtieth part of a mina,
288,
Golden Calf, the, 244.
Good Physician, a name of Buddha,
455-
Gospels, when written down, 4^3.
— early tran>:lations of the, 489.
Gotra and Kula, race and lamily,
261.
Grant-Duff, Sir M., 36.
Greek passive aorist in Orjv, 48.
— alphabet, proof of intercourse
between Aryans and Semites,
57. 58.
— is it a dead language? 196.
— and Latin grammars, too com-
plex, 295.
— religion, 477.
Greeks of Phocaea, first coined
money, 205.
— in India, 258.
Griffith, translation of Kalidasa,
II.
Grihastha, householder, 129.
Grimm's Law, 159.
Gruppe's viev? of intercourse be-
tween India, Egypt, and Baby-
lon impossible, 72.
Gymnasia, 293.
H, the sieve, 200, 287.
Hahn, Dr., 245, 253.
Hale, Horatio, on North American
races, 245.
the true basis of anthropo-
logy, 263.
his researches, 263-268.
Han dynasty, 152.
Hardship, 227.
Hardy, 434.
Harness, to die in, 145.
Healed and health, 161.
Heart, the, the true habitat of re-
ligion, 8.
Heavyside, Mr., friend of Goethe,
3.S3-
Heber, Bishop, on the Hindus, III.
Hebrew, more primitive than
Arabic, 49.
— text, (late of, 151.
time between Adam and
Abraham, 151.
— the original language, anecdote,
178.
— ancient, soon forgotten, 489.
Hegelian Laws, 3.
Heinse's Ai-dinghello, 403.
Helena, Goethe's, 361, 362.
Heliodorus same meaning as Poti-
phar, 168.
Helmholtz, on English universities,
275, 276.
Herakleitos, 21.
Herder, 324, 367.
Heredity, 189, 283, 284.
— is always right, 189.
— a nietaphor, 283.
Hermes Trismegistus, 23.
Hermit, life of a, in India, 131.
Herzen, his definition of Nihilism,
272.
Hieroglyphics, complementary, 59.
Hincks, Dr., 61.
Hindu, a, on idolatry, 10.
— family life little known, 458.
Hindus, their character, no, ill.
Hipparchus, 150 B.C., 203, 287.
Historical method and school, 171.
— poetry, 198.
— continuity, 210.
— spirit, the true, 21I.
— meaning of, 472.
— theology, 471.
History, difference between authen-
tic and constructive, 149.
— true meaning of, 196.
— when it begins, 197.
Hobbes, freedom of thought, 271.
— truth and falsity exist only with
language, 301.
Hobbies, good of, 317.
Hodgson's Indian vocabularies, 259.
INDEX.
501
Home Rule, 192.
Hommel iind Schmidt, on^ the
original proximity of the Aryas
and Semites, 45.
— on hieroglyphics and ideographs,
64 n.
Hood, in manhood, A.-S. had, 227.
Hopes, the young, in Weimar, 353.
Horae, Schiller's letters in the, 390,
391-397-
— his aim in the periodical, 398.
— favourable notices of, ordered by
Cotta, 403.
Horton, tlie Tasmanian belief that
men had tails originally, 247.
Hostanes the Magian, 22.
Hour, why sixty minutes in the,
202.
— the division is Babylonian, 287.
HiLbschmann, 228.
Human species, homogeneousness
of, 39-
— and all other animals, specific
difference between, 223.
— race forms one species, 224.
— beings few at first, 237.
Humboldt, 52.
— on language, 221, 222.
Hunter, Sir W. W., 1 1 ».
Hwang-ti, date of, 152.
Hylobioi, translation of vanaprastha,
131.
lALYSOS and Mycenae, potsherds
from, 68.
Ideographs, 64.
Idolatiy, definition of, by a Hindu,
10.
Idyllisch, idyllic, life in Goethe's
time was, 324.
Imperial patriotism, something
higher than, 356.
Imprecations at the end of inscrip-
tions, 331.
Index expurgatorius, 183.
India, modern Christianity in, 18.
— ancient, as now known, 55, 56.
— astronomy of, came from China,
70.
from Babylon, 71.
India, no evidence for writing in,
before the time of Asoka. 73.
— how to train rulers for, 106.
— conquest of, 107.
— true conquest of, still to come,
109.
— villages of, no, 127.
— villagers of, 1 10.
— Mohammedan people of, 112.
— cost of living in, 127, 435.
— school life in, 128,
— married life, 128.
— property in, 129.
— age of the authentic history of,
H9- . ,.
— age of the constructive history of,
150.
— and England, bonds of union
between, 157.
— inroads of various nations, 2 58.
— two populations of, 258.
— and China, entirely isolated in
very early times, 70-72.
their literature purely home-
grown, 72.
Indian religion, is it idol-worship?
10.
— figures, 58, 201.
— alphabets are Semitic, 73, 200.
— mutiny, how preventable, 85.
— civilisation and the far East, 89.
in Java, Sumatra, Borneo, &c.,
89.
— inscriptions in Kamboja, their
age, 90.
Individual, the word, 301.
— freedom has made rapid progress,
319-
— religions, 477-
must be studied in their Sacred
Books, 477.
Individuality, principle of, 280.
— destroyed by freedom, 319.
Individuals and genera, 191.
— must differ from each other,
191.
Indo-European, the world becoming,
108.
— meaning of, 156, 157.
Indra, his visit to Vessantara, 451.
502
INDEX.
Infant-marriages, Hindus really
ashamed of them, 456.
Inglis, Sir Robert, 218.
Innate ideas, 283.
Inspiration, disputes about, 192.
Intelligence department, 103.
Intermarriages between different
races in India, 258.
Islam, surrender, 112.
JAVA, Indian influences in, 89.
Jerusalem, name of, in the Tel-el-
Amarna tablets, 67.
Jewish religion, national, 476.
Jews, religion of the, 6.
— Babylonian gods worshipped by
the, 69.
— the, as means of communication,
70.
Jones, Sir AV., 52.
Joseph and Potiphar's wife, source
of the story of, 167.
Justin Martyr, 20.
Juventus mundi, 155.
KAABA, black stone of, 262.
Kafirs, or unbelievers, 430.
A'aityas, or Buddhist temples, 79.
Kalidasa, Trinity of, 11.
Kamboja and Champa, Indian con-
quests in, 90.
inscriptions from, 90.
Kant, formation of ideas, 222.
Karabacek, Professor, and the Egyp-
tian papyri, 32.
Tarawa, 261.
Karl August, 365, 367, 375.
Goethe and Schiller, their
tomb, 365.
Karnian, deed, 284.
— impersonal, 284.
— how it began, 284.
— freedom from, 284.
Kedar Nath Ray, 458.
how he escaped performing
/Srilddlia, 461.
Kern, 434.
Keshub Chunder Sen, no.
Khin, B. 0. 213, destroyed all ancient
(Jliincse books, 152.
Khorsabad, chest found at, 331.
Kirstein, Privy Councillor, Copen-
hagen, 398.
Knowledge, living and growing, 212.
— intuitive, 213.
Kohler on folk-lore, 51.
Koran, Goethe quotes the, 347.
Korner and Schiller, 375.
Kr^tu, kraty, might, 160.
Ktesias in Persia, and Indian tra-
vellers, 73.
Kuhn, 52.
L, the crouching lion, 200, 287.
Lachish, murder of governor of, 69.
Laeta pauper tas, 324.
La foiza d' un bel volto, 409.
Landberg, Count, 32.
Language and early thought, 3.
— beginning of, the beginning of
thought, 50.
— and thought inseparable, 187, 300.
Logos means both, 188.
— the manifestation of Logos, 223.
— begins with the sentence, 226.
— as a test of mental capacity, 264.
— separates man from all other
animals, 264.
Languages, families of, 41.
— same as nations in Daniel, 41.
— of savages are decaying frag-
ments, 224.
— a knowledge of, the sine qua
non for the anthropologist, 242.
Laotse, religion of, 7.
Latham, 218, 239.
Lawrence, Mr., friend of Goethe,
354-
League of Peace of the Germanic
nations, 120, 121.
Learning by heart, 294.
Lecomte, 9.
Lecturers, their work, 184.
Lectures, mixed audiences at, 177.
— seldom published in Germany,
181.
— how to profit by, 186.
Leibniz, 225.
Leist on folk-lore, 51.
INDEX.
503
Lenormant's Propagation de 1' Alpha-
bet Pli^riicien, 62.
Leper, young girl in India forced to
marry a, 468.
Lepsius and the alphabet, 61.
Lessing, 324.
Linguistic Ethnology, 230.
rjssotriches, smooth hair, 234.
Literature, none can be very ancient,
148.
— at first oral only, 486, 487.
Locke and Leibniz, Herbart and
Hegel, controversy between,
306.
Logia of Mohammed, 480.
— of Christ, 482.
Logos or Christ, 20,
— or Reason, 21.
— both language and thought, 188,
300.
— language the outward manifesta-
tion of, 223.
Longobardi, 9.
Lophocomi, 234.
Louis Lucien Bonaparte, 218.
Louisa, Princess of Weimar, 367.
Lubbock, 224.
Lucrezia, wife of Andrea del Sarto,
408.
— the first portrait of, 417.
Ludwig I of Bavaria, 417.
Lyall, Sir A. on change of caste in
modern India, 261.
Lyell, SirC, 218,
MADHYAMA and Kasyapa, their
names in a Stflpa, 74.
Madrl, Vessantara's queen, 447,
448.
Mahatmas of Thibet, 162.
Maigrot, 9.
Maitreya, teacher of Maitrl or Love,
452.
— the Buddha yet to come, 452.
Malabari.the friend of child- widows,
464.
Man, E. Horace, 248, 253.
his studies of the Andaman
Islanders, 248, 249.
Man means thinker, 4.
Man, possible descent from an ani-
mal, discussed by Bunsen, 220.
— by d'Aleinbert and Frederick the
Great, 220, 221.
— the apex of creation, 254.
— a pairing animal, 266.
Manavas, laws of the, 126.
Manhood, 227.
Man's presence on the earth, 150.
Mansion House, 194 n.
Many-sided, Goethe was, 326.
Mara, lord of death, Buddha's chal-
lenge to, 445, 446.
Marathon, date of the battle of, 186.
Marco Polo, 94, 248.
Maria Paulowna and Wieland, 367.
Married life, according to the laws
of Manu, 128, 129.
— couple living on £5 a year in
India, 435.
Medhurst, 11 n.
Media and Persia, 56.
Mediterranean, 38.
Memory, things known by an effort
of, 213.
Men of light and leading, 58.
— how expressed in hieroglyphics,
59-
— classified solely by language, 265.
Menephthah I, 236.
Meneptah, son of Rameses II, 69.
Menes, varying dates assigned to,
150, 151. 151 »•
Lepsius' view, 150.
Bunsen's view, 150.
Ment, mente, 228.
Mental capacity, language a test of,
264.
* Mere words,' 41.
Mesha, stone of, 60.
— king, time of Ahab, 62.
Mesocephalic skulls, 44, 233.
Mesognathic skulls, 44, 234.
Metals used as money, was weighed,
205.
M(ltissage, 237.
Mexico, religion of, 7,
Meyer, Karl, 218.
Mczzofantiasis, 104.
504
INDEX.
Micliel Angelo on Andrea del Sar-
to, 407.
la forza d' un bel volto,
409.
Midland Institute, 321.
Mill, John Stuart, 269.
his Essay on Liberty, 270.
his admission to Parliament,
274.
advocate of compulsory edu-
cation, 290,
Mill's prophecies, 297.
— ignorance of academic teaching,
297.
Mina of gold, 206.
Micaean inscriptions, 62.
Mincopic name for God, 252,
Mincopies, religion of the, 252.
— Lubbock, Sir J., on the, 252.
E. H. Man on the, 252.
Misirlm for Egypt, 67.
Missionaries and the Science of
Religion, 14-19.
Misunderstandings in the Gospel
story, 483.
Mle^Mas, 430.
Modem languages are ancient, 155.
— savages, man in the primitive
state, 223.
— superstitions creep into all re-
ligions, 490.
Mohammedan peoples of India, 112,
258.
Moksha, spiritual freedom, 143.
Monboddo's theory, 222.
Mongolians in India, 258.
Mdrowin, spirits, 253.
Moses and Aaron, and the Golden
Calf, 244.
Mother-right, 266.
Movers, religion of the Phoeni-
cians, 6.
MuUer, Friedrich, 268.
Munda or Kolarian family, 259.
differs from Dravidian and
Sanskritic types, 259.
Mnnro, Sir T., on the Hindus, ill.
Murchison, 218.
Mycenae, lalysos, and Egypt, pot-
sherds from, 68.
Mythology, real origin of, 5.
— philosophical, 305.
NAGAS, or snakes in India, 262.
— people called, 262.
Nakahatras, or Lunar Stations, 71.
Napoleon and Goethe, 355.
Naram-Sin, son of Sargon, date of,
.153-
Nation of shopkeepers, 105.
National literatures, 334.
— sentiment, good and bad, 355.
— religions, 473.
Nations and languages distinct,
232.
Natural religion, a term of re-
proach, 24.
greatest gift of God, 24.
— Science, 292.
Nature, tendency of, to create new
varieties, 281.
Navajos, the inventive, 266.
Navarette, 9.
Neighbour, to love, not only like
ourselves, but as ourselves, 453.
Newton's Principia in Chinese, 357.
Niebuhr, translation of, 348.
Nihilism or Individualism, 272.
— Herzen's definition of, 272 n.
Nineteenth century, lower than the
age of Huns and Vandals, 360.
Nirvawa, 284,
Noldeke, on the home of the Se-
mites, 45.
Nominalists and Realists, 306.
Norris, 65.
Northbrook, Earl of, 28.
Northern Buddhist Bible, 433.
befoie our era, 433.
Norton, Charles, and Goethe's let-
ters, 339 «, 343, 348.
Nought, sign for, 202.
Numerals the same in all Aryan
languages, 158.
Numerical figures, whence derived,
201.
OLD and New Testaments should
be among the Sacred Books of
the East, 300.
INDEX.
505
Old people and children, how
treated by Hindus, 131, 132.
by Greeks and Romans, 132.
by old Germans, 13-2, 133.
murder of, 132.
Lubbock, Sir J., on, 132.
Hunt on, 133.
Oldenberg, 434,
Omar, second Caliph, 479.
Omniscience, the bane of all our
knowledge, 317.
Oral instruction at school, 176.
at the Universities, 176.
— tradition, sacred books preserved
by. 432.
Oriental Congress, disputes, and
statutes, 33.
oriental scholars wanted, 34.
Presidents of Sections, 37.
— scholars, lack, at Congresses, of
true, 34.
— scholars, English, 37.
have added to historical know-
ledge, 53.
in the Science of language, 53.
— scholarship, what it has done for
the world, 81.
and yet may do, 82, 83.
— studies, school of modern, 84.
benefit derived from, 82.
— languages, school of, 97.
M. M.'s appeal for, in 1857,
97-
school of, 97.
Prince Consort's interest in,
97-
English subjects speaking,
98.
— studies, foreign schools of, 99,
100.
— Seminary at Berlin, 100, 103.
— Volapiik, 104.
— research, main feature of, 147.
— studies, true charm of, 156.
Orientalists, ninth International
Congress of, 37.
— eighth Congress of, 30.
papers then read, 31.
Origin of species ii» language, solved
before the days of Darwin, 50.
Orthognathic skulls, 44, 234.
Oscar, King of Sweden and Norway,
30.
Othman, third Caliph, 480.
— his recension of the Quran,
481.
— the authorised text, 481.
Owen, Sir R., 218.
Oxford, its support of Oriental
studies, 99.
— influence of its buildings, 185.
— King of Prussia and, 185.
— and Cambridge, German studies
at, 348.
PALI, canon, reduced to writing,
432.
Palladium, the, 262.
Pantaur, names found in the Epic
of, 69.
Papua aud his fetish, 23.
Paramitas, or ten highest perfec-
tions, 443.
Parasangs, the Babylonian hour,
202.
— about a German mile, 202.
Parivra^aka, 130.
Parry, JNIr., Goethe's friend, 354.
Pathmakers, 58.
Paul, Jean, 325.
Payment by results, 291.
Penka, 240.
Pensions after twenty-five years'
work, 136.
People's University, 174.
Perpetual pupil, a, 441.
Persian and Arabic alphabets,
200.
— religion, 474.
Persians in India, 258.
Peru, religion of, 7.
Peschel, his Volkerkunde, 233.
Philip of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, Prince,
32.
Philology and Physiology should be
separated entirely, 241.
Phoenicians, Movers and the re-
ligion of, 6.
Pietrement, 240.
506
INDEX.
Pijchor, son of Piiluga, 253.
Pinches, 65, 153.
Pindar, hymns of, 477.
Pitt, Mr., 139.
Plato, 22.
Poetical evidence, 199.
— works are national poems, 401.
Polyhistor, Alexander, mentions
Buddhist missionaries, 75-
Polynesian islands, historical poetry
in the, 198.
Population of the earth, rapid in-
crease, 238.
Posterity, belief in, 329, 330.
Posthumous fame, 330, 331.
Potiphar, a ninth century name,
168.
— meaning of, 16S.
— same as Heliodorus, 168.
Pott, 52.
Poverty and wealth, the extremes
of, 454.
Powell, J. W., 257.
Praeparatio Evangelica, the history
of the world, a, 79.
Preaching and teaching lectures,
182.
' Prefixes only,' used by Whitney,
for ' suffixes only,' 268.
Prehistoric, not a good term, 40.
— antiquities, Schrader, 47.
Prejudice of the white man against
the black, 83.
Premare, 9.
Prichard, 218.
Primary, secondary, and tertiary
education, 292.
Prince Consort, his wish to promote
Oriental studies, 97.
— of Wales, speech of, 1 13.
— Christian, H.R.H., 364 n, 381.
Printing, invention of, 175.
Private property ceased in Bud-
dhist brotherhood, 442.
Prognathic skulls, 44, 234.
Property in India was family pro-
perty, 129.
the sons when of age may
divide it, 135.
Prose evidence no evidence, 199.
Proto-Aryan language, 46, 47.
three varieties of short a in,
47-
Pruner Bey on skulls, 233.
Prussia, Prince of, in 1848, 117.
— during the Crimean war, 119.
— King of, and Oxford, 185.
Pseudo- Liberals and compulsory
education, 290.
Ptolemy, 150 A. D., 203.
PQluga, Mincopic name for God,
252.
Pushtu taught at St. Petersburg,
102.
— belongs to the Persian branch,
229.
QUEEN, H.M. the, her interest in
India, 29.
— her studies in Indian literature,
85.
Quraish dialect, 481.
Quran or Koran not written by
Mohammed, 478.
— embodies his utterances, 478-
481.
— peculiar case of the, 478.
— when collected, 478-480.
— collected under favourable cir-
cumstances, 481.
— discrepancies in, 482.
— power of the, 492.
RACE, 190.
Races, for whom the future and the
past hardly exists, 197.
— who cared for the future and the
past, 198.
— degenerating, 224.
— of slow development, 224.
Rafael, picture by, copied by Andrea
del Sarto, 425.
Rainer, Archduke, 32.
Hamabai, 110.
— her home for child-widows, 464.
— became a Christian, 465.
— never proselytised, 465.
— her unconscious influence, 465.
Ranieses III, 330.
INDEX,
507
Kammohun Roy, 459.
Eatio between gold and silver in old
times, 206.
in Egypt, 206.
in Babylon, 206.
— of gold and silver in Egypt and
Babylon, 215.
Rawlinson, 65.
Reading and writing come from an-
cient Egypt, 200.
Real books, what are, 4S5.
Keal-schulen, 293.
Realists and Nominalists, 306, 307.
Reason or Logos, 21.
Reel us, 224.
Reinhold, 369.
Religion, growth of, 4.
— roots of, 4.
— radical elements of all, 4.
— of the Jews, 6.
— varieties of Semitic, 6.
— of Egypt, 6.
— of China, 7.
— of Mexico and Peru, 7.
— materials for the study of, 7.
— its true habitat, 8.
— our own to us, 20.
— a nascent, how regarded, 484.
— Science of, 13.
and missionaries, 14.
great problems of, 1 5.
Religions, how to get at the begin-
nings of, 472.
— three classes of, 473.
— ethnic, 473.
— national, 473.
— individual, 477.
— Fathers of tiie Church on a com-
parison of, 12.
— comparative study of, 14.
— inevitable decay of, 16.
— at first free from later blemishes,
16,
— founders of ancient, 16.
Renan, his regret at having pm-sued
Oriental studies, 171.
Renouf, le Page, 330 w.
Repetitions in these Essays, 25.
Kesponsions or First Oxford Exami-
nation, 296.
Reumont's biography of Andrea del
Sarto, 406.
Reymond, l)u Bois, 277.
Rihhus, Brahmanic gods, 260.
Rig-veda, publication of, i, i n.
Risley, letter to, 255.
Robbers, author of the, his views,
402.
Romanes, Professor, 223.
Romans in India, 258.
Roots of human speech, 3.
thought, 3.
of religion, 4.
— sufBxes, prefixes, and infixes, 227,
Rosny, M. de, and the Oriental
Congress, 33.
Roth, Ling, on the Tasmanians, 246.
Roug^, Vicomte de, and the alpha-
bet, 59-61, 6i n.
Rousseau's school, 52.
Rules, Buddhist, 442.
Ruskin, 218.
Russia, how to treat, 122.
SACRED Books of other religions
should be taught to undergrad-
uates, 299.
of the East, 431, 471.
never written by the founders
of religions, 472.
ethnic religions have no, 477.
national religions sprang up
before them, 477.
advantages and disadvantages
of, 484.
when first needed, 484.
language of, became unintelli-
gible, 487.
all handed down for centuries
by oral tradition only, 486.
soon became secret books, 487.
limited as accounts of the
origin of religions, 492.
Sacrifices, the five great, 437.
Saindhava, 'jl, 236.
St. Augustine, 4, 22.
— Cyprian, 22.
— Petersburg, Oriental studies at,
99. 103-
508
INDEX.
Salisbury, Lord, his foreign policy,
122.
Samana, Pali for Buddhist friar, 76.
Samanaioi, name for Buddhist mis-
sionaries, 75.
— mentioned by Clement of Alex-
andria, 76.
Samanas, or Semnoi, dwellers in the
forests, 78.
Samaritan text, date of, 151.
— — time between Adam and
Abraham, 151.
Samavr/tta (home), 129.
Sannyasin, or Bikshu, 130, 438.
Sanski-it copula, cha not ka, 48.
— account of the battle of Worth
in, 103.
— ceased to be spoken, 161,
— European origin of, 240.
discussed by M. M., 1851, 240.
Sanskritists and Classicists, war be-
tween, 86.
Sasetti, Filippo, 94.
Sasipada Banerjee, his refuge for
child- widows, 466.
Savage, needs definition, 52.
Savages, ancestors of, once in a
higher state, 225.
Sayce, 65, 67, 153, 226.
Schiller, 364.
— his weakness and sufferings, 366.
— Festival at Hellebek, 368-370.
— letter to, 373.
— his letter to Baggesen, 376.
— his aesthetic letters, 38 1-390.
— first letter to the Duke, 3S2.
— his letters in the Horae, 390.
- — on German style, 393.
Schiller's aesthetics repelled Car-
lyle, 336.
Sehimmelmann, Count, 369.
Schlegel, 52.
Schmidt, Professor, and Goethe's
letters to Carlyle, 338.
Scholars, real, 245.
Scholarships, mischief done by, 314.
Schole or leisure, 293.
School of Oriental languages, 97.
— M. M's. appeal in 1857, 97.
— life in India, period of, 1 28.
School life according to the laws of
Manu, 128.
— Xarawa, 261.
Schrader, on the European origin
of the Aryas, 45.
— his Prehistoric Antiquities, 47,
52.
Science of Religion, a shock to many,
19.
— of Language, its debt to Oriental
Scholars, 53, 54.
— of Thought, 80.
Scott's Life of Napoleon sent to
Goethe, 350.
Scythians in India, 258.
Second Egyptian Dynasty, monu-
ment in Oxford of, 63 n.
Section H. British Association, 218.
Sedgwick, 218.
See of Rome, decision of, on Chinese
religion, 9,
Seethe and sodden, i6r.
Self behind the Ego, 1 30.
Semites, home of the, 44.
Professors Sprenger and Nol-
deke on, 45.
Semitic confederacy, the prehistoric,
42.
— period, the united, 48, 49.
— and Egyptian, relationship be-
tween, 49.
— traditions, 164.
Septuagint, date of, 15 1,
time between Adam and Abra-
ham, 151.
Sexagesimal system of Babylon, 202.
Shamyl, letter from, 103.
Shekels or pounds of gold, 205.
Shishak I, conqueror of J udah,
330-
Sicilians and Sardinians mentioned
1400 B.C., 236.
Siddhartha, Buddha's real name,
445. 445 »•
Silver question, 214.
Sindhu, a fabric, 71.
— cloth in Babylonian, 236.
Sindon, Homeric, 236.
Sixty has more divisors than any
other number, 202,
INDEX.
509
Skin, colour of the, classification by,
232.
Skinner, Mr., Goethe's letter to, on
Carlvle, 340.
Skulls, 44, 233, 234.
Skylax in India, 73.
Slow development, laces of, 224.
Society, tyranny of, in England,
272, 273.
Socratic method, 293,
Sokratea, 21.
Solomon made silver as stones, 215.
Sound in language, every, once sig-
nificative, 226.
Sovereign, our, nearly the weight
of the Babylonian shekel, 206.
Species, 191, 301.
— entirely our own making, 192.
— its meaning, 303.
— what constitutes a, 305.
Speke, 53.
Spelling Keform, 291.
— of English a national misfortune,
291.
Spencer, Herbert, 224.
Sprenger on the home of the Semites,
45-
/Sraddha, 460, 461.
Srimati Soudamini Ray, death of,
458.
story of her life, 459-463.
Stanley, Dean of Westminster, 274.
Statesman, test of a great, 138.
Statutes of Oi iental Congress, 33.
Stein, Frau von, 367.
Subjective concepts, germs and spe-
cies are, 302.
iSftdias might not learn the Veda,
487-
Sumatra, Indian influences in, 89.
Sumerians, 63.
Sun, course of, 202, 203.
Sdnu, Sk., son, English, 285.
Surrender, Islam, 112.
Sfitras of Buddha, 482.
Sweden, Oscar, king of, 27, 30.
his gift to the Congress, 32.
TASMANIANS, difference of opi-
nion on their religion, 246.
Tasmanians, originally tailed, 247.
Tel-el-Amarna, tablets of, 66-68.
writing used in these, 66.
names of places in, 67.
Tel-el-Hesy (probably Lachish),
tablets of, 69.
Terrien de Lacouperie, 63.
Theology, treated as history, 470.
' There is,' 208.
Thought, human, 3.
— and language, 3.
— roots of, 3.
— the beginning of, and the begin-
ning of language, 50.
Three, 159.
Tocqueville on loss of individuality
in France, 280.
Totemism, 262, 266.
— in India, 263.
Tower of Babel, traditions of the, 164.
Tradition, the original meaning uf
instruction, 197.
Tregear, 245.
Trinity of Kalidasa, II,
Tripi^aka, 433.
True ratiocination due to right un-
derstanding of speech, 301,
Trumpp, 229.
Truth, yearnings after, in all ages, 25.
Tu, suffix, 1 60.
Turanian languages, M. M.'s letter
on, 230.
Turkey, sobriety in, 490.
Tyre, Surrii, 67.
ULOTRICHES, woolly - haired,
234-
' Understand what is, by learning
how it has come to be,' 196.
Uniformity and sequacity, epidemic
of, 308.
United States exploring expedition,
264.
Universal Eye, 183, 184.
— language, not believed in by
Goethe, 334.
Universities, English and German,
277, 27S.
Universities, homes of the liberal
arts, 320.
510
INDEX.
Universities, mediaeval and modern,
320,321.
University Extension, first meeting
at Oxford, 195.
Upanishads, teaching of the, 55, 1 30.
Upasakas or laity, 443.
Ur of the Chaldees, 70.
Uranius, palimpsest of, 423.
VACARE, construed with the da-
tive, 194.
Vaksh, Sk., to wax, English, 285.
Vanaprastha, a dweller in the
forest, 129.
— or Vaikhanasa, 438.
Vankagiri, the rock, 4471 448.
Vasari on Andrea del Sarto, 407.
Vastu, a dwelling, 160.
— shining, the morning, 160.
Vatta-Gamani, 88 B.C., 432.
Vedanta, philosophy of the, 55.
Vedas, learnt by all classes but
6'11dras, 487.
— taught only by Brahmans, 487.
— few Indians can read and under-
stand the, 488.
A^edicBrahmanism,literatureof,i50.
— law books, the ancient, 436.
Venia docendi, 276.
Verbal augment in Sk., Zend,
Armenian, and Gk., 48.
Vestiges of creation, 222.
Vid, Sk., wit, English, 285.
Vienna, schoolforOrientalstudies, 99.
Vinaya texts, 442.
Virchow, holds descent of man from
ape not proven, 298.
Virgil, the whole repeated by heart,
294.
Visvamitra, 260.
Visvantara, or Vessantara, 446, 447
— story of Buddha's life as, 446-452.
— parts with his children, 449, 451.
Volaptik, the true, 209.
WALES, Prince of, 27.
Weimar, time of Goethe and Schil-
ler, 365.
Weisse, Professor, his lectures, 180.
Wellington, Duke of, 139.
Welsh, jMiss, and her dislike to
Goethe, 337.
Westminster, late Dean of, and
Buddha, 429.
White Elephant, who caused rain,
447-
— probably a cloud, 447.
Whitney, mistake on Dra vidian
languages, 268.
VVieland, 324, 366.
— and Maria Paulovma, 367.
Wife-capture, 266.
Wilheliu Meister, Carlyle's transla-
tion of, 337.
Wilson, 218.
Wisdom, 227.
Woman in India always belongs to
somebody, 465.
' Words only,' 40.
- — a museum of antiquities, 51.
— the counters of thought, 208.
Work in German and English Uni-
versities, 311.
World literature, Goethe's endeav-
ours after, 326, 339.
almost realised, 357.
Worth, account of the battle of, in
Sanskrit, 103.
Wright, the late Professor, 54.
Writing in India, no evidence for,
before the time of Asoka, 73.
— never mentioned by Manu in
school life, 128.
— invented in Egypt, 200.
Wykehamica, Adams's, 294.
YAO, date of, 152.
York, Duke of, 27.
Youth and manhood better than
old age, 134.
Yu^, to join, 159,
Zarat.hustra, 474.
— life of, 475.
Zimrida, governor of Lachish, letter
to, 69.
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